The City of New York: Commission to Investigate Allegations

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PART 1 OF 2

CHAPTER FIVE: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR REFORM OF THE DEPARTMENT'S CORRUPTION CONTROL POLICIES AND PROCEDURES

"The People of New York City must know they can count on the members of their Police Department to be as honest as they are brave and able. They must know they can count on the Police Department to track down and drive from our ranks those who violate their oath and break the law."

-- Former Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly, Testimony before the Mollen Commission, October 6, 1993


The Department must remain primarily responsible for successfully policing itself and keeping its own house in order. It must "track down and drive from" its own ranks officers who violate their oath and the law, as former Commissioner Raymond Kelly testified at our public hearings. We believe that this requires a dual-track approach: reform of the Department's internal systems for preventing and uncovering corruption, and an external, independent monitor to insure those systems are successful. The independent monitor is discussed in Chapter Six. Our recommendations for internal reforms are discussed here.

During the tenure of the Commission, the Department has begun to take significant steps to strengthen its corruption controls. The bulk of these reforms, however, has focused on improving and expanding detection and investigative efforts. While such reforms are essential, the Commission believes that the effective control of police corruption must focus on prevention as much as detection; on the root causes and conditions of corruption as well as its symptoms. Police corruption is not a problem that will be solved solely by successful investigations and prosecutions. It is a problem that must be addressed on many fronts and in the daily operation of the Department, including:

• I. Police Culture and Management
o Commitment
o Recruitment and Screening
o Recruit and In-Service Performance Evaluations
o Integrity Training
o Corruption Susceptibility and Police Management
o Police Unions
o Drug Testing
o New York City Residency
• II. Command Accountability
o Supervision
o Enforcement of Command Accountability
• III. Internal Investigations
o Internal Affairs Operations
o Recruitment of Qualified Investigators
o Intelligence-Gathering Operations
o Investigative Approach
o Organizational Structure
o Command Liaisons
o Civil Rights Investigations
• IV. Heightening Deterrence and Sanctions
o Discipline
o Department Advocate's Office
o Disability Pensions
• V. Community Outreach
o Community Policing and Community Outreach

It is these areas that are the focus of our internal reform recommendations. While the Department has begun to adopt and implement a number of these reforms during the tenure of this Commission, our objective is to guarantee their long-term success, and to set forth the full scope of reforms we believe are necessary to combat corruption and the culture that tolerates and protects it.

I. POLICE CULTURE AND MANAGEMENT

Commitment to Integrity


At the core of the Department's corruption control reforms must be an unwavering commitment to insure their success now and in the future. Without such commitment, no anti-corruption system, no matter how well devised, has a chance to succeed. The abysmal state of the Department's corruption controls that we found existed over past years should provide a lasting lesson of the absolute necessity of such commitment -- and a lasting lesson about the consequence of its absence.

Commitment to integrity cannot be just an abstract value. It must be reflected not only in the words, but in the deeds, of the Police Commissioner, the Department's top commanders, and the field supervisors who shape the attitudes of the rank and file. It must motivate all of them to send an unequivocal message throughout the Department that corruption will not be tolerated. It must make the consequences for breaches of integrity the rule, not the exception. It must result in providing integrity controls with sufficient resources and high priority in the Department's operations. It must result in all officers understanding that their loyalty to the Department's integrity must be greater than their loyalty to corrupt colleagues.

Recruitment and Screening

The integrity of the Police Department is related to a large extent on standards that insure its new recruits are honest and able. Rigorous admission standards help accomplish that objective. They also send a message throughout the Department about the absolute sincerity of the Department's commitment to integrity and the special position police officers occupy in our society. Cops must know that not everyone can become a New York City police officer if we want them to have pride in their profession and their Department.

That is not always the case. There is a widespread perception among officers of many ranks that hiring standards have fallen dramatically over the years -- and that virtually anyone can become a New York City police officer.

To assess the adequacy of the Department's recruitment and screening standards and procedures -- and to determine whether we could identify profiles of corruption-prone recruits -- a team of Commission investigators conducted an extensive analysis of the personal backgrounds of approximately four hundred officers dismissed or suspended for corruption or serious misconduct over the past six years. [16] The analysis was based on information from the officers' personnel files, the Department's background investigations, and recommendations and evaluations at the time of application. We also examined for comparative reasons general demographic and background information of random samples of officers and conducted interviews with those responsible for various aspects of recruitment and screening. We are aware of no other analysis of this magnitude ever before conducted by the Department in this area.

Applying a degree of scrutiny absent from many background investigations done by the Department, we concluded that approximately 20 percent of the officers suspended or dismissed should never have been admitted into the Department. This is based merely on information available in these officers' personnel files at the time of hiring. Numerous others should never have been admitted until certain problem areas flagged in their application, which had been ignored, were investigated. For example, 24 percent of the officers dismissed or suspended had a prior criminal arrest record. In many of those cases, there was sufficient information from witnesses, victims, arresting officers, and other sources to call into question the character and ability of the officer -- but the officer was admitted without pursuing these leads. Many other officers were admitted despite youthful offender adjudications on charges as serious as robbery, narcotics and weapons possession, and assault. One officer, for example, had been arrested and indicted for three separate robberies and pleaded guilty to armed robbery in the first degree which was subsequently converted to a youthful offender adjudication. When asked in his application why he committed these crimes, he readily admitted that he committed the robberies for the "thrill" and "excitement" of robbing someone. Eleven years later, he was dismissed for theft.

Overly lax admission criteria are partly responsible for this problem. For example, an applicant with a youthful offender adjudication for a felony is eligible to become a New York City police officer. As a result, applicants with felony assault, weapons, robbery or narcotics charges resulting in either misdemeanor convictions or youthful offender adjudications became police officers despite the underlying gravity of their conduct, only to be dismissed or suspended years later for corruption. Since the Department admits applicants as young as twenty years old and therefore has only a two-year time span in which to evaluate an applicant's adult criminal history, it must take youthful wrongdoing into greater account in admission procedures.

The Commission also found that the Department has routinely admitted applicants to the Department -- and put them on the streets as sworn officers with guns and shields -- before their background checks are complete. Eighty-eight percent of the officers in our study, for example, entered the Police Academy before the completion of their background checks -- and thus prior to a reliable determination that they were fit to be police officers. Approximately one-third of all officers were placed on the streets, before completion of their background investigations. Thus, there is a wealth of vital information that is typically unknown when an officer is given a gun and shield. For example, investigations into an applicant's work history and behavior patterns, including interviews with relatives, neighbors, friends, employers and others, are often not completed until after the applicant becomes a sworn police officer. There is rarely an opportunity, therefore, to check prior job performance, attendance records, gaps in employment or unusual behavior patterns -- all important indicators of a person's fitness to become a police officer.

This is particularly troublesome because by the time recruits have graduated from the Police Academy and become sworn members of the Department, much time, energy and money has been invested in them. Consequently, the focus of the incomplete background investigations shifts from the question of whether the applicant is qualified to be a New York City police officer to how the Department could justify dismissing a sworn police officer which carries a heavier burden of proof.

The Commission also found that even "completed" background investigations are often hastily conducted. Certain potentially problematic information is not pursued and inquiries are often superficial. Ironically, investigative standards that would not be accepted in other commands in the Department are standard operating practice when it comes to investigating potential members of the Department.

Other tools exist to strengthen background checks which the Department currently disregards. For example, unlike many law enforcement agencies -- including the New York State Police, Nassau and Suffolk County Police Departments, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation -- the Department does not subject applicants to polygraph examinations for certain topics. The Department, therefore, neglects a reliable means to ascertain whether an applicant has lied about such critical matters as drug abuse, psychological problems, past employment problems, or violent conduct -- and whether certain areas should therefore be further investigated before acceptance. In fact, the Department rejected some applicants only after it learned that other police departments had rejected them on the basis of admissions made during their required polygraph examinations. For example, one officer -- who had already been on the street for a year -- was ultimately dismissed after the Department learned that the Nassau County Police Department had rejected him after he admitted to smoking marijuana approximately 1,600 times on a required polygraph test.

In addition, although personal drug use is a widespread problem among young adults today, the Department conducts no random -- unannounced -- drug tests of applicants. They receive only the scheduled health services test which gives applicants sufficient advance notice -- and thus ample opportunity to cleanse themselves of any trace levels of narcotics. There is no reason to believe that the Department's applicant pool should significantly differ from the general population studies on drug use.
Indeed, our study showed that approximately 40 percent of all dismissals and suspensions over the past five years were drug-related, 26 percent for failing a drug test. Given the drug-related temptations and opportunities that regularly confront officers, thorough screening efforts for drug abuse are especially critical.

Although effective screening of applicants is a critical component of anti-corruption efforts, we found that applicant investigators were more committed to processing paperwork, than conducting thorough background investigations. The Department blames these delays and oversights on the heavy workload of applicant investigators. This may be so, especially since in the last two years alone, 4,000 new officers have graduated from the Police Academy -- and over 2,000 more will graduate in August 1994. But larger classes and heavy workloads do not justify sacrificing thorough screening and background investigations of Department applicants. No applicant should take the oath of a police officer before a thorough background investigation is completed by the Department. If this is not feasible, then the Department should consider contracting a portion of its background investigations to private investigative companies, as do other law enforcement agencies such as the United States Drug Enforcement Administration and the United States Customs Service.

Background investigations and admission criteria must focus more on the applicant's likelihood to be an honest officer, not merely on the minimum qualifications necessary to do the job of policing. While the evidence suggests no typical profile of a corruption-prone officer, it does suggest that certain factors sometimes indicate an officer's ability to better withstand the temptations of corruption.

For example, our study revealed that officers with a prior felony arrest record are three times more likely to become corrupt than those without such records. Six percent of the dismissed or suspended officers in our study had prior felony arrest records, as compared with 2 percent from the general Department population. This is a significant finding. It shows the need to subject these candidates to a heightened level of scrutiny in their background investigations before admitting them to the Department.

Moreover, numerous supervisors told us that older recruits and recruits with a college education or military experience are often less susceptible to corruption, have fewer absences, and achieve more rapid advancement. Many have suggested that this is because these factors often reflect a more mature, experienced and disciplined applicant. Since the minimum age requirement for New York City police officers is twenty years of age, some officers have never held a job before joining the Department. They therefore often lack the maturity, confidence and experience needed to resist peer and other pressures leading to corruption. Education and military experience also are often linked to fewer corruption incidents, not only because of what educational or military experience provides, but because the successful completion of these endeavors itself reflects a discipline, character, and level of ability.

To keep the Department's applicant pool as diverse as possible, however, minimum educational requirements ideally should be raised concomitantly with expanded opportunities to satisfy those requirements. Such opportunities already exist. The City University of New York -- N.Y.P.D. Cadet Corps ("Cadet Corps") and the Police Department's own Police Cadet Corps ("Police Cadets") currently provide promising programs that integrate a college education and police-related training for police applicants. The CUNY Cadet Corps is sponsored by the City University of New York and is administered by the John Jay College of Criminal Justice in cooperation with the Police Department. It is a two-year program that allows applicants to earn their Associate of Arts degree, while participating in special supplemental classes and internships related to police work and community service. The Police Cadet program is administered by the Department and offers a similar program for those applicants who have completed two years of college toward earning their Bachelor's Degrees.

In our view, these programs produce not only better educated officers, but officers more aware of community needs and problems related to police work. When the Cadets complete their education, those who pass the final Cadet examination are admitted into the Police Academy with their degrees already in hand. These programs also provide other advantages. First, they offer the Department a two-year period of evaluation to screen out individuals poorly suited for police work.

These programs have also been highly successful in recruiting minority police recruits. Currently 59 percent of the Cadet Corps are African-American or Hispanic and more than 37 percent are women. The Police Cadet Corps has been similarly successful in recruiting minority candidates. These programs therefore offer a mechanism already in place to raise both the educational standards and opportunities of police recruits from a diversity of backgrounds.

The Commission believes that raising certain hiring standards and improving applicant screening will have a considerable impact on reducing corruption and enhancing pride in the Department. We therefore make the following recommendations:

• Raise the minimum entry age requirement from the current 20 years of age to 22 years of age.
• Raise the minimum education requirement from a high school diploma to a two-year college Associate Degree. The Department should support the CUNY /NYPD Cadet Corps Program and the New York City Police Cadet Corps Program as a primary means to satisfy that requirement and raise the education level for recruits. This will require expanding the Cadet programs for police recruits. Cadet Corps and Police Cadet graduates who have received their Bachelor or Associate Degree before reaching the age of 22 should be eligible for immediate entry to the Police Academy.
• The Applicant Processing Division must recognize concern for integrity as a principal criterion for the selection of recruits.
• Require all applicants to submit to a polygraph examination on selected topics before hiring, as do other law enforcement agencies, to identify potential problem areas that should be investigated before acceptance.
• Require random, unannounced drug testing for all applicants rather than administering drug tests as part of pre-scheduled recruit health examinations.
• Require that background investigations be fully completed before a recruit enters the Police Academy. The Department should allocate sufficient resources to insure thorough background investigations are conducted for the number of recruits to be hired. The Department should examine the benefits of employing private entities to conduct thorough and timely background investigations, as do other law enforcement agencies.
• Make misdemeanor convictions based upon felony arrests for violent and drug-related crimes and felony youthful offender adjudications for violent and drug-related crimes presumptive hiring disqualifications based on grounds of moral fitness, unless the background investigation reveals circumstances that do not justify disqualification.
• All candidates with a prior felony arrest, regardless of the disposition, should be subject to a heightened level of scrutiny by applicant processing investigators.
• Amend New York Criminal Procedure Law Section 720.35(a) to allow the Department statutory access to all official records and papers relating to an applicant's youthful offender adjudication, to permit adequate evaluation of a candidate's fitness.
• The Department's Candidate Review Board should be required to issue a statement of facts and conclusions when it rules to approve an applicant who has been rejected by the Applicant Processing Division, which conducts the background investigations.
• Expand recruitment efforts from the military services and administer Department entry examinations on military bases.
• Require applicants to furnish tax returns and other financial records of applicants to provide the basis for an analysis of the applicant's financial condition for possible use in future investigations.

Recruit And In-Service Performance Evaluations

As the Knapp Commission recognized a generation ago, often the most reliable predictors of an officer's performance first appear in recruit training and during the eighteen-month probationary period. [17] The probationary period should therefore be used as an active component of the screening process. Yet, in the past, the Department rarely used this period for effective screening. Recruits or probationary officers are seldom dismissed except for the most flagrant misconduct, which of course defeats the whole purpose of "probation." In the Commission's study of 314 officers dismissed or suspended for misconduct, forty-eight of them -- 15 percent -- exhibited poor performance at the Academy.

If the Department makes its evaluation standards more rigorous for recruits and probationers, and dismisses those who exhibit a lack of fitness or ability during these periods, it could winnow out an appreciable number of ineffective and potentially corruption-prone police officers. By doing so, the Department will not only raise the caliber of its officers, but it will underscore its message that only the finest may become New York City police officers.

But the Department's screening process should not end after an officer's probation period expires, as it currently does. In-service performance evaluations for non-probationary officers also afford the Department important opportunities to identify, screen and, where appropriate, dismiss problem officers. Despite this, evaluations are almost never used for this purpose. They are boilerplate forms that simply litter personnel files. We recognize that performance evaluations pose special problems. They are necessarily subjective and include the evaluator's personal judgments of the officer's skills, efficiency, and personal traits thought to be crucial for good performance. Therefore, performance evaluations are only as good as the evaluators who write them. For example, at the height of his corrupt activities in 1987, Michael Dowd received an evaluation that described him as having "good career potential" and as a "role model" for other officers. But performance evaluations have enormous potential to help identify problem officers. If the quality and usefulness of evaluations is to improve, the Department must hold evaluators, at all levels, accountable for their performance evaluations. Of course, no one is infallible. But evaluators must be held accountable for the honesty of their judgments and the reliability of the basis for the evaluations they endorse. We therefore make the following recommendations:

• The Department should use an officer's eighteen-month probationary period as a rigorous screening period, to evaluate, identify and reject unqualified officers.
• The Department should actively identify and screen problem officers throughout their careers and dismiss those with unacceptable performance records.
• Supervisors should be held accountable for making reasonable efforts to provide reliable and accurate performance evaluations, which should include an assessment of corruption indicators pertaining to the officer. These evaluations should be used to help police commanders identify problem officers, whose performance should be closely monitored to determine fitness for the job.

Integrity Training

Today's police officer faces temptations of corruption that require thorough training and a strong code of ethics. The Commission believes that effective training and education are critical tools for shaping officers' attitudes and motivations, generating lasting pride in their profession and their Department, and inculcating the professional and personal values necessary to create more corruption-resistant police officers.

Over the last decade, the Department's training and education programs have failed to achieve these goals. The vast majority of police officers we interviewed harshly criticized the quality of anti-corruption training they received at the Police Academy. Most officers found that their instructors were mediocre; that they lacked teaching abilities and practical experience; that they relied almost exclusively on materials from outdated lesson plans with little relevance to the challenges facing officers today; and therefore lacked credibility with their classes. They also reported that the integrity training itself was unrealistic, even comical, when compared to the opportunities and nature of corruption today. Until recently, corruption training at the Academy was still based on the kind of corruption uncovered during the Knapp Commission. To cops facing the daily temptations of the drug trade, training about gambling "pads" and vice rackets has little relevance, and sends a clear message about the Department's lack of interest in or knowledge of integrity matters.

Even worse, many officers told us that it was at the Academy where they first became immersed in the attitudes of a police culture that promote and protect corruption. In both public and private hearings, officers testified that interaction with instructors and other recruits at the Academy began their acculturation into the dynamics of police culture and the perceived necessity of self-protection and tolerance for police misconduct. Of course, it is critical that this change. Integrity training must enhance the resolve of each officer to resist the seduction of corruption and to make every effort to remove from the job those who fail to resist. That resolve must start with recruits at the Police Academy.

But it cannot stop with recruits. It must be brought to the officers already on the beat, in radio cars, and special squads who know the hard realities and temptations of police work. The Department must therefore use its field training and in-service programs to penetrate the commands and assignments where resolve against corruption is most immediately needed. Despite its critical importance, the Commission found that the Department offers little or no integrity training in field and in-service training programs. Indeed, field training instructors -- who are supposed to serve as monitors and role models for recruits during their six-month field training program -- sometimes promote attitudes that foster corruption and rarely make integrity an important priority in police training.

The message about integrity's importance must not come solely from Internal Affairs. To truly spread the enforcement of corruption controls, officers must hear that message -- convincingly -- from respected supervisors in the field as well as the Department's "corruption fighters." This will also help reduce the division between Internal Affairs and the rest of the Department.

Recently, the Department has begun to reform its recruit and in-service training programs and policies. For example, Police Commissioner Bratton has called for a civilian board of directors to oversee the curriculum and faculty of the Police Academy. Adding civilian oversight to the Police Academy could help reduce police insularity and attitudes that often lead to corruption and corruption tolerance. The Police Academy faculty should also be supplemented with civilian experts who will contribute additional insights.

As the Department begins to reshape its training programs, it must keep in mind that anti-corruption cannot simply be buried under other subjects taught at the Academy and in the field. It must have a high priority in the Department's scale of values -- and that fact must be communicated to the rank and file. Corruption can no longer be perceived as simply a matter of academic interest or a required appendage to the more "important" policing matters taught at the Police Academy or in the field. The Department can no longer regard corruption solely as a matter of individual conscience. Its training programs must treat corruption as an occupational hazard and Departmental problem. Training must expose the harsh realities of the nature and extent of police corruption today. It must inform recruit and veteran officers alike about specific corruption hazards and the reasons and means to avoid them. The Department must candidly tell officers that there have been corrupt police officers, that a number of them may still be on the job today, and that they are responsible for helping the Department to root them out.

Officers must also be taught to fear the consequences of corruption. They must learn about the devastating impact of police corruption on them, their families, the Department, and society at large. And they must be convinced -- not just taught -- about the Department's intolerance of corruption and its desire and ability to uproot it wherever it exists.

At the same time, Department training must instill in officers a deep sense of pride in their profession and their Department. They must be taught the great history and traditions of the New York City Police Department and come to identify their pride and their personal reputation with the professional reputation of the finest Police Department in the nation. All of these efforts must be repeated and reinforced regularly throughout an officer's tenure. Only then can officers' loyalty to the Department be greater than their loyalty to corrupt fellow officers. The principal goals of the Department's training programs must be to instill values of high integrity in new officers and to reinforce these values during the course of every officer's career. Ultimately, it is the integrity of the individual officer and his commitment to the integrity and honor of his Department that will best protect the Department from corruption.

During the course of our studies and interviews with law enforcement officials, we found that the Academy of the Federal Bureau of Investigation is renowned throughout the world for its outstanding scholarship and instruction in law enforcement. It graduates agents who take lasting pride in their profession and have a life-long commitment to upholding the reputation of their agency. With the necessary resources and support, there is no reason the Academy of one of the finest police departments in the world cannot achieve the same results.

With these considerations in mind, the Commission recommends the following reforms in police integrity training and education:

• The Department should require in-service integrity workshops for all officers at regular intervals throughout their careers. The training sessions should be organized as problem-solving workshops that make participants explore corruption hazards, confront their own attitudes about corruption, and reach conclusions about how to deal with corruption and the pressures of police culture in connection with corruption and corruption tolerance.
• The Department should require special integrity training workshops for all newly promoted supervisors and commanders that focus on a variety of anticorruption issues including their personal responsibility and accountability in corruption matters, and how they can prevent and identify corruption-related problems.
• The number of hours devoted to integrity training at the Police Academy should be increased and integrated in other areas of training so that it is perceived as an important part of the curriculum, rather than a required appendage to "real" police training.
• Police Academy and In-Service integrity training should address issues of brutality and other civil rights violations, which have traditionally been ignored in integrity training.
• Police Academy and In-Service Integrity training should focus on confronting and solving real-life corruption problems with particular emphasis on overcoming corruptive features of police culture, particularly the code of silence and insularity from the public.
• Police Academy and In-Service Integrity training should be realistic and vivid. The lecture method of instruction must be supplemented with interactive methods such as workshops, group discussions, and role playing to increase the impact and believability of corruption hazards police officers face.
• Police Academy and In-Service Integrity courses should include presentations of real evidence of corruption, such as tape recordings, video recordings, and other material evidence gathered in internal investigations.
• Police Academy and In-Service Integrity training should include personal or recorded presentations by former police officers convicted or dismissed from the Department because of corruption. A central message should be the devastating consequences of corruption on these officers, their families, and the Department as well as the importance of reporting corruption.
• Police Academy and In-Service Integrity training should include instruction on real-life profiles of both corrupt and honest officers to demonstrate how officers should and should not behave when presented with opportunities for corruption.
• Police Academy and In-Service Integrity training should also focus on deterrence, including the likelihood of detection, certainty and severity of sanctions for serious corruption, as well as penalties for those who fail to report it.
• The Police Academy should require a course in the history and traditions of the New York City Police Department designed to develop pride and loyalty in the Department.
• Police Academy and In-Service Integrity instructors, including Field Training Unit supervisors, must be selected on the basis of their abilities to teach and their experience and reputation within the Department. These instructors should include high-ranking members of IAB, and should be of a caliber that will be respected and taken seriously by their audience. Integrity training, however, should not be exclusively conducted by IAB.
• The Department should use civilian faculty to conduct segments of the police training currently provided at the Police Academy, in subjects such as Law, Social Science, and Ethics. This would expose recruits to non-police viewpoints, help civilianize the learning process, and minimize in-bred group acculturation.
• The Department should seek to avail itself more fully of the excellent resources and facilities available at John Jay College of Criminal Justice.
• The Department should institutionalize regular focus group discussions with officers and supervisors to keep abreast of attitudes and perceptions regarding corruption and brutality. These findings should be incorporated into Academy and In-Service integrity training.
• A recruit mentor program should be established to allow and encourage recruits and new officers to have access to experienced, honest and respected officers selected for this program. The program should be structured to encourage participation on a confidential basis by any officer with integrity concerns.
• The Field Training Program for probationary officers should be strengthened and integrity should be made an important component of that training.
• The Police Commissioner should take a personal role in addressing recruits and veteran officers on matters of integrity and the Department's commitment to fighting corruption, including personally addressing recruits and newly promoted supervisors, and periodically sending videotaped messages to field commands.

Police Personnel Management

Over the course of the Commission's inquiries a number of issues of police personnel management have stood out as conditions that either promote corrupt behavior or fail to properly acknowledge officers for their integrity. One of these issues is the steady tour/steady partner policy; another is the perception among certain officers that a number of police commands are used by the Department as "dumping grounds" for incompetent and undisciplined officers.

Most officers we interviewed believe, and our field investigations have confirmed, that steady tours have a divisive impact on a precinct and cause intensely loyal cliques to emerge among officers who constantly work and socialize together. We have observed, and many officers agree, that steady tours intensify the insularity that facilitates corruption.

Officers placed in commands they believe to be a dead end to their careers, furthermore, have little incentive to be loyal to the Department or, for that matter, to their oath. In fact, as we discussed in Chapter Three, Department inquiries have demonstrated that officers assigned to dangerous, high-crime precincts take a perverse pride in their deviant reputation and are convinced that Internal Affairs investigators and strong supervisors will not even venture into their dangerous and crime-ridden territory. They thus feel that they have free rein on the streets of their precincts.

As many police officers, police management experts, and our own investigations indicate, constant exposure to communities overrun by drug dealing and violent crime all too easily infects even the best-intentioned officers -- not just "rotten apples" -- and influences them to take the first steps toward succumbing to their worst instincts. It is unwise and unfair to leave officers exposed to this kind of environment indefinitely. Regular rotation to less intense patrol areas will do much to protect vulnerable officers from corruption.

Many police officers have also complained, moreover, that the Department does little to recognize officers who perform conspicuous acts of integrity. The institutional message they take from the Department's failure to recognize honest officers is that integrity is not a valued Department priority. The Department must do more to publicly recognize and reward honest cops.

In light of these findings, the Commission believes that the Department must dispel the belief that certain precincts are used as "dumping grounds" and must make every effort to prevent fractionalizing precincts into insular groups of officers. In addition, the Department should regularly monitor and explore police officers' morale and their prevailing attitudes and opinions about integrity and other job-related issues. It must also make officers believe that honesty and integrity are indispensable qualities of any good police officer. We recommend the following steps toward addressing these problems:

• The Department should establish a system to rotate officers' command assignments within a borough every three to five years to reduce exposure to command conditions that foster corruption.
• Implement a rotating tour of duty system to reduce the insularity that fosters corruption. Police officers should not be assigned to steady late tours for more than two years.
• Precinct commanders should rotate partners where indications of corruption exist.
• Assign proven and experienced supervisors to high-crime, corruption-prone precincts.
• The Department should insure that police officers transferred for disciplinary or administrative reasons are re-assigned equally among all precincts.
• The Department should use its program of "focus groups" to provide field commanders information regarding officers' morale and attitudes about integrity and other job-related concerns.
• The Department should establish a system to reward honest officers, and those who assist in identifying and uprooting corruption, with choice assignments, promotions, and commendations.
• The Department should conduct an annual integrity award ceremony day to publicly acknowledge officers for conspicuous acts of integrity.

Police Unions

While respecting the right of police unions to represent the interests of their members zealously, the Department must make every effort to enlist the support of union leadership in assisting the fight against corruption. And, for their part, police unions must help the Department rid itself of the men and women who do not deserve to be New York City police officers. The vast majority of police officers are honest and not corrupt. By their actions, police unions must demonstrate that the vast majority of honest officers are among the principal victims of police corruption.

Police unions speak with an especially powerful voice to their membership. Most officers see their union organizations as the guardians of their rights and interests in the face of Department rules and regulations, and an often hostile public. Consequently, unions have a high obligation to their members and the people of our City to join the Department in condemning police corruption with one voice.

Recently, the Patrolmen's Benevolent Association has given a fine example of this critical message. Ten days after the arrests of fourteen officers of the 30th Precinct, the P.B.A. published a full-page message in local newspapers praising the heroism of police officers, condemning police corruption as "disgraceful and intolerable," and pledging its support to assist the Department in ridding itself of "those criminals in a blue uniform." All police unions must convey this message, not only through newspaper announcements, but in their daily dealings with their members. For example, unions would do much good by addressing the topic of police corruption at membership meetings to help educate officers about the danger corruption brings to their safety, their reputation, its impact on their families and on their capacity to perform their job effectively.

Unions can make important strides too in assisting the Department and the District Attorneys in conducting successful investigations by encouraging their members who are witnesses -- not subjects -- of such inquiries to cooperate with investigators and prosecutors. According to prosecutors, Department officials, and in the Commission's own experience in questioning police witnesses, police union representatives and attorneys advise such witnesses to give no statements unless the immunity provisions of Patrol Guide Procedure No. 118-9 [18] are in effect.

While this may be sensible advice to officers who are targets of an investigation or to those who face a risk of self-incrimination, in the case of the witness officer, it only serves to prevent law enforcement authorities from obtaining reliable evidence from those they should expect it most -- their fellow public servants. What is worse, such blanket advice puts enormous pressure on the guiltless officer -- who may want to answer questions -- not to stray from the common practice of abiding by union advice and remaining silent. In our view, police officers who are witnesses to events under investigation by a District Attorney have a special obligation to cooperate with law enforcement authorities, so long as they are allowed to consult with counsel and are given assurances that their statements will not be used against them in a criminal proceeding.

In some cases, especially those that have received public attention, silence harms innocent officers more than it helps because suspicion about their complicity grows in the absence of factual contradiction. In other cases, even officers who are subjects of investigations may see their best interest in cooperating and assisting Department investigators or other law enforcement authorities. In some instances, therefore, police officers might better protect their interests by seeking counsel independent from that provided by their union who labors under a potential conflict of interest. In light of these circumstances, the Commission recommends that the Department gain police unions' support for the following initiatives:

• The establishment of a panel of volunteer attorneys drawn from law firms throughout the City who are able and willing, on a pro bono basis, to advise and represent police officers who desire counsel independent from police union attorneys during the course of Department or other law enforcement corruption investigations.
• The promulgation of a Department order requiring police officers who are witnesses in investigations conducted by a prosecutor to cooperate and answer questions related to the matter under investigation, unless the answers to such questions might tend to incriminate the responding officer. During such interviews, officers should have right to counsel and a guarantee that any statements made in response to such questioning will not be used as evidence against them in a subsequent criminal proceeding. Refusal to abide by this order should result in Departmental charges.
• Police Unions should be encouraged to play a more active role in educating their memberships about the dangers of corruption to them and the Department, and in changing police attitudes that foster corruption, including the code of silence.
• Police Unions should encourage their members who are witnesses, not subjects, of criminal investigations or Departmental inquiries to cooperate with investigators and prosecutors.

Drug Testing

Overwhelmingly, police officers we interviewed expressed great concern about any drug use by fellow police officers. They understand the great danger that drug-using officers present to them and to the members of the public. Because of this, they support increasing random drug testing and a policy of immediate termination for officers who abuse drugs.

The Commission agrees. Our study shows that, in our day and age, personal drug abuse among police officers is a growing problem as it is in most other professions. Unfortunately, supplied with guns, batons, and the power of arrest, police officers who abuse drugs not only risk their own lives -- as all drug abusers do -- but the lives of their colleagues and the public. We need only conjure up the image of Michael Dowd snorting cocaine off the dashboard of his patrol car to vividly understand the great danger of drug abuse among police officers.
Random and "for cause" drug testing have proven to be effective means to remove unworthy police officers from the Department. They can also be effective tools for preventing and deterring drug use among officers. As Michael Dowd told Commission investigators, during his career of corruption he feared a drug test much more than Internal Affairs. A recent Commission study, moreover, shows that of 369 officers dismissed or suspended from the Department over the last six years, 26 percent failed a drug test.

Despite the importance of drug testing, we found that in the past such tests were given far too infrequently and were sometimes not difficult to circumvent or "beat," as some officers put it. We recognize that administering drug tests costs money. Given the grave consequences of drug use among officers and the great benefits derived from an aggressive drug testing program, however, we have concluded that this must be a priority in the Department. In light of these considerations, the Commission recommends the following initiatives:

• Increase both random and "for cause" drug testing for all members of the Department, including probationary officers.
• The Department must consistently enforce its policy of immediate dismissal for officers who fail or refuse a drug test.
• Integrity training should include instruction on the signs of drug and alcohol abuse, and the responsibility of officers and supervisors to report drug and alcohol abuse by fellow officers.
• The Department should tighten its drug testing procedures to minimize the possibility of circumventing drug tests, including enforcement of the time limitation between notification and administration of the test.
• The Department should call upon police unions and fraternal organizations to endorse publicly an aggressive drug testing program.

New York City Residency Requirement

Many have suggested that a New York City residency requirement would reduce incidents of corruption within the Department. In our study of the backgrounds of four hundred officers dismissed or suspended over the past six years, we found no correlation between residence and corruption. In fact, 77 percent of the dismissed or suspended officers we studied resided in one of the five boroughs at the time they applied to the Department.

The Commission has, therefore, concluded that while a residency requirement for police officers has other important virtues, corruption does not appear to be one of them.
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Re: The City of New York: Commission to Investigate Allegati

Postby admin » Sat Jul 12, 2014 2:27 am

PART 2 OF 2

II. COMMAND ACCOUNTABILITY

Enforcement of Command Accountability


One of the most pervasive managerial failures the Commission has observed in the Department over recent years is its failure to maintain the system of command accountability. The cornerstone of the Department's anti-corruption strategy, command accountability requires a comprehensive commitment to successful corruption control throughout the Department, especially from field commanders. Ideally, the entire Department should be infused with values that discourage corruption. But at the very least, field commanders should be held responsible for the state of corruption within their commands. If corruption control fails, field commanders, as well as internal investigators, should answer for it. If it succeeds, they should be commended.

Successful command accountability is particularly important because it can, as it has in the past, change the organizational culture of the Department. Command accountability forces corruption control to be the responsibility of all the Department's managers and pushes anti-corruption priorities out into the field. Under this principle, protecting the integrity of police officers is vested not just in Internal Affairs but in every stationhouse in the City.

Without the principle of accountability becoming standard operating procedure throughout the Department, no system of corruption control, no matter how well devised and equipped, is likely to succeed. When the public sees groups of police officers arrested for crimes they committed while on duty and in uniform, it demands an answer to the question of how such corruption could possibly have occurred without police supervisors detecting it and making every effort to stop it. The Department must provide an answer to that question if it ever hopes to restore the public's confidence in its integrity and good faith. It also owes that answer to its own rank and file who feel they are the only targets in corruption probes, while the bosses are never called to account.

Some have argued that with the elimination of the FIAUs -- which, in theory, served as the investigative tool for field commanders to uncover corruption -- field commanders cannot fairly be held accountable for corruption on their watch.

We do not agree. As discussed in Chapter Four, the FIAUs were rarely used as a management tool by borough or precinct commanders to effectively fight corruption -- nor were they used by the Department as a basis for enforcing command accountability. We believe that command accountability need not depend solely on commanders investigating corruption through field units. Commanders can and should be held accountable for their efforts in preventing and detecting corruption, reporting it to IAD, and assisting with any ensuing investigation. They must make it clear to their subordinates that they will not tolerate corruption or the code of silence in their commands; that they will reward those who come forward to report corruption, and, when appropriate, sanction those who do not; they must insure that supervisors vigorously pursue and report their suspicions about corruption; and in particular they must use their Integrity Control Officers to monitor and identify corruption problems in the precinct, including through such means as monitoring the precinct radio, spot checking arrest scenes and identifying other corruption hazards and problem officers. When they want their suspicions pursued, commanders still have an investigative arm: the Internal Affairs Bureau. In sum, we believe the basis for fair and firm enforcement of command accountability exists -- even without the FIAUs -- if the recommendations that follow are carried out.

Enforcement of command accountability, however, is not easy. It does not simply mean that a superior officer's head must roll for every instance of corruption -- as the press and others often demand. After all, disclosure of corruption can be evidence of good, as well as poor, performance in fighting corruption. A strict liability standard -- imposing sanctions whenever corruption is uncovered -- is not only unfair but it creates incentives to conceal or transfer corruption rather than uproot it. On the other hand, subjective, conclusory decisions on liability made by commanders or chiefs is also unfair. The Department must make commanders understand that they will be judged fairly and regularly for their anti-corruption attitudes; that they will be rewarded or penalized on the basis of their actual performance in uncovering corruption -- not on the fact that corruption exists. But making such determinations requires time and effort. It requires factual inquiries and investigations, not just conclusory pronouncements on culpability or diligence. It requires an investigation into what commanders knew or should have known and the measures they took or failed to take to prevent or uncover corruption in their command. Without making such genuine determinations, command accountability will continue to be mere rhetoric rather than actual practice.

A major failure of the Department's past approach to command accountability has been that no mechanism was ever put into place to enforce it. No person or unit was ever responsible for determining when corruption disclosures reflected supervisory neglect or vigilance. Most people presume the Police Commissioner enforces command accountability, but no Commissioner ever instituted a mechanism to monitor commanders' performance and, when necessary, determine culpability. As a result, such determinations were rarely made.

Command accountability also requires that commanders understand that they will be judged regularly, not only during scandals, for their anti-corruption performance. A tool that was initially intended to help keep commanders accountable was the annual Corruption Assessment Report. Since the 1970s, precinct commanders and heads of police units have been required to report the state of corruption and corruption hazards within their commands by submitting this Report to the Police Commissioner. The Commission's inquiries showed that, over the last decade, what began as a possibly useful integrity control and command accountability tool has become useless boilerplate. Commanding officers file essentially the same report year after year with only superficial changes.

The Department should reform this potentially useful tool. It should require all commanding officers, including borough, precinct and unit commanders to participate in an annual Corruption Assessment Review; a face-to-face briefing session with Internal Affairs commanders to apprise Internal Affairs of the following information: (i) corruption hazards within their commands; (ii) intelligence information about corruption-prone officers; (iii) the level of supervision within the command; (iv) efforts to prevent corruption; (v) management problems that impede corruption control; and, (vi) any need for additional resources or assistance from IAB to deter or uncover corruption. We recommend that the commanding officer be required to memorialize the substance of the Corruption Assessment Review in a brief report that should be submitted to the First Deputy Commissioner and the Deputy Commissioner for Internal Affairs.

We expect such personal briefing sessions will serve a number of important purposes. First, they will insure regular monitoring and evaluation of commanders' anti-corruption performance. Second, they will motivate Internal Affairs and field commanders to engage in productive relationships to control corruption and help overcome the isolation and mistrust that has long divided field commanders and Internal Affairs officers. They will help encourage commanders to view IAB as a management tool they can use to fight corruption rather than as potential trouble-makers. Third, they will compel commanders to take a more active and personal role in deterring and reporting corruption within their commands. Fourth, they will force commanding officers to give careful consideration to the corruption hazards in their commands and their plans to address them, rather than allowing them to rely on outdated and repetitive written reports. Finally, they will allow command accountability inquiries to focus not only on a commanding officer's knowledge and actions, but on the adequacy of Internal Affairs' response. In the event corruption comes to light in a command where a field commander or Internal Affairs commander failed to address the problem, they should be held equally to account for their omissions.

Commissioner Bratton has begun to make the importance of command accountability clear to police supervisors. In the wake of the 30th Precinct investigation and the Commission's findings on the collapse of command accountability, he has stated publicly that scrutiny of supervisors has been lax over the past decade and that police supervisors who turn a blind eye to corruption do so at great risk. The Commission has seen a considerable effort on the part of the Department to revitalize genuine command accountability. The challenge is to sustain and reinforce that effort over the years. To accomplish that, the Commission has concluded that the principle of command accountability must be completely reinvented. To help achieve this goal, we present the following recommendations:

• The Police Commissioner should make clear his total commitment to enforce the principle of accountability to all police commanders and supervisors.
• Establish a special Command Accountability Review Unit to conduct post-corruption disclosure investigations to identify the supervisors and commanders who knew or should have known about corruption within their commands and failed to take adequate measures to prevent and report it, as well as those who performed diligently in this area. The unit should also determine whether commanders provided appropriate assistance to internal investigators during a corruption investigation. The unit should operate under the direction of the First Deputy Commissioner and should include a representative from our recommended external independent monitor, should one be created.
• The performance of the Command Accountability Review Unit should be monitored by the independent external monitor.
• The Police Commissioner should provide for sanctions, including demotion or dismissal, for supervisors who failed in their duties, as determined by the Command Accountability Review Board.
• The Police Commissioner should publicly reward supervisors who have demonstrated their commitment to integrity, as determined by the Command Accountability Review Board, or by other means.
• The Department should factor superior corruption control performance in promotion and assignment practices.
• The Police Commissioner should require commanders to participate in yearly Corruption Assessment Reviews with Internal Affairs commanders which insures that commanders will be regularly monitored and assisted with their anti-corruption performance.
• Train police supervisors and commanders in the indications and conditions suggesting corruption is taking place so that they make accurate assessments of the corruption hazards in their commands.
• Internal Affairs should keep precinct commanders informed of the existence and developments of corruption investigations within their commands and require them to assist in investigations.
• The Command Accountability Review Unit should also review and determine the adequacy of Internal Affairs' response to information on corruption received from supervisors and commanders, as well as the adequacy of its assistance to supervisors and commanders. Internal Affairs commanders should be held accountable for poor performance in this area or rewarded for outstanding performance.

Supervision

In the course of the Commission's investigations into precincts where corruption existed, we found sparse and ineffectual supervision at every turn. The failure of effective supervision has been a major contributing factor not only to corruption but to the climate of tolerance that makes it possible. As we stated in our Interim Report, many supervisors of all levels acted as if it was better not to know about, much less, report corruption. If the Department has any hope of minimizing corruption in future years, that attitude must change. The Commission recognizes that the demands of police work inevitably make close supervision a very difficult goal. But effective corruption control must begin with strong supervision.

While the Commission found, in most instances, no hard evidence that most supervisors were directly engaged in corrupt acts, in precincts such as the 9th, 30th, 46th, 73rd and 75th, and where groups of police officers engaged in outright criminal activity, it is hard to believe that supervisors were ignorant of the corruption of their subordinates. In fact, a number of supervisors knew or should have known about corruption within their commands and did nothing to stop it.

Of all supervisory positions, sergeants, as first-line field supervisors, were in the best position to know about corruption. Unfortunately, in too many cases explored by the Commission, sergeants failed to serve as a deterrent to corruption. There are a number of reasons for this, not all of which reflect poorly on the abilities or commitment of individual sergeants and other supervisors. These reasons, plus additional findings on supervision failures were discussed in detail in Chapter Four. A brief summary of these deficiencies follows.

To begin, sergeants have suffered a dramatic dilution of authority in recent years. They are increasingly young, inexperienced, and often feel more loyal to their subordinates than to the Department's managers. They are eligible to take the sergeants' examination immediately after their term as a probationary officer expires, which means after only eighteen months' experience as a police officer. Establishing their credibility and authority is thus often difficult.

There is also a critical shortage of sergeants in many precincts within the Department causing an unmanageable span of supervision, or ratio of supervisors to patrol officers. While police experts have recommended a supervision ratio of one sergeant to ten officers, we found in some precincts, sergeants were responsible for supervising more than thirty officers in any given tour. It was not uncommon, furthermore, for sergeants to be assigned supervision of patrol officers in two separate precincts in the same tour. Under such conditions, it is practically impossible for sergeants to know what their subordinates are doing at any given time -- which is no secret to officers on the streets. Even in precincts with manageable numbers of subordinates to supervise, sergeants must perform a host of administrative duties that require them to devote more time to paperwork than to active field supervision.

In many high-crime precincts, sergeants do no supervising at all. Besides their supervisory and administrative duties, sergeants assigned to such precincts routinely handle calls for service during busy periods, which are the responsibility of patrol officers -- which further undermines their authority.

Department commanders often assigned sergeants and other supervisors without regard to prior experience, training or the needs of the particular command. Inexperienced probationary sergeants were often assigned to busy, corruption-prone precincts where experienced and proven supervisors were most needed.

Even more troubling, many supervisors and commanders do not perceive corruption control as part of their responsibility. In past years, the Department did little to suggest otherwise. It rarely trained supervisors on corruption control or held them responsible for their performance.

The Department also did little to support the precinct Integrity Control Officer ("ICO") who is responsible for assisting precinct and unit commanders with corruption issues. ICOs spend most of their time controlling paper rather than corruption. They are also isolated from IAD and are rarely provided with information about corruption in their commands. In sum, they have become clerks rather than corruption fighters.

To reverse the problem of ineffective supervision, the Department must first make clear to all supervisors that they have a critical role in preventing and detecting corruption. That message must start with training and must be reinforced by application of the principle of personal accountability. In the past, the Department's training of supervisors was inadequate. Most sergeants and lieutenants we interviewed harshly criticized the Department's management training courses. They claimed they taught them nothing about how to manage and supervise subordinates -- and were basically a mere patrol guide refresher course that failed to realistically address the practical problems supervisors face in today's environment. Moreover, supervisors, received no training in how to detect and prevent corruption on their watch or how to identify corruption-prone officers. They received no message about the importance of carrying out their anti-corruption duties.

The Department must also train supervisors on how to effectively communicate with a diverse patrol force. Such training, especially with a growing minority contingent is vital to any diverse group. It is especially important to groups that spend hours together. Our investigation revealed that certain minority officers sometimes feel themselves to be outsiders in a basically white Department. While it is not uncommon for minorities in any large group to feel this way, various studies suggest that human interaction training can heighten morale and loyalty and lessen alienation.

In recent months, the Department has moved swiftly to correct many of the supervision problems identified by the Commission. Recently, the Department promoted approximately four hundred new sergeants and has begun to reform supervisory training by establishing a Sergeants' Academy that provides anti-corruption training and in-service leadership seminars for supervisors of all ranks.

In light of the Commission's findings on police supervision, we offer the following reform recommendations:

• Require officers to have at least three years of service experience before becoming eligible for promotion to sergeant.
• The Department should reform its supervisory staffing model to insure that appropriate numbers of experienced and proven sergeants are assigned to the most corruption-prone precincts and that supervision in such commands be maintained at an appropriate ratio of sergeants to officers.
• In precincts where sergeants are required to perform patrol duties or nonsupervisory functions, a second sergeant should be assigned exclusively to supervise officers on patrol.
• The Department should increase the number of field supervisors during midnight tours of duty in corruption-prone precincts.
• The Department should not require sergeants to supervise more than one precinct during the same tour of duty.
• The Department should examine whether certain administrative tasks of patrol sergeants and ICOs can be eliminated or curtailed to allow them to devote more time to field supervision.
• The Department should promulgate a clear policy on the duties and responsibilities of ICOs that focuses on their responsibility for precinct integrity controls. ICOs should be used to reinforce professional values, detect evidence of corruption, and ferret out wrongdoing and inefficiency.
• ICOs should receive specialized integrity control training and the resources necessary to perform an active anti-corruption role in their commands by gathering intelligence, monitoring precinct corruption hazards, monitoring the precinct radio, spot monitoring arrest scenes, communicating with Internal Affairs, and investigating allegations of misconduct.
• ICOs should be required to conduct precinct corruption-prevention audits by reviewing arrest reports, requests for overtime pay, stop and frisk reports, declinations to prosecute, copies of criminal court complaints, and other documents to determine patterns of questionable arrests and identify other indications of corruption. ICOs should advise precinct commanders where levels of supervision need to be increased.
• The Internal Affairs Bureau should establish regular, in-command liaison with ICOs and use their services in intelligence-gathering and investigations.
• The Department's recently established Sergeants' Academy should include a course of instruction that emphasizes practical management skills, establishing command authority, integrity control methods, and leadership qualities necessary to be an effective first-line supervisor. The course of instruction should be based on interactive methods of instruction and field work in the City's busy, high-crime precincts. All new sergeants should be trained in identifying indicators of corruption, brutality, and substance abuse.
• Require periodic in-service training for all supervisory ranks in corruption, brutality, and substance abuse detection and prevention. The training should include realistic, interactive instruction based on profiles of corruption-prone officers and commands.
• The Department should establish regular in-service leadership seminars for all police supervisors, including racial and cultural diversity training.

III. INTERNAL INVESTIGATIONS

Internal Affairs Operations


Over the past two years, this Commission, the media, and recently, the Department itself have focused a great deal of attention on the litany of failures of the Department's internal anti-corruption apparatus. As the Commission has reported, our investigation revealed a corruption investigation system that often minimized and even concealed corruption rather than rooted it out. Oversight of Internal Affairs was virtually non-existent, intelligence-gathering efforts were negligible, corruption investigations were often deliberately limited and prematurely closed, and the appearance of integrity was more important than the reality. In short, genuine commitment to fighting corruption had virtually disappeared and Internal Affairs had abandoned its mission to remove serious corruption from the Department.

The Department has come to acknowledge the vast problems infecting Internal Affairs identified by the Commission, and the Department has begun to act. Under the leadership of Commissioners Kelly and Bratton, Internal Affairs has gone through many important changes. Internal Affairs operations have now been centralized into one Bureau headed by a civilian Deputy Commissioner, Walter Mack, an experienced and skillful former prosecutor who has done much to energize and expand the Department's internal investigations. The organizational structure of the Internal Affairs Bureau has changed a number of times as the Department seeks the best structure to support Internal Affairs' mission. A large turnover in personnel has occurred with many of the complacent and incompetent executives of Internal Affairs either having retired from the Department or been transferred from the Bureau. Some experienced and respected investigators have joined Internal Affairs and the Bureau has been allocated over two million dollars in advanced investigative equipment and a new computerized case-tracking system.

Most important, the Commission has detected a heightened commitment and assertiveness on the part of Internal Affairs investigators. While uncovering the largest police corruption case in recent history, Commission investigators worked side by side with investigators of the Internal Affairs Bureau. At every turn in the investigation, the Internal Affairs investigators worked tirelessly to uncover the full scope of corruption within that precinct and were unwaveringly committed to acquiring the necessary evidence to root it all out. We recognize that the Department acted in this manner under the light of outside scrutiny by this Commission. But the point is with such oversight it acted with skill and uncompromising zeal.

Fundamental problems, however, do remain. First, while we certainly detected an increased commitment and effectiveness on the part of Internal Affairs commanders and investigators with whom we worked, we cannot be certain that this new attitude has spread throughout the Bureau. We continue to see the need for continued emphasis on swift and efficient decision-making and the placement of operational authority in the hands of the investigators most familiar with case strategy, focus, and goals.

Second, most officers still have little trust or respect for Internal Affairs. Overwhelmingly, officers of all ranks interviewed by the Commission and the Department continue to view Internal Affairs as a group of petty, inexperienced, and incompetent investigators with no knowledge of the demands of real police work. They contemptuously describe Internal Affairs as a "white socks and no hats" operation that focuses on pestering hard-working officers with petty infractions rather than aggressively pursuing allegations of serious corruption and criminality. Officers express great concern that Internal Affairs' failure to investigate allegations fully and its tendency to close cases as "unsubstantiated" or by noting minor misconduct unfairly hurts their chances for choice assignments and promotion.

Even worse, officers remain very skeptical about Internal Affairs' handling of police informants and its ability and willingness to insure confidentiality to officers who report corruption. A great many officers believe that Internal Affairs will disclose the identity of complainants or turn the focus of an investigation toward the very officer who made the allegation. An officer willing to violate the code of silence to report corruption will hardly turn to investigators he believes to be incompetent, unsupportive, and even vindictive.

Internal Affairs must first and foremost re-establish its credibility among members of the Department if it hopes to fight corruption effectively. Only by regaining its credibility will it recruit respected investigators and proven commanders, overcome the code of silence, and help spread a climate of intolerance for corruption throughout the Department.

To do so, the Department must assure Internal Affairs sufficient personnel, resources and support to prove itself a serious and sophisticated investigations unit that focuses exclusively on serious corruption and criminality and gains a reputation for success in removing corrupt and criminal officers from the job and exonerating honest officers from baseless allegations. Internal Affairs must become an investigations unit that launches investigative initiatives based on intelligence and analysis without relying on a reactive, complaint-driven system. By its actions, Internal Affairs must make police officers understand that it will vigorously pursue officers involved in crimes and serious corruption even if their colleagues and associates remain silent. Successful self-initiated investigations will quickly convince officers that their reliance on silence as a shield for wrongdoing is gravely misplaced. In short, it is imperative that Internal Affairs earn the respect and support of the entire Department.

In light of our analysis of Internal Affairs' past failures and its urgent need to regain the confidence of the police and the public alike, the Commission offers the following recommendations for reform. We believe implementation of these reforms will go a long way in protecting the Department's system of internal investigations against future decay.

Recruitment of Qualified Investigators

• Internal Affairs must improve the quality and reputation of its investigators. The Department should offer incentives and rewards to attract the best investigators available. Until such time as Internal Affairs attracts highly qualified volunteers, the Department should continue its recent policy of allowing Internal Affairs first choice of supervisors seeking assignment to an investigative unit. Internal Affairs should continue its policy of rotating its staff to avoid stagnation and increase the number of supervisors with corruption investigation experience throughout the Department. Service in Internal Affairs should be viewed as a positive factor in the career path of a police officer.
• The Police Commissioner should make every effort to recruit as commanders of Internal Affairs officers who have a Department-wide reputation for varied experience, management and investigative skill and outstanding leadership ability.
• The Department should recognize the outstanding performance of Internal Affairs investigators with citations, commendations, and promotions as it does for officers assigned to other commands.

Intelligence-Gathering Operations

• Internal Affairs must immediately strengthen its intelligence-gathering analysis operations. All witnesses, complainants, and informants must be assured absolute confidentiality or anonymity. This is particularly crucial for police officer complainants or informants. Any Internal Affairs officer who breaches confidentiality must be sanctioned severely.
• Debriefing informants and cooperating defendants on police corruption should become a regular practice among all investigative units within the Department, such as the Detective Bureau and the Organized Crime Control Bureau. Such investigators must actively pursue information on police corruption. All such information should be promptly reported to Internal Affairs.
• Internal Affairs must recruit and operate a cadre of undercover officers in the most corruption-prone precincts and commands. Their role should be to gather information on corruption within their commands and provide the basis for integrity tests, electronic surveillance, and other pro-active investigative measures. Members of the Internal Affairs undercover squad must be prepared to testify and swear to court affidavits or warrant applications if necessary.
• The Internal Affairs Action Desk personnel must be trained and regularly evaluated on being courteous and encouraging to complainants. The Language Line translation service must be made available to the Action Desk, as it has been to other commands within the Department.
• The Voluntary Assistance Program, better known as the Field Associate Program, must be reinvigorated, expanded, and placed under the direct control of the Deputy Commissioner for Internal Affairs. All reports from Field Associates should be recorded and regularly reviewed for appropriate action by Internal Affairs.
• All information from complainants, informants, undercovers, field associates, and other sources should be made available to the Internal Affairs Corruption Prevention and Analysis Unit. That unit should use this information to insure effective case tracking, and produce complaint correlations, corruption trend and subject analysis, and corruption profiles that will be used as a basis to commence pro-active investigations of corrupt officers.

Investigative Approach

• Internal Affairs must focus exclusively on cases of serious corruption and crime. Internal Affairs must pursue police officers suspected of crimes and serious corruption with the same intensity as any other criminal activity outside the Department.
• Internal Affairs must adopt a chiefly pro-active investigative approach. While continuing to respond to complaints of corruption, the bulk of Internal Affairs investigations should be self-initiated and targeted where intelligence analysis suggests serious corruption exists.
• Complaints received by Internal Affairs should not be investigated in isolation. The focus of Internal Affairs investigations should expand beyond isolated allegations against an individual officer to focus on groups of potentially miscreant officers and patterns of corrupt activity.
• In pursuing corruption investigations, Internal Affairs must employ the full panoply of investigative techniques used in every other investigative division within the Department. Internal Affairs must use, as appropriate, undercover officers, criminal informants, and court-ordered electronic surveillance.
• Internal Affairs must never be reluctant to turn one corrupt officer against another. Because of aspects of police culture that conceal corruption, Internal Affairs should design their investigations to achieve the cooperation of corrupt officers against others, both to acquire evidence and to help undermine the code of silence on which corruption relies.
• Internal Affairs must increase the number, regularity and quality of targeted and random integrity tests. These tests must be carefully administered under the guidance of a prosecutor, well devised and tailored to the type of corruption under investigation, and aimed at officers or commands exhibiting a reasonable basis for suspecting corruption.
• Integrity tests should focus only on acquiring evidence of serious corruption and criminality. Tests that result only in minor infractions should be referred to local commanders.
• Internal Affairs must seek the assistance and legal counsel of the appropriate prosecutor at the earliest stages of a corruption investigation. The Deputy Commissioner for Internal Affairs should insure notification of prosecutors when internal investigators conduct field operations in their jurisdictions.
• Patrol Guide Procedure No. 118-9 should be amended to allow internal investigators to interrogate police officers under oath and with penalties for perjury.
• Investigations of serious corruption should not be closed until all evidence of corruption is uncovered or determined to be baseless. Cases with no investigative merit should be disposed of swiftly to avoid unnecessary backlog. All closings of cases of serious corruption should be reviewed by the Deputy Commissioner for Internal Affairs and his staff. Any Internal Affairs officer who prematurely closes a case or approves such a closing, or has failed to employ sufficient investigative measures and resources, should be held to account. The basis for case closings should be regularly reviewed by the external independent monitor should one be created.
• Every allegation of corruption that is reported should immediately be recorded and receive a log number.
• District Attorneys should get copies of all corruption case logs on a daily basis.

Organizational Structure

• Internal Affairs' organizational structure should adopt the module team structure used by the Organized Crime Control Bureau. The structure must allow for more efficient decision-making authority and a more streamlined chain of command. Investigators actually conducting the case must be allowed operational authority. Investigative teams should be assigned to investigate geographic areas and special commands so that investigators acquire expertise in local corruption conditions and develop productive, trusting relationships with prosecutors. The final decision-making authority should reside with the Deputy Commissioner of Internal Affairs.

Command Liaisons

• To rehabilitate its reputation within other commands of the Department and educate the Department about its reformed philosophy and goals, Internal Affairs commanders with particularly strong reputations and experience in other commands should address police commanders, integrity control officers, and roll calls about corruption, civil rights violations, and the objectives of Internal Affairs.

Civil Rights Investigations

• Internal Affairs should immediately establish a Civil Rights Investigations Unit dedicated to the investigation of brutality, perjury, false arrests, and other types of civil rights violations. This unit should conduct its own self-initiated investigations as well as assist the Civilian Complaint Review Board in investigating force allegations lodged with that agency.
• Internal Affairs must examine correlations between corruption complaints and complaints of excessive force lodged with Internal Affairs and the Civilian Complaint Review Board.
• Command accountability must extend to acts of excessive force and civil rights violations. Corruption Assessment Reviews must include civil rights violation as a corruption hazard category.
• Recruit and In-Service integrity training must address excessive force and civil rights violations. Instruction must include alternatives to the use of force in policing and not merely instruction when force is justified as characterizes current training.

IV. SANCTIONS AND DETERRENCE

Effective sanctions and deterrence are also crucial components of corruption control. In the past, deterrence has been lacking from the Department's integrity controls, both because of the Department's own negligence as well as the obstacles imposed by existing laws. Many of the reforms we recommend throughout this chapter will heighten deterrence by increasing the risk of detection of corrupt activities. But there are a number of legislative and other reforms that can help strengthen the Department's detection and sanctioning efforts. Before leaving office, former Police Commissioner Kelly recommended a number of proposals designed to make discipline more effective. The Commission strongly endorses these proposals as sensible measures to insure that legal technicalities do not allow corrupt officers to "beat the system." These proposals, along with the Commission's recommendations in this area, are as follows:

Discipline

• Amend New York City Administrative Code, Section 13-246 to provide for a minimum period of ninety days notice to the Department before an officer is permitted to retire with full pension. The current minimum period of thirty days fails to allow the Department sufficient time to complete disciplinary proceedings before an officer retires and escapes the consequences of misconduct.
• Amend Public Officers Law Section 30(e) to allow for the revocation of lifetime pension benefits for officers convicted of a felony or federal law equivalent committed while in the performance of their duties. Corrupt officers should not be allowed to retain such benefits after such convictions.
• Amend Criminal Procedure Law Sections 160.50 and 160.55 to allow the Department statutory access to the sealed records of police officers who have been the subject of criminal proceedings. Such access is currently allowed with respect to police applicants and should not be denied in the case of sworn police officers who have been accused of crimes. In addition, Section 296 of the Executive Law should be amended to exempt such access and use as a discriminatory practice under the Human Rights Law.
• Amend Civil Service Law Section 75, Subdivision 4 to restore the statute of limitations for Department disciplinary proceedings to three years from the current eighteen months. The current statute of limitations defeats the goals of long-term corruption investigations.
• Amend Civil Service Law to allow for the demotion in rank and salary of sergeants, lieutenants and captains who have engaged in corruption or failed to carry out their supervisory duties. Current law precludes such demotions.
• Amend New York City Administrative Code Section 14-115 to provide the Police Commissioner with additional penalty options after an officer is found guilty in a Department disciplinary proceeding. Current law forces the Police Commissioner to choose between two narrow options: forfeiture of thirty days pay or dismissal from the Department. This problem can be corrected by permitting the Police Commissioner to impose the following penalties:
o 1. Suspension without pay for a period up to one year (the current maximum is thirty days)
o 2. A monetary fine of up to $25,000 (no monetary fine provision currently exists in the Administrative Code)
o 3. Demotion in grade or title, with a commensurate reduction in salary ( currently no demotion provision exists in the Administrative Code)
• On-Line Booking Sheets should be revised to require arresting officers to attest to the circumstances of the arrest under the penalties of Penal Law Section 210.45 relating to false written statements.
• The Deputy Commissioner for Internal Affairs should have an opportunity to submit recommendations to the Department Advocate's Office on the appropriate disposition of charges and sanctions for officers involved in Departmental disciplinary proceedings.

Disability Pension Abuse

The Board of Trustees of the Police Pension Fund has the authority to approve lifetime pension benefits to any police officer who is found to be physically or mentally unable to perform police duty. A police officer retired in this manner is entitled to a tax-free annual pension. If the officer is found to have sustained a total permanent disability in the line of duty, the amount of the annual tax-free pension benefit is no less than three-quarters of the officer's annual salary at the date of retirement. [19]

The Commission inquired, and learned from police officers, doctors, and other sources about the potential for abuse in the area of disability pensions. They painted a picture of a police pension system flawed by vaguely defined standards and overtones of favoritism. A police officer who is legitimately injured in the line of duty and suffers a disability should receive the full extent of the pension benefits available. However, evidence reveals that the law governing police pensions and related procedures does not reward only those who deserve it.

Officers told us that they were aware of officers who deliberately injured themselves to apply for disability pensions. Commission investigators were also told of occasions in which officers who received off-duty injuries falsely claimed that they were received while on duty. The Commission also detected a widespread perception among rank and file police officers that the Police Pension Board fails to aggressively investigate disability pension applications of high-ranking officers. They view the pension system as providing superior officers with a tax-free "brass parachute" when they retire from the Department.

Although the public is understandably disturbed when they see seemingly able-bodied officers receive tax-free lifetime pensions, it does not necessarily constitute corruption. As the pension laws are currently written the standard for determining whether an officer is disabled is vague. Recently the Department's Deputy Chief Surgeon, Dr. Gregory Fried, has undertaken a review of officers deemed disabled from 1991 to the present. In an interview with a Commission staff member, Dr. Fried stated that he found significant flaws in the current system of awarding disability pensions. Because there are no well defined medical criteria, he described the entire system as a "crapshoot." Because the standards are so vague, he believes they fail both to support legitimate claims and to winnow out fraudulent ones. As Dr. Fried put it, "Liars have a better chance of getting a disability pension. It creates police welfare for the phoney."

According to Dr. Fried, there is currently no coordination of effort among Internal Affairs, the Department Surgeon's Office, and the Department Advocate's Office to detect police officers who submit fraudulent disability pension claims. While it was beyond the mandate of this Commission to conduct an investigation of the police pension system, we note this as an area of concern for future inquiry.

V. COMMUNITY OUTREACH

Community Policing and Community Outreach


As the Department expands the implementation of community policing, many law enforcement officials, including police officers, have expressed their concern that officers' close relationship with citizens required for successful community policing will also expand the opportunities and incidence of police corruption. We believe that community policing may increase opportunities for corruption. Nonetheless, the value of the program to effective law enforcement and its commensurate benefits to the community far outweigh the risks involved. Community policing will, however, require that Internal Affairs be ever vigilant of the risks community policing presents.

Officers determined to engage in corruption will seek and find opportunities to do so whether or not they are community policing officers. Recent investigations conducted by the Commission and other agencies turned up corrupt officers assigned to a variety of commands, such as patrol, anti-crime, and the Organized Crime Control Bureau. The predominant forms of corruption we found, furthermore, offer opportunities to all officers working in drug-infested, cash-laden precincts regardless of their assignments. The police attitudes and pressures that foster and conceal corruption apply equally to all officers regardless of their particular assignment. In light of these circumstances, police corruption controls must be applied equally to whatever commands or individuals are susceptible to corruption.

Nonetheless, there are specific corruption control measures the Department should adopt in light of the characteristics of community policing. In particular, these measures should focus on educating the community about corruption hazards that officers face and their role in identifying and reporting suspected wrongdoing among the police officers on their beat. Having an educated and watchful community is particularly important for reducing the corruption risks of community policing. Because community policing must allow officers to have flexible tours of duty and sufficient discretion to determine the time and manner of their patrol, it presents special problems for close supervision. Consequently, the Department must achieve partnership with citizens to oversee the conduct of community policing officers.

To accomplish this, the Department must teach the public about what constitutes police corruption, how to report corruption they may observe or suspect, and support them when they make a valid complaint. More than anything else -- through its precinct commanders, precinct councils, and community affairs programs -- the Department must overcome the public's cynicism about the Department's commitment to integrity and its willingness to take their complainants seriously. If community policing is to succeed, mutual respect and cooperation between the police and the community must be achieved.

On the other hand, the Department must also educate citizens that police corruption does not exist in a vacuum and that those who solicit corrupt acts from police officers or assist them in engaging in corruption will be arrested and prosecuted. The 30th Precinct investigation demonstrated that citizens, whether they be drug dealers, shop owners, building superintendents, or local residents, participate in and assist officers in corruption schemes. Through arrests, prosecutions, and community outreach, the Department must put such people on notice that corruption investigations will focus on their activities as well as on the corrupt officers with whom they associate. As in the 30th Precinct case, the Department must show the public that it will arrest and prosecute citizens who are accomplices to police corruption.

In light of these observations, the Commission recommends the following measures:

• Expand and promote the Citizen's Police Academy program and other community outreach efforts, to educate citizens about corruption hazards and the role of the community in minimizing corruption.
• Community policing supervisors should provide information to local residents and businesses about corruption hazards and how to report corruption to the Department.
• Community policing supervisors should regularly interview local residents and business persons about the performance of the officers in their units.
• Commanding officers and Internal Affairs representatives should address precinct community councils on police corruption, the community's role in reducing corruption risks, and the means of reporting corruption to the Department.
• Internal Affairs should conduct pro-active investigations, including integrity tests, against individuals who create corruption opportunities or assist officers in engaging in corruption.
• Precinct numerals and other identifying marks on radio motor patrol cars should be made larger and more easily recognizable to citizens and police supervisors.
• Internal Affairs investigations and intelligence-gathering should focus on individuals who act as accomplices to officers in corruption schemes.

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The Commission believes that the implementation of these procedural and policy reforms will considerably strengthen the Department's integrity controls and help insure the public's confidence in the Department's ability to police itself.

No integrity controls, however, will last forever without the demand of the public and the commitment of the Department to insure that they remain effective. We cannot, as we have done too often in the past, place absolute faith in any set of reforms to insure integrity and defeat complacency for the next generation and beyond. Too often, our faith turned out to be blind. Without integrity controls rooted in the Department's own pride and commitment, no set of reforms -- no matter how creative and well devised -- can work. History has taught us that the Department cannot sustain reform efforts without incentive and support from the outside. Thus, an external entity independent of the Department must provide continual monitoring and pressure to insure that the Department makes successful integrity controls a high priority now and in the future. The Department and the public deserve no less.

_______________

Notes:

16. The total number of officers in the study was four hundred thirteen. Fewer officers are sometimes referred to for particular aspects of the study. This is because for certain areas we examined, information on all the officers was not available.

17. The probationary period consists of six months of Police Academy training and twelve months in a field training unit.

18. This procedure requires the Department to confer immunity from criminal prosecution before interrogating officers.

19. New York City Charter and Administrative Code Section 13-206.
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Re: The City of New York: Commission to Investigate Allegati

Postby admin » Sun Jul 13, 2014 3:32 am

CHAPTER SIX: HELPING THE POLICE TO POLICE THEMSELVES: THE NEED FOR INDEPENDENT, EXTERNAL OVERSIGHT

"A considerable momentum for reform has been generated .... After previous investigations, the momentum was allowed to evaporate. The question now is: Will history repeat itself? Or does society finally realize that police corruption is a problem that must be dealt with and not just talked about every twenty years?"

-- Knapp Commission Report, December 26, 1972


Since the creation of this Commission, the Department has made important progress toward correcting its fundamental problems of corruption and corruption control. An anticorruption apparatus that had been allowed to collapse is being resurrected for the first time in a generation. On the investigative front, the Department has aggressively assisted this Commission recently in a number of cases we brought to its attention. In the 30th Precinct case, for example, Internal Affairs investigators worked side-by-side with Commission investigators, and federal and local prosecutors, to ferret out extensive corruption in the 30th Precinct. Commitment to uncovering the full extent of corruption there was unflinching. The Department now seems to recognize that the appearance of integrity is no longer more important than its reality.

The question now is -- as twenty years ago -- will this momentum for reform continue after this Commission has disbanded and public attention turns away from issues of police reform? History strongly suggests that there is little chance for an affirmative answer to that question unless the momentum for reform becomes institutionalized within and without the Department. The erosion of the Department's corruption controls is an inevitable consequence of its recurring reluctance to uncover corruption -- unless some countervailing pressure compels the Department to do what it naturally strays from doing. As happened in the wake of the Knapp Commission, the mere establishment of this Commission created such a pressure and commitment that improvement resulted. But the findings of this Commission also show that the vigilance of the last generation failed to survive the Department's natural desire to protect itself from scandal. Our challenge is to preserve the Department's new-found vigilance and commitment from the inimical forces of history.

For the past century, police corruption scandals in New York City have run in a regular twenty-year cycle of scandal, reform, backslide, and fresh scandal. In 1894, a New York State Senate Committee, known as the Lexow Committee, found systematic extortion and bribery among New York City police. Almost twenty years later, the Curran Committee, appointed by the New York City Board of Aldermen, found systemic police extortion of gambling and prostitution houses. Twenty years later, in 1932, Samuel Seabury, counsel to a State legislative committee, conducted an investigation that found widespread police extortion of gamblers and bootleggers. Two decades later, on September 15, 1950, the Kings County District Attorney's Office arrested Harry Gross, the leader of a large-scale gambling racket, who cooperated with the District Attorney and inculpated seventy-eight police officers for participating in an intricate and lucrative bribery scheme that included high-ranking members of the Department. In 1972, the Knapp Commission issued its Final Report that declared police corruption to be a standardized and Department-wide phenomenon.

How to break this cycle has been the focus of much of the Commission's deliberations. The Commission carefully considered a number of proposals aimed at institutionalizing a lasting commitment to integrity. Underlying our consideration of these proposals was our firm belief that the Department must remain chiefly responsible for policing itself if lasting reform is ever to be achieved. The fundamental principle that guided our deliberations is that the Department must deliver itself from the scourge of corruption. To allow otherwise will only renew complacency, diminish institutional accountability, and scuttle commitment to integrity.

We believe it is impossible for the Department to bear that responsibility without the help of independent external oversight. As history has taught us, the Department will always be vulnerable to the powerful internal pressure to avoid uncovering corruption. Only independent oversight will compel the Department to accomplish what it naturally wants to avoid: uncovering corruption among its own ranks. Only the existence of an independent, external, effective corruption control monitor outside the Department's chain of command will serve as a continuing pressure upon the Department to purge itself of corruption. At the same time such an independent monitor will serve to assure the public that corruption disclosures signal a vigilant Department rather than a wholesale failure of its integrity. Only such a permanent institutional structure, we believe, will break the historical cycle of scandal, reform, and backslide.

In determining the appropriate model for independent oversight, the Commission considered and rejected several models.

I. DEFICIENCIES OF THE OFFICE OF THE STATE SPECIAL PROSECUTOR MODEL

One such model was the Office of the State Special Prosecutor. The Special Prosecutor's Office was established at the recommendation of the Knapp Commission in September 1972. Contrary to the perception of many who have advocated reestablishing that office, the Special Prosecutor's functions were, in practice, limited primarily to prosecutions. It had no responsibility -- or authority -- to oversee or assess the effectiveness of the Department's corruption controls, and the conditions that allow corruption to flourish.

The Knapp Commission premised its recommendation of a Special Prosecutor on its fundamental belief that a principal concern in the fight against police corruption was the prosecutors. They found that because the District Attorneys depended largely on police officers to conduct investigations and prosecutions, they suffered from an inherent conflict of interest in bringing prosecutions against corrupt officers. That Commission also found that the close alliance between the Department and the District Attorneys caused great distrust among the public and honest police officers about the willingness of the District Attorneys to entertain and investigate allegations of police corruption.

This Commission does not believe that local or federal prosecutors are reluctant to investigate and prosecute corrupt police officers today. Nor have we found that the public typically questions prosecutors' ability to aggressively pursue such cases. On the contrary, we found that both federal and local prosecutors were eager for us to refer evidence of police corruption to their offices for prosecution and that they are moving forward based on our evidence.

Indeed, since the dissolution of the Special Prosecutor's Office in October 1990, the District Attorneys have committed resources and personnel to special corruption units dedicated exclusively to investigating and prosecuting official corruption. Some of the District Attorneys have even housed these units in locations away from their main office to encourage complainants and assure confidentiality. The District Attorneys have financed these measures from their own budgets despite not having received the additional funding that was to be redistributed to them from the budget of the Special Prosecutor's Office.

Some have suggested that the prosecutors' interest in police corruption cases began only after the creation of this Commission -- and only after police corruption cases became the center of public and media attention. While it is true that the number of police corruption prosecutions in our City increased after the establishment of this Commission, it does not appear that prosecutors ever refused to pursue corrupt police officers. We do not believe it necessary or desirable to supplant the authority of local prosecutors with yet another prosecutorial agency. We do believe it essential to devise a mechanism to sustain and heighten prosecutors' interest in police corruption after this Commission completes its work. The independent oversight model we recommend will help accomplish just that.

We would further note the fundamental problem with reinstituting the Special Prosecutor's Office is that it will not remedy the principal corruption control deficiencies we have identified. It is a tough-sounding idea that will not cure the problem. A Special Prosecutor's Office will -- by dint of its mandate -- do just as its name signifies, and no more: prosecute. While no one disputes that successful prosecutions of corrupt officers is a vital component of corruption control, it is not the exclusive one. As we have shown throughout this Report, effective corruption control must penetrate all operations of the Department and cannot depend solely on prosecutions. Quality prosecutions will do little to improve commitment, recruitment, screening, training, supervision, accountability and all the many other necessary ingredients of successful corruption control.

To achieve that goal, there must be continuous, external scrutiny of the patterns and causes of corruption, and the policies and procedures the Department employs to combat them. There must be regular inquiries and audits of such areas as recruitment, screening, training, supervision, police culture, and command accountability as well as methods of prevention and deterrence. The Department does not merely need more surgery to root out the cancer of corruption, it needs large doses of preventive medicine to insure that its commitment to integrity does not again atrophy. A prosecutor's office, by nature, simply cannot provide that kind of therapy. Since its mandate -- as well as its public reputation and budget -- will inevitably focus on its prosecution record, it will be dedicated to prosecuting rather than providing what the Department really needs. A Special Prosecutor will not insure that the Department conducts regular and aggressive integrity tests; that supervisors effectively oversee their subordinates; that commanders are held accountable for their willful blindness; or that conditions of police culture that nurture and conceal corruption disappear. For these reasons, the Commission concluded that the best remedy to deal effectively with the problem of police corruption would not be the recreation of a Special Prosecutor's office.

II. DEFICIENCIES OF THE INSPECTOR GENERAL MODEL

Another model that the Commission considered was the establishment of an Inspector General's Office to replace Internal Affairs in the investigation of corruption within the Department. Some urge that the Department has consistently demonstrated its inability and unwillingness to police itself successfully -- and should therefore no longer have the responsibility or authority to do so. The creation of an inspector general, many asserted, was the only way to root out corruption that the Department naturally prefers to minimize or conceal. All levels of government, they point out, have recognized the value of an independent inspector general. Virtually all federal, state, and local agencies are investigated by an inspector general's office that is independent from the agency it oversees. In New York City, in particular, the Department of Investigation employs a cadre of independent inspectors general responsible for investigating corruption in every City agency -- except the Police Department. It is urged that the Department no longer remain the exception to the rule of independent investigative oversight.

While we are convinced of the necessity of independent oversight, we rejected the Inspector General proposal because it wholly strips the Department of its capacity -- and, most important, its responsibility -- to investigate itself. We believe that the Police Department is the entity best able to prevent and investigate corruption among its members. It is the Department that best understands the corruption hazards facing cops, the culture that protects it, and the methods that can most effectively uncover it. The challenge is to devise a structure that compels the Department to do just that. The Inspector General model does just the opposite: it lets the Department off the hook in the battle against corruption, and eliminates its accountability for battling it successfully. Corruption would no longer be the Department's problem, but the Inspector General's problem. The fight against corruption can only be won if the Department itself is committed to aggressively investigate and uproot corruption on all fronts. We believe the dual-track model that we propose will insure that the Department does just that.

III. THE COMMISSION'S PROPOSED INDEPENDENT OVERSIGHT MODEL

Combining these two necessary principles of lasting reform -- independent oversight and command accountability -- was the challenge we faced in formulating a means to make vigilance and zeal enduring features of the Department's internal integrity controls. An effective program of reform must both heighten the Department's ability and will to combat corruption internally, and must create an external independent mechanism to insure that such ability and will do not meet a quick demise.

The Commission therefore urges a dual-track strategy for improving police corruption controls. The first track, addressed in Chapter Five, focuses on strengthening the Department's entire anti-corruption apparatus with equal emphasis on improving the quality of recruits, enhancing police training, strengthening supervision, upgrading methods of prevention, strengthening internal investigations, enforcing command accountability, and attacking the root causes and conditions that spawn corrupt acts.

The second track urges the creation of a permanent external Police Commission, independent of the Department to: (i) perform continuous assessments and audits of the Department's systems for preventing, detecting, and investigating corruption; (ii) assist the Department in implementing programs and policies to eliminate the values and attitudes that nurture corruption; (iii) insure a successful system of command accountability; and (iv) conduct, when necessary, its own corruption investigations to examine the state of police corruption. This Police Commission would make recommendations for improving the Department's integrity and will deliver periodic reports of its findings and recommendations to the Mayor and the Police Commissioner for appropriate action. In essence, the Police Commission would serve as a management tool for the Mayor and Police Commissioner, and a watchdog for the public. It would identify problems of police corruption and corruption control that need immediate attention and insure that the Department will not again fall victim to the pressures that work to corrupt its anti-corruption systems.

The Police Commission must have its own investigative capacity to carry out its mission of gauging the state of corruption, assessing corruption controls, and identifying corruption hazards. It must be empowered to conduct its own intelligence gathering operations, self-initiated investigations, and integrity tests. But, unlike a traditional inspector general, this capacity is not meant to replace the Department's or other law enforcement corruption efforts. On the contrary, it is designed to insure that the Department continues to police itself effectively by aggressively pursuing corruption where it likely exists and that it becomes -- for the first time -- accountable for doing so to an authority outside its own chain of command. At the same time, such an arrangement leaves the responsibility for corruption control clearly with the Department, without the risk of blurred responsibility or institutional buck-passing that might result from the creation of a special prosecutor or inspector general.

The power to undertake investigations is crucial to the Police Commission's task of insuring the high performance of integrity controls and the swift identification of corruption trends. During the course of this Commission's work, for example, we observed a number of police commands with substantial corruption hazards that Internal Affairs had made little or no effort to investigate. Having an investigative staff allowed us to probe some of those commands and thereby compel Internal Affairs to undertake a full-blown investigation or risk having the Commission bring a case to fruition without its participation. We found that this strategy quickly motivated the Department's anti-corruption machinery. Without such a capacity, we believe it unlikely that the Department would have responded to the Commission's evidence -- or attempted to generate its own -- as quickly or aggressively as it did. The new Police Commission, moreover, will insure that evidence of corruption is promptly referred to the appropriate prosecutor with whom it would cooperate and monitor the progress of the prosecution. In that way, it will help produce swift and certain prosecution of corruption without the need for a special prosecutor.

The Police Commission's investigative capacity, furthermore, is necessary to provide the Mayor and the Police Commissioner with the ability to call upon an independent agency to assist in conducting special projects or investigations. For example, if a high-ranking member of the Department or an Internal Affairs official is implicated in wrongdoing, the Mayor or Police Commissioner could call for the participation of Police Commission investigators to insure the integrity of the investigation. The Police Commission should also assist the Department to conduct command accountability inquiries in the wake of corruption disclosures, such as in the 30th Precinct, and insure that favoritism and Department politics play no role in determining the management or supervisory failures of police commanders. By having an investigative arm, therefore, the Police Commission can provide the Mayor and Police Commissioner with an independent look at a variety of corruption issues without having to depend exclusively on information from within the Department's own chain of command.

At the same time, we are mindful of the fiscal restraints under which the City must operate. We do not recommend the creation of a large and costly bureaucracy. We recommend that the new Police Commission be headed by five reputable and knowledgeable citizens appointed by the Mayor who will serve pro bono. We further recommend that the Commissioners have a limited, staggered term of office to guarantee turnover, avoid staleness, and prevent the development of a long-term bureaucratic relationship with the Department that could compromise the Police Commission's independence.

To accomplish its tasks, the Police Commission should have unrestricted access to the Department's records and personnel. It should have the power to subpoena witnesses and documents; the power to administer oaths and take testimony in private and public hearings; and the power to grant use immunity.

With the aforementioned powers, the Police Commission could perform its work, as did this Commission, with a small staff of approximately ten to fifteen people with varied expertise, including attorneys, investigators, police management experts, and organizational and statistical analysts. To the extent additional personnel is required, the Police Commission should be free to draw upon the resources of other agencies on an as needed basis, as this Commission has done.

The Police Commission must cooperate with and assist the Police Commissioner to implement and evaluate integrity programs and policies, neutralize the corruptive effects of police culture, maintain strong accountability among commanders, and enhance productive relationships with the community.

As we set forth in our Interim Report, the Police Commission should assume a variety of functions in overseeing the policies and procedures for preventing and detecting police corruption. The Police Commission's oversight and reporting duties will focus primarily on the following three areas:

Monitoring Performance or Anti-Corruption Systems

The Police Commission should:

• undertake studies and analyses to assess the quality of the Department's corruption controls;
• insure that the Department has effective methods for receiving and recording corruption allegations and assuring the confidentiality of complainants and witnesses;
• insure that the Department performs regular and effective corruption trend analyses that are used to identify areas for self-initiated investigations;
• assess the quality of investigative resources and personnel, and insure that the Department employs effective methods and management in conducting corruption investigations;
• insure that the Department consistently uses pro-active investigatory techniques and no longer relies on a reactive investigative system that narrowly focuses corruption investigations on isolated complaints and individual officers;
• insure that the Department has successful intelligence-gathering systems in place, such as effective undercover, field associate, and integrity testing programs;
• evaluate Department policy concerning command accountability and supervision, including levels and quality of first-line supervision, training of supervisors and integrity history in determining assignments and promotions;
• insure the Department involves field commanders, supervisors, and integrity control officers in corruption investigations and enlists their assistance;
• insure that the Department successfully enforces a system of command accountability;
• insure that Internal Affairs maintains a productive liaison with field commanders about corruption hazards and corruption prevention within their commands;
• require the Department to produce reports on police corruption and corruption trends including, analysis of the number of complaints investigated and the disposition of those complaints, the number of arrests and referrals for prosecution, and the number of Department disciplinary proceedings and the sanctions imposed; and
• conduct performance tests and inspections of the Department's anti-corruption units and programs to guarantee that the Department continually enhances its capacity to police itself.

Monitoring Cultural Conditions

The Police Commission should:

• undertake studies and analyses of the impact of police culture on matters of integrity;
• insure that the Department acknowledges and makes efforts to reform the conditions and attitudes that nurture and perpetuate corruption;
• assess the effectiveness of recruit education, integrity training, field training operations, in-service training programs, and the integrity standards set by supervisors;
• insure that the Department works to eliminate corruption tolerance and the code of silence;
• evaluate the Department's efforts to overcome police attitudes that isolate them from the public and often create the appearance of a hostile and corrupt police force;
• evaluate Department efforts to pursue and uncover brutality and other civil rights violations and their connection to corruption;
• investigate whether the Department routinely assigns officers with discipline problems to only certain commands within the Department, such as high-crime, minority precincts;
• evaluate the effectiveness of the Department's drug and alcohol abuse policies, prevention treatment, and detection efforts; and
• maintain liaison with community groups and precinct community councils to provide the Department with input from the public about their perception of police corruption and to obtain information for the Commission's recommendations for reform.

Monitoring Corruption Trends

The Police Commission should:

• identify through intelligence sources and integrity tests patterns of corruption and corruption-prone officers and commands;
• evaluate and report to the Department the extent of complicity in detected police corruption among fellow officers and supervisors, either by their participation in corrupt acts or by their silence; and
• conduct any investigation or inquiry into corruption or corruption-related issues as requested by the Mayor or Police Commissioner.

Conclusion

The consequences of police corruption are devastating for our police officers, our government, and our society. When charges of corruption are levelled at the police, we as a society are justifiably alarmed and become cynical about the rule of law. And rightly so. With crime uppermost on the minds of citizens today, we look to our police more than ever as our primary protectors. When the integrity and commitment of the police are called into question, the community is doubly harmed. When police credibility is tarnished, officers' ability to enforce the law is hampered on the streets and in the courtrooms. Cooperation and mutual respect between the public and the police are vital to effective law enforcement. When that erodes, so too does the Department's ability to fight crime. A foundation of our criminal justice system thus begins to crumble.

The community is further harmed because we lose the peace of mind we depend on law enforcement to provide, especially when crime and violence are rampant. When we learn that police officers are more interested in profiting from the community than protecting it, our confidence in the Department's ability to protect us understandably wanes.

And so it is incumbent on the public to continue to demand that the Department and our elected officials do everything necessary to insure the integrity of our police. The creation of a permanent independent police monitor will fulfill that responsibility.

But it is still the Department's vast majority of honest and dedicated officers who have the greatest incentive -- and ability -- to insure the Department's lasting integrity. It is they who know where corruption might exist; it is they who suffer the most immediate consequences of their colleagues' corruption; and it is they who can best help uproot it. For these reasons, the honest officer, most of all, must work to stop corruption or be prepared to feel the quiet pain expressed by lieutenant Robert McKenna during the Commission's public hearings:

But you know what really hurts? It's when he [the honest officer] goes to pick up his kids from school. Because parents talk, kids listen; they're at school, they talk among themselves. A little kid comes in, he sits in the back seat. He's got bright eyes and he looks at his Daddy. He says, 'Daddy, do you steal money?' The cop's stomach tightens. Some cops cry silently. Others just wish it was a bad dream, and it'll go away.


It is the Commission's hope, and belief, that this Report's findings and recommendations will put an end to that bad dream for the people of our City, for our police officers, and for our children -- both today and in generations to come.
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Re: The City of New York: Commission to Investigate Allegati

Postby admin » Sun Jul 13, 2014 4:01 am

APPENDIX

Exhibit One


Executive Order No. 42 issued by The Honorable David N. Dinkins. Mayor of the City of New York, on July 24, 1992, Appointing the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Police Corruption and the Anti-Corruption Procedures of the New York City Police Department

Exhibit Two

Opening Statement by The Honorable Milton Mollen, Commission Public Hearings, September 27, 1993

Exhibit Three

Mid-Hearings Statement by The Honorable Milton Mollen. Commission Public Hearings, October 4, 1993

Exhibit Four

Exhibits presented at the Commission Public Hearings, September 27, 1993 through October 7, 1993

Exhibit Five

Letter dated December 27, 1993 to Mayor David N. Dinkins from The Honorable Milton Mollen

Exhibit Six

Commission's Interim Report and Principal Recommendations, dated December 27, 1993

Exhibit Seven

New York City Police Department, Map of Patrol Precincts

Exhibit Eight

The Failure to Apprehend Michael Dowd: The Dowd Case Revisited

• The Failure to Apprehend Michael Dowd
• Sergeant Trimboli and the Brooklyn North FIAU
• Trimboli and the 75th Precinct
• The R&T Grocery Store Robbery
• Corruption in the 75th Precinct
• The Trimboli Investigation
• The Pro-Active Plan
• The 79th Precinct Investigation
• The Yurkiw Investigation
• Final Developments
• Comments

EXHIBIT ONE

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THE CITY OF NEW YORK OFFICE OF THE MAYOR NEW YORK, N. Y. 10007

EXECUTIVE ORDER NO. 42

July 24, 1992

COMMISSION TO INVESTIGATE ALLEGATIONS OF POLICE CORRUPTION AND THE ANTI -CORRUPTION PROCEDURES OF THE POLICE DEPARTMENT

WHEREAS, an honest and efficient police force is essential to the well-being of the City and the implementation of the Police Department's innovative community policing strategies; and

WHEREAS, during the next two years the Safe Streets, Safe City Program will add more than two thousand officers to the Police Department of the City of New York, most of whom will be assigned to patrol the streets of the City; and

WHEREAS, allegations of corruption have been made against some members of the Police Department, and the effectiveness of the practices, procedures and methods used by the Police Department to prevent and detect misconduct and to maintain integrity have been questioned; and

WHEREAS, an investigation by the Police Department of those allegations would be subject to question by the public; and

WHEREAS, the misdeeds of a few must not be allowed to sully or taint the reputations and sacrifices of the vast majority of honest and dedicated men and women who serve on the police force;

NOW, THEREFORE, by the power vested in me as Mayor of the City of New York, it is hereby ordered:

Section 1. Establishment of Commission. There is hereby established a Commission to (1) inquire into and evaluate the existing

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practices, procedures and methods for investigating specific allegations of corruption and the existing practices, procedures and methods designed to prevent corruption and maintain integrity; (2) recommend improvements in these practices, procedures and methods and make any additional recommendations that will ensure the integrity of the Police Department and prevent corruption; (3) take evidence and hold whatever hearings, public and private, the Commission may deem appropriate to ascertain the necessary facts.

Section 2. Members. The Commission shall consist of the following persons, who shall serve without compensation, and who are hereby appointed as members thereof: Milton Mollen, Chairperson; Harold Baer, Jr. [1]; Herbert Evans; Roderick C. Lankler; and Harold Tyler.

Section 3. Powers. (a) The Commission, its Chair and such agents as the Chair shall designate, shall have all powers necessary to conduct as complete an investigation as it finds necessary, including but not limited to the powers to administer oaths and affirmations, to examine witnesses in public or private hearings, to receive evidence and to preside at or conduct such hearings and investigations.

(b) The Commission, its Chair and such agents as the Chair shall designate shall be designated by the Commissioner of Investigation as agents of the Department of Investigation, pursuant to Section 805 of the City Charter, with all powers to conduct investigations as provided therein.

(c) The Chair of the Commission shall be appointed a Deputy Commissioner of Investigation, pursuant to Section 802 of the City Charter, with all powers pertaining to that office, including but not limited to those specified in Section 805(a) of the City Charter.

(d) The Commission may also cooperate with any criminal investigation, as may become necessary, pursuant to its powers under this Order.

(e) Within the scope of the general responsibility of the Commission set forth in Section 1 of this Order, the Commission shall have authority to examine and copy any document or other record.
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Notes:

1. Upon his retirement as a Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of New York.

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prepared, maintained or held by the Police Department of the City of New York, and any other agency of the City, except those documents or other records which cannot be so disclosed according to law.

(f) The Commission shall have authority to require any member of the uniformed force or any other officer or employee or any former member of the uniformed force or any other former officer or employee of the Police Department of the City of New York or of any other agency of the City to attend an examination or hearing concerning any matter related to the performance of his or her official duties, and to require any person dealing with, or who has dealt with, the Police Department of the City of New York or its officers and employees to attend any examination or hearing concerning such dealings, and to require any person who has or may have knowledge relating to any matter within the jurisdiction of the Commission to attend any examination or hearing concerning such matter. If any member of the uniformed force or any other officer or employee of the Police Department of the City of New York or of any other agency of the City, or any person dealing with the Police Department of the City of New York declines to answer any question which is put to him or her, the Commission shall have the authority to advise the person that neither his nor her answer nor any information or evidence derived therefrom will be used against him or her in a subsequent criminal prosecution other than for perjury arising from such testimony. The refusal of any member of the uniformed force or any other officer or employee of the Police Department of the City of New York or of any other agency of the City of New York to answer questions on the condition described in this paragraph shall constitute cause for removal from office or employment, or other appropriate penalty. The refusal of any person dealing with the Police Department of the City of New York to answer questions on the condition described in this paragraph shall, pursuant to the appropriate provision of any contract, constitute cause for cancellation or termination of such contract with the Police Department of the City of New York or the City and its agencies that said person or any firm, partnership or corporation of which he or she is a member, partner, director or officer has entered into. The Police Department of the City of New York and the City and its agencies shall not incur any penalty or damages because of such cancellation or termination.

Section 4. Cooperation with Investigation. (a) Pursuant to my power as Mayor all heads of departments or agencies of the City shall make every reasonable effort to insure the full cooperation of all persons employed or supervised by them with investigations or inquiries conducted by the Commission.

***

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(b) All departments or agencies of the City shall make available to the Commission such facilities, services, personnel and other assistance as may be necessary for the conduct of its investigations.

(c) All departments or agencies of the City shall provide to the Commission upon request any and all documents, records, reports, files or other information relating to any matter within the jurisdiction of tile Commission, except such documents as cannot be so disclosed according to law. To insure full availability of such documents, records, reports, files or other information to the Commission, all City departments and agencies shall make and retain copies of any documents, records, reports, files or other information provided to state or federal prosecutors, or other investigative bodies, pursuant to subpoena or otherwise.

(d) All officers and employees of the City shall cooperate fully with the Commission. Interference with or obstruction of the Commission's investigations or other functions shall constitute cause for removal from office or employment, or other appropriate penalty.

(e) All officers and employees of the City shall have the affirmative obligation to report, directly and without undue delay, to the Commission, any and all information concerning conduct which they know or should reasonably know to involve corrupt or other criminal activity (i) by any member of the uniformed force or any other officer or employee of the Police Department, which concerns his or her office or employment, or (ii) by persons dealing with the Police Department, which concerns their dealing with the Department, and shall proceed in accordance with the Commission's directions. The knowing failure of any officer or employee to so report shall constitute cause for removal from office or employment, or other appropriate penalty.

(f) The obligation to report information regarding corruption or criminal activity to the Commission shall be in addition to the reporting obligations imposed on City officers and employees to report such information to the Department of Investigation, pursuant to Executive Order No. 105, dated December 20, 1986.

Section 5. Construction with Other Laws. Nothing in this Order shall he construed to limit the powers and duties of any department or agency under the City Charter or as otherwise provided by law.

***

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page -5-

Section 6. Effective Date. This order shall take effect immediately.

David N. Dinkins
MAYOR
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Re: The City of New York: Commission to Investigate Allegati

Postby admin » Sun Jul 13, 2014 4:09 am

EXHIBIT TWO

THE CITY OF NEW YORK COMMISSION TO INVESTIGATE ALLEGED POLICE CORRUPTION

17 BATTERY PLACE, NEW YORK, NY 10004 (212) 487-7350 FAX 487-7361

MILTON MOLLEN, CHAIR
HAROLD BAER, JR.
HERBERT EVANS
RODERICK C. LANKLER
HAROLD TYLER

JOSEPH P. ARMAO, CHIEF COUNSEL

Opening Statement by Judge Milton Mollen, Chair at Public Hearings

Monday, September 27, 1993

On August 3, 1972, the Knapp Commission published the first installment of its final report. In describing the momentum for Police Department reform that existed at the time, that Commission issued a prescient challenge to future generations:

"The present situation is quite like that existing at the close of previous investigations. A considerable momentum for reform has been generated, but not enough time has elapsed to reverse attitudes that have been solidifying for many years in the minds of both the police and the public. After previous investigations, the momentum was allowed to evaporate.

The question now is: Will history repeat itself? Or does the society finally realize that police corruption is a problem that must be dealt with and not just talked about once every twenty years?"


Unfortunately, almost precisely twenty years later, it has become clear that the Police Department is still grappling with the corruption problem. On the basis of information brought to his attention, Mayor Dinkins found it essential, in the public interest, to appoint this Commission, with a mandate to ascertain the extent of corruption and to determine and recommend the best means to deal with it most effectively.

For over a century, the history of police corruption investigations in New York has run in twenty-year cycles of scandal, reform, backslide, and fresh scandal. Despite what some cynics may say, we believe that this cycle is not inevitable, and should not, and cannot be accepted as inevitable. While it is imperative that we learn from history, we must be determined not to repeat its mistakes. Although no commission could hope to totally eliminate corruption among police -- or I should point out, in any other profession or occupation -- much can be done to deal more effectively with the problem.

For the last twelve months, the Commission and its staff have studied thousands of documents and interviewed hundreds of police and civilian witnesses in an effort to analyze the nature and causes of the corruption problem facing the Department in the past, the procedures the Department uses to combat it, and recommendations for lasting improvement in those procedures. The purpose of these hearings is to present our findings to the public. Thereafter, we will present a report with our recommendations to Mayor Dinkins and the public.

It is of critical importance that the public be made aware of the corruption hazards which confront the Police Department, its managers, its officers, and the citizens of New York City.

The Police Department is not a private business. It is a public trust that must always remain accountable to the public it is sworn to serve and protect. For most of us, a police officer is the law and a symbol of justice. In a civilized society, it is imperative that the members of the public have confidence and faith in the integrity of the members of the Police Department. As a society, we have given the police officer special powers, not the least of which is the power to arrest and deprive someone of his liberty. Everyday, we allow our police to judge our conduct as citizens and, consequently, we citizens expect their conduct to adhere to the highest standards. When charges of corruption are levelled at the police, the public has a right to be alarmed and to demand an accounting and a solution. That is what this Commission, through its hearings and final report, intends to provide. We hope that by focusing the public's attention on the nature and causes of corruption and on the Department's performance in addressing the problem, the public will give its support to official action taken to insure a lasting remedy to the problem.

For its part, the public owes an obligation of respect and support for the police. Despite recent revelations of police corruption, this Commission can confidently report that each day throughout the year the vast majority of police officers throughout this city perform one of society's most important, sensitive and dangerous jobs with efficiency and integrity. The public can also be reassured by the fact that Police Commissioner Ray Kelly has focused a great deal of his time and attention on addressing problems of corruption and discipline within the Department. Since the publication of his report on the Michael Dowd investigation, the Commissioner has implemented a number of important reforms that, we expect, will strengthen the Department's corruption controls. He is to be commended for his diligence and commitment to improvement. We believe that the Commission's public hearings and recommendations will provide the Commissioner with further impetus and guidance in continuing his campaign of reform and will encourage the public to support him in putting his reforms into effect.

However, as the Commissioner noted in his Dowd report, this Commission's mandate is to provide a broader analysis of corruption-related problems than the Police Department has provided so far. To that end, the Commission divided its work into three phases: an investigation of the nature and causes of corruption as they exist today, an analysis of the Police Department's systems for detecting, rooting out and preventing corruption, and a formulation of recommendations to remedy the problems that our investigations and analysis have disclosed.
These hearings, accordingly, will be divided into three segments. The first segment will focus on the nature and causes of police corruption and the failure of the Department during past years to aggressively investigate and prevent it. You will hear testimony from a number of former and current police officers, and others who, for the first time, will publicly disclose the full extent of their experiences and knowledge of the kinds and causes of corruption that afflict the Department and the Department's inability to deal with the problem effectively. The witnesses will relate their individual experiences and observations in matters of police corruption and corruption investigations. The Commission has selected these witnesses to appear at this hearing not solely to focus the public's attention on their individual experiences, but because their individual experiences illustrate the broader issues of corruption and corruption control that confront the Department.

The second segment will address the failure of the Department's anti-corruption controls in past years. You will hear testimony from former and current police officers who have served the Department as internal affairs investigators, as supervisors, and as integrity training instructors. These officers have made the courageous decision to come forward to reveal for the first time their insider's view of the failures of the Department's anticorruption controls and their judgment about why such conditions were allowed to exist.
These officers, who, in the public interest, are demonstrating great moral courage, should be highly commended by the Police Commissioner, by the vast majority of police officers who are honest and incorruptible, and by the public at large, for stepping forward and breaching the traditional blue wall of silence.

The third segment will present recommendations for reform and more effective means of combatting corruption. The Commission unequivocally believes that the prime responsibility for insuring the integrity of the police rests unconditionally with the Department and its Commissioner who must retain the ultimate authority in order to be effective. The Department must remain responsible for keeping its own house in order but, at the same time, with that responsibility comes a total obligation to the public to perform its job honestly and efficiently. Thus, institutional reforms necessary to keep the Department's corruption controls ever-vigilant and accountable to the public will be the focus of the third segment. Furthermore, the Commission, on the basis of its investigation and analysis, has concluded that in order to assure the effectiveness and long duration of the reforms in combatting corruption instituted by Commission Kelly, as well as the additional steps he may take as a result of these hearings, thought must be given, by the Mayor and the public, as to the necessity for some form of outside independent oversight of the effectiveness of the Department's efforts in deterring and combatting corruption within the Department. Such outside entity may take one of several forms. Toward that end, we have examined the necessity for a dual track approach, namely, improved effectiveness of internal policing within the Department on the one hand, and, on the other hand, an independent outside entity. We will hear testimony from a variety of people including former and current law enforcement officers, public officials and academic experts who will present their recommendations as to the best means to ensure that the Department's internal corruption controls become and remain effective for the long haul and do not again fall victim to the Department's historical enemies of backslide and scandal.

At the outset, I must provide a word of caution. The Commission's investigations and analysis were not primarily aimed at disclosing individual acts of wrongdoing or proving the guilt of individual police officers. In fact, one of our fundamental findings is that the problem of police corruption will not be solved solely by focusing exclusively on individual acts of wrongdoing. Nonetheless, particularly during the first segment, you will hear about crimes and acts of corruption committed by police officers. Though this evidence may arouse your concern, as it should, it by no means reflects the state of the Department as a whole. Quite the contrary. Our inquiries have shown that the New York City Police Department is one of the most honest and effective police forces in the world. The public and the media must not lose sight of that fact as the testimony unfolds. These hearings are not meant to be an indictment of the Department as a whole, but an exposition of the nature and causes of a Department problem that is a necessary step toward laying the groundwork for successful remedies to overcome the kind of problem we face.

When these hearings conclude, the Commission's work will continue. The evidence you will hear over the next several days will be presented in greater detail in the Commission's final report which is now in preparation and will be released as soon as it is ready.

But for now, as you listen to the evidence presented at these hearings, I ask you to keep in mind a fundamental point. Police corruption is a problem that cannot be solved exclusively by investigations and prosecutions that temporarily attract the public's attention through newspaper headlines. It is a condition that must be addressed on all fronts and in the daily operations of the Police Department: through appropriate recruiting, effective training, supervision, strict internal audits and procedures, effective corruption detection techniques, management accountability, public accountability, and most important, an unflagging commitment within the Department to deal with the problem of corruption candidly and effectively. That is the challenge that confronts the Police Department and the public -- to devise a system of corruption control that will operate with vigilance, commitment, and public accountability, not only when public attention has focused on the problem of police corruption as it has during the past year, but with constant vigor, well after ephemeral pressure for reform has faded away.

This Commission's best hope is that the result of its work will give a final answer to the questions asked by the Knapp Commission twenty years ago, so that twenty years from now a new police corruption commission will not be asked to ponder the same questions.
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Re: The City of New York: Commission to Investigate Allegati

Postby admin » Sun Jul 13, 2014 4:15 am

EXHIBIT THREE

THE CITY OF NEW YORK COMMISSION TO INVESTIGATE ALLEGED POLICE CORRUPTION

17 BATTERY PLACE, NEW YORK, NY 10004 (212) 487-7350 FAX 487-7361

MILTON MOLLEN, CHAIR
HAROLD BAER, JR.
HERBERT EVANS
RODERICK C. LANKLER
HAROLD TYLER

JOSEPH P. ARMAO, CHIEF COUNSEL

Opening Statement by Judge Milton Mollen, Chair at Public Hearings

Monday, October 4, 1993

For four days, the Commission has presented its evidence of the nature and causes of police corruption through the testimony of police officers who committed corrupt acts and honest police investigators who were frustrated in their attempts to root it out. We have learned from the evidence that the type of police corruption we face today has changed from the type of corruption that existed in the days of the Knapp Commission. We can take heart from the fact that the Commission has found no evidence that the systemic and highly organized bribery "pads" of the 1970s and earlier years persist today. Nonetheless, it is distressing when we hear that the form police corruption takes today exhibits a truly invidious character: police officers associating with and profiting from drug traffickers, committing robberies, larceny, perjury, conducting warrantless searches and seizures, and assaulting citizens. Moreover, the evidence shows that these officers committed their crimes repeatedly and, most distressingly with impunity. It is clear that the consequences of police corruption reach beyond the individual act of wrongdoing to undermine the confidence of the public in its police force and the safety and reputation of the overwhelming majority of police officers who are honest.

Police corruption undoubtedly plays a role in encouraging the process of juror nullification, whereby juries refuse to convict defendants, who in many instances are truly guilty, because the jurors doubt the credibility of police officers. Public confidence and faith in the integrity of police officers is imperative if community policing is to be effective in deterring crime and in aiding in the apprehension of criminals.

Thus the evidence set forth in the first part of these hearings inevitably leads to the central question of this next segment of our hearings: why did the Department's corruption controls fail to prevent and apprehend police officers who broke the law?

We have heard the answer to this important question suggested by some of the witnesses we have already heard. Over a long period of time the Department's commitment and capacity to prevent, detect, and prosecute police corruption has seriously eroded. In arriving at this unhappy conclusion, the Commission has spent considerable time and effort in analyzing the systems and procedures the Department has used since the time of the Knapp Commission to foster integrity and investigate corruption, and in assessing the Department's commitment to insure that its system of corruption control functioned effectively. These sessions will be devoted to presenting these findings to the public.

I ask the Commission's Chief Counsel to call the next witness.
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Re: The City of New York: Commission to Investigate Allegati

Postby admin » Sun Jul 13, 2014 4:53 am

EXHIBIT FOUR

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'86-0449 -- Officer Dowd and partner steal money from drug dealers, prisoners, and deceased persons
'86-0039 -- Officer Dowd and other officers used excessive force against a prisoner
'87 -2608 -- 75th Precinct Police Officers frequent a drug location
'87-2712 -- Officer Dowd and partner accept $8,000 per week from drug dealers
'87-2525 -- 75th Precinct Police Officers drink and use drugs in "Auto Sound City"
'88-0094 -- Officer Dowd deals drugs
'88-1396 - Armed robbery of R&T grocery store
'88-966 -- F.I.A.U. self-generated case into precinct-wide corruption within the 75th precinct
'88-1554 -- Officer Dowd's P.B.A. card recovered from known criminal
'88-2352 -- 75th Precinct Police Officers purchase and sell drugs
'88-2060 -- Dowd's former partner sells drugs
'89-2385 -- Former police officer alleges that several 75th Precinct Police Officers engage in drug use and other forms of corruption
'89-2617 -- D.E.T.F. Informant alleges that he observed Officer Dowd use drugs
'91-2456 -- Federal informants allege that Officer Dowd worked for a drug ring
'91-2126 -- Officer Dowd and partner accepted liquor from bar owner
'92-0522 -- Suffolk County drug ring

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NYPD EVALUATION OF MICHAEL DOWD, 1987 (75TH PRECINCT)
RATER COMMENTS: This officer has excellent street knowledge: relates well with his peers and is empathetic to the community. This officer could excel within the New York City Police Department and easily become a role model for others to emulate if he maximized his inner drive to fulfill job responsibilities to the fullest. Must improve attendance and arrest activity. Good career potential.

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9TH PRECINCT POLICE CORRUPTION NETWORK INVESTIGATION
MARCH 25: Mr. X contacts MS/FIAU about police corruption network and barbecue MARCH 28: High level meeting at IAD with MS/FIAU
APRIL 3: IAD closes 9th precinct case as unsubstantiated
MAY 13: Buy #1: Mr. X buys drugs from P.O. Brown
JUNE 4: Buy #2: Mr. X buys drugs from P.O. Brown
JUNE 14: Buy #3/Arrest: Mr. X buys drugs from P.O. Brown and P.O. Brown arrested
22 DAYS LATER
JULY 6: Barbecue Scheduled Cancelled After Arrest

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9TH PRECINCT CORRUPTION NETWORK CASE

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IAD INVESTIGATOR SURVEY
QUESTION : Do you believe the NYPD is committed to aggressively identifying and rooting out corruption?
54% responded "NO" or "unclear"
COMMENTS: "Politically sensitive cases were not always as aggressively pursued."
QUESTION: Are you so overloaded with work that you do not have sufficient time to devote to serious corruption cases?
61% responded "NO"
COMMENTS: "You must be kidding with me!!"
"I should have taken a typing course."
"In fact, I hardly work. You must understand, a detective here is not used as a detective should be used."
QUESTION: What portion of your time is spent doing:
• Investigation related activity in the field: 16%
• Investigation related activity in the building: 37%
• Non-investigation related activity: 46%
• Did not respond to the question: 1%
QUESTION: Have you ever felt that you were discouraged from fully investigating allegations of corruption?
73% responded "OFTEN" or "SOMETIMES"
COMMENTS: "Depending on the supervisor and if he would rather settle for 'white socks' or if he wants to go all the way to the serious part of the allegation."
"I've been told, 'Let's get what we came for, nothing else.'"

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TICKLER FILE CASE
DANIEL F. SULLIVAN, Chief of Inspectional Services
Chief Beatty: Bob -- Don't enter this one in any records until later. Assign to whoever you think is best fit to handle it. -- D.S.

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IAD ORGANIZATIONAL CHART

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LIFE OF A CORRUPTION ALLEGATION ("C CASE)

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Of approximately 2,700 police corruption allegations filed with the N.Y.P.D. on average each year:
ASSIGNED TO FIAU: 95%
RETAINED BY IAD: 5%
Of the 5% retained by IAD from 1988-1991 approximately 30% are minor misconduct /abuse of department regulations including:
• Free pizza
• Off-post
• Personal use of department vehicle
• Misusing police parking
permit to avoid paying tolls
• Off -duty employment as security guard
• Working out while on duty
• Drinking on duty
• Sleeping on duty
• Spends time in restaurant on duty

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IAD & FIAU TOTAL CORRUPTION CASES/INVESTIGATORS 1988-1992 AVERAGE

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IAD & FIAU TOTAL OPEN CORRUPTION CASES/INVESTIGATORS UNDERLOAD vs. OVERLOAD

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IAD CASE DISPOSITIONS, 5 YEAR AVERAGE 1988-1992

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IAD AND FIAU TOTAL OPEN CORRUPTION CASES/BACKLOG

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FIAU CASE DISPOSITIONS, 4 YEAR AVERAGE 1988-1991

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% OF "ABUSE OF DEPARTMENT REGULATIONS" CASES RETAINED BY IAD
Oversight Commission established (mid 1992), 40% decline in abuse of Department Regulation cases from 4 year average (1988-1991)

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POLICE CORRUPTION & FORCE ALLEGATIONS
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Re: The City of New York: Commission to Investigate Allegati

Postby admin » Sun Jul 13, 2014 5:09 am

EXHIBIT FIVE

THE CITY OF NEW YORK COMMISSION TO INVESTIGATE ALLEGED POLICE CORRUPTION

17 BATTERY PLACE, NEW YORK, NY 10004 (212) 487-7350 FAX 487-7361

MILTON MOLLEN, CHAIR
HAROLD BAER, JR.
HERBERT EVANS
RODERICK C. LANKLER
HAROLD TYLER

JOSEPH P. ARMAO, CHIEF COUNSEL

December 27, 1993

Honorable David N. Dinkins
Mayor
City Hall
New York, New York

Dear Mr. Mayor:

I am herewith submitting the Interim Report and Recommendations of the Commission To Investigate Allegations of Police Corruption and the Anti-Corruption Procedures of the Police Department which you created by Executive Order No. 42 on July 24, 1992. This Interim Report reflects the preliminary findings and recommendations of the Commission.

I take this opportunity to thank you, on behalf of my colleagues, my staff, and myself for the opportunity to serve you and our City in a matter of such great importance as the integrity of our Police Department. We appreciate your constant support and the total independence you provided us throughout the course of our investigation.

I am also pleased to note that, in accordance with your suggestion, we have had fruitful discussions with Mayor-elect Rudolph W. Giuliani, and we anticipate that positive and permanent remedial measures will be undertaken by the Mayor-elect to deal effectively with this serious problem.

Again, I convey our thanks and appreciation and our best wishes for your success and happiness in your future endeavors.

Sincerely,

Milton Mollen
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Re: The City of New York: Commission to Investigate Allegati

Postby admin » Sun Jul 13, 2014 5:45 am

EXHIBIT SIX

Commission To Investigate Allegations Of Police Corruption And The Anti-Corruption Procedures Of The New York City Police Department

Interim Report And Principal Recommendations

Milton Mollen, Chair
Harold Baer, Jr.
Herbert Evans
Roderick C. Lankier
Harold Tyler

Joseph P. Armao, Chief Counsel
Leslie U. Cornfeld, Deputy Chief Counsel

December 27, 1993

INTERIM REPORT AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Table of Contents:


• Preface
• I. The State of Police Corruption
o The Nature and Extent of Police Corruption: An Overview
o Police Culture
o Forms of Corruption
 Narcotics-Related Corruption
 Police Violence
 Perjury, False Statements and Records
• II. The Failures of the Department's Corruption Controls
o The Department Abandoned Its Responsibility to Ensure Integrity
o The Department Failed to Address Aspects of Police Culture That Foster Corruption
o The Department Had a Fragmented Approach to Corruption Control
o The System of "Command Accountability" Collapsed
o The Department Allowed the FIAUs to Collapse
o The Internal Affairs Division Abandoned Its Mission
o The Department Used a Badly Flawed Investigative Approach for Police Corruption
o Corruption Cases Were Concealed
o The Department's Intelligence Gathering Efforts Were Flawed
o Supervision Was Diluted and Ineffective
o Recruit and In-Service Integrity Training Was Neglected
o Effective Deterrence Was Absent
o Drug and Alcohol Abuse Policies Were Ineffective
• III. Principal Recommendations
o The External Monitor
• Conclusion

INTERIM REPORT AND PRINCIPAL RECOMMENDATIONS

Preface


For the past century, police corruption inquiries into the New York City Police Department have run in twenty-year cycles of scandal, reform, backslide, and fresh scandal. The creation of this Commission followed the same historical pattern.

In May 1992, six New York City police officers assigned to two different Brooklyn precincts were arrested not by the New York City Police Department's Internal Affairs Division ("IAD"), but by Suffolk County Police. The officers were charged with narcotics crimes that arose from their association with a drug ring in Suffolk County.

Shortly thereafter, the press disclosed that one of the arrested officers, Michael Dowd, had been the subject of fifteen corruption allegations received by the New York City Police Department over a period spanning six years -- and that not a single allegation ever had been proven by the Department, despite substantial evidence that Dowd regularly and openly engaged in serious criminal conduct. Questions arose as to whether Dowd was an aberration or whether corruption had once again become a serious problem within the Department, and whether the Department was able and willing to police itself.

In July 1992, Mayor David N. Dinkins responded by establishing this Commission and assigning it three tasks of deep public concern: to investigate the nature and extent of corruption in the Department; to evaluate the Department's procedures for preventing and detecting corruption; and to recommend changes and improvements in those procedures.

In September 1992, with a twenty-person staff of attorneys and investigators, the Commission began its work. We embarked upon a wide-ranging investigation to determine whether the corruption of Michael Dowd and the Department's failure to apprehend him illustrated deeper problems about police corruption and culture, and about the Department's competence and commitment to control corruption.

To carry out our mandate, the Commission sought information from a wide variety of sources. We reviewed thousands of Department documents and case files; conducted hundreds of private hearings and interviews of former and current police officers of all ranks; audited, investigated, and conducted performance tests of the principal components of the Department's anti-corruption systems; analyzed hundreds of investigative and personnel files; interviewed private citizens, alleged victims of corruption, and criminal informants; conducted an extensive literature review on police corruption and prevention; and held a series of roundtable discussions and other meetings with a variety of police management and corruption experts including local, state and federal law enforcement officials, prosecutors, former and current police chiefs and commissioners, inspectors general, academics, and police union officials.

The Commission also initiated a number of its own field investigations, sometimes in conjunction with local and federal prosecutors, targeting areas where our analysis suggested police corruption existed.

The Commission received invaluable assistance from numerous police officers and supervisors who agreed to act as confidential sources of information about the state of the Department's corruption controls and investigations, including IAD investigators and supervisors, and undercover and field associate officers. Nine corrupt officers, including Michael Dowd, provided the Commission with detailed information about their own and other officers' corrupt activities. A number of honest officers also provided information about corruption in their commands.

Throughout our work, we benefitted from the counsel of many people, including Mark H. Moore and David M. Kennedy of Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government, and Special Counsel Jonny J. Frank.

During the course of its investigation, the Commission developed extensive evidence about the state of police corruption in our City, the state of the Department's corruption-controls, and the Department's ability and willingness to control corruption. From September 27 through October 7, 1993, the Commission held two weeks of public hearings to present much of the information we had uncovered in the primary areas of our mandate.

***

From the beginning of our investigation, we were struck by the difference between what the Commission was uncovering about the state of corruption and corruption controls within the Department, and what the Department was publicly -- and privately -- stating about itself. The Department maintained that police corruption was not a serious problem, and consisted primarily of sporadic, isolated incidents. It also insisted that the shortcomings that had been disclosed about the Department's anti-corruption efforts reflected, at worst, insufficient resources and uncoordinated organization of internal investigations.

The Commission found that the corruption problems facing the Department are far more serious than top commanders in the Department would admit. We determined that police corruption and brutality are serious problems, and that narcotics-related corruption occurs, in varying degrees, in many high-crime, narcotics-ridden precincts in our City. We also found an anti-corruption apparatus that was totally ineffective and -- worse -- a Department that was unable and unwilling to acknowledge and uncover the scope of police corruption. As a result, the Department's anti-corruption efforts were more committed to avoiding disclosure of corruption than to preventing, detecting and uprooting it.

This institutional reluctance to acknowledge and uncover corruption is not surprising. Few organizations act otherwise. Police organizations in particular find it difficult to maintain an effective fight against corruption. It is unrealistic to expect the Department to exert a serious, effective, and sustained anti-corruption effort without outside help and oversight.

The very history of the Department lends weight to this conclusion. Despite cycles of scandal and reform spanning over a century, none has led to effective long-term remedies. The Commission is neither so naive nor optimistic to suggest that any reforms could ever entirely eliminate police corruption -- or corruption in any profession. But we are convinced that there are reforms that can permanently strengthen the Department's corruption controls, and that can help break the twenty-year cycles of scandal and reform to which the Department has been captive.

One such critical reform, which is the principal recommendation addressed in this report, is the creation of a permanent outside agency to monitor and improve the Department's capacity for preventing and pursuing corruption, and to ensure the Mayor, Police Commissioner, and the public that the Department's anti-corruption efforts do not again erode with time. Enhancing the Department's internal efforts to prevent and uncover corruption, of course, is also critical, and we will make recommendations as to how this can be done in our final report.

What follows is an interim report summarizing the Commission's findings and recommendations for external oversight. The Commission's basic findings have become sufficiently clear, its principal recommendations sufficiently well developed, and the situation in the Department and the City sufficiently serious that the Commission feels called upon to issue an interim report at this time. Detailed findings and recommendations, including evidence generated by the Commission's pending investigations, will be presented in our final report, which will be released in the coming months.

I. THE STATE OF POLICE CORRUPTION

The Nature and Extent of Police Corruption: An Overview


The corruption of Michael Dowd was not isolated or aberrational, but represents a new and serious form of corruption that exists in a number of precincts throughout our City. While the systemic and institutionalized bribery schemes that plagued the Department a generation ago no longer exist, the prevalent forms of police corruption today exhibit an even more invidious and violent character: police officers assisting and profiting from drug traffickers, committing larceny, burglary, and robbery, conducting warrantless searches and seizures, committing perjury and falsifying statements, and brutally assaulting citizens. [1] This corruption is characterized by abuse and extortion, rather than by accommodation -- principally through bribery -- typical of traditional police corruption.

Simply put, twenty years ago police officers took bribes to accommodate criminals -- primarily bookmakers; today's corrupt cop often is the criminal. Because of its aggressive and extortionate character, this form of corruption is particularly destructive to relations between the police and the public -- which is especially troubling as the Department expands the practice of community policing.

The vast majority of police officers throughout our City do not engage in corruption. They are honest, hard-working men and women who perform difficult and dangerous duties each day with efficiency and integrity, doing their best to protect the people of our City. The horror many officers expressed at the revelations of the Commission's hearings was heartfelt and sincere.

Nonetheless, the Commission determined that corruption, particularly narcotics-related corruption, exists in varying degrees in many high-crime, drug-infested precincts in the City. This is based on the consistent and repeated results of the Commission's investigations; on information from sources within and without the Department; and on our analysis of patterns of corruption complaints. This corruption is not limited to the isolated acts of a few rogue cops, as some have maintained. It is typically committed by groups of police officers assigned to the same command who commit crimes under color of law; through the abuse, and with the protection of their police powers; and often in the shelter of their fellow officers' silence.

Nor is corruption limited to spontaneous crimes of opportunity, as many believe. Corrupt officers create their own opportunities for corruption. They aggressively seek out sources of money, drugs and guns, and often employ sophisticated and organized methods to carry out their criminal activities.

The Commission also found that the most serious and abusive corruption is endemic to crime-ridden, narcotics-infested precincts with predominantly minority populations. These communities are thus doubly victimized: by active trafficking in drugs and guns by the police themselves; and by being denied the police protection and service they so badly need.

Victims of police corruption are often reluctant to complain to the Department, which makes it difficult to uncover, investigate and determine the extent of corruption. This difficulty is augmented by other factors which make police corruption particularly difficult to uncover and investigate, including corruption's often covert and sophisticated nature, and the close ties of loyalty among the officers who perpetrate or witness it.

The Commission found no evidence that this corruption reached high into the Department, or that supervisors were actively and directly involved. Some supervisors do, however, appear to condone perjury, falsification of police records, and acts of brutality. They also facilitate corruption by often closing their eyes to corruption in their commands. Some supervisors knew or should have known about corruption and failed to take the actions necessary to stop it. But even supervisors committed to fighting corruption could not always do so. The Department failed to give supervisors the tools or incentives required to fight corruption effectively, and supervision was notably sparse and ineffective in most precincts where corruption flourished.

Finally, the traditional idea that police corruption is primarily about illicit profit no longer fully reflects what the Commission found on the streets of New York. While greed is still the primary cause of corruption, a complex array of other motivations also spurs corrupt officers: to exercise power; to experience thrills; to vent frustration and hostility; to administer street justice; and to win acceptance from fellow officers. Officers stole guns and drugs not only for profit, but in some instances to show their power, express their frustrations and impose their brand of justice. Officers sometimes used force for legitimate self-defense reasons, but also to steal money or drugs, to teach a lesson that officers believed the courts would not provide, or simply for power and thrills.

What follows is a summary of police attitudes that foster and conceal corruption, and some of the most salient forms of corruption observed by the Commission.

Police Culture

The values and attitudes of police officers enormously influence the presence or absence of corruption and the ability to combat it. Certain tendencies promote corruption, or a tolerance for it. An intense group loyalty, fostered by pride, shared experiences, and a pervasive belief that police can rely only on other police in times of emergency, binds officers together. While loyalty and mutual trust are necessary and honorable aspects of police work, they can generate what is perhaps the greatest barrier to effective corruption control: the code of silence, the unwritten rule that an officer never gives incriminating information against a fellow officer.

The code of silence influences a vast number of police officers, even those who are otherwise honest. Officers who violate the code of silence often face severe consequences. They are ostracized and harassed; become targets of complaints and even physical threats; and fear that they will be left on their own when they most need help on the street. Consequently, many honest officers take no action to stop the wrongdoing they know or suspect is taking place around them. The code of silence also often extends to supervisors, who seek to protect their subordinates from charges of misconduct and their own careers from the taint of scandal.

Another aspect of police culture is the "Us versus them" mentality that many police display, and which is at its worst, in high-crime, predominantly minority precincts. This divisiveness makes many police officers feel isolated from, and often hostile toward, the community they are meant to serve. The Commission's inquiries show that this attitude starts as early as the police academy, where impressionable recruits learn from veteran police officers that the ordinary citizen fails to appreciate the police, and that their safety depends solely on fellow officers. This attitude is powerfully reinforced on the job. It creates strong pressures on police officers to ally themselves with fellow officers, even corrupt ones, and to disregard the interest they have in supportive, productive relationships with the communities and residents they serve.

Police unions and fraternal organizations can do much to change the attitudes of their members. Because of this, we were particularly disappointed when the Patrolmen's Benevolent Association ("P.B.A") declined our invitation to discuss this matter. Moreover, a variety of sources, including police officers and prosecutors, have reported that police unions help perpetuate the characteristics of police culture that foster corruption. In particular, the Commission learned that delegates of the P.B.A. have attempted to thwart law enforcement efforts into police corruption. Rather than acting to protect the legitimate interests of the vast majority of its honest members, the P.B.A. often acts as a shelter for officers who commit acts of misconduct.

The code of silence and the "us versus them" mentality were present wherever we found corruption. These characteristics of police culture largely explain how groups of corrupt officers, sometimes comprising almost an entire squad, can openly engage in corruption for long periods of time with impunity. Any successful system for corruption control must redirect police culture against protecting and perpetuating police corruption. It must create a culture that demands integrity and works to ensure it. The Commission believes such change is possible.

History proves that our optimism is warranted. In response to the Knapp Commission's revelations of systemic corruption and corruption tolerance, then-Commissioner Patrick V. Murphy made significant strides in transforming a culture that committed and tolerated corruption, into one that largely discouraged it. Then, as now, the Department could be divided into three camps: a few determined offenders, a few determined incorruptibles, and a large group in the middle who could be tilted either way, and who are, at the moment, tilted toward corruption tolerance. As it did twenty years ago, the Department must take a variety of steps to reverse this inclination by: emphasizing and spreading the system of "command accountability" and incentives for preventing corruption; strengthening the corruption prevention and investigations apparatus; and inculcating an ideology of pride and integrity throughout the Department.

Any successful plan for reform has to rely heavily on steps to create a culture that discourages corruption. If the culture of the Department tolerates corruption, or conceals it, no systems of prevention and investigation are likely fully to succeed. But if the culture demands integrity and works to ensure it, those systems will be more productive.

Forms of Corruption

Narcotics-Related Corruption:


The most serious corruption problems within the Department arise from the narcotics trade. The traditional unwritten rule of twenty years ago that narcotics graft is "dirty money" has disappeared. The explosion of the cocaine and crack trade that began in the 1980s provides police officers with plentiful opportunities to steal money, drugs, and other property from drug dealers who are unlikely to complain, and to associate with drug dealers who will pay handsomely for police protection.

Unlike a generation ago, when narcotics corruption was confined to units of plainclothes narcotics officers, today's narcotics corruption primarily involves the uniformed patrol force. Nonetheless, even the most elite units of the Department are not immune to narcotics corruption. For example, two detectives assigned to the New York Drug Enforcement Task Force recently pleaded guilty and were convicted of drug trafficking charges in connection with their attempt to sell narcotics lawfully seized in a large-scale narcotics investigation.

Police officers profit from the narcotics trade in a variety of ways, from petty thefts and shakedowns of street dealers to using their police powers to protect and assist large-scale drug organizations in return for sizeable payoffs. The primary forms of narcotics-related corruption we discovered -- which officers often carried out while on duty and in uniform -- include the following:

• Providing assistance and protection to narcotics organizations for payoffs, including selling confidential information, providing protection for transportation of drugs and drug money, harassing competitive dealers, and becoming active entrepreneurs in drug rackets;
• Thefts, sometimes violent, of drugs, money, and firearms from drug dealers;
• Thefts of drugs, money and property seized as evidence;
• Robberies of drug dealers;
• Burglaries of drug locations;
• Selling narcotics, which officers often obtained through theft or as payment from dealers, including sales to other officers, or dealers from whom the drugs were stolen; and
• Selling illegally seized weapons -- including sales of guns to drug dealers.

Narcotics corruption rarely involves a single police officer taking advantage of an isolated opportunity to "score" money, drugs, or both. Rather, it usually involves groups of police officers, acting with various degrees of organization, actively seeking opportunities to score from drug dealers through protection rackets, larceny, extortion, burglary, or robbery.

One Commission investigation, for example, revealed a group of ten to twelve patrol officers assigned to a Brooklyn precinct who, for at least two years, regularly broke into drug locations to steal money, drugs, and firearms. They communicated with each other by using code names over Department radios to arrange clandestine meetings and to plan their illegal raids. Once they had selected a location, they assigned each other roles to perform in the raid and later split stolen cash either in or around the stationhouse or at secret off-duty locations. Similar patterns exist in other precincts as well.

Narcotics corruption among police officers does not end with efforts to score from the drug trade. Personal drug use, especially the use of cocaine and steroids, has also become a significant problem among police officers, even those who may not otherwise engage in other kinds of wrongdoing. While the Commission continues to inquire into the extent of this problem, information from corrupt officers, honest officers, and Department health services officials indicates that the problem has grown over recent years, spurring the Department to significantly increase the frequency of random drug tests in 1993.

Police Violence:

Police corruption investigations typically ignore police violence. This Commission rejected that traditional course because we found that police violence is a serious problem confronting the Department, and may indicate an officer's willingness to engage in corruption. The traditional distinction between corruption and brutality, therefore, no longer applies. Thus any investigation of corruption would be remiss in overlooking brutality.

A number of officers have told us that they were "broken in" to the world of corruption by committing acts of brutality; it was their first step toward other kinds of corruption. A willingness to abuse people in custody or others who challenge police authority can be a way to prove that an officer is a tough cop who can be trusted and accepted by fellow officers. Brutality, like other kinds of misconduct, thus sometimes serves as a rite of initiation into aspects of police culture that foster corruption.

No one would deny that the use of force is often a necessity -- and indeed often crucial to protect an officer's life in the line of duty. We found, however, that the use of force sometimes exceeds the bounds of necessity. Some police officers use violence gratuitously: to demonstrate their preeminence on the streets; to administer on-the-spot retribution for crimes they believe will go unpunished by the courts; and for power and thrills. We also found that such behavior is widely tolerated in the Department.

The Civilian Complaint Review Board is responsible for investigating excessive force allegations. However, the Department has failed to carry out its duty to aggressively prevent and uncover acts of brutality, to hold supervisors accountable for failing to pursue signs of unnecessary violence on their watch, and to solicit information about brutality from other officers or the public.

Perjury, False Statements and Records:

Falsifying Department records and making false statements is not uncommon among certain police officers, even among those who do not engage in other kinds of misconduct. Most often, police falsifications are made to justify an unlawful arrest or search that would otherwise not survive in court, especially in cases of drug or firearms possession; to conceal other corrupt activities; or to excuse the use of excessive force.

Police officers also falsify records to inflate arrest numbers, to enhance arrest charges, to allow seizure of otherwise unseizable evidence, to increase overtime, and to defend their own conduct and the conduct of fellow officers in corruption and excessive force investigations. Superior officers often do little to deter these practices. Indeed, in at least one case, a superior officer went so far as to direct subordinates to falsify official reports for self-serving or, for what were believed to be, legitimate law enforcement purposes.

The consequence of perjury and falsification can be devastating. It can mean that defendants are unlawfully arrested and convicted, that inadmissible evidence is admitted at trial, and ultimately the public trust in even the most honest officer is eroded. This erosion of trust causes the public to disbelieve police testimony resulting in the guilty being set free after trial.

II. THE FAILURES OF THE DEPARTMENT'S CORRUPTION CONTROLS

The Commission found a deep-rooted institutional reluctance to uncover corruption in the Department. This was not surprising. Powerful forces discourage the Department from sustaining efforts to uncover corruption -- which is why an external force is needed to maintain a sense of commitment and accountability.

Police managers ask a great deal of their officers. They ask them to be alert, ready, and available to respond to whatever citizens demand from them; to be courteous and fair no matter how offensive or provocative the behavior of the citizens they encounter; and to be ever willing to face danger to protect the people of our City. Because they must ask for so much from their officers, they rightly judge that they should offer trust, support and loyalty in exchange.

Unfortunately, one of the easiest ways that the Department can show trust and support for its officers is to be less than zealous in efforts to control and uncover corruption. Pursuing corruption -- taking the complaints of citizens (even drug dealers) seriously, using tough investigative methods to determine the truth of allegations, and using pro-active measures to search out corruption -- will be perceived by some as a lack of trust and thus lower morale.

The top management of the Department also understands that revelations of corruption will be dealt with harshly in the court of public opinion. When corruption is uncovered, the press and the public invariably take it as a symptom of a larger problem and a failure of management. Thus, police commanders perceive that their careers may be harmed, and that public confidence will erode, thus jeopardizing the Department's effectiveness in fighting crime.

As a result, top management believed that it would get no reward, and pay a heavy price, for vigilance against corruption. It is no wonder that over time the Department tends to relax its vigilance, and may even throw up roadblocks to uncovering corruption.

Without constant management attention to preventing corruption, however, corrupt officers feel they can act with impunity, honest officers are more vulnerable to the code of silence, and leadership is more easily drawn to other priorities.

This appears to have happened in the Department. From the top brass down to local precinct commanders and supervisors, there was a pervasive belief that uncovering serious corruption would harm careers and the reputation of the Department. There was a debilitating fear of the embarrassment and loss of public confidence that corruption headlines would bring.

As a result, avoiding scandal became more important than fighting corruption. Daniel Sullivan, the six-year chief of the Department's anti-corruption division, testified at the Commission's public hearings that:

... the Department [was] paranoid over bad press. Everything that IAD did reflected poorly on the rest of the Department and generated bad press. So when I went up with the bad news that two cops were going to be arrested ... I felt like they wanted to shoot me because I was always the bearer of the bad news. They were interested primarily in getting good press ... there was a message that went out to the field that maybe we shouldn't be so aggressive in fighting corruption because the Department just does not want bad press.


Numerous officers expressed similar fears of exposing serious corruption.

The reluctance to uncover and effectively investigate corruption infected the entire anti-corruption apparatus, from training, supervision and command accountability to investigations and intelligence gathering. Our investigation revealed an anti-corruption system that was more likely to conceal corruption than uncover it, and a Department often more interested in the appearance of integrity than its reality. Oversight of anti-corruption efforts was virtually non-existent; intelligence gathering efforts were negligible; corruption investigations were often deliberately limited and prematurely closed; and Integrity Control Officers and supervisors were denied the tools needed to uncover corruption and, in practice, played virtually no role in corruption control efforts.

And perhaps most alarming, in a Department known for its high levels of performance, investigative ingenuity, and managerial expertise, no one seemed to care. Despite the importance of its corruption-fighting mandate, the Department allocated little of its billion-dollar-plus budget to anti-corruption efforts. Moreover, although performance in most divisions in the Department is carefully scrutinized at several levels, neither IAD nor other units or supervisors responsible for fighting corruption were held accountable for their performance.

Nor did anyone in the Department know how the Department's anti-corruption efforts had been functioning until this Commission commenced its audit and investigation of the principal components of those anti-corruption efforts. What was known was that the Department's anti-corruption systems were not working well. But that was acceptable, if not preferable: ineffectiveness minimized the likelihood of embarrassment, scandal and a perceived loss of public confidence. Totally overlooked was the public's loss of confidence in the integrity of the Department and the debilitating impact upon the Department's moral fiber.

This is precisely why the past failures of the Department's anti-corruption efforts are so important -- and illuminating. They show the inevitable consequence of leaving anticorruption efforts and oversight solely within the control of the very Department that believes it will be embarrassed and harmed by the success of those efforts.

A brief summary of our preliminary findings on these failures follows.

The Department Abandoned Its Responsibility To Ensure Integrity: The Department failed to impress upon its members that fighting corruption must be one of the Department's highest priorities. The Department devoted insufficient resources, personnel, effort, and planning to preventing and uncovering corruption. Officers of all ranks told us that the general feeling in the Department was that it was better not to know about, much less report, corruption. A "see no evil, hear no evil" mentality often governed supervisors, patrol officers, and even corruption investigators.

The Department Failed to Address Aspects of Police Culture That Foster Corruption: Despite overwhelming evidence of a widespread tolerance of corruption and violence, the Department failed to address police attitudes and practices that foster corruption, and to inculcate attitudes that discourage it. Officers and supervisors were neither encouraged nor rewarded for taking stands against corruption; nor were penalties imposed for being silent or willfully blind to corruption; and officers and supervisors were rarely held accountable for corruption about which they were, or should have been, aware.

The Department Had a Fragmented Approach To Corruption Control: Combatting police corruption requires a coherent, integrated strategy, and coordinated effort and attention on several fronts. These would include, at a minimum, intelligent recruitment; thorough training; effective supervision; strong accountability; thorough investigations; effective intelligence gathering and analysis; meaningful discipline; and vigilant oversight. The Department had no such integrated strategy, and the various parts of what should have been a coordinated system were either non-existent or unproductive.

The System of "Command Accountability" Collapsed: A prime component of the Department's capacity to prevent and uncover corruption is the principle of command accountability: that all commanders are responsible for pursuing corruption in their commands; that they will be evaluated firmly but fairly on their anti-corruption performance; and will be furnished with the tools and resources necessary to do so. In the past, field commanders had Field Internal Affairs Units ("FIAUs") to investigate corruption in their commands. The FIAUs were accountable both to the field commander and to IAD.

Only the skeleton of this system now remains. Its animating principle -- that all commanders must act, and will be held accountable for acting, against corruption -- has disappeared. There is a widespread perception among commanders and supervisors that uncovering corruption on their watch leads to punishment rather than reward.

We found a total lack of commitment to the principle of command accountability. This was allowed to happen because no formal institutional mechanisms were ever adopted to ensure its perpetuation and enforcement. Its success depended on the commitment of the Department's top commanders. When that commitment eroded, so too did the centerpiece of the Department's anti-corruption systems.

The Department Allowed the FIAUs to Collapse: Although the FIAUs were purportedly the backbone of the Department's investigative efforts, they were denied the resources and personnel required to do their job. Moreover, although the FIAUs depended largely on IAD's assistance and oversight, IAD rarely assisted or even cooperated with the FIAUs. In fact, IAD often thwarted FIAU investigations by withholding critical information and resources.

Even worse, the Department permitted IAD to use the FIAUs as a dumping ground for corruption allegations. IAD assigned the poorly resourced FIAUs a caseload that FIAU officers of all ranks testified was so overwhelming it was impossible to handle. As a result, a large number of corruption cases filed with the Department each year -- including over a dozen investigations involving Michael Dowd -- were closed as unsubstantiated without appropriate investigative steps ever having been taken.

The Internal Affairs Division Abandoned Its Mission: IAD abandoned its primary responsibilities to investigate serious and complex corruption cases; to uncover patterns of corruption through trend analysis and self-initiated investigations; and to oversee and assist the FIAUs. For example, IAD assigned itself a caseload of largely easy cases, including cases like sleeping on the job; failed to solicit significant information through its undercover program; initiated no self-generated investigations during at least the past five years, despite an entire unit purportedly dedicated to that task; and relied on a large number of investigators with no prior investigative experience, many of whom never took the required investigations training course.

Consequently, as the Commission uniformly heard from officers of a variety of ranks, IAD was viewed with contempt by members of the Department, and failed to serve as a deterrent to corruption.

The Department Used A Badly Flawed Investigative Approach For Police Corruption: Investigations into police corruption purposefully minimized the likelihood of uncovering the full extent of corruption. Interestingly, the Department's investigations excelled in every area except police corruption. The Commission uncovered a pattern of cases that were prematurely closed and failed to employ basic investigative techniques (like the use of undercovers, sting operations, and turn-arounds) that are routinely relied on in other investigative divisions of the Department. Moreover, IAD operated as a solely reactive investigative division that responded only to isolated complaints rather than patterns of corruption. IAD also fragmented what should have been large-scale investigations by sending out related allegations as separate investigations. Thus, IAD knowingly ignored opportunities to develop investigations of large-scale corruption.

Corruption Cases Were Concealed: IAD and the Inspectional Services Bureau Chief had unbridled discretion to control police corruption investigations and decide what allegations should be officially recorded and sent to prosecutors. We found evidence of abuse of that power. For example, certain corruption cases were kept out of IAD's regular filing system and concealed from prosecutors through a file called the "Tickler File."

The Department's Intelligence Gathering Efforts Were Flawed: The Department made virtually no effort to solicit information from the public, police officers, or other sources of information -- even though such efforts are crucial to uncovering information about police corruption. The Department made little effort to generate information about corruption in the absence of a complaint. It rarely used directed integrity tests and often failed to pursue information from its own field associates, one of the Department's best resources for reliable information about corruption. The Department's complaint in-take efforts also minimized the likelihood of obtaining information on corruption: The Department's "Action Desk" -- which receives and processes information on police corruption -- routinely discouraged individuals from providing information. Department statistics, therefore, vastly underestimate the nature and extent of corruption, and investigations reach only small portions of a much wider problem.

Supervision Was Diluted and Ineffective: Although effective first-line supervision is critical in the fight against corruption, few first-line supervisors perceived corruption control as an important responsibility. The Department did little to suggest otherwise. Even supervisors bent on ensuring integrity often lacked the resources or time to do so. In many precincts, supervisors were responsible for so many officers or so large an area that effective supervision was impossible. Department commanders often assigned supervisors without regard to prior experience, training, or the needs of the command. Inexperienced, probationary sergeants were often assigned to busy, corruption-prone precincts where experienced, proven supervisors are most needed. Thus, in many busy, crime-ridden precincts corrupt officers felt they had free rein. While no amount of supervision will stop all determined offenders, a reasonable level of committed supervision is essential to deter corruption.

Recruit and In-Service Integrity Training Was Neglected: Integrity training has been long neglected by the Department. Insufficient attention was devoted to integrity training at the Police Academy, and "required" in-service integrity training for officers and supervisors was often not provided. When training was offered, it relied largely on obsolete materials and films that remained largely unchanged since the days of the Knapp Commission, and rarely captured serious attention either from recruits or veteran officers.

Effective Deterrence Was Absent: Effective general and specific deterrence was lacking. The likelihood of detection and punishment was minimal, as was the severity of the sanction imposed. Indeed, one method of dealing with corruption was simply to transfer problem officers to unattractive assignments including, crime-ridden precincts. This "dumping ground" method of discipline punishes the community more than the problem officers by assigning them to the very precincts where the opportunities for corruption most abound, where the need for talented, committed officers is the greatest, and where minority populations often reside.

Drug and Alcohol Abuse Policies Were Ineffective: Despite evidence of a serious drug and alcohol problem confronting the Department, little was done to prevent, treat, or uncover the full extent of this problem. Abuse problems are often ignored or mishandled, certain drug tests are given too infrequently, many testing procedures are easy to circumvent, and effective drug treatment is non-existent.

III. PRINCIPAL RECOMMENDATIONS

Most of the failures of the Department's corruption controls could have been prevented, identified, or remedied years ago if the Department had been accountable to regular independent review of its anti-corruption systems. History strongly suggests that the erosion of the Department's corruption control efforts is an inevitable consequence of its institutional reluctance to uncover corruption -- unless some countervailing power forces the Department to do what it naturally strays from doing. This is true of many organizations. It is unrealistic to expect otherwise from the Department. The mere establishment of this independent Commission created such a countervailing pressure, as did the creation of the Knapp Commission twenty years ago. After the creation of this Commission, Police Commissioner Raymond W. Kelly made a number of laudable reforms in the Department's anti-corruption apparatus. It is no coincidence that it was only under the scrutiny of oversight Commissions that there was a heightened vigilance and commitment to anticorruption efforts in the Department. Our challenge is to sustain that vigilance so that history does not again repeat itself.

The Commission believes that the Department must remain responsible for effectively policing itself and for keeping its own house in order. This requires that the Department have effective internal corruption controls to prevent and uncover corruption. The Commission also believes that it is impossible for the Department to bear that responsibility alone. The Department is subject to powerful internal pressures to avoid uncovering corruption, which are almost certain to prevail absent external scrutiny.

The Commission therefore urges a dual-track approach to improving police corruption controls. The first track focuses on the Department's entire internal apparatus for the control of corruption. Police Commissioner Kelly has made important inroads to strengthening this internal apparatus, and he should be commended for his efforts. His principal reforms, however, focus largely on strengthening and centralizing investigative efforts, rather than on prevention, root causes, and conditions. The Commission's final report will make detailed recommendations for internal reforms on a variety of fronts, including:

• improving screening and recruitment;
• improving recruit education and in-service integrity training;
• attacking corruption and brutality tolerance;
• challenging other aspects of police culture and conditions that breed corruption and brutality;
• revitalizing and enforcing command accountability;
• strengthening first-line supervision;
• enhancing sanctions and disincentives for corruption and brutality;
• strengthening intelligence-gathering efforts;
• preventing, detecting, and treating drug and alcohol abuse;
• soliciting police union support for anti-corruption efforts;
• minimizing the corruption hazards of community policing; and
• legislative reforms, including the issue of residency requirements.

The second track focuses on the creation of an independent, external monitor to ensure that the Department's commitment to preventing corruption is sustained and that its internal systems for pursuing corruption operate effectively. It is this external monitor that will be the focus of this interim report.

The External Monitor

The Commission urges the immediate establishment of a permanent external monitor, independent of the Department, to assess the effectiveness of the Department's systems for detecting, preventing, and investigating corruption; to evaluate Department conditions and values that affect the incidence of police corruption; to conduct continual audits of the state of corruption within the Department; and, when appropriate, to make recommendations for improvement. The monitor will issue periodic reports on its findings and recommendations to the Mayor and the Police Commissioner.

This monitor will also serve as a management tool for the Police Commissioner. It will ensure that the Department's anti-corruption systems work effectively -- and that under his or her tenure, the Department will not fall victim to the institutional pressures that erode anti-corruption efforts.

Monitoring Performance of Anti-Corruption Systems

The monitor will:

• ensure that the Department has effective methods for receiving and recording corruption allegations and analyzing corruption trends;
• assess the sufficiency and quality of investigative resources and personnel;
• ensure that the Department employs effective methods and management in conducting corruption investigations, including that it no longer solely relies on a reactive investigative system that narrowly focuses on isolated complaints and that rarely employs pro-active investigative techniques;
• ensure that the Department has successful intelligence-gathering efforts, including effective undercover, field associate, integrity testing, and community outreach programs;
• evaluate the Department's efforts to revitalize and enforce command accountability;
• ensure that the Department strengthens supervision, including levels and quality of first-line supervision, training of supervisors, and consideration of integrity history in determining assignments and promotions;
• require the Department to produce reports on police corruption and corruption trends including, analysis of the number of complaints investigated and the disposition of those complaints, the number of arrests and referrals for prosecution, and the number of Department disciplinary proceedings and the sanctions imposed; and
• conduct performance tests and inspections of the Department's anti-corruption units and programs to guarantee that the Department continually maximizes its capacity to police itself.

The monitor must also have its own investigative capacity to successfully carry out its audits of the Department's internal controls. It will conduct its own self-initiated corruption investigations, intelligence-gathering efforts, and integrity tests to the extent necessary to test the Department's performance. This capacity is not meant to replace the Department's or prosecutors' own investigations or to serve an enforcement purpose, but to ensure that the Department's intelligence-gathering and investigative efforts are focused on areas where corruption is likely to exist.

This investigative capacity is crucial to successfully carrying out the monitor's principal task of auditing and evaluating the Department's anti-corruption efforts. It was only by having such an investigative capacity that this Commission was able to uncover many of the deficiencies in the Department's intelligence gathering, investigative and supervisory efforts, and to determine that the nature and extent of corruption was far more serious than suggested by the Department's official position on corruption.

Monitoring Cultural Conditions

The monitor must also:

• ensure that the Department makes effective efforts to reform the conditions and attitudes that nurture and perpetuate corruption and brutality;
• assess the effectiveness of recruit education, integrity training, field training operation, and the integrity standards set by supervisors;
• ensure that the Department works to eliminate corruption and brutality tolerance and the code of silence;
• evaluate Department efforts to pursue and uncover brutality and its connection to corruption;
• determine whether the Department routinely assigns officers with discipline problems only to certain commands within the Department, such as high-crime, minority precincts, and to determine the impact of such practices;
• evaluate the effectiveness of the Department's drug and alcohol abuse policies, and prevention treatment, and detection efforts;
• evaluate the Department's efforts to overcome police attitudes that isolate them from the public and often create the appearance of a hostile and corrupt police force; and
• enhance liaison efforts with community groups and precinct community councils to provide the Department with input from the public about their perception and information about police corruption and to obtain information for the monitor's recommendations for reform.

Recommendations

We recommend that the Mayor establish a permanent Police Commission headed by three to five highly reputable and knowledgeable citizens appointed by the Mayor who would be willing to serve pro bono. We further recommend that the Commissioners have a limited, staggered term to guarantee turnover, avoid staleness, and prevent the development of a long-term bureaucratic relationship with the Department that could compromise the Commission's independence.

To accomplish its tasks, the Commission's powers should include: the power to subpoena witnesses and documents, unrestricted access to Department records and personnel; the power to administer oaths and take testimony in private and public hearings; and the power to grant use immunity. We do not recommend the creation of a large and costly bureaucracy. With the aforementioned powers, the Commission could perform its work with a small staff of people with varied expertise, including attorneys, investigators, police management experts, and organizational and statistical analysts.

The Police Commission should cooperate with the Police Commissioner in establishing a total commitment to maintaining integrity and the corruption fighting capacity of the Department. It should monitor the implementation of a system of accountability throughout the Department enforced by a program of incentives and disincentives. The Police Commission should cooperate with the Police Commissioner in redefining police culture to reflect the identity of interest between the members of the public and the Department with emphasis on the infusion of mutual respect.

Conclusion

It is the Commission's hope that this interim report will assist the Mayor, the Police Commissioner, and the people of New York City in addressing the problems of police corruption, and the reforms necessary to combat it effectively today and in the future.

Commission To Investigate Allegations of Police Corruption And The Anti-Corruption Procedures of the Police Department

Commissioners

Milton Mollen, Chair
Harold Baer, Jr.
Herbert Evans
Roderick C. Lankler
Harold Tyler

Commission Staff

Joseph P. Armao, Chief Counsel
Leslie U. Cornfeld, Deputy Chief Counsel
Brian Carroll, Director of Investigations
Robert Machado & Frank O'Hara, Deputy Chief Investigators

Counsel

David A Burns
Edward Cunningham
Charles M. Guria
Jeffrey Zimmerman

Director of Media Relations

Torn Kelly

Support Staff

Nancy Levine
Anne Sherlock
Lourdes Sinisterra

Investigators and Analysts

Frances Alexander
Marilyn Coleman
Marcia DeLeon
Alfred Fernandez
Jose Guzman
Thomas Hopkins
Brian T. Kelly
Frank Luce
Samuel Nieves
Jody Pugach
Charmaine Raphael
Dorice J. Shea
Gregory A Thomas

Special Counsel

Jonny J. Frank
William Goodstein

Volunteer Attorneys

Charles King
Thomas M. Obermaier

_______________

Notes:

1. Corruption today is not limited to these types of crimes, as our final report will make clear. Some officers continue to accept and solicit gratuities from business owners, tow-truck operators and the like. These corrupt practices should not be ignored. As officers repeatedly told us, serious corruption often begins with more minor misconduct and corruption. This interim report, however, focuses only on the more serious forms of corruption we uncovered.
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Re: The City of New York: Commission to Investigate Allegati

Postby admin » Sun Jul 13, 2014 5:52 am

EXHIBIT SEVEN

Image

FIVE BOROUGHS
POLICE DEPARTMENT
CITY OF NEW YORK
Communications Division
Cartography & Drafting Unit
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