Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

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Walt Whitman Rostow
by http://walt-rostow.biography.ms/

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Walt Whitman Rostow (also known as Walt Rostow or W.W. Rostow) (1916-2003) was an American economist and political thinker prominent for his staunch opposition to Communism and belief in the efficacy of capitalism and free enterprise. Rostow served as an adviser on national security affairs under John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson administrations. He supported American military involvement in the Vietnam war, believing it possible and desirable to halt the advance of Communism by force if needed. In his later years he taught at Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas in Austin. He wrote extensively in defense of free enterprise economics, particularly in developing nations.

Walt Rostow was born in City of New York in a Russian immigrant family. His name is a reference to Walt Whitman, an American poet. Rostow attended Yale University, graduating at age 19 and completing Ph.D. dissertation in 1940. He also won the prestigious Rhodes Scholarship to study at University of Oxford. After completing his education he started teaching economics at Columbia University.

During World War II he served in the OSS under William Donovan. Rostow became Assistant Chief of the German-Austrian Economic Division in the United States State Department in Washington D.C. immediately after the war. From 1946 to 1947, he returned to Oxford to teach as the Harmsworth Professor of American History. Rostow became the Assistant to the Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Europe, in 1947 and was involved in the development of the Marshall Plan. He spent a year in 1949 at Cambridge University as the Pitt Professor of American History. Rostow was Professor of Economic History at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology from 1950 to 1961 and a staff member of the Center for International Studies, MIT from 1951 to 1961. In 1958, he became a speech writer for President Dwight Eisenhower.

In 1961, President John F. Kennedy appointed Rostow Deputy Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs reporting to McGeorge Bundy. Late in 1961, he was then appointed as counselor of the Department of State and Chairman of the Policy Planning Council, Department of State. Rostow wrote President Johnson's first state of the union speech and was appointed by Johnson in May 1964 United States Member of the Inter-American Committee on the Alliance for Progress (CIAP).

In early 1966, he was named special Assistant for National Security Affairs (the post now known as National Security Advisor) where he was a main figure in developing the government's policy in the Vietnam War, and where he remained until February 1969. His pro-war and pro-free-enterprise views made him highly unpopular in the social sciences sector of the American academia that was staunchly left wing at the time. However, he was able to get an academic position at Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas in Austin the Rex G. Baker, Jr. Professor Emeritus of Political Economy. He continued to teach history and economics until his death in 2003 at the age of 86.

Rostow developed the Rostovian take-off model of economic growth, one of the major historical models of economic growth. The model argues that economic modernization occurs in five basic stages of varying length - traditional society, preconditions for take-off, take-off, drive to maturity, and high mass consumption. He received the Order of the British Empire (1945), the Legion of Merit (1945), and the Presidential Medal of Freedom (1969).

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Walt Whitman and homosexuality
by Wikipedia

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-- Traveling With the Wounded: Walt Whitman and Washington's Civil War Hospitals, by Martin G. Murray

-- Leaves of Grass, by Walt Whitman

-- Walt Whitman Rostow, by http://walt-rostow.biography.ms/

Walt Whitman, 1884.

Another topic intertwined with Whitman's life and poetry is that of homosexuality and homoeroticism, ranging from his admiration for 19th-century ideals of male friendship to outright masturbatory descriptions of the male body ("Song of Myself"). This is in contradiction to the outrage Whitman displayed when confronted about these messages in public, praising chastity and denouncing onanism. He also long claimed to have a black female paramour in New Orleans, and six illegitimate children. Modern scholarly opinion believes these poems reflected Whitman's true feelings towards his sexuality, but he tried to cover up his feelings in a homophobic culture. In "Once I Pass'd Through A Populous City" he changed the sex of the beloved from male to female prior to publication.

During the American Civil War, the intense comradeship (which often turned sexual) at the front lines in Virginia, which were visited by Whitman in his capacity as a nurse, fueled his ideas about the convergence of homosexuality and democracy. In "Democratic Vistas", he begins to discriminate between amative (i.e., heterosexual) and adhesive (i.e., homosexual) love, and identifies the latter as the key to forming the community without which democracy is incomplete:

It is to the development, identification, and general prevalence of that fervid comradeship (the adhesive love, at least rivaling the amative love hitherto possessing imaginative literature, if not going beyond it), that I look for the counterbalance and offset of our materialistic and vulgar American democracy, and for the spiritualization thereof.

In the 1970s, the gay liberation movement made Whitman one of their poster children, citing the homosexual content and comparing him to Jean Genet for his love of young working-class men ("We Two Boys Together Clinging"). In particular the "Calamus" poems, written after a failed and very likely homosexual relationship, contain passages that were interpreted to represent the coming out of a gay man. The name of the poems alone would have sufficed to convey homosexual connotations to the ones in the know at the time, since the calamus plant is associated with Kalamos, a god in antique mythology who was transformed with grief by the death of his lover, the male youth Karpos. In addition, the calamus plant's central characteristic is a prominent central vein that is phallic in appearance.

Whitman's romantic and sexual attraction towards other men is not disputed. However, whether or not Whitman had sexual relationships with men has been the subject of some critical disagreement. The best evidence is a pair of third-hand accounts attributed to fellow poets George Sylvester Viereck and Edward Carpenter, neither of whom entrusted those accounts to print themselves. Though scholars in the field have increasingly supported the view of Whitman as actively homosexual, this aspect of his personality is still sometimes omitted when his works are presented in educational settings.

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Eugene Victor Debs
by Wikipedia

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Eugene Victor Debs from a pamphlet during his 1912 presidential candidacy
Born November 5, 1855 Terre Haute, Indiana
Died October 20, 1926 Elmhurst, Illinois

Eugene Victor Debs (November 5, 1855 – October 20, 1926) was an American labor and political leader and five-time Socialist Party of America candidate for President of the United States

Rise to prominence

Debs was born in Terre Haute, Indiana (where he lived most of his life), to middle-class immigrant parents, from Colmar, Alsace. At the age of fourteen, he left home to work on the railroads, becoming a fireman. He returned home in 1874 to work as a grocery clerk, and the next year was a founding member of a new lodge of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen. He rose quickly in the Brotherhood, becoming first an assistant editor for their magazine and then the editor and Grand Secretary (in 1880). At the same time, he became a prominent figure in the community and was elected to the Indiana state legislature (as a Democrat).

The railroad brotherhoods were comparatively conservative unions, more focused on providing fellowship and services than in collective bargaining. Debs gradually became convinced of the need for a more unified and confrontational approach. After stepping down as Grand Secretary, he organized, in 1893, the first industrial union in the United States, the American Railway Union (ARU). The Union successfully struck the Great Northern Railway in April 1894, with most of its demands met.

Pullman Strike


National Guard fires on Pullman strikers, from Harper's Weekly (1894)

He was jailed later that year for his part in the Pullman Strike, which grew out of a strike by the workers who made Pullman's cars and who appealed to the ARU at its convention in Chicago, Illinois for support. Debs tried to persuade the ARU members who worked on the railways that the boycott was too risky, given the hostility of both the railways and the federal government, the weakness of the ARU, and the possibility that other unions would break the strike. The membership ignored his warnings and refused to handle Pullman cars or any other railroad cars attached to them.

The federal government did, in fact, intervene, obtaining an injunction against the strike on the theory that the strikers had obstructed the railways by refusing to show up for work, then sending in the United States Army on the grounds that the strike was hindering the delivery of the mail. That provoked a violent reaction from strikers in what had otherwise been a relatively peaceful strike. The strike was broken and the ARU destroyed.

Socialist leader


Campaign poster from his 1912 Presidential campaign. Debs was a frequent Socialist candidate for President in the early 1900s

The experience radicalized Debs still further. He was a candidate for President of the United States in 1900 as a member of the Social Democratic Party. He was later the Socialist Party of America candidate for President in 1904, 1908, 1912, and 1920, the final time from prison.

Debs was, however, largely dismissive of the electoral process: he distrusted the political bargains that Victor Berger and other "sewer socialists" had made in winning local offices and put much more value on the organization of workers, particularly on industrial lines. Yet Debs was equally uncomfortable with the apolitical syndicalism of some within the Industrial Workers of the World. While he was an early supporter of the IWW, he was later appalled by what he considered the IWW's irresponsible advocacy of direct action, especially sabotage.

Although Debs criticized the apolitical "pure and simple unionism" of the railroad brotherhoods and the craft unions within the American Federation of Labor, he practiced a form of pure and simple socialism that underestimated the lasting power of racism, which he viewed as an aspect of capitalist exploitation. As Debs wrote in 1903, the party had "nothing specific to offer the negro, and we cannot make special appeals to all the races. The Socialist party is the party of the working class, regardless of color—the whole working class of the whole world". Yet Debs was more advanced on this issue than many others in the Socialist Party: he denounced racism throughout his years as a socialist, refusing to address segregated audiences in the South and condemning D.W. Griffith's "Birth of a Nation".

Debs was a charismatic speaker who called on the vocabulary of Christianity and much of the oratorical style of evangelism—even though he was generally disdainful of organized religion. As Heywood Broun noted in his eulogy for Debs, quoting a fellow Socialist: "That old man with the burning eyes actually believes that there can be such a thing as the brotherhood of man. And that's not the funniest part of it. As long as he's around I believe it myself."

Debs himself was not wholly comfortable with his prowess as a speaker. As he told an audience in Utah in 1910:

I am not a Labor Leader; I do not want you to follow me or anyone else; if you are looking for a Moses to lead you out of this capitalist wilderness, you will stay right where you are. I would not lead you into the promised land if I could, because if I lead you in, some one else would lead you out. You must use your heads as well as your hands, and get yourself out of your present condition.

Return to prison


Debs giving his speech at Canton

On June 16, 1918 Debs made an anti-war speech in Canton, Ohio, protesting World War I, and was arrested under the Sedition Act of 1918. He was convicted and sentenced to serve ten years in prison and disenfranchised for life, losing his citizenship.

Debs made his best-remembered statement at his sentencing hearing:

"Your Honor, years ago I recognized my kinship with all living beings, and I made up my mind that I was not one bit better than the meanest on earth. I said then, and I say now, that while there is a lower class, I am in it, and while there is a criminal element I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free."

Debs appealed his conviction all the way to the United States Supreme Court. In its ruling on Debs v. United States, the Court examined several statements Debs had made regarding WWI. While Debs had carefully guarded his speeches in an attempt to comply with the Espionage Act, the Court found he still had the intention and effect of obstructing the draft and recruitment for the war. Among other things, the Court cited Debs's praise for those imprisoned for obstructing the draft. Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes stated in his opinion that little attention was needed since Debs' case was essentially the same as that of Schenck v. United States, where the Court upheld a similar conviction.


Debs in the Atlanta Penitentiary

He went to prison on April 13, 1919. While in prison in Atlanta, Georgia, he ran for president in the 1920 election. He received 913,664 votes (3.4%), the most ever for a Socialist Party presidential candidate in the U.S. and slightly more than he had won in 1912, when he obtained six percent of the vote. This stint in prison also inspired Debs to write a column deeply critical of the prison system, which appeared in sanitized form in the Bell Syndicate and was collected into his only book, Walls and Bars, with several added chapters (published posthumously).

On December 25, 1921, President Warren G. Harding released Debs from prison, commuting his sentence to time served. Debs, however, never recovered his health from that time in prison and died 5 years later at the age of 70 in Elmhurst, Illinois.

In 1976 Debs's citizenship was restored posthumously.

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The Trail of the Octopus (EXCERPT)
by Donald Goddard with Lester Coleman

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"The octopus had had him in its sights for so long that the security vetting should have been a formality, but a month went by without a word. And that was the first thing Coleman learned about the Defense Intelligence Agency: it never knowingly took chances. It would sooner not employ him than take an unnecessary risk, said McCloskey. He had known them junk a whole operation that had taken hundreds of people months to put together just because there was an outside chance that if anything went wrong the DIA might break cover.

McCloskey was unperturbed by the delay. This wasn't the CIA, he said. The CIA was a showboat civilian agency. These were the professionals, the military, the combined intelligence arms of the United States Army, the United States Navy and the United States Air Force. Together, they formed the largest and most discreet intelligence agency in the world; 57,000 people operating out of Arlington Hall, Virginia, and Bolling Airforce Base, Washington, D.C., on a budget five times bigger than the CIA's. No restrictions, no oversight -- and nobody even heard of it. Why? Because it didn't make mistakes. And because the director reported to the joint chiefs of staff, who didn't tell anybody anything they didn't have to know. And that included the Secretary of Defense.

But wasn't that dangerous? asked Coleman. To have a covert agency that big and powerful, and not directly accountable to anyone? Not even to the President of the United States? Their commander in chief?

The White House leaked like a colander, McCloskey said. It was full of politicians, and politicians came and went. Same thing with Congress. The military had never trusted politicians. It didn't trust civilians. Period. The military was America's backbone, its power and its honor. It didn't take sides. It didn't have to make promises it couldn't keep or gamble with the national interest to get elected. You could count on the military to see things straight, to see things through and to do things right. The DIA was only dangerous to the nation's enemies.

But where did the CIA fit in? And the National Security Agency? Didn't the DIA have to share these responsibilities?

The National Security Agency took care of the electronic and satellite stuff, McCloskey replied. And all that was filtered through the DIA before it went to Langley. The NSA did an important, technical job. As for the CIA, its main use as far as the military was concerned was as cover, as a front operation. While Congress, the media and the whole world watched the CIA, America's real spy shop could get on with its work the way it was supposed to -- in secret. Everybody knew about the CIA. It was good for a scandal a year at least because it leaked from top to bottom. It was a public agency, pinned down by White House directives and Congressional committees. It's director was a public figure. Everybody knew about William Colby, Richard Helms, George Bush, William Casey, William Webster, Robert Gates -- but who even knew the name of the DIA director?

'Not me,' said Coleman.

'Damn right,' said McCloskey. 'Not that I guess you'll ever get to meet him anyhow. Or even see the inside of Arlington Hall, come to that. The only DIA personnel you're ever likely to meet will be your handler and maybe a couple of agents you'll work with. (And he was right. It was only after the DIA froze him out that Coleman finally learned that the name of his boss, the agency's director of operations, was Lt General James Kappler.)"

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America Betrayed (EXCERPT)
by Rhawn Joseph, Ph.D.

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OPERATION STAY BEHIND

In 1974, there were only the grossest hints as to the CIA’s involvement in assassinations, torture, mind-control experiments, and the manipulation of the media. It was to be the job of Rockefeller, as well as Rumsfeld and Cheney, to cover all tracks and to stop any House or Senate investigation, or at least throw it off the track (15).

Despite the efforts of the Ford-Rockefeller White House, the Senate and House each established their own Select Committee on Intelligence Activities, chaired by Frank Church and Otis Pike (respectively). Rockefeller, with the assistance of Kissinger, Rumsfeld, and Dick Cheney, began obstructing Senate and House inquiries, particularly those which in any way concerned the training and employment of CIA assassination teams (10,15,19) or terrorist attack squads, such as Operation Gladio.

The Pike Committee finally issued a contempt of Congress citation against Henry Kissinger for his refusal to provide documentation of covert operations. Kissinger, Rockefeller et al., thumbed their noses at Pike.

The coverup effort was a partial success. For example, there is only a brief mention of “Operation Stay Behind” within the Church reports (Pike’s report being suppressed). Operation Stay Behind was a CIA terrorist operation aimed at the citizens and politicians of European countries and their democratically elected leaders (20).

According to the 1976 Senate report on the CIA by the Church Committee, this program was first conceived by the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, was staffed and funded by the CIA, and put into operation in 1948 by the National Security Council.

Essentially, the CIA was using Nazis, Neo-Nazis, SS-officers, and CIA-trained terrorists to indiscriminately murder European men, women and children, and to assassinate or otherwise remove or eliminate communist, socialist, and left-wing politicians.

In Italy, this program was referred to as “Operation Gladio (which means “sword”). In Austria it was named “Schwert” (“sword”). In France it was called “Glaive” (“sword”). It was called “Operation Sheepskin” in Greece. “Sveaborg” in Sweden. In Belgium, Operation Stay Behind had the name: “SDR-8.” Likewise in Switzerland it was given an alpha-numerical name: “P26.” Regardless of country, Operation Stay Behind was run by the CIA and British Intelligence under the umbrella of NATO, and involved the use of snipers, police officers, and paramilitary units to kill people at random and to conduct brutal raids on supermarkets, theaters, and other public places (21-28). In one series of attacks, in Brussels in the mid 1980’s, 28 people were murdered while shopping at local supermarkets. Again, the purpose of these attacks was to strengthen the hand of right-wing governments and to prevent left-wing governments or politicians from coming to power.

It was the duty of Bush, Kissinger, Rockefeller, Cheney, and Rumsfeld, to try to cover up these crimes. Indeed Rumsfeld (the Secretary of Defense when the U.S. was attacked on 9/11) had served as U.S. Ambassador to NATO in Brussels, Belgium in 1973 and 1974—when some of the worst atrocities were taking place— and thus had a special personal interest in preventing any damaging disclosures.

OPERATION GLADIO: CIA TERRORIST ATTACKS ON EUROPE

“The Americans had gone beyond the infiltration and monitoring of extremist groups to instigating acts of violence.” -- General Gianadelio Maletti, Director of Italian Counter-Intelligence 1971- 1975.

Operation Sword (“Gladio/Schwert/Glaive, etc.”) was an outgrowth of Dulles’ “Operation Stay Behind.” Initially, this program served to recruit high ranking Nazis and SS Gestapo agents into the OSS and the CIA after the close of WWII. By 1952, Dulles and his CIA had created a secret guerrilla terrorist army whose primary mission was terrorism and assassination—often of random targets who might be murdered by snipers, as they shopped or walked down the street. Dulles believed that through random acts of terror, left-wing governments could be overthrown, or prevented from ever coming to power if the blame for those terrorist acts could be placed on leftists (20). Right wing governments are always the beneficiaries of terrorism.

Operation Sword was first put into operation in Italy, in 1947. Italian citizens were gunned down by snipers, trains were derailed, and buildings and planes were blown up by CIA-Nazi agents, and then blamed on “communists.” The purpose of this terrorist campaign was to prevent a communist electoral victory in the 1947 Italian elections. This CIA orchestrated terrorist campaign was a success (21).

These and other acts of random terror (Operation Stay Behind), although directed by the CIA (in conjunction with British Intelligence) were administered under the protective umbrella of the Clandestine Coordinating Committee at the Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe “SHAPE” (22). SHAPE would later became the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

Although these CIA-terrorist cells were spread all over Europe, the training bases were located in Germany, Italy and France. Likewise, these terrorist operations were directed and funded by CIA agents working in the US Embassies in Rome, Paris, and Berlin. These same CIA agents not only controlled these terrorists cells, but had infiltrated and often directed the Intelligence services of these and other countries (23).

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Hitler's Managers: Gustav and Alfried Krupp - The Weapons Builder
by http://www.broadview.tv/sites/en_krupp.php

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In July 1948, Alfried Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach was adjudged by an U.S. Military Tribunal to 12 years imprisonment and confiscation of his whole estate. No other German industrialist was punished as hard as him after World War II. Originally, Krupp should be seated next to Göring in the main war criminal trial of Nuremberg where he presumably would have expected the death penalty. No other company was as hated by the allies as Krupp, the weapons builder of the Reich. Benjamin Ferencz, prosecutor at the Nuremberg trial, summarizes: "The name Krupp as the munitions king for the Führer already had a resonance throughout the world. Everybody in the world was so outraged by the crimes of the Nazis that the wish was so enormous that the public throughout the world demanded that the perpetrators be brought to justice."

As the greatest armament manufacturer of the German Reich the Krupp family forged over generations the weapons for the Prussian kings and the German emperor. The elitist family was very loyal to the emperor and later on they supported the conservative parties of the new democracy. Consequently, the steel barons from Essen declined the aimer Hitler during the Weimarer Republic. Alfried's parents, Gustav and his wife Bertha, saw the advancement of Hitler with a mixture of disdainfulness, scepticism and cautious submitting. Therefore the nomination of Adolf Hitler as chancellor of the Reich in January, the 30th 1933 released perplexity at the Krupp family. Anyhow, Gustav Krupp, the chairman of the company at that time, worked together with the new government. Hitler nominated him as "Wehrwirtschaftsführer" (economic leader of the Third Reich) and conferred him the golden party-emblem to use him and his company for the NS propaganda.

After his studies, Alfried joined the company and became the official follower of his father. In 1943 he became chairman of Krupp instead of Gustav who went deadly sick. At that time, although the war was already lost, the heir was driven to build even more weapons, getting support of an army of slave labours. Alfried accomplished his mission and that is why he was blamed one of the primarily responsible, who exploited the concentration camp prisoners and over 100.000 slave labours. But for all that the NS leaders were disappointed: Alfried had none of the characteristics the regime expected for a manager in his category: blind fanaticism and unscrupulous leadership.

When the American troops conquered Essen in April 1945, the young Krupp was immediately captured and brought to justice. Originally, his father Gustav should be accused, but his poor health impeded him to appear in court. He died in 1950. In 1951, the judgment amnestied Alfried Krupp and he got back his whole estate since America needed strong confederates in the Cold War against communism.

While many Germans tried to forget Hitler's Reich, Alfried recognized his duty: already in the fifties he arranged compensations for former Jewish slave labours. He also made the fundamental decision that Krupp wouldn't produce any weapons anymore. The film persecutes the way of life of Gustav and Alfried Krupp and tells how they became "Hitler's Managers" in spite of their opposition against him. In this context close family members, Alfried's advocate and a prosecutor from the Nuremberg trials were interviewed for the first time. Previously unreleased coloured film footage is shown in the documentary as well as sensational snapshots of Hitler visiting the Krupp family and showing him abased due to the disrespectful treatment by the Krupps.

"Gustav and Alfried Krupp - The Weapons Builder" was created by broadview.tv on behalf of the ZDF as part of the series "Hitler's Manager" and was first broadcast in November, the 30th 2004 on ZDF.

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The Evil Lurking Within: Kay Griggs, Former Marine Colonel's Wife, Talks Again
by Greg Szymanski
7-31-5

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The Evil Lurking Within -- Kay Griggs, Former Marine Colonel's Wife, Talks Again About Military Assassin Squads, Drug Running, Illegal Weapon Deals And Sexual Perversion Deep Within The Highest Levels Of U.S. Military And Government

For 11 long years, Kay Griggs heard all the messy details from her military husband, usually while he was drinking before going into one of his drunken stupors. First going public in 1998 in an eight hour video interview with a truth-seeking Michigan pastor and FM radio broadcaster, she now is back after 9/11 to warn Americans to beware of the evil lurking within the highest levels of government, bound and determined to destroy America.

Katharine 'Kay' Griggs knows what it's like to have a gun pointed in her face. She knows what it's like to have her face slapped, her bones broken and her nose bloodied by her former bully of a husband, an active Marine Colonel and a man who she claims is "above the law and literally gets away with murder."

Virginia court documents and photos of her battered arms and legs tell the sad and brutal physical story of her failed marriage, a tumultuous 11 year roller coaster ride ending in 1999.

But the real story for public consumption isn't the private divorce court details. It is the secret military information about drug running, weapon sales, sexual perversion and assassination squads she learned firsthand from her husband, U.S. Marine Corps Col. George Raymond Griggs, now remarried and living in Mirror Lake, NH.

This isn't the first time Griggs is going public with her story about government mob-like hit squads and the sexually perverted secret "cap and gown and skull and bone society" her husband belonged to along with other high-ranking Marine officers and pubic officials.

She first went public in 1996 after receiving death threats, being rescued by Sarah McClendon, former senior member of the White House press corps, who believed her story and took Griggs under her wing, giving her a place to stay and important advice about how to stay alive when dealing with military operatives.

"I became a whistle blower and received death threats," said Griggs this week in an extended telephone conversation from her Tidewater, VA. home. "I finally wound up living for safety reasons with Sarah, the dean of the White House Press Corps, who had been with every president since FDR and was in Army intelligence and also an attorney's daughter from Texas."

Advised by McClendon to go public without being able to get the mainstream media to listen, she traveled to Adrian, MI on the advice of a friend to do a long extended taped interview with Pastor Rick Strawcutter, a preacher and owner of a 500 watt pirate FM station at 99.3 on the dial in Lenawee County.

Strawcutter, who believed in free speech radio and empowering the public with the truth, produced two extended interviews finally released in 2000, one being a two hour version called "Sleeping With The Enemy" and the other an unedited eight hour version.

Since then Griggs said she went back to her Virginia home, tried to piece her life together and essentially talked to private groups or anybody who would take the time to listen.

Now this week Griggs decided to tell her story again, saying "I will keep repeating it to anyone" and adding after 9/11, the war in Iraq, the London bombings and the fear of terrorism, the "American people are at a point were they are ready and willing to hear the truth."

Although they may be shocked, Griggs said the "truth will set you free," even if it means facing up to the highest form of corruption, including sexual perversion and government sponsored mob-like hits orchestrated by high-ranking military and government officials.

"My former husband George, who is a trained assassin, calls the people he is involved with the members of The Firm or The Brotherhood. If you are in the clique, you are above the law and literally can get away with murder. For years, mostly when he was drinking, he told me how he and others in this elite military group would kill people," said Griggs, as she mentioned name after high-powered name and story after-detailed story about sexual pervasion, murder, military hit squads, brainwashing and mind control, all activities sanctioned, participated in and condoned by a group of military and political elite.

"There were many other things and people he told me about which were startling, things I'll tell you later. But George is like a robot, glazed eyes and all. While he drinks, he sort of comes alive. It is hard to explain unless you actually see him. He told me he was the No. 1 shooter for a long time for a group of powerful people at the top. If a guy is too honest, for example, they get rid of him."

When asked how large an inside group it was and how she survived after going public with such damning information about so many high powered names, she added:

"I just keep myself and my story in the public eye. I am a decent, honest person who believes in telling the truth. I have a deep, abiding faith and trust in God. I also come from a strong-minded, strong-willed family and I am not afraid of generals and admirals.

"As far as the sheer numbers of people involved in this cap and gown, skull and bones secret society, it's hard to say. But it is based on old friendships, college and prep school relationships, covering up secrets and sexual perversion.

"My husband told me about all the sexually perverted rituals, like anal and oral sex in coffins at drunken parties and running naked in the woods at Bohemian Grove. Then there was the last time I saw George was in 2001 and he was telling me to keep quiet, but I think he knows I will never stop telling the truth."

During numerous drinking binges over many years, one of the main things that sticks out in Griggs' mind was how easily her husband rationalized killing small number of innocent people and how he was able to somehow justify the killings if it accomplished a strategic goal for the elite group involved.

"Who are these people?" Griggs repeated after being asked the same direct question. "In general, they are first generation German sons, mostly who run things in the military through tight friendships made in Europe and at war colleges. Psyops is a controlling group and Paul Wolfowitz is a major player, as are the many Zionists on this side of the Atlantic.

"Truth is light. And these guys are anxious to collect the global power now in the few hands of their Freemasonic (French Masons) brotherhood's elite hands. It is a very, very small group and a rather homogenized group of global top down existentialist Zionists and socialists. In short, Nazis who came to the U.S. when Hitler, their boy, turned on them in 1933.

Griggs said other recognizable names and major players she learned from her husband's arrogant ramblings besides Wolfowitz and other nondescript military and civilian names, involved in what she called a Zionist global takeover, included Donald Rumsfeld, George H. Bush, Dick Cheney, Henry Kissinger and Andy Fine, to name a few.

"After what I learned from George about "Rummy," as he called him and idolized him and the others, is that they all operate from this secret little, sick society and are all basically cowards and bullies. And I don't believe I should ever keep quiet about who they are because the only way we are going to change their behavior is to shed light on what they are doing and show how ludicrous, sick and inept their behavior really is.

"My husband George just idolized "Rummy" and thinks he is just wonderful when basically he is nothing more than an in-the-closet-Nazi. Also, George liked to brag how he and Wolfowitz were down in Indonesia in the 1970s, down there training young assassins.

"After what I heard all those years and now putting it into perspective after 9/11, I think they are trying to destroy America. Their whole game is all about war, selling weapons and creating a militaristic society. I know first hand from listening to my husband, they will do anything - I mean anything including murder - to get what they want."

Although Griggs said her husband never mentioned anything specific about 9/11 during their marriage, she claims he hinted several times that "war-gaming and airplane crashes" were necessary elements to control and manipulate the American population.

Putting many of her husband's comments together with other acquaintances made through him, she had this to say about 9/11:

"Before 9/11, there were some things which let me know that it was involved with war gaming going on at ACT Commands center in Suffolk. War games and diversions and manipulations of American public opinion he said are "necessary." George explained some examples such as airplane "crashes" and the bombing by the Israeli Lebanese Bekka valley recruits who blew up the Marine Corps barracks. I believe my husband knew ahead of time 9/11 was going to occur.

"I know that there was a war game going on via Tampa, I think it was called Bright Star, which was being run on 9/11 by a weird and insecure USMC General who was in charge while the Army head was conveniently away in the Near East.

"I am sure 9-11 was a joint and combined military operation, using boys who were recruited via A.Q. Khan's Israeli network in Pakistan and South Africa through Zionists in Hamburg. I believe that certain MI6 British Zionists with the Ian Goodwin-Peter Goodwin-Basil Cardinal Hume Yorkshire network were also involved in funding and recruiting these guys. It was a large and ongoing operation to set up and involved lots of CIA Zionists and lots of funny money."

The Early Years

Griggs grew up in the elite Virginia Southern class, the child of a Reserve Military family of Scottish and French Huguenot descent. Raised with strict Christian ideals, moral character, deep faith and impeccable ethics, she carried with her the headstrong outspoken nature of her father and the truth-seeking characteristics of her mother.

However, a victim of old Southern male chauvinism and backward traditions, she was married young in an arranged fashion to John Garland Pollard III, the wealthy grandson of a Virginia Governor, who lived off his inheritance in a typical aristocratic Southern-style plantation.

"Looking back it was just horrible and suffocating," said Griggs, who after getting a divorce in 1983 went on to teach after getting a degree in history with a specialty in Virginia history and the Scottish Reformation.

After resettling in a Virginia Beach home and working as an Asst. Director of the Chamber of Commerce, she was about to meet a dashing Marine Colonel who would forever change the course and direction of her life.

Second Marriage To Col. Griggs

After renting the main portion of her house to Col. Griggs, the couple dated for two months and were quickly married, a speedy decision the young bride would quickly learn to regret.

The story of the couple's courtship is of little importance, but what happened afterwards regarding the colonel's drunken ramblings takes center stage.

"He started drinking, did a lot of heavy drinking and at first I thought I could change him," said Griggs, who listened closely over the years about her husband's role as a military assassin and his role as a military trainer who brought new, young assassins into the fold. "He started talking openly about murder, corruption, assassinations and lies. It was just incredible the names that were involved and the people who were being killed.

"He gave me very detailed and graphic descriptions about how Waco was carried out, as well as how many other hits went down, including Malcolm Kerr, the head of the American University in Beirut and Ron Brown, who was trying to take away the State Department's monopoly on drug money and arms deals.

"My husband would get into these crazed stupors where he would be running around the house naked and there were times I would find him lying in the grass that way.

"I learned about how he was sexually molested by homosexual teachers at the elite Hun School, where a lot of the others in this small elite group also attended, including members of the Saudi Royal family. He told me how sex is used to control, intimidate and groom boys into this type of military service from a young age.

"In these poems the only historical name is that of Attila, the great Hun leader, who filled so large a part of the imagination of the people whose power he had broken. There is no doubt that, in the days when the kingdoms of the Scando-Goths reached from the North Cape to the Caspian, that some earlier great king performed his part; but, after the striking career of Attila, he became the recognised type of a powerful foreign potentate."

-- "The Story of the Volsungs (Volsung Saga)," by Anonymous, translated by William Morris and Eirikr Magnusson

"He mentioned how many of The Brotherhood, as he liked to call them, are members of the "Cap and Gown" Princeton group or the "Skull and Bones" Yale crowd and how they performed sexually perverted induction ceremonies with anal and oral sex performed inside coffins."

During the final two years of the marriage, Griggs said her husband basically disappeared. When she finally decided to blow the whistle on her husband's activities and others surrounding him, she met privately with attorney and former CIA Director William Colby, seeking advice.

'I really thought I would get some help, but Colby was later found dead," said Griggs about Colby whose body was found eight weeks after he disappeared on April, 27, 1996, while canoeing near his Rock Point, Maryland, vacation home.

"Then I started getting death threats, had my house burglarized, my car messed with and every time I would try to get the FBI or police to act, strangely nothing would be done. They would do things like steal my underwear, leave black dots on all my blouses and leave twelve screw drivers on my kitchen counter. They would do strange things like this, which if you think about it, is really hard to explain to the police without them thinking you are crazy.

"I later found out I was flagged by Marine General Al Gray, my husband's boss who put the wheels in motion on much of the criminal activity. He flagged me as a trouble maker knowing I was a free thinker who was not about to keep quiet like all the other military wives who knew too much. Finally, I sought help from Sarah McClendon, who basically saved my life."

After weathering the storm of harassment in Washington D.C., she was encouraged by friends to publicize her story nationally through the alternative media since major publications wouldn't touch it with a ten foot pole. In 1998, she then met Pastor Strawcutter who believed in her and who basically told the same story Griggs is telling today but in much more detail.

Pastor Strawcutter's 1998 Taped Interview

Besides running a ministry in Adrian, MI., Strawcutter's main passion is truth-telling, his philosophy turning out to be a perfect match for Griggs when she finally contacted him one morning in 1998 as he broadcasted live during drive-time on his pirate FM radio station.

"I remember one morning getting this call during a commercial break and then we put Kay on live for about 45 minutes. I couldn't believe what I was hearing," said Strawcutter this week by telephone from his Michigan church. "After the show, I arranged for Kay to come to Michigan with her documentation and photos of the story."

When Griggs arrived with her husband's diary and photos providing credible documentation for some of what she claimed, Strawcutter taped her story for over eight hours.

After the taping session, he recalls out of all the controversial stories he worked on, the Griggs story was one of the most troubling and difficult to deal due to the sensitive nature of the allegations and the number of high-ranking names involved.

Finally, after sitting on the story for a year, Strawcutter decided to release it in two forms, the first being a 2 hour edited video version of the interview which he distributed under the title of "Sleeping With The Enemy" and the other being simply the longer unedited eight hour version.

And like Griggs recounted this week from her Virginia home, the Strawcutter tapes are even more detailed about how members of The Brotherhood operate in a world of treachery, deceit, lies, murder, drug running, sex slavery and illegal weapon sales, all in the name of forming a new world order.

"People need to know the truth about 9/11, Waco, the Oklahoma City bombing and, of course, what Kay Griggs is saying," said Strawcutter, who for a long time on his FM station had been testing the waters of truth by broadcasting controversial stories, many coming from the likes of Michael Collins Piper and other American Free Press writers, an alternative paper that also delves into subjects taboo in the mainstream media.

"I basically believed she was telling the truth and decided to go with the story as she told it."

Asked if he was ever harassed for bringing the Griggs tapes public, he added:

"No, not really. I never worry about things like that. But I do know after winning a landmark federal case to stay on the air in the 1990s, the feds came down real hard on me about three months after 9/11 with another legal challenge to my station which had become wildly successful, becoming the second top rated show in the county."

Shortly, thereafter, Strawcutter was forced to take his brand of truth-telling radio off the air waves in the wake of legal roadblocks and challenges designed by the government to bankrupt his efforts.

Katharine 'Kay' Griggs Today

The headstrong, truth telling woman who first provided America with her shocking story in 1996, is really no different today although she readily admits the government is still trying to ruin her financially and still monitors her closely.

Although still under the government microscope, her energy and curiosity remain strong as ever.

"With all that's happening in the world, the time is right now for truth," said Griggs. "I think America can handle the truth now and I basically want people to know that my husband and the people involved with him are really nothing but cowards and bullies. But they are, at the same time, dangerous, evil people that must be stopped. I am not a vindictive person and I also am not seeking publicity. I simply want people to know the truth about how these people are trying to destroy this country."

And still trying to "connect the dots" in an attempt to expose The Brotherhood, she added:

"I'm in the midst of research on the headmistress of my Episcopal girls' school, St. Margaret's, who spent years working with MI6 at Cheltenham!! This is Victor Rothschild's group with 6 representing the six-sided star and MI5 being more Masonic but still not sure about all of this yet."

Single and living in the same home she shared with her former military husband, Griggs still holds firm to her strong Christian beliefs, saying she will talk to anybody who is interested in listening since she firmly believes "truth is light and only the truth will set you free."

How To Listen To The Kay Griggs Tapes

There are three video versions of her story in distribution. The first is Pastor Strawcutter's original two hour version called "Sleeping With The Enemy" available at his web site at http://www.kaygriggsvideo.com

The second is the raw, unedited eight hour version, Strawcutter saying rights being obtained by a third party and available at http://www.kaygriggstalks.com . And the third is a two-part video, taken from Strawcutter's original interviews and edited by Eric Hufschmid located at http://www.hugequestions.com

For more informative articles, go to http://www.arcticbeacon.com

Greg Szymanski

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Oliver M. Whipple, Jr.
by Hall of Valor
http://valor.militarytimes.com/recipien ... ntid=41448
Accessed: December 8, 2017

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Oliver M. Whipple , Jr.
Date of birth: December 7, 1935
Date of death: October 23, 2013
Home of record: Virginia Beach Virginia

Oliver Whipple enlisted in the Marine Corps after graduating from Yale University in 1958. He retired as a U.S. Marine Corps Colonel.

AWARDS AND CITATIONS

Silver Star

Awarded for actions during the Vietnam War

The President of the United States of America takes pleasure in presenting the Silver Star to Major Oliver M. Whipple, Jr. (MCSN: 0-76023), United States Marine Corps, for conspicuous gallantry and intrepidity in action against the enemy while serving as Commanding Officer, Company F, Second Battalion, Seventh Marines, FIRST Marine Division (Reinforced), in Thanh Lam (2), Republic of Vietnam on 16 March 1967. While conducting a search and destroy mission, the rear security platoon of Company F was taken under devastating .50 caliber machine gun and small-arms fire from fortified positions, before reaching the cover of a village. The enemy had the second platoon pinned down with interlocking machine gun fire, which inflicted numerous casualties. In the initial burst of enemy fire, Major (then Captain) Whipple moved from the forward portion of the company into the exposed rice paddy. Quickly assessing the situation, he moved to a trenchline and then to a hedgerow to direct his men's fire into the enemy positions. With complete disregard for his own safety, Major Whipple called in artillery on the enemy as the enemy fire erupted all around him. Observing a wounded Marine, Major Whipple raced to his side and dragged the man through the hail of enemy fire to a covered position. Assured that everything possible was being done for the wounded man, Major Whipple returned to his dangerously exposed position and directed artillery and air strikes against the enemy's fortified positions. Throughout the four and one half hour battle, Major Whipple exposed himself to the intense enemy fire again and again to direct his men's fire and assist the besieged second platoon. By his bold initiative, gallant fighting spirit and loyal devotion to duty, Major Whipple was instrumental in defeating an estimated battalion of North Vietnamese Army soldiers, thereby reflecting great credit upon himself and the Marine Corps and upholding the highest traditions of the United States Naval Service.

Action Date: March 16, 1967

Service: Marine Corps

Rank: Major

Company: Company F

Battalion: 2d Battalion

Regiment: 9th Marines

Division: 3d Marine Division (Rein.), FMF

Legion of Merit
See more recipients of this award

Awarded for actions during the Peace Time Awards

The President of the United States of America takes pleasure in presenting the Legion of Merit to Colonel Oliver M. Whipple, Jr. (MCSN: 0-76023), United States Marine Corps, for exceptionally meritorious conduct in the performance of outstanding services to the Government of the United States as Assistant Chief of Staff, Manpower from July 1986 to July 1987 and as Deputy Chief of Staff/Command Inspector, Marine Corps Combat Development Command (CCDC), Quantico, Virginia, from July 1987 through June 1988. As the Assistant Chief of Staff, Manpower, Colonel Whipple markedly improved the level of performance provided to the Command by the multifaceted Manpower Department. His foresight and intense efforts resulted in significantly enhancing support in a multitude of areas including the order writing process utilized by the Military personnel Division, summer augmentation personnel procedures, selection of drill instructors for Officer Candidates School, the Separation Information and Pre-Retirement programs of the Human Resources Division, retention of quality Marines, and the base off-duty education program. As the Deputy Chief of Staff/Command Inspector during a period marked by a high tempo of operations and a major Commandant of the Marine Corps directed reorganization and re-tasking of the Command, Colonel Whipple effectively utilized his outstanding organizational abilities and managerial expertise in re-shaping, re-designing, and expanding the Command inspection program to cover all areas of the newly reorganized and re-named Command. Additionally, he established excellent avenues of communication and cooperative working relationships throughout the Command which immeasurably enhanced the responsiveness of the Staff as well as subordinate organization activities to support he MCCDC mission. By his superior professionalism, personal integrity, and steadfast devotion to duty, Colonel Whipple reflected great credit upon himself and upheld the highest traditions of the Marine Corps and of the United States Naval Service.

Action Date: July 1986 - June 1988

Service: Marine Corps

Rank: Colonel

_____________________________________________

In Memory of Oliver Whipple Jr.
Life Legacy
by Memorial Networks
Accessed: 12/8/17

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Colonel Oliver M. Whipple, Jr. USMC, fondly known as “Skipper” to his men, died peacefully on October 23, 2013 at Thomson Hood Veteran’s Center in Wilmore, Kentucky. Like the true Marine he was, Ollie fought to the end in his long battle with Alzheimer’s.

Ollie was born on December 7, 1935. He graduated from Yale University and was commissioned as an officer in the United States Marine Corps on June 4, 1958 as a 2nd Lieutenant. His decorated career as a United States Marine included two tours in Vietnam. Some of his fondest memories were serving with the Fox 2/7 in Vietnam and with the 1st Battalion, 6th Marines in Camp Lejeune.

Ollie retired from the Marine Corps on July 1st, 1988, having been promoted to the rank of Colonel. His many honors and medals include: Silver Star Medal, Bronze Star Medal with combat “V” and two gold stars in lieu of second and third awards, Purple Heart Medal with gold star in lieu of second award, Combat Action ribbon, Presidential Unit Citation with two bronze stars, Navy Unit Commendation ribbon, Meritorious Unit commendation ribbon, National Defense service medal, Armed Forces Expeditionary medal, Vietnam service medal with one silver and two bronze stars, Humanitarian service medal, Republic of Vietnam Armed Forces Honor Medal 1st Class, Republic of Vietnam Campaign medal with 60-Device, Vietnam Cross of Gallantry ribbon, Vietnam Meritorious Unit Citation Civil Actions ribbon, and Legion of Merit Award.

Ollie is preceded in death by his sister Joan, his mother, Alice and his father, Oliver as well as many of his comrades. He is mourned by his family and friends: his two children: Wendy Dahmer and Oliver Whipple III, 3 grandchildren: Zachary, Aleda and Dane, and his beloved Vivian Bonta and her children.

Ollie will be laid to rest at Arlington National Cemetery on January 16th, 2014 at 3:00 PM.

In lieu of flowers, the family request donations be made to the following: Fallen Heroes Fund, ATTN: CONTRIBUTIONS, One Intrepid Square, W. 46th Street & 12th Avenue, New York, NY 10036.

[admin]

HMCM Michael W. O’Boyle
by warboats.org
Accessed 12/8/17

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

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AUG 1965 NTC SAN DIEGO
JAN 1966 HM “A” SCHOOL
FMF
USNH HAVEN (AH-10)
SEP 1967 3RD FSSG – RVN
SEP 1968 NAS ADAK, ALASKA
OCT 1969 NAV RES CONCORD, CA
OCT 1972 COS RIV DIV 11
APR 1975 HMA 776-764 EL TORO
SEP 1975 COS RIV RON 1 SAN DIEGO
FEB 1977 CO “H” 23RD MARINES
FEB 1978 AIRBORNE CLASS 14-78
DEC 1978 1ST MARDIV AIR DELIVERY
APR 1983 4TH RECON, RENOMAR 1987 MARINE CORPS MOUNTAIN WARFARE CENTER, BRIDGEPORT
OCT 1987 SBU 11
DEC 1995 RETIRED


A celebration of life for HMCM Michael W. “Doc” O’Boyle, III, USN, Retired, was held at 11:15 a.m. Wednesday January 28 at Our Lady of Mt. Carmel Catholic Church in Fairfield.

Doc O’Boyle died unexpectedly Tuesday, Jan 20, 2009 at his Fairfield home. He was 63 years old.

A native of Pasadena, CA, he lived in Fairfield the past 42 years. In 1965, Doc O’Boyle completed Navy Boot Camp in San Diego at the age of 18. He served with honor as part of the 3rd Force Service Support Group, Republic of Vietnam 1967-68. In addition to serving with the 4th Force Reconnaissance Company, Doc served much of his career in the Brown Water Navy. He served with Costal River Division 11, Costal River Squadron 1, and then retired from Special Boat Unit Eleven as the Command Master Chief in 1995. Doc O’Boyle most recently worked with the US Department of Labor Veterans’ Employment and Training Service working with veterans returning from the Global War on Terror.

Survivors include Mr. Michael W. O’Boyle, IV, son, and Ms. Katherine Marie O’Boyle, daughter, both of Fairfield, CA. His death was preceded by his loving wife of 32 years, Mrs. Cheryle M. O’Boyle.

Arrangements were under the direction of Bryan-Braker Funeral Home. Internment was private.

[admin]

USS Pueblo (AGER-2)
by Wikipedia
Accessed 12/8/17

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Pueblo in North Korea, 2012
History
United States
Name: Pueblo
Namesake: Pueblo, Colorado and Pueblo County, Colorado
Builder: Kewaunee Shipbuilding and Engineering
Laid down: 1944
Launched: 16 April 1944
Commissioned: 7 April 1945
In service: 1945
Reclassified:
18 June 1966, AKL-44

13 May 1967, AGER-2
Honors and
awards:
National Defense Service Medal
Korean Defense Service Medal
Combat Action Ribbon (retroactive)
Captured: 23 January 1968
Fate: Captured by North Korea
Status: Active, in commission (to prevent seizure, currently held by North Korea as a museum ship)
Badge: USS Pueblo AGER-2 Crest.png
General characteristics
Class and type:
(As built) Army Freight and Supply (FS)
(Initial Navy) Camano-class light cargo ship (AKL)
(As converted) Banner-class environmental research ship
Type: (As built) Light Cargo Ship; (As converted) Intel-Gathering Vessel
Displacement: 550 tons light, 895 tons full, 345 tons dead
Length: 177 ft (54 m)
Beam: 32 ft (9.8 m)
Draft: 9 ft (2.7 m)
Propulsion: Two 500hp GM Cleveland Division 6-278A 6-cyl V6 Diesel engines
Speed: 12.7 knots (23.5 km/h; 14.6 mph)
Complement: 6 officers, 70 men
Armament: 2 × M2 Browning .50-caliber machine guns

USS Pueblo (AGER-2) is a Banner-class environmental research ship, attached to Navy intelligence as a spy ship, which was attacked and captured by North Korean forces on 23 January 1968, in what is known today as the "Pueblo incident" or alternatively, as the "Pueblo crisis".

The seizure of the U.S. Navy ship and its 83 crew members, one of whom was killed in the attack, came less than a week after President Lyndon B. Johnson's State of the Union address to the United States Congress, a week before the start of the Tet Offensive in South Vietnam during the Vietnam War, and three days after 31 men of North Korea's KPA Unit 124 had crossed the Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) and killed 26 South Koreans in an attempt to attack the South Korean Blue House (executive mansion) in the capital Seoul. The taking of Pueblo and the abuse and torture of its crew during the subsequent 11-month prisoner drama became a major Cold War incident, raising tensions between the western democracies and the Soviet Union and China.

North Korea stated that Pueblo deliberately entered their territorial waters 7.6 nautical miles (14 km) away from Ryo Island, and that the logbook shows that they intruded several times.[1] However, the United States maintains that the vessel was in international waters at the time of the incident and that any purported evidence supplied by North Korea to support its statements was fabricated.[2]

Pueblo, still held by North Korea today, officially remains a commissioned vessel of the United States Navy.[3] Since early 2013, the ship has been moored along the Potong River in Pyongyang, and used there as a museum ship at the Pyongyang Victorious War Museum.[4] Pueblo is the only ship of the U.S. Navy still on the commissioned roster currently being held captive.[5]

Initial operations


U.S. Army Cargo Vessel FP-344 (1944). Transferred to the Navy in 1966, she became USS Pueblo (AGER-2)

The ship was launched at the Kewaunee Shipbuilding and Engineering Company in Kewaunee, Wisconsin, on 16 April 1944, as the United States Army Freight and Passenger (FP) FP-344. The Army later redesignated the FP vessels as Freight and Supply changing the designation to FS-344.[6] The ship, commissioned at New Orleans on 7 April 1945, served as a Coast Guard–manned Army vessel used for training civilians for the Army. Her first commanding officer was Lt. J. R. Choate, USCGR, succeeded by Lt. J.G. Marvin B. Barker, USCGR, on 12 September 1945.[7] FS-344 was placed out of service in 1954.

FS-344 was transferred to the United States Navy on 12 April 1966 and was renamed USS Pueblo (AKL-44) after Pueblo and Pueblo County, Colorado on 18 June of the same year.

Initially, she served as a light cargo ship, but shortly after resuming service was converted to an intelligence gathering ship, or what is colloquially known as a "spy ship", and redesignated AGER-2 on 13 May 1967.

Pueblo incident

On 5 January 1968, Pueblo left U.S. Navy base Yokosuka, Japan, in transit to the U.S. naval base at Sasebo, Japan; from there she left on 11 January 1968, headed northward through the Tsushima Strait into the Sea of Japan. She left with specific orders to intercept and conduct surveillance of Soviet Navy activity in the Tsushima Strait and to gather signal and electronic intelligence from North Korea.[8] The declassified SIGAD for the National Security Agency (NSA) Direct Support Unit (DSU) from the Naval Security Group (NSG) on Pueblo during the patrol involved in the incident was USN-467Y.[9] AGER (Auxiliary General Environmental Research) denoted a joint Naval and National Security Agency (NSA) program.[10]

At 17:30 on 20 January 1968, a North Korean modified SO-1 class Soviet style submarine chaser passed within 4,000 yards (3.7 km) of Pueblo, which was about 15.4 miles (24.8 km) southeast of Mayang-do at a position 39°47'N and 128°28.5'E.[11]

In the afternoon of 22 January 1968, the two North Korean fishing trawlers Rice Paddy 1 and Rice Paddy 2 passed within 30 yards (27 m) of Pueblo. That day, a North Korean unit made an assassination attempt in the "Blue House" executive mansion against the South Korean President Park Chung-hee, but the crew of Pueblo were not informed.[11]

According to the American account, the following day, 23 January, Pueblo was approached by a submarine chaser and her nationality was challenged; Pueblo responded by raising the U.S. flag. The North Korean vessel then ordered it to stand down or be fired upon. Pueblo attempted to maneuver away, but was considerably slower than the submarine chaser. Several warning shots were fired. Additionally, three torpedo boats appeared on the horizon and then joined in the chase and subsequent attack.

The attackers were soon joined by two MiG-21 fighters. A fourth torpedo boat and a second submarine chaser appeared on the horizon a short time later. The ammunition on Pueblo was stored belowdecks, and her machine guns were wrapped in cold weather tarpaulins. The machine guns were unmanned, and no attempt was made to man them. An NSA report quotes the sailing order:

(...) Defensive armament (machine guns) should be stowed or covered in such manner so that it does not cause unusual interest by surveyed units. It should be used only in the event of a threat to survival (...)

and notes

In practice, it was discovered that, because of the temperamental adjustments of the firing mechanisms, the .50-caliber machine guns took at least ten minutes to activate. Only one crew member, with former army experience, had ever had any experience with such weapons, although members of the crew had received rudimentary instructions on the weapons immediately prior to the ship's deployment.[11]

Reported positions of USS Pueblo


North Korean chart showing where they say they captured USS Pueblo

U.S. Navy authorities and the crew of Pueblo insist that before the capture, Pueblo was miles outside North Korean territorial waters. North Korea says the vessel was well within North Korean territory. The mission statement allowed her to approach within a nautical mile (1,852 m) of that limit. North Korea, however, describes a 50-nautical-mile (93 km) sea boundary even though international standards were 12 nautical miles (22 km) at the time.[12]

The North Korean vessels attempted to board Pueblo, but she was maneuvered to prevent this for over two hours. A submarine chaser then opened fire with a 57 mm cannon, killing one member of the crew. The smaller vessels fired machine guns into Pueblo, which then signaled compliance and began destroying sensitive material. The volume of material on board was so great that it was impossible to destroy it all. An NSA report quotes Lieutenant Steve Harris, the officer in charge of Pueblo's Naval Security Group Command detachment:

(...) we had retained on board the obsolete publications and had all good intentions of getting rid of these things but had not done so at the time we had started the mission. I wanted to get the place organized eventually and we had excessive numbers of copies on board (...)

and concludes

Only a small percentage of the total classified material aboard the ship was destroyed.

Radio contact between Pueblo and the Naval Security Group in Kamiseya, Japan, had been ongoing during the incident. As a result, Seventh Fleet command was fully aware of Pueblo's situation. Air cover was promised but never arrived. The Fifth Air Force had no aircraft on strip alert, and estimated a two to three-hour delay in launching aircraft. USS Enterprise was located 510 nautical miles (940 km) south of Pueblo, yet its four F-4B aircraft on alert were not equipped for an air-to-surface engagement. Enterprise's captain estimated that 1.5 hours (90 minutes) were required to get the converted aircraft into the air.[11] By the time President Lyndon B. Johnson was awakened, Pueblo had been captured and any rescue attempt would have been futile.

Pueblo followed the North Korean vessels as ordered, but then stopped immediately outside North Korean waters. She was again fired upon, and a sailor, fireman Duane Hodges, was killed. The ship was finally boarded at 05:55 UTC (2:55 pm local)[13] by men from a torpedo boat and a submarine chaser. Crew members had their hands tied and were blindfolded, beaten, and prodded with bayonets. Once Pueblo was in North Korean territorial waters, she was boarded again, this time by high-ranking North Korean officials.

The first official confirmation that the ship was in North Korean hands came five days later, 28 January 1968. Two days earlier a flight by a CIA A-12 Oxcart aircraft from the Project Black Shield squadron at Kadena, Okinawa flown by pilot Ronald Layton made three high altitude high speed flights over North Korea. When the aircraft's films were processed in the United States they showed Pueblo to be in the Wonsan harbor area surrounded by two North Korean vessels.[14]

There was dissent among government officials in the United States, regarding how to handle the situation. Congressman Mendel Rivers suggested that President Johnson issue an ultimatum for the return of Pueblo on penalty of nuclear attack, while Senator Gale McGee said the United States should wait for more information and not make "spasmodic response[s] to aggravating incidents".[15] According to Horace Busby, Special Assistant to President Johnson, the president's "reaction to the hostage taking was to work very hard here to keep down any demands for retaliation or any other attacks upon North Koreans", worried that rhetoric might result in the hostages being killed.[16]

Although American officials at the time assumed the seizure of Pueblo had been directed by the Soviet Union, it has emerged in recent years that North Korea acted alone and the incident actually harmed North Korea's relations with most of the Eastern Bloc.[17]

Aftermath

Pueblo was taken into port at Wonsan and the crew was moved twice to prisoner of war (POW) camps. The crew reported upon release that they were starved and regularly tortured while in North Korean custody. This treatment allegedly turned worse[18] when the North Koreans realized that crewmen were secretly giving them "the finger" in staged propaganda photos.[19]

Commander Lloyd M. Bucher was psychologically tortured, such as being put through a mock firing squad in an effort to make him confess. Eventually the North Koreans threatened to execute his men in front of him, and Bucher relented and agreed to "confess to his and the crew's transgression." Bucher wrote the confession since a "confession" by definition needed to be written by the confessor himself. They verified the meaning of what he wrote, but failed to catch the pun when he said "We paean the DPRK [North Korea]. We paean their great leader Kim Il Sung".[20][21] (Bucher pronounced "paean" as "pee on.")[22]

Negotiations for the release of the crew took place at Panmunjom. At the same time, U.S. officials were concerned with conciliating the South Koreans, who expressed discontent about being left out of the negotiations. Richard A. Ericson, a political counselor for the American embassy in Seoul and operating officer for the Pueblo negotiations, notes in his oral history:

The South Koreans were absolutely furious and suspicious of what we might do. They anticipated that the North Koreans would try to exploit the situation to the ROK's disadvantage in every way possible, and they were rapidly growing distrustful of us and losing faith in their great ally. Of course, we had this other problem of how to ensure that the ROK would not retaliate for the Blue House Raid and to ease their growing feelings of insecurity. They began to realize that the DMZ was porous and they wanted more equipment and aid. So, we were juggling a number of problems.[23]

He also noted how the meetings at Panmunjom were usually unproductive, due to the particular negotiating style of the North Koreans:

As one example, we would go up with a proposal of some sort on the release of the crew and they would be sitting there with a card catalog... If the answer to the particular proposal we presented wasn’t in the cards, they would say something that was totally unresponsive and then go off and come back to the next meeting with an answer that was directed to the question. But there was rarely an immediate answer. That happened all through the negotiations. Their negotiators obviously were never empowered to act or speak on the basis of personal judgment or general instructions. They always had to defer a reply and presumably they went over it up in Pyongyang and passed it around and then decided on it. Sometimes we would get totally nonsensical responses if they didn’t have something in the card file that corresponded to the proposal at hand.[23]

North Korean Propaganda Photograph of prisoners of USS Pueblo. Photo and explanation from the Time article that blew the Hawaiian Good Luck Sign secret. The sailors were flipping the middle finger, as a way to covertly protest their captivity in North Korea, and the propaganda on their treatment and guilt. The North Koreans for months photographed them without knowing the real meaning of flipping the middle finger, while the sailors explained that the sign meant good luck in Hawaii.

Ericson and George Newman, the Deputy Chief of Mission in Seoul, wrote a telegram for the State Department in February 1968, predicting how the negotiations would play out:

What we said in effect was this: If you are going to do this thing at Panmunjom, and if your sole objective is to get the crew back, you will be playing into North Korea's hands and the negotiations will follow a clear and inevitable path. You are going to be asked to sign a document that the North Koreans will have drafted. They will brook no changes. It will set forth their point of view and require you to confess to everything they accuse you of... If you allow them to, they will take as much time as they feel they need to squeeze every damn thing they can get out of this situation in terms of their propaganda goals, and they will try to exploit this situation to drive a wedge between the U.S. and the ROK. Then when they feel they have accomplished all they can, and when we have agreed to sign their document of confession and apology, they will return the crew. They will not return the ship. This is the way it is going to be because this is the way it has always been.[23]

Following an apology, a written admission by the U.S. that Pueblo had been spying, and an assurance that the U.S. would not spy in the future, the North Korean government decided to release the 82 remaining crew members, although the written apology was preceded by an oral statement that it was done only to secure the release.[24] On 23 December 1968, the crew was taken by buses to the Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) border with South Korea and ordered to walk south one by one across the "Bridge of No Return". Exactly eleven months after being taken prisoner, the Captain led the long line of crewmen, followed at the end by the Executive Officer, Lieutenant Ed Murphy, the last man across the bridge. The U.S. then verbally retracted the ransom admission, apology, and assurance. Meanwhile, the North Koreans blanked out the paragraph above the signature which read: "and this hereby receipts for eighty two crewmen and one corpse".[clarification needed]

Bucher and all the officers and crew subsequently appeared before a Navy Court of Inquiry. A court-martial was recommended for Bucher and the Officer in Charge of the Research Department, Lieutenant Steve Harris for surrendering without a fight and for failing to destroy classified material, but the Secretary of the Navy, John Chafee, rejected the recommendation, stating, "They have suffered enough." Commander Bucher was never found guilty of any indiscretions and continued his Navy career until retirement.[25]

In 1970, Bucher published an autobiographical account of the USS Pueblo incident entitled Bucher: My Story.[26] Bucher died in San Diego on 28 January 2004, at the age of 76. James Kell, a former sailor under his command, suggested that the injuries suffered by Bucher during his time in North Korea contributed to his death.[27]

USS Pueblo is still held by North Korea. In October 1999, it was towed from Wonsan on the east coast, around the Korean Peninsula, to the port of Nampo on the west coast. This required moving the vessel through international waters, and was undertaken just before the visit of U.S. presidential envoy James Kelly to the capital Pyongyang. After the stop at the Nampo shipyard Pueblo was relocated to Pyongyang and moored on the Taedong River near the spot that the General Sherman incident is believed to have taken place. In late 2012 Pueblo was moved again to the Botong River in Pyongyang next to a new addition to the Fatherland Liberation War Museum.[4]

Today, Pueblo remains the second-oldest commissioned ship in the U.S. Navy, behind the USS Constitution ("Old Ironsides"). Pueblo is one of only a few American ships to have been captured since the wars in Tripoli.

Breach of US Navy communications security

Reverse engineering of communications devices on Pueblo allowed the North Koreans to share knowledge with the Soviet Union that led to the replication of those communications devices. This allowed the two nations access to the US Navy's communication systems until the late 1980s when the US Navy revised those systems. The seizure of Pueblo followed soon after US Navy warrant officer John Anthony Walker introduced himself to Soviet authorities, setting up the Walker spy ring. It has been argued that the seizure of Pueblo was executed specifically to capture the encryption devices aboard. Without them, it was difficult for the Soviets to make full use of Walker's information.[28][29][30]

In the communist camp

Documents released from National Archives of Romania suggest it was the Chinese rather than the Soviets who actively encouraged the reopening of hostilities in Korea during 1968, promising North Korea vast material support should hostilities in Korea resume. Together with Blue House Raid, the Pueblo incident turned out to be part of an increasing divergence between the Soviet leadership and North Korea. Fostering a resumption of hostilities in Korea, allegedly, was seen in Beijing as a way to mend relations between North Korea and China, and pull North Korea back in the Chinese sphere of influence in the context of the Sino-Soviet split. After the (then secret) diplomatic efforts of the Soviets to have the American crew released fell on deaf ears in Pyongyang, Leonid Brezhnev publicly denounced North Korea's actions at the 8th plenary session of the 23rd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[31] In contrast, the Chinese (state controlled) press published declarations supportive of North Korea's actions in the Pueblo incident.[32]

Furthermore, Soviet archives reveal that the Soviet leadership was particularly displeased that North Korean leader Kim Il-sung had contradicted the assurances he previously gave Moscow that he would avoid a military escalation in Korea. Previously secret documents suggest the Soviets were surprised by the Pueblo incident, first learning of it in the press. The same documents reveal that the North Koreans also kept the Soviets completely in the dark regarding ongoing negotiations with the Americans for the crew's release, which was another bone of contention. The Soviet reluctance at a reopening of hostilities in Korea was partly motivated by the fact that they had a 1961 treaty with North Korea that obliged them to intervene[33] in case the latter got attacked. Brezhnev however had made it clear in 1966 that just as in the case of the similar treaty they had with China, the Soviets were prepared to ignore it rather than go to all-out war with the United States.[34]:12-15

Given that Chinese and North Korean archives surrounding the incident remain secret, Kim Il-sung's intentions cannot be known with certainty. The Soviets revealed however that Kim Il-sung sent a letter to Alexei Kosygin on 31 January 1968 demanding further military and economic aid, which was interpreted by the Soviets as the price they would have to pay to restrain Kim Il-sung's bellicosity. Consequently, Kim Il-sung was personally invited to Moscow, but he refused to go in person owing to "increased defense preparations" he had to personally attend to, sending instead his defense minister, Kim Ch’ang-bong, who arrived on 26 February 1968. During a long meeting with Brezhnev, the Soviet leader made it clear that they were not willing to go to war with the United States, but agreed to an increase in subsidies for North Korea, which did happen in subsequent years.[34]:15-18

Aftermath: capture and repatriation


Pueblo's crew being released by the North Koreans across the Bridge of No Return in the Joint Security Area of the DMZ (De-militarized Zone) in Panmunjom, Korea on 23 December 1968.


Crew of USS Pueblo upon release on 23 December 1968.


Official Navy photograph of Pueblo's crew taken on the grounds of the Balboa Naval Hospital in San Diego shortly after their arrival.

Timeline of negotiations

With Major General Pak Chung-kuk representing North Korea (DPRK) and U.S. Navy Rear Admiral John Victor Smith representing the United States until April 1968, at which point he is replaced by U.S. Army Major General Gilbert H. Woodward. Timeline and quotations are taken from Matter of Accountability by Trevor Armbrister.[35]

Date / Chief Negotiator / Event / Position of respective government

23 January 1968 (around noon local time) / -- / Pueblo is intercepted by North Korean forces close to the North Korean port city of Wonsan.

24 January 1968 (11am local time) / Admiral Smith / Protests the "heinous" Blue House raid and subsequently plays a tape of a captured North Korean soldier's "confession" ... "I want to tell you, Pak, that the evidence against you North Korean Communists is overwhelming ... I now have one more subject to raise which is also of an extremely serious nature. It concerns the criminal boarding and seizure of ... Pueblo in international waters. It is necessary that your regime do the following: one, return the vessel and crew immediately; two, apologize to the Government of the United States for this illegal action. You are advised that the United States reserves the right to ask for compensation under international law."

24 January 1968 (11am local time) / General Pak / "Our saying goes, 'A mad dog barks at the moon', ... At the two hundred and sixtieth meeting of this commission held four days ago, I again registered a strong protest with your side against having infiltrated into our coastal waters a number of armed spy boats ... and demanded you immediately stop such criminal acts ... this most overt act of the US imperialist aggressor forces was designed to aggravate tension in Korea and precipitate another war of aggression...
The United States must admit that Pueblo entered North Korean waters, must apologize for this intrusion, and must assure the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea that such intrusions will never happen again. Admit, Apologize and Assure (the Three A's)."

4 March 1968 / -- / Names of dead and wounded prisoners are provided by the DPRK.

late April 1968 / -- / Admiral Smith is replaced by US Army Major General Gilbert H. Woodward as chief negotiator.

8 May 1968 / -- / General Pak presents General Woodward with the document by which the United States would admit that Pueblo had entered the DPRK's waters, would apologize for the intrusion and assure the DPRK that such an intrusion would never happen again. It cited the "Three A's" as the only basis for a settlement and went on to denounce the United States for a whole host of other "crimes".

29 August 1968 / General Woodward / A proposal drafted by US Under Secretary of State Nicholas Katzenbach [the "overwrite" strategy] is presented. "If I acknowledge receipt of the crew on a document satisfactory to you as well as to us, would you then be prepared to release all of the crew?"

29 August 1968 / General Pak / "Well, we have already told you what you must sign ..."

17 September 1968 /General Pak / "If you will sign our document, something might be worked out..."

30 September 1968 / General Pak / "If you will sign the document, we will at the same time turn over the men"

30 September 1968 / General Woodward / "We do not feel it is just to sign a paper saying we have done something we haven't done. However, in the interest of reuniting the crew with their families, we might consider an 'acknowledge receipt'"

10 October 1968 / General Woodward / (demonstrating to General Pak the nature of the 'signing') "I will write here that I hereby acknowledge receipt of eighty-two men and one corpse..."

10 October 1968 / General Pak / "You are employing sophistries and petty stratagems to escape responsibility for the crimes which your side committed..."

23 October 1968 / -- / The "overwrite" proposal is again set out by General Woodward and General Pak again denounces it as a "petty strategem".

31 October 1968 / General Woodward / "If I acknowledge receipt of the crew on a document satisfactory to you as well as to us, would you then be prepared to release all of the crew?"

31 October 1968 / General Pak / "The United States must admit that Pueblo had entered North Korean waters, must apologize for this intrusion, and must assure the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea that this will never happen again."

17 December 1968 / General Woodward / Explains a proposal by State Department Korea chief James Leonard: the "prior refutation" scheme. The United States would agree to sign the document but General Woodward would then verbally denounce it once the prisoners had been released.

17 December 1968 / General Pak / [following a 50min recess] "I note that you will sign my document ... we have reached agreement."

23 December 1968 / -- / General Woodward on behalf of the United States signs the Three A's document and the DPRK at the same time allows Pueblo's prisoners to return to US custody.

Tourist attraction

Pueblo is a tourist attraction in Pyongyang, North Korea, since being moved to the Taedong River.[36] Pueblo used to be anchored at the spot where it is believed the General Sherman incident took place in 1866. In late November 2012 Pueblo was moved from the Taedong river dock to a casement on the Botong river next to the new Fatherland War of Liberation Museum. The ship was renovated and made open to tourists with an accompanying video[37] of the North Korean perspective in late July 2013. To commemorate the anniversary of the Korean War, the ship had a new layer of paint added.[38] As of April 2015, the museum is moored and on display at the Pyongyang Victorious War Museum. Visitors are allowed to board the ship and see its secret code room and crew artifacts.[39]

The museum's position is 39°02.26 N 125°44.23 E

USS Pueblo in Pyongyang, North Korea



Offer to repatriate

During an August 2005 diplomatic session in North Korea, former U.S. Ambassador to South Korea Donald Gregg received verbal indications from high-ranking North Korean officials that the state would be willing to repatriate Pueblo to United States authorities, on the condition that a prominent U.S. government official, such as the Secretary of State, come to Pyongyang for high level talks. While the U.S. government has publicly stated on several occasions that the return of the still commissioned Navy vessel is a priority, the current overall situation of U.S. and North Korean relations makes such an official state visit unlikely.[40]

Lawsuit

Former Pueblo crew members William Thomas Massie, Dunnie Richard Tuck, Donald Raymond McClarren, and Lloyd Bucher sued the North Korean government for the abuse they suffered at its hands during their captivity. North Korea did not respond to the suit. In December 2008, U.S. District Judge Henry H. Kennedy, Jr., in Washington, D.C., awarded the plaintiffs $65 million in damages, describing their ill treatment by North Korea as "extensive and shocking."[41] The plaintiffs, as of October 2009, were attempting to collect the judgment from North Korean assets frozen by the U.S. government.[42]

Awards

Pueblo has earned the following awards –

As FS-344

American Campaign Medal World War II Victory Medal National Defense Service Medal

As USS Pueblo

Bronze starBronze star

Combat Action Ribbon | National Defense Service Medal with two stars
Armed Forces Expeditionary Medal Korea Defense Service Medal

As for the crew members, they did not receive full recognition for their involvement in the incident until decades later. In 1988, the military announced it would give out Prisoner of War medals to those captured in the nation’s conflicts. While thousands of American prisoners of war were awarded medals, the crew members of Pueblo did not receive them. Instead, they were classified as "detainees". It was not until Congress passed a law overturning this decision that the medals were awarded; the crew finally received the medals at San Diego in May 1990.[25]

Representation in popular culture

The Pueblo incident was dramatically depicted in the critically acclaimed 1973 ABC Theater televised production Pueblo. Hal Holbrook starred as Captain Lloyd Bucher. The two-hour drama was nominated for three Emmy Awards, winning two.[43][44]
An earlier British dramatization for the 1970 season of ITV Playhouse starred Ray McAnally as Bucher.[45]
In June 2014, satirical military news site Duffel Blog ran a story suggesting President Obama would trade Seoul for the return of Pueblo.[46]
In Season 4, episode 9 of the TV series Archer, the main character Sterling Archer exclaims, "This is for the Pueblo!" while fighting a group of North Korean spies.
Blind Robert Ward recorded the song "The Pueblo's Crew" in January 1969. It was released as Fonotone Records 6901.[47]
"Ride Captain Ride" a song recorded by the American rock band Blues Image in 1970 had a lot of fans thinking this song was based on Pueblo, however the lyrics state "73 men sailed off", instead of 83.

See also

emblem United States Navy portal
1969 EC-121 shootdown incident
Korean DMZ Conflict (1966–69)
List of museums in North Korea

Other conflicts:

Gulf of Tonkin incident
Hainan Island incident
Mayaguez incident
USS Liberty incident

General:

Technical research ship
List of hostage crises

References

1. "Pueblo Incident". "Naenara" News from South Korea. Archived from the original on 27 May 2015.
2. ^Schindler, John R. "A Dangerous Business: The U.S. Navy and National Reconnaissance During the Cold War" (PDF). p. 9. Retrieved 24 June 2013.
3. "USS Pueblo – AGER-2". Naval Vessel Register. Retrieved 11 June 2009.
4. MacClintock, R. "USS Pueblo Today". USS Pueblo Veteran's Association.
5. "List of active ships". Naval Vessel Register. NAVSEA Shipbuilding Support Office. Retrieved 23 May 2013.
6. "U.S. Army cargo ship FP-344 (1944–1966), later renamed FS-344". Naval History and Heritage Command Online Library of Selected Images.
7. "World War II Coast Guard Manned U.S. Army Freight and Supply Ship Histories:FS-344". U.S. Coast Guard.
8. "Attacked by North Koreans". USS Pueblo Veteran's Association. Archived from the original on 28 August 2008. Retrieved 11 June 2009.
9. "USS Pueblo AGER 2: Background Information" (PDF). National Security Agency. p. 10. Retrieved 13 June 2013.
10. "USS Pueblo". Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships.
11. Newton, Robert E. (1992). "The Capture of the USS Pueblo and Its Effect on SIGINT Operations" (PDF). U.S. Cryptologic History, Special Series, Crisis Collection, Vol. 7, National Security Agency (NSA). Retrieved 19 February 2010.
12. "Questions of international law raised by the seizure of the U.S.S. Pueblo",Proceedings of the American Society of International Law: at its sixty third annual meeting held at Washington, D.C., 24–26 April 1969. American Society of International Law.
13. "North Korean Transmissions from January 1968: Chronology" (PDF). National Security Agency (NSA). 1968. Retrieved 26 June 2013.
14. Mobley, Richard A. (2003). Flash Point North Korea. Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-55750-403-6.
15. "N. Korea Seize U.S. Ship, 1968 Year in Review". UPI.com. 1968. Retrieved 11 June 2009.
16. "Interview with Horace W. Busby, 1981". WGBH Media Library & Archives. 24 April 1981. Retrieved 9 November 2010.
17. Lerner, Mitchell; Shin, Jong-Dae (March 2012). "New Romanian Evidence on the Blue House Raid and the USS Pueblo Incident. NKIDP e-Dossier No. 5". Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Retrieved 23 April 2012.
18. Iredale, Harry; McClintock, Ralph. "Compound 2 'The Farm'". USS Pueblo Veteran's Association. Archived from the original on 30 September 2010. Retrieved 30 September 2010. The treatment would become better or worse depending upon the day, the week, the guard, the duty officer or the situation.
19. Stu, Russell. "The Digit Affair". USS Pueblo Veteran's Association. Archived from the original on 30 September 2010. Retrieved 30 September 2010. The finger became an integral part of our anti-propaganda campaign. Any time a camera appeared, so did the fingers.
20. "Bush lauded for handling of EP-3 incident". WorldNetDaily. Archived from the original on 1 February 2009.
21. "End of North Korea?". The Palm Beach Times.
22. Cheevers, Jack (2013). Act of War: Lyndon Johnson, North Korea, and the Capture of the Spy Ship Pueblo. Penguin. ISBN 978-0-45146-619-8.
23. Kennedy, Charles S. (27 March 1995). "The USS Pueblo Incident – Assassins in Seoul, A Spy Ship Captured". The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training: Foreign Affairs Oral History Project. Retrieved 20 February 2013.
24. Probst, Reed R. (16 May 1977). "Negotiating With the North Koreans: The U.S. Experience at Panmunjom" (PDF). Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania: U.S. Army War College. Archived from the original (PDF) on 25 July 2008. Retrieved 17 December 2009.
25. "Remembering the Pueblo and North Korea". The San Diego Union-Tribune. 19 December 2011. Retrieved 18 October 2014.
26. Bucher, Lloyd M.; Mark Rascovich (1970). Bucher: My Story. Doubleday & Company. ISBN 0385072449.
27. "Lloyd Bucher, captain of the Pueblo, buried in San Diego". North County Times. 3 February 2004. Retrieved 11 June 2009.
28. "Crypto gear, John Walker and the History Channel". USS Pueblo Veteran's Association.
29. Heath, Laura J. Analysis of the Systemic Security Weaknesses of the U.S. Navy Fleet Broadcasting System, 1967–1974, as Exploited by CWO John Walker(PDF) U.S. Army Command and General Staff College Master's Thesis. 2005.
30. Prados, John. The Navy's Biggest Betrayal. Naval History 24, no. 3 (June 2010): 36.
31. "New Romanian Evidence on the Blue House Raid and the USS Pueblo Incident". 20 April 2012.
32. Freeman, C. (30 June 2015). "China and North Korea: Strategic and Policy Perspectives from a Changing China". Springer – via Google Books.
33. https://www.documentcloud.org/documents ... utual.html
34. Radchenko, Sergey S. "The Soviet Union and the North Korean Seizure of the USS Pueblo: Evidence from Russian Archives" (PDF). Cold War International History Project. Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
35. Armbrister, Trevor (1971). Matter of Accountability. Barrie & Jenkins. ISBN 978-0214652141.
36. Gluck, Caroline. "North Korea drags its feet". BBC News. Retrieved 23 January2007.
37. "North Korean DPRK Liberation War Museum Video: Pueblo, U.S. Armed Spy Ship". Ryugyong Programming Center, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea's media website.
38. "North Korea to put US spy ship captured in 1968 on display". The Guardian. 25 July 2013. Retrieved 25 July 2013.
39. Donenfeld, Jeffrey. "Full report: Visit to North Korea and the Pyongyang marathon". Jeffreydonenfeld.com. Retrieved 19 August 2015.
40. "Saturday feature: Old flag for an old spy ship". Shipping Times. Archived from the original on 1 February 2009. Retrieved 11 June 2009.
41. Washington Post, "Damages Awarded in USS Pueblo Case", 31 December 2008, p. 5.
42. Wilber, Del Quentin (8 October 2009). "Hell Hath a Jury: North Korea Tortured the Crew of USS Pueblo in 1968. 4 Victims Fought for Solace in the Courts". Washington Post. p. C1.
43. "Pueblo". IMDb. 29 March 1973.
44. "Pueblo – Trailer – Cast – Showtimes". The New York Times.
45. "The Pueblo Affair". IMDb. 19 January 1970.
46. Jay-B (7 June 2014). "Obama Trades Seoul To North Korea For Return Of USS Pueblo". Duffel Blog. Retrieved 10 April 2015.
47. The song was re-released in 2005 on the compilation album Fonotone Records: Frederick, Maryland (Dust-to-Digital DTD-03).

Sources

• This article incorporates text from the public domain Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships. The entry can be found here.
• This article includes information collected from the Naval Vessel Register, which, as a U.S. government publication, is in the public domain. The entry can be found here.
• NKIDP: Crisis and Confrontation on the Korean Peninsula: 1968–1969, A Critical Oral History
• USS PUEBLO TODAY