Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

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USS Pueblo (AGER-2)
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Image
Pueblo in North Korea, 2012
History
United States
Name: Pueblo
Namesake: Pueblo, Colorado and Pueblo County, Colorado
Builder: Kewaunee Shipbuilding and Engineering
Laid down: 1944
Launched: 16 April 1944
Commissioned: 7 April 1945
In service: 1945
Reclassified:
18 June 1966, AKL-44

13 May 1967, AGER-2
Honors and
awards:
National Defense Service Medal
Korean Defense Service Medal
Combat Action Ribbon (retroactive)
Captured: 23 January 1968
Fate: Captured by North Korea
Status: Active, in commission (to prevent seizure, currently held by North Korea as a museum ship)
Badge: USS Pueblo AGER-2 Crest.png
General characteristics
Class and type:
(As built) Army Freight and Supply (FS)
(Initial Navy) Camano-class light cargo ship (AKL)
(As converted) Banner-class environmental research ship
Type: (As built) Light Cargo Ship; (As converted) Intel-Gathering Vessel
Displacement: 550 tons light, 895 tons full, 345 tons dead
Length: 177 ft (54 m)
Beam: 32 ft (9.8 m)
Draft: 9 ft (2.7 m)
Propulsion: Two 500hp GM Cleveland Division 6-278A 6-cyl V6 Diesel engines
Speed: 12.7 knots (23.5 km/h; 14.6 mph)
Complement: 6 officers, 70 men
Armament: 2 × M2 Browning .50-caliber machine guns

USS Pueblo (AGER-2) is a Banner-class environmental research ship, attached to Navy intelligence as a spy ship, which was attacked and captured by North Korean forces on 23 January 1968, in what is known today as the "Pueblo incident" or alternatively, as the "Pueblo crisis".

The seizure of the U.S. Navy ship and its 83 crew members, one of whom was killed in the attack, came less than a week after President Lyndon B. Johnson's State of the Union address to the United States Congress, a week before the start of the Tet Offensive in South Vietnam during the Vietnam War, and three days after 31 men of North Korea's KPA Unit 124 had crossed the Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) and killed 26 South Koreans in an attempt to attack the South Korean Blue House (executive mansion) in the capital Seoul. The taking of Pueblo and the abuse and torture of its crew during the subsequent 11-month prisoner drama became a major Cold War incident, raising tensions between the western democracies and the Soviet Union and China.

North Korea stated that Pueblo deliberately entered their territorial waters 7.6 nautical miles (14 km) away from Ryo Island, and that the logbook shows that they intruded several times.[1] However, the United States maintains that the vessel was in international waters at the time of the incident and that any purported evidence supplied by North Korea to support its statements was fabricated.[2]

Pueblo, still held by North Korea today, officially remains a commissioned vessel of the United States Navy.[3] Since early 2013, the ship has been moored along the Potong River in Pyongyang, and used there as a museum ship at the Pyongyang Victorious War Museum.[4] Pueblo is the only ship of the U.S. Navy still on the commissioned roster currently being held captive.[5]

Initial operations

Image
U.S. Army Cargo Vessel FP-344 (1944). Transferred to the Navy in 1966, she became USS Pueblo (AGER-2)

The ship was launched at the Kewaunee Shipbuilding and Engineering Company in Kewaunee, Wisconsin, on 16 April 1944, as the United States Army Freight and Passenger (FP) FP-344. The Army later redesignated the FP vessels as Freight and Supply changing the designation to FS-344.[6] The ship, commissioned at New Orleans on 7 April 1945, served as a Coast Guard–manned Army vessel used for training civilians for the Army. Her first commanding officer was Lt. J. R. Choate, USCGR, succeeded by Lt. J.G. Marvin B. Barker, USCGR, on 12 September 1945.[7] FS-344 was placed out of service in 1954.

FS-344 was transferred to the United States Navy on 12 April 1966 and was renamed USS Pueblo (AKL-44) after Pueblo and Pueblo County, Colorado on 18 June of the same year.

Initially, she served as a light cargo ship, but shortly after resuming service was converted to an intelligence gathering ship, or what is colloquially known as a "spy ship", and redesignated AGER-2 on 13 May 1967.

Pueblo incident

On 5 January 1968, Pueblo left U.S. Navy base Yokosuka, Japan, in transit to the U.S. naval base at Sasebo, Japan; from there she left on 11 January 1968, headed northward through the Tsushima Strait into the Sea of Japan. She left with specific orders to intercept and conduct surveillance of Soviet Navy activity in the Tsushima Strait and to gather signal and electronic intelligence from North Korea.[8] The declassified SIGAD for the National Security Agency (NSA) Direct Support Unit (DSU) from the Naval Security Group (NSG) on Pueblo during the patrol involved in the incident was USN-467Y.[9] AGER (Auxiliary General Environmental Research) denoted a joint Naval and National Security Agency (NSA) program.[10]

At 17:30 on 20 January 1968, a North Korean modified SO-1 class Soviet style submarine chaser passed within 4,000 yards (3.7 km) of Pueblo, which was about 15.4 miles (24.8 km) southeast of Mayang-do at a position 39°47'N and 128°28.5'E.[11]

In the afternoon of 22 January 1968, the two North Korean fishing trawlers Rice Paddy 1 and Rice Paddy 2 passed within 30 yards (27 m) of Pueblo. That day, a North Korean unit made an assassination attempt in the "Blue House" executive mansion against the South Korean President Park Chung-hee, but the crew of Pueblo were not informed.[11]

According to the American account, the following day, 23 January, Pueblo was approached by a submarine chaser and her nationality was challenged; Pueblo responded by raising the U.S. flag. The North Korean vessel then ordered it to stand down or be fired upon. Pueblo attempted to maneuver away, but was considerably slower than the submarine chaser. Several warning shots were fired. Additionally, three torpedo boats appeared on the horizon and then joined in the chase and subsequent attack.

The attackers were soon joined by two MiG-21 fighters. A fourth torpedo boat and a second submarine chaser appeared on the horizon a short time later. The ammunition on Pueblo was stored belowdecks, and her machine guns were wrapped in cold weather tarpaulins. The machine guns were unmanned, and no attempt was made to man them. An NSA report quotes the sailing order:

(...) Defensive armament (machine guns) should be stowed or covered in such manner so that it does not cause unusual interest by surveyed units. It should be used only in the event of a threat to survival (...)


and notes

In practice, it was discovered that, because of the temperamental adjustments of the firing mechanisms, the .50-caliber machine guns took at least ten minutes to activate. Only one crew member, with former army experience, had ever had any experience with such weapons, although members of the crew had received rudimentary instructions on the weapons immediately prior to the ship's deployment.[11]


Image
Reported positions of USS Pueblo

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North Korean chart showing where they say they captured USS Pueblo

U.S. Navy authorities and the crew of Pueblo insist that before the capture, Pueblo was miles outside North Korean territorial waters. North Korea says the vessel was well within North Korean territory. The mission statement allowed her to approach within a nautical mile (1,852 m) of that limit. North Korea, however, describes a 50-nautical-mile (93 km) sea boundary even though international standards were 12 nautical miles (22 km) at the time.[12]

The North Korean vessels attempted to board Pueblo, but she was maneuvered to prevent this for over two hours. A submarine chaser then opened fire with a 57 mm cannon, killing one member of the crew. The smaller vessels fired machine guns into Pueblo, which then signaled compliance and began destroying sensitive material. The volume of material on board was so great that it was impossible to destroy it all. An NSA report quotes Lieutenant Steve Harris, the officer in charge of Pueblo's Naval Security Group Command detachment:

(...) we had retained on board the obsolete publications and had all good intentions of getting rid of these things but had not done so at the time we had started the mission. I wanted to get the place organized eventually and we had excessive numbers of copies on board (...)


and concludes

Only a small percentage of the total classified material aboard the ship was destroyed.


Radio contact between Pueblo and the Naval Security Group in Kamiseya, Japan, had been ongoing during the incident. As a result, Seventh Fleet command was fully aware of Pueblo's situation. Air cover was promised but never arrived. The Fifth Air Force had no aircraft on strip alert, and estimated a two to three-hour delay in launching aircraft. USS Enterprise was located 510 nautical miles (940 km) south of Pueblo, yet its four F-4B aircraft on alert were not equipped for an air-to-surface engagement. Enterprise's captain estimated that 1.5 hours (90 minutes) were required to get the converted aircraft into the air.[11] By the time President Lyndon B. Johnson was awakened, Pueblo had been captured and any rescue attempt would have been futile.

Pueblo followed the North Korean vessels as ordered, but then stopped immediately outside North Korean waters. She was again fired upon, and a sailor, fireman Duane Hodges, was killed. The ship was finally boarded at 05:55 UTC (2:55 pm local)[13] by men from a torpedo boat and a submarine chaser. Crew members had their hands tied and were blindfolded, beaten, and prodded with bayonets. Once Pueblo was in North Korean territorial waters, she was boarded again, this time by high-ranking North Korean officials.

The first official confirmation that the ship was in North Korean hands came five days later, 28 January 1968. Two days earlier a flight by a CIA A-12 Oxcart aircraft from the Project Black Shield squadron at Kadena, Okinawa flown by pilot Ronald Layton made three high altitude high speed flights over North Korea. When the aircraft's films were processed in the United States they showed Pueblo to be in the Wonsan harbor area surrounded by two North Korean vessels.[14]

There was dissent among government officials in the United States, regarding how to handle the situation. Congressman Mendel Rivers suggested that President Johnson issue an ultimatum for the return of Pueblo on penalty of nuclear attack, while Senator Gale McGee said the United States should wait for more information and not make "spasmodic response[s] to aggravating incidents".[15] According to Horace Busby, Special Assistant to President Johnson, the president's "reaction to the hostage taking was to work very hard here to keep down any demands for retaliation or any other attacks upon North Koreans", worried that rhetoric might result in the hostages being killed.[16]

Although American officials at the time assumed the seizure of Pueblo had been directed by the Soviet Union, it has emerged in recent years that North Korea acted alone and the incident actually harmed North Korea's relations with most of the Eastern Bloc.[17]

Aftermath

Pueblo was taken into port at Wonsan and the crew was moved twice to prisoner of war (POW) camps. The crew reported upon release that they were starved and regularly tortured while in North Korean custody. This treatment allegedly turned worse[18] when the North Koreans realized that crewmen were secretly giving them "the finger" in staged propaganda photos.[19]

Commander Lloyd M. Bucher was psychologically tortured, such as being put through a mock firing squad in an effort to make him confess. Eventually the North Koreans threatened to execute his men in front of him, and Bucher relented and agreed to "confess to his and the crew's transgression." Bucher wrote the confession since a "confession" by definition needed to be written by the confessor himself. They verified the meaning of what he wrote, but failed to catch the pun when he said "We paean the DPRK [North Korea]. We paean their great leader Kim Il Sung".[20][21] (Bucher pronounced "paean" as "pee on.")[22]

Negotiations for the release of the crew took place at Panmunjom. At the same time, U.S. officials were concerned with conciliating the South Koreans, who expressed discontent about being left out of the negotiations. Richard A. Ericson, a political counselor for the American embassy in Seoul and operating officer for the Pueblo negotiations, notes in his oral history:

The South Koreans were absolutely furious and suspicious of what we might do. They anticipated that the North Koreans would try to exploit the situation to the ROK's disadvantage in every way possible, and they were rapidly growing distrustful of us and losing faith in their great ally. Of course, we had this other problem of how to ensure that the ROK would not retaliate for the Blue House Raid and to ease their growing feelings of insecurity. They began to realize that the DMZ was porous and they wanted more equipment and aid. So, we were juggling a number of problems.[23]


He also noted how the meetings at Panmunjom were usually unproductive, due to the particular negotiating style of the North Koreans:

As one example, we would go up with a proposal of some sort on the release of the crew and they would be sitting there with a card catalog... If the answer to the particular proposal we presented wasn’t in the cards, they would say something that was totally unresponsive and then go off and come back to the next meeting with an answer that was directed to the question. But there was rarely an immediate answer. That happened all through the negotiations. Their negotiators obviously were never empowered to act or speak on the basis of personal judgment or general instructions. They always had to defer a reply and presumably they went over it up in Pyongyang and passed it around and then decided on it. Sometimes we would get totally nonsensical responses if they didn’t have something in the card file that corresponded to the proposal at hand.[23]


Image
North Korean Propaganda Photograph of prisoners of USS Pueblo. Photo and explanation from the Time article that blew the Hawaiian Good Luck Sign secret. The sailors were flipping the middle finger, as a way to covertly protest their captivity in North Korea, and the propaganda on their treatment and guilt. The North Koreans for months photographed them without knowing the real meaning of flipping the middle finger, while the sailors explained that the sign meant good luck in Hawaii.

Ericson and George Newman, the Deputy Chief of Mission in Seoul, wrote a telegram for the State Department in February 1968, predicting how the negotiations would play out:

What we said in effect was this: If you are going to do this thing at Panmunjom, and if your sole objective is to get the crew back, you will be playing into North Korea's hands and the negotiations will follow a clear and inevitable path. You are going to be asked to sign a document that the North Koreans will have drafted. They will brook no changes. It will set forth their point of view and require you to confess to everything they accuse you of... If you allow them to, they will take as much time as they feel they need to squeeze every damn thing they can get out of this situation in terms of their propaganda goals, and they will try to exploit this situation to drive a wedge between the U.S. and the ROK. Then when they feel they have accomplished all they can, and when we have agreed to sign their document of confession and apology, they will return the crew. They will not return the ship. This is the way it is going to be because this is the way it has always been.[23]


Following an apology, a written admission by the U.S. that Pueblo had been spying, and an assurance that the U.S. would not spy in the future, the North Korean government decided to release the 82 remaining crew members, although the written apology was preceded by an oral statement that it was done only to secure the release.[24] On 23 December 1968, the crew was taken by buses to the Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) border with South Korea and ordered to walk south one by one across the "Bridge of No Return". Exactly eleven months after being taken prisoner, the Captain led the long line of crewmen, followed at the end by the Executive Officer, Lieutenant Ed Murphy, the last man across the bridge. The U.S. then verbally retracted the ransom admission, apology, and assurance. Meanwhile, the North Koreans blanked out the paragraph above the signature which read: "and this hereby receipts for eighty two crewmen and one corpse".[clarification needed]

Bucher and all the officers and crew subsequently appeared before a Navy Court of Inquiry. A court-martial was recommended for Bucher and the Officer in Charge of the Research Department, Lieutenant Steve Harris for surrendering without a fight and for failing to destroy classified material, but the Secretary of the Navy, John Chafee, rejected the recommendation, stating, "They have suffered enough." Commander Bucher was never found guilty of any indiscretions and continued his Navy career until retirement.[25]

In 1970, Bucher published an autobiographical account of the USS Pueblo incident entitled Bucher: My Story.[26] Bucher died in San Diego on 28 January 2004, at the age of 76. James Kell, a former sailor under his command, suggested that the injuries suffered by Bucher during his time in North Korea contributed to his death.[27]

USS Pueblo is still held by North Korea. In October 1999, it was towed from Wonsan on the east coast, around the Korean Peninsula, to the port of Nampo on the west coast. This required moving the vessel through international waters, and was undertaken just before the visit of U.S. presidential envoy James Kelly to the capital Pyongyang. After the stop at the Nampo shipyard Pueblo was relocated to Pyongyang and moored on the Taedong River near the spot that the General Sherman incident is believed to have taken place. In late 2012 Pueblo was moved again to the Botong River in Pyongyang next to a new addition to the Fatherland Liberation War Museum.[4]

Today, Pueblo remains the second-oldest commissioned ship in the U.S. Navy, behind the USS Constitution ("Old Ironsides"). Pueblo is one of only a few American ships to have been captured since the wars in Tripoli.

Breach of US Navy communications security

Reverse engineering of communications devices on Pueblo allowed the North Koreans to share knowledge with the Soviet Union that led to the replication of those communications devices. This allowed the two nations access to the US Navy's communication systems until the late 1980s when the US Navy revised those systems. The seizure of Pueblo followed soon after US Navy warrant officer John Anthony Walker introduced himself to Soviet authorities, setting up the Walker spy ring. It has been argued that the seizure of Pueblo was executed specifically to capture the encryption devices aboard. Without them, it was difficult for the Soviets to make full use of Walker's information.[28][29][30]

In the communist camp

Documents released from National Archives of Romania suggest it was the Chinese rather than the Soviets who actively encouraged the reopening of hostilities in Korea during 1968, promising North Korea vast material support should hostilities in Korea resume. Together with Blue House Raid, the Pueblo incident turned out to be part of an increasing divergence between the Soviet leadership and North Korea. Fostering a resumption of hostilities in Korea, allegedly, was seen in Beijing as a way to mend relations between North Korea and China, and pull North Korea back in the Chinese sphere of influence in the context of the Sino-Soviet split. After the (then secret) diplomatic efforts of the Soviets to have the American crew released fell on deaf ears in Pyongyang, Leonid Brezhnev publicly denounced North Korea's actions at the 8th plenary session of the 23rd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[31] In contrast, the Chinese (state controlled) press published declarations supportive of North Korea's actions in the Pueblo incident.[32]

Furthermore, Soviet archives reveal that the Soviet leadership was particularly displeased that North Korean leader Kim Il-sung had contradicted the assurances he previously gave Moscow that he would avoid a military escalation in Korea. Previously secret documents suggest the Soviets were surprised by the Pueblo incident, first learning of it in the press. The same documents reveal that the North Koreans also kept the Soviets completely in the dark regarding ongoing negotiations with the Americans for the crew's release, which was another bone of contention. The Soviet reluctance at a reopening of hostilities in Korea was partly motivated by the fact that they had a 1961 treaty with North Korea that obliged them to intervene[33] in case the latter got attacked. Brezhnev however had made it clear in 1966 that just as in the case of the similar treaty they had with China, the Soviets were prepared to ignore it rather than go to all-out war with the United States.[34]:12-15

Given that Chinese and North Korean archives surrounding the incident remain secret, Kim Il-sung's intentions cannot be known with certainty. The Soviets revealed however that Kim Il-sung sent a letter to Alexei Kosygin on 31 January 1968 demanding further military and economic aid, which was interpreted by the Soviets as the price they would have to pay to restrain Kim Il-sung's bellicosity. Consequently, Kim Il-sung was personally invited to Moscow, but he refused to go in person owing to "increased defense preparations" he had to personally attend to, sending instead his defense minister, Kim Ch’ang-bong, who arrived on 26 February 1968. During a long meeting with Brezhnev, the Soviet leader made it clear that they were not willing to go to war with the United States, but agreed to an increase in subsidies for North Korea, which did happen in subsequent years.[34]:15-18

Aftermath: capture and repatriation

Image
Pueblo's crew being released by the North Koreans across the Bridge of No Return in the Joint Security Area of the DMZ (De-militarized Zone) in Panmunjom, Korea on 23 December 1968.

Image
Crew of USS Pueblo upon release on 23 December 1968.

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Official Navy photograph of Pueblo's crew taken on the grounds of the Balboa Naval Hospital in San Diego shortly after their arrival.

Timeline of negotiations

With Major General Pak Chung-kuk representing North Korea (DPRK) and U.S. Navy Rear Admiral John Victor Smith representing the United States until April 1968, at which point he is replaced by U.S. Army Major General Gilbert H. Woodward. Timeline and quotations are taken from Matter of Accountability by Trevor Armbrister.[35]

Date / Chief Negotiator / Event / Position of respective government

23 January 1968 (around noon local time) / -- / Pueblo is intercepted by North Korean forces close to the North Korean port city of Wonsan.

24 January 1968 (11am local time) / Admiral Smith / Protests the "heinous" Blue House raid and subsequently plays a tape of a captured North Korean soldier's "confession" ... "I want to tell you, Pak, that the evidence against you North Korean Communists is overwhelming ... I now have one more subject to raise which is also of an extremely serious nature. It concerns the criminal boarding and seizure of ... Pueblo in international waters. It is necessary that your regime do the following: one, return the vessel and crew immediately; two, apologize to the Government of the United States for this illegal action. You are advised that the United States reserves the right to ask for compensation under international law."

24 January 1968 (11am local time) / General Pak / "Our saying goes, 'A mad dog barks at the moon', ... At the two hundred and sixtieth meeting of this commission held four days ago, I again registered a strong protest with your side against having infiltrated into our coastal waters a number of armed spy boats ... and demanded you immediately stop such criminal acts ... this most overt act of the US imperialist aggressor forces was designed to aggravate tension in Korea and precipitate another war of aggression...
The United States must admit that Pueblo entered North Korean waters, must apologize for this intrusion, and must assure the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea that such intrusions will never happen again. Admit, Apologize and Assure (the Three A's)."

4 March 1968 / -- / Names of dead and wounded prisoners are provided by the DPRK.

late April 1968 / -- / Admiral Smith is replaced by US Army Major General Gilbert H. Woodward as chief negotiator.

8 May 1968 / -- / General Pak presents General Woodward with the document by which the United States would admit that Pueblo had entered the DPRK's waters, would apologize for the intrusion and assure the DPRK that such an intrusion would never happen again. It cited the "Three A's" as the only basis for a settlement and went on to denounce the United States for a whole host of other "crimes".

29 August 1968 / General Woodward / A proposal drafted by US Under Secretary of State Nicholas Katzenbach [the "overwrite" strategy] is presented. "If I acknowledge receipt of the crew on a document satisfactory to you as well as to us, would you then be prepared to release all of the crew?"

29 August 1968 / General Pak / "Well, we have already told you what you must sign ..."

17 September 1968 /General Pak / "If you will sign our document, something might be worked out..."

30 September 1968 / General Pak / "If you will sign the document, we will at the same time turn over the men"

30 September 1968 / General Woodward / "We do not feel it is just to sign a paper saying we have done something we haven't done. However, in the interest of reuniting the crew with their families, we might consider an 'acknowledge receipt'"

10 October 1968 / General Woodward / (demonstrating to General Pak the nature of the 'signing') "I will write here that I hereby acknowledge receipt of eighty-two men and one corpse..."

10 October 1968 / General Pak / "You are employing sophistries and petty stratagems to escape responsibility for the crimes which your side committed..."

23 October 1968 / -- / The "overwrite" proposal is again set out by General Woodward and General Pak again denounces it as a "petty strategem".

31 October 1968 / General Woodward / "If I acknowledge receipt of the crew on a document satisfactory to you as well as to us, would you then be prepared to release all of the crew?"

31 October 1968 / General Pak / "The United States must admit that Pueblo had entered North Korean waters, must apologize for this intrusion, and must assure the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea that this will never happen again."

17 December 1968 / General Woodward / Explains a proposal by State Department Korea chief James Leonard: the "prior refutation" scheme. The United States would agree to sign the document but General Woodward would then verbally denounce it once the prisoners had been released.

17 December 1968 / General Pak / [following a 50min recess] "I note that you will sign my document ... we have reached agreement."

23 December 1968 / -- / General Woodward on behalf of the United States signs the Three A's document and the DPRK at the same time allows Pueblo's prisoners to return to US custody.


Tourist attraction

Pueblo is a tourist attraction in Pyongyang, North Korea, since being moved to the Taedong River.[36] Pueblo used to be anchored at the spot where it is believed the General Sherman incident took place in 1866. In late November 2012 Pueblo was moved from the Taedong river dock to a casement on the Botong river next to the new Fatherland War of Liberation Museum. The ship was renovated and made open to tourists with an accompanying video[37] of the North Korean perspective in late July 2013. To commemorate the anniversary of the Korean War, the ship had a new layer of paint added.[38] As of April 2015, the museum is moored and on display at the Pyongyang Victorious War Museum. Visitors are allowed to board the ship and see its secret code room and crew artifacts.[39]

The museum's position is 39°02.26 N 125°44.23 E

USS Pueblo in Pyongyang, North Korea

Image

Offer to repatriate

During an August 2005 diplomatic session in North Korea, former U.S. Ambassador to South Korea Donald Gregg received verbal indications from high-ranking North Korean officials that the state would be willing to repatriate Pueblo to United States authorities, on the condition that a prominent U.S. government official, such as the Secretary of State, come to Pyongyang for high level talks. While the U.S. government has publicly stated on several occasions that the return of the still commissioned Navy vessel is a priority, the current overall situation of U.S. and North Korean relations makes such an official state visit unlikely.[40]

Lawsuit

Former Pueblo crew members William Thomas Massie, Dunnie Richard Tuck, Donald Raymond McClarren, and Lloyd Bucher sued the North Korean government for the abuse they suffered at its hands during their captivity. North Korea did not respond to the suit. In December 2008, U.S. District Judge Henry H. Kennedy, Jr., in Washington, D.C., awarded the plaintiffs $65 million in damages, describing their ill treatment by North Korea as "extensive and shocking."[41] The plaintiffs, as of October 2009, were attempting to collect the judgment from North Korean assets frozen by the U.S. government.[42]

Awards

Pueblo has earned the following awards –

As FS-344

American Campaign Medal World War II Victory Medal National Defense Service Medal

As USS Pueblo

Bronze starBronze star

Combat Action Ribbon | National Defense Service Medal with two stars
Armed Forces Expeditionary Medal Korea Defense Service Medal

As for the crew members, they did not receive full recognition for their involvement in the incident until decades later. In 1988, the military announced it would give out Prisoner of War medals to those captured in the nation’s conflicts. While thousands of American prisoners of war were awarded medals, the crew members of Pueblo did not receive them. Instead, they were classified as "detainees". It was not until Congress passed a law overturning this decision that the medals were awarded; the crew finally received the medals at San Diego in May 1990.[25]

Representation in popular culture

The Pueblo incident was dramatically depicted in the critically acclaimed 1973 ABC Theater televised production Pueblo. Hal Holbrook starred as Captain Lloyd Bucher. The two-hour drama was nominated for three Emmy Awards, winning two.[43][44]
An earlier British dramatization for the 1970 season of ITV Playhouse starred Ray McAnally as Bucher.[45]
In June 2014, satirical military news site Duffel Blog ran a story suggesting President Obama would trade Seoul for the return of Pueblo.[46]
In Season 4, episode 9 of the TV series Archer, the main character Sterling Archer exclaims, "This is for the Pueblo!" while fighting a group of North Korean spies.
Blind Robert Ward recorded the song "The Pueblo's Crew" in January 1969. It was released as Fonotone Records 6901.[47]
"Ride Captain Ride" a song recorded by the American rock band Blues Image in 1970 had a lot of fans thinking this song was based on Pueblo, however the lyrics state "73 men sailed off", instead of 83.

See also

emblem United States Navy portal
1969 EC-121 shootdown incident
Korean DMZ Conflict (1966–69)
List of museums in North Korea

Other conflicts:

Gulf of Tonkin incident
Hainan Island incident
Mayaguez incident
USS Liberty incident

General:

Technical research ship
List of hostage crises

References

1. "Pueblo Incident". "Naenara" News from South Korea. Archived from the original on 27 May 2015.
2. ^Schindler, John R. "A Dangerous Business: The U.S. Navy and National Reconnaissance During the Cold War" (PDF). p. 9. Retrieved 24 June 2013.
3. "USS Pueblo – AGER-2". Naval Vessel Register. Retrieved 11 June 2009.
4. MacClintock, R. "USS Pueblo Today". USS Pueblo Veteran's Association.
5. "List of active ships". Naval Vessel Register. NAVSEA Shipbuilding Support Office. Retrieved 23 May 2013.
6. "U.S. Army cargo ship FP-344 (1944–1966), later renamed FS-344". Naval History and Heritage Command Online Library of Selected Images.
7. "World War II Coast Guard Manned U.S. Army Freight and Supply Ship Histories:FS-344". U.S. Coast Guard.
8. "Attacked by North Koreans". USS Pueblo Veteran's Association. Archived from the original on 28 August 2008. Retrieved 11 June 2009.
9. "USS Pueblo AGER 2: Background Information" (PDF). National Security Agency. p. 10. Retrieved 13 June 2013.
10. "USS Pueblo". Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships.
11. Newton, Robert E. (1992). "The Capture of the USS Pueblo and Its Effect on SIGINT Operations" (PDF). U.S. Cryptologic History, Special Series, Crisis Collection, Vol. 7, National Security Agency (NSA). Retrieved 19 February 2010.
12. "Questions of international law raised by the seizure of the U.S.S. Pueblo",Proceedings of the American Society of International Law: at its sixty third annual meeting held at Washington, D.C., 24–26 April 1969. American Society of International Law.
13. "North Korean Transmissions from January 1968: Chronology" (PDF). National Security Agency (NSA). 1968. Retrieved 26 June 2013.
14. Mobley, Richard A. (2003). Flash Point North Korea. Naval Institute Press. ISBN 978-1-55750-403-6.
15. "N. Korea Seize U.S. Ship, 1968 Year in Review". UPI.com. 1968. Retrieved 11 June 2009.
16. "Interview with Horace W. Busby, 1981". WGBH Media Library & Archives. 24 April 1981. Retrieved 9 November 2010.
17. Lerner, Mitchell; Shin, Jong-Dae (March 2012). "New Romanian Evidence on the Blue House Raid and the USS Pueblo Incident. NKIDP e-Dossier No. 5". Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Retrieved 23 April 2012.
18. Iredale, Harry; McClintock, Ralph. "Compound 2 'The Farm'". USS Pueblo Veteran's Association. Archived from the original on 30 September 2010. Retrieved 30 September 2010. The treatment would become better or worse depending upon the day, the week, the guard, the duty officer or the situation.
19. Stu, Russell. "The Digit Affair". USS Pueblo Veteran's Association. Archived from the original on 30 September 2010. Retrieved 30 September 2010. The finger became an integral part of our anti-propaganda campaign. Any time a camera appeared, so did the fingers.
20. "Bush lauded for handling of EP-3 incident". WorldNetDaily. Archived from the original on 1 February 2009.
21. "End of North Korea?". The Palm Beach Times.
22. Cheevers, Jack (2013). Act of War: Lyndon Johnson, North Korea, and the Capture of the Spy Ship Pueblo. Penguin. ISBN 978-0-45146-619-8.
23. Kennedy, Charles S. (27 March 1995). "The USS Pueblo Incident – Assassins in Seoul, A Spy Ship Captured". The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training: Foreign Affairs Oral History Project. Retrieved 20 February 2013.
24. Probst, Reed R. (16 May 1977). "Negotiating With the North Koreans: The U.S. Experience at Panmunjom" (PDF). Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania: U.S. Army War College. Archived from the original (PDF) on 25 July 2008. Retrieved 17 December 2009.
25. "Remembering the Pueblo and North Korea". The San Diego Union-Tribune. 19 December 2011. Retrieved 18 October 2014.
26. Bucher, Lloyd M.; Mark Rascovich (1970). Bucher: My Story. Doubleday & Company. ISBN 0385072449.
27. "Lloyd Bucher, captain of the Pueblo, buried in San Diego". North County Times. 3 February 2004. Retrieved 11 June 2009.
28. "Crypto gear, John Walker and the History Channel". USS Pueblo Veteran's Association.
29. Heath, Laura J. Analysis of the Systemic Security Weaknesses of the U.S. Navy Fleet Broadcasting System, 1967–1974, as Exploited by CWO John Walker(PDF) U.S. Army Command and General Staff College Master's Thesis. 2005.
30. Prados, John. The Navy's Biggest Betrayal. Naval History 24, no. 3 (June 2010): 36.
31. "New Romanian Evidence on the Blue House Raid and the USS Pueblo Incident". 20 April 2012.
32. Freeman, C. (30 June 2015). "China and North Korea: Strategic and Policy Perspectives from a Changing China". Springer – via Google Books.
33. https://www.documentcloud.org/documents ... utual.html
34. Radchenko, Sergey S. "The Soviet Union and the North Korean Seizure of the USS Pueblo: Evidence from Russian Archives" (PDF). Cold War International History Project. Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
35. Armbrister, Trevor (1971). Matter of Accountability. Barrie & Jenkins. ISBN 978-0214652141.
36. Gluck, Caroline. "North Korea drags its feet". BBC News. Retrieved 23 January2007.
37. "North Korean DPRK Liberation War Museum Video: Pueblo, U.S. Armed Spy Ship". Ryugyong Programming Center, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea's media website.
38. "North Korea to put US spy ship captured in 1968 on display". The Guardian. 25 July 2013. Retrieved 25 July 2013.
39. Donenfeld, Jeffrey. "Full report: Visit to North Korea and the Pyongyang marathon". Jeffreydonenfeld.com. Retrieved 19 August 2015.
40. "Saturday feature: Old flag for an old spy ship". Shipping Times. Archived from the original on 1 February 2009. Retrieved 11 June 2009.
41. Washington Post, "Damages Awarded in USS Pueblo Case", 31 December 2008, p. 5.
42. Wilber, Del Quentin (8 October 2009). "Hell Hath a Jury: North Korea Tortured the Crew of USS Pueblo in 1968. 4 Victims Fought for Solace in the Courts". Washington Post. p. C1.
43. "Pueblo". IMDb. 29 March 1973.
44. "Pueblo – Trailer – Cast – Showtimes". The New York Times.
45. "The Pueblo Affair". IMDb. 19 January 1970.
46. Jay-B (7 June 2014). "Obama Trades Seoul To North Korea For Return Of USS Pueblo". Duffel Blog. Retrieved 10 April 2015.
47. The song was re-released in 2005 on the compilation album Fonotone Records: Frederick, Maryland (Dust-to-Digital DTD-03).

Sources

• This article incorporates text from the public domain Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships. The entry can be found here.
• This article includes information collected from the Naval Vessel Register, which, as a U.S. government publication, is in the public domain. The entry can be found here.
• NKIDP: Crisis and Confrontation on the Korean Peninsula: 1968–1969, A Critical Oral History
• USS PUEBLO TODAY
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Feb 14, 2018 8:56 pm

Grover Wright, Jr.
by afterlife.co
Accessed: 12/8/17

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Grover Cleveland Wright, Jr. died in his Virginia Beach home on June 28, 2017. He left his wife and five children as the sun went down. He was 84 years old and had been in declining health for several years.

Grover was born in Portsmouth, VA, on May 15, 1933. He was the youngest of six children born to Grover Cleveland Wright, Sr. and Annie Elliott Wright. He attended Ocean View Elementary, Blair Junior High and Maury High School.

An NROTC scholarship enabled him to attend the University of Virginia where he was on the boxing team. He served in the U.S. Marine Corps following graduation and was an infantry officer in the 1st Reconnaissance Battalion, as well as a competitive boxer.

Grover always credited his parents, UVA, and the Corps for being the most powerful, and beloved, influences on his life. He returned to Charlottesville for law school and graduated in 1961. He practiced law in Virginia Beach for 44 years, most of them as a sole practitioner.

He and his family are forever grateful to his stalwart legal assistant, Dorothy R. Swanson. Grover served as president of the Virginia Beach Bar Association and was listed in "The Best Lawyers in America" in two categories, for land use and family law. He loved practicing law, and was always honest, direct, and extremely meticulous in his preparation to best represent his clients.

Combative in the courtroom, he was equally as relaxed on any stretch of sand. Grover loved the beach. He ran barefoot on the beach year-round and always enjoyed afternoons with family and friends at Whalehead Beach or on the deck at 79th street overlooking Seashore State Park.

He was devoted to his wife and children and was an incredibly loving, generous, and proud father. All will miss his guiding hand. To him, family was his foundation.

His most lasting legacy will be the love and commitment his family continues to have for each other. Grover was preceded in death by his parents, two brothers, and three sisters. He is survived by his loving wife, Ann; five children: Laura Ellen Wright and husband Kevin Snowden, Laura Wood Habr and husband Khalil (Kal), Corbitt Wright and wife Beth, James Wood and wife Christy, Hannon Wright and wife Molly; and eleven precious grand-daughters: Lee Elizabeth Cline, Kathleen Alice Grimes, Callie Ann Khalil Habr, Noor Michel Khalil Habr, Caroline Callan Wood, Jill Wright Wood, Maggie Wright, Katherine James Wood, Jesse Hannon Wright, Anna Lee Wright, and Edith Catherine Wright.

A service to celebrate Grover's life will be held at Eastern Shore Chapel Episcopal Church in Virginia Beach on Saturday, July 8 at 1:00 PM. In lieu of flowers, the family asks you to consider a donation to the D.A. Taylor Charitable Foundation (http://www.dataylorfoundation.org) or Lynnhaven River NOW (http://www.lynnhavenrivernow.org) or the Old Beach Farmers Market.

H.D. Oliver Funeral Apts., Laskin Rd Chapel is handling arrangements.

Date of Birth : May 15 1933
Place of Birth : Portsmouth, Virginia
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Feb 14, 2018 8:57 pm

Barry Kantor
by Christie, Kantor, Griffin & Smith
Accessed 12/8/17

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A graduate of Virginia Tech and the University of Virginia School of Law, Barry Kantor practices exclusively in the area of family law including separation, divorce, custody, support (child and spousal), equitable distribution and retirement issues. Listed in the Best Lawyers of America for over 20 consecutive years, he was named 2009 Best Lawyer of America for Family Law in the Norfolk area. He has also been recognized as a Virginia Super Lawyer and a Virginia Legal Elite. He is a Fellow of the American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers and Past President of the Virginia Chapter; a Past President of the Norfolk-Portsmouth Bar Association; Past Chair of the Virginia State Bar criminal law section; a former member of the Virginia State Bar Board of Governors of the family law section; a former member of the Board of Directors of the National Center for Family Law; and a former member of the Second District Disciplinary Committee. He also formerly served as a Substitute Judge of the General District Courts and the Juvenile and Domestic Relations District Court. A retired Colonel in the Air Force Reserves, he is familiar with family law as it affects divorce by military personnel and their spouses. He has also served as CLE lecturer for the Virginia State Bar; Virginia Trial Lawyers Association; State Bar course on Professionalism; and the American Academy of Matrimonial Lawyers.

Active in community affairs, he has served as President of Crossroads Lions Club; President of the Tidewater Chapter of the Virginia Tech Alumni Association; past Master of Norfolk Lodge #1, AF & AM; and as a former member of the Executive Committee and Board of Directors of Congregation Beth El.

He has received Martindale-Hubbell’s highest rating – AV Peer Review for Ethical Standards and Legal Ability.
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Feb 14, 2018 8:57 pm

Charles T. Caddock
by Hun School of Princeton, Edgerstounian Yearbook (Princeton, NJ)
Class of 1955

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Faculty: Charles T. Caddock teaches French and a special English course for foreign students. He holds an M.A. degree from the University of Wisconsin, has attended the Universite de Grenoble and the Sorbonne. Mr. Caddock has gained teaching experience in American and French colleges and has traveled throughout the world.
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Feb 14, 2018 9:00 pm

Welcome to New Teachers [Mrs. Richard Griggs and Mr. Alexander Robinson]
by Junior Journal, Princeton Country Day School
Vol. XXIX, No. 1
January, 1957
http://www.digifind-it.com/princetonday ... 957-01.pdf

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Welcome to New Teachers

We welcome to the Faculty Mrs. Richard Griggs. Mrs. Griggs graduated from Trenton State Teachers' College and then taught at Roselle Park Junior High School. She has also taught at the Nassau Street School. She now teaches Mathematics I and assists with the secretarial duties.

We also welcome Mr. Alexander Robinson. Mr. Robinson graduated from Columbia University in 1951. He spent three years in the U.S. Marine Corps and then taught at the Hun School for two years. He now teaches Latin and History II.

__________________________________

Alexander P. Robinson
Obituaries
Town Topics: Princeton's Weekly Community Newspaper since 1946
March 21, 2012

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Alexander Proudfit Robinson, son of the late Rev. Stewart Robinson, DD (Princeton, ’15) and Anne Payne, died March 9 at The Pennswood Village, a retirement community where he had resided for the past seven years during which he had a warm, delightful relationship with staff and residents.

Born in Lockport, N.Y. on June 16, 1928, Alex grew up in Elizabeth, N.J. He attended the Darrow School, and upon graduation from Columbia University in 1951, joined the United States Marine Corps. He was discharged in 1954 with the rank of First Lieutenant and later attained the rank of Captain as a reservist.

From the early sixties until 2005, Alex was closely involved in the educational world and the community affairs of Montgomery Township. After serving as assistant headmaster at the Chapin School in Princeton and later teaching at The Hun School, he began a career at Somerset Community College in 1972 as associate dean of students and two years later took on the added responsibilities of registrar, positions he held until 1993. Subsequently, Alex continued part time as an adjunct instructor in the English department until 2003 and for the next two years tutored students. In 1987 Somerset CC was renamed Raritan Valley CC in recognition of Somerset and Hunterdon Counties joining forces to support the college.

During the period from 1978 to 1991, Alex devoted a great deal of time to the affairs of Montgomery Township, serving on a number of boards and committees, including a six year stint on the Township Committee during which period he also served one year terms as mayor and deputy mayor. In addition, he was very actively involved in the affairs of the Mary Jacobs Memorial Library as a member of the committee charged with raising funds to finance two library expansions. He also served on the Library Advisory Board and helped plan the second addition. Mei Mei Morris, former library director stated: “Without his help, our two additions and renovations, in 1992 and 2005, would not have been possible.”

A close, long term friend of Alex’s, Keith Wheelock, adjunct Professor of history at Raritan CC since 1992, served on the Township Committee at the same time as Alex, comments that in his role as mayor, “he looked and acted distinguished and thoughtful.” He further notes: “I remember Alex as a person proud of his country, dedicated to education and student mentoring, and as a steadfast friend. Alex thoroughly enjoyed teaching and mentoring and was good at both.”

Alex did find time for avocations. For a number of years during the 60’s and 70’s, he sang with the men’s singing group known as the Palmer Squares, and in the latter part of his life sang for several years with the Hopewell Valley Chorus. He also maintained a woodworking shop in his Princeton Hill Apartment, where he turned out wood working with meticulous pride principally for friends and family. As a young man, Alex was a devotee of fly-fishing, especially in the vicinity of his parents summer home located in Delhi, N.Y. Later in life he remained an active member of the local Delaware Fishing Club.

Alex is survived by his son Bruce; his brother J. Courtland (Princeton ’47); his wife Sally (Shoemaker); his sister Nancy and her husband William Becker; 13 nieces and nephews; and a number of grand nieces and nephews. His brother, Stewart (Princeton ’41) and his wife Ruth (McClelland), his sister Anne and her husband William Eddy (Princeton ’42), and his son Alexander predeceased him.

A memorial service is planned for a future date.
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Feb 14, 2018 9:01 pm

Saud bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz Al Saud
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/8/17

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Saud Al Faisal bin Abdulaziz Al Saud
His Royal Highness Prince Saud al Faisal bin Abdul Aziz (5550131494) (cropped).jpg
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Term 13 October 1975 – 29 April 2015
Predecessor Faisal
Successor Adel al-Jubeir
Monarch Khalid
Fahd
Abdullah
Salman
Born 2 January 1940
Ta'if, Saudi Arabia
Died 9 July 2015 (aged 75)
Los Angeles, United States
Spouse Jawhara bint Abdullah bin Abdul-Rahman
Full name
Saud Al Faisal bin Abdulaziz Al Saud
Father King Faisal
Mother Iffat Al-Thunayan
Religion Islam
Saud bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz Al Saud (Arabic: سعود بن فيصل بن عبد العزيز آل سعود‎), also known as Saud Al Faisal (Arabic: سعود الفيصل‎‎; 2 January 1940 – 9 July 2015), was a Saudi diplomat and statesman who served as Saudi Arabia's foreign minister from 1975 to 2015. A member of the Saudi royal family, he was the longest-serving foreign minister in world history since Klemens von Metternich.

Early life, education and early political career

Saud bin Faisal was born in Taif on 2 January 1940.[1][2] He was the second son of King Faisal and Iffat Al-Thunayan.[3][4] He attended the Hun School of Princeton[5] and graduated from Princeton University in 1964 or 1965 with a bachelor of arts degree in economics.[6][7] He was the full brother of Mohammed bin Faisal, Turki bin Faisal, Luluwah bint Faisal, Sara bint Faisal and Haifa bint Faisal.[8]

He became an economic consultant for the ministry of petroleum.[6] In 1966, he moved to general organization for petroleum and mineral resources (Petromin).[6] In February 1970, he became deputy governor of Petromin for planning affairs.[6] He was also a member of the High Coordination Committee.[6] In 1971, he became deputy minister of petroleum.[6] Prince Saud served in this post at the oil ministry until 1975 when he was appointed as state minister for foreign affairs.[9]

Foreign Minister

Saud bin Faisal was the foreign minister of Saudi Arabia. He was appointed to the post in October 1975.[9] His term ended on 29 April 2015 when he was replaced by Adel al-Jubeir, a former Saudi ambassador to the United States.[10]

Timeline

On 13 October 1975, King Khalid appointed him as foreign minister.[9][11] He currently holds the record for having been the world's longest-serving foreign minister. He was well regarded in the diplomatic community.[12] He spoke seven languages: Arabic, English, Spanish, Hebrew, French, Italian, and German.[12]

In May 1985, he officially visited Iran and meetings were focused on the annual pilgrimage of Iranians to Mecca.[13] The same year Prince Saud raised awareness in Britain of Soviet activity in the Horn of Africa.[3] He asked Condoleezza Rice to focus on "key substantive issues" of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. He complained that US banks were auditing Saudi Embassy banks illegally. He asserted that auditors were "inappropriate and aggressive". He also declared that the Saudi Embassy has diplomatic immunity.[14]

Prince Saud said in 2004 that Saudi Arabia would like to reduce its dependence on U.S.-dominated security arrangements.[15] In July 2004, he claimed the real source of problems in the Middle East were not Muslims but "injustice and deprivation inflicted in the region".[16] In August 2007, he denied allegations that terrorists were travelling from Saudi Arabia to Iraq and claimed it was vice versa.[17][18]

On 10 March 2006, he met with Hamas leaders in Riyadh.[19] In July 2006, he urged U.S. President George W. Bush to call for a ceasefire in the Lebanon bombing.[20] In January 2008, he supported parliamentary elections in Pakistan. He indicated that Pakistan did not need "overt, external interference" to solve political division. He commended Nawaz Sharif as stable bipartisan candidate.[21]

In February 2010, he told General[who?] Jones to distinguish between friends and enemies in Pakistan rather than using indiscriminate military action. He insisted that Pakistan's army must maintain its credibility.[22] In November 2010, he led the Saudi delegation at the G-20 Summit.[23]

In January 2011, he withdrew out of mediation efforts to reinstate a government in Lebanon.[24] In March 2011, he went to Europe to rally support for Saudi Arabia's intervention in Bahrain.[25]

Image
Prince Saud in 2012

After U.S. Gulf Cooperation Council forum at the GCC secretariat in Riyadh on 31 March 2012, he said it was a "duty" to arm the Syrian opposition and help them defend themselves against the daily bloody crackdown by forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad.[26] Commenting on the fragile security situation, Prince Saud noted that: "One of the most important causes is the continuation of the unresolved conflict as well as the continuation of the Israeli aggression policy against the Palestinians. "We have discussed, in the meeting, many issues, especially the heinous massacre against the Syrian people. We also discussed the latest developments in Yemen, and reviewed the overall developments and political situation in the Persian Gulf region, the Middle East and North Africa, as well as their repercussions on the security and stability of the region and the world," Prince Saud said.[27]

Iran and Lebanon

Rather than military action on Iran, Saud Al Faisal called for tougher sanctions such as travel bans and further bank lending restrictions.[28] He has stated U.S. foreign policy has tilted more power for Iran.[29] He compared the Iranian influence in Iraq with Iranian influence in Lebanon.[14] He commended positive developments by Iran such as its influence over Hezbollah to end street protests.[14]

In early 2011, he expressed fear of the "dangerous" instability in Lebanon after the fall of the Saad Hariri government. He also stated that Lebanon's ability to establish peaceful coexistence with so many different groups may be a significant loss in the Arab world if the nation failed in creating a government.[24]

Image
Prince Saud (left) meets Russian President Vladimir Putin on 14 February 2008.

In May 2014 it was reported that Prince Saud had invited Iran's foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif to visit Riyadh, breaking the ice in one of the most hostile relationships in the Middle East ahead of key talks on Iran's nuclear program in Vienna. Speaking to reporters in the Saudi capital, Foreign Minister Prince Saud said the kingdom was ready to host Iranian Foreign Minister "anytime he sees fit" and indicated that Riyadh was willing to open negotiations with its nemesis on the many combustible issues dividing them.[30]

Other governmental activities

Starting in 1998 under the reign of King Fahd, Saud Al Faisal and then the Crown Prince Abdullah managed the energy sector through a committee of technocrats and princes.[31] More specifically, Prince Saud was appointed chairman of the Saudi Aramco's committee charged with the project assessment in September 1999.[32]

On 20 November 2009, King Abdullah appointed Prince Saud as the chairman of the influential supreme economic council of Saudi Arabia.[33][34] Prince Saud was also a member of the military service council.[35]

Influence

Saudi foreign policy is designed by the King, not by the foreign minister.[3] Prince Saud worked closely with King Khalid, King Fahd and King Abdullah.

Prince Saud was firmly anti-Soviet and was an Arab nationalist.[3] He was more resistant to Israeli proposals than King Fahd.[3] He lamented his legacy might be defined "by profound disappointment than by success". He regretted how his generation of leaders have failed to create a Palestinian state.[12] He encouraged Iraqis to defend their country's sovereignty.[36]

In the Saudi royal court, his relationship with King Fahd was strained,[3] but he was one of King Abdullah's closest allies.[37] He was among the Saudi officials who worked to improve Saudi Arabia's international image and maintain its strong relationship with the United States after the September 11 attacks.[38][39]

Upon the death of King Abdullah, he was replaced as foreign minister by a younger commoner, Adel al-Jubeir.[37][40]

Personal life

Prince Saud was married to his cousin Jawhara bint Abdullah bin Abdul-Rahman,[7] and together they have three sons and three daughters.[1][3][41] His daughter Haifa bint Saud is married to Prince Sultan bin Salman,[42] the first of Royal Blood and the first Arab astronaut. Prince Saud lived in Jeddah.[14] Unlike other members of the Al Saud, he often spoke publicly and interacted with reporters.[43] Prince Saud spoke excellent English. He liked to play tennis.[3]

Social roles

Prince Saud was closely involved in philanthropy. He was a founding member of the King Faisal Foundation and chairman of the board of directors for the King Faisal School and Al Faisal University in Riyadh. He was also a member of the Society for Disabled Children and the Madinah Society for Welfare and Social Services.[44]

Illness and death

Prince Saud suffered from Parkinson's disease and back pain.[43] He had surgery in the United States.[43] His physical appearance showed signs of health deterioration, especially difficulty standing upright.[43] On 11 August 2012, he had another surgery to remove a "simple" blockage in the intestines due to adhesions resulting from previous surgery.[45] The operation was performed at the Specialist Hospital in Jeddah.[46] Prince Saud went to Los Angeles after he left the hospital on 6 September 2012. The ministry announced that he would stay there for a while.[47] On 25 January 2015, Prince Saud had a successful spine surgery in the U.S.[48] In March 2015 he was photographed using a walker.[49] With age, Saud faced many health problems, suffering from chronic back pain and having had various surgeries.[50]

Prince Saud died on 9 July 2015 at the age of 75 in Los Angeles.[51][52] His funeral prayer was held in Grand Mosque in Makkah.[53]

References

1. Saudi Arabia King Fahd bin Abdulaziz. Int'l Business Publications. 1 January 2005. p. 94. ISBN 978-0-7397-2740-9. Retrieved 10 March 2013.
2. "Prince Saud bin Faisal bin Abdulaziz". Saud Al Faisal. Retrieved 21 July 2013.
3. "Briefing" (PDF). The Guardian. 25 September 1985. Retrieved 13 October 2012.
4. Winberg Chai (22 September 2005). Saudi Arabia: A Modern Reader. University Press. p. 193. ISBN 978-0-88093-859-4. Retrieved 26 February 2013.
5. Thomas, Katrina. "America as Alma Mater", Saudi Aramco World, May/June 1979. Retrieved 27 January 2011. "Prince Sa'ud, the fourth son, also went to Hun School and Princeton."
6. "Saudi-European Relations: Towards a Reliable Partnership" (PDF). European Policy Centre. Retrieved 31 December 2012.
7. Luddington, Nick (5 April 1975). "King Faisal's eight sons". Lewiston Evening Journal. Jeddah. AP. Retrieved 26 February 2013.
8. Bahgat Korany; Ali E. Hillal Dessouki (1 January 2010). The Foreign Policies of Arab States: The Challenge of Globalization. American Univ in Cairo Press. p. 369. ISBN 978-977-416-360-9. Retrieved 14 September 2013.
9. "New Saudi Arabia King Picks Deputy Premiers". Sarasota Herald-Tribune. UPI. 30 March 1975. Retrieved 3 August 2012.
10. "Saudi king replaces crown prince in cabinet reshuffle". Al Jazeera. 29 April 2015. Retrieved 29 April 2015.
11. http://saudalfaisal.com/index_En.html
12. Michael Slackman (17 December 2009). "A Legacy of Regret for a Saudi Diplomat". The New York Times.
13. Gary G. Sick (Spring 1987). "Iran's Quest for Superpower Status". Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 28 July 2013.
14. James C. Oberwetter (24 February 2007). "APHSCT Townsend February 6 meeting with foreign minister Prince Saud Al Faisal". WikiLeaks. WikiLeaks cable: 07RIYADH367. Archived from the original on 1 January 2011. Retrieved 2 January 2011.
15. Wenran Jiang (11 July 2007). "China's Growing Energy Relations" (PDF). Chine Brief. 12 (14): 12–15. Retrieved 15 April 2012.
16. Prince Saud Al Faisal; Peter G. Peterson. "The United States and Saudi Arabia: A Relationship Threatened by Misconceptions". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved 25 May 2011.
17. "Iraq: Regional Perspectives and U.S. Policy" (PDF). Retrieved 25 May 2011.
18. "Saudi Arabia slams UN double standard". Coastal Digest. 28 September 2010. Retrieved 25 May 2011.
19. Mahjoob Zweiri (2006). "The Hamas Victory: shifting sands or major earthquake?" (PDF). Third World Quarterly. 27 (4): 675–687. doi:10.1080/01436590600720876. Retrieved 14 December 2012.
20. Abramowitz, Michael, and Robin Wright.Saudi Arabia Asks U.S. to Intervene in Lebanon. The Washington Post, 24 July 2006. Retrieved 29 May 2011.
21. Ford Fraker (2 January 2008). "Saudi Foreign Minister on the situation in Pakistan". WikiLeaks. WikiLeaks cable: 08RIYADH7. Archived from the original on 1 January 2011. Retrieved 2 January 2011.
22. "Scenesetter for special representative Ambassador Holbrooke's February 15–16 visit to Riyadh". WikiLeaks. 12 February 2010. WikiLeaks cable: 10RIYADH182. Archived from the original on 1 January 2011. Retrieved 2 January 2011.
23. "Prince Saud leads Saudi delegation to G-20 Summit". Saudi Embassy. 11 November 2010. Retrieved 25 May 2011.
24. "Saudis give up on Lebanon mediation talks". CNN. 19 January 2011.
25. Matthew Rosenberg; Jay Solomon; Margaret Coker (27 May 2011). "Saudi Bid to Curb Iran Worries U.S". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 31 December 2012.
26. "Saudi foreign minister says supporting Syrian opposition is a 'duty'". Al Arabiya. 31 March 2012. Retrieved 31 March 2012.
27. "Arming Syrian opposition is a duty, says Prince Saud". Saudi Gazette. 1 April 2012. Retrieved 2 August 2012.
28. Vilensky, Mike. "WikiLeaks: Saudi King Abdullah Encouraged U.S. to Attack Iran; Chinese Politburo Hacked Into Google – Daily Intel". NY Mag. Retrieved 25 May2011.
29. James Smith (11 February 2010). "Scenesetter for Secretary Clinton's Feb 15–16 visit to Saudi Arabia". WikiLeaks. WikiLeaks cable: 10RIYADH178. Archivedfrom the original on 1 January 2011. Retrieved 2 January 2011.
30. "In thaw, Saudi Arabia extends invitation to Iran". Washington Post. Retrieved 5 March 2015.
31. Seznec, J. F. (October 2002). "Stirrings in Saudi Arabia" (PDF). Journal of Democracy. 13 (4): 33–40. doi:10.1353/jod.2002.0080. Retrieved 8 April 2012.
32. David G. Victor; David R. Hults; Mark C. Thurber (8 December 2011). Oil and Governance: State-Owned Enterprises and the World Energy Supply. Cambridge University Press. p. 184. ISBN 978-1-107-00442-9. Retrieved 31 December 2012.
33. Clasmann, Anne-Beatrice (20 November 2009). "Discreetly, Saudis speculate about the throne succession". M&C News. Retrieved 29 April 2012.
34. "Royal Decree to add Prince Saud Al Faisal, Prince Mohammed bin Naif". Kingdom of Saudi Arabia Supreme Economic Council. 16 November 2009. Retrieved 29 April 2012.
35. "Saudi Authority to monitor audiovisual media". MEFAFN. Arab News. 4 September 2012. Retrieved 4 September 2012.
36. "No politics for Ben Ali in Kingdom". Arab News. 19 January 2011. Retrieved 23 July 2013.
37. MacDowall, Angus (29 April 2015). "NEWSMAKER-Saudi veteran foreign minister Prince Saud al-Faisal". Reuters. Retrieved 10 July 2015.
38. "Saudi Arabia's veteran foreign minister Prince Saud al-Faisal dies". Al-Araby. 10 July 2015. Retrieved 10 July 2015.
39. Saudi Arabia in the Balance: Political Economy, Society, Foreign Affairs (2006), ed. by Paul Aarts and Gerd Nonneman
40. Adamczyk, Ed (29 April 2015). "Saudi king shakes up ministries, line of succession". United Press International. Retrieved 10 July 2015.
41. "About Ministry". Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 3 November 2012.
42. "Family Tree of Saud bin Faisal". Datarabia. Retrieved 30 March 2012.
43. Henderson, Simon. "Foreign Policy: A Prince's Mysterious Disappearance". NPR. Retrieved 25 May 2011.
44. "Saudi Arabia: HRH Prince Saud Al Faisal bin Abdulaziz Al Saud". American Bedu. Retrieved 31 March 2012.
45. Sara Anablawi (12 August 2012). "Saudi's foreign minister undergoes abdominal surgery". Arabian Business. Retrieved 5 September 2012.
46. "King Visits Prince Saud Al Faisal". Saudi Press Agency. 19 August 2012. Retrieved 20 August 2012.
47. "Saudi Arabia: Foreign minister recovering from abdominal surgery in his Los Angeles home". The Washington Post. AP. 10 September 2012. Retrieved 10 September 2012.
48. "الديوان الملكي: نجاح عملية أجراها سعود الفيصل". Al Arabiya. 25 January 2015. Retrieved 25 January 2015.
49. "Saudi FM urges coalition to face ISIS challenge on the ground". The Daily Star. 5 March 2015. Retrieved 5 March 2015.
50. "Former Saudi FM Prince Saud al-Faisal dies". Al Jazeera. 9 July 2015. Retrieved 10 July 2015.
51. "Former Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud Al Faisal Dies". Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 9 July 2015.
52. "Breaking: Saudi ex-Foreign Minister Saud Al Faisal dead at 75". Gulf News. Reuters, AFP. 9 July 2015. Retrieved 9 July 2015.
53. "Teary farewell to Prince Saud". Susris. 12 July 2014. Retrieved 14 July 2015.

• Michael Slackman (16 December 2009). "A Legacy of Regret for a Saudi Diplomat". The New York Times. Retrieved 17 December 2009.
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Feb 14, 2018 9:18 pm

Island of Roses: The Jews of Rhodes in Los Angeles
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/8/17

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Island of Roses: The Jews of Rhodes in Los Angeles
Image
Directed by Gregori Viens
Release date
1995
Running time
55 min.
Country USA
Language English, Italian and French Ladino with subtitles

Island of Roses: The Jews of Rhodes in Los Angeles is a 1995 documentary about the dying Sephardic community in Los Angeles. The film shares interviews with some of the last surviving immigrants, who offer nostalgic memories of their lost home, and explores how the once vibrant community of Rhodes Jews in Los Angeles now struggles to preserve its traditions as younger, assimilated generations have to make a conscious effort to maintain the practices of their ancestors.

Summary

The Sephardic Jews of Rhodes were once Spaniards who came to find an idyllic new home in the Greek island of Rhodes. The same night that Christopher Columbus set sail in 1492, the King and Queen of Spain forced all Jews out of their country. Sephardic refugees settled throughout the Mediterranean, and a large number of them chose to make their home on the beautiful Rhodes, where almond and lemon trees grew and the smell of roses was always in the air.

Image
Palace of the Grand Master in the city of Rhodes

For centuries the Jews of Rhodes lived peacefully under the Ottoman-Turkish rule, preserving the medieval form of the Ladino language they took with them from Spain and practicing their own distinct Sephardic traditions. But the quiet island was invaded by Germany in 1944, and Rhodes Jews were among the many sent off in cattle cars to their deaths.

The Mediterranean island of Rhodes was once heavily populated by Jews, but only a few still live there today. Many of those who survived and fled World War II and its aftermath immigrated to Los Angeles, where the warm weather and sunny beach reminded them of home.

Awards

Silver Screen Award at the US International Film and Video Festival, 1995

References

"Island of Roses: The Jews of Rhodes in L.A". The Jewish Channel. 2008. Retrieved 4 August. Check date values in: |access-date= (help)
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Feb 14, 2018 9:19 pm

Fear in Louisiana over Biological Agent Test
by Dave Eberhart
Stars and Stripes Veterans Affairs Editor
Oct 23, 2000

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In Louisiana, the towns of Deridder and Leesville are known primarily for their proximity to Fort Polk, the home of the Army's Joint Readiness Training Center. Relations between the 199,000-acre base and surrounding civilian community have long been excellent - until now.

But when the Department of Defense announced quietly in the back notice pages of the Beauregard Daily News on Aug. 26 that it planned to spray a biological agent in an "urban" test of bio-agent detection hardware, the long ties of friendship began to unravel.

Residents who read the fine print quickly began to challenge the Army's plan. Dan Nance, the post's deputy public affairs officer, soon had his hands full.

Today, a growing number of the post's civilian neighbors are angry over the way the Army has handled both the proposed spraying and the concerns voiced by nearby residents.

"We are really disgusted with the Army," said Kathy McDaniel, a local resident-turned-activist. "They have told us it does not matter at this point how many phone calls against the testing or how many letters against the testing they receive."

McDaniel told The Stars and Stripes Oct. 23 that the Army has only gone through the motions of sharing information about the tests and has said it intends to begin the spraying by the end of the year. "If that was their attitude all along why did they bother posting the notice and why did they bother extending the comment period?" she asked.

Opponents of the spraying say they were upset the Army did only the minimum required to inform them of the test. "I needed a magnifying glass to read it," McDaniel said of the newspaper notice.


After the notice was published and the controversy began to grow, Fort Polk officials circulated copies of the environmental assessment document to local libraries. The Army also posted factsheets and other information on the Fort Polk internet website.

Fort Polk is the home of the 7th Chemical Co., a specialized Army unit set up to detect the presence of biological agents. Its primary equipment is the Biological Integrated Detection System, a Humvee-mounted suite of sensors that can detect and identify the type of biological agent and its concentration in the atmosphere. The system was developed on an expedited basis after the 1991 Persian Gulf War, when U.S. officials learned the extent to which Iraq had developed and "weaponized" biological warfare agents, including anthrax.

The Environmental Assessment document, available at local libraries, portrayed the planned Fort Polk tests as benign:

"The proposed training activity poses virtually no risks to human health or the environment. It involves the use of a simulated biological agent so that soldiers of the 7th Chemical Company can train with the Biological Integrated Detection System (BIDS) .... "

"The simulant to be used is a dead form of the bacterium Bacillus subtilis-a non-pathogenic bacterium commonly found in soils, water and decomposing plant residue. This substance has been tested extensively and is not considered toxic to humans, plants or animals.

"This simulant has been used at Dugway Proving Ground, Utah, for more than 40 years and at Fort McClellan, Alabama, for over six years under conditions similar to those proposed at Fort Polk. During the period of use, no environmental or health effects have been documented at those installations.

"The release of the simulant poses virtually no risk to the public or environment. It would be released in water in an aerosol spray through an agriculture-type sprayer to allow the BIDS system operating in the vicinity to detect the simulated agent. The only effect it will have will be to trigger a response in the BIDS system.

"The spores to be used would be irradiated with gamma radiation rendering it dead before it arrived at Fort Polk. The use of gamma radiation is a common sterilization process used by the food industry to make food safer and by the medical industry for instrument sterilization. Spores will then be tested to insure that the radiation procedure was effective and that the spores are in fact dead.

"Only three areas at Fort Polk will be used for this training and it will only be conducted in weather conditions favorable to prevent off-post drift of the release. This training would occur only 12 times a year .... "

The factsheet did not quell a growing concern over the safety of the proposal, and a number of curious and still wary citizens began to do their own investigation.

One concern was that the troops spraying a supposedly "dead" spore would be outfitted with level-4 "MOPP" gear, the Pentagon's term for the highest level of protective clothing and gas masks.

Readily available medical references revealed the fact that Bacillus subtilis can cause upper respiratory distress and provoke an attack of conjunctivitis (an inflammation of the eye).

And this particular bacterium was not something right off nature's shelf, either. Army officials now admit the spray to be used has been genetically altered.

And how could anyone guarantee that the spores would stay on the base, the activists argue. Not even the Army can control the prevailing winds, they contend.


The testing at Folk Polk is now scheduled to begin in Jan. 2001.
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Feb 14, 2018 9:19 pm

Revisiting the Military's Tailhook Scandal
by Michael Winerip
New York Times
May 13, 2013

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In 1992, a young Navy lieutenant named Paula Coughlin said she had been sexually assaulted at the 35th Annual Tailhook Symposium in Las Vegas.

Her complaints revealed an ugly side to the annual convention for “Top Gun” aviators: 83 women and 7 men were later found to have been assaulted during the raucous party weekend in September 1991. The resulting scandal forced the resignation of the secretary of the Navy, the censure of several admirals and the enactment of a reform agenda that stressed a “zero tolerance” policy.

Did it make a difference? More than two decades later the news remains extremely discouraging.

Last week the Pentagon released a report estimating that 26,000 people in the military were sexually assaulted in the 2012 fiscal year, up from 19,000 in 2010. Making matters worse, the officer in charge of sexual assault prevention programs for the Air Force was arrested in Arlington, Va., and charged with sexual battery.


This week’s developments make the Retro Report video documentary on the Tailhook scandal particularly timely for providing a historical context to a problem that will not go away. On the Retro Report video, Navy Petty Officer Jenny McClendon tells an interviewer of the abuse she faced years after the supposed Tailhook reforms were adopted: “I presumed that I was going to join a group of people who were my comrades. When I got to the ship, it was a while before – was probably a couple of months before we went from harassment to – to the groping, and the groping eventually culminated in several physical assaults and a cou — — a few rapes.”

The Tailhook report is the second in a weekly series that is re-examining the leading stories of decades past. Videos are typically 10 to 12 minutes long and are part of a collaboration between The Times and Retro Report, a documentary news organization formed last year.

The online project was conceived of by Christopher Buck, a former television editor whose father was a co-founder of the Subway restaurant chain. Started with a grant from Mr. Buck, Retro Report — which has a staff of 12 journalists and 6 contributors — is a nonprofit online video news organization that aims to provide a thoughtful counterweight to today’s 24/7 news cycle.

There is a tendency to think we’ve made social progress on so many fronts in recent decades, but watching the Tailhook video, you wonder.

While the Pentagon report released last week estimated there were 26,000 assaults, the military recorded only 3,374, suggesting that many victims continue not to report the crimes for fear of retribution or a lack of justice under the department’s system for prosecuting them.

Here is how in the Retro Report video Paula Coughlin describes what happened to her in 1991: “I squatted down to break his hold and bit him and somebody reached between my knees and tried to grab my panties.”

And here is how the news reports last week described the behavior of the officer in charge of sexual assault prevention programs for the Air Force: “The police say the colonel approached a woman in a parking lot in Arlington near the Pentagon and grabbed her breasts and buttocks before she fended him off and called 911.”
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Feb 14, 2018 9:20 pm

Malcolm H. Kerr
by Wikipedia
Accessed 12/10/17

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Image
Malcolm Kerr
Born Malcolm Hooper Kerr
October 8, 1931
Beirut, Lebanon
Died January 18, 1984 (aged 52)
Beirut, Lebanon
Nationality American
Alma mater Johns Hopkins University
Princeton University
Scientific career
Fields Middle Eastern studies
Institutions American University of Beirut

Malcolm Hooper Kerr (October 8, 1931 – January 18, 1984) was a university professor specializing in the Middle East and the Arab world. An American citizen, he was born, raised, and died in Beirut, Lebanon. He served as President of the American University of Beirut until he was killed by gunmen in 1984.

Early life and education

His youth was spent in Lebanon, on and near the campus of the American University of Beirut, where his parents taught for forty years.[1] His parents, Elsa Reckman and Stanley Kerr, were married in Marash, where they met while they were rescuing Armenian women and orphans after the Armenian Genocide. After the Marash Affair they moved to Beirut. There his father became the chairman of the Department of Biochemistry at AUB and his mother was Dean of Women.[2] During World War II the family relocated to Princeton University in New Jersey. Following the war they returned to Beirut where Malcolm attended the American Community School at Beirut. Shortly thereafter, Malcolm went back alone to the USA, where he graduated from high school at the Deerfield Academy in Massachusetts.

His undergraduate degree in 1953 came from Princeton University where he had studied with Professor Philip Hitti. An early onset of arthritis caused him to return to his family in Lebanon. He entered a masters program in Arabic studies,[3] completing it in 1955 at the American University of Beirut. Here he met his wife, Ann Zwicker Kerr, with whom he had four children. He commenced his doctorate work in Washington, D.C., at the School for Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, from where he received his Ph.D. in 1958. His dissertation was written under the guidance of Majid Khadduri and Sir Hamilton Gibb.[4]

Professor

Following his doctorate, Kerr returned to teach at the American University of Beirut for three years, becoming assistant professor at the Department of Political Science in 1962. The same year, he accepted a similar post, teaching at the University of California at Los Angeles.[5] There, he would become a full professor. He was appointed as chairman of the Department of Political Science and then Dean of the Division of Social Sciences (1973–1976).

In 1959, his first book was published, emerging from his master's thesis: Lebanon in the Last Years of Feudalism. Then, at Oxford University, he did post-doctorate work for a year with Professor Albert Hourani. While he was at Oxford, Professor Gustave von Grunebaum recruited Kerr for a teaching post at the University of California at Los Angeles; his career matured over the course of twenty years of teaching in Los Angeles, from 1962 to 1982.

Kerr and his family returned often to Beirut, during vacations and breaks from UCLA. In 1964–1965, an academic grant sent him to Cairo, where he worked on his most well-known book, The Arab Cold War, published in 1965. The next year he published Islamic Reform, a reworking of his doctorate dissertation. Following the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Kerr sensed a drastic change for the worse in the tone of Arab politics, which became harsh and bitter. In 1970–1971, he accepted an academic grant to France and North Africa and worked on a third edition of The Arab Cold War. Kerr served as president of the Middle East Studies Association in 1972. Subsequently, an award of the Middle East Studies Association was named in his honor.[6]

His own scholarship was forthright and honest to the point of sometimes getting him into trouble. While he was often thought of as 'pro-Arab' in writing about the Israeli-Arab conflict, he could be as critical of the Arabs as he was of the Israelis. He spoke the truth as he saw it and was committed to the cause of Arab-Israeli peace and to building understanding between the Arab World and the West."[7]


The Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990), which often severely disrupted all life in Beirut, also interrupted the Kerr family's yearly travels. Accordingly, in 1976–1977, Kerr was again in Egypt, serving as 'visiting distinguished professor' at the American University in Cairo. Eventually, he marshalled a Ford Foundation grant to fund a joint project of the Von Grunebaum Center at UCLA (which he then headed) and the Strategic Studies of the Al-Ahram Foundation in Egypt. He returned to Cairo in 1979, where he edited the results of this joint Egyptian-American academic effort, the book Rich and Poor States in the Middle East.

President of AUB

The Presidency of the American University of Beirut was offered to Kerr in 1982. Although the civil war was still being fiercely battled on occasion, with the recent exit of the Palestinian Liberation Organization, the Lebanese civil struggle for domestic change had been a more focused effort, which encouraged hope for resolution. "Betting on these chances and feeling a sense of calling to the job, the Kerrs decided to go to Beirut." He accepted the position, serving as President for seventeen months. Appointed president in March, effective July 1, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon and occupation of Beirut made him work first from the New York office. He arrived at his College Hall office at the University in September 1982.[8]

Death

On January 18, 1984, Kerr was shot and killed by two gunmen outside his office; he was 52. Years later, information regarding Kerr's assassins and their motives still remain uncertain, but an Islamic Jihadist took credit for the murder.[9][10] Yet some doubt remains as to the perpetrator.

News of his sudden death, which was yet another tragic event in the civil war, appeared in the media worldwide.[11]

[Pastor Strawcutter] Now, did he ever carry out some of these murders himself?

[Kay Griggs] Of, of course! In fact he told me about Malcolm Kerr’s murder. Malcolm Kerr was a British double agent who worked in California. He was one of these JOINT intelligence operatives who worked for both sides. And he had been in California. But he was doing intelligence work in Beirut, undercover. He was the head of the American University of Beirut, AUB, which is in Lebanon.

Now, my husband was the liaison between the White House and President Gemayel, the brother of the first president who was murdered. My husband was involved with assassinations and operations. He was very upset with Malcolm Kerr because Malcolm Kerr refused – although they were already there – the marine sniper assassins, who were under my husband and General Joy and Al Gray, of course, who were hiding in the dormitory at this university. And of course General Gray, General Krulak, General Wilhelm – Charlie Wilhelm was there -- he is my husband’s special boss, and they were undercover there. And they had Malcolm Kerr murdered simply because Malcolm Kerr would not allow the marines to stay in the dormitory. Had I been Malcolm Kerr, I wouldn’t have wanted rowdy marine assassins living in a dormitory with children, essentially, adolescent young children, having sex, with their perversion and some of their behaviors. So he was put away for that very reason, George told me. He told me that he had to be gotten rid of because of that.

He then said that – and this is interesting – Mary Clark Yost Hallab, my husband is handled by her. She is an American double agent who was put on my husband’s case, because she could handle him. They had an affair while my husband was first married. I found out about it because she called the house after we were married, and wanted to talk to him. And I found in his papers a photograph of her and her bio and all kinds of interesting information on her, and her address in his address book. And I want you all to see that in this movie, because I have a photograph of her. They had a long-term affair the whole time he was in Beirut while she was married to an Arab intelligence double-agent who was underneath Malcolm Kerr, and who took over when Malcolm Kerr was murdered by them.

So what you have here is a favor, essentially, done to Yost.

-- Interview with Kay Griggs, by Pastor Strawcutter


Personal life

Kerr had four children: Susan, John, Steve, and Andrew. Steve Kerr is a former NBA player and the current head coach of the Golden State Warriors [12] His brother-in-law, Hans van de Ven, is an expert on Chinese history at the University of Cambridge.

Selected publications

Malcolm H. Kerr, Lebanon in the Last Years of Feudalism 1840–1868. A contemporary account by Antun Dahir Al-Aqiqi (American University of Beirut 1959)
Malcolm H. Kerr, The Arab Cold War. Gamel Abd al-Nasr and his Rivals, 1958–1970 (Oxford University 1965, 3d ed. 1975)
Malcolm H. Kerr, Islamic Reform. The political and legal theories of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid Ridā (Princeton University 1966)
Malcolm H. Kerr, The Elusive Peace in the Middle East (SUNY 1975)
Abraham S. Becker, Bent Hudson, & Malcolm H. Kerr, editors, Economics and Politics of the Middle East (New York: Elsevier 1975)
Malcolm H. Kerr and al-Sayyid Yasin, editors, Rich and Poor States in the Middle East. Egypt and the New Arab Order (Westview 1982)
Samir Seikaly and Ramzi Ba'labakki, editors, Quest for Understanding. Arabic and Islamic studies in honor of Malcolm H. Kerr (American University of Beirut 1991)

References

1. His father taught as Professor of Biochemistry at the University; his mother served as Dean of Women for a term. "Malcolm H. Kerr" at American University of Beirut
2. "The Inside Story Of Steve Kerr And His Family's Little-Known History Of Altruism In The Middle East". UPROXX. 2016-05-25. Retrieved 2016-06-03.
3. Office of President AUB
4. Kerr, "Preface" to his Islamic Reform (1966).
5. UCLA
6. MESA's Malcolm H. Kerr Dissertation Awards
7. At MESA: "Malcolm H. Kerr biography" by Ann Z. Kerr
8. "Malcolm H. Kerr" at American University of Beirut
9. Winslow, Charles (1996). Lebanon: War and Politics in a fragmented Society. London and New York: Routledge. p. 246.
10. At MESA: "Malcolm H. Kerr biography" by Ann Z. Kerr Text and Beirut quotation.
11. American University of Beirut: newsletter 1999 "Malcolm H. Kerr Biography" [cached at Google]. Condolences and remembrance came from many respected sources.
12. Farid, Farid (June 16, 2016). "STEVE KERR AND HIS MOTHER TALK ABOUT THE LEGACY OF HIS FATHER'S ASSASSINATION". The New Yorker. The New Yorker. Retrieved June 17, 2016.
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