Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Dec 20, 2017 12:37 am

Louis H. Buehl III, Lieutenant General, United States Marine Corps
by arlingtoncemetery.net
Accessed: 12/19/17

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Louis H. Buehl III died at Bethesda Naval Medical Center on October 5, 1988 after having suffered a stroke. He was 56 and held the number-three job in the Marine Corps since October 1987. He was outranked only by the Commandant and the Assistant Commandant.

He was a combat veteran of the Vietnam War and had served as Commanding General of the Marine Base at Camp Lejeune, North Carolina, as Deputy Chief of Staff for Reserve Affairs and as Senior Military Assistant to William H. Taft IV, Deputy Secretary of Defense. He was a native of Pittsburgh, was a graduate of Miami University. He won the first of his three stars in April 1982 when he assumed command of the 1st Marine Brigade at Kaneohe Bay, Hawaii.

He is buried in Section 7-A of Arlington National Cemetery, near the Memorial Amphitheater and the Tomb of the Unknowns.

Image

BUEHL, LOUIS H III
United States Marine Corps
DATE OF BIRTH: 09/18/1932
DATE OF DEATH: 10/05/1988
BURIED AT: SECTION 7A SITE 107
ARLINGTON NATIONAL CEMETERY
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Thu Dec 21, 2017 8:43 pm

Billie Sol Estes Investigation Reports Released
by CQ Almanac
1964

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Criticism of Governmental inefficiency in handling the grain-cotton-fertilizer manipulations of Texas promoter Billie Sol Estes, whose complicated activities were first unearthed in 1962, came from House and Senate committees in 1964. The Agriculture Department and other agencies were criticized for failing to act affirmatively to halt Estes' maneuvers.

The House report, by the Intergovernmental Relations Subcommittee of the Government Operations Committee, charged that the Agriculture Department and other agencies almost totally failed to coordinate their separate investigations into Estes' “fraudulent activities.” However, the Subcommittee said it found “no credible evidence” that Estes had offered bribes to any elected or appointed Government official, or that any elected official had attempted to exert influence to assist Estes in his operations. The Subcommittee had held hearings in 1962 on transactions other than Estes' pooled cotton allotments.

The Senate Government Operations Committee held hearings in 1962–63 on the Agriculture Department's handling of Estes' pooled cotton allotments and reported in 1964 on its findings. The report criticized the Department for an environment of “disinterest and stagnation” which tended to “obstruct rather than foster communication between elements of the Department.” It was this environment, the report said, that Estes “undertook to benefit from” in building a financial empire. Two Republican members said Estes “received favoritism” from local, state and federal officials.

Additional attacks were leveled during the 1964 election campaign, as Sen. Barry Goldwater (R Ariz.), the GOP Presidential candidate, cited the Estes affair as an example of dishonesty in the Democratic Administration. Goldwater Sept. 17 charged that the Administration was using “delay, postponement, concealment and whitewash” to prevent public debate about the Estes case.

Meanwhile, although Estes had been sentenced to eight years for swindling and 15 years for mail fraud, he remained out of jail, pending Supreme Court rulings on his appeals of the convictions.

Background

REFERENCE–Committees Air Billie Sol Estes Dealings (1962 Almanac p. 988).

On March 29, 1962, the Federal Bureau of Investigation arrested the 37-year-old Pecos, Texas, promoter on charges of fraud involving forged mortgages.

The charge grew out of a complicated system initiated in 1958, whereby Estes sold liquid fertilizer at low rates to West Texas farmers in an effort to corner the fertilizer market in that area. Estes used the money from fertilizer sales to build and purchase grain storage facilities which were leased to the Government. To keep his long-range money-making plan in operation, Estes persuaded farmers to sign chattel mortgages to “purchase” non-existent fertilizer storage tanks. Estes then sold the mortgages to finance companies for cash which he used to carry on his transactions.

In 1960, Estes turned to cotton allotment dealings. He arranged for installment sales of land in Texas to out-of-state farmers who had cotton allotments eligible for transfer to new land. The sales agreements specified that Estes would regain title to the land if the farmers defaulted on their first installment payment to Estes. When the farmers did default, Estes regained his land–with the allotments. In this way, Estes increased his cotton acreage from approximately 2,000 to 5,000 acres. Charges of Agriculture Department favoritism resulted from the revelation of Estes' dealings.

Estes' financial downfall began when a Pecos newspaper exposed his fertilizer tank dealings in February 1962. By the end of 1964, Estes awaited Supreme Court rulings on his indictment and conviction in federal courts on counts of swindling (carrying an eight-year sentence) and mail fraud (carrying a 15-year sentence). In addition, a state court in 1964 convicted him for violation of Texas antitrust laws, and he faced trial in Dallas on a federal indictment charging he misrepresented his financial position to the Commodity Credit Corp. in connection with his Government grain storage deals.

Senate Report

The Senate Government Operations Permanent Investigations Subcommittee June 27, 1962–Nov. 12, 1963, held hearings on the Agriculture Department's handling of Estes' pooled cotton allotments. On Sept. 30, 1964, it issued a report (S Rept 1607) based on the hearings. Minority views were submitted by two Republican members. According to press reports, the delay between conclusion of the hearings and the release of the report had been caused by disagreement between Democratic and Republican members of the Subcommittee over the conclusions to be stated in the report.

Conclusions. The report said that despite the “dedication and integrity” of most Agriculture Department employees, the organizational structure which had evolved “over a period of many decades” left gaps in communication. It said that “an obvious and an apparent lack of organization” was displayed in instances during the Estes affair when the Department had been “unable to secure compliance with its directives even by its own employees.” The report also criticized the “diffusion of responsibility and a reluctance on the part of some employees to assume the obligations of their offices.”

Recommendations. The report said that “affirmative and corrective action” had been taken only when the facts concerning the Estes affair had been brought to the attention of Agriculture Secretary Orville L. Freeman. It urged that “arrangement be made” so that future problems which threatened to reach the magnitude of the “Estes dealings” would be brought to the attention of the Secretary earlier.

The report also recommended that:

* Responsibility for approving or disapproving allotment transfers be established in order to allow the Government, as well as producers, the right to appeal decisions.

* Future irregularities at the state level be brought to the attention of the Department in Washington “at an earlier date.”

* Responsibility for decisions by Department personnel be fixed “and blame assessed when necessary,” and credit be given “and accomplishment rewarded when appropriate.”

Individual Views. Sen. John L. McClellan (D Ark.), chairman of the Government Operations Committee, said that procedures followed by the Agriculture Department in the Estes affair in many respects had been “faulty, inefficient and ineffective,” and that “unfavorable conditions” had developed as a result of “timidity, vacillation and indecision, and the neglect or unwillingness on the part of high officials in the Department to act” However, McClellan said that “the prevailing system had been established and the procedures developed during previous administrations and over a period of many years.” He also said that Freeman took “immediate affirmative and effective corrective action” as soon as he had learned of the Estes affair, and was to be “commended for the prompt action he took” as well as for “many administrative and procedural reforms that he had inaugurated in the Department since this investigation began.”

Supplemental Views. Sens. Sam J. Ervin Jr. (D N.C.) and Edmund S. Muskie (D Maine) said that “all evidence submitted” during the hearings “amply proves that the Department exhibited no favoritism” toward Estes. They said there had been “no evil design, and there were no improper motives.”

Additional Views. While saying that they “associate” themselves with the report, Sens. Karl E. Mundt (R S.D.) and Carl T. Curtis (R Neb.), in additional views, said that Estes' attempt to acquire cotton allotments had been “fraudulent from its inception,” and that the Agriculture Department had not only been “inept in its efforts to cope with same” but had, in many instances, been “a companion to this fraud through the actions, or failure to act, of its officials in high office.” This, they said, “brings us to the inevitable conclusion that the freewheeling, gift-giving Billie Sol Estes received favoritism on the county level, state level and in the U.S. Department of Agriculture, Washington, D.C….” They added that “the obvious influence of Mr. Estes was a definite factor in the favoritism that was bestowed upon him by USDA in these actions, and omissions to act.”

House Report

The House Government Operations Intergovernmental Relations Subcommittee, under the chairmanship of L. H. Fountain (D N.C.), held 21 days of hearings in 1962 that focused on transactions other than Estes' cotton allotments. On Oct. 12, 1964, it released a report, which it said was unanimously approved by all members.

Conclusions. The report said that Estes had engaged in several major types of business operations in an “intermingled and often confusing” fashion, and that his arrest and the resultant collapse of his agricultural and financial empire “terminated a fantastic multimillion-dollar swindling operation.” However, the report concluded that “Estes never was worth a million dollars or anything close to it. In all probability, he was insolvent from the day he arrived in Pecos in 1951 until the day he was arrested in 1962.” In sum, the report said, Estes used “many unethical or fraudulent devices (to obtain) money or credit for more than 10 years.”

The report said that an “almost unbelievable number of inquiries and investigations” into Estes' dealings had been conducted since 1953, and that had even a few of them “been properly coordinated,” it was “almost inconceivable” that Estes' “fraudulent activities could have been continued for such a long period.”

Recommendations. The report said its investigation had disclosed “a serious lack of effective coordination and communication” among federal agencies. It recommended that the President authorize a comprehensive review aimed at devising actions to promote interagency coordination of auditing and investigative activities.

The report also recommended that:

* The Government initiate “appropriate legal action” to recover profits made by Estes from his grain storage operations. The report said the Government had been “induced by fraud” to grant contracts to Estes for storage of Government grain.

* Congress consider passing legislation to close “a possible loophole” in federal law by making it illegal to knowingly sell fraudulent commercial paper to national banks.

* The Department of Justice examine the report and information previously supplied by the Subcommittee “with a view to taking appropriate action.”

Supplemental Views. Rep. Florence P. Dwyer (R N.J.) said she wished “to emphasize certain elements” which had been brought out by the hearings, including “Government inefficiency, lack of communication and coordination between and within Government agencies, especially the Department of Agriculture, inadequate procedures, inept personnel….” She also said she regretted that the report had been released before the full Government Operations Committee had time to review and act on it “in accordance with its customary procedure.”

Committee Statement. In a statement released separately from the report, the Government Operations Committee said the investigation had found “no evidence” that the then-Vice President Johnson or members of his staff “participated in any way in the relationships between Billie Sol Estes and the Federal Government or its agencies,” other than “routinely referring to the Department of Agriculture correspondence including complaints about activities in which Estes was involved.”

Election Charges Against Senator

The Justice Department Aug. 31 said it found no evidence to substantiate allegations that Estes had given $50,000 in cash to Sen. Ralph Yarborough (D Texas) on Nov. 6, 1960. One week before the May 2, 1964, Texas Democratic primary, in which Yarborough was opposed by Dallas radio station owner Gordon McClendon, McClendon produced two alleged witnesses on statewide television who accused Yarborough of receiving the money. Yarborough April 28, also on statewide television, produced two other witnesses who denied he had taken any money from Estes on the alleged date.

Responding to a request by Yarborough for an investigation of the charge, the FBI May 1 issued a report which said one of McClendon's witnessed had admitted he was lying. The Dallas Morning News April 12 had printed an interview with Estes which quoted him as saying he had given Yarborough $50,000 on the date mentioned, but the FBI report said Estes had refused to talk with FBI investigators about the matter. The developments were believed to have narrowed Yarborough's early lead in the race, but Yarborough nonetheless won the primary with 57.3 percent of the vote and later was re-elected.

Document Citation

"Billie Sol Estes Investigation Reports Released." In CQ Almanac 1964, 20th ed., 998-99. Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1965. http://library.cqpress.com/cqalmanac/cqal64-1302889.

Document ID: cqal64-1302889
Document URL: http://library.cqpress.com/cqalmanac/cqal64-1302889
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Thu Dec 21, 2017 11:17 pm

United States invasion of Panama (Operation Just Cause)
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/21/17

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Image
U.S. soldiers prepare to take La Comandancia in the El Chorrillo neighborhood of Panama City, in December 1989.

Date 20 December 1989 – 31 January 1990[1]
(1 month, 1 week and 4 days)
Location Panama
Result US victory[2]
• Military leader Manuel Noriega deposed
Belligerents
Panama
• Panama Defense Force
United States
Panamanian opposition
Commanders and leaders
Manuel Noriega (POW) / George H. W. Bush; Maxwell R. Thurman; Guillermo Endara
Strength
20,000 / 27,000
Casualties and losses
234–314 killed / 26 killed
1,908 captured / 325 wounded
Panamanian civilians killed according to[3]
U.S. military: 202
Americas Watch: 300
United Nations: 500
CODEHUCA: 2,500–3,000
1 Spanish journalist killed[4][5]

The United States Invasion of Panama, code named Operation Just Cause, was an invasion of Panama by the United States between mid-December 1989 and late January 1990. It occurred during the administration of President George H. W. Bush and ten years after the Torrijos–Carter Treaties were ratified to transfer control of the Panama Canal from the U.S. to Panama by 1 January 2000.

During the invasion, de facto Panamanian leader, general, and dictator Manuel Noriega was deposed, president-elect Guillermo Endara sworn into office, and the Panamanian Defense Force dissolved.

Background

The United States had maintained numerous military bases and a substantial garrison throughout the Canal Zoneto protect the American-owned Panama Canal and to maintain American control of this strategically important area. On 7 September 1977, U.S. President Jimmy Carter and the de facto leader of Panama, General Omar Torrijos, signed Torrijos–Carter Treaties, which set in motion the process of handing over the Panama Canal to Panamanian control by the year 2000. Although the canal was destined for Panamanian administration, the military bases remained and one condition of the transfer was that the canal would remain open for American shipping. The U.S. had long-standing relations with General Noriega, who served as a U.S. intelligence asset and paid informant of the Central Intelligence Agency from 1967, including the period when Bush was head of the CIA (1976–77).[6]

Noriega had sided with the U.S. rather than the USSR in Central America, notably in sabotaging the forces of the Sandinista government in Nicaragua, and the revolutionaries of the FMLN group in El Salvador. Noriega received upwards of $100,000 per year from the 1960s until the 1980s, when his salary was increased to $200,000 per year.[7]Although he worked with the Drug Enforcement Administration to restrict illegal drug shipments, he was known to simultaneously accept significant financial support from drug dealers,[6] because he facilitated the laundering of drug money, and through Noriega, they received protection from DEA investigations due to his special relationship with the CIA.[8]

In the mid-1980s, relations between Noriega and the United States began to deteriorate. In 1986, U.S. President Ronald Reagan opened negotiations with General Noriega, requesting that the Panamanian leader step down after he was publicly exposed in The New York Times by Seymour Hersh, and later exposed in the Iran-Contra Scandal.[9] Reagan pressured him with several drug-related indictments in U.S. courts; however, since extradition laws between Panama and the U.S. were weak, Noriega deemed this threat not credible and did not submit to Reagan's demands.[10] In 1988, Elliot Abrams and others in the Pentagon began pushing for a U.S. invasion, but Reagan refused, due to Bush's ties to Noriega through his previous positions in the CIA and the Task Force on Drugs, and their potentially negative impact on Bush's presidential campaign.[11] Later negotiations involved dropping the drug-trafficking indictments. In March 1988, Noriega's forces resisted an attempted coup against the government of Panama. As relations continued to deteriorate, Noriega appeared to shift his Cold War allegiance towards the Soviet bloc, soliciting and receiving military aid from Cuba, Nicaragua, and Libya.[12] American military planners began preparing contingency plans to invade Panama.

Image
A U.S. Marine Corps LAV-25 in Panama

In May 1989, during the Panamanian national elections, an alliance of parties opposed to the Noriega dictatorship counted results from the country's election precincts, before they were sent to the district centers. Their tally showed their candidate, Guillermo Endara, defeating Carlos Duque, candidate of a pro-Noriega coalition, by nearly 3–1. Endara was beaten up by Noriega supporters the next day in his motorcade.[6] Noriega declared the election null and maintained power by force, making him unpopular among Panamanians. Noriega's government insisted that it had won the presidential election and that irregularities had been on the part of U.S.-backed candidates from opposition parties.[13]Bush called on Noriega to honor the will of the Panamanian people.[6] The United States reinforced its Canal Zone garrison, and increased the tempo of training and other activities intended to put pressure on Noriega.[14]

In October 1989, Noriega foiled a second coup attempt by members of the Panamanian Defense Forces (PDF), led by Major Moisés Giroldi.[15] Pressure mounted on Bush.[6] Bush declared that the U.S. would not negotiate with a drug trafficker and denied knowledge of Noriega's involvement with the drug trade prior to his February 1988 indictment, although Bush had met with Noriega while Director of the CIA and had been the Chair of the Task Force on Drugs while Vice President.[16] On 15 December, the Panamanian general assembly passed a resolution declaring that the actions of the United States had caused a state of war to exist between Panama and the United States.[17][18]

The next day, four U.S. military personnel were stopped at a roadblock around 9:00 PM outside PDF headquarters in the El Chorrillo neighborhood of Panama City. Marine Captain Richard E. Hadded, Navy Lieutenant Michael J. Wilson, Army Captain Barry L. Rainwater, and Marine First Lieutenant Robert Paz had left the Fort Clayton military base and were on their way to have dinner at the Marriott Hotel in downtown Panama City. The U.S. Department of Defense reported that the servicemen had been unarmed, in a private vehicle and that they attempted to flee only after their vehicle was surrounded by an angry crowd of civilians and PDF troops. The PDF asserted later that the Americans were armed and on a reconnaissance mission. The PDF opened fire and Lieutenant Paz was fatally wounded by a round that entered the rear of the vehicle and struck him in the back. Captain Hadded, the driver of the vehicle, was also wounded in the foot. Paz was rushed to Gorgas Army Hospital but died of his wounds. He received the Purple Heart posthumously.[19]According to U.S. military sources, a U.S. Naval officer and his wife witnessed the incident and were detained by Panamanian Defense Force soldiers. While in police custody, they were assaulted by the PDF. The U.S. Naval officer spent two weeks in hospital recovering from the beating. PDF soldiers sexually threatened his wife.[17] The next day, President Bush ordered the execution of the Panama invasion plan; the military set H-Hour as 0100 on 20 December.[20]

United States's justification for the invasion

The official U.S. justification for the invasion was articulated by President George H. W. Bush on the morning of 20 December 1989, a few hours after the start of the operation. Bush listed four reasons for the invasion:[21]

• Safeguarding the lives of U.S. citizens in Panama. In his statement, Bush stated that Noriega had declared that a state of war existed between the U.S. and Panama and that he threatened the lives of the approximately 35,000 U.S. citizens living there. There had been numerous clashes between U.S. and Panamanian forces; one U.S. Marine had been killed a few days earlier.

• Defending democracy and human rights in Panama.

• Combating drug trafficking. Panama had become a center for drug money laundering and a transit point for drug trafficking to the U.S. and Europe.

• Protecting the integrity of the Torrijos–Carter Treaties. Members of Congress and others in the U.S. political establishment claimed that Noriega threatened the neutrality of the Panama Canal and that the U.S. had the right under the treaties to intervene militarily to protect the canal.

U.S. military forces were instructed to begin maneuvers and activities within the restrictions of the Torrijos-Carter Treaties, such as ignoring PDF roadblocks and conducting short-notice "Category Three" military exercises on security-sensitive targets, with the express goal of provoking PDF soldiers. U.S. SOUTHCOM kept a list of abuses against U.S. servicemen and civilians by the PDF while the orders to incite PDF soldiers were in place.[11] As for the Panamanian legislature's declaration of a state of war between the U.S. and Panama, Noriega insists[22] that this statement referred to a state of war directed by the U.S. against Panama, in the form of what he claimed were harsh economic sanctions and constant, provocative military maneuvers (Operations Purple Storm and Sand Flea)[23] that were prohibited by the Torrijos-Carter Treaties. The U.S. had turned a blind eye to Noriega's involvement in drug trafficking since the 1970s. Noriega was then singled out for direct involvement in these drug trafficking operations due to the widespread public knowledge of his involvement in money laundering, drug activities, political murder, and human rights abuses.[9]

Bush's four reasons for the invasion provided sufficient justification to establish bipartisan Congressional approval and support for the invasion. However, the secrecy before initiation, the speed and success of the invasion itself, and U.S. public support for it (80% public approval[citation needed]) did not allow Democrats to object to Bush's decision to use military force.[24] One contemporary study suggests that Bush decided to invade for domestic political reasons, citing scarce strategic reasoning for the U.S. to invade and immediately withdraw without establishing the structure to enforce the interests that Bush used to justify the invasion.[24]

Invasion

Image
Tactical map of Operation Just Cause showing major points of attack.

Image
Elements of 1st Bn, 508th Infantry parachuting into a drop zone, during training, outside of Panama City.

The U.S. Army, Air Force, Navy, and Marines participated in Operation Just Cause. Ground forces consisted of :

• combat elements of the XVIII Airborne Corps,
• the 82nd Airborne Division,
• the 7th Infantry Division (Light),
• the 7th Special Forces Group,
• the 75th Ranger Regiment,
• a Joint Special Operations Task Force,
• elements of the 5th Infantry Division
• 1st Battalion, 61st U.S. Infantry and
• 4th Battalion, 6th United States Infantry (replacing 1/61st in September 1989),
• 16th Military Police Brigade (Airborne), Ft Bragg NC
• 503d Military Police Battalion (Airborne), Ft Bragg NC
• 21st Military Police Company (Airborne), Ft Bragg NC
• 65th Military Police Company, Ft Bragg NC
• 108th Military Police Company (Air Assault), Ft Bragg NC
• 519th Military Police Battalion
• 1138th Military Police Company, Missouri Army National Guard
• 988th Military Police Company, Ft Benning, GA
• 193rd Infantry Brigade,
• 5th Battalion, 87th Infantry
• 1st Battalion, 508th
• Marine Security Forces Battalion Panama,
• Kilo company of 3rd Battalion, 6th Marine Regiment,
• Marine Fleet Antiterrorism Security Teams,
• 2nd Light Armored Reconnaissance Battalion,
• 2nd Marine Logistics Group 39th Combat Engineer Btn. Charlie Co.

Air logistic support was provided by the 22nd Air Force with air assets from the 60th, 62nd, and 63rd military airlift wings.
The military incursion into Panama began on 20 December 1989, at 1:00 a.m. local time. The operation involved 27,684 U.S. troops and over 300 aircraft, including C-130 Hercules tactical transports flown by the 317th Tactical Airlift Wing (which was equipped with the Adverse Weather Aerial Delivery System or AWADS) and 314th Tactical Airlift Wing, AC-130 Spectre gunship, OA-37B Dragonfly observation and attack aircraft, C-141 Starlifter and C-5 Galaxy strategic transports, F-117A Nighthawk stealth aircraft flown by the 37th Tactical Fighter Wing, and AH-64 Apache attack helicopters. The invasion of Panama was the first combat deployment for the AH-64, the HMMWV, and the F-117A. Panamanian radar units were jammed by two EF-111As of the 390th ECS, 366th TFW.[25] These aircraft were deployed against the 16,000 members of the PDF.[26]

The operation began with an assault of strategic installations, such as the civilian Punta Paitilla Airport in Panama City and a PDF garrison and airfield at Rio Hato, where Noriega also maintained a residence. U.S. Navy SEALs destroyed Noriega's private jet and a Panamanian gunboat. A Panamanian ambush killed four SEALs and wounded nine. Other military command centers throughout the country were also attacked. The attack on the central headquarters of the PDF (referred to as La Comandancia) touched off several fires, one of which destroyed most of the adjoining and heavily populated El Chorrillo neighborhood in downtown Panama City. During the firefight at the Comandancia, the PDF downed two special operations helicopters and forced one MH-6 Little Bird to crash-land in the Panama Canal.[27] The opening round of attacks in Panama City also included a special operations raid on the Carcel Modelo prison (known as Operation Acid Gambit) to free Kurt Muse, a US citizen convicted of espionage by Noriega.

Fort Amador was secured by elements of the 1st Battalion (Airborne), 508th Parachute Infantry Regiment, and 59th Engineer Company (sappers) in a nighttime air assault which secured the fort in the early hours of 20 December. Fort Amador was a key position because of its relationship to the large oil farms adjacent to the canal, the Bridge of the Americas over the canal, and the Pacific entrance to the Panama Canal. Key command and control elements of the PDF were stationed there. C Company 1st Battalion (Airborne) 508th PIR was assigned the task of securing La Comandancia. Furthermore, Fort Amador had a large U.S. housing district that needed to be secured to prevent the PDF from taking U.S. citizens as hostages. This position also protected the left flank of the attack on La Comandancia and the securing of the El Chorrillos neighbourhood, guarded by Dignity Battalions, Noriega supporters that the U.S. forces sometimes referred to as "Dingbats". Military police units from Ft. Bragg, North Carolina deployed via strategic airlift into Howard Air Force Base the next morning, and secured key government buildings in the downtown area of Panama City. MPs seized PDF weapons, vehicles and supplies during house-to-house searches in the following days, and conducted urban combat operations against snipers and Dignity Battalion holdouts for the following week.

A few hours after the invasion began, Guillermo Endara was sworn in at Fort Clayton.[28] According to The Los Angeles Times, Endara was the "presumed winner" in the presidential election which had been scheduled earlier that year.[29]

A platoon from the 1138th Military Police Company, Missouri Army National Guard, which was on a routine two-week rotation to Panama was called upon to set up a detainee camp on Empire Range to handle the mass of civilian and military detainees. This unit was the first National Guard unit called into active service since the Vietnam War.[30]

Noriega's capture

Operation Nifty Package was an operation launched by Navy SEALs to prevent Noriega's escape. They sank Noriega's boat and destroyed his jet, at a cost of four killed and nine wounded. Military operations continued for several weeks, mainly against military units of the Panamanian army. Noriega remained at large for several days, but realizing he had few options in the face of a massive manhunt and a $1 million reward for his capture, he obtained refuge in the Vatican diplomatic mission in Panama City. The U.S. military's psychological pressure on him and diplomatic pressure on the Vatican mission, however, was relentless, as was the playing of loud rock-and-roll music day and night in a densely populated area.[31] The report of the Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff maintains that the music was used principally to prevent parabolic microphones from being used to eavesdrop on negotiations, and not as a psychological weapon based around Noriega's supposed loathing of rock music.[27] Noriega finally surrendered to the U.S. military on 3 January 1990. He was immediately put on an MC-130E Combat Talon I aircraft and flown to the U.S.

Casualties

Image
A U.S. Army M113 in Panama

According to official Pentagon figures, 516 Panamanians were killed during the invasion; however, an internal U.S. Army memo estimated the number at 1,000.[32]

The UN estimated 500 deaths[33] whereas Americas Watch found that around 300 civilians died. President Guillermo Endara said that "less than 600 Panamanians" died during the entire invasion. Former Attorney General Ramsey Clark estimated 3,000 civilian deaths. Figures estimating thousands of civilian casualties were widely rejected in Panama. The Roman Catholic Church estimated that 673 Panamanians were killed in total. Physicians for Human Rights, said it had received "reliable reports of more than 100 civilian deaths" that were not included in the US military estimate but also that there was no evidence of several thousand civilian deaths.[34]

Twenty-three U.S. servicemembers were killed[35] and 325 were wounded. But in June 1990, the U.S. military announced that of the casualties, 2 dead and 19 wounded were victims of friendly fire.[36] The U.S. Southern Command, then based on Quarry Heights in Panama, estimated the number of Panamanian military dead at 205, lower than its original estimate of 314.

Civilian fatalities included two American school teachers working in Panama for the Department of Defense Schools. They were Kandi Helin and Ray Dragseth. Rick Paul, the adult son of another teacher, was also killed by friendly fire as he ran an American road block. Also killed was a Spanish freelance press photographer on assignment for El Pais, Juan Antonio Rodriguez Moreno. Rodriguez was killed outside of the Marriott Hotel in Panama City early on December 21. In June 1990, his family filed a claim for wrongful death against the United States Government.[37] When the Rodriguez claim was rejected by the US government, in 1992 the Spanish government sent a Note Verbale extending diplomatic protection to Rodriguez and demanding compensation on behalf of his family.[38][39] However, the US government again rejected the claim, disputing both its liability for warzone deaths in general and whether Rodriguez had been killed by US rather than Panamanian gunfire.[38]

Human Rights Watch's 1991 report on Panama in the post-invasion aftermath stated that even with some uncertainties about the scale of civilian casualties, the figures are "still troublesome" because

[Panama's civilian deaths] reveal that the "surgical operation" by American forces inflicted a toll in civilian lives that was at least four-and-a-half times higher than military casualties in the enemy, and twelve or thirteen times higher than the casualties suffered by U.S. troops. By themselves, these ratios suggest that the rule of proportionality and the duty to minimize harm to civilians, where doing so would not compromise a legitimate military objective, were not faithfully observed by the invading U.S. forces. For us, the controversy over the number of civilian casualties should not obscure the important debate on the manner in which those people died.[40]


Origin of the name "Operation Just Cause"

Operation plans directed against Panama evolved from plans designed to defend the Panama Canal. They became more aggressive as the situation between the two nations deteriorated. The Prayer Book series of plans included rehearsals for a possible clash (Operation Purple Storm) and missions to secure U.S. sites (Operation Bushmaster).

Eventually, these plans became Operation Blue Spoon which was then, in order to sustain the perceived legitimacy of the invasion throughout the operation, renamed by The Pentagon to Operation Just Cause.[41] General Colin Powell said that he liked the name because "even our severest critics would have to utter 'Just Cause' while denouncing us."[42]

The post-invasion civil-military operation designed to stabilize the situation, support the U.S.-installed government, and restore basic services was originally planned as "Operation Blind Logic", but was renamed "Operation Promote Liberty" by the Pentagon on the eve of the invasion.[43]

The original operation, in which U.S. troops were deployed to Panama in early 1989, was called "Operation Nimrod Dancer".[44]

Local and international reactions

The invasion of Panama provoked international outrage. Some countries charged that the U.S. had committed an act of aggression by invading Panama and was trying to conceal a new manifestation of its interventionist policy of force in Latin America. On 29 December, the General Assembly of the United Nations voted 75–20, with 40 abstentions, to condemn the invasion as a flagrant violation of international law.[45]

On 22 December, the Organization of American States passed a resolution deploring the invasion and calling for withdrawal of U.S. troops, as well as a resolution condemning the violation of the diplomatic status of the Nicaraguan Embassy in Panama by U.S. Special Forces who had entered the building.[46] At the UN Security Council, after discussing the issue over several days, a draft resolution demanding the immediate withdrawal of U.S. forces from Panama[47] was vetoed on 23 December by three of the permanent members of the Security Council,[48] France, United Kingdom, and the United States, who cited its right of self-defense of 35,000 Americans present on the Panama Canal.[49]

Peru recalled its ambassador from the U.S. in protest of the invasion.

Some claim that the Panamanian people overwhelmingly supported the invasion.[50] According to a CBS poll, 92% of Panamanian adults supported the U.S. incursion, and 76% wished that U.S. forces had invaded in October during the coup.[50] However, others dispute this finding, asserting that the Panamanian surveys were conducted in wealthy, English-speaking neighborhoods in Panama City, among Panamanians most likely to support U.S. actions.[51] Human Rights Watch described the reaction of the civilian population to the invasion as "generally sympathetic".[52] According to Robert Pastor, a former U.S. national security advisor, 74% of Americans polled approved of the action.[50]

In 2006, one author opined that "President Bush had not defended the hemisphere against European aggression under the guise of the Monroe Doctrine, or used the threat of Communist proliferation to take action, but instead he had used the US military to remove a hostile and problematic Latin American dictator from power because it was in the best interests of the United States to do so."[53]

Eighteen years after the invasion, Panama's National Assembly unanimously declared 20 December 2007 to be a day of national mourning. The resolution was vetoed by President Martin Torrijos.[54][55]

The Washington Post disclosed several rulings of the Office of Legal Counsel, issued shortly before the invasion, in regards to the U.S. armed forces being charged with making an arrest abroad. One ruling interpreted an executive order which prohibits the assassination of foreign leaders as suggesting that accidental killings would be acceptable foreign policy. Another ruling concluded that the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878, which prohibits the armed forces from making arrests without Congressional authorization, is effective only within the boundaries of the U.S., such that the military could be used as a police force abroad—for example, in Panama, to enforce a federal court warrant against Noriega.[56]

Aftermath

Image
20,000 were displaced from their homes. Disorder continued for nearly two weeks.

Guillermo Endara, in hiding, was sworn in as president by a judge on the night preceding the invasion. In later years, he staged a hunger strike, calling attention to the poverty and homelessness left in the wake of both the Noriega years and the destruction caused by the U.S. invasion.

On 19 July 1990, a group of 60 companies based in Panama filed a lawsuit against the U.S. government in Federal District Court in New York City alleging that the U.S. action against Panama was "done in a tortuous, careless and negligent manner with disregard for the property of innocent Panamanian residents". Most of the businesses had insurance, but the insurers either went bankrupt or refused to pay, claiming that acts of war were not covered.[57]

About 20,000 people lost their homes and became refugees as a result of urban warfare. About 2,700 families that were displaced by the Chorrillo fire were each given $6,500 by the U.S. to build a new house or apartment in selected areas in or near the city. However, numerous problems were reported with the new constructions just two years after the invasion.[58]

The government of Guillermo Endara designated the first anniversary of the U.S. invasion a "national day of reflection". On that day hundreds of Panamanians marked the day with a "black march" through the streets of Panama City to denounce the U.S. invasion and Endara's economic policies. Protesters echoed claims that 3,000 people were killed as a result of U.S. military action. Since Noriega's ousting, Panama has had four presidential elections, with candidates from opposing parties succeeding each other in the Palacio de las Garzas. Panama's press, however, is still subject to numerous restrictions.[59] On 10 February 1990, the Endara government abolished Panama's military and reformed the security apparatus by creating the Panamanian Public Forces. In 1994, a constitutional amendment permanently abolished the military of Panama. Concurrent with a severe recession in Latin America throughout the 1990s, Panama's GDP recovered by 1993, but very high unemployment remained a serious problem.

Noriega was brought to the U.S. to stand trial. He was subsequently convicted on eight counts of drug trafficking, racketeering, and money laundering and sentenced to 40 years in prison. His sentence was later reduced to 30 years.[60]

On December 20, 2015, Vice President Isabel De Saint Malo de Alvarado announced Panama's intention to form a special independent commission with the aim to publish a so-called "truth report" to mark the 26th anniversary of the US attack on Panama. The commission's goal would be to identify victims so that reparations could be paid to their families, as well as to establish public monuments and school curriculums to honor history and reclaim Panama's collective memory. Victims' families have claimed that theretofore investigations into the invasion had been funded by Washington and therefore were biased.[61][62]

Timeline

Information in this section

September 1987

• U.S. Senate passes resolution urging Panama to re-establish a civilian government. Panama protests alleged U.S. violations of the Torrijos–Carter Treaties.

November 1987

• U.S. Senate resolution cuts military and economic aid to Panama. Panamanians adopt resolution restricting U.S. military presence.

February 1988

• Noriega indicted on drug-related charges. U.S. forces begin planning contingency operations in Panama (OPLAN Blue Spoon).

March 1988

• 15 March: First of four deployments of U.S. forces begins providing additional security to U.S. installations.
• 16 March: PDF officers attempt a coup against Noriega.

April 1988

• 5 April: Additional U.S. forces deployed to provide security.
• 9 April: Joint Task Force Panama activated.

May 1989

• 7 May: Civilian elections are held in Panama; opposition alliance tally shows their candidate, Guillermo Endara, beating Noriega's candidate, Carlos Duque, by a 3 to 1 margin. The election is declared invalid two days later by Noriega.
• 11 May: President Bush orders 1,900 additional combat troops to Panama (Operation Nimrod Dancer).[44]
• 22 May: Convoys conducted to assert U.S. freedom of movement. Additional transport units travel from bases in the territorial U.S. to bases in Panama, and back, for this express purpose.

June–September 1989 (Operation Nimrod Dancer)
• U.S. begins conducting joint training and freedom of movement exercises (Operation Sand Flea[44] and Operation Purple Storm[44]). Additional transport units continue repeatedly traveling from bases in the territorial U.S. to bases in Panama, and back, for this express purpose.

October 1989 (Operation Nimrod Dancer)

• 3 October: PDF, loyal to Noriega, defeat second coup attempt.

December 1989

• 15 December: Noriega refers to himself as leader of Panama and declares that the U.S. is in a state of war with Panama.
• 16 December: U.S. Marine lieutenant shot and killed by PDF. Navy lieutenant and wife detained and assaulted by PDF.
• 17 December: NCA directs execution of Operation Just Cause.
• 18 December: Army lieutenant shoots PDF sergeant. Joint Task Force South (JTFSO) advance party deploys. JCS designates D-
Day/H-Hour as 20 December/1:00 a.m.
• 19 December: U.S. forces alerted, marshalled, and launched.

D-Day, 20 December 1989

• U.S. invasion of Panama begins. The operation was conducted as a campaign with limited military objectives. JTFSO objectives in PLAN 90-2 were to: protect U.S. lives and key sites and facilities, capture and deliver Noriega to competent authority, neutralize PDF forces, neutralize PDF command and control, support establishment of a U.S.-recognized government in Panama, and restructure the PDF. Major operations detailed elsewhere continued through 24 December.
• JCS directs execution of Operation Promote Liberty.

3 January 1990 (D-Day + 14)

• Noriega surrenders to U.S. forces.

31 January 1990 (D-Day + 42)
• Operation Just Cause ends.
• Operation Promote Liberty begins.

September 1994 (D-Day + approximately 4.5 years)

• Operation Promote Liberty ends.[43]

Major operations and U.S. units involved

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Operations

All 27 objectives related to the Panamanian Defense Force were completed on D-Day, 20 December 1989. As initial forces moved to new objectives, follow-on forces from the 7th Infantry Division (L) moved into the western areas of Panama and into Panama City.

19 December 1989 (D-Day − 1)

• Company A, 1st Bn, 7th Special Forces Group (Airborne)-already deployed into Panama, along with 3rd Bn, 7th Special Forces Group (Airborne)-then permanently headquartered at Fort Davis, Panama, moved to predetermined positions.
• 3d Bde, 7th Infantry Division (L) (4/17th Inf), already deployed as part of peacekeeping forces in the region, was deployed to predetermined positions.
• 2nd Bde, 7th Inf Div (L), was alerted for deployment. DRF 1 (3/27th Inf) and DRF 2 (2/27th INF) were deployed.
• Tow Platoon, HHC, 5/87th Inf (L), conducts pre-invasion recon of all objectives for Task Force Wildcat.

20 December 1989 (D-Day)
• 3d Bde, 7th Infantry Division (L) (4/17th Inf) began operations in Colon City, the Canal Zone, and Panama City.
• The remainder of the 2d Bde was deployed and closed in Panama.
• Elements of 1st and 3rd Bn, 7th Special Forces Group (Airborne) conducted air assault and secured Pacora River Bridge preventing PDF reinforcements from reaching Omar Torrijos Airport and Panama City.
• The entire 75th Ranger Regiment, split into two elements (Team Black and Team Gold), conducted simultaneous parachute drops at Rio Hato Airfield, along with half the command and control of the HQ 75th RGR, the entire 2nd Battalion 75th RGR, and two companies from 3rd Battalion 75th, to neutralize PDF and Macho de Montes units present, seize the runway, and secure Manuel Noriega's beachside facility.
• The other half of HQ 75th RGR C&C, along with 1st Battalion 75th RGR and the remaining elements of 3rd Battalion 75th RGR, dropped into Omar Torrijos Airport to seize the runway and tower for follow-on operations by elements of the 82nd Airborne Division, deployed by C141 airdrop/airland elements of the 317th Combat Control Squadron, 507th Tactical Air Control Squadron.
• 193d Infantry Brigade (Light) assaulted PDF headquarters at La Commandancia, PDF Engineer Battalion, PDF 5th Company at Fort Amador, PDF units at Balboa and Ancon.
• 45 minutes after the 75th RGR RGT conducted their parachute drop onto Omar Torrijos Airport the 1st BDE 82 ABN DIV begins parachuting onto the airfield, and then assembles for movement to assigned follow on objectives.

21 December 1989 (D-Day + 1)
• JCS directed execution of Operation Promote Liberty (renamed from Plan Blind Logic).
• The Panama Canal reopened for daylight operations.
• Refugee situation became critical.
• C Company, 5th Battalion, 87th Infantry Regiment (193d Infantry Brigade) repelled a PDF counterattack at the PDF DNTT headquarters and rescued Panamanian Vice President Ford, whose convoy was also attacked.
• TF Bayonet began CMO in Panama City.
• Marriott Hotel was secured and hostages evacuated.

22 December 1989 (D-Day + 2)
• FPP established.
• CMO and stability operations became primary focus.
• 2d Bde, 7th Inf Div (L), deployed to Rio Hato.
• 1st Bde (9th Regiment), 7th Inf Div (L), was alerted for deployment.

23 December 1989 (D-Day + 3)
• International airport reopened.
• 2d Bde, 7th Inf Div (L) and SF elements began operations in west.
• 96th CA Bn assumed responsibility for DC Camp from USARSO.
• 1st Bde (9th Regiment) 7th Inf Div (L) closed in Panama.

24 December 1989 (D-Day + 4)
• Noriega entered Papal Nunciatura.
• Money for Weapons program initiated.
• Combined U.S./FPP patrols began.

25 December 1989 (D-Day + 5)
• Rangers secured Davíd.
• Operations in western Panama continued successfully.

3 January 1990 (D-Day + 14)
• Noriega surrendered to U.S. forces.
• Combat and stability ops continue.

31 January 1990 (D-Day + 42)
• Operation Just Cause ends.[63]
• Operation Promote Liberty begins.

September 1994 (D-Day + approximately 4.5 years)
• Operation Promote Liberty ends.[43]
Above information in this section[23]
United States military forces involved in Operation Just Cause[edit]

[x]
U.S. soldiers holding a U.S. flag at La Comandancia

United States Southern Command[64][65]

• United States Army South (USARSO)
• XVIII Airborne Corps – Joint Task Force South
• 525th Military Intelligence Brigade (Combat Electronic Warfare and Intelligence) (Airborne)(FT Bragg)
• 319th Military Intelligence Battalion (Operations) (Airborne) (FT Bragg)
• A Co. 319th MI BN (Corps Tactical Operations Support Element)
• B Co. 319th MI BN (Signal)
• 519th Military Intelligence Battalion (Tactical Exploitation) (Airborne) (FT Bragg)
• A Co 519th MI BN (Interrogation)
• B Co. 519th MI BN (Counterintelligence)
• C Co. 519th MI BN (SIGINT and Voice Intercept)
• 16th MP Brigade Fort Bragg
• 92nd MP Battalion Fort Clayton

• 549th MP Company Fort Davis
• 1138th MP Company, Det. 1, Missouri Army National Guard, Doniphan, Missouri
• 1109th Signal Brigade
• 35th Signal Brigade (25th Signal Battalion/426th Signal Battalion) Fort Bragg North Carolina
• 142nd Medical Battalion
• 324th Support Group
• 470th Military Intelligence Brigade
• 747th MI BN, Galeta Island
• 29th MI BN, Fort Davis
• '193rd Infantry Brigade, Task Forces Bayonet
• 1st Battalion (Airborne), 508th Parachute Infantry Regiment (United States)
• 5th Battalion, 87th Infantry
• 4th Battalion, 6th Infantry. Detach from 5th Infantry Division (Mechanized)
• C Company, 3rd Battalion, 73rd Armor Regiment (Airborne), Detach from 82nd ABN Div
• D Company, 2nd Light Armored Infantry Battalion (USMC)
• D Battery, 320th Field Artillery Regiment
• 59th Engineer Company (Sapper)
• 519th Military Police Battalion, Fort Meade, MD
• 209th Military Police Company, Fort Meade, MD
• 555th Military Police Company, Fort Lee, VA
• 988th Military Police Company, Fort Benning Georgia
• 401st Military Police Company, Fort Hood
• 7th Infantry Division (Light), Task Force Atlantic[23]
• A Troop, 2nd Squadron, 9th Cavalry
• 2nd Brigade
• 2nd Battalion, 27th Infantry Regiment (DRF 2)
• 5th Battalion, 21st Infantry Regiment
• 3rd Battalion, 27th Infantry Regiment (DRF 1)
• 6th Battalion, 8th Field Artillery Regiment
• A Battery, 2-62d ADA
• B Company, 27th Engineer Battalion
• B Company, 7th Medical Battalion
• B Company, 707th Maintenance Battalion
• B Company, 7th Supply and Transportation Battalion
• 3rd Brigade
• 4th Battalion, 17th Infantry Regiment
• 3rd Battalion, 17th Infantry Regiment
• C Company, 2d Battalion, 27th Infantry Regiment
• 3rd Battalion, 504th Parachute Infantry Regiment, Detach from 82nd ABN Div
• B Battery, 7th Battalion, 15th Field Artillery Regiment
• B Battery, 2d Battalion, 62nd Air Defense Artillery Regiment
• C Company, 27th Engineer Battalion
• C Company, 7th Medical Battalion
• C Company, 707th Maintenance Battalion
• C Company, 7th Supply & Transportation Battalion
• 3d Platoon, Company B, 127th Signal Battalion
• 127th Signal Battalion (-)
• 27th Engineer Battalion (-)
• 7th Military Police Company (-)
• 107th Military Intelligence Battalion (-)
• 5th Public Affairs Detachment
• 82nd Airborne Division, Task Force Pacific
• 1st Brigade
• 1st Battalion, 504th Parachute Infantry Regiment
• 2d Battalion, 504th Parachute Infantry Regiment
• 4th Battalion, 325th Airborne Infantry Regiment (-)
• A Company, 3d Battalion, 505th Parachute Infantry Regiment
• A Battery, 3d Battalion, 319th Airborne Field Artillery Regiment
• A Battery, 3d Battalion, 4th Air Defense Artillery Regiment
• C Company, 3d Battalion, 73d Armored Regiment (-)
• A Company, 307th Engineer Battalion
• A Company, 782d Maintenance Battalion
• B Company, 307th Medical Battalion
• A Company, 407th Supply & Services Battalion
• A Company, 313th Military Intelligence Battalion
• 1st Brigade, 7th Infantry Division
• 1st Battalion, 9th Infantry Regiment
• 2d Battalion, 9th Infantry Regiment
• 3d Battalion, 9th Infantry Regiment
• A Company, 13th Engineer Battalion
• A Company, 707th Maintenance Battalion
• A Company, 7th Medical Battalion
• A Company, 7th Supply and Transportation Battalion
• 1st Platoon, B Company, 127th Signal Battalion
• Company B, 82d Signal Battalion (-)
• 82d Military Police Company (-)
• 511th Military Police Company, Fort Drum
• Aviation Brigade, 7th Infantry Division, Task Force Aviation
• 1st Battalion, 228th Aviation Regiment
• 195th Air Traffic Control Platoon
• 214th Medical Detachment
• 3rd Battalion, 123d Aviation, Task Force Hawk (Fort Ord)
• E Company, 123d Aviation Regiment (-)
• 1st Battalion, 82d Aviation Regiment, Task Force Wolf (Fort Bragg)
• 1st Battalion, 82d Aviation Regiment (-)
• Troop D, 1st Squadron, 17th Cavalry Regiment
• 1st Battalion, 123d Aviation Regiment (-)
• Company D, 82d Aviation Regiment (-)

United States Marine Corps

• 6th Marine Expeditionary Brigade, Task Force Semper Fi (MARFOR)
• I Company, 3rd Battalion, 6th Marine Regiment
• K Company, 3d Battalion, 6th Marines
• Company D, 2nd Light Armored Infantry Battalion (-)
• G and H Detachment, Brigade Service Support Group 6
• 1st Platoon, Fleet Antiterrorism Security Teams
• Marine Corps Security Guard Detachment (U.S. Embassy)
• Marine Corps Security Force Company Panama
• 534th Military Police Company (U.S. Army), Fort Clayton
• 536th Engineer Battalion (U.S. Army)

United States Special Operations Command

• 7th Special Forces Group
• 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment (Airborne)
• SEAL Team 4
• SEAL Team 6
• 1st Special Forces Operational Detachment-DELTA
• 75th Ranger Regiment
• 96th Civil Affairs Battalion
• 4th Psychological Operations Group
• 8th Special Operations Squadron
• 16th Special Operations Squadron
• 20th Special Operations Squadron
• 919th Special Operations Wing
• Special Forces 1 (delta force)

United States Air Force

• 24th Composite Wing, Howard AFB
• 317th Tactical Airlift Wing
• 39th Tactical Airlift Squadron
• 40th Tactical Airlift Squadron
• 41st Tactical Airlift Squadron
• 314th Tactical Airlift Wing
• 50th Tactical Airlift Squadron
• 146th Tactical Airlift Wing, California Air National Guard
• 815th Tactical Airlift Squadron
• Twenty-Second Air Force
• 60th Military Airlift Wing
• 62d Military Airlift Wing
• 63d Military Airlift Wing
• 437th Military Airlift Wing
• 433d Military Airlift Wing
• 32d Aeromedical Evacuation Group
• 34th Aeromedical Evacuation Squadron
• 512th Military Airlift Wing
• 172d Military Airlift Wing
• 363d Security Police Squadron
• 3d Mobile Aerial Port Squadron (3d MAPS)
• 366th Tactical Fighter Wing
• 37th Tactical Fighter Wing
• 836th Security Police Squadron
• 63d Security Police Squadron
• 552d Airborne Warning And Control Wing
• 3d Combat Communications Group
• Aerospace Audiovisual Service (AAVS)
• 1352d Combat Camera Squadron, Norton AFB, Calif.
• 1361st Combat Camera Squadron, Charleston AFB, South Carolina
• 1369th Combat Camera Squadron, Vandenberg AFB, Calif.

United States Navy

• United States Navy SEALs
• Naval Special Warfare Unit EIGHT
• Special Boat Unit TWENTY-SIX
• United States Naval Small Craft and Technical Training School (NAVSCIATTS)
• USS Vreeland (FF-1068)

Related operations

• Operation Nifty Package: operation undertaken by SEALs to capture Manuel Noriega or destroy his two escape routes, destroying his private jet at Paitilla Airfield and his gunboat, which was docked in a canal. Noriega surrendered to U.S. troops on 3 January 1990.
• Operation Nimrod Dancer: reinforcing the forward-deployed U.S. forces with a brigade headquarters and an infantry battalion task force from the 7th Inf Div (L), a mechanized infantry battalion from the 5th Inf Div (M), and a U.S. Marine Corps Light Armored Infantry (LAI) Company. Augmentation continued with units rotating from both divisions under Operation Nimrod Sustain.[66]
• Operation Prayer Book
• Operation Promote Liberty: operation to rebuild the Panamanian military and civilian infrastructure.
• Operation Purple Storm: operation to assert, display, and exercise U.S. freedom-of-movement rights, with convoys traveling in and out of Panama for that express purpose.
• Operation Sand Flea: operation to exercise, display, and assert U.S. freedom-of-movement rights, with convoys traveling in and out of Panama for that express purpose.
• Raid at Renacer Prison: a military operation which involved rescuing 64 prisoners and taking over the prison.
See also[edit]
• 1980s portal
• 1990s portal
• The Panama Deception Academy Award winning documentary.
• Invasion, a 2014 Panamanian documentary.

References

Footnotes


1. The National Archives at St. Louis: Veterans Preference and "Wartime" Service
2. "Operation Just Cause: The Invasion of Panama, December 1989". United States Army.
3. "Panama and U.S. Strive To Settle on Death Toll". The New York Times.[full citation needed]
4. "U.S. Sued in Death of a Journalist in Panama". The New York Times. 24 June 1990.[full citation needed]
5. "'It's Been Worth It': Bush—U.S. Troops Take Control of Panama". Los Angeles Times. 21 December 1989.
6. Jones, Howard (2001). Crucible of Power: A History of US Foreign Relations Since 1897. p. 494.[full citation needed]
7. Kempe, Frederick (1990). Divorcing the Dictator. New York: Putnam. pp. 26–30, 162.
8. Cockburn, Alexander & St. Clair, Jeffrey (1998). Whiteout: the CIA, Drugs, and the Press. London: Verso.[page needed]
9. The Contras, Cocaine, and Covert Operations. National Security Archive Electronic Briefing. p. 2.[full citation needed]
10. Buckley, Kevin (1991). Panama: The Whole Story. New York: Simon & Schuster.[page needed]
11. Oakley, Robert B.; Dziedzic, Michael J. & Goldberg, Eliot M. (1998). Policing the New World Disorder: Peace Operations and Public Security. Washington, DC: National Defense University Press.[page needed]
12. Cole, Ronald H. (1995). Operation Just Cause: The Planning and Execution of Joint Operations in Panama, February 1988 – January 1990. Joint History Office, Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. p. 6.[full citation needed]
13. A report by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights concluded that numerous human rights violations occurred in Panama during Noriega's government: "Report on the situation of human rights in Panama". 9 November 1989.[full citation needed]
14. Cole, Ronald H. (1995). Operation Just Cause: The Planning and Execution of Joint Operations in Panama, February 1988 – January 1990. Joint History Office, Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. p. 11.[full citation needed]
15. Yates, Lawrence A. (2008). The US Military Intervention in Panama: Origins, Planning and Crises Management, June 1987 – December 1989. Washington, DC: Center of Military History, United States Army.[page needed]
16. "The Noriega Challenge to George Bush's Credibility and the 1989 Invasion of Panama". 2000.[full citation needed]
17. Cole, Ronald H. (1995). Operation Just Cause: The Planning and Execution of Joint Operations in Panama, February 1988 – January 1990. Joint History Office, Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. p. 27.[page needed]
18. "On December 15, 1989, Noriega publicly declared that a state of war existed between Panama and the United States." - http://caselaw.findlaw.com/us-11th-circ ... JFMG0.dpuf
19. "Operation Just Cause". 870-5a Organizational History Files (Corps Historian's Notes). XVIII Airborne Corps. 1989–90. Notebook #1. Permanent. Corps Historian's Personal Notes Recorded During the Operation
20. Cole, Ronald H (1995). Operation Just Cause: The Planning and Execution of Joint Operations in Panama, February 1988 – January 1990. Joint History Office, Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. p. 30.[page needed]
21. "A Transcript of President Bush's Address on the Decision to Use Force". The New York Times. 21 December 1989.[page needed]
22. Noriega, Manuel & Eisner, Peter (1997). America's Prisoner: The Memoirs of Manuel Noriega. Random House.[page needed]
23. "Operation Just Cause Historical Summary". GS.Org.
24. Cramer, J. K. (2006). "'Just Cause' or Just Politics?: U.S. Panama Invasion and Standardizing Qualitative Tests for Diversionary War". Armed Forces & Society. 32(2): 178–201. doi:10.1177/0095327x05277899.
25. "366th Fighter Wing History". United States Air Force. Archived from the original on 15 June 2011. Retrieved 9 April 2010.
26. Pizzurno, Patricia & Andrés Araúz, Celestino. "Estados Unidos invade Panamá Crónica de una invasión anunciada" (in Spanish). Archived from the original on 21 April 2006.[full citation needed] According to this piece, the PDF had 16,000 troops, but only 3,000 of them were trained for combat: "Para entonces las Fuerzas de Defensa poseían 16.000 efectivos, de los cuales apenas 3.000 estaban entrenados para el combate."
27. Cole, Ronald H. "Operation Just Cause: Panama" (PDF). Joint History Office, Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
28. Fishel, John T. (1997). Civil Military Operations in the New World. Greenwood Publishing Group.[full citation needed]
29. "Combat in Panama, Operation Just Cause}". Los Angeles Times. 21 December 1989. p. A4.
30. http://www.nationalguard.mil/news/today ... ember.aspx[full citation needed]
31. Baker, Russell (3 January 1990). "Observer: Is This Justice Necessary?". The New York Times. Retrieved 9 November 2007.[page needed]
32. Lindsay-Poland, John (2003). Emperors in the Jungle: The Hidden History of the U.S. in Panama. Duke University Press. p. 118. ISBN 0-8223-3098-9.[full citation needed]
33. Pike, John. "Operation Just Cause". Global Security.
34. "Panama and U.S. Strive to Settle on Death Toll". The New York Times.[full citation needed]
35. "US Invasion of Panama 1989". Wars of the World.
36. "'Friendly Fire' Killed 2 GIs in Panama, Invasion: The Pentagon sharply increases its estimate of U.S. casualties inflicted by own forces". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 12 December 2014.[full citation needed]
37. Riding, Alan (1990-06-24). "U.S. Sued in Death of a Journalist in Panama". New York Times. Retrieved 2015-05-29.
38. Spanish Yearbook of International Law: 1992. 1992. pp. 158–161.
39. "España ha asumido ante el Departamento de Estado de EE UU la defensa de Juantxu". El Pais. 1992-03-27. Retrieved 2015-05-29.
40. "Human Rights in Post-Invasion Panama: Justice Delayed is Justice Denied". 7 April 1991.[full citation needed]
41. Conley, William J., Jr. "Operations 'Just Cause' and 'Promote Liberty': The implications of Military Operations Other than War" (PDF). Small Wars Journal.[full citation needed]
42. Powell, Colin & Persico, Joseph E. (1995). My American Journey. New York: Random House.[page needed]
43. Yates, Lawrence (May–June 2005). "Panama, 1988–1990: The Discontent between Combat and Stability Operations" (PDF). Military Review.[full citation needed]
44. "Operation Nimrod Dancer". Military. Global Security.[full citation needed]
45. "The Responsibility to Protect". International Development Research Centre. December 2001. Archived from the original on 13 December 2007.[full citation needed]
46. Brooke, James (21 December 1989). "U.S. Denounced by Nations Touchy About Intervention". The New York Times.[page needed]
47. United Nations Security Council Draft Resolution S/21048 22 December 1989. Retrieved 13 September 2007.
48. United Nations Security Council Verbatim Report 2902. S/PV/2902 page 15. 23 December 1989. Retrieved 13 September 2007.
49. United Nations Security Council Verbatim Report 2902. S/PV/2902 page 10. 22 December 1989. Retrieved 13 September 2007.
50. Pastor, Robert A. (2001). Exiting the Whirlpool: U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Latin America and the Caribbean. p. 96.
51. Trent, Barbara (Director) (31 July 1992). The Panama Deception (Documentary film). Empowerment Project.
52. "Panama". Human Rights Watch World Report 1989. Human Rights Watch. 1989.[full citation needed]
53. Brewer, Stewart. Borders and Bridges: A History of U.S.–Latin American Relations. p. 147.[full citation needed]
54. "Panama's President Vetoes Law Declaring Anniversary of US Invasion a 'Day of Mourning'". Archived from the original on 13 March 2008. [full citation needed]
55. "Panama Marks '89 Invasion as Day of 'National Mourning'". CNN. Archived from the original on 19 December 2008.
56. Henkin, Louis (1991). Right v. Might: International Law and the Use of Force. pp. 161–2.[full citation needed]
57. "Panama Companies Sue U.S. for Damages". The New York Times. 21 July 1990.[full citation needed]
58. "El Chorrillo Two Years after the U.S. Invaded Panama, Those Displaced by the War Have New Homes". Christian Science Monitor. 20 December 1991.[full citation needed]
59. "Attacks on the Press 2001: Panama". Committee to Protect Journalists.
60. "BOP: FCI Miami". Archived from the original on 16 July 2010. Retrieved 16 July 2010.
61. "Panama to Launch 'Truth Report' on 1989 US Invasion". TeleSUR English. 20 December 2015. Retrieved 31 January 2016.
62. "Truth Report Investigating 1989 US Invasion of Panama Warms Up". TeleSUR English. 26 January 2016. Retrieved 31 January 2016.
63. The National Archives at St. Louis: Veterans Preference and "Wartime" Service
64. "Operation Just Cause: Panama 1989".[full citation needed]
65. http://etd.lsu.edu/docs/available/etd-0 ... ed/AppB(US).pdf[full citation needed]
66. "Operation Just Cause Historical Summary: Operation Just Cause Lessons Learned Volume I".[full citation needed]

Bibliography

• Eisenmann, Roberto (21 December 1989). "For a Panamanian, Hope and Tragedy". The New York Times.
Further reading[edit]
• Donnelly, Thomas (1991). Operation Just Cause: The Storming of Panama. Lexington Books. ISBN 0669249750.
• Harding, Robert C. (2001). Military Foundations of Panamanian Politics. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-0-7658-0075-6.
• ——— (2006). The History of Panama. Greenwood Publishing. ISBN 978-0-313-33322-4.
• Phillips, R. Cody (2004). "Operation Just Cause: The Incursion into Panama".
• Yates, Lawrence A. (2008). The U.S. Military Intervention in Panama: Origins, Planning and Crisis Management, June 1987 – December 1989 (1st ed.). Washington, DC: United States Army Center of Military History. CMH Pub 55–1–1.
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Tue Jan 02, 2018 11:41 pm

U.S. Marine colonel wounded in Beirut attack
by Paula Butturini
March, 5, 1984

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BEIRUT, Lebanon -- Unidentified gunmen shot a U.S. Marine colonel in the arm and chest Monday near the heavily guarded U.S. Embassy, the first attack against a Marine in Beirut since U.S. peace-keeping troops left last week.

Col. Dale Dorman was ambushed and shot in the arm and chest while he walked along the waterfront about 50 yards south of the embassy compound, said U.S. Embassy spokesman Jon Stewart.


Dorman was immediately taken by helicopter to the USS Guam, where he was reported in stable condition, Stewart said.

Stewart declined to release any additional details of the shooting, including Dorman's age, home town or his function at the embassy.

Moslem Druze militiamen who witnessed the attack said Dorman was shot by three men waiting in a pale-colored Mercedes automobile. The Druze militiamen occupy the neighborhood in which the embassy is located and are on friendly terms with Marines in the compound.

Marines on duty at the time of the attack said Dorman, dressed in civilian clothes, walked about 50 yards out of the embassy compound toward the Riviera Hotel before he was shot.

They said they did not hear the shots because the noise of the gunfire was drowned out by waves lapping the shore.

An embassy car was driven out to pick up Dorman, who was sitting upright in the car holding his arm as he returned to the compound, the Marines said.

The attack was the first against a U.S. Marine since the U.S. peace-keeping contingent pulled out of Beirut Feb. 26 and redeployed aboard U.S. 6th Fleet ships patrolling off the Lebanese coast.

After the last of the peacekeepers withdrew, the Marines left behind at the U.S. Embassy told reporters they felt safer than their colleagues had been at the vulnerable base at Beirut airport.

'This is the best protected embassy in the world,' said Lance Cpl. Ron Menard, 21, of Nashua, N.H.

The U.S. peace-keeping contingent lost 264 men during their 17-month stay in Lebanon, 241 in the suicide truck bomb blast at their headquarters compound Oct. 23, 1983. A 265th Marine lost his life from a self-inflicted gun shot.
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Tue Jan 02, 2018 11:58 pm

Adm. Frank B. Kelso Dies at 79; Tied to Tailhook Scandal
by John H. Cushman, Jr.
New York Times
June 28, 2013

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WASHINGTON — Adm. Frank B. Kelso II, who retired under pressure as chief of naval operations in 1994 in the aftermath of rampant sexual misconduct by Navy officers at an aviation convention known as Tailhook, died on Sunday in Norfolk, Va. He was 79.

The Navy said the cause was complications of injuries he sustained in a fall last week. He lived in Fayetteville, Tenn.

Rising from the ranks of submariners, Admiral Kelso held top naval commands in the Mediterranean and the Atlantic in the 1980s. He oversaw capture of the terrorists who had hijacked the cruise ship Achille Lauro. He led air strikes against Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi’s Libya in 1986. In 1990 and 1991, as chief of naval operations, he directed the American naval effort in the Persian Gulf war from his seat among the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

But his career was tarnished in 1991, when dozens of women, including officers, were sexually assaulted and harassed at the annual meeting in Las Vegas of a booster group called the Tailhook Association.

Three investigations eventually implicated 140 Navy and Marine Corps pilots in assaults on 83 women in what the Pentagon’s office of inspector general described as “an atmosphere of debauchery.” Dozens of officers were fined or disciplined out of court, and many of their careers were derailed, but nobody was court-martialed.

The scandal, which exposed a culture of misogyny that permeated the ranks and was tolerated or ignored by commanders, came at a time when women seeking equality in the military faced ingrained resistance.

Decades later, despite the widening roles for women in combat and throughout the services, the military continues to struggle with persistent reports of violence, rape and mistreatment of women in the ranks.

In the years after Tailhook — the term refers to a grappling device that arrests planes landing on the short decks of aircraft carriers — Admiral Kelso himself supported the opening of new roles for women in the Navy, including as combat pilots. He once said that a turning point for him had come when he interviewed candidates for a select assignment as master chief petty officer of the Navy. He asked them, as voices of the seafaring rank and file, whether the rules concerning women should change. “Why don’t we get on with it?” he said they replied.

But as the Tailhook investigations rattled the service, he came under sustained pressure. He offered to resign in 1992, but was turned down. The Navy secretary, H. Lawrence Garrett III, did resign that year; his successor, John Dalton, pressed for Admiral Kelso’s removal in 1993 but was rebuffed by the defense secretary, Les Aspin, who had been appointed by the new president, Bill Clinton.

Finally, a Navy judge, Capt. William T. Vest Jr., found that Admiral Kelso had lied when he said that he had not observed any improper behavior by pilots at the Tailhook convention, which he had attended. Captain Vest said Admiral Kelso had tried to manipulate the investigations.

Admiral Kelso and top officials disputed the evidence and denounced Captain Vest’s conclusions. But a few days later Admiral Kelso agreed to step aside, just two months earlier than planned, in exchange for a tribute from the defense secretary, William J. Perry, who had succeeded Mr. Aspin. Mr. Perry called Admiral Kelso a man of “highest integrity and honor.”

Women in Congress, and others, objected. Representative Patricia Schroeder of Colorado, a Democratic member of the House Armed Services Committee, said that “the military’s bad-faith handling of the Tailhook scandal shows that we are a government of admirals, not of laws.”

Congressional critics demanded that Admiral Kelso be denied his full pension. But after hours of debate, the Senate finally voted to let him retire with his four-star rank and benefits intact.


Years later, he worried about the lasting damage not only to his own reputation but also to the Navy’s.

“It’s kind of like, a father gives you a good name,” he told the public television program “Frontline.” “You can stain it once and it stays with you for a long, long time. The good name is hard to restore. That’s kind of how I see it. And if you want to keep giving the Navy that stain, I think it’s really unfair.”

Frank Benton Kelso II was born in Fayetteville on July 11, 1933. He joined the submarine force after graduating from the United States Naval Academy in 1956. He commanded two nuclear submarines.

After his promotion to rear admiral, he worked in the office of President Ronald Reagan’s first Navy secretary, John F. Lehman Jr. The administration had ambitions to build a bigger fleet, but the proposed expansion was cut short; by the time Admiral Kelso became chief of naval operations in 1990, the cold war was over, the so-called peace dividend — a shrinking Pentagon budget — was coming due, and the Navy had to strain to dispatch its flotillas to far seas like the Persian Gulf.

Admiral Kelso moved back to Tennessee after retiring. His wife of 56 years, the former Landess McCown, died last year. He recently married Georgeanna Robinson, who survives him. Survivors also include two sons, Thomas and Donald, a retired Navy captain; two daughters, Mary Kearns and Kerry Thomas; and eight grandchildren.

Admiral Kelso retired with his wife, Landess McCown Kelso (who died in 2012), to his place of birth in Fayetteville, Tennessee in 2003. He died from complications of a fall and severe head injury on June 23, 2013, in Norfolk, Virginia, where he had gone to attend his grandson's graduation. He had been married to his second wife, Georgia Robinson, for just two weeks. He is also survived by two sons (both of whom served in the Navy) and two daughters.[4]

-- Frank Kelso, by Wikipedia


A version of this article appears in print on June 29, 2013, on Page B8 of the New York edition with the headline: Adm. Frank B. Kelso, 79; Tied to Tailhook Scandal.
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Jan 03, 2018 4:29 am

John Warner
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 1/2/18

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Image
John Warner
United States Senator
from Virginia
In office
January 2, 1979 – January 3, 2009
Preceded by William L. Scott
Succeeded by Mark Warner
Chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee
In office
January 3, 2003 – January 3, 2007
Preceded by Carl Levin
Succeeded by Carl Levin
In office
January 3, 1999 – June 6, 2001
Preceded by Strom Thurmond
Succeeded by Carl Levin
Chair of the Senate Rules Committee
In office
September 8, 1995 – January 3, 1999
Preceded by Ted Stevens
Succeeded by Mitch McConnell
61st United States Secretary of the Navy
In office
May 4, 1972 – April 8, 1974
President Richard Nixon
Preceded by John Chafee
Succeeded by J. William Middendorf
Under Secretary of the Navy
In office
February 11, 1969 – May 4, 1972
President Richard Nixon
Preceded by Charles F. Baird
Succeeded by Frank P. Sanders
Personal details
Born John William Warner
February 18, 1927 (age 90)
Washington, D.C., U.S.
Political party Republican
Spouse(s) Catherine Mellon (m. 1957; div. 1973)
Elizabeth Taylor (m. 1976; div. 1982)

Jeanne Vander Myde (m. 2003)
Children 3
Education Washington and Lee University (BA)
University of Virginia (LLB)
Awards Knight of the Order of the British Empire
Signature
Military service
Allegiance United States
Service/branch United States Navy
U.S. Marine Corps

Years of service 1945–1946
1950–1953
Rank PO3 collar.png Petty Officer, Third Class (Navy)
US Marine O3 shoulderboard.svg Captain (Marines)
Unit 1st Marine Aircraft Wing
Battles/wars World War II
Korean War

John William Warner (born February 18, 1927) served as Secretary of the Navy from 1972 to 1974 and as a five-term Republican United States Senator from Virginia from January 2, 1979, to January 3, 2009. He did not seek reelection in 2008. He works for the law firm of Hogan Lovells, where he had previously worked before joining the United States Department of Defense.

Warner was the sixth husband of actress Elizabeth Taylor, whom he married before being elected to the Senate. He is a veteran of World War II, and was one of only five such veterans serving in the Senate at the time of his retirement.[1]

Early life and education

John William Warner was born on February 18, 1927, in Washington, D.C., to John W. and Martha Budd Warner. He grew up in Washington, where he attended the elite St. Albans School before graduating from Woodrow Wilson High School in February 1945.

He enlisted in the United States Navy during World War II in January 1945, shortly before his 18th birthday. He served until the following year, leaving as a Petty Officer 3rd Class. He went to college at Washington and Lee University, where he was a member of Beta Theta Pi, graduating in 1949; he then entered the University of Virginia Law School.

He joined the U.S. Marine Corps in October 1950, after the outbreak of the Korean War, and served in Korea as a ground aircraft maintenance officer with the 1st Marine Aircraft Wing. He continued in the Marine Corps Reserves after the war, eventually reaching the rank of captain. He then resumed his studies, taking courses at the George Washington University, before receiving his law degree from UVA in 1953. That year, he became a law clerk to Chief Judge E. Barrett Prettyman of the United States Court of Appeals. In 1956, he became an assistant U.S. attorney; in 1960 he entered private law practice and joined Hogan & Hartson (now Hogan Lovells).

Personal life

In 1957, Warner married banking heiress Catherine Conover Mellon, the daughter of art collector Paul Mellon and his first wife, Mary Conover, and the granddaughter of Andrew Mellon. By his marriage, Warner accrued substantial capital for investing and expanding his political contacts. The Warners, who divorced in 1973, have three children: Virginia, John Jr, and Mary. His former wife now uses the name Catherine Conover.[2]

John Warner married actress Elizabeth Taylor on December 4, 1976 at the Second Presbyterian Church in Richmond, Virginia. They divorced on November 7, 1982.
Warner and Larry Fortensky were the last living former spouses of Elizabeth Taylor at the time of her death in 2011. Warner is the last of Taylor's husbands to survive. Larry Fortensky died on July 7, 2016, at age 64.

On December 15, 2003, Warner married Jeanne Vander Myde, a real estate agent who specializes in Northern Virginia properties. She is also the widow of White House official Paul Vander Myde.[3]

Career

Image
John W. Warner as Secretary of the Navy

Image
From left: Secretary of the Navy Warner, LT Duke Cunningham, LT William P. Driscoll and the Chief of Naval Operations, ADM Elmo Zumwalt, 1972

Image
Warner and fellow Virginia Senator Chuck Robb at the commissioning ceremony for the USS Arleigh Burke with Arleigh Burke and wife present and Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney delivering the keynote address, July 4, 1991.

After giving substantial campaign funds and time to the Nixon Presidential election, on February 1969, Warner was appointed Undersecretary of the Navy under the Nixon administration. On May 4, 1972, he succeeded John H. Chafee as Secretary of the Navy. Thereafter Warner, was appointed by President Gerald Ford to be a participant in the Law of the Sea talks, and negotiated the Incidents at Sea Executive Agreement with the Soviet Union which became a cause célèbre of pro-Détente doves in Soviet-American relations. He was subsequently appointed by Gerald Ford to the post of Director of the American Revolution Bicentennial Administration.

Following Ford's defeat, Warner began to consider political office for himself. He entered politics in the 1978 Virginia election for U.S. Senate. Despite the publicity of being Elizabeth Taylor's husband and the large amounts of money Warner used in his campaign for the nomination, he finished second at the state Republican Party (GOP) convention to the far more conservative politician Richard D. Obenshain. Much of this loss was due to his perceived liberal political stances, especially his soft approach to Soviet relations. In contrast Obenshain was a noted anti-Soviet, a hardline anti-communist, and an opponent of other liberal policies including the Great Society and much of the Civil Rights Movement. However, fate intervened when Obenshain died two months later in a plane crash. Consequently, Warner was chosen to replace him and narrowly won the general election over Democrat Andrew P. Miller, former Attorney General of Virginia. He was in the Senate until January 3, 2009. Despite his less conservative policy stances, Warner managed to be the second longest-serving senator in Virginia's history, behind only Harry F. Byrd, Sr., and by far the longest-serving Republican Senator from the state. On August 31, 2007, Warner announced that he would not seek re-election in 2008.

His committee memberships included the Environment and Public Works Committee, the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions, and the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. As the chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, he protected and increased the flow of billions of dollars into the Virginia economy each year via the state's military installations and shipbuilding firms which served his reelection efforts in every cycle.

Warner was quite moderate, especially in comparison to most Republican Senators from the South. He was among the minority of Republicans to support gun control laws. He voted for the Brady Bill and, in 1999, was one of only five Republicans to vote to close the so-called gun show loophole. In 2004 Warner was one of three Republicans to sponsor an amendment by Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) that sought to provide for a 10-year extension of the Federal Assault Weapons Ban.

Warner supported[4] the Roe v. Wade decision establishing abortion rights and supported embryonic stem cell research,[5] although he received high ratings from pro-life groups because he voted in favor of many abortion restrictions.[6] On June 15, 2004, Warner was among the minority of his party to vote to expand hate crime laws to include sexual orientation as a protected category. He supports a constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage, but he raised concerns about the most recent Federal Marriage Amendment as being too restrictive, as it would have potentially banned civil unions as well.

In 1987, Warner was one of the few Republicans who voted to reject the nomination of Robert Bork by President Ronald Reagan and the only Southerner to do so.[7]

Image
President George W. Bush signs into law H.R. 5122, the John Warner National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2007 in the Oval Office at the White House. Joining him are, from left: Vice President Dick Cheney, Rep. Duncan Hunter of California, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, Sen. John Warner of Virginia, and General Peter Pace, Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Warner was re-elected easily in 1984 and 1990, and faced his first real challenge for re-election in 1996 from political newcomer Democrat Mark Warner (no relation). Mark Warner was a millionaire who vastly outspent the incumbent and produced an unusually close election, but John Warner prevailed with 52% of the vote.

According to George Stephanopoulos, a former close aide to President Bill Clinton, Warner was among top choices to replace Les Aspin as the Secretary of Defense in the Clinton administration. However, President Clinton selected William Perry. During Clinton second term William Cohen of Maine, another moderate Republican Senator, held this position.[8]

During the 1996 United States Presidential election Warner served as a Senate teller (along with Democrat Wendell H. Ford) of electoral votes.[9] Warner was among ten GOP Senators who voted against the charge of perjury during Clinton's impeachment (the others were Richard Shelby of Alabama, Ted Stevens of Alaska, Susan Collins of Maine, Olympia Snowe of Maine, John Chafee of Rhode Island, Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania, Jim Jeffords of Vermont, Slade Gorton of Washington and Fred Thompson of Tennessee). Warner and others who voted against the article angered many Republicans by their position. However, unlike Snowe, Collins, Specter, Jeffords and Chafee, the rest of the Republicans voted guilty on the second article.

As was the case in 1990, Warner faced no Democratic opposition in 2002, winning re-election to a fifth term in the Senate by a landslide over an independent candidate.

On May 23, 2005, Warner was one of 14 centrist senators (Gang of 14) to forge a compromise on the Democrats' proposed use of the judicial filibuster, thus blocking the Republican leadership's attempt to implement the so-called nuclear option. Under the agreement, the Democrats would retain the power to filibuster a Bush judicial nominee only in an "extraordinary circumstance", and three Bush appellate court nominees (Janice Rogers Brown, Priscilla Owen and William Pryor) would receive a vote by the full Senate.

Image
Committee chairman Carl Levin (D-MI) and former ranking member John Warner (R-VA) listen to Admiral Mike Mullen's confirmation hearing before the Armed Services Committee to become Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, July 31, 2007.

On September 17, 2006, Warner said that U.S. military and intelligence personnel in future wars will suffer for abuses committed in 2006 by the US in the name of fighting terrorism. He feared that the administration’s civilian lawyers and a president who never saw combat were putting U.S. service personnel at risk of torture, summary executions and other atrocities by chipping away at Geneva Conventions’ standards that have protected them since 1949. Following the Supreme Court ruling on Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, which was adverse to the Bush Administration, Warner (with Senators Lindsey Graham and John McCain) negotiated with the White House the language of the Military Commissions Act of 2006, suspending habeas corpus provisions for anyone deemed by the Executive Branch an "unlawful combatant" and barring them from challenging their detentions in court. Warner's vote gave a retroactive, nine-year immunity to U.S. officials who authorized, ordered, or committed acts of torture and abuse, permitting the use of statements obtained through torture to be used in military tribunals so long as the abuse took place by December 30, 2005.[10] Warner's "compromise" (approved by a Republican majority) authorized the President to establish permissible interrogation techniques and to "interpret the meaning and application" of international Geneva Convention standards, so long as the coercion falls short of "serious" bodily or psychological injury.[11][12] Warner maintains that the new law holds true to "core principles" that the U.S. provide fair trials and not be seen as undermining Geneva Conventions.[13] The bill was signed into law on October 17, 2006, in Warner's presence.[14][15][16]

In March 2007, after Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Peter Pace spoke out about his views on homosexuality and the military, Sen. Warner said, "I respectfully, but strongly, disagree with the chairman's view that homosexuality is immoral."[17]

On August 23, 2007, he called on President Bush to begin bringing U.S. troops home from Iraq by Christmas in order to make it clear to the Iraqi leadership that the U.S. commitment is not indefinite.[18]

On August 31, 2007, he announced that he would not seek a sixth term in the Senate in 2008.[19]

Warner was a cosponsor of America's Climate Security Act of 2007, also more commonly referred to as the Cap and Trade Bill, that proposed to ration (cap) carbon emissions in the U.S., and tax or purchase (trade) Carbon credits on the global market for greater U.S. alignment with the Kyoto protocol standards and goals.

In September 2008, Warner joined the Gang of 20, a bipartisan coalition seeking comprehensive energy reform. The group is pushing for a bill that would encourage state-by-state decisions on offshore drilling and authorize billions of dollars for conservation and alternative energy.[20]

In October 2008, Warner voted in favor of the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008.[21][22]

Committee assignments

Committee on Environment and Public Works
Subcommittee on Private Sector and Consumer Solutions to Global Warming and Wildlife Protection (Ranking Member)
Subcommittee on Transportation and Infrastructure
Committee on Armed Services
Subcommittee on Airland
Subcommittee on Emerging Threats and Capabilities
Subcommittee on SeaPower
Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs
Ad Hoc Subcommittee on State, Local, and Private Sector Preparedness and Integration
Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations
Subcommittee on Oversight of Government Management, the Federal Workforce, and the District of Columbia
Select Committee on Intelligence
Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs

Post-Senate life

Image
Senator Jim Webb, Council on Foreign Relations President Richard N. Haass, former Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte, former Senator John Warner, and journalist Andrea Mitchell at Ronald Reagan Centennial Roundtable in 2011

On December 12, 2008, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence awarded Warner the first ever National Intelligence Distinguished Public Service Medal.

On January 8, 2009, the Secretary of the Navy announced the Navy would name the next Virginia-class submarine after John Warner. USS John Warner (SSN-785) is the twelfth Virginia-class submarine[23] and was commissioned on August 1, 2015 at a ceremony at Naval Station Norfolk.[24][25]

On February 19, 2009 the British Embassy in Washington, D.C., announced that Queen Elizabeth II would name John Warner an honorary Knight Commander for his work strengthening the American-British military alliance.[26] As a person who is not a British citizen (or a citizen of a country which acknowledges the British monarch as their own monarch), the title of Knight Commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire only allows Warner to put the Post-nominal letters KBE after his name.[27]


The annual Senator John W. Warner Award is given to a third year undergraduate student at the University of Virginia who exhibits a serious, convincing ambition to seek future election to public office. This award honors an individual who strives for service in an elected office, whether it is a part-time city council position or a full-time legislative or executive office. Successful candidates demonstrate the required courage to stand up and ask fellow citizens for their valued vote. The award of up to $3,000 funds a research project in an area that will inform the recipient's future career as an elected official. Award recipients include: John Jacob Nay, Casey Enders, James Linville, and Sarah Buckley.[28]

On May 2, 2013, Warner and United States Marine Corps representatives broke ground for the Senator John W. Warner Center for Advanced Military Studies at Marine Corps University in Quantico, Virginia. The John Warner Center will accommodate the Marine Corps Command and Staff College, School of Advanced Warfighting and College of Distance Education and Training.[29] It will also be home for the Brigadier General Simmons Center for Marine Corps History, including the archives of the Marine Corps and the history division.[30]

On September 28, 2016, Warner announced that he was endorsing Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton in the presidential election, praising his former Senate colleague's record of bipartisan cooperation.[31]

References

1. "Veterans' defiance a nightmare for Bush". September 17, 2006.
2. Washington Life Magazine: May 2005
3. WEDDINGS/CELEBRATIONS: VOWS; Jeanne Vander Myde and John Warner – New York Times marriage announcement
4. U.S. Senate: Legislation & Records Home
5. U.S. Senate: Legislation & Records Home
6. Analysis of Warner's voting record re abortion
7. U.S. Senate website
8. George Stephanopoulos, All Too Human: A Political Education.
9. Our Campaigns – U.S. President Race, December 16, 1996
10. William Neikirk; Andrew Zajac; Mark Silva (September 29, 2006). "Tribunal bill OKd by Senate". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved September 29, 2006.[permanent dead link]
11. Zernike, Kate (September 28, 2006). "Senate Passes Broad New Detainee Rules". New York Times. Retrieved September 28, 2006.
12. Anne Plummer Flaherty (September 28, 2006). "Senate OKs detainee interrogation bill". Associated Press. Retrieved September 29, 2006.[dead link]
13. "Veterans' defiance a nightmare for Bush". September 17, 2006. Gulf Times[dead link]
14. "THE STRUGGLE FOR IRAQ; Bush Reassures Iraqi That There Is No Timetable for Withdrawal". New York Times. October 16, 2006. Retrieved February 8, 2007.
15. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on January 7, 2007. Retrieved 2006-10-24.
16. George Bush, John McCain and 'Torture' – HUMAN EVENTS
17. "Sen. Clinton dodges question on gays, immorality", CNN, March 15, 2007.
18. New York Times blogs, Ibid.
19. "Sen. Warner won't seek 6th term". MSNBC. August 31, 2007. Retrieved August 31, 2007.
20. Star Tribune article
21. "Vote Summary: Question: On the Amendment (Dodd Amdt. No. 5685 ) – In the nature of a substitute". U.S. Senate Roll Call Votes 110th Congress – 2nd Session. Secretary of the United States Senate. October 1, 2008. Retrieved October 1, 2008.
22. "Vote Summary: On Passage of the Bill (H. R. 1424 As Amended )". U.S. Senate Roll Call Votes 110th Congress – 2nd Session. Secretary of the United States Senate. October 1, 2008. Retrieved October 1, 2008.
23. Navy Names Virginia Class Submarine USS John Warner
24. Navy to Commission Submarine John Warner
25. New sub Navy's 'most lethal warship'
26. Queen to name John Warner honorary knight
27. A Most Excellent Honor For the Ex-Senator
28. University of Virginia Warner Award Archived May 15, 2008, at the Wayback Machine.
29. "The Senator John W. Warner Center for Advanced Military Studies, May 2, 2013" (PDF). Foundation News. Marine Corps University Foundation (71): 6. Fall 2013. Archived(PDF) from the original on February 16, 2015. Retrieved 19 February 2015.
30. Baker, Eve A. (18 February 2015). "Marine Corps University construction project nearing the end of Phase II". Quantico Sentry. BH Media Group Holdings, Inc. Retrieved 19 February 2015.
31. Flores, Reena (September 28, 2016). "Former GOP Sen. John Warner endorses Hillary Clinton". CBS News. Retrieved September 28, 2016.

Warner hit the trail with McCain; Alexandria Times http://www.alextimes.com/article.asp?ar ... =1&cat=155[permanent dead link]
John Warner accepts Good Neighbor award; Alexandria Times http://www.alextimes.com/article.asp?ar ... =1&cat=155[permanent dead link]
The Virginia Primaries – John Warner’s McCain bet; Alexandria Times http://www.alextimes.com/article.asp?ar ... =1&cat=155[permanent dead link]
John Warner named William & Mary Fellow; Alexandria Times http://www.alextimes.com/article.asp?ar ... =1&cat=155[permanent dead link]
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Jan 03, 2018 5:18 am

Dick Davis' Happiest Hurrah
by Tom Sherwood
Washington Post
March 28, 1985

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It is his third time before Virginia voters in five years.

But this time, Richard J. (Dick) Davis is finally running for what he's really wanted all along -- the governor's office.

Davis, a mortgage banker by profession, former mayor of Portsmouth and a former state Democratic Party chairman, won the lieutenant governor's office in 1981 on a ticket led and overshadowed by Gov. Charles S. Robb, the son-in-law of President Johnson. In 1982, Davis was back before the voters in a narrowly unsuccessful campaign for the U.S. Senate against Republican Paul S. Trible.

That campaign was marked by disarray in the Democratic Party and the fact that Davis had made no secret that he really wanted to be governor. He took on the campaign when no other candidate emerged, after initially rejecting the idea.

Now, at 63, Davis is seeking to cap a decade-long political career by winning his party's nomination for governor against state Attorney General Gerald L. Baliles. The hard-fought contest could well be decided during this weekend's crucial mass meetings to select delegates to the party's June 7 nominating convention in Richmond.

"This race is what he is doing on his own," said longtime friend, supporter and former employe Eva S. Teig, the state's commissioner of labor and industry, who said Davis talked about the possibility of running for governor even during his tenure as mayor. "This is his own imprint."

Davis has kept up a steady campaign pace for more than a year, in contrast to what some considered his meager schedule in the Senate race. His statewide push this time was to build his political base and to dilute criticisms from Robb and others, who had said during his 1982 race that he did not have "the fire in the belly" to run for public office.

Robb, despite his public neutrality, is widely perceived as favoring Baliles over Davis. Under Virginia law, Robb cannot succeed himself.

Despite the offices he has held, Davis the man is still not well known to Virginians, his top aides say.

An affable, low-key person in public, he is known to be a bear in private when things don't go his way or an aide fouls up an assignment.

"He's easygoing, he puts a lot of trust in people," says Watson, 29, who first worked for Davis as a teen-age supporter. "His management style is that he delegates authority. If you don't do the job, he certainly will let you know."

When Norfolk's Virginian-Pilot newspaper polled state legislators, politicians and reporters in January, Davis aides said he was privately furious that he was ranked ninth in a field of 22, while Baliles was second.

In public, Davis joked about the poll and said his position was pretty good since his job as lieutenant governor is officially considered part time.

"He has high name recognition," said Robert (Bobby) Watson, Davis' longtime political aide and campaign manager. "But a lot of people don't know the whole Dick Davis story."

That story includes his early years, growing up poor in Portsmouth, where his outlook on life was shaped by scrounging at odd jobs to help his family and a particularly ugly incident when he was 7 and Ku Klux Klan members burned a cross at his front porch because his family was Catholic.

"He was the victim of religious prejudice . . . and it built his character in how he viewed things from then on," said Watson. "He did live in poverty [and] there's no prejudice like poverty. People treat you different."

Davis, a former Marine colonel and University of Virginia law school graduate, is now a millionaire businessman whose ruddy face and often-present pipe is recognized across the state.

He entered politics late, running for the Portsmouth City Council and being elected mayor in 1974 only after a group of local businessmen drafted him to help save the deteriorating Tidewater city.

Although his present job as lieutenant governor is part time and has little legal power, Davis, like other lieutenant governors before him, has parlayed his number two job into a high-profile assignment, serving on a variety of state commissions and panels for Robb that have taken him across the state.


Davis has been a strong supporter of such issues as increased voting rights, the Equal Rights Amendment, the rights of employes and other progressive issues that have helped him draw support from blacks, organized labor and the state's activist teachers association.

It also has made him a ready target for the state's conservative Republican Party leaders, who are salivating at the chance to run against the man they say is more liberal than Baliles. Davis supporters are quick to refute the label in a state where liberal is not considered a helpful political tag, saying his career has been built on concern for social issues combined with "fiscal conservatism."

"I have never really seen a liberal mortgage banker," said 4th District Rep. Norman Sisisky of Petersburg, a personal friend of Davis. "He has a very keen sense of social responsibility. If that's liberalism, so be it."

Davis' "easy manner hides a mind like a steel trap" and belies an ambition seen more easily in others, Teig said.

She noted that Davis is at peace with his world, no matter how the race -- which she expects him to win -- turns out. "He's a successful businessman who has kept the same friends for 30 years," Teig said, a man who enjoys a close relationship with his two teen-age children and his wife, Martha, who is fighting bone cancer.

It is, Teig said, a respect and compassion for people that transcends politics. "He's not a bitter man. He's not bitter about Paul Trible and he won't be bitter if this doesn't work out . . . ," Teig said.
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Jan 03, 2018 6:48 am

Peter Jay (diplomat)
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 1/2/18

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The Honourable
Peter Jay
British Ambassador to the
United States
In office
1977–1979
Monarch Elizabeth II
President Jimmy Carter
Prime Minister James Callaghan
Preceded by Peter Ramsbotham
Succeeded by Nicholas Henderson
Personal details
Born 7 February 1937 (age 80)
London, England
Spouse(s) Margaret Jay (m. 1961–div. 1986)
Children 7
Alma mater Christ Church, Oxford

Peter Jay (born 7 February 1937) is an English economist, broadcaster and diplomat.

Life

Peter Jay is the son of Douglas Jay, Baron Jay, and Peggy Jay, both of whom were Labour Party politicians. He was educated at The Dragon School, Oxford (the alma mater of several senior Labour politicians, including Hugh Gaitskell), followed by Winchester College[1] (where he was Senior Commoner Prefect) and Christ Church, Oxford, where he graduated with a first class honours degree in PPE.[1] He was commissioned in the Royal Navy, then worked as a civil servant at HM Treasury before becoming a journalist and, for 10 years, economics editor with The Times.

Jay married Margaret Callaghan, the daughter of Labour politician James Callaghan, in 1961. In 1977, when his father-in-law had become Prime Minister, Jay was appointed to the post of Ambassador to the United States by the Foreign Secretary, his friend David Owen. As Jay was just 40 years old, was not a diplomat and had never held any public office, this appointment caused some controversy and accusations of nepotism.[1]

Career

In the early 1970s, Jay became the principal presenter of the London Weekend Television Sunday news analysis programme Weekend World. He co-authored, with his friend John Birt, a series of articles for The Times in 1972, in which they criticised standard television journalism and developed what came to be called their "mission to explain".

As leader of a consortium of high-profile media figures, including Angela Rippon, David Frost, Michael Parkinson and Anna Ford, he won the franchise and became the founding chairman of TV-am, a breakfast TV station launched by the consortium. When the initial focus on news and current affairs did not yield economic success, he was fired by his friend and co-director Jonathan Aitken.[1]

Jay's career took a surprising turn when he became Chief of Staff to Robert Maxwell during his most high-profile years. His wife Margaret led Maxwell's Aids Foundation around the same time, where she met her present husband Professor Mike Adler.

Peter Jay later returned to broadcast journalism; John Birt appointed him Economics Editor of the BBC, and he presented editions of The Money Programme.

He wrote The Road to Riches or the Wealth of Man (2000, Weidenfeld & Nicolson) and presented a related BBC TV documentary series.

Jay is a supporter of Keynesian economics. He has debated with economists Milton Friedman and Thomas Sowell, including two episodes of Friedman's TV series Free to Choose (1980). He was also the moderator of the discussions in the British version of Free to Choose.[2]

He was a non-executive director of the Bank of England from June 2003 to May 2009.[3] He has been a governor of the Ditchley Foundation since 1982, and is a councillor on Woodstock Town Council.

References

1. "Jay talking". The Observer. 18 June 2000. Retrieved 11 January 2011.
2. Milton & Rose Friedman, Two Lucky People. Memoirs, Chicago & London: The University of Chicago Press, 1998, p. 499;L Borders, Max (25 January 2011) Who is Francis Fox Piven?, Washington Examiner
3. Peter Jay. "Peter Jay: Executive Profile & Biography - Businessweek". Investing.businessweek.com. Retrieved 6 June 2014.
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Jan 03, 2018 6:52 am

The second coming of Peter Jay
by Richard Kay
UPDATED: 19:00 EST, 8 June 2009

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Not since Time magazine called him 'the cleverest young man in England' and a future world leader has Peter Jay been presented with such an opportunity for prominence.

A former Ambassador to Washington who made more headlines from his private life than in the diplomatic world, Jay, now 72, is preparing for a second coming - as chairman of the Garrick, one of the smartest gentlemen's clubs in London.

Image
Controversial past: Peter Jay

Next month, the sitting chairman, writer Dr Barry Turner, is retiring and Jay, who stays at the club at least once a week, has been nominated as a candidate to replace him.

He faces only one opponent for the job, QC and recorder Jonathan Acton Davis, 56.

Jay, a father of seven, tells me: 'I think it is fair to say that I have actively put my hat in the ring, so to speak. The other candidate is a very nice man and the vote will take place early next month.'

So how does he stand on the contentious issue of admitting women to the all-male club?

'Actually, there is no rule that women cannot be members,' says Jay, who was proposed for membership 33 years ago by former Times editor William Rees-Mogg. 'It just so happens that no woman has ever been elected. And as far as I am aware no woman has ever been proposed.'

He is keeping his own plans for the Garrick under wraps. However, his elevation to the prestigious post of chairman of the club, which numbers distinguished actors and men of letters among its 1,300 members, represents an intriguing twist in the Jay story.

After returning from Washington, Jay, who was married to former Labour prime minister Jim Callaghan's daughter, Margaret, helped start TV-am. In 1974, he was voted the Royal Television Society's personality of the year.

Twice-married Jay, a former economics editor of the BBC, always managed to keep his name on everyone's lips, not because of his brilliant career but due to his chaotic personal life.

When Margaret began an affair with Watergate reporter Carl Bernstein, Bernstein's author wife Nora Ephron turned the story into a book, and later a film called Heartburn, starring Jack Nicholson and Meryl Streep.


But, perhaps more significantly, Paisley also crossed paths with former Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein at several parties. In the opinion of some people interviewed for this book, the fact that Paisley was serving as CIA liaison to the White House Plumbers at the time of his meeting Bernstein at sex parties raises many interesting questions. Could Bernstein's sexual activities, they ask, have made him vulnerable to pressure from a man like Paisley who may have wanted to get specific news stories slanted in a certain way? Bernstein denies even knowing Paisley. In a December 1979 telephone interview, Bernstein denied having attended any such parties. A few days later he called back to say, "I may have attended the parties, but I never met anyone named John Paisley."

Half a dozen Paisley intimates place Bernstein and Paisley at the same sex parties beginning as early as 1971. Donald Burton recalls: "Carl Bernstein, when I first met him, was going to the parties about 1971. I didn't know who he was .... One day he says to me or my wife Nancy he is on to something big. He said he is working on something and something is going to come out. You know all we knew was here was this guy with long hair and I saw him at two or four of these parties and then he disappeared." [35]

In a more recent interview, Bernstein confirmed that he attended swinging parties, but claimed he did not know Paisley and "Paisley wasn't Deep Throat." "I gotta tell you off the bat, I don't even know who the guy is," Bernstein said. [36]

But the behavior of his reporting partner on the Watergate affair, Bob Woodward, in the aftermath of Paisley's disappearance, raises questions. Woodward, by 1978, was an editor at the Washington Post. After Paisley disappeared, Woodward assigned two reporters to investigate Carl Bernstein. When asked if he was aware of the investigation into his activities, Bernstein said, "Oh that's crazy, Jesus ... I think you got something very wrong there. I don't think there was such a thing." Bernstein said the question should be put to Woodward.

Woodward confirms that he and other Post editors authorized the investigation into Bernstein's activities. Woodward explained that two reporters came to him with "allegations about Carl and Paisley and he felt obliged to follow up." [37]

One of the reporters who did the follow-up, Timothy Robinson, enjoyed a reputation for being very careful. He was so concerned about the assignment at the time that he requested a meeting with the reporter from the Wilmington News-Journal who first broke the Paisley story to discuss what he said was an assignment Woodward had given him. Robinson was so nervous about meeting the reporter that it was arranged by a mutual source for the meeting to take place in the basement of the Federal Courthouse in Washington where the Watergate trials took place. [38]

"Deep Throat" was described, in Woodward and Bernstein's famed book All the President's Men, as Woodward's source in the Executive Branch. The authors say that it was the Post's managing editor at that time, Howard Simmons, who dubbed Woodward's source "Deep Throat" because of the source's desire for secrecy and the pornographic movie in vogue at the time.

Was the fact that Bernstein was attending sex parties with the CIA's liaison with the White House Plumbers just a coincidence, or was that how the source really obtained his name? Both Bernstein and Woodward deny it.

Another bizarre connection of Paisley with the persona of "Deep Throat" is his possession of a Washington Post newspaper delivery agent's identification number in his own name. The number and ID turned out to be fraudulent. But why would a spy like Paisley need or even want such identification? If it was not to meet secretly with a reporter, one possibility might be that he simply wanted to have access to the Washington Post complex itself, on 15th Street in Washington. The newspaper's loading dock shares a common alley with the Soviet Embassy. Paisley would eventually move to an apartment two blocks from the embassy. Another possibility is that Paisley was using the newspaper's delivery system for dead drops and communication with agents to set up meetings.

Another point made in All the President's Men is that "if Deep Throat wanted a meeting -- which was rare -- there was a different procedure. Each morning, Woodward would check page 20 of his New York Times, delivered to his apartment house before 7:00 A.M. If a meeting was requested, the page number would be circled and the hands of a clock indicating the time of the rendezvous would appear in a lower corner of the page. Woodward did not know how Deep Throat got to his paper."

Woodward said flatly that Paisley was not Deep Throat. He then said: "You know, if Deep Throat were someone who was dead, we would name him." The problem is that there is no conclusive evidence that Paisley is dead.

What worries counterintelligence officials is not simply the aspect of Paisley meeting Bernstein or even giving him information. The haunting possibility that Paisley may have been working for Soviet intelligence and may have been under instruction to leak embarrassing material about the Nixon administration looms over the entire episode. It is also possible that Paisley may have been attending the parties to collect potentially damaging information on reporters like Bernstein or on other intelligence officials. Was Paisley collecting this information for David Young and the Plumbers -- or for the KGB?

-- Widows [EXCERPT], by William R. Corson, Susan B. Trento, and Joseph J. Trento


Jay, meanwhile, famously had a fling with his children's nanny, fathering a son, Nicholas, now aged 28.
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Re: Mrs. Kay Griggs on How the Government Works

Postby admin » Wed Jan 03, 2018 7:27 am

Sir Tom Devine: The historian telling Scotland’s story
by Chris McCall
scotsman.com
4:06 pm February 10, 2017

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Image

He is the country’s preeminent historian, whose presentation of Scottish history captured the public’s imagination through several bestselling books.

The teaching career of Professor Sir Tom Devine spanned 45 years at the universities of Edinburgh, Glasgow and Aberdeen. Although now retired from university life, he continues to produce new books shedding light on Scotland’s past.


One of his central interests has been exploring the remarkable story of Scotland’s diaspora, stretching back to the medieval era.

“My interest in Scottish people overseas started way back with my doctoral thesis in the early 1970s,” he told The Scotsman. “I was researching the tobacco connection between Glasgow, the Clyde, Virginia and Maryland. Then I moved into other areas of Scottish history, including urbanisation, sectarianism and society in the Highlands and Lowlands.

“That culminated in a book I published in 1998 called The Scottish Nation, which for two weeks outsold Harry Potter. It was the right time for such a book to be published – it was the year before the Scottish Parliament opened.

“One of my intentions with the book was to bring the treasures of 30 years’ worth of research, from many different scholars, into the public domain. I was absolutely convinced there was demand for a book that was both readable and scholarly.”

Born in Motherwell, Devine has long been fascinated by Scots’ ancient tendencies to travel abroad in search of educational or business opportunities.

“The big issue was the remarkable migration of the Scots – not simply in the last 300 years, but going right back to the medieval period,” he said. “I remember being intrigued by a 12th century French proverb which said: “Rats, lice and Scotchmen – you find them the world over”.

“In relation to the basic population size, which was around one million in 1700, the impact Scots have made globally is remarkable – for good and for ill.”

Scots themselves still underestimate the global reach of the diaspora, Devine believes. “They think in terms of Canada, England, and Australasia,” he said. “But what that leaves out is the period before 1700 and the huge movements to Europe, and the movement to Ulster throughout the 17th century.

“Then there’s the small-scale immigration of people like engineers, physicians, merchants, they’re every where – across Latin America and Asia. Scots engineers and academics were at the very heart of Japan’s industrialisation in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

“I’ve always regarded Scots as being historically illiterate – not through their own fault, but because there was a whole generation who didn’t learn about country’s past through education. That has changed, of course, but I think the experience of the diaspora provides a very context for where we go now in the post-Brexit period.

“Scots were very powerful in imperial armies of the time as their reputation as soldiers was second to none. One remarkable statistic I pulled up in my research was that between the foundation of the University of Paris in the 12th century and the Reformation, it had no less 19 Scottish rectors. Paris was the Harvard of its day, the leading university in Europe.

“One of the reasons Scots were so successful in developing trade connections was because they cut their teeth in Europe. They used techniques developed through the 12th to 17th centuries to then exploit opportunities in the British Empire thereafter. There is an umbilical chord linking the old migrations to Europe and Ireland to the transatlantic connections.”
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