Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certification

Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Thu Jul 15, 2021 7:44 pm

The FBI Allegedly Used At Least 12 Informants In The Michigan Kidnapping Case: Defense attorneys said they will argue that the FBI “induced or persuaded” the defendants to go along with the violent scheme.
by Jessica Garrison and Ken Bensinger
BuzzFeed
July 12, 2021

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Toward capturing the votes of the center bloc the first step is to identify and count the members. That done, everything else depends on where they are to sit. The best technique is to detail off known and stalwart supporters to enter into conversation with named middle-bloc types before the meeting actually begins. In this preliminary chat the stalwarts will carefully avoid mentioning the main subject of debate. They will be trained to use the opening gambits listed below, corresponding to the categories a to f, into which the middle bloc naturally falls:

a. "Waste of time, I call it, producing all these documents. I have thrown most of mine away."

b. "I expect we shall be dazzled by eloquence before long. I often wish people would talk less and come to the point. They are too clever by half, if you ask me."

c. "The acoustics of this hall are simply terrible. You would have thought these scientific chaps could do something about it. For half the time I CAN'T HEAR WHAT IS BEING SAID. CAN YOU?"

d. "What a rotten place to meet! I think there is something the matter with the ventilation. It makes me feel almost unwell. What about you?"

e. "My goodness, I don't know how you do it! Tell me the secret. Is it what you have for breakfast?"

f. "There's so much to be said on both sides of the 18 question that I really don't know which side to support. What do you feel about it?"

If these gambits are correctly played, each stalwart will start a lively conversation, in the midst of which he will steer his middle-blocsman toward the forum. As he does this, another stalwart will place himself just ahead of the pair and moving in the same direction. The drill is best illustrated by a concrete example. We will suppose that stalwart X (Mr. Sturdy) is steering middle-blocsman Y (Mr. Waverley, type f) toward a seat near the front. Ahead goes stalwart Z (Mr. Staunch), who presently takes a seat without appearing to notice the two men following him. Staunch turns in the opposite direction and waves to someone in the distance. Then he leans over to make a few remarks to the man in front of him. Only when Waverley has sat down will Staunch presently turn toward him and say, "My dear fellow--how nice to see you!" Only some minutes later again will he catch sight of Sturdy and start visibly with surprise. "Hallo, Sturdy--I didn't think you would be here!" "I've recovered now," replies Sturdy. "It was only a chill." The seating order is thus made to appear completely accidental, casual, and friendly. That completes Phase I of the operation, and it would be much the same whatever the exact category in which the middle-blocsman is believed to fall.

Phase II has to be adjusted according to the character of the man to be influenced. In the case of Waverley (Type f) the object in Phase II is to avoid any discussion of the matter at issue but to produce the impression that the thing is already decided. Seated near the front, Waverley will be unable to see much of the other members and can be given the impression that they practically all think alike.

"Really," says Sturdy, "I don't know why I bothered to come. I gather that Item Four is pretty well agreed. All the fellows I meet seem to have made up their minds to vote for it." (Or against it, as the case may be.)

"Curious," says Staunch. "I was just going to say the same thing. The issue hardly seems to be in doubt."

"I had not really made up my own mind," says Sturdy. 20 "There was much to be said on either side. But opposition would really be a waste of time. What do you think, Waverley?"

"Well," says Waverley, "I must admit that I find the question rather baffling. On the one hand, there is good reason to agree to the motion ... As against that ... Do you think it will pass?"

"My dear Waverley, I would trust your judgment in this. You were saying just now that it is already agreed."

"Oh, was I? Well, there does seem to be a majority. ... Or perhaps I should say ..."

"Thank you, Waverley," says Staunch, "for your opinion. I think just the same but am particularly interested to find you agree with me. There is no one whose opinion I value more."

Sturdy, meanwhile, is leaning over to talk to someone in the row behind. What he actually says, in a low voice, is this, "How is your wife now? Is she out of hospital?" When he turns back again, however, it is to announce that the people behind all think the same. The motion is as good as passed. And so it is if the drill goes according to plan.

While the other side has been busy preparing speeches and phrasing amendments, the side with the superior technique will have concentrated on pinning each middle-blocsman between two reliable supporters. When the crucial moment comes, the raising of a hand on either side will practically compel the waverer to follow suit. Should he be actually asleep, as often happens with middle-blocsman in categories d and e, his hand will be raised for him by the member on his right. This rule is merely to obviate both his hands being raised, a gesture that has been known to attract unfavorable comment. With the middle bloc thus secured, the motion will be carried with a comfortable margin; or else rejected, if that is thought preferable. In nearly every matter of controversy to be decided by the will of the people, we can assume that the people who will decide are members of the middle bloc. Delivery of speeches is therefore a waste of time. The one party will never agree and the other party has agreed already. Remains the middle bloc, the members of which divide into those who cannot hear what is being said and those who would not understand it even if they did. To secure their votes what is needed is primarily the example of others voting on either side of them. Their votes can thus be swayed by accident. How much better, by contrast, to sway them by design!


-- Parkinson's Law and Other Studies in Administration, by C. Northcote Parkinson


Image
Members of the armed extremist group Wolverine Watchmen inside the Michigan Capitol in April 2020. Seth Herald / Reuters

The government employed at least a dozen confidential informants to infiltrate groups of armed extremists who allegedly plotted to kidnap the governor of Michigan, according to a new filing in federal court on Monday.

The filing, made by one of the five defendants in the federal case, asked that prosecutors be ordered to share more information about those informants, their relationship with the FBI, and the specific roles they played in building the case. It came among a blizzard of 15 new defense motions in the high-profile case, including requests to move it to a different district, to suppress evidence from a search warrant, and to try at least one defendant separately from the others.

Taken together, the new court papers offered a glimpse of the evolving defense strategies in the case, with several attorneys saying that they plan to argue that the FBI “induced or persuaded” the men to go along with the scheme.

The alleged plot to kidnap Gov. Gretchen Whitmer made international headlines last October, when the Department of Justice announced it had charged six men in a kidnapping conspiracy. Five of the defendants — Barry Croft, Adam Fox, Daniel Harris, Kaleb Franks, and Brandon Caserta — have all pleaded not guilty and have been held without bail since their arrests. A sixth, Ty Garbin, pleaded guilty and agreed to cooperate in the case in January.

According to the Justice Department, the men met and trained over a six-month period in 2020, during which time they developed a plan to kidnap Whitmer from her second home and possibly take her out of state where she could be put on “trial” for being a “tyrant.” No plan was ever executed before authorities made arrests.

Eight other men were charged under Michigan’s anti-terrorism statutes for providing material support to the plotters. Half of the defendants in the combined cases were members of a militant group known as the Wolverine Watchmen, which was associated with the Three Percenters extremist movement. All but two are from the state of Michigan.

A trial in the federal case is currently scheduled for October. Monday marked a filing deadline for defense motions in that case.

Although prosecutors have acknowledged using informants to build the case, the court file to date has provided very little detail on their activities or identities save for one informant, who testified in March. According to an attorney for Franks, the government has shared ID numbers linked to 12 confidential informants but, with one exception, has not provided background on how they were recruited, what payments they may have received from the FBI, where they are based, or what their names are.

Such information would be crucial to “preparation of a defense to the charges,” Franks’ lawyer, Scott Graham, claimed.


Franks, meanwhile, asked that the case be moved out of the Western District of Michigan, on the grounds that “press coverage of (and participation in) this matter has corrupted the potential trial atmosphere to the point that Mr. Franks will be denied a fair trial in Michigan.”

Graham specifically cited a motion filed by BuzzFeed News to obtain access to exhibits shown in a hearing in the case in January as an example of the media involvement in the case and the risk of “prejudice in this case based on the extensive, negative, pervasive press coverage of the allegations.”

Franks also asked to be tried separately because he is not facing a bomb charge that was added to the case earlier this year. That count, conspiracy to use a weapon of mass destruction, applies to three of the other defendants who are alleged to have tried to build explosive devices or procure bomb-making materials. According to attorney Graham, potential allegations by prosecutors in court about that charge “will certainly go far in frightening jurors and eliciting emotional decisions from them.”

In yet another motion, filed late on Sunday, an attorney for Croft claimed that prosecutors had provided more than 5,000 duplicate files as it shared evidence, including no fewer than 15 copies of the same audio recording, significantly increasing the burden on the defense.

Separately the attorney, Joshua Blanchard, asked the court to exclude from evidence some items that were recovered from Croft’s Delaware residence during an FBI search in October because, he claims, they were outside the scope of the warrant. Among those items were a 1-kilogram silver bar, a handwritten code cipher, and “Mr. Croft’s hat.”

Croft, a long-haul truck driver and father of three girls, is known among Three Percenters for often wearing a tricorn hat like those from the time of the American Revolution.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Tue Aug 10, 2021 2:44 am

Former Acting Attorney General Testifies About Trump’s Efforts to Subvert Election: The testimony highlights the former president’s desire to batter the Justice Department into advancing his personal agenda.
by Katie by Benner
New York Times
Aug. 7, 2021

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WASHINGTON — Jeffrey A. Rosen, who was acting attorney general during the Trump administration, has told the Justice Department watchdog and congressional investigators that one of his deputies tried to help former President Donald J. Trump subvert the results of the 2020 election, according to a person familiar with the interviews.

Mr. Rosen had a two-hour meeting on Friday with the Justice Department’s office of the inspector general and provided closed-door testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee on Saturday.

The investigations were opened after a New York Times article that detailed efforts by Jeffrey Clark, the acting head of the Justice Department’s civil division, to push top leaders to falsely and publicly assert that continuing election fraud investigations cast doubt on the Electoral College results. That prompted Mr. Trump to consider ousting Mr. Rosen and installing Mr. Clark at the top of the department to carry out that plan.

Mr. Trump never fired Mr. Rosen, but the plot highlights the former president’s desire to batter the Justice Department into advancing his personal agenda.


Mr. Clark, who did not respond to requests for comment, said in January that all of his official communications with the White House “were consistent with law,” and that he had engaged in “a candid discussion of options and pros and cons with the president.”

Mr. Rosen did not respond to requests for comment. The inspector general’s spokesman declined to comment.

Mr. Rosen has emerged as a key witness in multiple investigations that focus on Mr. Trump’s efforts to undermine the results of the election. He has publicly stated that the Justice Department did not find enough fraud to affect the outcome of the election.

On Friday Mr. Rosen told investigators from the inspector general’s office about five encounters with Mr. Clark, including one in late December during which his deputy admitted to meeting with Mr. Trump and pledged that he would not do so again, according to a person familiar with the interview.

Mr. Rosen also described subsequent exchanges with Mr. Clark, who continued to press colleagues to make statements about the election that they found to be untrue, according to a person familiar with the interview.

He also discovered that Mr. Clark had been engaging in unauthorized conversations with Mr. Trump about ways to have the Justice Department publicly cast doubt on President Biden’s victory, particularly in battleground states that Mr. Trump was fixated on, like Georgia. Mr. Clark drafted a letter that he asked Mr. Rosen to send to Georgia state legislators, wrongly asserting that they should void Mr. Biden’s victory because the Justice Department was investigating accusations of voter fraud in the state.


New records show how fiercely Trump DOJ loyalists fought to help — and resist — his effort to steal the 2020 election
by Peter Weber
The Week
August 5, 2021

With much of the news media focused on New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo (D) Tuesday night, ABC News published a Dec. 28, 2020, letter from Jeffrey Clark, then the acting head of the Justice Department's civil division, to acting Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen and his acting deputy, Richard Donoghue. Clark's letter is "the single most damning piece of evidence yet" on former President Donald Trump's "comprehensive" and "dangerous" attempt to overturn his 2020 loss, Chris Hayes said on MSNBC Wednesday night.

Clark wanted Rosen and Donoghue to sign his draft letter telling Georgia's leaders the Justice Department "is investigating various irregularities in the 2020 election" and has "identified significant concerns that may have impacted the outcome of the election in multiple states." If Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp (R) declined to call a special session to address "this important and urgent matter," Clark's draft letter claimed, the Justice Department believes "the Georgia General Assembly has implied authority under the Constitution of the United States to call itself into special session" and appoint its own presidential electors.

Clark's letter was, "in other words, a road map to overthrowing the will of voters," The Washington Post's Philip Bump wrote Wednesday. Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-Ill.) told MSNBC on Wednesday night that Clark had drafted similar letters to six states Trump lost, encouraging Republicans to overturn President Biden's win.


Rosen and Donoghue flatly refused. "There is no chance that I would sign this letter or anything remotely like this," Donoghue emailed Clark a few hours after receiving the draft. Rosen added later he "confirmed again today that I am not prepared to sign such a letter."

"By itself, this back-and-forth is probably without precedent," Bump writes. "But slotted into the other events we know were occurring at the same time, we see just how desperately Trump was scrambling to gain a toehold in his efforts to upend a Biden presidency" — and how close he came.

On Jan. 3, for example, Trump nearly replaced Rosen with Clark in a fraught Oval Office meeting. On Wednesday, Politico published an email senior DOJ official Patrick Hovakimian wrote in preparation for Rosen's expected ouster. Rosen had "repeatedly refused the president's direct instructions" to misuse the DOJ's "law enforcement powers," so he and Donoghue "resign from the department, effusively immediacy," Hovakimian's unsent email said.

University of Texas Law professor Steve Vladeck said "Clark's (insane) draft letter lays bare" that Trump's legal effort was always just a "thinly veiled cover for overturning the result of a democratic election."


Steve Vladeck @steve_vladeck Aug 3, 2021
Replying to @steve+vladeck
You may say "there's nothing new here." But there is: It's evidence of just how far lawyers *inside* the administration were willing to go to effectuate a coup (yes, it would've been an "autogolpe," but you get the gist). That Clark's superiors shut this down is a relief, but...

Steve Vladeck
@steve_vladeck

...the fact that it even got this far drives home (1) just how close we were to things being even worse; and (2) just how much it was people *inside* the administration, and not just outside, who were trying to prevent the peaceful transition of power from actually taking place.
7:01 PM Aug 3, 2021


MSNBC's Hayes was more dramatic, arguing Clark should face consequences for having "aimed a nuclear weapon at the United States of America's democracy."


A newly released letter tells us more about Trump’s last-ditch push to steal the election: The insurrection before the insurrection
by Philip Bump
National correspondent
The Washington Post
August 4, 2021 at 10:59 a.m. EDT

Donald Trump lost the 2020 presidential election by 7 million actual votes and 74 electoral votes, a fate that was cemented in early November after states finished counting ballots. But to Trump, that was simply the starting point of the second phase of the battle to steal Joe Biden’s victory by any means possible.

Trump had spent months — years, really — laying the groundwork. He’d repeatedly sowed doubt about the security of elections, without evidence, leveraging long-standing Republican rhetoric about election fraud as a personal defense mechanism. The advent of the coronavirus pandemic allowed Trump to apply a new sheen to the old claims, focusing on an increase in mail-in ballots as a conduit for what he insisted would be an avalanche of fraudulent voting. It allowed him to falsely suggest that anything counted after, say, midnight on Election Day was suspect — which he did, over and over.

Many Americans justifiably see the riot at the U.S. Capitol in Washington on Jan. 6 as the apex of the effort to keep Trump in office. It was certainly the most dangerous moment and the most striking, but even it was nearly matched a few hours later when a majority of the House Republican caucus voted to block the counting of electoral votes from two states, precisely the outcome that the rioters hoped to effect. In recent months, though, we’ve learned that Trump’s most direct effort to steal the election unfolded about a week prior, over the last few days of 2020.

On Tuesday, ABC News published a letter circulated by the then-acting head of the Justice Department’s civil division, a man named Jeffrey Clark. Addressed to Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp (R) and state legislative leaders, the draft letter dated Dec. 28 claimed that the department was “investigating various irregularities” in the presidential contest and that it had “identified significant concerns that may have impacted the outcome of the election.” The stated recommendation was that the legislature “convene in special session so that its legislators are in a position to take additional testimony, receive new evidence, and deliberate on the matter” — something that the letter describes as “consistent with its duties under the U.S. Constitution” as it pertains to the selection of presidential electors.

The letter went on to suggest that an alternative slate of electors — that is, electors for Trump — might be accepted on Jan. 6 should the legislature demand that happen. Understanding that Kemp had already risen to the defense of the results in the state, Clark claimed in the letter that the legislature could simply call itself into session to make that determination.

It was, in other words, a road map to overthrowing the will of voters. The amount of detail given to the mechanism for handing the electors to Trump was matched by the dearth of specificity about the alleged “irregularities” in the state.


The acting attorney general, Jeffrey Rosen, and acting deputy attorney general, Richard Donoghue, rejected the letter out of hand — a well-founded decision that nonetheless prevented a dicey situation from getting worse. Donoghue’s lengthy response, one probably written with an eye toward it eventually being read by external eyes, made all of the points you might expect. The purported “irregularities” amounted to nothing more than a few ticky-tack questions about individual votes, concerns “that are of such a small scale that they simply would not impact the outcome of the Presidential Election,” Donoghue wrote. Nothing he knew of, he added, would amount to “significant concerns” elsewhere that would similarly call the results into question.

“More importantly,” he added, “I do not think the Department’s role should include making recommendations to a State legislature about how they should meet their Constitutional obligation to appoint Electors.” In other words: It is not the Justice Department’s place to tell states how to overturn election results.

Sending the letter, he concluded, was “not even within the realm of possibility.”

By itself, this back-and-forth is probably without precedent. But slotted into the other events we know were occurring at the same time, we see just how desperately Trump was scrambling to gain a toehold in his efforts to upend a Biden presidency.

Remember, this was after every state had already certified its results (something that Trump and his allies tried desperately to prevent, coming close in Michigan). It was after the electors had met Dec. 14 and finalized their formal votes to be transmitted to D.C. (That Georgia Republicans held their own invalid vote on Trump’s behalf was an element of Clark’s proposal.) In other words, there was no real way for the results to shift, barring something exceptional. So Trump and his allies tried to gin up something exceptional, with a particular focus on Georgia.

The attorney general who served Trump so loyally in the second half of his administration, William P. Barr, left the administration on Dec. 23, elevating Rosen to that position. Barr had already publicly rejected the idea that rampant fraud had occurred, earning Trump’s ire. Barr’s departure was announced Dec. 14 — and Trump’s team wasted no time in pressuring Rosen on their fraud claims. Trump’s assistant sent Rosen a document that afternoon purporting to show fraud in Michigan. On Dec. 15, the president called Rosen into the Oval Office to insist that he file legal arguments claiming that the election was stolen. Rosen refused.

On Dec. 27, with Rosen now running the Justice Department, Trump called the acting attorney general. Notes from the call taken by Donoghue that were released last week show the thrust of the conversation.

Trump suggested that Rosen's team “may not be following the internet the way I do,” which was certainly true, given that Trump was busily elevating many obviously unreliable online claims to his millions of followers on social media. Trump needed to “understand that the DOJ can’t + won’t snap its fingers + change the outcome of the election, doesn’t work that way,” Rosen replied, according to Donoghue's notes.

“[ i] don’t expect you to do that,” Trump said in response, “just say that the election was corrupt + leave the rest to me and the R. Congressmen.”

That latter assurance was probably centered on Trump’s looking forward to lawmakers challenging the vote on Jan. 6, as they in fact did. (Trump had also already begun encouraging his supporters to come to D.C. that day, promising in a tweet on Dec. 19 that the day “will be wild!”) But Trump clearly felt that the lawmakers would need something more substantive in hand before the day arrived. On Dec. 29, for example, Trump’s assistant sent Rosen and Donoghue a draft lawsuit the president hoped would be filed with the Supreme Court. It mirrored a lawsuit filed by the state of Texas that the court had already declined to hear.

The day after the “just say the election was corrupt” call, Clark circulated his letter that just said exactly that.
But Clark’s letter was almost certainly not something that occurred independently of Trump. Clark was introduced to Trump by Rep. Scott Perry (R-Pa.), and he began talking with Trump directly. (Perry at another point also forwarded Donoghue a document detailing debunked claims about fraud in his state.) Trump began speculating about tossing Rosen in favor of the more acquiescent Clark, something Clark obviously favored. On Dec. 31, Rosen and Donoghue met with Clark to tell him to back off his false claims about the election, unaware that he had Trump’s ear.

On Jan. 2, Trump called Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger and said members of his team just “need more time” to uncover “the big numbers” of fraudulent ballots, a search that remains unrequited. He accused Raffensperger of violating the law by not taking steps to acknowledge Trump’s imaginary fraudulent ballots.

“All I want to do is this,” Trump said. “I just want to find 11,780 votes, which is one more than we have because we won the state.”

Then just leave the rest to him.

The next day, Clark told Rosen that he was going to be made acting attorney general by Trump. That led to a contentious meeting in the Oval Office involving all three men in which Trump weighed making such a switch to advance his fraud claims. A number of senior Justice Department officials had promised to resign should it happen, which the New York Times credits with helping preserve Rosen’s job. But that outcome was by no means certain. Replacing Rosen would probably have meant a quick issuance of Clark’s letter and a public rationalization for Georgia’s Republican-led legislature to act in support of Trump’s effort to snatch away the state’s electoral votes.

With Jan. 6 approaching, Trump continued to try to shake free Georgia’s electoral votes. The U.S. attorney for Georgia, a Trump appointee, resigned on Jan. 4 after receiving a call spurred by the White House complaining about his failure to launch investigations of alleged fraud.
(The president of Ukraine can empathize.) But it was soon too late to redirect the vote-counting on Jan. 6, save for the efforts of the pro-Trump rioters.

That does not mean the effort has stopped. Trump continues to try to gin up doubt about the election results, despite the lack of a mechanism for being reinstated as president. Even now, his approach is the same as it was seven months ago: Just get someone, somewhere to say that something untoward happened, and leave the rest to him.


Top DOJ official drafted resignation email amid Trump election pressure: The never-sent email, a copy of which was obtained by POLITICO, highlights the pressures at the department as the former president tried to overturn his loss.
by Betsy Woodruff Swan and Nicholas Wu
politico.com
08/04/2021 01:41 PM EDT
Updated: 08/05/2021 10:55 AM EDT

In early January 2021, one top Justice Department official was so concerned that then-President Donald Trump might fire his acting attorney general that he drafted an email announcing he and a second top official would resign in response.

The official, Patrick Hovakimian, prepared the email announcing his own resignation and that of the department's second-in-command, Richard Donoghue, as Trump considered axing acting attorney general Jeff Rosen. At the time, Hovakimian was an associate deputy attorney general and a senior adviser to Rosen.

But Trump didn’t fire Rosen, and Hovakimian's draft email — a copy of which was obtained by POLITICO — remained unsent. The fact that Trump-era DOJ officials went that far highlights the serious pressures they faced in the waning days of the administration as the former president tried to overturn his loss in the 2020 election.

“This evening, after Acting Attorney General Jeff Rosen over the course of the last week repeatedly refused the President’s direct instructions to utilize the Department of Justice’s law enforcement powers for improper ends, the President removed Jeff from the Department,” Hovakimian wrote in his never-sent email. “PADAG Rich Donoghue and I resign from the Department, effective immediately.”


Hovakimian then wrote that preserving DOJ’s institutional integrity was Rosen’s top concern.

“The decision of whether and when to resign and whether the ends of justice are best served by resigning is a highly individual question, informed by personal and family circumstances,” he continued. “Jeff asked me to pass on to each of you that whatever your own decision, he knows you will adhere always to the highest standards of justice and act always – and only – in the interests of the United States.”

Hovakimian drafted the email on Jan. 3 from the Justice Department’s headquarters after Rosen and Donoghue departed for a meeting with then-President Trump at the White House, according to a person familiar with the matter.

His draft email has not previously been published. Raphael Prober, a partner at Akin Gump and lawyer for Hovakimian, declined to comment.

The officials’ threat to resign was first reported by the New York Times, which said the group of Justice Department officials had taken part in a conference call organized by Donoghue. The officials had agreed on the call to resign together if Trump sacked Rosen.

The Hovakimian letter’s disclosure comes as the House Oversight Committee steps up its investigation into the tumultuous final weeks of the Trump administration and Trump’s attempts to pressure the Department of Justice to intervene in the 2020 election. Hovakimian sat for a closed-door, transcribed interview before the committee’s staff on Tuesday morning, and a Department of Justice memo cleared the way for others to testify as well.

The House Oversight committee has obtained a copy of the draft email. A spokesperson for the panel did not immediately provide comment.

Trump, for his part, has signaled he will not immediately try to block the officials from testifying. On Monday, his lawyer Doug Collins sent a letter saying the former president would not immediately sue to try to block former DOJ officials’ participation in the multiple probes scrutinizing Trump’s last weeks in office.

But Collins, a former House GOP lawmaker, appeared to walk back the letter in a Tuesday interview with Fox News where he seemed to suggest former DOJ officials should refuse to answer some congressional inquiries.

Collins “railed against the DOJ waiver as ‘political’ and said he hopes the former officials will withhold any information from Congress that would fall under executive privilege,” wrote Fox News reporter Tyler Olson.

“The former president still believes those are privileged communications that are covered under executive privilege,” Collins said, according to the Fox News article.


It is unclear what exactly Trump wants from the former DOJ officials and why he refuses to take legal action to protect communications that he believes should be covered by executive privilege. Collins did not immediately respond to a request for comment from POLITICO.

And his team doesn’t have much time to get their messaging straight. Hovakimian answered questions from congressional investigators the morning after Collins’ letter went out. Two other former DOJ officials are also scheduled to sit for interviews with House Oversight in the next two weeks, according to two people familiar with the committee’s plans.

In a Thursday morning statement, Speaker Nancy Pelosi lauded Maloney's investigation into Trump's efforts to interfere with the Justice Department, calling the oversight push "historic" and adding that it would "contribute greatly to the work" the select committee was doing to investigate the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol.

Senate Judiciary Chair Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), confirmed in a Thursday morning interview that Donoghue and Rosen were also set to sit for interviews with his panel.

"They are on the list of people we’re going to interview," he said. Attorneys for Donoghue and Rosen did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

CORRECTION: Due to an editing error, an earlier version of this report misstated the year Patrick Hovakimian drafted the email.


Such a letter would effectively undermine efforts by Mr. Clark’s colleagues to prevent the White House from overturning the election results, and Mr. Rosen and his top deputy, Richard P. Donoghue, rejected the proposal.

Senator Richard Blumenthal, Democrat of Connecticut, said Mr. Rosen discussed previously reported episodes, including his interactions with Mr. Clark, with the Senate Judiciary Committee. He called Mr. Rosen’s account “dramatic evidence of how intent Trump was in overthrowing the election.”

Mr. Blumenthal was one of a handful of senators, including Thom Tillis, Republican of North Carolina, and Sheldon Whitehouse, Democrat of Rhode Island, who sat through most of Mr. Rosen’s more than six hours of testimony. Richard J. Durbin, Democrat of Illinois and chairman of the committee; Charles E. Grassley, Republican of Iowa; Amy Klobuchar, Democrat of Minnesota; Ben Sasse, Republican of Nebraska; and Mike Lee, Republican of Utah, attended parts of the interview.

Mr. Blumenthal said Mr. Rosen presented new facts and evidence that led him to believe that the committee would need to answer “profound and important questions” about the roles that individuals in Mr. Trump’s orbit played in the effort to undermine the peaceful transition of power, “which is what Trump tried to do, intently and concertedly.”

As details of Mr. Clark’s actions emerge, it is unclear what, if any, consequences he could face. The Justice Department’s inspector general could make a determination about whether Mr. Clark crossed the line into potentially criminal behavior. In that case, the inspector general could refer the matter to federal prosecutors.

Mr. Rosen has spent much of the year in discussions with the Justice Department over what information he could provide to investigators, given that decision-making conversations between administration officials are usually kept confidential.

Douglas A. Collins, a lawyer for Mr. Trump, said last week that the former president would not seek to bar former Justice Department officials from speaking with investigators. But Mr. Collins said he might take some undisclosed legal action if congressional investigators sought “privileged information.”

Mr. Rosen quickly scheduled interviews with congressional investigators to get as much of his version of events on the record before any players could ask the courts to block the proceedings, according to two people familiar with those discussions who are not authorized to speak about continuing investigations.

He also reached out directly to Michael E. Horowitz, the Justice Department’s inspector general, and pledged to cooperate with his investigation, according to a person briefed on those talks.


Katie Benner covers the Justice Department. She was part of a team that won a Pulitzer Prize in 2018 for public service for reporting on workplace sexual harassment issues. @ktbenner
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Tue Aug 10, 2021 3:55 am

Trump's New Lawyer, Doug Collins, Sends a Remarkable Letter to Jeff Rosen on Executive Privilege
by Glenn Kirschner
Aug 4, 2021

Former Congressman Doug Collin is now representing Donald Trump (I assume he got his retainer check up front). Collins just sent a truly remarkable letter to former acting Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen regarding Rosen's upcoming appearances before Congress to testify about his conversations with Donald Trump. In a letter that should be studied by law students in a class called "Bad Lawyering 101", Collins asserts that it is unlawful for the Biden administration/the Department of Justice to waive executive privilege and allow Rosen and other DOJ officials to testify. But rather than saying that Collins will therefore bring a legal challenge to prevent the testimony, he instead says that because Donald Trump doesn't want to create a "distraction", they will not "seek judicial intervention" to stop the DOJ officials to testify about their conversations with Trump.

Wait . . .what???

Here is a breakdown of what's really at the heart of this absurd letter by Doug Collins.



*******************************

Trump says he will not try to stop former Justice Dept. officials from testifying to Congress.
by Katie Benner
New York Times
Published Aug. 3, 2021
Updated Aug. 7, 2021

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Former President Donald J. Trump said this week that he would not move to stop former Justice Department officials from testifying before two committees that are investigating the Trump administration’s efforts to subvert the results of the presidential election, according to letters from his lawyer obtained by The New York Times.

Mr. Trump said he would not sue to prevent six former Justice Department officials from testifying, according to letters sent to them on Monday by Douglas A. Collins, who was known as one of Mr. Trump’s staunchest supporters when he served in Congress and who is now one of the former president’s lawyers.

Mr. Collins said Mr. Trump might take some undisclosed legal action if congressional investigators sought “privileged information” from “any other Trump administration officials or advisers,” including “all necessary and appropriate steps, on President Trump’s behalf, to defend the office of the presidency.”

The letters were not sent to the congressional committees, but rather to the potential witnesses, who cannot control whom Congress contacts for testimony or what information it seeks.


By allowing his former Justice Department officials to speak with investigators, Mr. Trump has paved the way for new details to emerge about his efforts to delegitimize the outcome of the election.

Even though department officials, including the former acting Attorney General Jeffrey A. Rosen and the former Attorney General William P. Barr, told him that President Biden had won the election, Mr. Trump pressed them to take actions that would cast the election results in doubt and to publicly declare it corrupt.

Mr. Trump and his allies have continued to falsely assert in public statements that the election was rigged and the results were fraudulent.

Mr. Rosen, Richard P. Donoghue, a former acting deputy attorney general, and others have agreed to sit down for closed-door, transcribed interviews with the House Oversight and Reform and Senate Judiciary Committees. The sessions are expected to begin as soon as this week, according to three people familiar with those interviews.

Last week, the Justice Department told former officials from the agency that they were allowed to provide “unrestricted testimony” to the committees, as long as it does not reveal grand-jury information, classified information or information about pending criminal cases.

The committees asked the Justice Department to allow former officials to testify after they opened investigations this year into the Trump White House’s efforts to undermine Mr. Biden’s victory, a pressure campaign that occurred in the weeks before Mr. Trump’s supporters attacked the Capitol as Congress met to certify the electoral results.

The Justice Department and the White House Counsel’s Office generally deny such requests because they believe deliberative conversations between administration officials should be protected from public scrutiny.

But they ultimately decided to allow the interviews to proceed, saying in letters to the potential witnesses that the scope of the investigation concerned “extraordinary events,” including whether Mr. Trump tried to improperly use the Justice Department to advance his “personal political interests,” and thus constituted “exceptional circumstances.”

In his letter, which was reported earlier by Politico, Mr. Collins also said Mr. Trump continued to believe that the information sought by the committees “is and should be protected from disclosure by executive privilege.”

Mr. Collins said that no president had the power to unilaterally waive that privilege, and that the Biden administration had “not sought or considered” Mr. Trump’s views in deciding not to invoke it.

“Such consideration is the minimum that should be required before a president waives the executive privilege protecting the communications of a predecessor,” Mr. Collins wrote.

The committees have also received a slew of emails, handwritten notes and other documents from the department that show how Mr. Trump, Mark Meadows, his former chief of staff, and others pushed the department to look into voter fraud allegations not supported by evidence, to ask the Supreme Court to vacate the election results and to publicly cast doubt on the outcome.


Congress has asked six former officials to testify in addition to Mr. Rosen and Mr. Donoghue. That list includes Patrick Hovakimian, Mr. Rosen’s former chief of staff; Byung J. Pak, the former U.S. attorney in Atlanta; Bobby L. Christine, the former U.S. attorney in Savannah, Ga.; and Jeffrey Clark, the former acting head of the Civil Division.

Katie Benner covers the Justice Department. She was part of a team that won a Pulitzer Prize in 2018 for public service for reporting on workplace sexual harassment issues. @ktbenner

A version of this article appears in print on Aug. 4, 2021, Section A, Page 17 of the New York edition with the headline: Trump Says He Will Not Sue To Stop Officials From Testifying.


**************************

Letter: Trump legal team not trying to block testimony of former DOJ officials
The Biden Justice Department issued a recent memo making clear it would not stand in the way of Congress seeking testimony from its predecessor’s DOJ.

by Betsy Woodruff Swan and Nicholas Wu
politico.com
08/02/2021 09:42 PM EDT
Updated: 08/02/2021 09:50 PM EDT

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Donald Trump's legal team signaled Monday that it will not immediately try to block testimony from former Justice Department officials who have been called before Congress, potentially clearing a roadblock from multiple investigations touching on the former president’s tenure.

In a letter to one of six Trump-era DOJ officials whose cooperation is being sought in congressional oversight efforts, former Rep. Doug Collins (R-Ga.), a member of Trump’s legal team, suggested that it would not try to block testimony by those six. The letter's unusual verbiage makes Trump's position slightly opaque, but Collins also indicated that the former president’s team would try to contest all attempts to secure testimony from ex-DOJ officials if Congress sought cooperation from more than those six.

“[W]ithout in any way otherwise waiving the executive privilege associated with the matters the committees are purporting to investigate, President Trump will agree not to seek judicial intervention to prevent your testimony or the testimony of the five other former Department officials … who have already received letters from the Department ... so long as the committees do not seek privileged information from any other Trump administration officials or advisors,” Collins wrote. “If the committees do seek such information, however, we will take all necessary and appropriate steps on President Trump’s behalf to defend the office of the presidency.”


House Oversight Committee Chair Carolyn Maloney (D-N.Y.) is seeking testimony from several former Trump officials in connection with Trump’s attempts to pressure the Justice Department to overturn the 2020 election. Maloney asked for interviews with, among other officials, former White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows, former acting Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen, former acting Deputy Attorney General Richard Donoghue, and former Associate Deputy Attorney General Patrick Hovakimian.

Three other Trump-era DOJ officials have received requests for interviews from Maloney’s committee: former Assistant Attorney General Jeffrey Clark, former U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Georgia Byung Jin Pak and former acting U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Georgia Bobby Christine.


Democratic lawmakers have expressed confidence that the ex-DOJ officials’ testimony could be expedited by a recent memo from the Biden Justice Department that made clear it would not stand in the way of Congress seeking testimony from its predecessor’s DOJ. Beyond Maloney’s committee, the select panel on the Jan. 6 Capitol attack and the Senate Judiciary Committee are also poised to ramp up their investigations into the Trump administration in the coming weeks.

During his presidency, the Trump administration broadly asserted executive privilege and fought Democrats’ subpoenas, stymying Democrats’ attempts to investigate the administration.

But Democrats shouldn’t view testimony from ex-Trump DOJ officials as a done deal. The phrasing of the Collins-signed letter leaves open the possibility that the former president’s lawyers could later put up major legal fights if they conclude congressional Democrats have overstepped.

Collins did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Andrew Desiderio contributed to this report.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Fri Aug 13, 2021 4:13 am

As Trump pushed for probes of 2020 election, he called acting AG Rosen almost daily
by Josh Dawsey and Devlin Barrett
The Washington Post
July 28, 2021 at 6:59 p.m. EDT

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President Donald Trump called his acting attorney general nearly every day at the end of last year to alert him to claims of voter fraud or alleged improper vote counts in the 2020 election, according to two people familiar with the conversations.

The personal pressure campaign, which has not been previously reported, involved repeated phone calls to acting attorney general Jeffrey Rosen in which Trump raised various allegations he had heard about and asked what the Justice Department was doing about the issue.
The people familiar with the conversations spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive legal and political issues that are not yet public.

Rosen told few people about the phone calls, even in his inner circle. But there are notes of some of the calls that were written by a top aide to Rosen, Richard Donoghue, who was present for some of the conversations, these people said.

Donoghue’s notes could be turned over to Congress in a matter of days, they added, if Trump does not file papers in court seeking to block such a handover. In addition, both Rosen and Donoghue could be questioned about the conversations by congressional committees examining Trump’s actions in the days after the election.

The Justice Department recently notified Rosen, Donoghue and others who were serving there during the end of Trump’s presidency that the agency would not seek to invoke executive privilege if they are asked about their contacts with the president during that period.

That posture — which the letter to Rosen calls a departure from normal agency practice — means that individuals who are questioned by Congress would not have to say the conversations with the president were off-limits. They would be able to share details that give a firsthand account of Trump’s frantic attempts to overturn the 2020 election and involve the Justice Department in that effort.

Neither Rosen nor Donoghue responded to messages seeking comment, and Justice Department spokesman Anthony Coley declined to comment.

A spokeswoman for Trump also did not respond to a request for comment.

In May, Rosen pointedly told Congress he did not do many of the things Trump supporters had demanded.

“During my tenure, no special prosecutors were appointed, whether for election fraud or otherwise; no public statements were made questioning the election; no letters were sent to State officials seeking to overturn the election results; [and] no DOJ court actions or filings were submitted seeking to overturn election results,” Rosen testified.

The phone calls came in late 2020 and early 2021, when Trump and his supporters were furiously pressing for officials at all levels of the government to intercede in the usually routine process of certifying the election results — asking them to either launch new investigations, support unverified allegations of fraud or manipulation of vote counts, or otherwise throw up roadblocks to Democrat Joe Biden becoming president.

The calls began almost immediately after William P. Barr stepped down as attorney general in late December, and ended after the Jan. 6 insurrection at Congress, people familiar with them said.


Rosen was generally noncommittal, hearing the president out, while not promising to take any specific action in response, these people said. At times, they said, he would try to change the subject, but was usually unsuccessful. “Trump was absolutely obsessed about it,” one person with knowledge of the calls said.

One person familiar with the calls said Trump did not explicitly make any threats toward Rosen.

Trump was not the only one at the White House reaching out to the Justice Department about dubious claims of election vote tampering. Mark Meadows, the White House chief of staff, at times forwarded public claims of potential voter fraud to Justice Department officials, which some officials found exasperating, according to previously released emails. Meadows’s defenders have said he was just letting the department know about possible instances of illegality.

Trump’s calls to Rosen show the degree to which the president was personally involved in such efforts, however, and the ways in which Justice Department officials walked a tightrope of listening to the president while not taking any concrete actions they considered unethical or partisan.

The conversations also offer new clues into the president’s mind-set in early January, when he entertained a plan to replace Rosen with a different senior lawyer at the department — Jeffrey Clark — who was more amenable to pursuing Trump’s unfounded claims of voter fraud. That possibility nearly touched off a crisis at the highest levels of federal law enforcement, people familiar with the matter have previously said.

The president was ultimately dissuaded from moving forward after a high-stakes meeting with those involved, those people said. Clark has denied that he devised a plan to oust Rosen, or that he formed “recommendations for action based on factual inaccuracies gleaned from the Internet.”

On Monday, Associate Deputy Attorney General Bradley Weinsheimer told Rosen in a letter: “You are authorized to provide information you learned while at the Department,” including “your knowledge of attempts to involve the Department in efforts to challenge or overturn the 2020 election results. This includes your knowledge of any such attempts by Department officials or by White House officials to engage in such efforts.”

The letter noted that the Senate Judiciary Committee is examining the time period after Dec. 14, 2020, when Barr announced he would leave the attorney general position. Barr officially left the job one week later, and Rosen took over as the acting head of the Justice Department. Trump had grown increasingly frustrated with Barr for not echoing or investigating his false claims of voter fraud — and even publicly disputing them.

The Justice Department letter noted that even former officials “are obligated to protect non-public information they learned in the course of their work,” and that they generally do not allow former officials to “disclose documents relating to such internal deliberations.”

However, the letter continues, the “extraordinary events in this matter constitute exceptional circumstances warranting an accommodation to Congress in this case,” including lawmakers’ effort to determine “whether former President Trump sought to cause the Department to use its law enforcement and litigation authorities to advance his personal political interests with respect to the results of the 2020 presidential election.”

As a result, the letter said, President Biden “has decided that it would not be appropriate to assert executive privilege with respect to communications with former President Trump and his advisors and staff on matters related to the scope of the Committees’ proposed interviews, notwithstanding the view of former President Trump’s counsel that executive privilege should be asserted to prevent testimony regarding these communications.”

Similar letters were sent to Donoghue and other Justice Department officials.

People close to Trump said discussions have already occurred about whether they should move to block the testimony and records from becoming public, but no final decision had been made.

Josh Dawsey is a political enterprise and investigations reporter for The Washington Post. He joined the paper in 2017 and previously covered the White House. Before that, he covered the White House for Politico, and New York City Hall and New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie for the Wall Street Journal. Twitter

Devlin Barrett writes about the FBI and the Justice Department, and is the author of "October Surprise: How the FBI Tried to Save Itself and Crashed an Election." He was part of a team that won a Pulitzer Prize in 2018 for National Reporting, for coverage of Russian interference in the U.S. election. Twitter
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Fri Aug 13, 2021 6:16 am

Watch a defensive Mike Lindell get fact-checked by CNN over his baseless claims that China hacked the election
by Grace Dean
Business Insider
Aug 6, 2021, 3:49 AM

MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell was fact-checked by a CNN reporter over his baseless voter-fraud claims on Thursday — and he wasn't happy about it.

Lindell said the reporter, CNN's Drew Griffin, was wrong, accused him of lying, and even offered him a hug.

Lindell has repeatedly challenged the integrity of the 2020 election. In an interview with Griffin, Lindell said he had proof that "100%" showed China hacked the election and changed votes from Donald Trump to Joe Biden.

Lindell said he would reveal his proof at a so-called "cyber symposium" due to take place in South Dakota next week.

He had sent CNN a snippet of the data a few days before his interview. Griffin said CNN had shown the data — which consisted of six screenshots — to nine cybersecurity experts, who all said it was proof of nothing.

Lindell said the experts were wrong.


Anderson Cooper 360
@AC360
MyPillow's CEO keeps pushing false claims about the 2020 election.
"No matter who says there was no widespread fraud in the election...Mike Lindell's conclusion is the same -- they are all wrong," reports @DrewGriffinCNN.
5:53 PM Aug 5, 2021


Griffin said CNN had also spoken to election officials in the 15 counties whose votes Lindell claims were hacked. The election officials all said they used paper ballots counted by systems not connected to the internet, Griffin reported, and that they had no evidence the votes were hacked.

"I don't think you really understand how votes are cast, collected, and tabulated in this country," Griffin said to Lindell.

"You know what? I do," Lindell said. "What you don't understand is after they're tabulated, they can get hacked after the fact, which they were, because Donald Trump was going to win anyway."

Griffin said that the paper ballots were audited against the machine count. "No they weren't!" Lindell said. "Who told you that?"

When Griffin said it was the county officials, Lindell replied: "Well they're going to have some answering to do."

Griffin asked whether the county officials were lying.

"I don't know," Lindell said. "They might be misconstrued. ... They don't realize what happened."

Later in the interview, Griffin told Lindell that he could "possibly be the victim of a scam" over his support for voter-fraud conspiracy theories.

"Well then why don't you come to the symposium and make $5 million?" Lindell replied, referring to the cash prize he said he would give to anyone who debunks his data at the event. "Are you worried about me? We should have a hug. Are you worried about old Mike? Oh, God bless you."

Griffin replied that he was "worried that what you are doing is mistakenly or deliberately destroying the confidence in the legitimate, elected president of the United States and fostering what could be real damage to this country."

Lindell claimed he'd "never said anything bad about Biden or the Democrats. Ever! Never." He said Griffin was "wrong ... You're lying."

Lindell, who said in April that he still spoke to Trump about once a month, has poured time and money into spreading his voter-fraud theories.

He launched a website, Frank, to spread misinformation about the election, made a two-hour voter-fraud film, and held a rally at South Dakota's Corn Palace in May with guest speakers including Ben Carson, Trump's secretary of housing and urban development, and the conservative podcaster Eric Metaxas.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Fri Aug 13, 2021 6:34 am

Cyber expert says his team can’t prove Mike Lindell’s claims that China hacked election
by Joseph Clark
The Washington Times
Wednesday, August 11, 2021

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SIOUX FALLS, S.D. — The cyber expert on the “red team” hired by MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell now says the key data underpinning the theory that China hacked the 2020 election unveiled at the Cyber Symposium is illegitimate.

Mr. Lindell said he had 37 terabytes of “irrefutable” evidence that hackers, who he said were backed by China, broke into election systems and switched votes in favor of President Biden. The proof, he said, is visible in intercepted network data or “packet captures” that were collected by hackers and could be unencrypted to reveal that a cyberattack occurred and that votes were switched.

But cyber expert Josh Merritt, who is on the team hired by Mr. Lindell to interrogate the data for the symposium, told The Washington Times that packet captures are unrecoverable in the data and that the data, as provided, cannot prove a cyber incursion by China.

“So our team said, we’re not going to say that this is legitimate if we don’t have confidence in the information,” Mr. Merritt said on Wednesday, the second day of the symposium.


Mr. Merritt’s break from Mr. Lindell accelerated the unraveling of the MyPillow millionaire’s months of spinning of a conspiracy theory that he said would reverse the outcome of the 2020 election and restore former President Donald Trump to the White House.

Mr. Lindell delayed a scheduled unveiling of his evidence on Wednesday at the symposium.

He had offered $5 million to any in-person attendee who can disprove his claims. The offer is no longer on the table, Mr. Merritt said.

Leading up to the seminar, Mr. Lindell had displayed a video of scrolling, incomprehensible text, which he claimed were the packet captures he had received — proof, he claimed, of his China hacking theory. The video was featured in his documentary “Absolute 9-0” and was played on loop on screens throughout the convention center during the symposium.

Cybersecurity expert J. Kirk Wiebe, a former senior National Security Agency analyst and whistleblower, also said Mr. Lindell did not have the actual data sets.

He said the scrolling text was likely meant to resemble what the packet captures would look like in the data set but were not actual packet captures, which are vital to prove the claims.

Several cyber experts at the symposium became frustrated late into the first day with not being provided with packet captures.

Mr. Merritt and Mr. Wiebe said the missing packet captures could be a result of either the format the data was sent in or they were withheld by the source of the information, Dennis L. Montgomery.

Mr. Montgomery is a former government contractor who developed cyber tools named HAMMER and SCORECARD, which were allegedly used by the U.S. to influence foreign elections. Mr. Montgomery came forward with the data after he said the tools were being used to influence U.S. elections, according to Mr. Wiebe.

Mr. Merritt confirmed that Mr. Montgomery was the source of the data.

But the data Mr. Montgomery sent contains no packet captures and cannot be used to validate Mr. Lindell’s marquee theory, which he planned to unveil at the symposium, said the two experts.

Mr. Montgomery reportedly suffered a stroke on the eve of the symposium and has not been in contact with Mr. Lindell’s team or any cyber experts at the symposium.

He has been behind several other high-profile conspiracy theories, including allegations that U.S. security agencies wiretapped Trump Tower while Mr. Trump was running for president in 2016.

Mr. Montgomery said he presented the wiretap evidence to then-FBI Director James B. Comey, who dismissed the information. Mr. Montgomery later sued Mr. Comey, alleging a cover-up. The lawsuit was dropped.

Mr. Montgomery has also publicly claimed that the 2020 election was manipulated, which former director of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency Christopher Krebs said was a “hoax.”


Still, Mr. Merritt said, the data did contain important “forensic” evidence of manipulated voters.

“We were handed a turd,” he said. “And I had to take that turd and turn it into a diamond. And that’s what I think we did.”

The symposium organizers unveiled data Wednesday in front of the audience, which they said showed tampering in the 2020 presidential election in Mesa County, Colorado. The presentation was ad hoc and separate from Mr. Lindell’s original claim of a nationwide hack.

Mesa County’s clerk and recorder, Tina Peters, headlined Day One of the gathering. Ms. Peters is under investigation for a potential election security breach from within her office.

Mr. Lindell’s team would not confirm the source of the data used for Wednesday’s presentation.


Phil Waldron who is the leader of the red team, said only a small slice of the data was provided to the red team, just days before the symposium.

Mr. Waldron said the remaining data, not interrogated during the symposium, could contain the packet captures and other data needed to prove China hacked the election. He also said that ample evidence was contained in the data that points to other significant election anomalies, that were just as significant and worth unpacking during the symposium.

Kurt Olsen, a lawyer on Mr. Lindell’s team said there were multiple sources of the data that Mr. Lindell claims to have, and did not confirm that Mr. Mongtomery was the source of the data. He also clarified that the $5 million challenge has not been canceled and that Mr. Merritt would not be privy to that information.

Clarification: The article previously described Mr. Merritt as Lindell’s lead cyber expert. Mr. Merritt is a cyber expert on the red team hired by Mr. Lindell to interrogate the data for the symposium, and does not work directly for Mr. Lindell.

Copyright © 2021 The Washington Times, LLC. Click here for reprint permission.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Fri Aug 13, 2021 10:57 pm

Was Donald Trump Reinstated as President Today? It’s August 13, and you know what that means: Mike Lindell and his legion of MAGA die-hards are waiting for the former president to take back the White House. There’s still time!
by Jacob Silverman
newrepublic.com
August 13, 2021

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Friday was supposed to be a big day. “The morning of August 13 it’ll be the talk of the world,” Mike Lindell, the MyPillow impresario and purveyor of discredited conspiracy theories about a stolen presidential election, warned during a recent appearance on a conservative podcast. Lindell, who is being sued for billions in damages by Dominion, a maker of voting machines that the right-wing bedding entrepreneur has called fraudulent, promised a day of reckoning, when the “Communists” would be kicked out of power and Donald Trump would rightly reassume his place in the Oval Office. Trump, himself no stranger to barely intelligible theories of political change, was reportedly a believer, telling underlings that he would somehow be reinstated as president in August.

The day isn’t over yet, of course, but none of this has yet come to pass, and I feel fairly confident that it won’t. Instead, Lindell is once again left looking like a fool—that is, except in the eyes of MAGA die-hards, Q followers, credulous right-wing news hosts, and other fellow travelers who, ensconced in filter bubbles, have managed to finger-paint their own reality in which a series of ever-shifting prophecies will one day, somehow, lead to Trump’s restoration and the deaths of their enemies. (This isn’t that unusual: The date the world is supposed to end has changed a lot over the years.) Despite the obvious absurdity of these beliefs, and despite content crackdowns on Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube, Q-style paranoid fantasies persist. It’s difficult to call the movement monolithic, given its fractured and proliferating narratives, but it’s clear that no amount of fact-checking or adversarial media coverage can break these people out of their epistemic prisons. This movement, this paradigm of wild and even violent political prophecy, is here to stay. Trump may be its worshipped figurehead, but for now, Lindell is its lead missionary—a born-again, bumbling millionaire salesman, his success as unlikely, and as indelibly American, as his confused political rantings. There seems little doubt that Lindell will continue to spread this deranged gospel for as long as he can—until, perhaps, Dominion’s lawyers seize his phone from his hands.

Some Republican politicians and MAGA personalities may embrace these beliefs out of expediency—it can pay to be a loyal Trumpist—but what may be more disturbing is the authenticity of belief demonstrated by millions of Americans who have succumbed to delusions about stolen elections, chip-laden vaccines, and a government cabal of child-eating pedophiles. Chalk some of it up to the proliferation of misinformation, but in the absence of decent social policy—of well-funded education systems, universal health care, measures to reduce inequality, and even a general sense of trust in government—these kinds of beliefs can easily fester. Conspiratorial thinking has long been a feature of the American political and cultural scene, and it thrives in times of social and economic upheaval. A cruel, incompetent reality TV presidency capped by a pandemic and economic meltdown—along with the regular climate disasters—is a perfect environment for people to believe that, sure, why not, Trump could be president again, without an election. To paraphrase Michael Flynn, the former national security adviser who referred positively to the military coup in Myanmar, it happened there—why can’t it happen here?

Pillow king Mike Lindell remains one of those true believers. “Why do you think I keep going?” he asked a reporter about his crusade. “You think I like it?”

Besieged by lawsuits and banned by some mainstream social media platforms, Lindell still has had no trouble getting his message out. He recently held a multiday “cyber symposium” in South Dakota, where he presented his dubious evidence of widespread cyber meddling in the 2020 presidential election. Indicted border wall–scammer Steve Bannon was in attendance, and Ron Watkins—the most likely candidate to be the author of the Q posts that gave birth to the QAnon movement—spoke for several hours by videoconference.

The event was a disaster, hampered by technical difficulties, incompetent presenters, and a mess of histrionics from the typically amped-up Lindell. Jared Holt, who studies domestic extremism for the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab, called it “a slow-motion train wreck” and “a humiliating flop.”

But for people like Lindell, already so committed to the cause, there is no stopping now. It doesn’t matter whether one is a grifter or a true believer; there is room for all in the umbrella movement that has synthesized Stop the Steal, QAnon, anti-vaxxers, quarantine refuseniks, militia members, and other paranoid subcultures into one toxic stew of social media–charged hysteria. On Telegram, where he has more than 390,000 subscribers, Ron Watkins continues to style himself as a technical sophisticate digging deep into the still-disputed 2020 election results. He posts multiple times a day, earning hundreds of thousands of views for evidence-free accusations about Arizona election officials hacking into voting machines—that is, when he doesn’t spin off into baroque theories about stolen passwords, secret law enforcement raids, frame-ups, and other malfeasance. The truth, and some bizarre kind of political justice, is always just around the corner, which is why it must constantly be teased to his followers. As Watkins asked early on the morning of August 13, “Do you feel the tides turning?” (It’s nearly lunchtime as I write this. I still don’t.)

Is Watkins as committed to the cause as Lindell, or is he riding along for the clout and potential profit? Judging from the documentary series he featured in, I’d wager the latter, but perhaps it no longer matters. For the hucksters at the head of this particular pro-Trump movement, questions of truth or motive have long been abrogated. Lindell and Watkins, among many others, have managed to ride an endlessly permuting wave of viral misinformation, surviving changing circumstances and repeated humiliations to promise followers that their grievances can still somehow be avenged. In the process, they’ve helped thousands or even millions of people construct private realities of alienation and betrayal. Maybe, if times weren’t so dire, the utter falsity of Lindell’s and Watkins’s narratives would be more readily apparent. But for now, too many Americans are still able to believe—after all, the day isn’t done.

Jacob Silverman @SilvermanJacob
Jacob Silverman is a staff writer at The New Republic and the author of Terms of Service: Social Media and the Price of Constant Connection.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Fri Aug 13, 2021 11:05 pm

Mike Lindell's Unfortunate Week Gets Quite a Bit Worse: A Federal Judge Delivered Some Bad News to MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell this week. But the Results of His "Cyber Symposium" Made Matters Worse
by Steve Benen
MSNBC
Aug. 13, 2021, 12:40 PM UTC

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Mike Lindell has been quite busy since Donald Trump's election defeat last fall. The founder and CEO of MyPillow somehow became a close confidant to the former president, mainly by touting utterly bonkers conspiracy theories about the 2020 election. These efforts not only endeared him to Trump, they also had the effect of turning Lindell into a cause celebre in some right-wing circles.

All has not gone well for the pillow guy, however.

This week, for example, Lindell received some discouraging legal news when a federal judge cleared the way for Dominion Voting Systems' defamation case against Lindell and some other pro-Trump conspiracy theorists. Dominion has accused Lindell of peddling ridiculous falsehoods about the company, and this week, a judge -- a Trump-appointed judge -- agreed that Lindell had "made his claims knowing that they were false or with reckless disregard for the truth."

It was against this backdrop that Lindell traveled to South Dakota for a "cyber symposium" event in which the pillow guy vowed to unveil "irrefutable" proof -- presented over the course of several days -- which would prove that President Biden did not actually win the election. In fact, Lindell was so confident in his claims that he said Biden would voluntarily exit the White House, as an honorable gesture, after seeing the evidence that China secretly hacked the election.

That didn't work out, either.

Josh Merritt, also known as "Spider" or "Spyder" and who was hired by Lindell for his "red team," told the Washington Times on Wednesday at the symposium that, effectively, Lindell has sold his adherents a bill of goods. Lindell claimed that intercepted network data obtained by other hackers, also known as "packet captures," could be unencrypted to reveal evidence of vote-switching by the Chinese-backed hackers. But Merritt has now said that's just not true.


In other words, Lindell said his team would bolster his conspiracy theories, only to hear his team discredit his conspiracy theories.

Reality an unwelcome guest at 'pillow guy' big reveal event to restore Trump presidency
by Rachel Maddow
AUG. 13, 202108:03

Where does this data come from that Lindell has used as the basis for all these months of agitation on this issue? Well, his cyber expert confirmed that the actual material that’s the basis for these claims has been provided by a man named Dennis Montgomery. And I’m guessing you do not recognize that name, but you might remember him from these headlines not long ago:

’The Man Who Conned The Pentagon’
by NPR, All Things Considered
December 19, 2009

One man's claims about secret al-Qaida messages sent via television led American officials to raise terror-alert levels and cancel a number of flights. But those claims turned out to be bogus. Guy Raz talks with journalist Aram Roston about his article in Playboy magazine about Dennis Montgomery, "The Man Who Conned the Pentagon." [January-February, 2010]

GUY RAZ, host:

Back during the Bush administration, officials like Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld often accused Al Jazeera of serving as al-Qaida's favorite TV station. That may explain how a man named Dennis Montgomery convinced the CIA that Al Jazeera was sending coded messages through its broadcast signal to al-Qaida operatives. And Montgomery claimed he had the computer software to break the code.

For several months starting in the fall of 2003, Montgomery's analysis led directly to national code orange security alerts and cancelled flights. The only problem: he was making it all up.
And you and me, the taxpayers, well, we paid for it.

The story is told in the new issue of Playboy magazine. And the author, Aram Roston, joins me from our New York bureau.

Welcome to the program.

Mr. ARAM ROSTON (Author, "The Man who Conned the Pentagon"): Thank you, Guy.

RAZ: Let's start at the beginning. What was Dennis Montgomery claiming he could find in Al Jazeera's broadcasts?

Mr. ROSTON: First of all, let me point out it's still all classified. That said, what he was claiming to find were barcodes in essence. Sequences of information that he said then revealed the targets of intended terrorist attacks.

RAZ: Barcodes from a television signal?

Mr. ROSTON: Yeah. He said they were sort of embedded within the digital feed from Al Jazeera, so - and which is potentially technically possible, of course. You could sort of scramble the pixels in various ways. But he said he could decode all this and find these barcodes or sort of things like barcodes. And he said these translate into coordinates - latitudes or longitude, times, flight times, flight numbers - and those were terrorist targets, he claimed.

RAZ: Let's back up for a moment. How did Dennis Montgomery convince the CIA to give him business, because they gave him business? I mean, they actually put some money into this.


Mr. ROSTON: He was in business with another man, as the article describes, in a company called eTreppid. They were the initial contractor, although later, he would sell the same, or try to sell the same software through another company with another partner.

The first partner was a man named Warren Trepp. Now, people who are familiar with Michael Milken and the big scandal of the '80s, the Drexel Burnham scandal...

RAZ: The junk bonds.

Mr. ROSTON: ...the junk bonds scandals, exactly, they'll be familiar with Warren Trepp because he was Michael Milken's right-hand man in the junk bond schemes.

RAZ: And he was running this company that hired Dennis Montgomery and that company managed to get the contract with the CIA.


Mr. ROSTON: Exactly.

RAZ: You write about some of the code orange security alerts that came directly from Montgomery's so-called analysis of those al-Jazeera signals. Describe some of them.

Mr. ROSTON: On the 21st of December in 2003, there was this huge announcement -it was a Sunday. Everything seemed to be going fine that Christmas season, and then suddenly on that Sunday, Tom Ridge, the secretary of Homeland Security, made this announcement: we're going to orange alert - and nobody knew what it was.

Reporters, you know, investigative reporters and then people who cover the intelligence community and so forth, were all trying to gauge what was going on. They talked about was there chatter intercepts and informants and so forth. What it was was this guy's analysis or supposed analysis of al-Jazeera.

And people in the CIA, people who knew what they were talking about, were furious. Every quote I got from them was basically full of expletives. They were so upset. They were just losing it.


RAZ: But who believed him? I mean, who believed him there?

Mr. ROSTON: What happened was there was a particular division called science and technology, and they were the CIA's, you know, sort of high tech group. The ones that you often like in the movies - they make disguises and intercepts and special little gadgets. They were the ones that believed it. They were the ones that gave him the contract.

RAZ: And some of this data reached Frances Townsend, who was President George W. Bush's senior counterterrorism advisor.

Mr. ROSTON: Yeah. Well, what happened was sources told me she was chairing the meetings during this time that resulted from this stream of supposed intelligence. She was the one who President Bush appointed to oversee the response meetings - and she would hold them every day. And so I talked to her and she did admit she held those meetings. She agreed she held those meetings. She remember all the intelligence, she sort of laughed about it. She said, well, they had to take it seriously.


RAZ: Is it possible that the decision to announce a code orange alert in December of 2003 was based on additional intelligence but not just this information from Dennis Montgomery?

Mr. ROSTON: That's what some of them have said. They say this was part of it but not all of it. There were other concerns. But ex-CIA guys I talked to say that's not the case. They say this was it.

RAZ: How long did it take before the CIA found out the truth about Montgomery?

Mr. ROSTON: Some of them knew the truth about it all from the beginning. But eventually, what they did is parts of the CIA tried to recreate this. It was hard because nobody was being told exactly what it was, which was one of the secrets to its success, if you want to call it that. If you can never figure out what intelligence is, how do you knock it down?

They did it with the cooperation of the French intelligence services, I was told. The French were affected tremendously because of this Air France flight that was cancelled over and over and over again. Nobody was telling them why anybody was cancelling their flights. Eventually, the agency did tell them, and that's when this all came, they did some real analysis and found, you know, this isn't there. This was just irrational.


RAZ: So, what happened? Did the CIA just sort of drop all contacts with Montgomery or did they launch an investigation?

Mr. ROSTON: Well, that's sort of complex. He was under a federal investigation in 2006. So many agencies have touched on: the FBI, the U.S. Air Force, special investigations and others that it's unclear where he stands legally in all that. But he's not in good shape right now legally.

Caesar's in Vegas, they filed criminal charges against him. The county attorney in Clark County, Nevada, filed criminal charges against him for bouncing checks to Caesar's Casino - almost a million dollars. He liked to gamble, in other words.

RAZ: He's living in Nevada?

Mr. ROSTON: No. He lives in Rancho Mirage. It's a very nice house. I tried to go there. It was a very beautiful estate...

RAZ: This is in California.

Mr. ROSTON: In California, yeah. Sort of a Spanish tile on top.

RAZ: And he wouldn't talk to you.

Mr. ROSTON: He wouldn't, no.

RAZ: Why do you think Dennis Montgomery was ultimately believed? I mean, was it the atmosphere of the times? The sort of deep fear and concern that terrorists would strike again or was it pure carelessness by folks at the CIA and Homeland Security and other government agencies?

Mr. ROSTON: It's always so hard. You know, I wrote a book about Ben Ahmad Chalabi and it's sort of hard to figure out why he was believed so much. I think it's mainly because he offered an easy solution. If you go to somebody in government and say, listen, I've got a secret technology that can solve your terror problems right now and tell you exactly what al-Qaida's thinking, you know, a lot of people will say, well, I can't ignore that. That sounds great. That sounds perfect. That's what I think it was.

RAZ: That's investigative reporter Aram Roston. His article, "The Man who Conned the Pentagon," can be found in the new issue of Playboy, which you might be surprised to know has great articles.

Aram Roston, thanks so much.

Mr. ROSTON: Thank you, Guy.

Copyright © 2009 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at http://www.npr.org for further information.


“The Man Who Conned the Pentagon.”

Also,

How a Reno Casino Con Man Duped the CIA And Pulled One of the ‘Most Dangerous Hoaxes’ In American History
By Travis Daub
PBS News Hour
Oct 14, 2014 2:43 PM EDT

In the winter of 2003, the CIA received a disturbing bit of information. Al-Qaida, the intelligence said, was planning to strike the U.S. by hijacking a specific list of incoming international flights from France and other nations.

The agency shared the information with the White House. They had flight numbers, schedules and possible coordinates for the attacks. After speaking with the French government, President Bush issued an order to ground certain flights worldwide, severely disrupting holiday travel.

But it turns out the intelligence was flawed. In fact, no such plot existed to crash Air France 747s in the U.S., nor was there any credible intelligence that al-Qaida was planning a Christmas attack.
Few knew exactly from where the bad information had originated, thanks to silos inside the intelligence sphere. The information had come from Dennis Montgomery, a little-known government contractor who claimed he had the ability to decode secret al-Qaida messages embedded in Al Jazeera broadcasts. After the groundings, French officials demanded access to Montgomery’s software, and handed it over to a team of French engineers to analyze.

At one point, Risen says, Montgomery’s intelligence information was so revered, the White House considered issuing an order to shoot down a passenger plane over the Atlantic.


The French engineers concluded Montgomery’s claims were an elaborate hoax. There were too few pixels in an Al Jazeera broadcast image to contain hidden messages.

Just a few years before the phony holiday terror plot, Montgomery had been a frequent presence in a Reno, Nevada casino, where he gambled compulsively and claimed to have designed software that could analyze security video to recognize betting patterns and catch cheaters—or count cards into an eight-deck blackjack game.

How did a Reno casino con man manage to convince the President of the United States to ground international flights?


Montgomery’s tale is told in detail on James Risen’s new book, Pay any Price, Greed, Power, and Endless War. Risen’s reporting explores how a national security complex, flush with cash to fight terrorism, attracted individuals like Montgomery—people who seemed to have too-good-to-be true technology designed to fill needs in a frightened and overwhelmed Washington. Montgomery’s fantastic claims about his casino software attracted the interest of the Department of Defense, and he slowly made his way up the ladder to the CIA. At one point, Risen says, Montgomery’s intelligence information was so revered, the White House considered issuing an order to shoot down a passenger plane over the Atlantic. Fortunately, that never happened. Risen puts Montgomery’s career into perspective:

Montgomery was the maestro behind what many current and former U.S. officials and others familiar with the case now believe was one of the most elaborate and dangerous hoaxes in American history.


Montgomery never worked directly for the CIA, but amassed DOD contracts worth millions of dollars and continued working on government contracts well into the Obama administration. A culture of secrecy and a lack of accountability enabled him to bounce from agency to agency, collecting contracts for years, Risen says.

As for Montgomery, he still says that his company’s software was useful in the war on terror, Risen writes, but he is unable to share details due to the classified nature of his work.

Watch more of James Risen’s interview with Judy Woodruff on the PBS NewsHour.

Travis Daub is Digital Director at PBS NewsHour where he manages the incredible digital content team and oversees the integration of online and on-air content. With 20 years of experience in online publishing, Travis has been honored to work alongside talented colleagues at the PBS NewsHour, Foreign Policy magazine and the Des Moines Register.


“How a Reno Casino Con Man Duped the CIA And Pulled One of the ‘Most Dangerous Hoaxes’ In American History.”

Dennis Montgomery, a little-known government contractor who claimed he had the ability to decode secret al-Qaida messages embedded in Al Jazeera broadcasts.


National Security and intelligence reporters James Risen wrote a book in 2014 about this guy. It’s about other things, too, but a big part of it was about this guy conning people and conning the government out of HUUUUGE sums of cash including by him claiming that he could decode news stories broadcast by Al Jazeera and inside those news stories he could access magic, secret al-Qaeda messages, because he could find them in the pixels.

He could NOT find them in the pixels. That was all made up.

Infamous ‘Hoax’ Artist Behind Trumpworld’s New Voter Fraud Claim: He tricked the Bush administration into thinking he could detect terrorist signals in al Jazeera broadcasts. Now Dennis Montgomery has a new set of believers.
by Will Sommer
Politics Reporter
Daily Beast
Updated Nov. 09, 2020 3:14AM ET / Published Nov. 08, 2020 9:04PM ET

Image

As Donald Trump refuses to concede the election, some of his most loyal allies have become obsessed with a bizarre new conspiracy theory about the race, insisting that Trump only lost the election because a deep-state supercomputer named “Hammer” and a computer program named “Scorecard” were used to change the ballot count.

The head of the U.S. Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency has called the claim about supercomputer election fraud “nonsense,” and urged Americans not to promote it.

But the mythical supercomputer claim has been embraced by prominent Trump backers, including former Trump adviser Steve Bannon, former NYPD Commissioner Bernie Kerik, former Trump 2016 campaign adviser George Papadopoulos, right-wing pundit John Cardillo, and Newsmax White House correspondent Emerald Robinson.

The election fraud claims center on Dennis Montgomery, a former intelligence contractor and self-proclaimed whistleblower who claims to have created the “Hammer” supercomputer and the “Scorecard” software some Trump fans believe was used to change the votes.

“He’s a genius, and he loves America,” Thomas McInerney, a retired Air Force lieutenant general and one-time leader in the birther movement, said of Montgomery on Tuesday on Bannon’s podcast, as Bannon praised an article on Montgomery’s claims. “He’s the programmer that made all this happen, and he’s on our side.”


Montgomery’s lawyer, Larry Klayman—a favorite attorney for fringe right-wing figures—didn’t respond to a request for comment. Klayman himself was temporarily suspended from practicing law in June.

What Trump allies tend to leave out, however, is that Montgomery has a long history of making outlandish claims that fail to come true. As an intelligence contractor at the height of the War on Terror, Montgomery was behind what’s been called “one of the most elaborate and dangerous hoaxes in American history,” churning out allegedly fictitious data that once prompted the Bush administration to consider shooting down airplanes.

And now, Trump allies want voters to believe Montgomery’s claims about the election.

“I think there are any number of things they need to investigate, including the likelihood that 3 percent of the vote total was changed in the pre-election voting ballots that were collected digitally by using the Hammer program and the software program called Scorecard,” Sidney Powell, the attorney for former Trump national security adviser Michael Flynn, said Friday in an appearance on Fox Business. “That would have amounted to a massive change in the vote.”

“That’s called intervention in our elections,” host Lou Dobbs said.

“This is Coup 5.0, Lou,” Powell said.

Powell repeated her computer voter fraud claim Sunday on Fox News, with no pushback from host Maria Bartiromo.

After the 9/11 terror attacks, U.S. intelligence agencies flush with money began pumping defense contractors with cash in the hopes of averting another terror attack.

One of the recipients of that windfall was Dennis Montgomery, a Reno, Nevada, software designer and frequent gambler who claimed to have come with software that would help the CIA penetrate deep inside al Qaeda’s systems.

At various times, Montgomery insisted his programs could identify terrorists’ faces and weapons through drone footage, or spot submarines deep underwater, receiving millions in contracts from the Air Force and the military’s Special Operations Command. But the jewel of Montgomery’s company was a program he claimed could detect messages to al Qaeda sleeper cells hidden in broadcasts from Qatar’s al Jazeera network.

CIA employees intrigued by the supposed Al Jazeera decoding technology moved into Montgomery’s Nevada office, and Montgomery’s companies received at least $20 million from the U.S. government for what was then considered “the most important, most sensitive” technology in the agency’s repertoire, the New York Times reported in 2011.

“They began to believe, in this kind of war fever, that you could find Al Qaeda messages hidden in al Jazeera broadcasts,” New York Times reporter James Risen, who wrote a book about Montgomery’s business, said in 2014.

Montgomery’s supposed insights on al Qaeda reached the highest levels of the U.S. government, with insight that Montgomery provided prompting the George W. Bush administration to raise the terror threat level to “orange,” its second-highest rating.

In Dec. 2003, according to a Playboy report, Montgomery claimed he had discovered information in a TV broadcast proving that al Qaeda hijackers were set to hijack planes flying to the United States from Europe and Mexico.

President Bush himself blocked the flights, ordering them to turn around or stay on the ground. The administration even considered shooting down the planes based on Montgomery’s information, according to the Times.

But according to reports and former employees, Montgomery’s supposed technology was all a hoax. One employee quoted in the Playboy report claimed Montgomery had ordered him to fake a test for U.S. military officials, tricking the officials into believing Montgomery’s software could detect weapons in drone footage.

French intelligence officials, furious that Montgomery’s data had been used to ground French planes, debunked the “technology” and reportedly convinced CIA officials to drop Montgomery, according to the Times.

“We got played,” an ex-intelligence official told the Times in 2011.


Even as he rose in intelligence circles, Montgomery reportedly developed a mammoth blackjack habit, losing $442,000 in one day at casinos, according to Playboy.

“He was, in the parlance of the gambling hall, a ‘whale,’” Playboy wrote of Montgomery.

As of 2011, Montgomery was fighting Nevada charges for writing bad checks worth $1.8 million at casinos. The Daily Beast was unable to determine the ultimate disposition of those charges.

As the government soured on his claims about al Qaeda, Montgomery was on increasingly on the outs with his business partner, a former top trader for convicted junk bond king Michael Milken. Montgomery allegedly split from the company he had founded with his partner, taking highly secret confidential government files, according to an FBI search warrant affidavit.

The FBI raided Montgomery’s home and storage units in an attempt to recover the missing data. But Montgomery was never charged over the government contracts, with a federal judge throwing out evidence gleaned in the FBI raids.

The federal government scrambled to block evidence related to the software from being revealed in court in a civil fight between Montgomery and his former business partner, in what the Times reported was an effort to avoid embarrassing the CIA and other agencies that had paid Montgomery millions of dollars.


Despite avoiding federal charges of the contracts, Montgomery wasn’t done making incredible claims about his software.

Montgomery resurfaced in 2013, as a “confidential informant” for controversial Arizona Sheriff Joe Arpaio.

Arpaio was embroiled in a federal case over his department’s treatment of Latino drivers, and furious at the federal judge who had ruled against him. According to reports and court testimony, Montgomery convinced Arpaio that he had a software called “Hammer” that could prove that the federal judge was colluding against Arpaio with the Justice Department and then-Attorney General Eric Holder.

Arpaio bought into Montgomery’s claims, even as Arpaio’s lawyers and detectives fumed that the “proof” Montgomery was providing about the judge was fake.

At one point, Arpaio reportedly exploded at his subordinates after they complained that he was wasting money on Montgomery and pointing out the controversy over Montgomery’s al Jazeera software. Still, the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office paid Montgomery $120,000 for the data he provided Arpaio in his fight with the judge.

By 2017, with Trump supporters furious at the intelligence community and former FBI Director James Comey over the investigation into the Trump’s campaigns, Montgomery reinvented himself as an aggrieved intelligence whistleblower.

In June 2017, Klayman and Montgomery sued Comey and other top Obama-era officials—including Obama himself. In a lengthy complaint, the pair laid out a complicated story claiming that Montgomery had taken 47 hard drives full of evidence of an illegal surveillance program from an Army base, alleged that Comey somehow misused the hard drives, and that intelligence officials had hacked both Klayman and Montgomery.

Montgomery’s claims were trumpeted by reporter John Solomon, whose reporting on Ukraine would later be rebuked by officials and Fox News’s research department during the Trump impeachment hearings.

“This is way larger than Snowden,” Solomon declared of Montgomery’s allegations in an appearance on Sean Hannity’s Fox News show.

Montgomery’s lawsuit was quickly dismissed, with a federal judge calling them a “a veritable anthology of conspiracy theorists' complaints.”


Montgomery found new fame on the right in the final days of the election. On Oct. 31, an obscure conspiracy theory website called The American Report published a story claiming that "Biden Using SCORECARD and THE HAMMER to Steal Another U.S. Presidential Election," illustrated with a picture of Biden next to Josef Stalin.

The American Report has claimed that Montgomery invented “SCORECARD” and “HAMMER” for intelligence purposes, an apparent reference to his controversial programs that purported to track al Qaeda. In this telling, the Obama administration hijacked Montgomery’s software to steal elections.

The murky reporting was embraced a few days later by Bannon and McInerney, with Bannon calling news “very disturbing” and praising the site for “incredible reporting.” Montgomery himself appears to have publicly stayed silent, even as he’s quoted as proof that the government stole the presidential election for Biden.

Fueled by Bannon’s podcast and Powell’s Fox appearances, the “Hammer and Scorecard” conspiracy has found a home with Trump’s grassroots. In calls to baffled C-SPAN and talk radio hosts, Trump supporters have insisted that dire consequences are ahead for any involved in the nonexistent “Hammer and Scorecard” saga. Tweets referencing “Hammer and Scorecard” posted every few seconds on the site even as Twitter tries to hinder the spread of the disinformation.

“Twitter’s Trust & Safety team will take action on Tweets that are in violation of our Civic Integrity policy, including in instances these terms are used in a way to undermine the legitimacy of the election process,” Twitter said in a statement.

According to Twitter, posts about the Hammer and Scorecard conspiracy theory could be labeled as disinformation or deleted from the site entirely.

Still, Montgomery’s conspiracy theory about the supercomputer has exploded on the right. On Sunday, Washington Examiner columnist Paul Bedard tweeted a story from a fringe outlet that promised a “Hammer and Scorecard smoking gun.”

“Anyone using HAMMER SCORECARD to alter voting in our America election should be prosecuted,” former football player and Republican convention speaker Herschel Walker tweeted on Sunday.

@willsommer
William.Sommer@thedailybeast.com


And it had been suspected for a long while – do you see the date on this from Will Sommer at the Daily Beast? November 9, 2020? It had been suspected for a long while that this legendary con artist had sold a new version of his con to the “Trump Secretly Won the Election” people. But now the “Trump Secretly Won the Election” people have confirmed that that’s where they’ve gotten their so-called “data.” That’s where they got this data that they’ve been confidently proclaiming will incontrovertibly show and prove to everyone that Trump won, and we’ll all see that data, and it will be so clear, and we’ll all say, “I’m so sorry we disagreed about this. Let’s all get together and go to the new re-inauguration.”



So maybe we’re not all going to wake up all 330 million of us tomorrow, you know, joining in a unanimous consensus revelation that the wrong guy’s in the oval office. Maybe that’s not going to happen, but the consequences for people who really believe that’s going to happen, may be significant, and may cause bizarre behavior. It may cause people to need help. I think it’s an unpredictable moment in terms of people who have sort of gone down the Q-Anon, Trump-election-fraud rabbit hole. These next few days are going to be hard, and the rest of the month is going to be hard. But these next few days are probably going to be hard for them.


Making matters just a bit worse, as Rachel noted on last night's show, we also learned this week that Lindell was basing his strange campaign on cyber-data he'd received from Dennis Montgomery. As a Washington Post report added, Montgomery's background is ... problematic.

The New York Times reported in 2011 that the U.S. government was trying to keep secret the details of an arrangement in which Montgomery promised to provide technology to catch terrorists. Montgomery claimed he could decode secret al-Qaeda messages embedded in Al Jazeera broadcasts. He received more than $20 million in government contracts. But his own former lawyer indicated the government was clamming up because the technology was bogus and wanted to avoid embarrassment. He also called him a "con man."


Finally, let's also not forget that Lindell has been a prominent advocate of the idea that Trump will not only be "reinstated" to the presidency -- a literal impossibility in our system of government -- but that this transfer of power will begin the morning of Friday, Aug. 13.

Which is to say, right now.

Occasionally, assorted figures will generate headlines by making End Times predictions. The basic idea is straightforward: these figures will tell their followers they know the precise day in which the world will come to an end, and then ask believers to plan accordingly.

This never turns out well, since these End Times prophecies have always failed, leaving the prophesiers scrambling to explain why they were so terribly wrong. The more specific the prediction, the more embarrassing the failure.

These cranks came to mind this morning as Lindell's unfortunately specific prediction proved false. (I have it on good authority that there are no moving trucks outside the White House.)

And while it's certainly tempting to have a good laugh about all of this, let's not overlook the fact that the Department of Homeland Security has warned local police departments nationwide about the prospect of political violence this summer -- because many on the far-right fringe have come to believe that Trump really might be "reinstated," and some extremists "have included calls for violence if desired outcomes are not realized."

Mike Lindell has obviously had a difficult week, but the significance of the absurd ideas he's eagerly peddled continue to linger.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Sat Aug 14, 2021 12:35 am

Part 1 of 4

Memorandum Opinion Resolving All Pending Motions and Granting Defendants' Motion for Summary Judgment
Dennis L. Montgomery, Plaintiff, v. James Risen, et al., Defendants
Civil Action No.: 16-0126 (RC)
USDC, District of Columbia
by Rudolph Contreras, USDC Judge
July 15, 2016

[Montgomery v. Risen
Summary
Holding that claims in affidavits that are "so conclusory—and presented without any supporting facts in the record—that [they] [would] leave[] the jury 'in no position to assess' the veracity of statement" cannot withstand a motion for summary judgment (quoting Greene v. Dalton, 164 F.3d 671, 675 (D.C. Cir. 1999))]

Civil Action No.: 16-0126 (RC)

07-15-2016

Dennis L. MONTGOMERY, Plaintiff, v. James RISEN, et al., Defendants.

Larry E. Klayman, Klayman Law Firm, Washington, DC, for Plaintiff. Laura Rose Handman, Lisa Beth Zycherman, Davis Wright Tremaine, LLP, Washington, DC, for Defendants.

RUDOLPH CONTRERAS, United States District Judge

Larry E. Klayman, Klayman Law Firm, Washington, DC, for Plaintiff.

Laura Rose Handman, Lisa Beth Zycherman, Davis Wright Tremaine, LLP, Washington, DC, for Defendants.

MEMORANDUM OPINION

RESOLVING ALL PENDING MOTIONS AND GRANTING DEFENDANTS' MOTION FOR SUMMARY JUDGMENT

RUDOLPH CONTRERAS, United States District Judge

I. INTRODUCTION


The twists and turns of this case could fill the pages of a book. In fact, much of it already has. In October 2014 Defendant James Risen authored, and his co-defendants Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company and Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Company (collectively, "Defendants") [1] published, Pay any Price: Greed, Power, and Endless War. One of the book's chapters focuses heavily on Plaintiff Dennis Montgomery, who claimed to have developed several technologies that the government subsequently employed in the war on terrorism in the years following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. One of those technologies, Montgomery claimed, could detect hidden numbers and letters that appeared in Al Jazeera broadcasts. Government officials purportedly concluded that those strings of letters and numbers identified airline flight numbers or longitudinal and latitudinal coordinates representing targets of anticipated al Qaeda terrorist attacks. If this sounds too good to be true, you are not alone. The relevant chapter in Pay Any Price explains how government officials, Montgomery's former employees, and others came to believe that his technology did not work as billed. The chapter repeats others' assertions that Montgomery is a con man and describes his technology as a hoax.

1. Defendants note that Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Company is improperly sued as "HMH Holdings, Inc." See Defs.' Mot. for Summ. J. & Mem. Supp. at 1, ECF No. 201. Although the Court refers generally to "Defendants" throughout this opinion, for ease of reference the Court will refer to "Houghton Mifflin" when referring only to the publishing company defendants.


This memorandum opinion is an extended epilogue of sorts, and picks up where Pay Any Price leaves off. Montgomery filed this action claiming, primarily, that Defendants defamed him in the chapter and in the course of promoting the book. After a protracted, and largely unresolved, saga in the United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida, the case was transferred to this district and assigned to the undersigned. Before the Court are Defendants' motion to dismiss and motion for summary judgment and a number of outstanding discovery related motions. The tale of the Court's resolution of those motions follows. For those not otherwise tempted to skip to the final chapter—spoiler alert—the end result is that the Court will grant Defendants' motion for summary judgment.

II. FACTUAL & PROCEDURAL BACKGROUND

A. The Challenged Chapter


Defendant James Risen is the author of Pay Any Price: Greed, Power, and Endless War, which was published on October 14, 2014 by Houghton Mifflin. See Defs.' Stmt. of Undisputed Material Facts ¶¶ 1, 3 ("Defs.' SUMF"), ECF No. 202. The nine-chapter book "describes how the war on terror led to waste, fraud, and abuse by U.S. government officials and the contractors who stood to gain from it. Id. ¶ 5. Chapter two of the book ("the Chapter"), entitled "The Emperor of the War on Terror," claims that in the post-September 11th era government officials were quick to fund potential counterterrorism efforts. The Chapter posits that, as Congress "thr[ew] cash at the FBI, CIA, and Pentagon," a "counterterrorism bubble, like a financial bubble grew in Washington, and a new breed of entrepreneur learned that one of the surest and easiest paths to riches could be found ... in Tysons Corner, Virginia, coming up with new ways to predict, analyze, and prevent terrorist attacks—or, short of that, at least convincing a few government bureaucrats that you had some magic formula for doing so."" Am. Compl. Ex. A at 31 ("Chapter"), ECF No. 44. [2] To illustrate this point, the Chapter presents "the example of [Plaintiff] Dennis Montgomery." Id. at 31. Risen describes Montgomery as "the perfect case study to explain how during the war on terror greed and ambition have been married to unlimited rivers of cash to create a climate in which someone who has been accused of being a con artist was able to create a rogue intelligence operation with little or no adult supervision." Id. at 32. The Chapter claims that Montgomery's example "demonstrates how hundreds of billions of dollars poured into the war on terror went to waste." Id. at 33.

2. The entire book Chapter is filed as Exhibit A to Plaintiff's Amended Complaint. The complaint alleges that a large number of the Chapter's statements are defamatory. For brevity and ease of reading, this factual background section paraphrases much of the book's assertions. When the Court cites to or quotes the Chapter, it cites to the specific page number of the book, as indicated by the scanned copy reproduced in Exhibit A.


The Chapter focuses on several types of technology that Montgomery developed. The Central Intelligence Agency ("CIA") and other federal intelligence and law enforcement agencies apparently relied on the technology beginning in or around 2003. Id. at 37. The Chapter claims that the technology did not work as billed. For example, Montgomery allegedly created video compression and object recognition technology which the Air Force and other agencies believed could be helpful in storing and analyzing Predator drone video. Id. at 36. In particular, the Chapter states that "Montgomery claimed that his facial recognition software was so good that he could identify individual faces from the video camera flying on a Predator high above the mountains of southern Afghanistan." Id. at 37. By 2003, the U.S. Special Operations Command and the Air Force had awarded government contracts related to the technology to eTreppid Technologies, the company Montgomery founded along with his financial backer, Warren Trepp. Id. at 34–35, 37.

The Chapter claims that while Montgomery performed field tests of the object recognition technology for Pentagon officials, former employees now allege that those tests were fabricated. Specifically, the Chapter reports one occasion on which Montgomery attempted to show that his technology could detect, from a great distance, a toy bazooka Montgomery carried in a field outside eTreppid. Id. at 37. According to the Chapter, Warren Trepp informed the Federal Bureau of Investigation ("FBI") that "Montgomery told two eTreppid employees to go to an empty office and push a button on a computer when they heard a beep on a cell phone." Id. While carrying the bazooka, Montgomery purportedly "used a hidden cell phone to buzz the cell phone of one of the eTreppid employees, who then pushed a key on a computer keyboard, which in turn flashed an image of a bazooka on another screen prominently displayed in front of the military officers standing in another room." Id. This course of events "convinced" the military officials "that Montgomery's computer software had amazingly detected and recognized the bazooka in Montgomery's hands." Id.

The technology most emphasized in the Chapter, however, is technology Montgomery claimed he had developed "enable[ing] him to decipher al Qaeda codes embedded in the network banner displayed on the broadcasts of Al Jazeera, the Qatar-based news network." Id. at 40. This software is often referred to as the "noise filtering" software. See, e.g. , Decl. of James Risen ¶ 15 ("Risen Decl."), ECF No. 203; id. Ex. 11 at 2, ECF No. 203-11. Risen writes that "Montgomery sold the CIA on the fantasy that al Qaeda was using the broadcasts to digitally transmit its plans for future terrorist attacks"—which included "series of hidden letters and numbers that appeared to be coded messages about specific airline flights that the terrorists were targeting." Chapter at 40–41. By late 2003 CIA officials visited eTreppid's offices in Reno, Nevada to observe the software. Id. at 40.

The Chapter posits that "Montgomery brilliantly played on the CIA's technical insecurities as well as the agency's woeful lack of understanding about al Qaeda and Islamic terrorism." Id. Although noting that "Montgomery insists that he did not come up with the idea of analyzing Al Jazeera videotapes," and that the CIA instead came to him, Risen writes that "even if it wasn't Montgomery's idea, he ran with it as fast as he could." Id. at 41. Montgomery allegedly informed the CIA that the Al Jazeera broadcasts had hidden letters and numbers embedded in them, which "included the letters ‘AF’ followed by a series of numbers, or the letters ‘AA’ and ‘UA’ and two or three digits." Id. Other series of numbers "looked like coordinates for the longitude and latitude of specific locations." Id.

The Chapter states that "[t]he CIA made the inevitable connections," and Risen contends in the Chapter that the technology "so enraptured certain key government officials that it was considered the most important and most sensitive counterterrorism intelligence that the Central Intelligence Agency had to offer President Bush." Id. at 41, 39. Senior CIA officials in the agency's Directorate of Science and Technology began to vouch for Montgomery's work. Id. at 39. The Chapter reports that the Directorate's chief, Donald Kerr, believed the claims about the embedded codes, and convinced George Tenet, Director of the CIA, to take the information seriously. Id. at 42. "As a result, in December 2003, Tenet rushed directly to President Bush when information provided by Montgomery and his software purported to show that a series of flights from France, Britain, and Mexico to the United States around Christmas were being targeted by al Qaeda." Id. President Bush ordered those flights grounded. Id. The Chapter also recounts that "[o]ne former senior CIA official recalled attending a White House meeting in the week following Christmas to discuss what to do next about the information coming from Montgomery," a conversation that included a "brief but serious discussion about whether to shoot down commercial airliners over the Atlantic based on the intelligence." Id. at 45.

Eventually, French officials apparently demanded answers from the United States, and the CIA "was finally forced to reveal to French intelligence the source of the threat information." Id. at 46. French officials arranged for a French technology firm to "reverse-engineer" the technology. Id. The firm concluded that the broadcasts contained too few pixels to contain hidden bar codes or unseen numbers. Id. While the Chapter reports Montgomery's claim that "CIA officials continued to work with him for months after Christmas 2003, and that CIA personnel were still showing up at his offices in Nevada until late 2004," Risen writes that once the CIA came to terms with the French findings, the agency "tried to forget all about him." Id. Risen claims that "the CIA never investigated the apparent hoax nor examined how it had been handled inside the agency." Id.


Given this course of events, the Chapter describes Montgomery as "the maestro behind what many current and former U.S. officials and others familiar with the case now believe was one of the most elaborate and dangerous hoaxes in American history, a ruse that was so successful that it nearly convinced the Bush administration to order fighter jets to start shooting down commercial airliners filled with passengers over the Atlantic." Id. at 32; see also id. at 32–33 (stating that "Montgomery almost single-handedly prompted President Bush to ground a series of international commercial flights based on what now appears to have been an elaborate hoax"). The Chapter concludes that, "once the fever broke and government officials realized that they had been taken in by a grand illusion, they did absolutely nothing about it"; the CIA acted like the episode had not happened, the Pentagon "just kept working with Montgomery," and the Department of Justice invoked the state secrets privilege in several lawsuits involving Montgomery to prevent information from becoming public. Id. at 32. Risen presents his own explanation for the government's silence: he posits that "CIA officials were reluctant to tell their Pentagon counterparts much about their experiences with Montgomery, so Defense Department officials apparently did not realize that his technology was considered suspect at CIA headquarters." Id. at 47–48.

The Chapter also describes the apparent aftermath. Beginning in 2005, Trepp and Montgomery became embroiled in a series of personal and legal disputes. Montgomery claimed Trepp had not adequately provided him with a share of the money flowing from eTreppid's government contracts. See id. at 49. Montgomery allegedly absconded with his technology's source code, and deleted the code and data from eTreppid's computer files, which prompted an FBI investigation and a lawsuit between the two. Id. It was during that investigation that many of the allegations concerning Montgomery's software came to light. Id. at 49–50. Montgomery also made several high-profile allegations that former-Nevada Congressman Jim Gibbons, who had recently been elected as Nevada's governor, accepted bribes from Trepp in exchange for assisting eTreppid secure defense contracts. Id. at 49. Those allegations led to a federal corruption investigation, which eventually cleared Gibbons of any wrongdoing. Id. at 49–50. Finally, the Chapter detailed Montgomery's work with a subsequent backer, Edra Blixseth, with whom Montgomery attempted to secure additional government contracts for his noise filtering and object recognition technologies through a company they created called Blxware. Id. at 50–51. These efforts led to a meeting with an aide of Vice President Dick Cheney and efforts to convince the Israeli government to use his technology. Id. at 51. Neither proved successful. Id. In part based on these and other events, and drawing from court documents and FBI investigation reports, the Chapter explains that Trepp came to believe Montgomery's work was not what he claimed it was, id. at 49, and that Montgomery's former lawyer, Michael Flynn, "concluded that Montgomery was a fraud," id. at 36.

The Chapter also published Montgomery's counter-statements, albeit with somewhat less emphasis. In its opening pages, Risen states that "Montgomery strongly denies that he peddled fraudulent technology" and that Montgomery "insists that the charges have been leveled by critics with axes to grind, including his former lawyer and former employees." Id. at 33. Risen also reports that Montgomery claims he "was following direct orders from both the NSA and the CIA, and says that the CIA, NSA, and U.S. military took his technology so seriously that it was used to help in the targeting of Predator [drone] strikes and other raids." Id. Specifically, "Montgomery insists that he did not come up with the idea of analyzing Al Jazeera videotapes" and "says that the CIA came to him in late 2003 and asked him to do it." Id. at 41. Montgomery claims that "[t]he fact that the government is blocking public disclosure of the details of its relationship with him ... shows that his work was considered serious and important." Id. at 33–34. The Chapter also acknowledges Montgomery's claim that his former employees "lied when they claimed that he had asked them to fix the [object recognition] tests" and that the Air Force "issued a report showing that it had verified the tests." Id. at 37. Finally, in its closing paragraph, the Chapter reiterates that "Dennis Montgomery continues to argue that he is not a fraud, that his technology is genuine, and that he performed highly sensitive and valuable work for the CIA and the Pentagon." Id. at 53.

In reporting this episode, the Chapter also relies in several instances upon FBI investigation reports, depositions and affidavits filed in various lawsuits, Congressional testimony, and other information in the public domain. For example, the Chapter identifies court documents, which contained Warren Trepp's statements to the FBI, as the Chapter's source of the information regarding Montgomery's purportedly fabricated tests of his object identification software. See id. at 37 ("Warren Trepp later told the FBI that he eventually learned that Montgomery had no real computer software programming skills, according to court documents that include his statements to the FBI."); id. ("Trepp also described to federal investigators how eTreppid employees had confided to him that Montgomery had asked them to help him falsify tests of his object recognition software when Pentagon officials came to visit."); id. (describing the fabricated tests, and the use of Montgomery's hidden cell phone, "according to court documents"). The Chapter also relies on John Brennan's testimony before the Senate Intelligence Committee during Brennan's confirmation as CIA Director in 2013. Id. at 47. In 2003, Brennan had been head of the Terrorist Threat Integration Center, which was responsible for distributing intelligence throughout the United States government. Id. When asked in a written questionnaire about Montgomery's technology, Brennan wrote that the technology "was determined not to be a source of accurate information." Id. ; see also Risen Decl. Ex. 19 at 10.

B. Prior Media Coverage

Media coverage concerning Montgomery's purportedly fabricated technology, specifically, and discussing Montgomery, more generally, predated publication of Pay Any Price by nearly a decade.

On June 27, 2005, NBC News published an article authored by Lisa Myers and Aram Roston discussing the 2003 grounding of several flights. The article reported that "senior U.S. officials now tell NBC News that the key piece of information that triggered the holiday alert was a bizarre CIA analysis, which turned out to be all wrong," although the article did not name Montgomery as the source of the technology. Risen Decl. Ex. 4. The article reported that CIA officials believed that they had found secret messages in the crawl bar of Al Jazeera news broadcasts, and quoted Tom Ridge, who had been the Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security in 2003. Secretary Ridge "confirm[ed] there were no secret terror messages," but maintained it was not a mistake to raise the threat level, and acknowledged that the analysis was not the only factor in raising the threat level. Id.

In the interim, the Jim Gibbons bribery allegations broke. Media reports indicated that the allegations' source was sworn testimony Dennis Montgomery provided in the context of his lawsuit with Trepp concerning the rights to his software code. See, e.g. , Risen Decl. Ex. 5 at 3. Montgomery's allegations led to a series of articles in the media, and culminated in Dennis Montgomery sitting down for an interview with Lisa Myers of NBC news to discuss his allegations. Id. Ex. 6, Ex. 7 (transcript of NBC news interview). During the course of Montgomery and Trepp's legal battle, documents concerning eTreppid and Montgomery's software were unsealed and media outlets described the contents of those documents while simultaneously rehashing the allegations against Jim Gibbons. See, e.g. , id. Ex. 8. The software was even discussed in the context of Edra Blixseth's divorce proceedings, and a 2008 Bloomberg News article fully canvassed Trepp's allegations that Montgomery stole eTreppid's computer code, Flynn's charge that the "software was a sham," and the allegations found in the FBI interview reports—which were unsealed as part of the legal proceedings. Id. Ex. 10. That article also discussed how United States intelligence agencies had asked that certain information in the various lawsuits remain sealed. Id.

The focus eventually shifted to Montgomery's software. Aram Roston, who had written the 2005 story for NBC News with Lisa Myers, wrote a much more expansive article on the Montgomery saga in 2010 for Playboy Magazine, entitled "The Man Who Conned the Pentagon." See Risen Decl. Ex. 11. The article states that Montgomery "apparently convinced the Bush White House, the CIA, the Air Force, and other agencies that Al Jazeera—the Qatari-owned TV network—was unwittingly transmitting target data to Al Qaeda sleepers." Id. at 2. And in 2011 Risen and Eric Lichtblau wrote an article for the New York Times canvassing much of the same information. The article, entitled "Hiding Details of Dubious Deal, U.S. Invokes National Security,"was published on February 19, 2011. See id. Ex. 3. The article explained that the Department of Justice had secured protective orders in two cases to shield details of Montgomery's technology from the public. Id. The article canvassed many of the allegations that would be repeated in the Chapter, including that Montgomery's technology appeared to be a hoax, that Montgomery's former lawyer now viewed him as a "con man," that former employees believed Montgomery had fabricated demonstrations of his technology for government officials, and that Montgomery's technology prompted President Bush to ground several airliners. See id. at 1–3. The article also stated that "[s]enior administration officials even talked about shooting down planes identified as targets ..., according to a former senior intelligence official who was at a meeting where the idea was discussed." Id. at 4.

Risen claims that, in writing his book, he relied on these articles and other media coverage. See Risen Decl. ¶¶ 7–18; see also id. Exs. 13, 14. In a footnote of the Chapter, Risen explicitly acknowledges both Aram Roston's Playboy article, and Risen's own New York Times article. See Chapter at 53. None of the articles have ever been retracted.

C. Procedural History

On February 24, 2015, following publication of Pay Any Price , Montgomery filed this action in the Southern District of Florida. See generally Compl., ECF No. 1. The operative, Amended Complaint asserts a multitude of claims for defamation, defamation per se, and defamation by implication based on forty-three allegedly defamatory statements. See Am. Compl. ¶¶ 96–239, ECF No. 44. The Amended Complaint also alleges additional claims of intentional infliction of emotional distress, tortious interference with prospective advantage, and assault. See id. ¶¶ 240–256. The allegedly defamatory statements include statements made in the Chapter, see, e.g. , id. ¶¶ 106, 109, 111, as well as statements Risen made in interviews when promoting the book, see, e.g. , id. ¶¶ 139–141, 145, 149. The latter statements, in many respects, repeat allegations made in the Chapter or the Chapter's characterization of Montgomery. Compare, e.g. , id. ¶ 149 (asserting in interview that "when they [the CIA] realized it was a hoax, they covered the whole thing up and never did anything about it"), with Chapter at 32 ("Once it was over, once the fever broke and government officials realized that they had been taken in by a grand illusion, they did absolutely nothing about it. The Central Intelligence Agency buried the whole insane episode and acted like it had never happened."). In large part, the Amended Complaint asserts that Defendants' statements or implied assertions that Montgomery's technology was a hoax or fraudulent are defamatory. See, e.g. , Am. Compl. ¶¶ 107, 108, 112, 113, 120. [3]

See also, e.g., Am. Compl. ¶¶ 122, 124, 126, 127, 129, 131, 133, 135, 136, 138, 142, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, 150, 152, 154, 155, 158, 169, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 194, 200, 202, 204, 206, 208, 210, 212, 216, 218, 220, 222, 224, 230, 232, 234, 236.

On April 9, 2015, Defendants filed a motion to dismiss or transfer for lack of personal jurisdiction. See Defs.' Mot. to Dismiss or Transfer at 12–17, ECF No. 25. In the alternative, Defendants also moved to transfer for improper venue under 28 U.S.C. § 1391, to transfer venue for the convenience of the parties and in the interest of justice under 28 U.S.C. § 1404(a), or to dismiss the complaint under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 12(b)(6) for failure to state a claim. [4] See id. at 17–30. After Montgomery filed his Amended Complaint, the district court denied Defendants' initial motion to transfer or dismiss as moot. See Paperless Order, ECF No. 42. Thereafter, Defendants filed a renewed motion to transfer or dismiss in response to the Amended Complaint. See Defs.' Mot. to Dismiss or Transfer, ECF No. 52.

4. Defendants also filed a motion to dismiss the complaint under the District of Columbia's Anti-SLAPP statute, which they renewed after Montgomery filed his Amended Complaint. See Defs.' Special Mot. to Dismiss the Compl., ECF No. 26; Defs.' Renewed Special Mot. to Dismiss, ECF No. 53. Defendants withdrew that motion after the Washington Supreme Court held Washington state's anti-SLAPP statute unconstitutional, presumably because the motion relied on Washington state's statute in addition to D.C.'s. See Notice of Suppl. Auth. & Withdrawal of Defs.' Anti-SLAPP Mot., ECF No. 61.


Shortly after filing his complaint, Montgomery also raised issues concerning his poor health, and sought to expedite consideration of his claims. See, e.g. , Emergency Pl.'s Mot. for Status Conf., ECF No. 9. The Court set an initial discovery deadline of September 16, 2015, with trial slated to begin on November 30, 2015. See Order Setting Civil Trial Date & Pretrial Schedule, ECF No. 48. Defendants argued that no discovery should occur before their initial motions were resolved, and filed a formal motion to stay discovery pending resolution of Defendants' motion to dismiss on May 19, 2015. See Defs.' Mot. to Stay Disc. Pending Resolution of Mots. to Dismiss, ECF No. 55; Pl.'s Opp'n to Defs.' Mot. to Stay Disc., ECF No. 68. On September 10, 2015—nearly four months later, and after most of the discovery period had already run—the district court summarily denied that motion. See Paperless Order, ECF No. 130. On that same day, the Court also granted in part and denied in part Defendants' motion to modify the scheduling order. The Court rescheduled trial for March 21, 2016, and extended discovery until November 19, 2015. See Paperless Order, ECF No. 131.

Several discovery disputes arose throughout this period, and were considered by Magistrate Judge Jonathan Goodman. Of most relevance to the merits of Montgomery's claims is Defendants' request that Montgomery produce the software that is the subject of the Chapter. As explained in more detail below, after initially objecting to that request, Montgomery eventually claimed that he had turned over the only copy of his software to the FBI, along with a large volume of other computer drives and electronic information, in connection with an unrelated criminal investigation. Magistrate Judge Goodman ordered Montgomery on more than one occasion to produce the software and to coordinate with the FBI in locating the software, using his self-described right of continued access to the software. See Aug. 22, 2015 Post-Disc. Hr'g Order ¶ 6, ECF No. 107; Oct. 19, 2015 Post-Disc. Hr'g Order ¶¶ 2–4, ECF No. 154. Montgomery filed objections to those orders with the district court. See Pl.'s Obj. to Portions of Magistrate Judge's Order of Aug. 22, 2015, ECF No. 125; Pl.'s Obj. to Magistrate Judge's Order of Oct. 19, 2015 & Req. to Stay, ECF No. 164. In addition, Defendants eventually filed a motion for spoliation sanctions, arguing that Montgomery's Amended Complaint should be dismissed, and Defendants should be awarded attorneys' fees, as a consequence of his failure to produce the software. See Defs.' Mem. of Law Supp. Mot. for Sanctions, ECF No. 166; Pl.'s Praecipe, ECF No. 170. On January 5, 2016, Magistrate Judge Goodman held a lengthy hearing on the sanctions motion. See Tr. of Misc. Mot. Hr'g ("Sanctions Hr'g Tr."), ECF No. 230.

In the interim, discovery closed (although Montgomery filed a motion to extend that deadline, which also remains pending). See Paperless Order, ECF No. 131; see also Pl.'s Mot. for Extension of Time to Reset Disc. Deadline, ECF No. 181. On December 14, 2015, consistent with the deadline set by the district court, and even though their motion to dismiss or transfer remained pending, Defendants filed a motion for summary judgment. [5] See Paperless Order, ECF No. 131; Defs.' Mot. for Summ. J. & Mem. Supp. ("Defs.' Mem. Supp. Summ. J."), ECF No. 201.

5. Montgomery's motion for an extension of time to file his response to Defendants' motion for summary judgment remains outstanding, despite the fact that he later filed that opposition. See Pl.'s Mot. for Extension of Time to File Opp'n, ECF No. 221; see also Pl.'s Mem. Opp'n to Defs.' Mot. for Summ. J., ECF No. 233. The Court grants the motion nunc pro tunc and accepts his opposition as filed.


On January 25, 2016, the district court ruled in part on Defendants' motion to dismiss or transfer. In a four-page order, the district court granted in part Defendants' motion to dismiss or transfer, concluding that the convenience of the parties and the interests of justice warranted transfer under 28 U.S.C. § 1404(a) to the United States District Court for the District of Columbia. See generally Order Grant'g Mot. to Transfer, ECF No. 247. The district court noted that Defendants' motion to dismiss for failure to state a claim remained pending, id. at 4, and the court did not otherwise resolve the various objections to the magistrate judge's discovery rulings, Plaintiff's motion to extend the discovery deadline, or the parties' motions to file various documents under seal. [6] The magistrate judge also was unable to rule on Defendants' motions for sanctions prior to transfer.

6. After this Court ordered the parties to file certain sealed documents that were omitted from the docket as transferred from the Southern District of Florida, Montgomery withdrew his requests to seal. The Court therefore denied those motions as moot. See June 15, 2016 Minute Order.


This action was transferred to this district, and randomly assigned to the undersigned. Since transfer, the parties have completed briefing Defendants' motion for summary judgment. That motion—which the Court concludes subsumes the pending motion to dismiss—is now ripe for determination along with all of the other, outstanding motions. [7] After review of the lengthy record in this case, the pleadings, the relevant transcripts of proceedings, and the parties' various motions, the Court is prepared to rule.

7. After this action was transferred, the Court issued an order requesting that the parties submit a joint status report addressing, among other things: the history of the litigation; any impending events or proceedings that might affect the course of the litigation; which motions and issues remained pending; whether any party sought to withdraw any pending motions; whether any pending motions had become moot, subsumed by other motions, or required additional briefing; and whether any pending motions should be consolidated. See Feb. 3, 2016 Order, ECF No. 257. In their response, Defendants did not seek to withdraw their motion to dismiss, but conceded that "[t]o the extent the motion to dismiss tracks the summary judgment motion, the court can deem it subsumed by the subsequent summary judgment motion." See Joint Status Report at 13, ECF No. 258. Having reviewed both motions, the Court concludes that Defendants' summary judgment motion addresses issues identical to the outstanding issues addressed in Defendants' motion to dismiss. Therefore, the Court will deny Defendants' motion to dismiss as moot. In addition, the Court notes that Montgomery also represented in the parties' joint status report that he would be moving for leave to file a surreply to address certain arguments made in Defendants' reply in support of their motion for summary judgment. See Joint Status Report at 8–9, 13. Montgomery never sought leave to file a surreply, and the Court will decide the motion on the basis of the memoranda that have been filed to date.


III. ANALYSIS

The Court will first resolve the outstanding discovery issues before turning to Defendants' motion for summary judgment.

A. A Note Concerning Choice of Law

At the outset, the Court clarifies the substantive law it will apply in this case. As will become clear, the question is relevant to both the summary judgment motion and the outstanding discovery disputes, because Montgomery claims that the software is wholly irrelevant to this action.

"[T]here is no federal cause of action for defamation," Bartel v. F . A . A . , 725 F.2d 1403, 1405 n. 2 (D.C.Cir.1984), and Montgomery's substantive claims depend on the application of state law. Montgomery's Amended Complaint repeatedly invokes Florida law. See, e.g., Am. Compl. ¶¶ 103–05, 173. In their motion to dismiss, Defendants briefly asserted that District of Columbia law, and not Florida law, would most likely apply to this case, and they provided a more lengthy argument for applying D.C. law in the context of their motion to dismiss under various states' applicable anti-SLAPP statutes. See Defs.' Mot. to Dismiss at 26, ECF No. 52; Defs.' Renewed Special Mot. to Dismiss under the Applicable Anti-SLAPP Statute at 2–5, ECF No. 53. In his opposition to Defendants' motion to dismiss, Montgomery argued that Florida law applies. See Pl.'s Mem. in Opp'n to Defs.' Mot. to Dismiss at 24–29, ECF No. 63. Defendants' motion for summary judgment discusses the issue only in a passing footnote, however, see Defs.' Mem. Supp. Summ. J. at 16 n.6, and Montgomery's opposition fails to discuss the choice of law issue at all. See generally Pl.'s Opp'n to Defs.' Mot. for Summ. J. ("Pl.'s Opp'n"), ECF No. 233. Finally, Defendants' reply in support of their motion for summary judgment asserts in a passing footnote that "[n]ow that the case has been transferred to the District of Columbia, D.C. law clearly applies." Defs.' Reply at 7 n.4, ECF No. 250. Yet, the district court's order did not resolve, let alone discuss, which jurisdiction's substantive law was most likely to apply to this action. Instead, its decision to transfer venue was grounded on other considerations.

In sum, the issue remained unresolved upon transfer, and the parties have not adequately briefed the issue in the context of Defendants' motion for summary judgment. Nevertheless, the Court believes that the question is immaterial. All but one of Defendants' arguments for granting summary judgment in their favor depend upon the application of a federal constitutional limitation on state defamation claims. [8] See, e.g. , Masson v. New Yorker Magazine, Inc. , 501 U.S. 496, 510, 111 S.Ct. 2419, 115 L.Ed.2d 447 (1991) (explaining that "[t]he First Amendment limits California's libel law in various respects"); Garrison v. Louisiana , 379 U.S. 64, 67, 85 S.Ct. 209, 13 L.Ed.2d 125 (1964) (explaining that "the Constitution limits state power" in defamation cases). For example, a plaintiff's inability to assert defamation based on a statement of opinion, a plaintiff's burden to demonstrate falsity (at least in circumstances like these), and the requirement that a limited-purpose public figure show actual malice, each emanate from the Constitution. See, e.g., Masson, 501 U.S. at 510, 111 S.Ct. 2419; Milkovich v. Lorain Journal Co., 497 U.S. 1, 20–21, 110 S.Ct. 2695, 111 L.Ed.2d 1 (1990); Phila. Newspapers, Inc. v. Hepps , 475 U.S. 767, 776, 106 S.Ct. 1558, 89 L.Ed.2d 783 (1986); Gertz v. Robert Welch, Inc., 418 U.S. 323, 342, 94 S.Ct. 2997, 41 L.Ed.2d 789 (1974). These limitations apply with equal force to causes of action arising under D.C. as well as Florida law, and the Court has found no meaningful difference among those jurisdictions' law in faithfully applying those principles. Indeed, Defendants assert that the jurisdictions' law are the same on the issues relevant to their motion, and Montgomery's opposition does not claim otherwise. See Defs.' Mem. Supp. Summ. J. at 16 n.6. As a result, the Court cites to both D.C. and Florida cases as appropriate. Ultimately, the Court's holdings are the same regardless of whether D.C. or Florida law applies.

8. The exception is the common law privilege for fair reporting of official government reports. The law in each state on this question is substantially similar. See infra.


B. Outstanding Discovery Issues

As the Court's description of this case's procedural history makes clear, several discovery issues remain outstanding. Most of the motions involve the software that is at the center of the Chapter's claims. Montgomery had filed several objections to the magistrate judge's orders that he produce that software, and has moved to extend the discovery deadline to allow the search for the software to continue. Defendants have filed a motion for spoliation sanctions based on Montgomery's failure to provide the software. Before proceeding to consider Defendants' motion for summary judgment, the Court must resolve these motions.

1. Background

Some background regarding this dispute is necessary to understand the parties' motions and the Court's ultimate ruling. In their first set of production requests, Defendants requested that Montgomery produce his software. See Defs.' First Set of Interrogs. & First Set of Requests for Prod. of Docs. to Pl. at 12, ECF No. 90-1 at 13 (request number eight). In response to that request, Montgomery asserted a blanket objection "to any interrogatories or document request regarding a copy of his software," on grounds of "confidentiality, intellectual property rights, legal restrictions on the Plaintiff responding, that the individual document request by its nature is unreasonably burdensome and oppressive, that the total number of document requests is unreasonably burdensome, oppressive and harassing, and also on the grounds that the request is neither relevant nor reasonably calculated to lead to admissible evidence." Pl.'s Resps. to Defs.' First Set of Doc. Reqs. to Pl. at 7, ECF No. 90-2 at 34. Based on those grounds "and other considerations," Montgomery asserted that he "[would] not produce a copy of any software." Id. Notably, Montgomery did not claim that he did not possess or have control over the software.

Defendants eventually noted a discovery dispute with the court, and Magistrate Judge Goodman scheduled a hearing for August 21, 2015. In their papers, Defendants cited and reproduced a Nevada federal district court's orders from Montgomery's lawsuit against eTreppid in which the software had been excluded from a government-endorsed Protective Order. In that case, Montgomery had been ordered to produce, and then held in contempt for not producing, his software. See Defs.' Pre-Hearing Mem. at 2–3, ECF No. 94; id. Exs. 2–6. On August 19, two days prior to the discovery hearing before Magistrate Judge Goodman, Montgomery apparently turned over what he would later claim is his only copy of the software to the FBI, along with a large volume of other computer drives and electronic information, in connection with an unrelated criminal investigation. [9] At his deposition, which was held on August 20, he confirmed this series of events. See Montgomery Dep. at 127:12–133:19, ECF No. 166-2. And at the motion hearing the next day, Montgomery's counsel, Mr. Klayman, represented to the court that the software had been turned over to the FBI. See, e.g. , Tr. of Disc. Hr'g at 6:25–7:10, ECF No. 110. Mr. Klayman also conceded that Defense counsel was not given advanced warning of the transfer, but he did represent that Montgomery had arranged to have "continuing access to documentation which is not classified." Id. at 16:21–17:4.

9. Both in their filings and throughout the course of the discovery dispute, Montgomery and his counsel repeatedly invoke this purported whistleblower investigation concerning illegal government surveillance on American citizens, legislators, judges, and other persons. Beyond the fact that Montgomery claims that the software relevant to this case was bound up among the material he provided to the FBI to substantiate his allegations, he never meaningfully explains any connection between those allegations and the subject of the Chapter. Therefore, the Court will not discuss it further. In his Amended Complaint, Montgomery does allege that Defendants' "tortious actions alleged herein were furthered and aided and abetted by the CIA and the NSA, who want to destroy Plaintiff Montgomery to prevent him from disclosing as a whistleblower the full extent of their unconstitutional and illegal Government surveillance on American citizens to the Congress, the Inspector General, and to the courts." Am. Compl. ¶ 256. Beyond the fact that Risen admits he spoke with certain CIA officials and officials from other government agencies, Montgomery has provided no evidence supporting this allegation. He also suggests that government officials are "falsely discrediting me to cover up wrong-doing." Am. Compl. Ex. C. ¶ 61. To the extent this allegation is relevant to Montgomery's claims that government officials' potential for bias should have provided Risen with reason to doubt the allegations made in the Chapter, the Court considers those assertions in the actual malice context, below.


Following the hearing, Magistrate Judge Goodman ordered Montgomery to "use his self-described right of continued access to non-classified information ... and produce the software to Defendants" by September 4, and to advise FBI General Counsel James Baker and Assistant U.S. Attorney Deborah Curtis of the order. Post-Disc. Hr'g Order at 2–3, ECF No. 107. Montgomery moved to stay that order pending resolution of his objection to the order before the district court, but Magistrate Judge Goodman denied that motion. See Pl.'s Mot. to Stay Implementation of Para. 5 of Magistrate's Order of Aug. 22, 2015, ECF No. 112; Order Den. Pl.'s Mot. to Stay One Para. of Disc. Order, ECF No. 122.

Montgomery failed to produce the software, and instead filed an objection to the magistrate judge's order, which remains pending. See Pl.'s Obj. to Portions of Magistrate Judge's Order of Aug. 22, 2015, ECF No. 125. His primary argument was that the software is "nothing more than a red herring" and irrelevant to the litigation because Risen admits he never reviewed or had access to the software when writing his book. Id. at 3–6. In addition, Montgomery argued that Defendants had not properly designated an expert witness to analyze the software, because they had only provided the name of the expert and not the additional information required by Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 26.1. Id. at 7.

On September 8, 2015, James Baker, the FBI's General Counsel, responded by letter, disputing Mr. Klayman's representations concerning Montgomery's continued access to the software and stating that Montgomery "did not associate potential retrieval of this information [certain personal information] with any pending civil litigation." Letter from James A. Baker, Gen. Counsel, FBI, to Larry Klayman (Sept. 8, 2015), ECF No. 126. Mr. Baker also wrote that the government "resolved to treat the materials under review as presumptively classified for security purposes," and "neither agreed to undertake, nor understood any obligation to conduct, a classification review of any of these materials for the purpose of any civil litigation." Id. Nevertheless, the government stated that it would be "prepared to facilitate Mr. Montgomery's reasonable access to unclassified information resident on the drives" but noted the burden that the government would undertake if it were to search for the software, without specific instructions, among the 51.6 million files and 600 million pages of documents Montgomery represented were contained on the hard drives. Id. As a result, the government requested that Montgomery provide several pieces of information necessary to identify the software, and said that if the software was located "appropriate U.S. Government agencies and/or departments will conduct a classification review of the software." Id. Mr. Klayman and his paralegal thereafter filed declarations reiterating that they did inform the government that Montgomery was involved in civil litigation and that Defendants had asked for access to the software. See Notice of Filing of Decls., ECF No. 127.

Magistrate Judge Goodman held a second hearing on October 16, 2015. At that hearing, Mr. Klayman argued that he was not certain whether the software was in fact contained among the materials turned over to the FBI. Tr. of Disc. Hr'g at 10:17–22, ECF No. 163. He also claimed that he did not know whether or not the software was classified. Id. at 15:20–16:9. Following the hearing, Magistrate Judge Goodman ordered Montgomery to turn over to the FBI a comprehensive set of instructions as to how to pinpoint the software, and to produce the software to the Defendants by October 26, 2015. He also instructed Montgomery to produce all of his correspondence with the FBI up until that point.
See Post-Disc. Hr'g Admin. Order, ECF No. 154.

On October 21, Montgomery then filed an affidavit contending, for the first time, that "upon searching my memory, I do not believe that I have had access to any of the subject software, nor did I provide it to the [FBI] when I turned over the drives." Montgomery Decl., ECF No. 158-1. Nevertheless, he claimed that he would provide additional information to the FBI that would enable the agency to locate the software, if it existed, on his drives.

On October 23, in an e-mail to Mr. Klayman, FBI Assistant General Counsel Ted Schwartz informed Mr. Klayman that Montgomery had not provided the information the agency requested in its September 8, 2015 letter. See E-mail from Ted Schwartz, Assistant Gen. Counsel, FBI, to Larry Klayman (Oct. 23, 2015, 3:44 PM), ECF No. 166-4. Mr. Schwartz also pointed out that Montgomery had now represented that he does not believe the software was located on the drives. Id. Therefore, Mr. Schwartz stated that "the FBI will not search the drives to locate software requested in the Risen litigation." Id.


On October 26, 2015, Montgomery filed another objection to Magistrate Judge Goodman's most recent order that he produce the software, claiming that he had made a good faith effort to facilitate the search of the software. See Pl.'s Obj. to Magistrate Judge's Order of Oct. 19, 2015 & Req. Stay, ECF No. 164. Despite Mr. Schwartz's October 23 representation to the contrary, Montgomery claimed that the "FBI is working with due speed to search through the millions of files in order to determine whether such software does exist in the documents provided by Plaintiff," and again reiterated his contentions that the software was not relevant and that Defendants had failed to properly designate an expert to analyze it. Id. at 6, 10–11. Shortly thereafter, Defendants filed a motion for spoliation sanctions, arguing that Montgomery had spoliated the software by providing his only copy to the FBI. See Defs.' Mem. Supp. Mot. for Sanctions, ECF No. 166. Defendants sought dismissal of the case and attorneys' fees. See id. at 1.

On December 11, 2015, Mr. Schwartz informed Mr. Klayman, by e-mail, that because Mr. Montgomery had not provided the necessary information and no longer believed that the FBI was in possession of the software, the agency's October 23 position—that they would not search for the software—remained unchanged. [10] See E-mail from Ted Schwartz, Assistant Gen. Counsel, FBI, to Larry Klayman (Dec. 11, 2015, 10:43 PM), ECF No. 196-1.

10. Although Montgomery initially moved to file Mr. Klayman's communications with the FBI regarding the search for the software under seal, he has since withdrawn that request. The communications can be found on the docket at ECF No. 273. Those filings include several e-mails from Mr. Klayman to General Counsel James Baker in November 2015 raising concerns about Mr. Schwartz's responses, but there is no indication in the record of Mr. Baker's response, if any.


Nevertheless, Mr. Klayman represented at the January 5, 2016 sanctions hearing that officials on the "criminal side" of the FBI continue to search for the software, at least incidentally. He argued that Mr. Schwartz and those on the "civil side" of the FBI were not involved in that process. He claimed that they were searching everything on Montgomery's drives as part of the criminal investigation and that Mr. Klayman continued to advise them to keep the software relevant to this litigation in mind. See Sanctions Hr'g Tr. at 54:4–58:15. [11]

11. In response to Magistrate Judge Goodman's invitation, Defendants filed five specific questions for the court to ask Montgomery's counsel during the sanctions hearing, requesting that the document be sealed, at a minimum, through the conclusion of the hearing. See Defs.' Mot. to Seal, ECF No. 210; see also Defs.' Renewed Mot. to Seal, ECF No. 269. That hearing having concluded, the Court will deny the motion to seal.
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Part 2 of 4

2. Montgomery's Objections to the Magistrate Judge's Orders

With this history in mind, the Court overrules Montgomery's objections to Magistrate Judge Goodman's orders. A district court will only set aside a magistrate judge's order with respect to a non-dispositive matter, like a discovery order, if the order "is clearly erroneous or is contrary to law." Fed. R. Civ. P. 72(a) ; see D.D.C. Local Civ. R. 72.2(c). The magistrate judge's decision is "entitled to great deference," and "the court will affirm the magistrate judge's determination unless on the entire evidence the court is left with the definite and firm conviction that a mistake has been committed." Beale v. District of Columbia , 545 F.Supp.2d 8, 13 (D.D.C.2008) (internal quotation marks and citations omitted). The magistrate judge's orders that Montgomery produce the relevant software were not clearly erroneous and, to explain why, it is not necessary to discuss in detail every minute contention among the parties regarding the software issue. A few observations suffice.

Most importantly, although Montgomery claims that the software is irrelevant, he is wrong. In making that argument, Montgomery has conflated the distinct inquires for actual malice and falsity. See 3 Rodney A. Smolla, Smolla and Nimmer on Freedom of Speech § 23:6 (2016) ("Wholly aside from the fault requirements that have been engrafted upon modern defamation law by the First Amendment, the First Amendment does not permit liability for defamation unless the plaintiff also demonstrates that the defamatory statement was a false statement of fact." (second emphasis added)). Actual malice focuses on the subjective state of mind of the defendant. Falsity, by contrast, focuses on the objective truth of the defendant's assertions. Therefore, it does not matter "if the defendant doesn't know the truth of the matter when he makes the defamatory statement"; "[s]o long as what he says turns out to be true, he is free from liability." Bustos v. A & E Television Networks , 646 F.3d 762, 764 (10th Cir.2011). "[T]ruth, whenever discovered, serves as a complete defense." Id.

Montgomery cites three reasons why the software is irrelevant. First, he repeatedly emphasizes that Defendants did not raise the defense of truth as a ground for dismissal in their motion to dismiss. See, e.g. , Pl.'s Obj. to Portions of Magistrate Judge's Order of Aug. 22, 2015 at 3–6. That omission has no bearing, however. Defendants do not have an obligation to raise every anticipated defense in a motion to dismiss. [12] They did not waive a potential evidence- or merits-based defense of falsity by failing to raise it in their motion to dismiss. Indeed, falsity is the sort of defense that one might think, in many cases, depends on examination of factual evidence. For example, it might have been difficult to argue at the motion to dismiss stage that Montgomery's allegation the software worked was implausible . Once armed with evidence at the summary judgment stage, though, it is possible to argue, as Defendants do now, that the evidence does not support that allegation. Nor is Montgomery's repeated assertion that Risen never reviewed the software or other governmental materials either relevant or well-taken. See, e.g. , id. at 6. Regardless of what Risen subjectively believed or relied on to form that belief, Montgomery still has the basic burden to show that the Chapter's assertions were false.

12. And, of course, Defendants never filed an Answer in this case because their motion to dismiss remained unresolved throughout discovery and summary judgment briefing.


Second, Montgomery contends that the software is irrelevant because he can succeed on a defamation claim solely by showing actual malice or ill will. See, e.g. , Sanctions Hr'g Tr. at 22:25–26:15; see also Pl.'s Opp'n at 22–23. As a matter of law, he is wrong. "[W]here discussion of public affairs is concerned," the "truth may not be the subject of either civil or criminal sanctions," Garrison , 379 U.S. at 74, 85 S.Ct. 209, and the plaintiff must "show the falsity of the statements at issue to prevail in a suit for defamation," Phila. Newspapers, Inc. , 475 U.S. at 775, 106 S.Ct. 1558. This is particularly so when the plaintiff is a public figure, the issue concerns public affairs, or the plaintiff must show actual malice. In direct contradiction to Montgomery's argument, the Supreme Court has "long held that ... actual malice entails falsity ." Air Wis. Airlines Corp. v. Hoeper , ––– U.S. ––––, 134 S.Ct. 852, 861, 187 L.Ed.2d 744 (2014) (emphasis added). [13]

13. To be sure, the Court has also "carefully eschewed" a categorical rule that there are absolutely no circumstances in which a truthful statement could be actionable, "mindful that the future may bring scenarios which prudence counsels [the Court] not resolving anticipatorily." The Fla. Star v. B.J.F., 491 U.S. 524, 532, 109 S.Ct. 2603, 105 L.Ed.2d 443 (1989). Even if that question remains open, it is viewed as "largely academic" because "[o]nly in the rarest cases have courts permitted liability in a defamation action based on a true and defamatory statement." 1 Robert D. Sack, Sack on Defamation § 3:3.2[A], at 3-10 (4th ed. 2015). If a plaintiff is not a private figure or the speech is of public concern, there is no doubt that falsity is a constitutionally required element of a defamation claim. Id. at §§ 3:3.1, 3.3.2[A].


The handful of cases Montgomery cites are not to the contrary. See Pl.'s List of Auth. Pursuant to Order of Jan. 6, 2016, ECF No. 226. He cites two cases describing the Florida Constitution which could be read, when taken out of context, to permit a plaintiff to succeed on a defamation claim based on a true statement. The Florida Constitution provides, in relevant part, that "[i]f the matter charged as defamatory is true and was published with good motives, the [defendant] shall be acquitted or exonerated." Fla. Const. art. I, § 4 (emphasis added). Yet, the Supreme Court held in Garrison that "[t]ruth may not be the subject of either criminal or civil sanctions where discussion of public affairs is concerned," and held these types of provisions unconstitutional in most circumstances. 379 U.S. at 74, 85 S.Ct. 209 ; see also 1 Robert D. Sack, Sack on Defamation § 3:3.2[A], at 3-6 & n.19 (4th ed. 2015) (citing Florida constitution, among others, and explaining that the "qualification is unconstitutional, at least in most cases"). In line with this limitation, the Florida Supreme Court regularly recites the cause of action for defamation as requiring the plaintiff to show falsity. See, e.g. , Jews For Jesus, Inc. v. Rapp , 997 So.2d 1098, 1106 (Fla.2008) (proving defamation requires "(1) publication, (2) falsity , (3) [that the] actor must [have actual malice or act negligently]; (4) actual damages; and (5) [that the] statement must be defamatory" (emphasis added)). "A plethora" of Florida cases "exist which proclaim that a required element of defamation is a false statement made about another." See Cape Publ'ns, Inc. v. Reakes , 840 So.2d 277, 279–80 (Fla.Dist.Ct.App.2003) (footnote omitted). The outcome is not different under District of Columbia law, where a plaintiff must show "that the defendant made a false and defamatory statement concerning the plaintiff," among other elements. Doe No. 1 v. Burke , 91 A.3d 1031, 1044 (D.C.2014) (emphasis added) (quoting Rosen v. Am. Isr. Pub. Affairs Comm., Inc. , 41 A.3d 1250, 1256 (D.C.2012) ).

To be sure, a few cases interpreting Florida law—including the two that Montgomery cites—continue to recite that truth is not a complete defense to defamation unless accompanied by a good motive. As other Florida decisions note, these cases "create confusion," Cape Publ'ns , 840 So.2d at 279 n. 2, particularly when presented as a broad principle and not cabined to their proper context. For example, one case cites the relevant Florida constitutional provision in a footnote but expressly clarifies that whether truthful defamation is actionable "depend[s] upon whether a ‘public interest’ is involved." Lewis v. Evans , 406 So.2d 489, 492 (Fla.Dist.Ct.App.1981). In the other case, Finch v. City of Vernon , the Eleventh Circuit briefly noted that the Florida Constitution permits liability in defamation for a statement, even if true, that was made "with ill will." See 877 F.2d 1497, 1504 (11th Cir.1989). But, the discussion is dicta and the court's analysis was limited. The court was resolving a defendant's argument that the district court had erred in denying the admission of character evidence to prove the truth of the defendant's statements. Id. The court first noted that the defendant had not identified what evidence he would have introduced, and thus the court was unable to determine "whether the district court abused its discretion in excluding it." Id. In the alternative, the court merely stated, without analysis, that because publication of a true statement with ill will can be defamatory, and the defendant did not argue the evidence was insufficient to show ill will, his argument would not have prevailed in any event. Id. Neither of these cases support Montgomery's broad proposition.

And the other cited cases involve claims that a defamatory impression could be inferred from true statements. So-called defamation by implication, as the Florida Supreme Court has recognized, has "a longstanding history in defamation law." Jews for Jesus, 997 So.2d at 1106. Even in such cases, though, courts focus not on whether an injury arises from the true statements themselves, but rather on the "false impression given by the juxtaposition or omission of facts." See id. at 1108 n. 13 (emphasis added). Accordingly, "truth remains an available defense," and all of the "protections [that] defamation law ... afford[s] to the media ... extend[ ] to the tort of defamation by implication." Id. at 1108 & n.13. [14]

14. The final case Montgomery cites, Noonan v. Staples, Inc., involved a pure matter of private concern and a private individual. See 556 F.3d 20 (1st Cir.2009). Even there, the First Circuit explained—in line with Supreme Court precedent—that "in the public-figure context, the ‘actual malice’ test applies to statements of public concern, an area in which defamatory true statements are not actionable at all." Id. at 29. The court explained that Massachusetts' "exception to the truth defense is not constitutional when applied to matters of public concern." Id. at 28 n. 7. On a motion for rehearing, Staples later raised the broader constitutional question of whether an exception to a defense of truth is ever constitutional, but the First Circuit declined to consider it because the "argument was not developed now and was never raised in the initial briefing." Id. ; see also Order denying rehearing, Noonan v. Staples, 556 F.3d 20 (1st Cir.2009) (No. 07-2159). Commentary treats the decision as an "anomaly." 1 Sack, supra, § 3:3.2[A], at 3-10.


As the Court explains below, Montgomery is a limited-purpose public figure and the Chapter's statements are undoubtedly of public concern. See infra Part III.C.4.a. Thus, falsity is an element Montgomery must establish in order to succeed on his defamation claims, and evidence demonstrating falsity is of critical relevance. At the same time, the issue would be no less relevant even if Montgomery anticipated that a court would conclude he is merely a private individual (and if Defendants were found to be non-media defendants). In those circumstances, at least under Florida law, truth operates as a defense to a plaintiff's claim, rather than an element the plaintiff must prove. See, e.g. , In re Standard Jury Instructions in Civil Cases – Report No. 09 – 01 ( Reorganization of the Civil Jury Instructions) , 35 So.3d 666, 729–30 (Fla.2010). But see Hepps , 475 U.S. at 776, 106 S.Ct. 1558 (holding that, in a case where a "private figure" brings a defamation claim based on a matter "of public concern," the "common law's rule on falsity—that the defendant must bear the burden of proving truth—must ... fall ... to a constitutional requirement that the plaintiff bear the burden of showing falsity" (emphasis added)). Whether in an effort to rebut Montgomery's prima facie case or to establish their own affirmative defense, Defendants must be afforded an opportunity to probe the issue of truth during discovery. [15] As a third ground for finding the software irrelevant, Montgomery claims that the software's workability forms only a small part of his defamation claim, and that "the majority of the defamatory statements have nothing to do with the software or whether it worked in whole or in part." Pl.'s Opp'n at 2; see also Sanctions Hr'g Tr. at 80:20–21. It is not clear to the Court why more limited emphasis on the software would excuse Montgomery from producing it, so long as some of his claims were based on the software. Regardless, even a cursory review of Montgomery's Amended Complaint show that his argument is dramatically at odds with the claims he presses. Nearly all of Montgomery's claims that the asserted statements are defamatory involve contesting Defendants' statements that his work is a hoax or fabrication, the implication that the CIA had been conned by Montgomery, or the assertion that the technology was worthless. See Am. Compl. ¶¶ 107, 108, 112, 113, 120, 122, 124, 126, 127, 129, 131, 133, 135, 136, 138, 142, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, 150, 152, 154, 155, 158, 169, 182, 184, 185, 187, 190, 194, 200, 202, 204, 206, 208, 210, 212, 216, 218, 220, 222, 224, 230, 232, 234, 236.

15. For these reasons, the Court places no reliance on the CIA's response to Defendants' Touhy requests for documentary evidence and testimony, which Montgomery claims reinforce his argument that the software is irrelevant. In the agency's initial response—before a determination had been made about producing any information—the agency preserved a boilerplate objection that Defendants had failed to satisfy their burden to show the information is relevant to their defenses because "[t]he validity of th[ose] defenses turns ... on what the defendants knew or should have known at the time of the challenged statements, not on what the government knew." See Letter from Raphael O. Gomez, Senior Trial Att'y, U.S. Dep't of Justice, to Laura R. Handman (Oct. 16, 2015), ECF No. 273-1 at 25. Respectfully, for the reasons just explained, the Court believes this legal conclusion is erroneous. See 3 Smolla, supra, § 23:6 ("Wholly aside from the fault requirements... the First Amendment does not permit liability for defamation unless the plaintiff also demonstrates that the defamatory statement was a false statement of fact." (emphasis added)).


Having confirmed that the software is relevant, the Court also rejects Montgomery's contention that Defendants forfeited their right to the software by failing to disclose information regarding their named expert witness by the August 3, 2015 deadline. See, e.g. , Pl.'s Obj. to Portions of Magistrate Judge's Order of Aug. 22, 2015 at 7–8. As Magistrate Judge Goodman concluded, this argument is "circular and unconvincing," because Defendants could not produce an expert report without the underlying software the expert was to analyze. Order Den. Pl.'s Mot. to Stay One Para. of Disc. Order, ECF No. 122. In addition, Defendants have since served Montgomery with a partial report including the expert's qualifications, so any omissions were harmless. See Fed. R. Civ. P. 37(c)(1).

Nor does Montgomery's or his counsel's alleged uncertainty about the location or classification of the software provide grounds for excusing his ability to produce it or for finding that he had no duty to preserve the evidence. Montgomery now invokes Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 34, which states that a party may only request production of items "in the responding party's possession, custody, or control." Fed. R. Civ. P. 34(a)(1) ; see, e.g. , Pl.'s Obj. to Magistrate Judge's Order of Oct. 19, 2015 & Req. to Stay at 6. But it is revealing that Montgomery never objected initially on the ground that he did not possess or control the software. See Pl.'s Resps. to Defs.' First Set of Doc. Reqs. to Pl. at 7, ECF No. 90-2 at 34. Montgomery's belated change in position is difficult to credit, and it is likely he waived his eleventh-hour claim that he never in fact had possession of the software.Moreover, in turning over several drives to the FBI at a time when they did believe Montgomery had possession of the software, Montgomery and his counsel took action which they should have reasonably understood would place a requested document out of Defendants' reach. [16] And they did so without informing Defendants and without seeking leave of the Court. This fact is all the more problematic because Mr. Klayman indicates that it took a significant amount of time to coordinate turning over the information to the FBI—coordination that included negotiation of a production immunity agreement for Montgomery and extensive efforts to set up a meeting at which the physical hard drives would be turned over. See, e.g. , Tr. of Disc. Hr'g at 33:2–4, ECF No. 110 (asserting that the process "has been under way for many, many months before the lawsuit was even filed"). Therefore, Montgomery and Mr. Klayman had more than an adequate amount of time to look for and sequester the software in the nearly three months that passed between Defendants first requested production of the software and when Montgomery allegedly turned it over to the FBI. Having filed a defamation lawsuit in which the working nature of Plaintiff's software is a critical issue, it was Montgomery's and his counsel's obligation to retain a copy for purposes of the litigation—particularly in light of the fact that Montgomery and his counsel were aware that a request for production had been made in that regard. And, as explained below in the context of resolving Defendants' motion for summary judgment, failure to produce or retain the software, for whatever reason (including that it might be classified), leaves Montgomery unable to provide evidence supporting an essential element of his claim. Excusing Montgomery's failure to provide that evidence would overlook the fact that he never asserted in his initial objections to the production request that he did not possess the software, and would encourage litigants to file lawsuits without reviewing or retaining critical evidence necessary to prove their claims.

16. Mr. Klayman now asserts that he was more equivocal at the August 21 discovery hearing about the software's inclusion among the drives. See Sanctions Hr'g at 28:23–40:17; Pl.'s Notice of Filing Related to Alleged Software, ECF No. 228. While a few of his statements during that hearing were couched in uncertainty, the vast majority were expressed without qualification. For example, the following exchange occurred:

THE COURT: The FBI has the software?

MR. KLAYMAN: They have the software, yes.

THE COURT: How did they get it?

MR. KLAYMAN: Because Mr. Montgomery provided it to them.

THE COURT: When?

MR. KLAYMAN: He provided it to them three days ago. It has been in the process to provide that to them and he provided them a lot of other information too, which they are looking at because it is classified information and he is a whistleblower.

Tr. of Disc. Hr'g at 6:25–7:10, ECF No. 110; see also id. at 7:25–8:18 (representing that "relative to this case the software is included" in what was turned over to the FBI). For his part, Mr. Klayman now states that he has never even seen or reviewed the software that forms the basis of Montgomery's complaint—and partially offers that as an explanation for why he does not know if the software was ever turned over. See, e.g., Sanctions Hr'g Tr. at 31:24–32:3; id. at 50:20–25; id. at 65:24–66:3; id. at 114:20–21. This assertion implies that Mr. Klayman filed this lawsuit without a rigorous attempt to verify the claims that the software did in fact work—claims he asserted were false and defamatory. The Court is not insensitive to Mr. Klayman's assertion that the software is classified (despite the absence of any real evidence showing it is), but his admissions nevertheless raise serious questions about whether he conducted the investigation necessary to meet his obligations as counsel under Rule 11.


The Court also has serious reason to doubt that the software is, in fact, classified, and would not be subject to production. For one thing, orders issued in a Nevada case between Montgomery and eTreppid specifically noted that the government had not deemed the software classified or subject to the state secrets privilege in that proceeding. That privilege "is a common law evidentiary rule that protects information from discovery when disclosure would be inimical to the national security." In re United States , 872 F.2d 472, 474 (D.C.Cir.1989). The privilege "belongs to the Government and must be asserted by it; it can neither be claimed nor waived by a private party." United States v. Reynolds , 345 U.S. 1, 7, 73 S.Ct. 528, 97 L.Ed. 727 (1953) (footnotes omitted). In the Nevada case, the Government intervened and asserted the state secrets privilege over certain documents—but the Protective Order entered explicitly did not preclude the parties "from serving or taking any discovery from other parties or third parties relating to, or questioning ... [t]he computer source code, software, programs, or technical specifications relating to any technology owned or claimed by any of the Parties." See ECF No. 94-2. A magistrate judge handling that case subsequently rejected Montgomery's claims that he could not defend the case without violating his "secrecy oath and compromising national security," noting that the "clear understanding in drafting and issuing th[e] protective order was that the parties would be discussing the nature and capabilities of the technology, and the type of work each party performed for the government." See Order Regarding Source Code Disc., ECF No. 94-3. The United States, which participated in aspects of that litigation, did not take a contrary position.

Other than Mr. Klayman's unsubstantiated say-so, the Court perceives no reason to doubt the Nevada court's conclusion and find that the software is classified. [17] The Government has not attempted to intervene in this case, despite the fact that it is well aware of the ongoing dispute over the software. Moreover, the CIA's response to Defendants' Touhy requests indicated that they did affirmatively search for a copy of Montgomery's software and represented that they were unable to locate it. The CIA explicitly did not decline to conduct a search at all on the ground that the material was likely to be classified, as the agency did with respect to the other documents requested. See Letter from JoDean Morrow, Assistant Gen. Counsel, CIA, to Laura R. Handman (Nov. 13, 2015), ECF No. 178-3. The same is true for the Air Force's Touhy response. See Letter from Robert F. Booth, Chief, Gen. Litig. Div., U.S. Air Force, to Laura R. Handman (Mar. 10, 2016), ECF No. 263.

17. Mr. Klayman asserted that he did not read those orders that way, see Tr. of Disc. Hr'g at 40:7–22, ECF No. 110, but as Defendants point out, Montgomery, represented by the same counsel, appears to have argued before the Ninth Circuit that the software and all other documents at issue in the prior Nevada case were determined to be not classified, see Emergency Mot. for Stay on Appeal, ECF No. 103-1 at v. At the August 21, 2015 motions hearing, Mr. Klayman argued that he did not write that brief. See Tr. of Disc. Hr'g at 42:11–43:12, ECF No. 110. Later in that same hearing, however, Mr. Klayman admitted he was not aware of any Nevada opinion holding that the software was classified. Id. at 45:25–46:25.


Finally, to the extent Montgomery relies on the FBI's continued efforts to search for the software as reason to object to the magistrate judge's orders, the Court rejects those grounds for failing to comply with Magistrate Judge Goodman's orders. Nothing indicates that a search remains ongoing. To date, over five months since the sanctions hearing, seven months since discovery closed, and ten months since Montgomery turned his hard drives over to the FBI, the Court is unaware of anything in the record to indicate that the FBI continues to look for the software. And neither party has informed the Court that the agency has found it. [18]

18. Montgomery also filed a motion to extend discovery on this ground, even after Mr. Schwartz's October 23 e-mail stated that the FBI would not continue to search for the software. See Pl.'s Mot. for Extension of Time to Reset Disc. Deadline, ECF No. 181. To the extent the motion has not been mooted by the Southern District of Florida's failure to act on the motion before summary judgment briefing was concluded, the Court will deny it. As explained above, the FBI's representations that are in the record state that because Mr. Montgomery had failed to provide then necessary information to conduct that search, the FBI would no longer expend resources to look for it. There is no need to extend discovery for the FBI to undertake a search it has definitively represented it will not conduct, and there is no other indication that a search remains ongoing. The other reasons pressed for an extension—the pendency of two motions to compel—are now moot because those motions have been rejected or otherwise decided, or the documents Mr. Montgomery sought have been produced, so far as the Court is aware. See Pl.'s Suppl. to Mot. for Extension of Time to Reset Disc. Deadline, ECF No. 182; see Sanctions Hr'g Tr. at 6:20–7:9, 71:21–72:2. To the extent any motions to compel remain pending, Montgomery's opposition to Defendants' summary judgment motion does not claim that he was prejudiced by any outstanding discovery.


For all of the foregoing reasons, the Court overrules Montgomery's objections to the magistrate judge's discovery orders concerning the production of the software.

3. Motion for Spoliation Sanctions

The fact remains that Montgomery never produced his software despite Defendants' request and several court orders to do so. And that leaves Defendants' motion for spoliation sanctions. [19] A party has a duty to preserve potentially relevant evidence once litigation is anticipated. Chen v. District of Columbia , 839 F.Supp.2d 7, 12 (D.D.C.2011). A party that does not do so may be accused of spoliation—"the destruction or material alteration of evidence or the failure to preserve property for another's use as evidence in pending or reasonably foreseeable litigation"—and be subject to sanctions. Id. (quoting D'Onofrio v. SFX Sports Grp., Inc. , No. 06–687, 2010 WL 3324964, at *5 & n. 5 (D.D.C. Aug. 24, 2010) ). A court may impose several possible sanctions for spoliation, including the assessment of fines or attorneys' fees and costs, the preclusion of certain lines of argument, an adverse inference instruction, or a default judgment and dismissal of a party's case. Id. The Court's authority "must be exercised with restraint and discretion." Id.

19. Montgomery also filed an objection to Magistrate Judge Goodman's September 15, 2015 order prohibiting him from asking Houghton Mifflin's officers and directors about Houghton Mifflin's net worth or about officers' alleged failure to disclose this lawsuit in SEC filings and purported insider trading that arose out of that omission. See Pl.'s Obj. to Limited Portions of Magistrate Judge's Post-Disc. Hr'g Order, ECF No. 143; see also Post-Disc. Hr'g Order at 2, ECF No. 136 (addressing deposition topics 8 and 9); Pl.'s Suppl. to Obj. to Limited Portions of Magistrate Judge's Post-Disc. Hr'g Order, Ex. 1, ECF No. 144 (reproducing notices of deposition). Magistrate Judge Goodman concluded that the net worth line of questioning was premature because it related to punitive damages, and that the insider trading and SEC allegations were an improper subject for deposition and irrelevant to the defamation claims made in this case. See Tr. of Mot. Hr'g at 21:2–18, ECF No. 145. Montgomery does not raise any SEC or insider trading-related claims for relief in this litigation. And Montgomery's opposition on the net worth issue does not even acknowledge that the magistrate judge ruled that inquiry was premature at this time, a ruling that is amply supportable. See Kubicki ex rel . Kubicki v. Medtronic, 307 F.R.D. 291, 298 (D.D.C.2014) (explaining that discovery of a defendant's financial condition, as relevant to the issue of punitive damages, is premature until the court concludes that the issue of punitive damages is properly before it); accord Haaf v. Flagler Const. Equip., LLC, No. 10–62321–CIV, 2011 WL 1871159, at *2–3 (S.D.Fla. May 16, 2011). Thus, the magistrate judge's conclusions were not clearly erroneous, and Montgomery's objection is overruled. In any event, neither issue appears relevant to resolving Defendants' pending motion for summary judgment.


Defendants seek dismissal of Montgomery's complaint both because of his failure to preserve and produce the software and because he violated the court's repeated orders to produce the software. Such a punitive sanction is only justified when:

(1) the other party has been so prejudiced by the misconduct that it would be unfair to require [the party] to proceed further in the case; (2) the party's misconduct has put an intolerable burden on the court by requiring the court to modify its own docket and operations in order to accommodate the delay; or (3) the court finds it necessary to sanction conduct that is disrespectful to the court and to deter similar misconduct in the future.

Clarke v. Wash. Metro. Area Transit Auth. , 904 F.Supp.2d 11, 21 (D.D.C.2012) (citing Webb v. District of Columbia , 146 F.3d 964, 971 (D.C.Cir.1998) ). Circuit law also "establishes that the Court may only grant a motion for punitive spoliation sanctions if the moving party demonstrates by clear and convincing evidence that the opposing party destroyed relevant evidence in bad faith ." Landmark Legal Found. v. EPA , 82 F.Supp.3d 211, 220 (D.D.C.2015) (emphasis in original) (citing Shep he rd v. ABC, Inc. , 62 F.3d 1469, 1477 (D.C.Cir.1995) ).

Although the Court is substantially troubled by Montgomery's and his counsel's conduct in this case, the Court will deny Defendants' motion. As explained below, the Court ultimately finds summary judgment warranted in favor of Defendants on the merits of this case. In favorably resolving Defendants' motion for summary judgment, the Court provides Defendants in practical terms much of the result they seek in their spoliation motion—judgment in their favor—albeit by a different route. As Magistrate Judge Goodman's pre-hearing order indicated, a number of factual and legal questions are raised in the particular context of this case which would make resolution of the spoliation issue labor intensive. See generally Order Scheduling Hr'g on Defs.' Spoliation Sanctions Mot. (with Specific, Add'l Requirements), ECF No. 191. Despite Montgomery's and his counsel's actions, the Court is hesitant to allocate additional judicial resources to this discovery dispute, beyond the considerable resources already expended, for little additional gain. Therefore, in light of the Court's entry of summary judgment in favor of Defendants, the Court will deny Defendants' motion for spoliation sanctions. [20]

20. If the judgment in this case were ever reversed, thereby removing the basis for the Court's denial of Defendants' motion for spoliation sanctions, the Court would entertain a renewed motion.


C. Defendants' Motion for Summary Judgment

Defendants also move for summary judgment on several grounds. As explained below, the Court agrees that summary judgment is warranted here for several reasons. First, the Court agrees with Defendants that several statements Risen made in the Chapter or in ensuing interviews are non-actionable statements of subjective opinion or loose, hyperbolic language that is protected as a matter of law. Second, without record evidence demonstrating that Montgomery's technology actually worked, Montgomery is unable to show that there is a genuine dispute of material fact regarding the material truth of the Chapter's assertions, and therefore cannot support the element of falsity. Third, even assuming, arguendo , that Montgomery could show falsity, he fails to point the Court to sufficient evidence from which a rational jury could conclude by clear and convincing evidence that Defendants published the Chapter with actual malice; in fact, the record contains overwhelming evidence to the contrary. Finally, because summary judgment is warranted on Montgomery's defamation claims, his related tort claims also fail.

1. Legal Standard

A court must grant summary judgment if "the movant shows that there is no genuine dispute as to any material fact and the movant is entitled to judgment as a matter of law." Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(a). A "material" fact is one capable of affecting the substantive outcome of the litigation. See Anderson v. Liberty Lobby, Inc. , 477 U.S. 242, 248, 106 S.Ct. 2505, 91 L.Ed.2d 202 (1986). A dispute is "genuine" if there is enough evidence for a reasonable jury to return a verdict for the non-movant. See Scott v. Harris , 550 U.S. 372, 380, 127 S.Ct. 1769, 167 L.Ed.2d 686 (2007). The inquiry under Rule 56 is essentially "whether the evidence presents a sufficient disagreement to require submission to a jury or whether it is so one-sided that one party must prevail as a matter of law." Anderson , 477 U.S. at 251–52, 106 S.Ct. 2505.

The principal purpose of summary judgment is to streamline litigation by disposing of factually unsupported claims or defenses and determining whether there is a genuine need for trial. See Celotex Corp. v. Catrett , 477 U.S. 317, 323–24, 106 S.Ct. 2548, 91 L.Ed.2d 265 (1986). The movant bears the initial burden of identifying portions of the record that demonstrate the absence of any genuine issue of material fact. See id. at 323, 106 S.Ct. 2548. In response, the non-movant must point to specific facts in the record that reveal a genuine issue that is suitable for trial. See id. at 324, 106 S.Ct. 2548. In considering a motion for summary judgment, a court must "eschew making credibility determinations or weighing the evidence," Czekalski v. Peters , 475 F.3d 360, 363 (D.C.Cir.2007), and all underlying facts and inferences must be analyzed in the light most favorable to the non-movant, see Anderson , 477 U.S. at 255, 106 S.Ct. 2505. Nevertheless, conclusory assertions offered without any evidentiary support do not establish a genuine issue for trial. See Greene v. Dalton , 164 F.3d 671, 675 (D.C.Cir.1999).
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