Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certification

Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Thu Sep 02, 2021 10:44 pm

Cawthorn calls jailed Jan. 6 rioters 'political hostages'
by Cristina Marcos
The Hill
08/30/21 06:03 PM EDT

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Rep. Madison Cawthorn (R-N.C.) is describing those in law enforcement custody for allegedly storming the Capitol on Jan. 6 in an attempt to stop Congress from certifying President Biden's election victory as "political hostages" while repeating false claims that the 2020 election was "stolen."

Cawthorn made the remarks over the weekend during an event with supporters that was streamed on Facebook by the Macon County Republican Party.

During the event, which included a question-and-answer session with constituents, Cawthorn cast doubt on Biden's legitimate electoral victory over former President Trump and warned of violence "if our election systems continue to be rigged and continue to be stolen."

"I'll tell you, anybody who tells you that Joe Biden was dutifully elected is lying," Cawthorn said to jeers from the crowd.


An attendee later asked what Cawthorn was "doing to support the 535 Americans that were held — captured in — from Jan. 6," apparently referring to rioters in law enforcement custody.

Cawthorn described them as "political hostages" and "political prisoners."

"The big problem is we don't actually know where all the political prisoners are," Cawthorn said. "And so if we were to actually be able to go and try and bust them out — and let me tell you, the reason why they're taking these political prisoners is because they're trying to make an example, because they don't want to see the mass protests going on in Washington."

Another attendee then asked, "When are you going to call us to Washington again?"

"We are actively working on that one," Cawthorn said. "We have a few plans in motion I can't make public right now, but this is something that we're working on. There are a lot of Republicans who don't want to talk about this."


Supporters of the Jan. 6 defendants are planning a rally on Sept. 18, which organizers are calling "Justice for J6," on the Capitol grounds. Local law enforcement is already making preparations for the event, which is occurring on a Saturday when neither chamber of Congress is scheduled to be in session.

It's not yet clear if any members of Congress will be in attendance at the Sept. 18 demonstration.

But some other far-right House members, including Cawthorn, have tried to cast people charged with crimes related to the Jan. 6 insurrection as "political prisoners" and have expressed concerns about their treatment in custody amid broader efforts among some in the GOP to downplay the severity of the violent attack on the Capitol.

Republican Reps. Matt Gaetz (Fla.), Marjorie Taylor Greene (Ga.) and Louie Gohmert (Texas) were turned away from the D.C. Department of Corrections in late July when they tried to visit people accused of crimes related to Jan. 6 who were in custody there.

Greene, Gaetz and Gohmert, along with Rep. Paul Gosar (R-Ariz.), also tried to hold a news conference outside the Justice Department on the same day that police officers testified before the House select committee dedicated to investigating the Jan. 6 insurrection about their experiences defending the Capitol from the violent mob. But the GOP lawmakers ultimately cut their press conference due to interruptions from protesters.

Cawthorn later raised the threat of political violence if people continue to believe that elections are "stolen."

"If our election systems continue to be rigged and continue to be stolen, it's gonna lead to one place, and it's bloodshed," said Cawthorn. "And I will tell you, as much as I'm willing to defend our liberty at all costs, there's nothing that I would dread doing more than having to pick up arms against a fellow American. And the way that we can have recourse against that is if we all passionately demand that we have election security in all 50 states."

Luke Ball, a spokesman for Cawthorn, sought to clarify that the first-term lawmaker “wants due process for the prisoners” and “was not advocating for any form of illegal action, only that they receive full due process.”

Ball also clarified that Cawthorn is “not actively working on any ‘protest’ or ‘plan’ to bring people to Washington.”

“Congressman Cawthorn was referring to actively working on getting answers about political prisoners following January 6th. Nothing else,” Ball said.

The spokesman further stressed that the remarks warning of “bloodshed” were meant to call for restoring confidence in elections as a way to avoid violence.

“In his comments, Congressman Cawthorn is CLEARLY advocating for violence not to occur over election integrity questions. He fears others would erroneously choose that route and strongly states that election integrity issues should be resolved peacefully and never through violence,” Ball said.


CNN first reported Monday that the House select committee investigating Jan. 6 is asking telecommunications companies to preserve the phone records of Trump and Republican members of Congress who played a role in the "Stop the Steal" rally outside the White House that preceded the attack on the Capitol — a group that includes Cawthorn.

The day after Jan. 6, Cawthorn called the mob that stormed the Capitol a "disgusting and pathetic group of people" during an interview with the Smoky Mountain News.

"I have no problem calling that out, even though a lot of those people probably would've voted for me," Cawthorn said at the time. "I can't support that."


—Updated at 7:09 p.m.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Thu Sep 02, 2021 10:49 pm

Trump’s political operation paid more than $4.3 million to Jan. 6 organizers but questions remain about the full extent of its involvement
by Anna Massoglia
OpenSecrets.org
August 30, 2021 1:05 pm

Former President Donald Trump’s political operation reported paying more than $4.3 million to people and firms that organized the Jan. 6 rally since the start of the 2020 election. However, questions remain about the full extent of the Trump campaign’s involvement in the “Save America” rally on the day of the Capitol attack as a House select committee’s sweeping requests attempt to shine some light on that day’s events.

On Friday, the U.S. House Select Committee to Investigate the January 6th Attack on the United States Capitol sent letters requesting information from 15 social media companies. On Aug. 25, the select committee sent requests to federal agencies for records related to the riot.

The letters ask agencies from the National Archives and Records Administration to the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Department of Justice to expedite the gathering of the records, asking for information within two-weeks.

The House subpoena names Caroline Wren, a veteran GOP fundraiser who received at least $170,000 from the Trump political operation as the campaign’s national finance consultant with the joint fundraising committee. Wren was listed as a “VIP Advisor” on the permit granted by the National Park Service for the Jan. 6 rally.

Megan Powers, one of two operations managers listed on the rally permit, is not listed in the House request but was paid around $300,000 as the Trump campaign’s director of operations. And Make America Great Again PAC paid around $20,000 more to Powers for “recount administrative consulting” in 2021.

None of the other former Trump campaign officials listed on the permit for the rally on Jan. 6 are listed in the initial requests.

The House select committee did request records related to Women for Trump initiative co-chair Gina Loudon, who spoke at the rally. The committee also requested records related to Amy Kremer, who notably co-founded Women for America First, the 501(c)(4) nonprofit “dark money” group that submitted the rally’s permit records to the National Park Service.

The select committee also requested letters related to Dustin Stockton, a co-organizer of the rally. Stockton was also a spokesperson for WeBuildtheWall when former White House strategist Steve Bannon and three others affiliated with the dark money group were charged with fraud related to the online fundraising effort. Stockton was not charged and records related to Bannon were requested by the House select committee.

Stockton and Kremer told ProPublica that they felt they needed to “urgently warn the White House of the possible danger” posed by the rally. They initially took their concerns to Katrina Pierson, a former Trump campaign spokesperson who reportedly served as a liaison between the White House and rally organizers, but after “feeling that they weren’t gaining enough traction” Stockton claims she and Kremer agreed to call White House chief of staff Mark Meadows. However, Kremer denies that she spoke with Meadows or any other White House official about Jan. 6 concerns.

Records requested by the House select committee could shine light on claims about those encounters as well as other outstanding questions about the extent of the Trump campaign’s involvement.

But since Trump’s campaign and joint fundraising committee funneled millions of dollars through layers of opaque firms and shell companies where the ultimate payee is hidden, the public may never know the full extent of the Trump campaign’s payments to organizers involved in the protests.

Trump’s 2020 campaign and joint fundraising committee, the Trump Make America Great Again Committee, spent more than $771 million through American Made Media Consultants LLC during the 2020 election cycle. OpenSecrets data shows Trump’s joint fundraising committee routed another $685,000 through the secretive limited-liability company in 2021 with around $222,000 of that going to text messaging on Jan. 6.

The Federal Election Commission generally does not require campaigns to detail payments vendors make to subcontractors as long as the subcontractor does not work under the direction or control of the campaign and the campaign does not have undue influence over the vendor.

But the role campaign aides and members of Trump’s inner circle played in creating the limited-liability company as a “clearinghouse” to pay vendors, concealing details of millions of dollars in the campaign’s transactions, raises the question of whether it was truly separate from the campaign.

The full roster of people working for Trump’s campaign remains hidden from the public and details of those payments, such as the nature of services provided and the amount of money changing hands, are shrouded in mystery.

The nonpartisan Campaign Legal Center filed an FEC complaint alleging that Trump’s 2020 political operation may have violated federal election law by concealing details of the campaign’s financial dealings.

Recent campaign finance records reviewed by OpenSecrets show Trump’s political operation continued to pay Event Strategies Inc., a firm named in a permit for the rally where two of the rally organizers worked. The firm received payments from Trump aligned super PAC Make America Great Again Action as recently as Aug. 13, FEC records filed Aug. 26 show.

Trump’s political operation paid Event Strategies more than $2.5 million since the start of the 2020 election with around $800,000 of that coming from Trump’s Save America leadership PAC and Make America Great Again Action super PAC in 2021.

Event Strategies is not the only vendor with Trump ties the Make America Great Again Action super PAC reported paying in its new FEC disclosure filed Aug. 26.

On July 15, the Make America Great Again Action super PAC paid $128,125 to Forward Strategies, a firm run by professional fundraiser Meredith O’Rourke, who was reportedly subpoenaed in federal prosecutors’ probe of longtime Trump lawyer Rudy Giuliani. The super PAC also paid Red Elephant Strategy, a consulting firm run by Brian Walsh. He was president of America First Policies, the dark money arm of America First Action, Trump’s one-time super PAC of choice and a roughly $1.8 million donor to Make America Great Again Action.

Red Eagle Media Group, a firm that funneled money from Trump’s campaign to shell companies tied to ad buyers at the center of an alleged illegal coordination scheme with the National Rifle Association and America First Action during the 2020 election cycle, received payments from the super PAC as well.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Thu Sep 02, 2021 10:54 pm

McCarthy threatens companies that comply with Jan. 6 probe’s phone records requests
Congressional committees have routinely subpoenaed data from private companies, but the House minority leader says a future GOP majority “will not forget.”
by Myah Ward
Politico
08/31/2021 07:02 PM EDT
Updated: 08/31/2021 08:56 PM EDT

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House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy speaks at the Capitol on Aug. 31, 2021. | J. Scott Applewhite/AP Photo

Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy on Tuesday threatened to use a future GOP majority to punish companies that comply with the House’s Jan. 6 investigators, warning that “a Republican majority will not forget.”

McCarthy called out Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), Rep. Bennie Thompson (D-Miss.) and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi for what he called “attempts to strong-arm private companies to turn over individuals’ private data.” He asserted that such a forfeiture of information would “put every American with a phone or computer in the crosshairs of a surveillance state run by Democrat politicians.”


The select panel investigating the Jan. 6 insurrection took its first step in obtaining phone records on Monday, asking an array of telecommunications companies to save records relevant to the attack — a request that could include records from some lawmakers. More than 30 companies, including Apple, AT&T and Verizon, received a request for records from April 1, 2020, to Jan. 31, 2021.

“The Select Committee is investigating the violent attack on the Capitol and attempt to overturn the results of last year’s election,” a committee spokesperson said in a statement, responding to McCarthy's threat. “We’ve asked companies not to destroy records that may help answer questions for the American people. The committee’s efforts won’t be deterred by those who want to whitewash or cover up the events of January 6th, or obstruct our investigation.”

On the substance of McCarthy’s complaint, congressional committees have routinely used subpoena power to obtain data from private companies, including phone records, emails and other communications. The Jan. 6 committee has not identified whose communications it is seeking, but it has made clear that members of Congress are among the potential targets, which would be a departure from past practices — one that members of the panel have said they believe is warranted in this case.

The Democratic-led committee’s investigators are looking for a fuller picture of the communications between then-President Donald Trump and members of Congress during the attack. McCarthy is among the Republicans known to have spoken with Trump on Jan. 6.

Republicans have already slammed the investigation’s interest in phone records as an “authoritarian” overreach by Democrats. Though two anti-Trump Republican lawmakers, Reps. Liz Cheney of Wyoming and Adam Kinzinger of Illinois, sit on the select panel, most of the party voted against the committee’s creation, and GOP senators filibustered a bill that would have formed an independent commission to investigate the Capitol insurrection.

“If these companies comply with the Democrat order to turn over private information, they are in violation of federal law and subject to losing their ability to operate in the United States,” McCarthy said in Tuesday’s statement. “If companies still choose to violate federal law, a Republican majority will not forget and will stand with Americans to hold them fully accountable under the law.”

Schiff said on Tuesday that McCarthy’s threat was “premised on a falsehood.”

“He’s scared. And I think his boss is scared,” Schiff said on MSNBC. “They didn’t want this commission and this select committee to go forward. They certainly didn’t want it to go forward as it is on a bipartisan basis, and they don’t want the country to know exactly what they were involved in.

“And Kevin McCarthy lives to do whatever Trump wants. But he is trying to threaten these companies, and it shows yet again why this man, Kevin McCarthy, can never be allowed to go anywhere near the speaker’s office.”


Kyle Cheney and Nicholas Wu contributed to this report.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Fri Sep 03, 2021 5:10 am

Highlights of Opinion and Order, by Honorable Linda V. Parker, Timothy King, et al. vs. Gretchen Whitmer, et al., Civil Case No. 20-13134, August 25, 2021

1. At the July 12 hearing, Wood maintained that the Court lacks jurisdiction to sanction him because he played no role in drafting the Complaint, did not read any of the documents with respect to the Complaint, was not aware of the affidavits attached to it, and did not give permission for his name to be specifically included in this action. When the Court asked Wood if he gave permission to have his name included on the pleadings or briefs, Wood answered: I do not specifically recall being asked about the Michigan complaint, but I had generally indicated to Sidney Powell that if she needed a, quote/unquote, trial lawyer that I would certainly be willing and available to help her.

2. Wood then denied being served with the motion for sanctions and stated that he was present only at the hearing because the Court required him to be there. According to Wood, he only discovered that he had been included as counsel for Plaintiffs in this matter when he saw a newspaper article about the sanctions motion…Wood is not credible…. Notably, while Wood stated at the July 12 hearing that he only learned about the motions seeking sanctions against him when he read about it in a newspaper article, Wood suggests in his supplemental brief that he in fact learned of his purported involvement in the lawsuit when he received a call from one of the attorneys in this matter in mid- to late-June 2021, alerting him to the Court’s order requiring him to appear at the hearing on the sanctions motions.… He claims that he was never served with the City’s motion for sanctions; however, counsel for the City represents that the motion was sent to Wood via e-mail and regular mail…. Wood asserts in his supplemental brief that he “and his legal assistant have performed a diligent search of all email correspondence as well as U.S. mail at Mr. Wood’s Atlanta office and elsewhere. They have turned up no evidence to indicate they were provided with any Rule 11 notice prior to the filing of the motion.” Yet no affidavit is offered from Wood or his legal assistant to attest to these assertions. And notably, the address listed for Wood on the filings in this matter (and thus where the City’s attorneys mailed items to him) is a post office box, not his firm’s address.… Wood’s social media postings undermine his current assertions, as do his statements in other court proceedings. As discussed during the July 12 hearing, on the day the City e-mailed copies of the Safe Harbor Letter and Safe Harbor Motion to Plaintiffs’ counsel, Wood tweeted a link to an article containing a copy of the motion, stating “[w]hen you get falsely accused by the likes of David Fink and Mark Elias . . . in a propaganda rag like Law & Crime, you smile because you know you are over the target and the enemy is runningscared [sic]!”… On January 5, 2021, the day the City filed the motion, Wood tweeted a link to an article with the motion, stating that it was “unfair” for the City to seek sanctions against him…prior to the July 12 hearing, Wood took credit for filing this lawsuit….Notably, Rohl stated under oath that Wood, along with Powell, “spearheaded” this lawsuit. Though the Court hesitates to rely too much on the assertions of any of Plaintiffs’ attorneys because their positions—as counsel for the City aptly describes—have been like “[s]hifting [s]ands[,]” the Court notes that Rohl’s sworn affidavit was attached to a supplemental brief filed by Plaintiffs’ counsel in response to the City’s motion for sanctions. No member of Plaintiffs’ legal team objected to any part of Rohl’s affidavit….With each new brief filed and opportunity to argue before the Court, Plaintiffs’ attorneys raise a new argument for why they were not adequately served with the City’s Safe Harbor Letter and Safe Harbor Motion. First, in their original response to the motion, Plaintiffs’ counsel argued only that the notice served upon them was deficient because it was not accompanied by the City’s more detailed brief. Then, at the July 12 motion hearing, Wood and Newman suddenly claimed that they had not been served at all with the City’s safe harbor materials. In the supplemental brief filed by Campbell on behalf of Plaintiffs’ counsel Hagerstrom, Haller, Johnson, Kleinhendler, Powell, and Rohl, counsel insinuates that the Rule 11 motion was not properly served pursuant to Rule 5 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, as required under Rule 11(c)(2). (“It is not sufficient for a party to mention a possible argument in the most skeletal way, leaving the court to . . . put flesh on its bones.”) In his next filing on behalf of Hagerstrom, Haller, Johnson, Kleinhendler, Powell, and Rohl, Campbell raises two new arguments: (i) the City did not mail a copy of the safe harbor materials to the correct address for Johnson, and (ii) in a footnote of the safe harbor motion, concurrence was only sought from Powell. Newman picked up the same refrain about her address in her supplemental brief. Wood said nothing in his supplemental brief to challenge the address where he was served; however, in his response to the City’s supplemental brief, he claimed for the first time that the zip code used by the City when mailing the safe harbor materials to him was incorrect. However, the addresses used by the City for each of these attorneys, including Wood’s zip code, were the exact addresses provided by Plaintiffs in their filings. The belated argument regarding footnote 1 of the City’s Safe Harbor Motion is frivolous as the Safe Harbor Letter was addressed to all counsel.

3. When the Court turned to Powell and asked whether she told Wood his name was being placed on the pleading, Powell first answered: My view, your honor, is that I did specifically ask Mr. Wood for his permission. I can’t imagine that I would have put his name on any pleading without understanding that he had given me permission to do that. Powell then suggested that perhaps there was “a misunderstanding” between her and Wood….The existence of a misunderstanding seems improbable given that several similar lawsuits seeking to overturn the presidential election results were filed in Georgia, Wisconsin, and Arizona, each bearing the same “Of Counsel” listing for Wood as appears here.

4. Plaintiffs expressly acknowledged in their petition for writ of certiorari to the Supreme Court that “[o]nce the electoral votes are cast, subsequent relief would be pointless,” and “the petition would be moot.”… “Yet, that date came and went with no acknowledgement by Plaintiffs and their counsel to Defendants or this Court,”… on December 14, “three [] [] Plaintiffs were, in their opinion, properly elected as electors” and, Campbell further explained, “[t]hat changed things…Plaintiffs’ attorneys maintain that this lawsuit was no longer moot after December 14 because three Plaintiffs subjectively believed that they had become electors. The attorneys cite no authority supporting the notion that an individual’s “[personal] opinion” that he or she is an elector is sufficient to support the legal position that the individual is in fact an elector. Of course, such a belief is contrary to how electors are appointed in Michigan ….Plaintiffs’ attorneys fail to provide a rational explanation for why this event breathed life into this action…They did not tell this Court that the case would no longer be moot after December 8, despite telling this Court the exact opposite when filing this lawsuit on November 25. And they did not tell the Supreme Court that the case would no longer be moot after December 14, despite telling that Court the exact opposite on December 11. The fact that it was never shared suggests that counsel’s argument as to why the case had to be pursued after December 14 is contrived….Plaintiffs conceded that their claims were moot after December 14. Yet, in the month that followed, Plaintiffs refused to voluntarily dismiss their claims…Notably when the State Defendants sought concurrence in their Motion to Dismiss on December 22, Plaintiffs’ counsel responded that they were “not in a position to respond to [the State Defendants’] request until [the] appeals [before the Sixth Circuit and United States Supreme Court] are decided,” and noted that “[they] do not believe the district court has jurisdiction to consider [the State Defendants’] motion while the case is on appeal.” (Id.) Of course, because neither this Court, the Sixth Circuit, nor the United States Supreme Court had entered a stay—and Plaintiff had not moved for one in any court—this Court retained its jurisdiction to consider the Motion to Dismiss. (“[A]n appeal from an order granting or denying a preliminary injunction does not divest the district court of jurisdiction to proceed with the action on the merits.”) And for some reason, Plaintiffs eventually voluntarily dismissed this lawsuit while it remained on appeal in the Sixth Circuit and Supreme Court, even though they previously refused to concur as to Defendants’ motions to dismiss because it was on appeal in those courts.

5. At the July 12 hearing, Plaintiffs’ counsel pointed for the first time to the Supreme Court’s decision in United States v. Throckmorton, 98 U.S. 61 (1878), as supporting this Court’s authority to take—it seems the attorneys are suggesting—any equitable action in connection with the 2020 presidential election. Apparently Throckmorton’s quotation of the maxim “fraud vitiates everything” is a refrain that has been oft-repeated on social media by those who question the results of the 2020 presidential election and believe Former President Trump should be declared the winner…. (listing Twitter posts that state, among other things, that (i) “[A]ny fraud located . . . constitutes nullification of the presidential contest. This means, Trump wins by default because of the vote switching by Dominion Machines. Look up Throckmorton 1878.”; (ii) “[F]raud will DISQUALIFY Biden completely and mean that Trump will be the winner of all 50 states . . . . There can be no other outcome. ‘Fraud vitiates everything’ US v. Throckmorton . . . .”; (iii) “[F]raud vitities everything. Meaning one state commits voter fraud they all go down! So DJTrump wins the 2020 election.”; and (iv) “Fraud vitiates everything it touches. [THROCKMORTON] . . . . Thus the Biden/Harris ‘swearing in’ is negated, quashed annulled, invalidated, revoked and abrogated.”).) … the case relates to a nineteenth-century land grant and has nothing to do with election law… Of course, the Supreme Court did not hold in Throckmorton that “fraud vitiates everything”; rather, it merely quoted this phrase from a treatise and then held that, in fact, fraud did not justify overturning a federal district court’s 20-year-old decree.

6. To support the allegation that Defendants violated Michigan election laws by accepting “unsecured ballots . . . without any chain of custody,” the Amended Complaint states that Whitney Meyers “observed passengers in cars dropping off more ballots than there were people in the car.” But when the Court asked Plaintiffs’ counsel whether individuals other than the voter can drop off a ballot in Michigan, Campbell answered in the affirmative…. Plaintiffs’ counsel knew or should have known that this conduct did not violate existing state law.

7. The Amended Complaint further claims that Michigan election laws were violated because ballots that lacked postmarks were counted. … When one searches through the unindexed affidavits attached as Exhibit 3 to Plaintiffs’ pleading and eventually locates these affidavits, however, one finds that none of the affiants state that ballots without postmarks were counted. … But when the Court asked Plaintiffs’ attorneys whether Michigan absentee ballots must be received through U.S. mail—and therefore postmarked—to be counted, counsel went on about not being able to “rely on the Secretary of State’s guidance.”… when the City’s counsel stated that ballots are not required to be mailed or postmarked in Michigan—as they “are often handed in by hand”; “[via] boxes in front of clerk’s offices by hand”; and sometimes “right across the desk in the clerk’s office” (id. at Pg ID 5470)—Plaintiffs’ counsel did not object to or refute this recitation of the law.

8. To support the allegation that Defendants “count[ed] ineligible ballots—and in many cases—multiple times,” in violation of Michigan election law, the Amended Complaint cites to several affidavits in which the affiants state that batches of ballots were repeatedly run through the vote tabulation machines. When the Court asked whether Plaintiffs’ counsel inquired as to why a stack of ballots might be run through tabulation machines more than once, Plaintiffs’ counsel did not answer the Court’s question and instead proclaimed that “ballots are not supposed to be put through more than once. Absolutely not. That would violate Michigan law.” But bafflingly, Plaintiffs’ counsel did not offer a cite to the law violated, and counsel did not identify such a law in the Amended Complaint either. However, the affidavit of Christopher Thomas, Senior Advisor to the Detroit City Clerk, filed in Costantino (“Thomas Affidavit”), explained that “ballots are often fed through the high-speed reader more than once” “as a routine part of the tabulation process.” And he detailed a myriad of reasons why this may be necessary, including “if there is a jam in the reader” or “if there is a problem ballot (e.g., stains, tears, stray markings, . . . etc.) in a stack.”41 … Thomas goes on to explain: “To an untrained observer[,] it may appear that the ballot is being counted twice, however, the election worker will have cancelled the appropriate count on the computer screen. Any human error in the process would be identified during the canvass. If not, the number of voters at the absent voter counting board would be dramatically different than the number of counted votes.”

9. Kleinhendler told the Court that it was “completely irrelevant” whether the conduct Plaintiffs claimed was violative of Michigan law was actually unlawful. This is because, counsel argued, the conduct “raise[d] a suspicion” and what was significant was the mere chance for misfeasance to occur. But litigants and attorneys cannot come to federal court asserting that certain acts violate the law based only upon an opportunity for—or counsel and the litigant’s suspicions of—a violation.

10. In light of Plaintiffs’ allegation that Defendants violated the Michigan Election Code by permitting ballots to arrive at the TCF Center “not in sealed ballot boxes,” “without any chain of custody,” and “without envelopes” and because the Amended Complaint does not identify a provision in the Michigan Election Code prohibiting the actions about which Plaintiffs complain, the Court asked Plaintiffs’ attorneys at the July 12 hearing about their understanding regarding Michigan’s ballot-bin requirements. Counsel’s response: “[W]e do not purport to be experts in Michigan’s process,” and, they argued, the affidavit that supported this allegation—that of Daniel Gustafson (“Gustafson Affidavit”)—was copied and pasted from Costantino. These evasive and non-responsive answers to the Court’s direct questions amount to an admission that Plaintiffs’ counsel did not bother to find out what the Michigan Election Code requires, and whether the acts alleged to constitute violations of the Michigan Election Code were actually prohibited….In Costantino—which was decided approximately two weeks before Plaintiffs filed the instant lawsuit—Wayne County Circuit Court Judge Timothy M. Kenny credited the Thomas Affidavit —thereby informing Plaintiffs’ counsel that what Gustafson observed did not in fact violate Michigan Election Code, or at a minimum putting counsel on notice that there was a duty to inquire further. And even if Plaintiffs’ counsel lacked expertise as to the Michigan Election Code, they undoubtedly were required to be familiar enough with its provisions to confirm that the conduct they asserted violated that code in fact did.

11. Second, Plaintiffs’ counsel argued that permitting ballots to be handled and transported in the manner described in the Gustafson Affidavit “raises a suspicion” and “[w]hether [such acts are] required under Michigan law or not[] [is] completely irrelevant.” But the Amended Complaint repeatedly asserts that Defendants violated the Michigan Election Code and Plaintiffs’ state law, Equal Protection, Due Process, and Electors and Elections Clauses claims are based on these alleged violations. And, again, a mere “suspicion” is not enough—this is especially so when neither the litigant nor his or her counsel has bothered to figure out exactly what the law is or what it permits.

12. Plaintiffs’ attorneys argue that they genuinely believed the factual allegations in this lawsuit, and otherwise filed this suit and the accompanying documents in good faith….Of course, an “empty-head” but “pure-heart” does not justify lodging patently unsupported factual assertions…no reasonable attorney would accept the assertions in those reports and affidavits as fact or as support for factual allegations in a pleading when based on such speculation and conjecture. And no reasonable attorney would repeat them as fact or as support for a factual allegation without conducting the due diligence inquiry required under Rule 11(b)…. Plaintiffs’ attorneys further contend that they did more than was required by attaching this “evidence” to their pleadings. True, Plaintiffs were not required to attach evidence to support their factual allegations; but, they did. Therefore, they had an obligation to scrutinize the contents and doing so would have revealed that key factual assertions made in their pleading lacked evidentiary support.

13. Plaintiffs’ attorneys complain that the Court focused on only a limited number of affidavits at the July 12 motion hearing, when more were laced throughout their 960-page Amended Complaint….all of the affidavits the Court references in this Opinion & Order’s Rule 11(b)(3) analysis were in fact the only pieces of evidence offered to support the relevant factual allegation.

14. Plaintiffs’ counsel failed to present any evidence to support their allegation of “illegal double voting.” To support this factual assertion, Plaintiffs pointed to a single piece of “evidence”: the affidavit of Jessy Jacob (“Jacob Affidavit”). That affidavit states in part: “I observed a large number of people who came to the satellite location to vote in-person, but they had already applied for an absentee ballot.”… Jacob does claim that people came to vote in person at the satellite location where she worked who had already applied for an absentee ballot, and that those individuals voted without returning the mailed absentee ballot or signing an affidavit that the ballot had been lost. Michigan law makes it a felony to vote both in person and absentee. Of course, Jacob does not state that these individuals voted in person and absentee. As such, her affidavit in fact does not plausibly support “illegal double voting.” … “An absent voter may vote in person within his or her precinct at an election, notwithstanding that he or she applies for an absent voter ballot and the ballot is mailed or otherwise delivered to the absent voter by the clerk” if, “[b]efore voting in person,” “the absent voter [] return[s] the absent voter ballot.”… Inferences must be reasonable and come from facts proven, not speculation or conjecture.

15. To support the allegation that “unsecured ballots arrived at the TCF Center loading garage, not in sealed ballot boxes, without any chain of custody, and without envelopes, after the 8:00 PM Election Day deadline,” Plaintiffs quote the affidavit of Matt Ciantar (“Ciantar Affidavit”), which is a masterclass on making conjectural leaps and bounds:... What I witnessed and considered that what could be in those bags could be ballots going to the TCF center or coming from the TCF center . . . . When the Court asked Plaintiffs’ attorneys how any of them, as officers of the court, could present this affidavit as factual support of anything alleged in their pleadings and Motion for Injunctive Relief, counsel emphatically argued that “[t]he witness is setting forth exactly what he observed and [the] information that he bases it on. . . . He saw these plastic bags . . . . It is a true affidavit.” The Court accepts that the affidavit is true in that Ciantar memorialized what he saw at the time. But the Court cannot find it reasonable to assert, as Plaintiffs’ attorneys do, that this “shows fraud.”… Absolutely nothing about this affidavit supports the allegation that ballots were delivered to the TCF Center after the Election Day deadline…a document containing the lengthy musings of one dog-walker after encountering a “smiling, laughing” couple delivering bags of unidentified items in no way serves as evidence that state laws were violated or that fraud occurred….Plaintiffs also reference the Gustafson and Meyers Affidavits to support this allegation. For the reasons discussed above, these two affidavits are of little to no evidentiary value.

16. Plaintiffs’ counsel further asserted that “we don’t typically rewrite what an affiant says.” That is good. But, pursuant to their duties as officers of the court, attorneys typically do not offer factual allegations that have no hope of passing as evidentiary support at any stage of the litigation.

17. To support the allegation that Defendants “fraudulently add[ed] tens of thousands of new ballots . . . to the [Qualified Voter File] . . . on November 4, 2020, all or nearly all of which were votes for Joe Biden,” Plaintiffs quote the affidavit of Melissa Carone (“Carone Affidavit”), which describes “facts” that demonstrate no misconduct or malfeasance, and amount to no more than strained and disjointed innuendo of something sinister:… There was [sic] two vans that pulled into the garage of the counting room, one on day shift and one on night shift. These vans were apparently bringing food into the building . . . . I never saw any food coming out of these vans, coincidently it was announced on the news that Michigan had discovered over 100,000 more ballots—not even two hours after the last van left…The Amended Complaint calls this an “illegal vote dump.”… But nothing described by Carone connects the vans to any ballots; nothing connects the illusory ballots to President Biden; and nothing connects the illusory votes for President Biden to the 100,000 ballots “coincidently” announced on the news as “discovered” in Michigan. …And nothing in the affidavit enlightens its reader as to what is meant by “discovered.” …Yet not a single member of Plaintiffs’ legal team spoke with Carone to fill in these speculation-filled gaps before using her affidavit to support the allegation that tens of thousands of votes for President Biden were fraudulently added…. Without engaging in such an inquiry—much less a reasonable one—counsel’s affirmative decision to label the 100,000 ballots discussed on the news—or the illusory ballots theoretically removed from two vans—an “illegal vote dump” serves as a quintessential example of guesswork laced with bad faith.… Kleinhendler emphasized during the hearing that Carone “publicly testified . . . in Michigan about her findings.” It is nonsensical to suggest that supporting a key factual allegation with nothing more than speculation is justified because that speculation was repeated publicly.… Plaintiffs also reference the affidavit of Andrew Sitto (“Sitto Affidavit”) and Robert Cushman (“Cushman Affidavit”) to support this allegation. But as Judge Kenny concluded in Costantino, Sitto’s affidavit is “rife with speculation and guess-work about sinister motives” and he “knew little about the process of the absentee voter counting board activity.” Indeed, the evidentiary value of the Sitto Affidavit is questionable at best. And while the Court does not discuss the Cushman Affidavit in this Opinion and Order, the Court notes that Plaintiffs describe the Carone Affidavit as “the most probative evidence” of the factual allegation at bar.

18. when the Court asked Plaintiffs’ counsel whether an affiant’s observation of a self-described “coincidence” serves as evidentiary support for the allegation that an “illegal vote dump” occurred, Plaintiffs’ counsel appeared to say that it was okay in this case because Ramsland “relied on [the Carone Affidavit] for . . . his statistical analysis” and “an expert can rely on hearsay.” But the problem with the Carone Affidavit does not concern hearsay—it concerns conjecture. And surely Plaintiffs’ attorneys cannot fail to reasonably inquire into an affiant’s speculative statements and thereafter escape their duty to “stop-and-think” before making factual allegations based on the statements, simply because their expert did the same.

19. To support the allegation that Defendants permitted “election workers [to] change votes for Trump and other Republican candidates,” Plaintiffs point to one thing—namely, Articia Bomer’s affidavit (“Bomer Affidavit”): I observed a station where election workers were working on scanned ballots that had issues that needed to be manually corrected. I believe some of these workers were changing votes that had been cast for Donald Trump and other Republican candidates….When the Court asked whether an affiant’s belief that something occurred constitutes evidentiary support for that occurrence, Plaintiffs’ counsel stated: “[I]f you see it, that would certainly help you to form a belief.” The Court then asked: “[D]id anyone inquire as to whether or not [] Bomer actually saw someone change a vote?” The Court was met with silence.… an affiant’s subjective belief that an event occurred does not constitute evidence that the event in fact occurred.

20. When the Court asked whether Plaintiffs’ counsel inquired as to the affidavits copied and pasted from the other cases, Plaintiffs’ counsel dipped and dodged the question and did not disclaim the City’s counsel’s assertions that they did not….“[O]ther lawyers saw it” and “[t]hey believed it to be appropriate for submission to the Court in that circumstance,” Plaintiffs’ attorneys argued. …“[Y]ou’ve got to be able to trust when something has been submitted by counsel because of the oath that we take” knowing that “everybody else within the profession” therefore believes that the attorney’s submission “should have tremendous value.”… This is not okay….“Substituting another lawyer’s judgment for one’s own does not constitute reasonable inquiry.”

21. Powell argued that, even if the plaintiffs “attempt[] to impugn the various declarations as unreliable[] [or] attack the veracity or reliability of the various declarants,” “[l]awyers involved in fast-moving litigation concerning matters of transcendent public importance, who rely on sworn declarations, are entitled to no less protection” than “[j]ournalists [who] usually repeat statements from sources (usually unsworn, often anonymous) on whom they rely for their stories, and sometimes those statements turn out not to be true.” “Journalists”—like attorneys, Powell argued—“must be free to rely on sources they deem to be credible, without being second-guessed by irate public figures who believe that the journalists should have been more skeptical.”… Attorneys are not journalists. It therefore comes as no surprise that Plaintiffs’ attorneys fail to cite a single case suggesting that the two professions share comparable duties and responsibilities.

22. Plaintiffs’ counsel attached Ramsland’s affidavit to their pleadings to support the assertion that hundreds of thousands of illegal votes were injected into Michigan’s election for President. In his affidavit, Ramsland refers to several statistical “red flag[s],” including: (i) reports of 6,000 votes in Antrim County being switched from Former President Trump to President Biden and (ii) 643 precincts in Michigan with voter turn-out exceeding 80% (e.g., 460.51% in Zeeland Charter Township, 215.21% in Grout Township, Gladwin County, and 139.29% in Detroit). However, the State issued a bulletin well before this lawsuit was filed explaining the user error that led to the miscount in Antrim County’s unofficial results, which had been “quickly identified and corrected.” And official election results for Michigan—reporting voter turnout rates vastly lower than the numbers in Ramsland’s affidavit—were published and readily available shortly after the election and well-before his report was filed here. A reasonable attorney, seeing Ramsland’s striking original figures, would inquire into their accuracy or at least question their source. Even the most basic internet inquiry would have alerted Plaintiffs’ counsel to the wildly inaccurate assertions in Ramsland’s affidavit….Ramsland represented data as being from Michigan when, in fact, the townships listed were in Minnesota. Moreover, it was widely publicized before Plaintiffs’ counsel offered Ramsland’s affidavit here that even for the Minnesota locations, Ramsland’s conclusions about over-votes was not supported by official data from the State.

23. Evidence of improper purpose can also be found in their decision to label as “eyewitness testimony” an affidavit that does not state that the affiant saw election workers manually changing votes, especially when opting not to even ask the affiant if she saw such a thing. And still, evidence of bad faith abounds.

24.There is a basis to conclude that Plaintiffs’ legal team asserted the allegations in their pleadings as opinion rather than fact, with the purpose of furthering counsel’s political positions rather than pursuing any attainable legal relief….Powell characterizes her statements and allegations as “vituperative, abusive and inexact” “political speech,” as well as “inherently prone to exaggeration and hyperbole.”… It is not acceptable to support a lawsuit with opinions, which counsel herself claims no reasonable person would accept as fact and which were “inexact,” “exaggerate[ed],” and “hyperbole.” Nor is it acceptable to use the federal judiciary as a political forum to satisfy one’s political agenda. Such behavior by an attorney in a court of law has consequences. Although the First Amendment may allow Plaintiffs’ counsel to say what they desire on social media, in press conferences, or on television, federal courts are reserved for hearing genuine legal disputes which are well-grounded in fact and law.

25. The Court pauses to briefly discuss Plaintiffs’ attorneys’ attempt to cloak their conduct in this litigation under First Amendment protection….An attorney’s right to free speech while litigating an action “is extremely circumscribed.”… Attorneys “voluntarily agree[] to relinquish [their] rights to free expression in [] judicial proceeding[s]” and “voluntarily accept[] almost unconditional restraints on [their] personal speech rights” when before a court…. The Court drew Plaintiffs’ counsel’s attention to Mezibov at the motion hearing in response to their repeated refrain that the First Amendment protects them from any sanctions for their conduct in this litigation. Despite doing so and urging counsel to review the Sixth Circuit’s decision, Junttila continued to argue First Amendment protection in her supplemental brief—albeit in a more illogical and incoherent fashion.

26. Plaintiffs’ attorneys attempt to excuse their failure to objectively evaluate their “evidence” because “[they] are not the only individuals who viewed the[] affidavits [attached to their pleadings] as evidence of serious fraud.” They say Former President Trump “susp[ected]” it too, and “millions of [] Americans . . . believed that their president would not intentionally mislead them”. As officers of the court, Plaintiffs’ counsel had an obligation to do more than repeat opinions and beliefs, even if shared by millions. Something does not become plausible simply because it is repeated many times by many people. [This is a lesson that some of the darkest periods of history have taught us.]… Plaintiffs’ counsel did everything in their power to ensure that their bias—that the election was fraudulent, as proclaimed by Former President Trump—was confirmed….this lawsuit was not about vindicating rights in the wake of alleged election fraud. Instead, it was about ensuring that a preferred political candidate remained in the presidential seat despite the decision of the nation’s voters to unseat him.

27. Before the 2020 general election, Powell appears to have been certain that those who did not support Former President Trump already engaged in fraudulent illegal activity. On Election Day, Powell gave an interview during which she described “the many multifaceted efforts the democrats are making to steal the vote,” including “develop[ing] a computer system to alter votes electronically,” spreading the “COVID . . . apocalypse hoax,” and ensuring that “people . . . have not gotten their absentee ballots” even though “they’ve . . . request[ed] them three different times[] and been told they were cancelled.”… Plaintiffs’ attorneys waited until after votes were tallied to file this lawsuit, even though the record suggests that—well in advance of Election Day—they knew or should have known about the things of which they complained….This game of wait-and-see shows that counsel planned to challenge the legitimacy of the election if and only if Former President Trump lost. And if that happened, they would help foster a predetermined narrative making election fraud the culprit. These things—separately, but especially collectively—evince bad faith and improper purpose in bringing this suit.

28. Joshua Merritt is someone whose identity counsel redacted, referring to him only as “Spyder” or “Spider,” and who counsel identified in their pleadings and briefs as “a former electronic intelligence analyst with 305th Military Intelligence” and a “US Military Intelligence expert.” Yet, even after learning that Merritt never completed any intelligence analyst training program with the 305th Military Intelligence Battalion, Plaintiffs’ counsel remained silent as to this fact….Kleinhendler argued during the hearing that Merritt’s “expertise” is based on “his years and years of experience in cyber security as a confidential informant working for the United States Government” —not Merritt’s purported military intelligence training. Clearly this is dishonest. This was not the experience on which Plaintiffs’ attorneys premised Merritt’s expertise in their pleadings and Motion for Injunctive Relief, and Merritt never claims in his declaration that he has “years and years of experience in cyber security as a confidential informant working for the United States Government." … To the extent that Plaintiffs’ attorneys claim that an “affidavit” attached to their reply to the motion to seal includes this assertion, it does not. That “affidavit” is not signed by or associated with anyone, much less someone named Spyder, Spider, or Joshua Merritt. Instead, it was precisely Merritt’s experience as “an electronic intelligence analyst under 305th Military Intelligence” that Plaintiffs’ attorneys presented to convince the Court and the world that he is a reliable expert. Kleinhendler argued during the hearing, however, that he first learned about this inconsistency after the case was dismissed on January 14. “I had no reason to doubt,” Kleinhendler explained. This also is dishonest. First, the City attached an article from the Washington Post to its January 5 motion for sanctions, which at least put Plaintiffs’ counsel on notice that Merritt lacked the expertise they claimed. Yet curiously, during the hearing, when the Court asked if “anyone ask[ed] [Plaintiffs’ counsel] if, or suggest[ed] to [them] that, [Merritt] was not a military intelligence expert,” Kleinhendler, Haller, and Powell said “no” and all other counsel agreed by remaining silent….Kleinhendler further argued that Plaintiffs’ counsel’s assertion that Merritt was a U.S. military intelligence expert was “not technically false” or “technically [] wrong” because “[h]e did spend, from [Kleinhendler’s] understanding, seven months training with the 305th.” The Court is unconvinced by this effort to mischaracterize. Kleinhendler himself admitted that labeling Merritt as a U.S. military intelligence expert is “not [] the full story.”… he nonetheless admits that “[h]ad [he] known in advance [of the January 14 dismissal] that [Merritt] had transferred out, [he] would have made [it] clear.” But this is yet another misrepresentation. As detailed above, by January 5, Kleinhendler knew Merritt never completed the training that formed the basis of his purported expertise. Yet, Kleinhendler did not “make it clear.” Co-counsel for Plaintiffs also had reason to question Merritt’s expertise by no later than January 5. Yet, they remained silent too. Ultimately, Plaintiffs’ counsel’s decision to not make clear “the full story” about Merritt not completing military intelligence training was for the improper purpose of bolstering their star witness’ expertise and misleading the Court, opposing counsel, and the world into believing that Merritt was something that he was not.

29. Plaintiffs’ counsel and their counsel have suggested that this Court’s handling of these proceedings and any resultant decision can be expected based on the President who appointed the undersigned. This is part of a continuing narrative fostered by Plaintiffs’ counsel to undermine the institutions that uphold our democracy. It represents the same bad faith that is at the base of this litigation. To be clear, all federal judges, regardless of which President appoints them, take oaths affirming that they will “faithfully and impartially discharge” their duties, 28 U.S.C. § 453, and uphold and protect the Constitution of the United States, 5 U.S.C. § 3331.

30. None of the allegations in the Amended Complaint contain “specific[ ]” reference to the need for additional factual support from investigation or discovery. And Plaintiffs plead on “information and belief” in only three of the Amended Complaint’s 233-paragraphs. One of those paragraphs does not contain a fact asserted upon information and belief but seems to be concluding that facts asserted elsewhere reflect, upon information and belief, Defendants’ failure to follow proper election protocol; another of those paragraphs relate to when a co-inventor of certain Dominion-related patents joined Dominion’s predecessor; and the other relates to Plaintiffs’ allegation that Defendants failed to post certain absentee ballot information before certain times on Election Day. Plaintiffs have not availed themselves of Rule 11’s allowance for claims that “will likely have evidentiary support after a reasonable opportunity for further investigation or discovery,” except for arguably in the latter two instances.

31. Plaintiffs maintain that the City’s Rule 11 motion is procedurally defective because it seeks “both Rule 11 sanctions and . . . disbarment of attorneys and their referral to state bar associations for disciplinary action.” Plaintiffs note that Rule 11 motions “must be made separately from any other motion[.]” Plaintiffs’ argument is frivolous. The separate-motion requirement is designed only “to prevent [the sanctions request] from being tacked onto or buried in motions on the merits, such as motions to dismiss or for summary judgment.” The City’s request for referral and disbarment are merely the sanctions sought for Plaintiffs’ alleged Rule 11 violations. As indicated above, a “variety of possible sanctions” may be imposed for a Rule 11 violation, including those requested by the City.

32. And for these reasons, this lawsuit is not akin to Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954), as Plaintiffs’ counsel, Powell, baselessly suggested during the July 12 hearing. Yes, attorneys may and should raise difficult and even unpopular issues to urge change in the law where change is needed. But unlike Plaintiffs’ attorneys here, then-attorney Thurgood Marshall had the requisite legal footing on which his clients’ claims were grounded in Brown, and the facts were not based on speculation and conjecture. Brown arose from an undeniable history during which Black Americans were treated as second-class citizens through legalized segregation in the schools of our country. In stark comparison, the present matter is built on fantastical claims and conspiracy theories.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Mon Sep 13, 2021 10:10 am

Hear the calls Trump made as he tried to steal the election
by CNN
Sep 12, 2021

Former President Trump and his inner circle were using all the powers of the presidential office to wage a high-pressure campaign, CNN's Drew Griffin reports -- not to stop the steal but to start it.

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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Fri Sep 17, 2021 8:34 pm

Pence Had to Ask Dan Quayle If American Democracy Should Continue: The former vice president did the right thing, but it’s terrifying how close we came to autocracy
by Peter Wade
Rolling Stone
September 14, 2021 4:37PM ET

The fate of a healthy Democracy does not come down to a phone call with Dan Quayle. But, well, here we are.

According to an upcoming book by Bob Woodward and Robert Costa, in the final days of Trump’s presidency, then-Vice President Mike Pence was struggling to decide whether to honor the votes of the American people or to refuse to certify Joe Biden’s victory over Donald Trump and set off an unprecedented constitutional crisis.

The authors write that Pence sought advice from Dan Quayle, the only living Republican vice president who had been in the position of certifying an election where his ticket was the losing one. And it was Quayle — the same man who has been something of a national punchline for a decade — who talked Pence off the ledge and into doing the right thing.


Trump at the time was frantically trying to find a way to cling to power. He was spreading lies that rampant election fraud took place, pushing election officials in Georgia to undermine their state’s results and pushing the Justice Department to “just say the election was corrupt and leave the rest to me and the [Republican] congressmen.” And he was privately and publicly pressuring Pence.

During their conversation, Quayle said Pence had no wiggle room and told him to certify the election results. “Mike, you have no flexibility on this. None. Zero. Forget it. Put it away,” Quayle told him.

“I know, that’s what I’ve been trying to tell Trump,” Pence responded. “But he really thinks he can. And there are other guys in there saying I’ve got this power.”

Pence then brought up Trump’s allegations of voter fraud and the lawsuits filed by Trump supporters in Arizona attempting to decertify Biden as the winner in the state. “Well, there’s some stuff out in Arizona,” Pence said to Quayle, who immediately shot him down.

“Mike, I live in Arizona,” Quayle said. “There’s nothing out here.”


The book also reveals that Trump ally and former White House senior strategist Steve Bannon was fueling the president’s delusions. According to the authors, Bannon told Trump on December 30th that he and Pence needed to return to D.C. immediately to prepare to “bury Biden” during “the moment for reckoning” on January 6th.

“You’ve got to return to Washington and make a dramatic return today. You’ve got to call Pence off the fucking ski slopes and get him back here today. This is a crisis,” Bannon told the president. “People are going to go, ‘What the fuck is going on here?'” Bannon added. “We’re going to bury Biden on January 6th, fucking bury him.”

After Pence’s call to Quayle, he spoke with Trump in the Oval Office on January 5th — the day before the election certification and Capitol attack — and refused Trump’s orders to stop the certification process. Already, the president’s supporters were gathered in front of the White House. Referring to the protesters, Trump asked Pence: “If these people say you had the power, wouldn’t you want to?”

“I wouldn’t want any one person to have that authority,” Pence said.

To this, Trump replied, “But wouldn’t it be almost cool to have that power?”

“No,” Pence said, according to the book. “I’ve done everything I could and then some to find a way around this. It’s simply not possible.”

It was then, the authors say, Trump began to shout. “No, no, no! You don’t understand, Mike. You can do this. I don’t want to be your friend anymore if you don’t do this,” said Trump, who, by chronology, is an adult.

Trump’s anger continued into the next morning when he called Pence to again apply pressure. “If you don’t do it, I picked the wrong man four years ago,” Trump said, then added, angrily and defeatedly, “You’re going to wimp out.”


According to the book, Pence wasn’t the only person in the White House who was desperately trying to contain Trump as he became increasingly unhinged after the election. Gen. Mark A. Milley, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, was also scrambling trying to prevent a nuclear war because he was worried the president would “go rogue” and launch nuclear weapons at China unprovoked.

On some level, Pence deserves credit for ultimately doing the right thing, even if it meant not getting to be Trump’s BFF4eva. On another level, it’s rough that he had to chew it over with anyone. Pence’s early career had an awful lot of talk about being a “constitutional conservative,” and we’re pretty sure there’s nothing in the Constitution that says the losing candidate gets to stay in office if he really, really wants to.

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Mike Pence Sought Way To Hand Election To Trump Claims Book
Sep 14, 2021



Excerpt from "Peril"
by Bob Woodard and Robert Costa

In late December, Pence phoned former vice president Dan Quayle. At 74, the once boyish looking Quayle was living the private, golf-playing life he loved in Arizona. The two men shared a unique profile: Indiana Republicans who had become vice president.

Pence wanted advice. Despite the Electoral College casting its ballots for Biden on December 14, Trump was convinced that Pence could throw the election to Trump on January 6, when Congress certified the final count.

Pence explained to his fellow Indianan that Trump was pressuring him to intervene to ensure Biden would not secure the needed 270 votes during the certification and push the election to a vote in the House of Representatives.

If thrown to the House, there was a twist. And Trump was fixated on the twist, Pence said. It was the provision that could keep Trump in power. While the Democrats held the current House majority, the 12th Amendment of the Constitution stated the voting on a contested election would not be done by a simple majority vote.

Instead, the amendment states that the election vote would be counted in blocs of state delegations, with one vote per state ...

Republicans now controlled more delegations in the House of Representatives, meaning Trump would likely win if the chamber ended up deciding the victor. Quayle thought Trump's suggestion was preposterous and dangerous ....

Trump's effort to cajole Pence was a dark, Rube Goldberg-like fantasy, Quayle believed, and could precipitate a constitutional crisis. "Mike, you have no flexibility on this. None. Zero. Forget it. Put it away," Quayle said.

"I know, that's what I've been trying to tell Trump," Pence said. "But he really thinks he can. And there are other guys in there saying I've got this power. I've --"

Quayle interrupted him.

"You don't, just stop it," he said.

Pence pressed again. It was easy for Quayle to make a blanket statement from political winter. He wanted to know, veep to veep, whether there was even a glimmer of light, legally and constitutionally, to perhaps put a pause on the certification if there were ongoing court cases and legal challenges.

"Forget it," Quayle repeated.

Pence finally agreed acting to overturn the election would be antithetical to his traditional view of conservatism. One man could not effectively throw the election to the House of Representatives.

Quayle told Pence to let it go.

"Mike, don't even talk about it," he said.

Pence paused.

"You don't know the position I'm in," he said.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Wed Sep 22, 2021 11:45 pm

More Evidence of Trump Crimes Revealed: John Eastman 6-Point-Plan to Overturn Election Results
by Glenn Kirschner
Sep 21, 2021

Multiple stories broke over the past 24 hours providing yet more evidence of Trump's criminal attempt to overturn the election results.

First, CNN reported that a Trump lawyer named John Eastman drafted a 6-point-plan to unconstitutionally overture the election results. Trump pressed Vice President Mike Pence to "listen to John" and refuse to certify Joe Biden the winner.

Second, the New York Times reported that an internal Trump campaign memo had concluded that the election fraud claims later made in fraudulent court cases filed by Sydney Powell and Rudy Giuliani were "untrue." Yet, even knowing the claims were baseless, the Trump lawyers went on the push the election lies.

Here is what the Department of Justice should do with this ADDITIONAL evidence of the election crimes committed by Trump and his co-conspirators.



*******************

Six-point-plan to unconstitutionally overture the election results ("Eastman Memo"
by John Eastman

January 6 scenario

7 states have transmitted dual slates of electors to the President of the Senate.

The 12th Amendment merely provides that “the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted.” There is very solid legal authority, and historical precedent, for the view that the President of the Senate does the counting, including the resolution of disputed electoral votes (as Adams and Jefferson did while Vice President, regarding their own election as President), and all the Members of Congress can do is watch.

The Electoral Count Act, which is likely unconstitutional, provides:

If more than one return or paper purporting to be a return from a State shall have been received by the President of the Senate, those votes, and those only, shall be counted which shall have been regularly given by the electors who are shown by the determination mentioned in section 5 of this title to have been appointed, if the determination in said section provided for shall have been made, or by such successors or substitutes, in case of a vacancy in the board of electors so ascertained, as have been appointed to fill such vacancy in the mode provided by the laws of the State; but in case there shall arise the question which of two or more of such State authorities determining what electors have been appointed, as mentioned in section 5 of this title, is the lawful tribunal of such State, the votes regularly given of those electors, and those only, of such State shall be counted whose title as electors the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide is supported by the decision of such State so authorized by its law; and in such case of more than one return or paper purporting to be a return from a State, if there shall have been no such determination of the question in the State aforesaid, then those votes, and those only, shall be counted which the two Houses shall concurrently decide were cast by lawful electors appointed in accordance with the laws of the State, unless the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide such votes not to be the lawful votes of the legally appointed electors of such State. But if the two Houses shall disagree in respect of the counting of such votes, then, and in that case, the votes of the electors whose appointment shall have been certified by the executive of the State, under the seal thereof, shall be counted.


This is the piece that we believe is unconstitutional. It allows the two houses, “acting separately,” to decide the question, whereas the 12th Amendment provides only for a joint session. And if there is disagreement, under the Act the slate certified by the “executive” of the state is to be counted, regardless of the evidence that exists regarding the election, and regardless of whether there was ever fair review of what happened in the election, by judges and/or state legislatures.

So here’s the scenario we propose:

1. VP Pence, presiding over the joint session (or Senate Pro Tempore Grassley, if Pence recuses himself), begins to open and count the ballots, starting with Alabama (without conceding that the procedure, specified by the Electoral Count Act, of going through the States alphabetically is required).

2. When he gets to Arizona, he announces that he has multiple slates of electors, and so is going to defer decision on that until finishing the other States. This would be the first break with the procedure set out in the Act.

3. At the end, he announces that because of the ongoing disputes in the 7 States, there are no electors that can be deemed validly appointed in those States. That means the total number of “electors appointed” – the language of the 12th Amendment -- is 454. This reading of the 12th Amendment has also been advanced by Harvard Law Professor Laurence Tribe (here). A “majority of the electors appointed” would therefore be 228. There are at this point 232 votes for Trump, 222 votes for Biden. Pence then gavels President Trump as re-elected.

4. Howls, of course, from the Democrats, who now claim, contrary to Tribe’s prior position, that 270 is required. So Pence says, fine. Pursuant to the 12th Amendment, no candidate has achieved the necessary majority. That sends the matter to the House, where the “the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote . . . .” Republicans currently control 26 of the state delegations, the bare majority needed to win that vote. President Trump is re-elected there as well.

5. One last piece. Assuming the Electoral Count Act process is followed and, upon getting the objections to the Arizona slates, the two houses break into their separate chambers, we should not allow the Electoral Count Act constraint on debate to control. That would mean that a prior legislature was determining the rules of the present one — a constitutional no-no (as Tribe has forcefully argued). So someone – Ted Cruz, Rand Paul, etc. – should demand normal rules (which includes the filibuster). That creates a stalemate that would give the state legislatures more time to weigh in to formally support the alternate slate of electors, if they had not already done so.

6. The main thing here is that Pence should do this without asking for permission – either from a vote of the joint session or from the Court. Let the other side challenge his actions in court, where Tribe (who in 2001 conceded the President of the Senate might be in charge of counting the votes) and others who would press a lawsuit would have their past position -- that these are non-justiciable political questions – thrown back at them, to get the lawsuit dismissed. The fact is that the Constitution assigns this power to the Vice President as the ultimate arbiter. We should take all of our actions with that in mind.

**************************

Memo shows Trump lawyer's six-step plan for Pence to overturn the election
by Jamie Gangel and Jeremy Herb
CNN
Updated 5:39 PM ET, Tue September 21, 2021

Washington (CNN) A conservative lawyer working with then-President Donald Trump's legal team tried to convince then-Vice President Mike Pence that he could overturn the election results on January 6 when Congress counted the Electoral College votes by throwing out electors from seven states, according to the new book "Peril" from Washington Post journalists Bob Woodward and Robert Costa.

The scheme put forward by controversial lawyer John Eastman was outlined in a two-page memo obtained by the authors for "Peril," and which was subsequently obtained by CNN. The memo, which has not previously been made public, provides new detail showing how Trump and his team tried to persuade Pence to subvert the Constitution and throw out the election results on January 6.

The effort to sway Pence was just one of several behind-the-scenes attempts that Trump's team undertook ahead of January 6 in a desperate bid to overturn the 2020 election loss, after dozens of lawsuits were thrown out of the courts. "Peril," which will be released Tuesday, details how Eastman's memo was sent to GOP Sen. Mike Lee of Utah and how Trump attorney Rudy Giuliani tried to convince fellow Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina of election fraud. But both Lee and Graham scoffed at the arguments and found they had no merit.

"You might as well make your case to Queen Elizabeth II. Congress can't do this. You're wasting your time," Lee said to Trump's lawyers trying to overturn the results in Georgia, according to the book.

The Eastman memo laid out a six-step plan for Pence to overturn the election for Trump, which included throwing out the results in seven states because they allegedly had competing electors. In fact, no state had actually put forward an alternate slate of electors -- there were merely Trump allies claiming without any authority to be electors.

Under Eastman's scheme, Pence would have declared Trump the winner with more Electoral College votes after the seven states were thrown out, at 232 votes to 222. Anticipating "howls" from Democrats protesting the overturning of the election, the memo proposes, Pence would instead say that no candidate had reached 270 votes in the Electoral College. That would throw the election to the House of Representatives, where each state would get one vote. Since Republicans controlled 26 state delegations, a majority could vote for Trump to win the election.

The plan was first proposed to Pence when Eastman was with Trump in the Oval Office on January 4, during one of Trump's attempts to convince Pence that he had the authority to stop the certification of the election.

"You really need to listen to John. He's a respected constitutional scholar. Hear him out," Trump said to Pence at that meeting, Woodward and Costa write in "Peril."

In the memo, Eastman went so far as to suggest Pence should take action without warning.

"The main thing here is that Pence should do this without asking for permission -- either from a vote of the joint session or from the Court," Eastman wrote. "The fact is that the Constitution assigns this power to the Vice President as the ultimate arbiter. We should take all of our actions with that in mind."

In the end, Pence didn't go along with Eastman's scheme, concluding that the Constitution did not give him any power beyond counting the Electoral College votes. He did his own consultations before January 6, according to the book, reaching out to former Vice President Dan Quayle and the Senate parliamentarian, who were both clear in telling him he had no authority beyond counting the votes.

When Pence refused to intervene, Trump turned on his vice president, attacking him on Twitter even as the insurrection at the Capitol was unfolding on January 6.

The memo could be of interest to the House select committee now investigating the January 6 attack on the Capitol, which recently requested documents from the National Archives that specifically included communications involving Eastman.

"It shows intent, a sophisticated plan, a blueprint to illegally and unconstitutionally overturn and steal the election" by Trump and his team based on false and misleading information and legal arguments, a source familiar with the investigation told CNN.

'Lee's head was spinning'

Eastman spoke at the January 6 rally that preceded the attack on the Capitol. He retired from his position as a professor at Chapman University a week after January 6, which occurred amid protests from faculty at the Southern California university over his participation in Trump's efforts to overturn the election.

Eastman told the Washington Post that his memo merely "explored all options that had been proposed." In an interview on Tuesday, Eastman told CNN that the two-page memo had been only a preliminary draft. He provided CNN with a longer six-page memo laying out numerous other scenarios for Pence to follow on January 6. Eastman told CNN that during the January 4 meeting he'd had in the Oval Office with Trump and Pence, he had told Pence he should only delay certifying votes in the seven states, not try to throw the election to Trump.

The reality, however, is that a delay was simply another avenue to stop Biden from taking office.

Eastman said he had told Pence it was an open question whether he had the authority to unilaterally set aside slates of electors, but that it would be "foolish" to exercise that power because state legislatures had not certified the alternate slates put forward by Trump allies.

As part of the efforts of Trump's team to convince Congress not to certify the election, the initial two-page Eastman memo was given to Lee, one of the Senate's top Republican constitutional authorities. At the same time, Giuliani sent multiple memos to Graham trying to convince him that the claims of election fraud coming from Trump's team were legitimate.

The memos show how even some of Trump's closest allies balked at the measures Trump's team was taking behind the scenes to try to overturn his loss to Biden. But while Lee and Graham heard out the cases from Trump's lawyers, they soundly rejected their claims, Woodward and Costa write.

Lee was shocked by the claims the memo was making, since no state had considered, let alone put forward, any alternate slates of electors. "Lee's head was spinning," the authors write. "No such procedure existed in the Constitution, any law or past practice. Eastman had apparently drawn it out of thin air."

Lee also dismissed the Trump team's arguments that it had a case to overturn the election results in Georgia, saying they had to be made in court.

'Third grade'

Woodward and Costa also obtained several memos Giuliani sent to Graham to try to convince him of election fraud in Georgia and other states. CNN has also obtained those memos.

The authors write that on January 2, Giuliani briefed Graham at the White House. Giuliani presented a statistical analysis arguing Biden's win was impossible, but Graham dismissed Giuliani's evidence as too abstract. "Give me some names. You need to put it in writing. You need to show me the evidence," Graham said, according to the book.

Giuliani then sent Graham several memos and affidavits claiming fraud. But when Graham's chief Judiciary Committee counsel Lee Holmes went over the claims, he found they were sloppy, overbearing and "added up to nothing," Woodward and Costa write. "Holmes reported to Graham that the data in the memos were a concoction, with a bullying tone and eighth grade writing."

"Third grade," Graham responded, according to the book. "I can get an affidavit tomorrow saying the world is flat."

Giuliani did not respond to a request for comment.

Trump has continued to push baseless claims that the election was stolen from him. Last week, he sent a new letter to Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger claiming he should start the process of decertifying the 2020 election.

Criminal investigators in the state have been investigating Trump's efforts to overturn Georgia's 2020 election results, including an infamous call Trump made to Raffensperger in which Trump urged the secretary of state to "find" more than 11,000 votes that Trump needed to win.

Graham also made a phone call to Raffensperger, which is part of the Fulton County district attorney's probe. Graham has said his call was to understand the process of verifying signatures on mail-in ballots.

This story has been updated with a full version of the memo from Eastman.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Wed Sep 22, 2021 11:55 pm

Decertify the ‘Illegitimate’ Election, Says Man Under Investigation for Election Interference: Donald Trump, who lies a lot, tells Georgia officials that “the truth must be allowed to come out”
by Peter Wade
Rolling Stone
September 17, 2021 4:40PM ET

Donald Trump just can’t quit trying to interfere in the 2020 election.

As a criminal investigation moves forward in Georgia into his attempts to overturn the state’s 2020 election results, the former president sent a letter Friday to Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger that calls the election “illegitimate” and asks him to “start the process of decertifying the election… and announce the true winner.”

In the letter, Trump claims — as usual without evidence — that some 43,000 absentee ballot votes from DeKalb County “violated chain of custody rules, making them invalid.” The Washington Post’s Phillip Bump points out, this bogus chain of custody story originated on a pro-Trump, misinformation-spreading website called The Georgia Star News, which Bump says is “part of a group of sites established to mimic local news coverage but which largely promotes stories friendly to the right.”

Liz Harrington
@realLizUSA

NEW!

President Donald J. Trump's letter to Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger

SAVE
AMERICA
PRESIDENT DONALD J. TRUMP

September 17, 2021

Letter to Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger

DONALD J. TRUMP

September 17, 2021

The Honorable Bradford Raffensperger
Secretary of State
Atlanta, Georgia

Dear Secretary Raffensperger,

Large scale Voter Fraud continues to be reported in Georgia. Enclosed is a report of 43,000 Absentee Ballot Votes Counted in DeKalb County that violated the Chain of Custody rules, making them invalid. I would respectfully request that your department check this and, if true, along with many other claims of voter fraud and voter irregularities, start the process of decertifying the Election, or whatever the correct legal remedy is, and announce the true winner. As stated to you previously, the number of false and/or irregular votes is far greater than needed to change the Georgia election result. People do not understand why you and Governor Brian Kemp adamantly refuse to acknowledge the now proven facts, and fight so hard that the election truth not be told. You and Governor Kemp are doing a tremendous disservice to the Great State of Georgia, and to our Nation -- which is systematically being destroyed by an illegitimate president and his administration. The truth must be allowed to come out.

Thank you for your attention to this matter.

Sincerely,

Donald J. Trump


8:22 AM - Sep 17, 2021


Trump continued his missive, writing, “People do not understand why you and Governor Brian Kemp adamantly refuse to acknowledge the now proven facts, and fight so hard that the election truth not be told.”

Trump’s letter comes at the same time Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis’s investigation into his election interference is progressing. According to a Daily Beast report, Willis and her investigators have interviewed at least four staff members from the Georgia Secretary of State’s office and obtained documents. But the investigation is still in its beginning stages, and key witnesses, including Kemp and Raffensperger, have not yet been interviewed.

“What I can tell you is that the Trump investigation is ongoing,” Willis told reporters this week, according to CNN. “As a district attorney, I do not have the right to look the other way on any crime that may have happened in my jurisdiction. We have a team of lawyers that is dedicated to that, but my number one priority is to make sure that we keep violent offenders off the street.”

The Fulton County DA is not just looking into the former president’s actions. She is investigating Trump allies Sen. Lindsay Graham (R-S.C.), who placed a call to Raffensperger asking him to use his power to throw out mail-in ballots, and Rudy Giuliani, who like the president, is also under investigation for lying a lot about the election.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Mon Sep 27, 2021 10:28 pm

Legal Luminary Reveals He Advised Pence To Ignore ‘How To Coup’ Memo: This memo was trash, and a former federal judge laid it all out for Pence.
by Joe Patrice
Above The Law
September 22, 2021 at 1:13 PM

John Eastman’s six-page primer on word-twisting the Electoral Count Act to suggest that the law vests the Vice President with the power to unilaterally decide who wins presidential elections is getting a lot of attention this week — despite Trump’s efforts to change the topic. That’s understandable considering a prominent Federalist Society figure, Justice Thomas clerk, and law school dean composed a document laying out a hypothetical legal path to subverting the democratic process. Without the benefit of a Florida recount process this time!

But last night, we learned that there was a committed textualist out there who didn’t buy this reading and dutifully advised Mike Pence that John Eastman was wrong — and it was Eastman’s former boss.

Judge J. Michael Luttig doesn’t Tweet very often, but last night he took to the app to lay out his conversations with t

I was honored to advise Vice President Pence that he had no choice on January 6, 2021, but to accept and count the Electoral College votes as they had been cast and properly certified by the states.

— @judgeluttig (@judgeluttig) September 22, 2021

@judgeluttig
I believe(d) that Professor Eastman was incorrect at every turn of the analysis in his January 2 memorandum, beginning with his claim that there were legitimate, competing slates of electors presented from seven states; continuing to his conclusion that the VP could unilaterally decide not to count the votes from the seven states from which competing slates were allegedly presented; to his determination that the VP himself could decide that the Electoral Count Act of 1887 is unconstitutional and accordingly submit the 2020 Presidential Election for decision only to the House of Representatives, instead of to both Houses of Congress, as provided in the Electoral Count Act; to his recommendation that the VP not consult with the Joint Session of Congress as to whether the election should be submitted to both Houses or only to one; to his urging that the VP not seek decision from the federal courts, including from the Supreme Court; and finally, to his belief that the federal courts and the Supreme Court would decline to decide every one of these fundamental constitutional questions on the grounds that they were non-justiciable political questions; I believ(d) the Supreme Court would have decided each of these issues had they been presented to the Court, which they undoubtedly would have been had the VP proceeded as outlined in the January 2 memorandum.

11:50 PM Sep 21, 2021 Twitter Web App


It’s a thorough repudiation of a former clerk’s work, which is no doubt hard for a judge to put out there. But “country over clerkships,” as they say. Well, they don’t because it’s never really come up before, but they can say it now. Thankfully, Judge Luttig had retired from the bench, affording Pence the opportunity to get insights from Eastman’s mentor on the quality of the memo he’d been handed.

But it also raises some fairly frightening questions about just how close the country came to a full-on crisis. We already knew that Pence, who is A LAWYER, turned to former Vice President Dan Quayle — also a lawyer — to discuss the memo. Quayle reportedly told Pence that the theory was nonsense and Pence continued to push back until Quayle had to say, “I do know the position you’re in. I also know what the law is.”

The revelation that Pence — again, a lawyer — consulted with another lawyer who told him the memo was garbage and then still felt the need to talk to a former federal judge about it underscores just how worryingly unsettled Pence’s resolve was. He could tell the strategy was dubious enough to seek out advice, yet seemed willing to keep searching to find anyone willing to give him the answer Trump wanted to hear.

Mercifully, the lawyers he relied upon who actually read these statutes were never going to give him that answer.

Joe Patrice is a senior editor at Above the Law and co-host of Thinking Like A Lawyer. Feel free to email any tips, questions, or comments. Follow him on Twitter if you’re interested in law, politics, and a healthy dose of college sports news. Joe also serves as a Managing Director at RPN Executive Search.
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Re: Trump lashes out at Gov. Doug Ducey following certificat

Postby admin » Thu Oct 21, 2021 10:46 am

Claire McCaskill: Contempt Vote Will Test Whether Congress Has Any Power
by Nicolle Wallace
MSNBC
Oct 20, 2021

Maybe I learned something I didn’t know about one of the privileges of being White: I could literally smash up the United States Capitol! What else? The White House? What else could I do, and nothing would happen to me? Man! I mean, that’s a high bar. Nothing. No terrorism charges. Trespassing, illegal entry, stealing Nancy Pelosi’s mail, stealing Jim Clkyburn’s tablet, his Ipad is gone. That’s a felony.

And then the footage later that night of some of these same protesters – they had a shot of them back at the Willard Hotel smoking cigars and having a good laugh. First of all, if you’re not familiar with the Willard Hotel, it’s maybe the most expensive hotel to stay in in D.C. It’s right across from the White House. Right across from Lafayette Park. It’s right there on the corner on 16th street where it dead ends at Lafayette Park, and there’s the White House right there. And they are sitting there in the – I don’t know if they have a cigar bar or a lounge, or whatever, and they’re smoking cigars, and having a great laugh! Wow!

Image
Willard Intercontinental Hotel

Image
Willard Intercontinental Hotel

-- The Terrorist Attack Is NOT Over, by Michael Moore, Rumble podcast


Former Senator Claire McCaskill and national political reporter for the Washington Post Robert Costa discuss the January 6th committee sending the vote to hold Steve Bannon in contempt to the full House....

[Nicolle Wallace] Is Steve Scaline for or against congressional subpoenas holding water, as a reporter asked him there?

[Robert Costa, The Washington Post, National Political Reporter] Let's step back for a second. With all these partisan shots happening, coming across the bow, from the Republicans and others, what really matters with this Bannon subpoena is not only the power of Congress potentially being diminished if Bannon doesn't end up testifying under oath, but we're not going to have the full story. The Willard Hotel is mentioned by Representative Cheney in her remarks yesterday. January 5th is the day that Trump and his allies push democracy to the brink, coordinating from, just steps from the White House, in a hotel suite, Rudy Giuliani, Jason Miller, Steve Bannon, talking by phone with the President who is pressuring Pence over at the White House, talking to lawmakers, coordinating the message with Conservative allies, this was the day, the eve of the insurrection, to try to make it all happen, to put it in motion. And Bannon, in our reporting, is in that room. And what this Committee clearly wants to figure out under oath is what was being said specifically by Trump to this war room at the Willard, what was being done when they issued a statement in Pence's name late at night saying Pence agreed with the move to push the election to the House, even though Pence did not. There are so many looming questions about why what happens on the 6th gets put into motion. And if you want to answer that, you have to really know what exactly was said by the people at the Willard Hotel and to the President of the United States sitting across the street.

[Nicolle Wallace] It's one of the more vivid scenes that you depict in a book full of vivid scenes, Robert Costa. So let me just follow up and add another name to the mix. I think you for the first time reported this that Bannon talks to Trump about killing the Biden presidency in its crib. You also, I believe, are the first to report on the Eastman memo, which is what was written on paper, the white paper if you will for the coup plot. Talk a little bit more about the premeditated nature, and how January 5 makes clear that January 6 was exactly what they'd planned?

[Robert Costa, The Washington Post, National Political Reporter] When does Bannon talk to Trump? December 30, 2020. That's after they have failed in the courts, and the Electoral College has already said Biden's the winner. The only thing left is certification on the 6th. So disrupting certification on the 6th becomes key. But you can't just disrupt it with some kind of conflict at the Capitol. You need a legal cover, a legal rationale. And so John Eastman enters the scene as someone who says there's a legal rationale for Pence to push it to the House. And he comes up with this idea of alternate electors. And so Bannon, Trump, so many others within the White House say, "That's the play. Let's use this memo as the legal rationale," and give it to Pence and say, "Mike, this is all you have to do. We're giving you a Conservative lawyer's argument for tilting it toward the House." And they needed to create momentum. That's why it's given to Senator Mike Lee of Utah. It's given to others, because they want Conservative buy-in. And it all culminates on the night of the 5th. Total buy-in is necessary so events unfold on the 6th to delay the certification, and eventually push it to the House.


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