"The World's Most Dangerous Man": Mary Trump on Her Uncle, P

"The World's Most Dangerous Man": Mary Trump on Her Uncle, P

Postby admin » Thu Nov 05, 2020 8:42 am

"The World's Most Dangerous Man": Mary Trump on Her Uncle, President Trump, & Why He Must Be Ousted
by Amy Goodman
Democracy Now!
August 7, 2020



"In my family, being kind was considered being weak," says Mary Trump, President Trump's niece, a clinical psychologist and author of "Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World's Most Dangerous Man." We spend the hour with Mary Trump, discussing her book the president doesn't want people to read, in which she describes his upbringing in a dysfunctional family that fostered his greed, cruelty and racist and sexist behaviors — which he is now inflicting on the world. Mary Trump also discusses the president's mishandling of the coronavirus pandemic, his long history of lies and misrepresentations, and the dangers of his reelection. "I believe that this country is on the knife's edge, and I don't want anybody going to cast their vote in November being able to claim that they just don't know who they're voting for," she says.
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Re: "The World's Most Dangerous Man": Mary Trump on Her Uncl

Postby admin » Thu Nov 05, 2020 9:00 am

The Trumps: “An Incestuous Intertwining with Organized Crime.”
by Steve Villano
Jun 3, 2016



(Originally published in The National Memo, May 30, 2016)

As an Italian-American and a former staff member for Mario Cuomo, I have been wrestling with how best to express my outrage over the fact that if Donald Trump’s name contained six vowels — like say, Mario Cuomo’s — his Presidential candidacy would be swimming with the fishes because Trump has been in bed with mobsters for his entire professional life.

The list of the Trump family’s — both Fred Trump, who left his son $200 million dollars and a legacy of lying about his wealth and businesses, and Donald’s — ties to organized crime, or “Mob-Nobbing” as Wayne Barrett aptly named it in his book Trump: The Deals & the Downfall, reads like a Who’s Who of Mafioso in the New York/New Jersey/Philadelphia Metropolitan Areas over the past five decades. Just a few of the law-breaking luminaries or their mob-fronted companies, which can be found in Barrett’s book, who either did business with the Trumps, served as their partners (secret or otherwise), or made labor or building problems go away in exchange for cash, included:

· Manny Ciminello; construction contractor, racketeer, tied to S & A Concrete;
· Paul Castellano; head of Gambino Mob; secret owner of S & A Concrete;
· Fat Tony Salerno; head of Genovese Mob; secret owner of S & A Concrete;
· S & A Concrete; Mob-front concrete company, run by Nick Auletta; built Trump Tower and Trump Plaza;
· Willie Tomasello; Fred Trump’s partner on Beach Haven; Genovese associate;

Present: Senators Capehart and Bennett; Mr. William Simon, General Counsel, Senate Banking and Currency Committee. Also Present: Mr. Fred C. Trump; Mr. Matthew J. Tosti, Mr. Orrin G. Judd ...

Mr. Simon. Mr. Trump, what is your connection with Beach Haven Apartments, Inc.?

Mr. Trump. I am President of Beach Haven Apartments.

Mr. Simon. Who are the stockholders of Beach Haven?

Mr. Trump. Fred C. Trump and William Tomasello.

Mr. Simon. Roughly speaking, what proportion of the stock do you own?

Mr. Trump. Fred Trump, 75 per cent; William Tomasello, 25.

Mr. Simon. Does Beach Haven Apartments, Inc., own any other property than the building development that it financed under Section 608 of the Housing Act?

Mr. Trump. Yes.

Mr. Simon. What does it own beside?...

Mr. Judd. If I can interject here. there are several corporations which form the Beach Haven Unit.

Mr. Simon. How many separate corporations?

Mr. Judd. Six separate corporations.

Mr. Simon. Is the stock ownership the same?

Mr. Trump. Same. ...

Mr. Simon. You obtained F.H.A. mortgages totalling $15,922,900 in the six corporations, is that right?

Mr. Trump. Yes.

-- Executive Session: In the Matter of: Special Interview to Investigate Federal Housing Administration, Washington, D.C., June 18, 1954


· Nicky Scarfo; Atlantic City/Philadelphia Crime Boss; Cleveland Wrecking Co;
· Cleveland Wrecking Company; mob-front demolition co., hired by Trump;
· Wachtel Plumbing; mob-front co.; hired by Trump in Atlantic City & NYC;
· Teddy Maritas; mobbed-up head of Carpenters Union; NYC Trump contract;
· Circle Industries; Maritas’ mobbed up Drywall Co; Trump hired, NYC;
· John Cody; mobbed-up head of Teamsters Local 282; jailed for racketeering; bragged that “Donald liked to deal with me through Roy Cohn.”
· Nick Auletta: President of S & A Concrete, mob-controlled cement company;
· Joe DePaolo; President of Dic Underhill Co; company with alleged mob connections; helped build Trump Village with Fred Trump;
· Danny Sullivan; partner in SSG, Inc; deal-making arm of Scarfo Mob, negotiated with Trump on land in Atlantic City;
· Kenny Shapiro; scrap-metal dealer, partner SSG; principle financier for Scarfo’s Philadelphia Crime Organization.

Writing in Politico just last week (May 22, 2016) David Cay Johnston, a Philadelphia Inquirer reporter whose book Temples of Chance: How America Inc. Bought Out Murder Inc. to Win Control of the Casino Business carefully details Trump’s ties with organized crime, stated:

“No other candidate for the White House this year has anything close to Trump’s record of repeated social and business dealings with mobsters, swindlers, and other crooks. Professor Douglas Brinkley, a presidential historian, said the closest historical example would be President Warren G. Harding and Teapot Dome, a bribery and bid-rigging scandal in which the interior secretary went to prison. But even that has a key difference: Harding’s associates were corrupt but otherwise legitimate businessmen, not mobsters and drug dealers.”


The torrent of thugs, terrible people and mob-front businesses Trump and his father were involved with going back more than 50 years permeates every present-day action Donald Trump takes. If Mario Cuomo was in the same room for five minutes with just one of the mobsters that Donald Trump or his father did business with daily, his political career would have been finished. Instead, Trump shrugs it all off; an amoral actor playing among amoral peers. And the press, which apparently only looks for mob connections among Italian-American politicians, allows him to do it.

Imagine, for a moment, if Cuomo — anytime between 1985–1991, when the presidential boomlets for him reached their peaks — had gone to a private meeting in a posh New York townhouse with the boss of one of New York’s biggest crime families under investigation by the FBI. Wayne Barrett’s book — backed by an eyewitnesses’ account — documents such a meeting between Trump and Genovese Crime Boss “Fat Tony” Salerno, who controlled the cement industry in New York, and attorney Roy Cohn — later disbarred — who represented many gangsters, and Trump. Would the media be silent about such a meeting if it occurred between the head of a Mafia crime family and an Italian-American candidate for President?

Even a Mob/Trump meeting broker as unsavory as Roy Cohn, whose long list of Organized Crime clients were clearly of financial value to Trump, would have been cited as proof that there were Mafia “skeletons” in Cuomo’s closet. The vowel at the end of his name would have been Cuomo’s indictment, plain and simple. Yet, Trump and his shills get away with the absurd and inaccurate defense that “everybody was doing business that way,” when other major NYC real estate developers such as Sam LeFrak and the Resnick family clearly refused to, and were, instead, pleading with the FBI, and filing civil actions, to free them of mob control of the concrete business. Trump, no friend of law enforcement authorities, just kept quiet and paid his tithe. Such silence would have sentenced Mario Cuomo to political death by insinuation.

Far more dangerous than the double-standard at work here, evidenced by the way the media has failed to pursue Trump’s history of “Mob-Nobbing,” is the practical matter of putting Donald Trump in charge of Federal law enforcement agencies. Does any American who believes in the rule of law and justice really want someone so cozy with Mobsters to have power over the U.S. Justice Department, the FBI, the CIA, the IRS, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco & Firearms, the NSA and Homeland Security? Does anyone seriously believe a President Trump would not try to bend those agencies to his will, steering investigations away from his friends and associates, quietly killing administrative inquiries or condemning federal judges conducting criminal fraud cases as “biased?”

Stick a vowel at the end of Trump’s name, and see if his family’s decades-long “incestuous intertwining with organized crime,” as Barrett described the many Trump/Mafia marriages of convenience, would still be ignored.
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Re: "The World's Most Dangerous Man": Mary Trump on Her Uncl

Postby admin » Thu Nov 05, 2020 9:28 am

Trump borrows his rhetoric — and his view of power — from the mob: The president’s background in New York real estate taught mob values that still persist.
by Marc Fisher
Washington Post
November 29, 2018 at 8:12 p.m. MST

President Trump’s reaction to a new guilty plea Thursday from his longtime attorney and fixer, Michael Cohen, was predictably pugnacious: Cohen, one of Trump’s strongest defenders for more than a decade, was “a weak person and not a very smart person.” Asked why he had kept such a character on his payroll for so many years, the president sounded like a parody of a lousy mob flick: “Because a long time ago, he did me a favor.”

That was predictable, too.

An affinity for mobsters and their rhetoric has been a consistent thread through Trump’s adult life. From his early professional mentor, the New York lawyer and power broker Roy Cohn, to his many years of dealing with mob-connected union and construction industry bosses, Trump has formed close alliances with renegades and rogues who sometimes ended up on the wrong side of the law. He’s long learned from and looked up to tough, street-smart guys who didn’t mind breaking some rules to get things done. Trump also admires mobsters’ no-nonsense language and bias for action; he cites “The Godfather” and “Goodfellas” among his favorite movies.

His attacks on special counsel Robert Mueller III’s investigation into the 2016 campaign often include language usually reserved for stories about mobsters. In August, when Cohen first pleaded guilty and agreed to cooperate with the investigation, Trump lashed out at people he called “rats” — his advisers, employees and erstwhile friends who had been talking to the feds about his campaign. “I know all about flipping,” Trump said in a Fox News interview. “For 30, 40 years, I’ve been watching flippers. Everything’s wonderful, and then they get 10 years in jail and they flip on whoever the next highest one is, or as high as you can go.”

Before Trump’s ex-campaign chairman, Paul Manafort, pleaded guilty to conspiracy charges, the president complimented him on Twitter because “he refused to ‘break’ — make up stories in order to get a ‘deal.’ ”

The president last summer also praised his outgoing White House counsel, Don McGahn, tweeting that the lawyer was no “John Dean type ‘RAT,’ ” a reference to the former Nixon White House counsel who cooperated with Watergate prosecutors, helping to end Richard Nixon’s presidency in 1974. Trump didn’t argue that Dean got his facts wrong, just that he’d flipped — making him, in Trump’s conception, a snitch.

So when Trump told his favorite interviewers on “Fox and Friends” in August that the standard prosecutorial practice of granting leniency to criminals who cooperate with investigations into larger matters “almost ought to be illegal,” and when he acknowledged that “I’ve had many friends involved in this stuff,” the idea that a president of the United States might lean toward the side of wrongdoers seemed not so much outrageous as very much in character.

Trump’s work as a developer put him in close touch with mobsters from the very start. Early on, he believed that politics and real estate were dirty businesses, riddled with corruption, and he resolved to master the game.

On his first building project in Manhattan, the 1970s rehab of the Grand Hyatt New York, Trump hired a notorious demolition company partly owned by a Philadelphia mobster, as well as a concrete firm run by a man later convicted of being part of a mob-run cartel, and a carpentry company controlled by the Genovese organized-crime family. He used some of the same contractors that his father, real estate developer Fred Trump, had employed, including S&A Concrete, which worked on Trump Tower and was owned in part by Anthony “Fat Tony” Salerno, who ran the Genovese mob.

In 1981, as he made his first move into casino gambling, New Jersey’s gaming regulators concluded that Trump had been in contact with organized-crime figures.

Two men — Daniel Sullivan, a former truck driver and Teamster, and Kenny Shapiro, an ex-scrap-metal dealer and real estate developer — played vital roles in finding and acquiring the land on which Trump would build his first casino hotel, Trump Plaza. Sullivan and Shapiro were mob associates. Sullivan had served time for larceny and was listed in FBI records as someone intimately familiar with La Cosa Nostra — the Mafia. Shapiro worked in Atlantic City for Nicodemo “Little Nicky” Scarfo, a Philadelphia mob boss. According to an FBI report, Trump said at the time that he knew Sullivan was “in a very rough business” and “knows people,” some of whom “may be unsavory.”

But in this murky underworld, things aren’t always as they seem: Sullivan had been an FBI informant, and when FBI agents visited Trump to talk about his deal with Sullivan and Shapiro, Trump told them he wanted to cooperate, even suggesting that the feds put undercover agents inside his casino, an FBI report said.

Trump’s loyalty runs in two directions. One of Cohn’s clients, John Cody, ran the Teamsters union that controlled cement truckers in New York, and Cody turned out to be greatly helpful to Trump as his signature project, Trump Tower, rose on Fifth Avenue in 1982. Cody — whom the House Subcommittee on Criminal Justice later cited as “the most significant labor racketeer preying on the construction industry in New York” — warned Trump before a strike shut down work on many major building sites that summer. Work on the tower didn’t miss a beat.

When the tower opened the next year, Trump arranged for Cody’s girlfriend, Verina Hixon, to acquire three large duplexes on the 64th and 65th floors, just below Trump’s own apartment. Hixon insisted on adding an indoor swimming pool to her spread. The building had not been designed to withstand the weight of an indoor pool, so Trump’s structural engineers built a special frame to support it.

For six months, Hixon had more than 30 workmen in her units every day, installing a sauna and cedar and lacquer closets. At one point, when Cody said Hixon wanted space that had been planned for a hallway to instead be added to one of her apartments, Trump replied, “Anything for you, John,” as Hixon later recalled to Trump biographer Wayne Barrett.

Working with unsavory types was second nature to Trump, who watched closely as his father succeeded, in good part by tirelessly massaging his bonds with the Brooklyn and Queens Democratic organizations and mob-influenced construction businesses and trade unions. As Fred Trump built thousands of middle-income housing units in New York’s outer boroughs, he made deals with contractors such as Willie Tomasello , who had worked with the Genovese organized-crime family on several New York real estate projects.

After his father, Trump’s primary tutor on the power calculus of New York was Cohn, the first and most important in a long series of lawyer-fixers he would employ. Cohn’s client list included alleged crime bosses, and his reputation for unbridled aggression in defense of his clients was hard-earned.

Like the real-life and movie mobsters he’d studied so closely, Trump concluded that the way to insulate himself from the betrayals and backstabbing of the business world was to place a premium on loyalty — to construct his organization as a tight family circle, assisted only by a handful of long-standing, totally committed outsiders. That structure allowed the organization to survive bankruptcies, business failures, oceans of bad publicity, and legions of angry competitors, contractors and former employees.

In the presidency as in the Trump Organization, Trump listens mainly to a close coterie of family members and longtime associates. The revolving door of top aides is a symptom of his deep belief that only lifelong loyalists can truly be trusted.

In the Fox interview in August, Trump grumbled about his then-attorney general, Jeff Sessions, asking, “What kind of a man is this? ” The president recalled “the only reason I gave him the job: because I felt loyalty.” When Sessions recused himself from supervising the special counsel’s investigation into Trump’s 2016 campaign, the president felt betrayed.

Much of Trump’s personality and professional style overlaps with the folkways of the mob — his sense of how power works, his belief in the primacy of strength and the supreme importance of being surrounded by loyalists who share cultural bonds. He prefers the company of plain-speaking men who talk a big game and never back down. On breaks from work at Trump Tower, he often stepped out onto Fifth Avenue to hang out not with his top executives but with his bodyguards.

He can even sound like a mobster, or the movie version of one, anyway. In conversation, Trump has a chummy, intimate way of connecting with people — often accompanied by thinly veiled threats. He loves to share secrets, shower with praise and warn, amiably enough, that if things don’t go as he expects, he will take aggressive action.

In 2016, when Washington Post reporter Michael Kranish and I were interviewing Trump for The Post’s biography, “Trump Revealed ,” Trump repeatedly told us that if he didn’t like the book, he would take action against it. He pointedly told the story of his $5 billion lawsuit against an earlier biographer, Timothy O’Brien. Although that suit was dismissed, Trump contended that he had never expected to win any money; his purpose, he told us, was simply to destroy the author, to force him to spend his savings and time defending himself against the suit.

“If you think enough of yourself, you have a legacy,” Trump told us. “And you don’t want people reading in a hundred years a book that you were best friends with Two Ton Tony Soprano and all of the different people.” So, in the case of O’Brien’s book, Trump said, “I knocked the hell out of it.”

Marc Fisher, a senior editor, writes about most anything. He has been The Washington Post’s enterprise editor, local columnist and Berlin bureau chief, and he has covered politics, education, pop culture and much else in three decades on the Metro, Style, National and Foreign desks.Follow
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Re: "The World's Most Dangerous Man": Mary Trump on Her Uncl

Postby admin » Tue Nov 10, 2020 5:35 am

Mary Trump warns of 'meltdowns' by Trump in next few months
by Zack Budryk
11/09/20 11:04 AM EST

President Trump’s niece Mary Trump warned that her uncle would be prone to “meltdowns” in the period between his electoral defeat and President-elect Joe Biden’s inauguration next year.

“This is what Donald’s going to do: he’s not going to concede, although who cares. What’s worse is he’s not going to engage in the normal activities that guarantee a peaceful transition,” Mary Trump told The Guardian.

In the interim, she said, “he’ll be having meltdowns upon meltdowns right now. He has never been in a situation like this before.”

"All he’s got now is breaking stuff, and he’s going to do that with a vengeance," she added.

She warned that Trump would likely be further incensed by Republicans beating expectations in House and Senate races.

“It means that people were voting against Donald Trump in this election, but not necessarily against this party,” she wrote. “That will have added so much salt to his narcissistic wounds.”

Between now and the inauguration, she wrote, “I worry about what Donald’s going to do in that time to lash out. He will go as far as he can to delegitimize the new administration, then he’ll pass pardons that will demoralize us, and sign a flurry of executive orders. Remember, he will also still be in charge of the U.S. response to the pandemic. There could be a million Americans dead by then under his watch.”

Mary Trump has been a frequent critic of her uncle and earlier this year published the tell-all “Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World’s Most Dangerous Man.”

Trump has called his niece “unstable,” and the president’s late brother Robert Trump sued to block the release of the book, citing a nondisclosure agreement she signed after the death of the president’s father, Fred Trump.
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Re: "The World's Most Dangerous Man": Mary Trump on Her Uncl

Postby admin » Tue Nov 10, 2020 5:43 am

Mary Trump: ‘If he thinks he’s going down, he’s going to try to take the rest of us down with him.’
Nov 6, 2020

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