The Conclusion: Did Bush Go to Paris?
by Harry V. Martin
Last in an Ten Part Series
Copyright, Napa Sentinel, 1991
Congressman Lee Hamilton has announced that there is not sufficient evidence to prove that George Bush went to Paris in October 1980 to negotiate a deal with the Iranians not to release 52 American hostages until after the November 1980 elections. The purpose of the meeting was to block any chance that President Jimmy Carter would create an "October Surprise" by gaining release of the hostages and thus assure his reelection to a second term. Hamilton has conducted a low level investigation into the October Surprise, the purpose of his investigation was to determine whether or not a large scale Congressional investigation into the allegations against Bush should be held.
Hamilton has apparently made no attempt to locate a French intelligence memo delivered to the CIA in December 1980 that reports on Bush's visit and the contents of the meeting between American civilian and Iranian government representatives. Hamilton, further, has not attempted to check Norad's computers for the code name Maggellan and the code number 0221-001-666, nor have flight logs from any KC135 been obtained for the night of October 20, 1980, the night that an aircraft was allegedly refueled over the Atlantic, an aircraft that was reportedly carrying Bush.
Also, it is not known if Hamilton checked the sworn testimony of two Secret Service agents in a federal trial held in Portland, Oregon. The agents state under oath they cannot account for Bush's time for about 21 hours. Certainly, the wife of the late Supreme Court Justice Potter Stewart cannot confirm that she and her husband had lunch with Bush at a country club that Bush does not belong to, nor did anyone at the country club recall him being there.
Also, the transcript of the Richard Brenneke trial in Portland, Oregon, would show that Donald Gregg, now ambassador to South Korea and a person reported to be subject of a forthcoming perjury indictment by a U.S. Federal Grand Jury, lied on the stand. Gregg denied being in Paris on the dates in question, stating he was with his wife on a sunny Maryland beach that day, and even produced a photograph. Weather experts testified that the picture does not reflect the weather patterns that existed that day, which was not sunny.
Hamilton has not been able to account for the whereabouts of Bush, William Casey or Donald Gregg on those missing days in October 1980, in fact no one has, not even the men themselves.
Several witnesses have come forward, but how credible are the witnesses. Heinrick Rupp, a former Nazi pilot and long time covert operator for the CIA, says Bush, Casey and Gregg were in Paris. Rupp was sentenced to 40 years in a CIA-funded bank scam and his sentence was reduced to two years. Richard Brenneke, another long time CIA covert operator who flew drugs and guns, went to Rupp's defense and was charged with several counts of perjury. Brenneke was acquitted of perjury by a federal jury who believed he had flown Bush, Casey and Gregg to Paris. But Brenneke's health is broken. Gunther Russbacher, alias Robert A. Walker, alias the Raven, and several other aliases, has rushed to Brenneke's defense to claim he was in the command seat. He is now in Terminal Island Federal Prison for impersonating a U.S. Attorney. Russbacher's background provides solid proof of his CIA and Naval Intelligence background. The man who claims he made the money transfer of $40 million to the Iranians, Michael Ricconoscuito, is a key witness against the U.S. Justice Department in the INSLAW case. He has provided testimony to the U.S. House Judiciary Committee investigation. Ricconoscuito warned in his affidavit he would be arrested if he testified. He was arrested just one week after the affidavit and held without bail. He was to have been interviewed on KING Radio in Seattle but was whisked away to a midwestern federal prison for "psychiatric" evaluation.
All four of these individuals are known CIA operatives or contract personnel. All have taken a fall, save Brenneke, who was saved by a federal jury.
What is also known, is that the Carter Administration, according to Gary Sick, was on the verge of obtaining the release of the hostages in October 1980, which probably would have assured his reelection. After the date that Bush allegedly went to Paris, the negotiations with the Iranians collapsed. Moments after Ronald Reagan became President, the hostages were released. Within weeks, shipments of military equipment and spare parts were flown to Iran. Mossad agents have testified to the Iran weapons deal. The French have memos about the plan. The former President of Iran confirms the Republican-Iranian deal to delay the release of the hostages, and even former President Jimmy Carter, who had preferred to remain silent, has come forward to indicate that Gregg was a mole and was possibley responsible for the October Surprise. Gregg worked for Bush when Bush was head of the CIA.
Computers on flights in and out of Andrews Air Force Base, McGuire, French air fields, refueling planes, Brenneke's and Russbacher's flight logs, transportation systems, serial numbers of aircraft supplied by the Saudi Royal Family, the inventory of Reforger materials, French memos on file with the CIA and in Paris, and the diaries and campaign logs of Bush, Casey and Gregg, conflicting Secret Service memos, and transcripts of the Rupp, Brenneke and Russbacher trials are all smoking guns if Congress wants to check out documents.
Congress is wary of the impact another Watergate type scandal would have on the American people and with foreign nations. But perhaps, Congress is more worried about what Gregg once told a Senate investigation committee probing the Iran-Contra scandal. "Back off or face martial law."
EDITOR'S NOTE: Though we are concluding the series today, the Sentinel will continue to update its readers on further developments. All our material has been or will be sent to Congress.