Part 30: The National Programs Office and the drugs-for-arms operation at Mena and other secured facilities.
What do the Mena, Arkansas, and Fire Lakes, Nevada, airfields have in common? The answer is they were both secure facilities run by the highly classified National Programs Office (NPO). Other facilities were located at Joppa, Missouri, and Iron Mountain, Texas.
President Ronald Reagan appointed Oliver North as the secret head of this secret organization, and sometime in 1983, the NPO, which is organizationally part of the National Security Agency (NSA), became the effective administrator of a covert plan called Operation Black Eagle.
Operation Black Eagle became a network of 5000 people who made possible the export of arms in the direction of Central America, and the import of drugs from the same direction. According to Navy Lt. Commander Alexander Martin (ret.), he, as an assistant to Major General Richard Secord, worked closely with Oliver North, Richard Secord, Felix Rodriquez, and Jeb Bush (son of Vice-President Bush) in the operation. Different aspects of Black Eagle were consolidated under the office of the Vice President.
Martin himself admits to setting up fraudulent paper "investment projects" through which the wealthy could donate money to the Contra cause. They would "invest" in projects that didn't exist, and write off the investment on a two-for-one basis.
But it is estimated that only 3 (three) percent of the money actually found its way into the hands of the Contras. The rest of the money was diverted to other purposes, and some of it still exists, stashed away in hidden bank accounts in the U.S. and around the world.
For the next several years the importation of drugs into the U.S. was largely a U.S. government monopoly, with the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) acting as the government's enforcer to eliminate any private competition.
Not everyone who participated in the operation knew the full picture, nor did they approve of what was going on. I talked to two pilots who used to fly in and out of Mena airport, among other places.
Pilot A was appalled when he found out he was transporting cocaine. Among other things, this was totally contradictory to an apparent "war on drugs". Later on he grew more cynical, as he came to realize that the "war on drugs" was precisely what made the whole operation so profitable, as well as serving as a broad strategy for social control. Later on he was offered a job transporting cocaine by the producers themselves.
"It was good money. They would pay a $100,000 a flight. They would send out maybe eight planes at a time, and if only two of them got shot down, the operation would still be profitable. So there was some risk involved."
But he turned the job down. "You can't do business with those people," he said. "I was used to working in an environment where if you got into trouble, you kept your mouth shut. But in that environment if anyone got into trouble, they would inform on anyone and blab about anything they knew about. That was the risk I couldn't take."
Pilot B let everyone know in no uncertain terms that he wasn't transporting any drugs, anywhere, at any time. "They were quite upset with me for not going along." One day as he was about to fly out of Mena in the direction of Florida, he became suspicious of the "equipment" cargo he was transporting. He feared that not only was the cargo really cocaine, but also that he was being set up to be busted because of his unpopular view of things. He started prying into one of the wooden crates but was warned off by Uzi-carrying guards. So he took off, dumping the entire cargo (which was cocaine) all over the runway in the process, leaving a white cloud behind him. He headed East and didn't stop till he arrived at CIA headquarters to scream at Bill Casey.
"They still complain about the millions of dollars I cost them," he says, unrepentantly.
Operation Black Eagle was the basis for the diversion that became known as the "Iran-Contra" affair, a term invented by Attorney General Ed Meese, and obediently repeated ad nauseam by the news media. The exposure of the sale of TOW missiles to Iran, which no one really cared about, was intended to divert the attention of reporters toward the Middle East and away from the official government importation of drugs into secured NPO facilities.
In addition to facilities such as Mena and Fire Lakes which were guarded by the Wackenhut Corporation, the operation involved sophisticated electronics developed by NSA contractor E-Systems of Dallas, Texas, to create electronic "holes" which would allow planes to cross U.S. borders without tripping NORAD's Early Warning System. Or, if need be, to hide a flight path from U.S. spy satellites.
The monetary logistics of this operation were overseen in part by Vince Foster of the Rose Law Firm, using the financial software resources of Systematics, Jackson Stephen's Little Rock software company. Vince Foster's "NSA connection" involved an extensive knowledge of the NPO's management of the flow of men and materials, money and drugs.
Today no one wants Operation Black Eagle exposed or talked about. And that's one of the reasons investigations into the death of Vince Foster have been quashed on every side. You might call it a massive outbreak of National Insecurity.
Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking Tra
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Re: Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking
by admin » Mon Apr 25, 2016 5:45 am
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Re: Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking
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Part 31: Death and the empire of Jackson Stephens.
There is something about the explosive smell of money in Little Rock's Ozark air that turns a young man's thoughts to suicide.
But one might have believed John Markle, a PhD economist and son of the actress Mercedes McCambridge, was sitting on top of the world in 1987. He had left Salomon Brothers eight years earlier to become the one-man futures trading operation for Stephens Inc. on East Capitol Street.
Markle had a lot of money to play with. He had no position limits, at least none that he knew about. "They're at least $800 million, because I once had that much at risk and nobody stopped me," he told Forbes on March 31, 1987.
He traded exclusively for the house account--essentially for the personal profit of the two brothers Wilton R. "Witt" and Jackson T. "Jack" Stephens, the only stockholders in Stephens Group, which controlled an empire that included the investment bank Stephens Inc., the multibank holding company Worthen Banking Corp., the Capital Hotel of Little Rock, the software firm Systematics, the nursing home operator Beverly Enterprises, the insurance holding company ICH Corp., and (the crown jewel) the natural gas company Stephens Production Co.
Witt Stephens, a former Bible saleman, had long controlled Arkansas politics through a simple mechanism: those local candidates he didn't support saw all their funding cut off. Naturally no local candidate could afford to be seen taking out-of-state money, assuming it was available.
But like many of the super-rich, the Stephens brothers were neither Republican nor Democrat. Jackson Stephens, who was a major fund-raiser for Jimmy Carter in 1976 and 1980, would also become one of George Bush's "Team 100" through $100,000 political donations in 1988 and 1992. The latter was the year that a Stephens-controlled bank would supply a $3.5 million line of credit to the campaign of Bill Clinton.
No, these boys weren't hard-core Democratics. It was Witt Stephens who started the rumor that Geraldine Ferraro was Benito Mussolini's grandniece, a stunt he found so entertaining that he repeated it four years later with a story that Michael Dukakis was Aristotle Onassis' nephew.
Such international wit was curious for a man who retired weekends to the family homestead in Prattsville, and boasted that he had left the state of Arkansas only once in fifteen years. Witt's brother Jack, on the other hand, could more likely be found on the 6,000-acre plantation that Jack owned in Chittlin Switch, Georgia, where he might be joined for a weekend of hunting by Wal-Mart founder Sam Walton, Oklahoma Govenor Henry Bellmon, or Joseph Williams, the chairman of Williams Cos., of pipeline and telecommunications fame.
Markle, perched in front of his data screens trading futures, probably didn't know about the monetary flows generated by Operation Black Eagle and siphoned through the Stephens' financial institutions. He just knew that the different parts of the Stephens empire--legally administered by the Rose Law Firm trio of Webster Hubbell, Vince Foster, and Hillary Rodham Clinton--generated a lot of cash. ("They have so much money it scares you," a Merrill Lynch vice president would tell Time magazine a few years later.)
First, there was Beverly Enterprises, the nation's largest nursing home operator. As explained by Stephens' executive Jon Jacoby, "In 1968 the Great Society started the nursing home business, and all you had to do was open the doors and they filled up." That same year Jack bought into a chain of nursing homes called Leisure Lodges, and took them over in 1975. Then, after helping Beverly Enterprises avoid a takeover they didn't want, he sold Leisure Lodges to Beverly in 1978.
The Stephens brothers then acquired control of Beverly and turned it into a cash cow. In 1980 the Stephens sold most of their Beverly stock at a handsome profit, but retained the real estate from Leisure Lodges, which was rented to Beverly, and also contracted to provide data processing services to Beverly through Jack's software firm Systematics. The Stephens also remained one of Beverly's primary bankers.
The Stephens brothers were thus nicely positioned to make out like a bandit if they could convince some politician to push through a system of National Health Care, which would provide a built-in government demand for both health and software services. The Stephens brothers had always favored the notion of private enterprise supplemented by government subsidies.
The Systematics contracts were overseen by Vince Foster and Hillary Rodham Clinton of the Rose Law Firm. Systematics provided data processing services and software to track the flows of money through banks, and the flows of people and money through the nursing home industry. Vince and Hillary represented Systematics in the Jackson Stephens-Bert Lance-BCCI attempted takeover of First American Bank in 1978. Hillary also became self-taught in intellectual property law, important for a software company. Stephens had even picked up some neat software from Earl "Cash" Brian who had once been influential at Beverly Enterprises at its Pasadena, California, headquarters.
Jack Stephens had purchased 49 percent of Systematics for $400,000 in 1968, and it had since become one of the largest suppliers of retail banking software. Banking customers could purchase Systematics software to do their back office data processing (i.e. to transfer money between accounts and between banks), or they could contract with Systematics to do all their data processing for them (this was called "outsourcing")--either on the premises, or at remote locations using telecommunication links.
The investment bank Stephens Inc. had, with White Weld (whose domestic operations were later absorbed into Merrill Lynch, while the eurobond operation became part of Morgan Stanley), underwritten the initial public offering of Wal-Mart in 1970. Other public offerings included Tyson Foods (which made about one-half McDonald's Chicken McNuggets), Beverly Enterprises, and Systematics. Jack Stephens had joined the firm in 1946, and was now its Chairman, while his son Warren was President.
In 1983 the Stephens brothers had acquired controlling interest in Arkansas' largest bank holding company, Worthen Banking Corp. Another major shareholder in Worthen would be Mochtar Riady, an Indonesian banker closely connected to President Suharto. Jackson Stephens met Riady in 1976, when Riady wanted to buy into an American bank. Two years later Riady and Stephens Inc. set up a joint venture, Stephens Finance Ltd., in Hong Kong to write letters of credit. Later, in 1983, Stephens and Riady bought Seng Heng Bank in Macao, and in 1984 they bought the Hong Kong Chinese Bank. Riady also controlled the Bank of Trade in San Francisco.
Hong Kong was then the banking center for the heroin trade, just as Panama was the banking center for the cocaine trade.
Stephens Link, a customized computer network designed for commercial banks, was launched in 1986. It tied together bank branches to Stephens Inc. trading and clearing operations. There were computer terminals in eight states and Panama. The good citizens of Panama, the home of the Stephens' friends Gabriel Lewis and Manuel Noriega, could purchase a variety of Stephens financial services and products without ever having to leave home.
Finally, there was Stephens Production Co., based in Ft. Smith, which owned perhaps a trillion cubic feet of natural gas in the Arkoma Basin. The property, purchased in 1953 for $5.4 million, was now worth at least a billion dollars. But the Stephens brothers valued the property at cost, which led to an understatement of their ranking among the world's wealthiest individuals.
And Markle, the futures trader, could put much of this wealth at risk, could bet it on the rolls of the market dice. Markle liked to think he could predict the future. He would quote from Michael Talbot's Beyond the Quantum: "The human biological organism possesses the ability to leap into the future, to actively tap into information about future events and process that information in the present."
Luckily, as is often the case, he was spared the vision of his own demise. He was fired on Friday the 13th (Nov. 1987). He had been asked, they said, about an unidentified, out-of-state brokerage account he controlled, and its relationship to a Stephens corporate account. Rumors would circulate saying maybe he was putting profitable trades in the secret account, and sticking Stephens with the unprofitable ones. But that's all they were, rumors. For Markle himself wasn't talking.
Three days after Markle was fired, there was a furious thunderstorm in Little Rock, during which, it is said, John Markle killed his wife, his two young daughters, and then himself. And to do the job, he used three different handguns. That's what they said.
Curious deaths, those. But this was Stephens country, and no one wanted to ask very many questions. They found it much safer to talk about the violent weather.
There is something about the explosive smell of money in Little Rock's Ozark air that turns a young man's thoughts to suicide.
But one might have believed John Markle, a PhD economist and son of the actress Mercedes McCambridge, was sitting on top of the world in 1987. He had left Salomon Brothers eight years earlier to become the one-man futures trading operation for Stephens Inc. on East Capitol Street.
Markle had a lot of money to play with. He had no position limits, at least none that he knew about. "They're at least $800 million, because I once had that much at risk and nobody stopped me," he told Forbes on March 31, 1987.
He traded exclusively for the house account--essentially for the personal profit of the two brothers Wilton R. "Witt" and Jackson T. "Jack" Stephens, the only stockholders in Stephens Group, which controlled an empire that included the investment bank Stephens Inc., the multibank holding company Worthen Banking Corp., the Capital Hotel of Little Rock, the software firm Systematics, the nursing home operator Beverly Enterprises, the insurance holding company ICH Corp., and (the crown jewel) the natural gas company Stephens Production Co.
Witt Stephens, a former Bible saleman, had long controlled Arkansas politics through a simple mechanism: those local candidates he didn't support saw all their funding cut off. Naturally no local candidate could afford to be seen taking out-of-state money, assuming it was available.
But like many of the super-rich, the Stephens brothers were neither Republican nor Democrat. Jackson Stephens, who was a major fund-raiser for Jimmy Carter in 1976 and 1980, would also become one of George Bush's "Team 100" through $100,000 political donations in 1988 and 1992. The latter was the year that a Stephens-controlled bank would supply a $3.5 million line of credit to the campaign of Bill Clinton.
No, these boys weren't hard-core Democratics. It was Witt Stephens who started the rumor that Geraldine Ferraro was Benito Mussolini's grandniece, a stunt he found so entertaining that he repeated it four years later with a story that Michael Dukakis was Aristotle Onassis' nephew.
Such international wit was curious for a man who retired weekends to the family homestead in Prattsville, and boasted that he had left the state of Arkansas only once in fifteen years. Witt's brother Jack, on the other hand, could more likely be found on the 6,000-acre plantation that Jack owned in Chittlin Switch, Georgia, where he might be joined for a weekend of hunting by Wal-Mart founder Sam Walton, Oklahoma Govenor Henry Bellmon, or Joseph Williams, the chairman of Williams Cos., of pipeline and telecommunications fame.
Markle, perched in front of his data screens trading futures, probably didn't know about the monetary flows generated by Operation Black Eagle and siphoned through the Stephens' financial institutions. He just knew that the different parts of the Stephens empire--legally administered by the Rose Law Firm trio of Webster Hubbell, Vince Foster, and Hillary Rodham Clinton--generated a lot of cash. ("They have so much money it scares you," a Merrill Lynch vice president would tell Time magazine a few years later.)
First, there was Beverly Enterprises, the nation's largest nursing home operator. As explained by Stephens' executive Jon Jacoby, "In 1968 the Great Society started the nursing home business, and all you had to do was open the doors and they filled up." That same year Jack bought into a chain of nursing homes called Leisure Lodges, and took them over in 1975. Then, after helping Beverly Enterprises avoid a takeover they didn't want, he sold Leisure Lodges to Beverly in 1978.
The Stephens brothers then acquired control of Beverly and turned it into a cash cow. In 1980 the Stephens sold most of their Beverly stock at a handsome profit, but retained the real estate from Leisure Lodges, which was rented to Beverly, and also contracted to provide data processing services to Beverly through Jack's software firm Systematics. The Stephens also remained one of Beverly's primary bankers.
The Stephens brothers were thus nicely positioned to make out like a bandit if they could convince some politician to push through a system of National Health Care, which would provide a built-in government demand for both health and software services. The Stephens brothers had always favored the notion of private enterprise supplemented by government subsidies.
The Systematics contracts were overseen by Vince Foster and Hillary Rodham Clinton of the Rose Law Firm. Systematics provided data processing services and software to track the flows of money through banks, and the flows of people and money through the nursing home industry. Vince and Hillary represented Systematics in the Jackson Stephens-Bert Lance-BCCI attempted takeover of First American Bank in 1978. Hillary also became self-taught in intellectual property law, important for a software company. Stephens had even picked up some neat software from Earl "Cash" Brian who had once been influential at Beverly Enterprises at its Pasadena, California, headquarters.
Jack Stephens had purchased 49 percent of Systematics for $400,000 in 1968, and it had since become one of the largest suppliers of retail banking software. Banking customers could purchase Systematics software to do their back office data processing (i.e. to transfer money between accounts and between banks), or they could contract with Systematics to do all their data processing for them (this was called "outsourcing")--either on the premises, or at remote locations using telecommunication links.
The investment bank Stephens Inc. had, with White Weld (whose domestic operations were later absorbed into Merrill Lynch, while the eurobond operation became part of Morgan Stanley), underwritten the initial public offering of Wal-Mart in 1970. Other public offerings included Tyson Foods (which made about one-half McDonald's Chicken McNuggets), Beverly Enterprises, and Systematics. Jack Stephens had joined the firm in 1946, and was now its Chairman, while his son Warren was President.
In 1983 the Stephens brothers had acquired controlling interest in Arkansas' largest bank holding company, Worthen Banking Corp. Another major shareholder in Worthen would be Mochtar Riady, an Indonesian banker closely connected to President Suharto. Jackson Stephens met Riady in 1976, when Riady wanted to buy into an American bank. Two years later Riady and Stephens Inc. set up a joint venture, Stephens Finance Ltd., in Hong Kong to write letters of credit. Later, in 1983, Stephens and Riady bought Seng Heng Bank in Macao, and in 1984 they bought the Hong Kong Chinese Bank. Riady also controlled the Bank of Trade in San Francisco.
Hong Kong was then the banking center for the heroin trade, just as Panama was the banking center for the cocaine trade.
Stephens Link, a customized computer network designed for commercial banks, was launched in 1986. It tied together bank branches to Stephens Inc. trading and clearing operations. There were computer terminals in eight states and Panama. The good citizens of Panama, the home of the Stephens' friends Gabriel Lewis and Manuel Noriega, could purchase a variety of Stephens financial services and products without ever having to leave home.
Finally, there was Stephens Production Co., based in Ft. Smith, which owned perhaps a trillion cubic feet of natural gas in the Arkoma Basin. The property, purchased in 1953 for $5.4 million, was now worth at least a billion dollars. But the Stephens brothers valued the property at cost, which led to an understatement of their ranking among the world's wealthiest individuals.
And Markle, the futures trader, could put much of this wealth at risk, could bet it on the rolls of the market dice. Markle liked to think he could predict the future. He would quote from Michael Talbot's Beyond the Quantum: "The human biological organism possesses the ability to leap into the future, to actively tap into information about future events and process that information in the present."
Luckily, as is often the case, he was spared the vision of his own demise. He was fired on Friday the 13th (Nov. 1987). He had been asked, they said, about an unidentified, out-of-state brokerage account he controlled, and its relationship to a Stephens corporate account. Rumors would circulate saying maybe he was putting profitable trades in the secret account, and sticking Stephens with the unprofitable ones. But that's all they were, rumors. For Markle himself wasn't talking.
Three days after Markle was fired, there was a furious thunderstorm in Little Rock, during which, it is said, John Markle killed his wife, his two young daughters, and then himself. And to do the job, he used three different handguns. That's what they said.
Curious deaths, those. But this was Stephens country, and no one wanted to ask very many questions. They found it much safer to talk about the violent weather.
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Re: Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking
by admin » Mon Apr 25, 2016 5:46 am
Part 32: Questions concerning the death of Vince Foster.
1. Why has George Stephanopoulos been privately circulating his resume? Is he getting the ax for playing Hillary against Bill, or is he, like Abner Mikva, just abandoning a sinking ship?
2. Why doesn't Stephanopoulos tell us what he knows about that meeting between Webster Hubbell and Vince Foster at Michael Cardozo's estate the weekend before Vince Foster died? You were there, weren't you George?
3. Why has Special Prosecutor Kenneth Starr asked San Diego chief medical examiner Dr. Brian Blackbourne to join Dr. Henry Lee in examining the evidence regarding Foster's death? Didn't Mike Wallace say that CBS had already answered most of the questions? Mike, why haven't you sent your answers to Kenneth Starr? And while you are at it, why don't you explain to us who is making money off your own little "investigations"?
4. Why did Mike Wallace refer to James Hamilton as Lisa Foster's "family lawyer"? Why didn't he tell us that James Hamilton was a personal friend of Bill Clinton and the Clinton-Gore transition Counsel for Nomination and Confirmation 1992-3? Why didn't Mike Wallace simply spend fifteen minutes interviewing Mike McCurry of the White House Press Office, so that he could better demonstrate the award-winning quality of his journalism?
5. What happened to the $286,000 (and change) that Sheila F. Anthony had transferred to her sister-in-law Lisa Foster four days before Vince Foster died? How much of it ended up in the pockets of James Hamilton?
6. Why did The New Yorker run a decidedly non-literary, rambling interview with Lisa Foster? Why did Lisa Foster claim Vince didn't take one-day trips to Switzerland, when American Express records show he did? Why didn't Lisa Foster discuss that little $286,000 (and change) payment she received just prior to her husband's death? Was The New Yorker interview part of a cover-up campaign?
7. Why has Richard Mellon Scaife been talking to Don Tyson the past couple of weeks? Were they discussing Chicken McNuggets? Or do they have a common interest in covering up something? Was their conversation related to that $286,000 (and change) payment to Lisa Foster that was transferred out of Mellon Bank? Was it related to a common interest in money laundering? Was it related to a common interest in the sale of weapons technology?
8. Why has Wackenhut Corporation been guarding the bus station in Little Rock? If one of those buses has an accident, will it go BOOM? Wasn't Wackenhut guarding the facilities of Kennemetal when it was smuggling machine tools to Iraq? Wasn't Wackenhut guarding the facilities of Westinghouse when it was smuggling nose cones to Iraq? Isn't there missing plutonium at some of the nuclear facilities Wackenhut is allegedly guarding? Wasn't Wackenhut guarding the Mena airport when it was this nation's drug- smuggling center?
9. What was in those NSA notebooks that Vince Foster kept in Bernard Nussbaum's safe? Newsweek informs that it was "legal questions about national emergencies, such as the outbreak of war". Since when does the White House get its legal advice from the National Security Agency? Does Newsweek think all its readers are blithering idiots? Was not Vince Foster in fact the Rose Law Firm lawyer overseeing a Systematics project to spy on banking transactions, on behalf of the NSA? Was not one of the notebooks blue, thus color-coded to indicate nuclear matters?
10. What Systematics document did Webb Hubbell show Vince Foster the night before he died? Did it show evidence of money transfers? Was it a computer printout representing high crimes and misdemeanors?
11. Why has no one interviewed Robert Goetzman about his knowledge of the circumstances surrounding the death of Vince Foster? Why has no one asked him to explain the evidential discrepancies at Ft. Marcy Park?
12. Why did a New York forensic pathologist, recently shown ALL the evidence on Vince Foster's death, conclude that he died at approximately the moment of ejaculation? Was this because Vince Foster was set up to be killed by a woman with blonde/brownish hair? What can you say about a White House that doesn't even protect its own employees?
13. Why did three forensic handwriting experts conclude that the Vince Foster note was a forgery? Who in the White House wants us to think Foster's death was a suicide? Who in the White House has so much to hide they are willing to commit a criminal act of forgery of evidence and obstruction of justice?
1. Why has George Stephanopoulos been privately circulating his resume? Is he getting the ax for playing Hillary against Bill, or is he, like Abner Mikva, just abandoning a sinking ship?
2. Why doesn't Stephanopoulos tell us what he knows about that meeting between Webster Hubbell and Vince Foster at Michael Cardozo's estate the weekend before Vince Foster died? You were there, weren't you George?
3. Why has Special Prosecutor Kenneth Starr asked San Diego chief medical examiner Dr. Brian Blackbourne to join Dr. Henry Lee in examining the evidence regarding Foster's death? Didn't Mike Wallace say that CBS had already answered most of the questions? Mike, why haven't you sent your answers to Kenneth Starr? And while you are at it, why don't you explain to us who is making money off your own little "investigations"?
4. Why did Mike Wallace refer to James Hamilton as Lisa Foster's "family lawyer"? Why didn't he tell us that James Hamilton was a personal friend of Bill Clinton and the Clinton-Gore transition Counsel for Nomination and Confirmation 1992-3? Why didn't Mike Wallace simply spend fifteen minutes interviewing Mike McCurry of the White House Press Office, so that he could better demonstrate the award-winning quality of his journalism?
5. What happened to the $286,000 (and change) that Sheila F. Anthony had transferred to her sister-in-law Lisa Foster four days before Vince Foster died? How much of it ended up in the pockets of James Hamilton?
6. Why did The New Yorker run a decidedly non-literary, rambling interview with Lisa Foster? Why did Lisa Foster claim Vince didn't take one-day trips to Switzerland, when American Express records show he did? Why didn't Lisa Foster discuss that little $286,000 (and change) payment she received just prior to her husband's death? Was The New Yorker interview part of a cover-up campaign?
7. Why has Richard Mellon Scaife been talking to Don Tyson the past couple of weeks? Were they discussing Chicken McNuggets? Or do they have a common interest in covering up something? Was their conversation related to that $286,000 (and change) payment to Lisa Foster that was transferred out of Mellon Bank? Was it related to a common interest in money laundering? Was it related to a common interest in the sale of weapons technology?
8. Why has Wackenhut Corporation been guarding the bus station in Little Rock? If one of those buses has an accident, will it go BOOM? Wasn't Wackenhut guarding the facilities of Kennemetal when it was smuggling machine tools to Iraq? Wasn't Wackenhut guarding the facilities of Westinghouse when it was smuggling nose cones to Iraq? Isn't there missing plutonium at some of the nuclear facilities Wackenhut is allegedly guarding? Wasn't Wackenhut guarding the Mena airport when it was this nation's drug- smuggling center?
9. What was in those NSA notebooks that Vince Foster kept in Bernard Nussbaum's safe? Newsweek informs that it was "legal questions about national emergencies, such as the outbreak of war". Since when does the White House get its legal advice from the National Security Agency? Does Newsweek think all its readers are blithering idiots? Was not Vince Foster in fact the Rose Law Firm lawyer overseeing a Systematics project to spy on banking transactions, on behalf of the NSA? Was not one of the notebooks blue, thus color-coded to indicate nuclear matters?
10. What Systematics document did Webb Hubbell show Vince Foster the night before he died? Did it show evidence of money transfers? Was it a computer printout representing high crimes and misdemeanors?
11. Why has no one interviewed Robert Goetzman about his knowledge of the circumstances surrounding the death of Vince Foster? Why has no one asked him to explain the evidential discrepancies at Ft. Marcy Park?
12. Why did a New York forensic pathologist, recently shown ALL the evidence on Vince Foster's death, conclude that he died at approximately the moment of ejaculation? Was this because Vince Foster was set up to be killed by a woman with blonde/brownish hair? What can you say about a White House that doesn't even protect its own employees?
13. Why did three forensic handwriting experts conclude that the Vince Foster note was a forgery? Who in the White House wants us to think Foster's death was a suicide? Who in the White House has so much to hide they are willing to commit a criminal act of forgery of evidence and obstruction of justice?
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Re: Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking
by admin » Mon Apr 25, 2016 5:46 am
Part 33: How to launder money. The Mossad panics.
So you wanna launder money! Does the process appear mysterious? It's not. But the only way to understand money laundering is to think about it in operational terms. What exactly would you do to get the job done, if your mother told you that you had to do it?
Okay. Let's take a simple example. Suppose you had a fried chicken outlet (let's call it "Tyson's Tasty Tidbits") and you also dealt heroin on the side. In your chicken business, you fry up Tasty Tidbits, people come in and give you cash for the chicken, and with the cash you pay your wages and other expenses. What's left over is profit. In your accounting records you write up an income statement that says:
profit = sales - expenses.
So if you took in $1000 and paid out $800 as expenses, leaving $200 profit, you would record:
200 = 1000 - 800.
Now in your heroin business, you sit at the bar of the Capital Hotel during the evening, and your customers, posing as "friends", come up to chat with you for a moment. You slip them a packet of smack and they slip you money. (At 35 percent purity no one need bother with those nasty needles anymore, they can just snort heroin like coke.) It's a good evening, and you sell $800 worth, for which you paid the heroin wholesaler $600. You have $200 heroin profits.
Next, to conceal your heroin profits, to "launder" them, you walk back to your chicken outlet and put the $200 cash in the cash drawer. Remember that equation that said profit = sales - expenses? Now it reads like this:
400 = 1200 - 800.
Wow, the chicken business is good! Way over in New York, a company analyst working for Goldman Sachs looks at the figures and writes: "Due to the amazing increases in efficiency at Tyson's Tasty Tidbits, profits have doubled (from 200 to 400) while sales have only increased by 20 percent (from 1000 to 1200). Stock in Tyson's is a recommended buy."
No one is going to ask any questions where you got the money for that new car, because everyone knows you earned it fair and square in the chicken business. Your chicken is lip-smacking good! Your advertiser builds a huge sign depicting a beautiful girl, happily munching on a drumstick with the caption: "Tyson's Tasty Tidbits: Smack & Smile!"
Nor will any bank (the government's new spies) wonder where you got the cash, for yours is a cash-based business. The Banking Secrecy Act allows your bank to exempt you from filling out currency transaction reports (CTRs) if your deposits or withdrawals of currency fall into any of the following categories (see 31 C.F.R. 103.22(b)(2)(1992)):
1) They are made from an existing bank account, and you are an established U.S. depositor who operates a "retail type of business". This means that you sell consumer goods for which payments are substantially in the form of currency, just as long as you are not an automobile, aircraft, or boat dealer. (Wal- Mart, for example, can get a bank exemption.)
2) They are made from an existing bank account, and you are an established U.S. depositor who operates a sports arena, race track, amusement park, restaurant, hotel, check cashing service licensed by state or local governments, vending machine company, theater, regularly scheduled passenger carrier, or public utility. (The Oaklawn racetrack in Hot Springs, Arkansas, can get a bank exemption.)
3) You are a local, state or United States governmental agency or instrumentality. (Both the National Programs Office and the Arkansas Development Finance Authority can get bank exemptions.)
4) They are made from an existing bank account, and you are an established U.S. depositor who regularly withdraws more than $10,000 to pay your employees in currency. (The paymaster for the pilots at Mena airport can get an bank exemption.)
Also exempt from CTR reporting are currency transactions made with Federal Reserve Banks or Federal Home Loan Banks, transactions between domestic banks, or transactions between commercial banks and nonbank financial institutions.
Pretty neat, huh? Now I hear you ask: But what can I do if I am just Joe Blow, and I don't have a bank or a chicken franchise or a sports arena? The answer: "Tough luck, Buster. The money- laundering regs were written for you."
Modern techniques of money laundering began back in the 1920s when Americans decided to rid their fair society of that evil drug Alcohol. Alcohol was destroying the social fabric of this nation! So we enacted a constitutional amendment and ushered in the Era of Prohibition. We had solved our problems in the lawyerly fashion of passing a law saying they weren't allowed to exist! So they all disappeared! Paradise was at hand!
Some people, however, saw it as a great opportunity to get rich. Al Capone, for example. And Joseph Kennedy. And the Bronfman family of Canada.
Exporting alcohol to the U.S. was not illegal in Canada; it was only illegal to import it from the U.S. side. Naturally those writing checks to pay for imported Canadian booze didn't like to be so obvious as to make them out to Bronfman. So the Bronfmans opened up an account at the Bank of Montreal under the fictitious name "J. Norton". Since no one knew anything at all about J. Norton, money could be wired to this account from the U.S. Or U.S. cash or checks could be used to purchase a bank draft made out to "J. Norton" at any branch of the Bank of Montreal. These drafts could then be deposited into the bank account of any Bronfman-controlled company. The company treasurer would see the name "J. Norton" and credit the payments to the company's U.S. Booze account.
Modern laundries are complicated versions of simple structures like that established by the Bronfmans. The operational head of the laundry is frequently a lawyer, who deals with the contracts needed to put the structure into place. Donovan Blakeman, a Toronto lawyer who handled the finances for an international drug ring in the 1980s, called his structure "the Spaghetti Jungle". It involved eleven shell companies in the Channel Islands; fifteen other shell companies in the Cayman Islands, Switzerland, the Netherlands Antilles, Liberia, and the British Virgin Islands; fourteen secret bank accounts in the Channel Islands, Liberia, and other places; and real estate developments in West Palm Beach, Florida; Barrie, Ontario; and Kitchener, Ontario. Eventually the drug profits would be used to purchase real estate. The money for the purchases would come from "offshore investors"--one of the many "Spaghetti Jungle" shell companies ultimately owned by the same drug ring.
Blakeman himself would carry currency or monetary instruments to the offshore bank accounts. But, any way you look at it, carrying large amounts of currency is inefficient and a pain in the ass. "Wire transfers" are faster and cheaper. There is no longer any telegraph "wire" involved, of course, but rather computer telecommunication links through phone lines, fiber optic cables, and satellite relays. Most money is just data in a computer that looks like this:
BANK ACCOUNT AMOUNT
Underwater Mellon XYZ Corp. $1,000,000.
When XYZ Corp. "wires" $250,000 to Pearly Gates Corp. at Bank of America, the computer data now looks like this:
BANK ACCOUNT AMOUNT
Underwater Mellon XYZ Corp. $750,000
Bank of America Pearly Gates Corp. $250,000
Because money is computer data, getting the money offshore just means incurring a bigger phone bill. And you can get it offshore without hardly anyone knowing about it. One way is to "donate" money to charity, along with a side agreement you get half of it back in the form of an off-shore account. Let's say your name is Mike Bilk'em and you give $1 billion to the Israeli Children's Educational Fund. First the check gets deposited in Bank Hapoalim, Chicago:
BANK ACCOUNT AMOUNT
Bank Hapoalim, Chi Children's Fund $1 billion
Next one-half of the money is transferred to Bank Hapoalim, Tel Aviv.
BANK ACCOUNT AMOUNT
Bank Hapoalim, Chi Children's Fund $500 million
Bank Hapoalim, Tel Av Children's Fund $500 million
Then the $500,000 in Tel Aviv is transferred to a Bilk'em controlled account called Lakeside Resources at Credit Suisse in Geneva, Switzerland:
BANK ACCOUNT AMOUNT
Bank Hapoalim, Chi Children's Fund $500 million
Bank Hapoalim, Tel Av Children's Fund $ 0
Credit Suisse, Geneva Lakeside Resources $500 million
So, at this point, Bilk'em is not only a world-renowned philanthropist, he has also achieved political diversification of his assets. Naturally the Children's Fund person who authorized the transfer to Geneva is not going to talk, because that would cut off donations to the Children's Fund and she would also lose her well-paying, cushy job.
Now the problem with laundering money through banks is those snoopy bank regulators. Not that they actually mind someone laundering: after all, it gives them something to investigate, and they need something to do when they are not busily "solving" the latest banking crisis. But they can look at your records and muddy up the money cleansing process. In the U.S., for example, national banks are regulated by a hodge-podgely overlapping structure of the Comptroller of the Currency, the Federal Reserve, and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC). Snoop. Snoop. Snoop. And if you have publicly-traded stock, you also have SEC reporting requirements, and probably have to file financial statements audited by some major accounting firm like Arthur Anderson. All this increases your cost of doing business, especially if you have to pay off a lot of people to get the job done the way you want it done.
Consider poor Christopher Drogoul at Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) in Atlanta, Georgia. He found a money machine in making guaranteed loans to Iraq. One day Continental Grain came to him and said, How would you like to loan money to Iraq, so they can buy some of our grain? It turned out the U.S. was gung-ho in getting food and arms to the Iraqis, and the Commodity Credit Corporation (CCC) said, We'll guarantee the loans. If Iraq defaulted, the CCC would pay BNL 98 cents on the dollar (the 98 cents coming, naturally, from the American taxpayer). Hey, this was great! Drogoul had entered the world of international lending, and there was virtually no risk involved! He kept lending more and more until one day he gave the Iraqis a CCC-backed $556 million line of credit that the bank head office in Italy hadn't approved. They denied approval when asked.
Instead of reneging on the loan, Drogoul simply made it disappear. At the end of the month when he submitted his report to headquarters, he simply took the loan (and its funding source) off the books. The next day, the loan went back on the books. He called this "skipping". But the unapproved loans kept getting bigger, until Drogoul took them off the bank's books entirely, and put them in a separate set of "gray books" kept in a closet. The gray books were a sort of separate "bank within a bank". When auditors were scheduled to visit, the gray books were removed out of the building entirely. Eventually BNL, Atlanta, was able to amass $2.1 billion in "agricultural" loans to Iraq.
Calling them "agricultural" loans allowed for CCC guarantees, but in fact loan proceeds can be laundered just like money. The transshipment point for goods going to Baghdad was the port of Aqaba in Jordan. The port was controlled by the Jordanian commodity trader Wafai Dajani, and he would simply swap the grain for weapons, electronic goods, or whatever else Iraq was in the market for. (Other purchases would simply be mislabeled, such as the "300 tons of yarn" that Entrade shipped to the Iraqi Atomic Energy Commission.)
Well, this all came crashing down on Drogoul's head because of his inability to continue to conceal information about his "bank within a bank" from bank regulators. What was needed was a better system. What was needed was a system for setting up a bank within a bank that even the bank's managers didn't know about. What was needed was a whole network of banks to launder money in such a way that the banks concerned wouldn't even know what was going on. If ignorant, they couldn't say the wrong thing to the regulators or the auditors. If ignorant, they couldn't say no to the laundry.
You would then be in the right position to provide laundering services to drug dealers, arms smugglers, and the covert agencies of the U.S. and foreign governments. The provision of services to covert agencies was a very important aspect of the process, because when you got into trouble you could quash the investigation with appeals to "national security".
What was needed was a laundry controlled by computer software. What was needed was Jackson Stephens' software firm Systematics to sell and install a network of interlocking banking software, and a Rose Law Firm management team to ultimately oversee the process--people like Vince Foster, Webster Hubbell, and Hillary Rodham Clinton.
The "back offices" of banks are the guts of the monetary system. It is here that the actual money "flows", as money is switched between accounts and between banks. Systematics supplied software to banks either for them to do the operation themselves, or for Systematics to do back office processing on their premises ("on-site outsourcing"), or for Systematics to process transactions from remote locations ("remote outsourcing").
Was Jackson Stephens really interested in money laundering? Well, first of all, he helped engineer the BCCI takeover of First American Bank, thereby giving it a foothold in the United States. Jackson Stephens' first foreign bank purchase (with Mochtar Riady) was Seng Heng Bank in Macao, the "Oriental Las Vegas", where gambling is the primary source of government revenue. Systematics also supplied software to the Banco Nacional Ultramarino, the cashier and treasury bank of the Macao government and the bank that issues the local currency. Macao is conveniently located less than 40 miles from Hong Kong, the center of the heroin trade. Add to this Stephens Panama connections, and his effective control of Arkansas' largest bank-holding company, Worthen Banking Corp., with its provable involvement in the money-laundering process, and draw your own conclusions.
Why would he think he could get away with it? Because he had covert agencies running interference. The National Security Agency is that Great Whore who recently tried to impose the "clipper chip" for encrypted communications as a way of ensuring it could access all private American conversations. Systematics operated its "bank within a bank" operations on behalf of the NSA. The NSA also runs the secure facilities of the National Programs Office where weapons flow out of the U.S. and drugs flow in (not only at Mena in the 1980s, but also at other locations in the 1990s).
Mena began as the brain-child of CIA's Bill Casey, operated by CIA pilots flying out of NSA-controlled facilities. But the process became an NSA institution, a vast money-making enterprise by the nation's largest, best-financed intelligence agency. And they've been making too much money to stop.
No, the Systematics project overseen by Vince Foster wasn't just a matter of NSA spying on U.S. domestic transactions (the data turned over to analysts at FinCEN). It was a vast project that also involved the oversight of money for covert operations, and the laundering of the proceeds of drugs and arms sales. When Vince Foster spooked, the NSA was one of several parties who had a good reason to want him dead.
Is that why when Vince Foster left the White House at approximately 1 p.m. on July 20, 1993, approximately two hours before his death, he met with a man whose Arkansas license plates were registered to a company that builds signals collection facilities for the National Security Agency?
Why did the Rose Law Firm begin shredding files upon hearing of the death of Vince Foster? What was Foster involved in that made it necessary to destroy the files? Why did two Rose Law Firm lawyers show up at Foster's house and remove approximately eight boxes of records? What happened to those records? Why did Foster keep them in his basement? What was in the envelope addressed "eyes only, not to be opened, William Kennedy" that Deborah Gorham testified Vince Foster kept in Bernard Nussbaum's safe?
Why have the U.S. Park Police been guarding the grave of Vince Foster in Hope, Arkansas? Have they done the job with the same bungled skill they demonstrated at Ft. Marcy Park? Or are they there simply to keep the Wackenhut Corporation from stealing the body?
Why has someone reportedly put out a murder contract on Lt. Com. Alexander Martin? Who would have an incentive to see him dead? Is NSA's National Programs Office involved? Is an ex-Vice- President of the United States involved? Does it have to do with a little company he has an interest in common with General Secord?
Why is the Mossad, like the White House, in panic mode over the reopening of the investigation into Foster's death? What is it they don't want the U.S. public to find out? Why did the operating code for a new computer developed by NSA-subcontractor E-Systems of Dallas, Texas, end up in the hands of the Israelis within one month? Did Vince Foster sell it to them? Why are two LAKAM representatives offering a fee of $75,000 plus 1 percent of the proceeds to recover money from Swiss Bank Corporation? Is it because Vince Foster is not around to release it for them? Or did the armed raid on Mossad headquarters by U.S. contract agents within the past year create so much confusion someone just forgot the authorization codes?
If Bill Clinton resigns, will the sealed indictment against Hillary Rodham Clinton for espionage become public information?
So you wanna launder money! Does the process appear mysterious? It's not. But the only way to understand money laundering is to think about it in operational terms. What exactly would you do to get the job done, if your mother told you that you had to do it?
Okay. Let's take a simple example. Suppose you had a fried chicken outlet (let's call it "Tyson's Tasty Tidbits") and you also dealt heroin on the side. In your chicken business, you fry up Tasty Tidbits, people come in and give you cash for the chicken, and with the cash you pay your wages and other expenses. What's left over is profit. In your accounting records you write up an income statement that says:
profit = sales - expenses.
So if you took in $1000 and paid out $800 as expenses, leaving $200 profit, you would record:
200 = 1000 - 800.
Now in your heroin business, you sit at the bar of the Capital Hotel during the evening, and your customers, posing as "friends", come up to chat with you for a moment. You slip them a packet of smack and they slip you money. (At 35 percent purity no one need bother with those nasty needles anymore, they can just snort heroin like coke.) It's a good evening, and you sell $800 worth, for which you paid the heroin wholesaler $600. You have $200 heroin profits.
Next, to conceal your heroin profits, to "launder" them, you walk back to your chicken outlet and put the $200 cash in the cash drawer. Remember that equation that said profit = sales - expenses? Now it reads like this:
400 = 1200 - 800.
Wow, the chicken business is good! Way over in New York, a company analyst working for Goldman Sachs looks at the figures and writes: "Due to the amazing increases in efficiency at Tyson's Tasty Tidbits, profits have doubled (from 200 to 400) while sales have only increased by 20 percent (from 1000 to 1200). Stock in Tyson's is a recommended buy."
No one is going to ask any questions where you got the money for that new car, because everyone knows you earned it fair and square in the chicken business. Your chicken is lip-smacking good! Your advertiser builds a huge sign depicting a beautiful girl, happily munching on a drumstick with the caption: "Tyson's Tasty Tidbits: Smack & Smile!"
Nor will any bank (the government's new spies) wonder where you got the cash, for yours is a cash-based business. The Banking Secrecy Act allows your bank to exempt you from filling out currency transaction reports (CTRs) if your deposits or withdrawals of currency fall into any of the following categories (see 31 C.F.R. 103.22(b)(2)(1992)):
1) They are made from an existing bank account, and you are an established U.S. depositor who operates a "retail type of business". This means that you sell consumer goods for which payments are substantially in the form of currency, just as long as you are not an automobile, aircraft, or boat dealer. (Wal- Mart, for example, can get a bank exemption.)
2) They are made from an existing bank account, and you are an established U.S. depositor who operates a sports arena, race track, amusement park, restaurant, hotel, check cashing service licensed by state or local governments, vending machine company, theater, regularly scheduled passenger carrier, or public utility. (The Oaklawn racetrack in Hot Springs, Arkansas, can get a bank exemption.)
3) You are a local, state or United States governmental agency or instrumentality. (Both the National Programs Office and the Arkansas Development Finance Authority can get bank exemptions.)
4) They are made from an existing bank account, and you are an established U.S. depositor who regularly withdraws more than $10,000 to pay your employees in currency. (The paymaster for the pilots at Mena airport can get an bank exemption.)
Also exempt from CTR reporting are currency transactions made with Federal Reserve Banks or Federal Home Loan Banks, transactions between domestic banks, or transactions between commercial banks and nonbank financial institutions.
Pretty neat, huh? Now I hear you ask: But what can I do if I am just Joe Blow, and I don't have a bank or a chicken franchise or a sports arena? The answer: "Tough luck, Buster. The money- laundering regs were written for you."
Modern techniques of money laundering began back in the 1920s when Americans decided to rid their fair society of that evil drug Alcohol. Alcohol was destroying the social fabric of this nation! So we enacted a constitutional amendment and ushered in the Era of Prohibition. We had solved our problems in the lawyerly fashion of passing a law saying they weren't allowed to exist! So they all disappeared! Paradise was at hand!
Some people, however, saw it as a great opportunity to get rich. Al Capone, for example. And Joseph Kennedy. And the Bronfman family of Canada.
Exporting alcohol to the U.S. was not illegal in Canada; it was only illegal to import it from the U.S. side. Naturally those writing checks to pay for imported Canadian booze didn't like to be so obvious as to make them out to Bronfman. So the Bronfmans opened up an account at the Bank of Montreal under the fictitious name "J. Norton". Since no one knew anything at all about J. Norton, money could be wired to this account from the U.S. Or U.S. cash or checks could be used to purchase a bank draft made out to "J. Norton" at any branch of the Bank of Montreal. These drafts could then be deposited into the bank account of any Bronfman-controlled company. The company treasurer would see the name "J. Norton" and credit the payments to the company's U.S. Booze account.
Modern laundries are complicated versions of simple structures like that established by the Bronfmans. The operational head of the laundry is frequently a lawyer, who deals with the contracts needed to put the structure into place. Donovan Blakeman, a Toronto lawyer who handled the finances for an international drug ring in the 1980s, called his structure "the Spaghetti Jungle". It involved eleven shell companies in the Channel Islands; fifteen other shell companies in the Cayman Islands, Switzerland, the Netherlands Antilles, Liberia, and the British Virgin Islands; fourteen secret bank accounts in the Channel Islands, Liberia, and other places; and real estate developments in West Palm Beach, Florida; Barrie, Ontario; and Kitchener, Ontario. Eventually the drug profits would be used to purchase real estate. The money for the purchases would come from "offshore investors"--one of the many "Spaghetti Jungle" shell companies ultimately owned by the same drug ring.
Blakeman himself would carry currency or monetary instruments to the offshore bank accounts. But, any way you look at it, carrying large amounts of currency is inefficient and a pain in the ass. "Wire transfers" are faster and cheaper. There is no longer any telegraph "wire" involved, of course, but rather computer telecommunication links through phone lines, fiber optic cables, and satellite relays. Most money is just data in a computer that looks like this:
BANK ACCOUNT AMOUNT
Underwater Mellon XYZ Corp. $1,000,000.
When XYZ Corp. "wires" $250,000 to Pearly Gates Corp. at Bank of America, the computer data now looks like this:
BANK ACCOUNT AMOUNT
Underwater Mellon XYZ Corp. $750,000
Bank of America Pearly Gates Corp. $250,000
Because money is computer data, getting the money offshore just means incurring a bigger phone bill. And you can get it offshore without hardly anyone knowing about it. One way is to "donate" money to charity, along with a side agreement you get half of it back in the form of an off-shore account. Let's say your name is Mike Bilk'em and you give $1 billion to the Israeli Children's Educational Fund. First the check gets deposited in Bank Hapoalim, Chicago:
BANK ACCOUNT AMOUNT
Bank Hapoalim, Chi Children's Fund $1 billion
Next one-half of the money is transferred to Bank Hapoalim, Tel Aviv.
BANK ACCOUNT AMOUNT
Bank Hapoalim, Chi Children's Fund $500 million
Bank Hapoalim, Tel Av Children's Fund $500 million
Then the $500,000 in Tel Aviv is transferred to a Bilk'em controlled account called Lakeside Resources at Credit Suisse in Geneva, Switzerland:
BANK ACCOUNT AMOUNT
Bank Hapoalim, Chi Children's Fund $500 million
Bank Hapoalim, Tel Av Children's Fund $ 0
Credit Suisse, Geneva Lakeside Resources $500 million
So, at this point, Bilk'em is not only a world-renowned philanthropist, he has also achieved political diversification of his assets. Naturally the Children's Fund person who authorized the transfer to Geneva is not going to talk, because that would cut off donations to the Children's Fund and she would also lose her well-paying, cushy job.
Now the problem with laundering money through banks is those snoopy bank regulators. Not that they actually mind someone laundering: after all, it gives them something to investigate, and they need something to do when they are not busily "solving" the latest banking crisis. But they can look at your records and muddy up the money cleansing process. In the U.S., for example, national banks are regulated by a hodge-podgely overlapping structure of the Comptroller of the Currency, the Federal Reserve, and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC). Snoop. Snoop. Snoop. And if you have publicly-traded stock, you also have SEC reporting requirements, and probably have to file financial statements audited by some major accounting firm like Arthur Anderson. All this increases your cost of doing business, especially if you have to pay off a lot of people to get the job done the way you want it done.
Consider poor Christopher Drogoul at Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) in Atlanta, Georgia. He found a money machine in making guaranteed loans to Iraq. One day Continental Grain came to him and said, How would you like to loan money to Iraq, so they can buy some of our grain? It turned out the U.S. was gung-ho in getting food and arms to the Iraqis, and the Commodity Credit Corporation (CCC) said, We'll guarantee the loans. If Iraq defaulted, the CCC would pay BNL 98 cents on the dollar (the 98 cents coming, naturally, from the American taxpayer). Hey, this was great! Drogoul had entered the world of international lending, and there was virtually no risk involved! He kept lending more and more until one day he gave the Iraqis a CCC-backed $556 million line of credit that the bank head office in Italy hadn't approved. They denied approval when asked.
Instead of reneging on the loan, Drogoul simply made it disappear. At the end of the month when he submitted his report to headquarters, he simply took the loan (and its funding source) off the books. The next day, the loan went back on the books. He called this "skipping". But the unapproved loans kept getting bigger, until Drogoul took them off the bank's books entirely, and put them in a separate set of "gray books" kept in a closet. The gray books were a sort of separate "bank within a bank". When auditors were scheduled to visit, the gray books were removed out of the building entirely. Eventually BNL, Atlanta, was able to amass $2.1 billion in "agricultural" loans to Iraq.
Calling them "agricultural" loans allowed for CCC guarantees, but in fact loan proceeds can be laundered just like money. The transshipment point for goods going to Baghdad was the port of Aqaba in Jordan. The port was controlled by the Jordanian commodity trader Wafai Dajani, and he would simply swap the grain for weapons, electronic goods, or whatever else Iraq was in the market for. (Other purchases would simply be mislabeled, such as the "300 tons of yarn" that Entrade shipped to the Iraqi Atomic Energy Commission.)
Well, this all came crashing down on Drogoul's head because of his inability to continue to conceal information about his "bank within a bank" from bank regulators. What was needed was a better system. What was needed was a system for setting up a bank within a bank that even the bank's managers didn't know about. What was needed was a whole network of banks to launder money in such a way that the banks concerned wouldn't even know what was going on. If ignorant, they couldn't say the wrong thing to the regulators or the auditors. If ignorant, they couldn't say no to the laundry.
You would then be in the right position to provide laundering services to drug dealers, arms smugglers, and the covert agencies of the U.S. and foreign governments. The provision of services to covert agencies was a very important aspect of the process, because when you got into trouble you could quash the investigation with appeals to "national security".
What was needed was a laundry controlled by computer software. What was needed was Jackson Stephens' software firm Systematics to sell and install a network of interlocking banking software, and a Rose Law Firm management team to ultimately oversee the process--people like Vince Foster, Webster Hubbell, and Hillary Rodham Clinton.
The "back offices" of banks are the guts of the monetary system. It is here that the actual money "flows", as money is switched between accounts and between banks. Systematics supplied software to banks either for them to do the operation themselves, or for Systematics to do back office processing on their premises ("on-site outsourcing"), or for Systematics to process transactions from remote locations ("remote outsourcing").
Was Jackson Stephens really interested in money laundering? Well, first of all, he helped engineer the BCCI takeover of First American Bank, thereby giving it a foothold in the United States. Jackson Stephens' first foreign bank purchase (with Mochtar Riady) was Seng Heng Bank in Macao, the "Oriental Las Vegas", where gambling is the primary source of government revenue. Systematics also supplied software to the Banco Nacional Ultramarino, the cashier and treasury bank of the Macao government and the bank that issues the local currency. Macao is conveniently located less than 40 miles from Hong Kong, the center of the heroin trade. Add to this Stephens Panama connections, and his effective control of Arkansas' largest bank-holding company, Worthen Banking Corp., with its provable involvement in the money-laundering process, and draw your own conclusions.
Why would he think he could get away with it? Because he had covert agencies running interference. The National Security Agency is that Great Whore who recently tried to impose the "clipper chip" for encrypted communications as a way of ensuring it could access all private American conversations. Systematics operated its "bank within a bank" operations on behalf of the NSA. The NSA also runs the secure facilities of the National Programs Office where weapons flow out of the U.S. and drugs flow in (not only at Mena in the 1980s, but also at other locations in the 1990s).
Mena began as the brain-child of CIA's Bill Casey, operated by CIA pilots flying out of NSA-controlled facilities. But the process became an NSA institution, a vast money-making enterprise by the nation's largest, best-financed intelligence agency. And they've been making too much money to stop.
No, the Systematics project overseen by Vince Foster wasn't just a matter of NSA spying on U.S. domestic transactions (the data turned over to analysts at FinCEN). It was a vast project that also involved the oversight of money for covert operations, and the laundering of the proceeds of drugs and arms sales. When Vince Foster spooked, the NSA was one of several parties who had a good reason to want him dead.
Is that why when Vince Foster left the White House at approximately 1 p.m. on July 20, 1993, approximately two hours before his death, he met with a man whose Arkansas license plates were registered to a company that builds signals collection facilities for the National Security Agency?
Why did the Rose Law Firm begin shredding files upon hearing of the death of Vince Foster? What was Foster involved in that made it necessary to destroy the files? Why did two Rose Law Firm lawyers show up at Foster's house and remove approximately eight boxes of records? What happened to those records? Why did Foster keep them in his basement? What was in the envelope addressed "eyes only, not to be opened, William Kennedy" that Deborah Gorham testified Vince Foster kept in Bernard Nussbaum's safe?
Why have the U.S. Park Police been guarding the grave of Vince Foster in Hope, Arkansas? Have they done the job with the same bungled skill they demonstrated at Ft. Marcy Park? Or are they there simply to keep the Wackenhut Corporation from stealing the body?
Why has someone reportedly put out a murder contract on Lt. Com. Alexander Martin? Who would have an incentive to see him dead? Is NSA's National Programs Office involved? Is an ex-Vice- President of the United States involved? Does it have to do with a little company he has an interest in common with General Secord?
Why is the Mossad, like the White House, in panic mode over the reopening of the investigation into Foster's death? What is it they don't want the U.S. public to find out? Why did the operating code for a new computer developed by NSA-subcontractor E-Systems of Dallas, Texas, end up in the hands of the Israelis within one month? Did Vince Foster sell it to them? Why are two LAKAM representatives offering a fee of $75,000 plus 1 percent of the proceeds to recover money from Swiss Bank Corporation? Is it because Vince Foster is not around to release it for them? Or did the armed raid on Mossad headquarters by U.S. contract agents within the past year create so much confusion someone just forgot the authorization codes?
If Bill Clinton resigns, will the sealed indictment against Hillary Rodham Clinton for espionage become public information?
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Re: Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking
by admin » Mon Apr 25, 2016 5:47 am
Part 34: Mossad agents forced to leave the country after putting out a contract on a Foster investigator.
Is the death of Yitzak Rabin the final nail in the coffin of the cover-up of the murder of Vince Foster?
Perhaps, because the agents of Ariel "the Butcher of Beirut" Sharon are said to be in disarray. Will there be a changing of the Mossad guard?
For years Sharon has been the pre-eminent spymaster conducting espionage against the United States. Sharon ran Rafai Eitan who ran the Jonathan Pollard spying operation. More recently, Sharon ran agents who interacted with Hillary Rodham Clinton and Vince Foster.
Whether these agents were actually involved in the hit on Vince Foster is a matter still under investigation. But there is no question of their active participation in the cover-up of Foster's murder.
An undocumented Israeli driving a stolen truck recently attempted to run one Foster investigator off the road. Fortunately, someone shot out the truck's front tire, and it jackknifed across the interstate. The Israeli driver ended up with a broken neck while the investigator was unscathed.
The Mossad's most valued asset in the U.S., Sharon's man in Chicago, is said to have fallen down and scratched his knee. The Mossad's man in Brooklyn, who normally orders the hits, is said to have received a visit describing the advantages of returning to Israel. The Mossad's man in Miami spontaneously departed on a long vacation.
Which brings us to the subject of the Mossad team, three men and one woman, all identified, who were recorded on video-tape exiting the front entrance of Vince Foster's Washington apartment the afternoon he died.
Is the death of Yitzak Rabin the final nail in the coffin of the cover-up of the murder of Vince Foster?
Perhaps, because the agents of Ariel "the Butcher of Beirut" Sharon are said to be in disarray. Will there be a changing of the Mossad guard?
For years Sharon has been the pre-eminent spymaster conducting espionage against the United States. Sharon ran Rafai Eitan who ran the Jonathan Pollard spying operation. More recently, Sharon ran agents who interacted with Hillary Rodham Clinton and Vince Foster.
Whether these agents were actually involved in the hit on Vince Foster is a matter still under investigation. But there is no question of their active participation in the cover-up of Foster's murder.
An undocumented Israeli driving a stolen truck recently attempted to run one Foster investigator off the road. Fortunately, someone shot out the truck's front tire, and it jackknifed across the interstate. The Israeli driver ended up with a broken neck while the investigator was unscathed.
The Mossad's most valued asset in the U.S., Sharon's man in Chicago, is said to have fallen down and scratched his knee. The Mossad's man in Brooklyn, who normally orders the hits, is said to have received a visit describing the advantages of returning to Israel. The Mossad's man in Miami spontaneously departed on a long vacation.
Which brings us to the subject of the Mossad team, three men and one woman, all identified, who were recorded on video-tape exiting the front entrance of Vince Foster's Washington apartment the afternoon he died.
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Re: Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking
by admin » Mon Apr 25, 2016 5:47 am
Part 35: The Mossad team in Vince Foster's apartment, and Foster's final movements.
If we wanted to construct a chronology (or time-scale) of Vince Foster's movements the afternoon he died, there are four known events around which to fill in the time gaps.
#1: The exit of Vince Foster's car from the White House parking lot. Prior to Foster's exit, a Secret Service agent placed a concealed transponder on his car. This transponder was reportedly working when the car left the parking lot and jurisdictional responsibility passed from the Secret Service to the FBI.
But the FBI subsequently lost track of Foster's car. This is in itself hard to comprehend. Was the transponder deactivated in some unknown manner? Or was there FBI complicity in "loss" of the signal? When the car was later recovered, the transponder was missing.
Complicating the picture is the apparent destruction of evidence by someone in the White House. Firstly, the videotapes showing the attachment of the transponder (Secret Service dogs were used to sniff the car for bombs as a diversionary cover while this was done) are missing. The tapes could have been removed by anyone with access to the room where the videotapes are stored. Secondly, however, movement in and out of the storage room is itself videotaped. But the tape which recorded access to the storage room is blank.
#2: The entry into Vince Foster's apartment at [address temporarily withheld] by Foster and a woman with brownish-blonde hair. That this apartment is Foster's is confirmed both by the landlord and by banking records of Foster's rental payments. The front entrance to Foster's apartment was being videotaped as part of an on-going national security investigation into espionage by members of the White House. The woman in the tape has been identified as an Israeli agent.
#3: The exit from Vince Foster's apartment by the woman with brownish-blonde hair, along with a three-man Mossad search team. Entry into the apartment by the team is not recorded (suggesting a back entrance into the apartment), nor is Foster's subsequent exit. This suggests several possibilities.
Foster may have been killed in the apartment, and the body subsequently removed, or Foster may have left the apartment by the back exit and been killed elsewhere.
It is natural to speculate that the Mossad team killed Foster in the apartment. But it is not clear they did so. The individuals in the team have been identified, and their skills are believed to lie more in the rifling of apartments, rather than in assassination.
It is also natural to speculate that the woman entering the apartment with Foster was the woman whose hair samples were later found in Foster's shorts. However, this does not appear to be the case. The blondish hairs in Foster's shorts instead match those of a member of the White House press office who was subsequently arrested and charged with driving while intoxicated (and whose quality blowjobs were known to some members of the White House).
If we add to this evidence the conclusion of a New York forensic pathologist (who does work for the CIA) that Foster died at approximately the moment of ejaculation, it would thus appear there may be as many as three women who show up in the evidence pertaining to Foster's final day: 1) a woman working in the White House who engaged in oral sex with Foster, possibly earlier in the day; 2) an Israeli agent who was taped entering Foster's apartment with him; 3) a woman who was with Foster at the moment he died.
The "three" women become two if we assume that the Israeli agent who entered Foster's apartment with him was also present at the time of his death, implying she set him up for the kill. But if so, then who took the body to Ft. Marcy Park? The "three" women also become two if the White House staffer was with Foster when he died. (She is not currently a suspect in his death.)
#4: The receipt of a 911 report of a body in Ft. Marcy Park by Dispatcher Marion White of the Fairfax County Public Safety Communications Center at 5:59.59 p.m. It is probable that the people who dumped Foster's body at Ft. Marcy Park were also responsible for his death, and it is possible that they were somehow involved with the FBI's losing of Foster's movements despite the placement of a transponder on Foster's car. Nullifying the transponder signal might require special electronic skills, such as those possessed by the National Security Agency. Otherwise, complicity to "lose" the target by someone in the FBI is a possibility.
A thorough search of Ft. Marcy Park by an FBI team using x- ray scanners to detect lead either in tree branches or in the ground surface failed to turn up a bullet. The obvious explanation is that Foster's body was transported there from another location.
Why did Hillary Rodham Clinton call 202-628-7087 at 10:41 p.m., Little Rock Time, on July 20, 1993, the evening following Vince Foster's death? The number is a CIA number, one that by- passes control, and that is intended to be used only in an emergency. Who was Hillary talking to at CIA and why? Unlike Bill Clinton, who was recruited for the CIA by Cord Meyer while Bill was in London, Hillary was never a CIA employee. Why would she have the number in her possession, and--more importantly--who was she talking to?
Why has CIA director John Deutch personally intervened to promote a cover-up of the circumstances of Vince Foster's murder? Did he make a Faustian pact with Bill Clinton to provide protection from investigatory bodies in return for a free hand in enhancing the value of his defense industry investments? What is the meaning of "national security" when the national security apparatus is directed by a White House that has engaged in nuclear espionage on behalf of a foreign power?
If we wanted to construct a chronology (or time-scale) of Vince Foster's movements the afternoon he died, there are four known events around which to fill in the time gaps.
#1: The exit of Vince Foster's car from the White House parking lot. Prior to Foster's exit, a Secret Service agent placed a concealed transponder on his car. This transponder was reportedly working when the car left the parking lot and jurisdictional responsibility passed from the Secret Service to the FBI.
But the FBI subsequently lost track of Foster's car. This is in itself hard to comprehend. Was the transponder deactivated in some unknown manner? Or was there FBI complicity in "loss" of the signal? When the car was later recovered, the transponder was missing.
Complicating the picture is the apparent destruction of evidence by someone in the White House. Firstly, the videotapes showing the attachment of the transponder (Secret Service dogs were used to sniff the car for bombs as a diversionary cover while this was done) are missing. The tapes could have been removed by anyone with access to the room where the videotapes are stored. Secondly, however, movement in and out of the storage room is itself videotaped. But the tape which recorded access to the storage room is blank.
#2: The entry into Vince Foster's apartment at [address temporarily withheld] by Foster and a woman with brownish-blonde hair. That this apartment is Foster's is confirmed both by the landlord and by banking records of Foster's rental payments. The front entrance to Foster's apartment was being videotaped as part of an on-going national security investigation into espionage by members of the White House. The woman in the tape has been identified as an Israeli agent.
#3: The exit from Vince Foster's apartment by the woman with brownish-blonde hair, along with a three-man Mossad search team. Entry into the apartment by the team is not recorded (suggesting a back entrance into the apartment), nor is Foster's subsequent exit. This suggests several possibilities.
Foster may have been killed in the apartment, and the body subsequently removed, or Foster may have left the apartment by the back exit and been killed elsewhere.
It is natural to speculate that the Mossad team killed Foster in the apartment. But it is not clear they did so. The individuals in the team have been identified, and their skills are believed to lie more in the rifling of apartments, rather than in assassination.
It is also natural to speculate that the woman entering the apartment with Foster was the woman whose hair samples were later found in Foster's shorts. However, this does not appear to be the case. The blondish hairs in Foster's shorts instead match those of a member of the White House press office who was subsequently arrested and charged with driving while intoxicated (and whose quality blowjobs were known to some members of the White House).
If we add to this evidence the conclusion of a New York forensic pathologist (who does work for the CIA) that Foster died at approximately the moment of ejaculation, it would thus appear there may be as many as three women who show up in the evidence pertaining to Foster's final day: 1) a woman working in the White House who engaged in oral sex with Foster, possibly earlier in the day; 2) an Israeli agent who was taped entering Foster's apartment with him; 3) a woman who was with Foster at the moment he died.
The "three" women become two if we assume that the Israeli agent who entered Foster's apartment with him was also present at the time of his death, implying she set him up for the kill. But if so, then who took the body to Ft. Marcy Park? The "three" women also become two if the White House staffer was with Foster when he died. (She is not currently a suspect in his death.)
#4: The receipt of a 911 report of a body in Ft. Marcy Park by Dispatcher Marion White of the Fairfax County Public Safety Communications Center at 5:59.59 p.m. It is probable that the people who dumped Foster's body at Ft. Marcy Park were also responsible for his death, and it is possible that they were somehow involved with the FBI's losing of Foster's movements despite the placement of a transponder on Foster's car. Nullifying the transponder signal might require special electronic skills, such as those possessed by the National Security Agency. Otherwise, complicity to "lose" the target by someone in the FBI is a possibility.
A thorough search of Ft. Marcy Park by an FBI team using x- ray scanners to detect lead either in tree branches or in the ground surface failed to turn up a bullet. The obvious explanation is that Foster's body was transported there from another location.
Why did Hillary Rodham Clinton call 202-628-7087 at 10:41 p.m., Little Rock Time, on July 20, 1993, the evening following Vince Foster's death? The number is a CIA number, one that by- passes control, and that is intended to be used only in an emergency. Who was Hillary talking to at CIA and why? Unlike Bill Clinton, who was recruited for the CIA by Cord Meyer while Bill was in London, Hillary was never a CIA employee. Why would she have the number in her possession, and--more importantly--who was she talking to?
Why has CIA director John Deutch personally intervened to promote a cover-up of the circumstances of Vince Foster's murder? Did he make a Faustian pact with Bill Clinton to provide protection from investigatory bodies in return for a free hand in enhancing the value of his defense industry investments? What is the meaning of "national security" when the national security apparatus is directed by a White House that has engaged in nuclear espionage on behalf of a foreign power?
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Re: Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking
by admin » Mon Apr 25, 2016 5:47 am
Part 36: Mike Wallace accepts a $150,000 bribe from the DNC to debunk the notion Vince Foster was murdered.
It is sometimes said that journalists are whores. Of course the statement is false: just as some whores write best-selling books, so are some journalists paid propagandists. Which brings to mind the relationship between the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Mike Wallace with respect to the Vince Foster story.
As first reported in Part 17 of this series, four days before Vince Foster died, his sister Sheila Foster Anthony effected a $286,000 (and change) transfer from an account at Mellon Bank to Vince Foster's wife Lisa Foster. Sheila Anthony was at the time a top Justice Department official, an Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legislative Affairs, where her duties included liaison with Congress, clearance of bills before they were forwarded to the Office of Management and Budget, and help in selecting nominees for the positions of U.S. Attorney, U.S. Marshall, and Federal Judge. What was not reported in Part 17 was the identity of the account holder from which the transfer was made (information I wasn't able to obtain). Well, here it is: the funds came from an account controlled by the DNC. (The evidence of the $286,000+ transfer was given to Kenneth Starr shortly after being reported in Part 17.) This transfer occurred the same day, July 16, 1993, that Sheila Anthony called a psychiatrist, who later told the FBI that Anthony said Vince Foster was working on "Top Secret" issues at the White House and "that his depression was directly related to highly sensitive and confidential matters".
Not coincidentally, Sheila Anthony's husband is Beryl Anthony-- former congressman from Arkansas, former President of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, a lawyer for Winston and Strawn, one whose recent clients have included the Hong Kong Trade Development Council, as well as Systematics, renamed Alltel Information Services (whose involvement in an NSA bank spying project was the starting point of this series).
Does the DNC maintain a slush fund account for political bribery? One suspects the answer is "Yes," but hesitates to draw this conclusion based solely on the $286,000+ transfer to Lisa Foster, before knowing what Lisa Foster did with the money.
The evidence with respect to Mike Wallace is less ambiguous. In a CBS 60-Minutes episode telecast on October 8, 1995, Mike Wallace claimed to lay to rest most of the doubting questions concerning Vince Foster's alleged "suicide". Much of the program was devoted to attacking Chris Ruddy, a reporter first for the New York Post, then for the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, who specialized in pointing out the discrepancies in the official story that Vince Foster killed himself in Ft. Marcy Park on a slope near one of the civil war cannons. In claiming to clear up most of the questions, Wallace forgot to mention that Ft. Marcy Park was then closed while an FBI team (using X-ray scanners) looked for the bullet that allegedly killed Foster. Wallace interviewed James Hamilton, whom he called the "Foster family lawyer", forgetting to mention that James Hamilton was also the Clinton-Gore Transition Counsel for Nomination and Confirmation 1992-3, and a long-time Democratic political fixer. It has since become known that Hamilton was the author of a memo urging that the Whitewater Investigation be stonewalled: ``If politically possible Janet Reno should stick to her guns in not appointing an independent counsel for Whitewater,'' Hamilton wrote President Clinton in a January 5, 1994, letter. Hamilton was recently appointed to the Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board.
Now sources who over time have proven totally reliable have confirmed the following item that Mike Wallace also forgot to report: Mike Wallace was paid $150,000 by the DNC to do the CBS 60-Minutes hatchet job on those questioning the official story of Foster's death.
Hey, Mike. Now that we know what you are, would you accept $15 to do a complete retraction?
Have a nice New Year, Mike. That $150,000 should purchase a lot of champagne.
Try not to get a headache.
It is sometimes said that journalists are whores. Of course the statement is false: just as some whores write best-selling books, so are some journalists paid propagandists. Which brings to mind the relationship between the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Mike Wallace with respect to the Vince Foster story.
As first reported in Part 17 of this series, four days before Vince Foster died, his sister Sheila Foster Anthony effected a $286,000 (and change) transfer from an account at Mellon Bank to Vince Foster's wife Lisa Foster. Sheila Anthony was at the time a top Justice Department official, an Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legislative Affairs, where her duties included liaison with Congress, clearance of bills before they were forwarded to the Office of Management and Budget, and help in selecting nominees for the positions of U.S. Attorney, U.S. Marshall, and Federal Judge. What was not reported in Part 17 was the identity of the account holder from which the transfer was made (information I wasn't able to obtain). Well, here it is: the funds came from an account controlled by the DNC. (The evidence of the $286,000+ transfer was given to Kenneth Starr shortly after being reported in Part 17.) This transfer occurred the same day, July 16, 1993, that Sheila Anthony called a psychiatrist, who later told the FBI that Anthony said Vince Foster was working on "Top Secret" issues at the White House and "that his depression was directly related to highly sensitive and confidential matters".
Not coincidentally, Sheila Anthony's husband is Beryl Anthony-- former congressman from Arkansas, former President of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, a lawyer for Winston and Strawn, one whose recent clients have included the Hong Kong Trade Development Council, as well as Systematics, renamed Alltel Information Services (whose involvement in an NSA bank spying project was the starting point of this series).
Does the DNC maintain a slush fund account for political bribery? One suspects the answer is "Yes," but hesitates to draw this conclusion based solely on the $286,000+ transfer to Lisa Foster, before knowing what Lisa Foster did with the money.
The evidence with respect to Mike Wallace is less ambiguous. In a CBS 60-Minutes episode telecast on October 8, 1995, Mike Wallace claimed to lay to rest most of the doubting questions concerning Vince Foster's alleged "suicide". Much of the program was devoted to attacking Chris Ruddy, a reporter first for the New York Post, then for the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, who specialized in pointing out the discrepancies in the official story that Vince Foster killed himself in Ft. Marcy Park on a slope near one of the civil war cannons. In claiming to clear up most of the questions, Wallace forgot to mention that Ft. Marcy Park was then closed while an FBI team (using X-ray scanners) looked for the bullet that allegedly killed Foster. Wallace interviewed James Hamilton, whom he called the "Foster family lawyer", forgetting to mention that James Hamilton was also the Clinton-Gore Transition Counsel for Nomination and Confirmation 1992-3, and a long-time Democratic political fixer. It has since become known that Hamilton was the author of a memo urging that the Whitewater Investigation be stonewalled: ``If politically possible Janet Reno should stick to her guns in not appointing an independent counsel for Whitewater,'' Hamilton wrote President Clinton in a January 5, 1994, letter. Hamilton was recently appointed to the Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board.
Now sources who over time have proven totally reliable have confirmed the following item that Mike Wallace also forgot to report: Mike Wallace was paid $150,000 by the DNC to do the CBS 60-Minutes hatchet job on those questioning the official story of Foster's death.
Hey, Mike. Now that we know what you are, would you accept $15 to do a complete retraction?
Have a nice New Year, Mike. That $150,000 should purchase a lot of champagne.
Try not to get a headache.
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Re: Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking
by admin » Mon Apr 25, 2016 5:48 am
Part 37: Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking Transaction Spying.
Shortly after finishing The End of Ordinary Money, Part II, I received phone calls from Jim Norman of Forbes Magazine, Bill Hamilton of Inslaw, and Gregory Wierzynski, Assistant Staff Director of the House Committee on Banking and Financial Services. They were all interested in my references to money-laundering activities in Arkansas financial institutions, as well as to the use of the stolen PROMIS software in tracking financial transactions.
Jim Norman was a Senior Editor at Forbes Magazine whose article entitled Fostergate had been killed by Malcolm S. ("Steve") Forbes. Forbes had done so at the urging of Caspar Weinberger, the former Reagan Secretary of Defense who was Chairman of the Board of Forbes, Inc. Norman was interested in my references to an NSA project to spy on banking transfers, because he had information that Vince Foster, a Rose Law Firm partner, oversaw such a project at Jackson Stephens' software firm Systematics. He also wanted to get Fostergate published elsewhere, and I promised to bring it to public attention through the Internet. Not all of the material in the article was familiar to me, but those parts that were had merit-- and in any case I didn't believe in military censorship of information presented in civilian financial publications. (I discovered soon enough, however, that most of the senior staff of Forbes Magazine had ties to the intelligence community, so perhaps Norman's experience was not all that uncommon.)
Bill Hamilton of Inslaw had been pursuing a case for years to collect from the U.S. government the value of Inslaw's PROMIS software that had been stolen by the U.S. Department of Justice. In its original form, the PROMIS system was used for federal case management. Another version had been converted for intelligence use in tracking agents, operations, and movements. A CIA agent named Michael Riconosciuto had worked on this version, and--in connection with Bobby Inman of the National Security Agency--had created code that would cause the computer hardware to give off signals, disguised as noise, when the program was running. (The standing waves emitted can be modeled by mathematical functions called "Walsh functions".) The program was then marketed around the world by another CIA agent named Earl Brian, who set up a company for that purpose. One of Earl Brian's sales, made to the government of Brazil, was observed by another CIA agent named Chuck Hayes. Hayes had testified to this sale before a Chicago grand jury, but his testimony had been redacted under the National Security Act. These software sales were not only profitable to Brian's company, but they also allowed U.S. intelligence agencies to access the intelligence data of the foreign country running the software. The signals given off by the computer hardware could picked up by nearby vans or, often, by satellite.
Another modification of the software had shown up at the World Bank in 1983, where it was being used to track wire transfers, apparently in connection with a money-laundering operation that went from BCCI London through the World Bank and into Caribbean institutions. This was of considerable interest to me, because I had learned in banking circles that the NSA was spying on banking transactions, and that this apparently included domestic financial transactions in certain instances. Gradually I had learned that the NSA seemed to be working through a Little Rock-based company called Systematics, which was controlled by Jackson Stephens, a principal financial backer of Bill Clinton, and a person connected with the BCCI purchase of First American Bank in Washington, D.C. In early 1995 I published on the Internet a bibliography of Systematics' banking deals, and in that context mentioned the name of Web Hubbell as being associated with the NSA project--but I did not yet know of Vince Foster's greater involvement. This bibliography had apparently been used by Norman and also by others pursuing the same story.
Gregory Wierzynski was interested in money laundering. When I met with him and Stephen Ganis, Counsel to the House Committee on Banking and Financial Services, they were interested in any information I knew of that connected Vince Foster to money- laundering in Arkansas. I told them I had no non-public information, and gave them a copy of Fostergate, which Jim Norman had sent to me only a few days before. "Why would Steve Forbes kill it?" Wierzynski wanted to know. He knew Steve Forbes because Forbes, like Wierzynski, had once served as head of Radio Free Europe. As time passed, I became increasingly convinced that Wierzynski was more involved in covering up than in actual investigation. (Wierzynski's boss, Jim Leach, was overheard saying to Newt Gingrich about the investigation, "If we don't do something, this thing is going to get out of hand." This gave me little confidence Leach was going to conduct an aggressive search for the truth.) As best I could tell, Wierzynski had been booted out of the Pentagon after his son was caught hacking into Defense Department computers.
Shortly after this meeting in June 1995, however, I began my series of Vince Foster posts ("Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the National Security Agency, and Banking Transactions Spying") on the Internet, and sent copies along to the House Comittee on Banking and Financial Services. A few days later Jim Leach wrote to the Director of the National Security Agency asking about the allegations:
"July 11, 1995
"Vice Admiral John McConnell, USN
"Director, National Security Agency
"Ft. George Mead, MD 20755
"Dear Admiral McConnell:
"I am writing to seek your agency's help in verifying or laying to rest various allegations of money laundering in Arkansas in the late 1980s. For that purpose, I would request a briefing from NSA's Inspector General on Friday, July 14 before 1:00 p.m.; if that is not possible, sometime on Monday, July 17, would also be convenient.
"The reports I have in mind have appeared in the general press and, sometimes in sensational form, in more narrow- gauged outlets, including the Internet. They speak of secret foreign bank accounts held by prominent people in Arkansas, special software to monitor bank transfers, and similar tales. I would like to determine whether there is any substance at all to these stories.
"Specifically, I would like your Inspector General to tell me whether the Agency:
"(1) knows of any secret bank accounts held by U.S. citizens domiciled in Arkansas at any time between 1988 and now;
"(2) is aware, directly or indirectly, of any efforts by computer hackers, U.S.-government related or otherwise, to penetrate banks for the purpose of monitoring accounts and transactions;
"(3) knows of or has participated, directly or indirectly, in efforts to sell software--notably versions of a program in use at the Justice Department called PROMIS--or clandestinely produced devices to foreign banks for the purpose of collecting economic intelligence and information about illicit money transfers;
"(4) is cognizant of any attempts by Systematics Inc, an Arkansas-based electronic data processor that is now a division of Alltell [Alltel], to monitor or engage in the laundering of drug money or proceeds of other illegal activities, notably those conducted through Mena, Arkansas;
"(5) can produce information about Charles Hayes, a businessman in Nancy, Kentucky, who claims to have been a CIA operative in Latin and Central America, among other places;
"(6) knew of or was involved in, directly or indirectly, any covert activities by the U.S. government or any private parties (the so-called "private benefactors") in or around Mena in the late 1980s;
"(7) had any contractual or other relationship with the late Adler Barriman "Barry" Seal in the 1980s or knew about his activities in connection with Mena.
"I would appreciate your help in shedding light on these matters.
"Sincerely,
"James A. Leach
"Chairman"
Shortly after finishing The End of Ordinary Money, Part II, I received phone calls from Jim Norman of Forbes Magazine, Bill Hamilton of Inslaw, and Gregory Wierzynski, Assistant Staff Director of the House Committee on Banking and Financial Services. They were all interested in my references to money-laundering activities in Arkansas financial institutions, as well as to the use of the stolen PROMIS software in tracking financial transactions.
Jim Norman was a Senior Editor at Forbes Magazine whose article entitled Fostergate had been killed by Malcolm S. ("Steve") Forbes. Forbes had done so at the urging of Caspar Weinberger, the former Reagan Secretary of Defense who was Chairman of the Board of Forbes, Inc. Norman was interested in my references to an NSA project to spy on banking transfers, because he had information that Vince Foster, a Rose Law Firm partner, oversaw such a project at Jackson Stephens' software firm Systematics. He also wanted to get Fostergate published elsewhere, and I promised to bring it to public attention through the Internet. Not all of the material in the article was familiar to me, but those parts that were had merit-- and in any case I didn't believe in military censorship of information presented in civilian financial publications. (I discovered soon enough, however, that most of the senior staff of Forbes Magazine had ties to the intelligence community, so perhaps Norman's experience was not all that uncommon.)
Bill Hamilton of Inslaw had been pursuing a case for years to collect from the U.S. government the value of Inslaw's PROMIS software that had been stolen by the U.S. Department of Justice. In its original form, the PROMIS system was used for federal case management. Another version had been converted for intelligence use in tracking agents, operations, and movements. A CIA agent named Michael Riconosciuto had worked on this version, and--in connection with Bobby Inman of the National Security Agency--had created code that would cause the computer hardware to give off signals, disguised as noise, when the program was running. (The standing waves emitted can be modeled by mathematical functions called "Walsh functions".) The program was then marketed around the world by another CIA agent named Earl Brian, who set up a company for that purpose. One of Earl Brian's sales, made to the government of Brazil, was observed by another CIA agent named Chuck Hayes. Hayes had testified to this sale before a Chicago grand jury, but his testimony had been redacted under the National Security Act. These software sales were not only profitable to Brian's company, but they also allowed U.S. intelligence agencies to access the intelligence data of the foreign country running the software. The signals given off by the computer hardware could picked up by nearby vans or, often, by satellite.
Another modification of the software had shown up at the World Bank in 1983, where it was being used to track wire transfers, apparently in connection with a money-laundering operation that went from BCCI London through the World Bank and into Caribbean institutions. This was of considerable interest to me, because I had learned in banking circles that the NSA was spying on banking transactions, and that this apparently included domestic financial transactions in certain instances. Gradually I had learned that the NSA seemed to be working through a Little Rock-based company called Systematics, which was controlled by Jackson Stephens, a principal financial backer of Bill Clinton, and a person connected with the BCCI purchase of First American Bank in Washington, D.C. In early 1995 I published on the Internet a bibliography of Systematics' banking deals, and in that context mentioned the name of Web Hubbell as being associated with the NSA project--but I did not yet know of Vince Foster's greater involvement. This bibliography had apparently been used by Norman and also by others pursuing the same story.
Gregory Wierzynski was interested in money laundering. When I met with him and Stephen Ganis, Counsel to the House Committee on Banking and Financial Services, they were interested in any information I knew of that connected Vince Foster to money- laundering in Arkansas. I told them I had no non-public information, and gave them a copy of Fostergate, which Jim Norman had sent to me only a few days before. "Why would Steve Forbes kill it?" Wierzynski wanted to know. He knew Steve Forbes because Forbes, like Wierzynski, had once served as head of Radio Free Europe. As time passed, I became increasingly convinced that Wierzynski was more involved in covering up than in actual investigation. (Wierzynski's boss, Jim Leach, was overheard saying to Newt Gingrich about the investigation, "If we don't do something, this thing is going to get out of hand." This gave me little confidence Leach was going to conduct an aggressive search for the truth.) As best I could tell, Wierzynski had been booted out of the Pentagon after his son was caught hacking into Defense Department computers.
Shortly after this meeting in June 1995, however, I began my series of Vince Foster posts ("Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the National Security Agency, and Banking Transactions Spying") on the Internet, and sent copies along to the House Comittee on Banking and Financial Services. A few days later Jim Leach wrote to the Director of the National Security Agency asking about the allegations:
"July 11, 1995
"Vice Admiral John McConnell, USN
"Director, National Security Agency
"Ft. George Mead, MD 20755
"Dear Admiral McConnell:
"I am writing to seek your agency's help in verifying or laying to rest various allegations of money laundering in Arkansas in the late 1980s. For that purpose, I would request a briefing from NSA's Inspector General on Friday, July 14 before 1:00 p.m.; if that is not possible, sometime on Monday, July 17, would also be convenient.
"The reports I have in mind have appeared in the general press and, sometimes in sensational form, in more narrow- gauged outlets, including the Internet. They speak of secret foreign bank accounts held by prominent people in Arkansas, special software to monitor bank transfers, and similar tales. I would like to determine whether there is any substance at all to these stories.
"Specifically, I would like your Inspector General to tell me whether the Agency:
"(1) knows of any secret bank accounts held by U.S. citizens domiciled in Arkansas at any time between 1988 and now;
"(2) is aware, directly or indirectly, of any efforts by computer hackers, U.S.-government related or otherwise, to penetrate banks for the purpose of monitoring accounts and transactions;
"(3) knows of or has participated, directly or indirectly, in efforts to sell software--notably versions of a program in use at the Justice Department called PROMIS--or clandestinely produced devices to foreign banks for the purpose of collecting economic intelligence and information about illicit money transfers;
"(4) is cognizant of any attempts by Systematics Inc, an Arkansas-based electronic data processor that is now a division of Alltell [Alltel], to monitor or engage in the laundering of drug money or proceeds of other illegal activities, notably those conducted through Mena, Arkansas;
"(5) can produce information about Charles Hayes, a businessman in Nancy, Kentucky, who claims to have been a CIA operative in Latin and Central America, among other places;
"(6) knew of or was involved in, directly or indirectly, any covert activities by the U.S. government or any private parties (the so-called "private benefactors") in or around Mena in the late 1980s;
"(7) had any contractual or other relationship with the late Adler Barriman "Barry" Seal in the 1980s or knew about his activities in connection with Mena.
"I would appreciate your help in shedding light on these matters.
"Sincerely,
"James A. Leach
"Chairman"
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Re: Allegations Regarding Vince Foster, the NSA, and Banking
by admin » Mon Apr 25, 2016 5:48 am
Part 38: Chuck Hayes investigates drug-money laundering, while the House Committee on Banking kisses NSA butt.
What answers Jim Leach's House Committee on Banking and Financial Services received from the National Security Agency's (NSA's) Inspector General is not known, but apparently the NSA stonewalled the investigation. On July 23, 1995, Gregory Wierzynski emailed me, asking "Do you have suggestions on how we could verify some of the elements in the Norman story? I've talked to Chuck in Kentucky and am still in touch with him. But his stories have not panned out, even partially. I would be most interested in your ideas." I found this statement remarkable, and knew that Wierzynski was being deliberately obtuse. Moreover, neither I--nor anyone else of my acquaintance--had told Wierzynski that I was talking to Chuck Hayes in Nancy, Kentucky.
Jim Norman had first suggested that I call Hayes-- had even implied that Hayes wanted me to call--but initially I had been reluctant to do so. There were enough people trying to get me off the Internet, and I was dubious of the motives of an ex-intelligence operative. But when I finally did so, we spent a hour and twenty minutes on the phone in a wide-ranging conversation about money- laundering. I jumped around from topic to topic, bringing up numerous obscure connections between the intelligence community and banking. In each case Hayes was right there with me, adding details to what we were discussing. From time to time I would make deliberate mis-statements to see if Hayes would catch the discrepancies. He did. By the end of the conversation it did not matter to me whether Chuck Hayes was just a hillbilly Kentucky junk dealer or an ex-member of CIA's division D. His knowledge spoke for itself. He had an intimate acquaintance with banking wire transfers, bank computer operations, and banking-intelligence connections, as well as detailed insights into current hidden money-laundering channels.
Hayes was already familiar with my article The End of Ordinary Money. He said he had gotten his copy from the CIA library. The CIA had apparently either downloaded it from the Internet, or perhaps had obtained it through Robert Steele. Eric Bloodaxe, a.k.a. Chris Goggans, an ex-Legion of Doom member who edited a hacker publication called Phrack, had suggested I sent copies to Winn Schwartau of Information Warfare fame, and to Robert Steele, whose company Open Source Solutions, Inc., published a newsletter entitled OSS Notices, which advocated some radical changes to the process of intelligence collection. Steele had reviewed them as follows: "J. Orlin Grabbe has produced the first two in a series of three papers on digital cash, and I found them both educational and provocative. . . . He approaches the matter from a civil libertarian/civil disobedience perspective, and I find his perspective on the history of U.S. policy and technology, as well as the alternatives, well-worth review. This is a thoughtful popular perspective on issues of electronic privacy which bears on both the protection of intellectual property and electronic civil defense" (OSS Notices, vol. 3, issue 5, May 31, 1995).
Chuck and I had some differences, to be sure. Hayes was spending much of his time tracking drug- money laundering through the U.S. financial system. I looked at the War on Drugs from an economic perspective: supply restriction leading to vast profit margins, with concomitant political payoffs and political corruption, while in the meantime prisons were being over-crowded with casual drug users. It was an exercise in insanity. Nor was I a fan of the DEA, with its record of civil rights violations. Hayes, by contrast, liked the DEA for their street smarts, which contrasted with the desk- level bureaucrats he was somewhat contemptuous of at the CIA. But Hayes was gunning for the people at the top of the drug-dealing and money-laundering pyramid, and this was fine with me. There was a close association between those administering the War on Drugs, and those profiting from it. In the case of money-laundering, it was even more blatant: it was hard to differentiate the money launderers from those that administered the money- laundering laws. I did not approve of the money- laundering laws themselves with their invasions of personal financial privacy. But on the other hand, hoisting government junkies on their own petard did not perturb me. Over a period of time, Hayes and I developed an information-sharing arrangement.
Hayes was at the moment following the financial flows through Arkansas financial institutions, as well as through Mellon Bank in Pittsburgh. Also involved were New York banks, some members of the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, and at least one important official at the Federal Reserve. On the Arkansas front, Hayes was quite open in telling me he was going to nail Jim Guy Tucker to the wall, and over the following year I watched him do just that. One might assume from such a statement that Hayes was a Republican, out to get Democrats. But in fact Hayes' father had been a local Democrat party official, and Hayes had been a friend and admirer of John Kennedy. Hayes was not political in that sense, any more than I was.
Some people have a strange habit of trying to interpret everything in political terms. When I first spoke to Sarah McClendon, she asked me, "Why are people saying all these things about Clinton, and they aren't saying anything about George Bush?" I refused to bite. I told her I didn't give a shit about the difference between Republicans and Democrats--that this was about criminality, not about partisan politics. Some people-- Republican or Democrat--are honest, and some are not. Sarah herself kept referring to the Clintons (Bill and Hill) as "virgins," which amused me to no end. But my interest was not partisan, and never has been.
In a contrary vein, Jack Blum, who recently joined Jim Leach's House Committee on Banking as an investigator (and who quickly recommended they drop their Mena investigation), told Marianne Gasior that I was a right-wing nut because of what I had written about Bill and Hillary Clinton. Marianne said, "I don't think so," and read off my resume. Blum's response: "You're kidding." Gasior was politically a liberal Democrat, and when she was pursuing a case against Kennametal, which had done business with Iraq during the Gulf War, she received some support from Democrat politicians, because the issue was embarrassing to Republican interests. Time Magazine did a write-up of her efforts ("A Matter of Honor," June 21, 1993). But when she began to ask questions about what Hillary Clinton was doing on the board of Lafarge Corporation, which was part of the same smuggling network, Democrat support for her research quickly evaporated (see "Whatever Happened to Iraqgate?", The American Spectator, November 1996.) To the average political hack, partisanship always takes precedence over the search for truth.
In Wierzynski's case, while supposedly investigating money-laundering for the House Committee, he seemed to be actually serving other interests--perhaps the Pentagon's, perhaps someone else's. Hayes had come up with financial records showing that fifty to seventy million dollars a day of drug-related money was being laundered through the institutions he was looking at. Wierzynski couldn't understand how such a thing was possible. He wanted "proof" in a neat little package, say a memo entitled "Today's Money-Laundering Report". He seemed to expect to ask a few questions, and then voila!-- the darkest secrets of American political life would be exposed. So it is not surprising that Wierzynski's investigation had gone nowhere before Jack Blum arrived to call the whole thing off. Meanwhile, Wierzynski's son, in school in England, had been indicted for supplying information to a group of Russian hackers in St. Petersburg, who had pulled off a heist of Citibank funds.
Both Wierzynski and Stephen Gannis, the Counsel for the House Committee on Banking and Finance, were in touch with a San Francisco attorney named Charles O. Morgan. Systematics (now a subsidiary of Alltel) had hired Morgan to lie about its relationship to the NSA, and Morgan proceeded to do just that. In an April 5, 1995, letter to Michael Geltner, an attorney for Agora, Inc., Morgan wrote: "None of ALLTEL's operations or subsidiaries has ever had any connection in any capacity with the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency, or any other similar agency in the United States Government; . . ." But recent documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act by The Washington Weekly from NSA show that, for example, that "The Arkansas-based security contractor Systematics Inc. on September 14, 1990 was awarded a $166,000 NSA contract to build a 'Sensitive Compartmented Information Facility' (SCIF) in Ft. Gillem, Georgia" (The Washington Weekly, Nov. 11, 1996).
Morgan similarly denied any connection between Web Hubbell and Systematics, writing, "Webster Hubbell never served as an attorney or in any other capacity for ALLTEL Corporation, or for any of its operations or subsidiaries, other than a single instance in 1983, when Systematics, Inc., engaged Mr. Hubbell to pursue a competitor that was using Systematics, Inc.'s propriety software without authorization; . . ." But it is a matter of public record that when in 1978 Jackson Stephens tried to take over First American bank (later acquired by BCCI), that the bank sued Systematics along with BCCI, Bert Lance, and Jackson Stephens. Filing briefs for Systematics were Webster Hubbell, along with C.J. Giroir and Hillary Rodham Clinton. (Hubbell subsequently went to the Justice Department, and then to jail, after receiving a $500,000 payment for unspecified legal services from Indonesia's Lippo Group. C.J. Giroir left the Rose Law Firm and set up a consulting firm to arrange deals between the Lippo Group and Arkansas-based firms. Hillary Clinton recently declared her friendship for ex-Lippo employee and Democrat fund-raiser John Huang, and was also indicted by grand juries in Little Rock and in New York in October 1996. These indictments have not yet been made public.)
But the non-pursuit of the drug-money laundering trail by the Leach Committee was not surprising. It stepped on too many toes. Hayes and I agreed that the U.S. was being rapidly transformed into a narco-republic. The drug cartels had penetrated the highest levels of the Justice Department and the FBI, elements of the intelligence community, and were additionally bribing a broad assortment of state and federal government employees and politicians. Even more alarming, the cartels were now making inroads into the White House. And the Clinton administration, with lax security stemming largely from a variety of drug-related issues, along with a pre-existing legacy of political corruption in Arkansas, had created a free-for-all playground for foreign agents. Everything was for sale, from trade policy to nuclear codes. Moreover, Bill Clinton (or perhaps those he surrounded himself with, while he partied on the side) was making rapid progress in turning the FBI and the Secret Service into a private political police force--a Gestapo whose duty was to investigate and harass (and even kill) his political opponents, and to cover up evidence of his own bad deeds.
Extraordinary times required extraordinary measures. Enter the Fifth Column.
What answers Jim Leach's House Committee on Banking and Financial Services received from the National Security Agency's (NSA's) Inspector General is not known, but apparently the NSA stonewalled the investigation. On July 23, 1995, Gregory Wierzynski emailed me, asking "Do you have suggestions on how we could verify some of the elements in the Norman story? I've talked to Chuck in Kentucky and am still in touch with him. But his stories have not panned out, even partially. I would be most interested in your ideas." I found this statement remarkable, and knew that Wierzynski was being deliberately obtuse. Moreover, neither I--nor anyone else of my acquaintance--had told Wierzynski that I was talking to Chuck Hayes in Nancy, Kentucky.
Jim Norman had first suggested that I call Hayes-- had even implied that Hayes wanted me to call--but initially I had been reluctant to do so. There were enough people trying to get me off the Internet, and I was dubious of the motives of an ex-intelligence operative. But when I finally did so, we spent a hour and twenty minutes on the phone in a wide-ranging conversation about money- laundering. I jumped around from topic to topic, bringing up numerous obscure connections between the intelligence community and banking. In each case Hayes was right there with me, adding details to what we were discussing. From time to time I would make deliberate mis-statements to see if Hayes would catch the discrepancies. He did. By the end of the conversation it did not matter to me whether Chuck Hayes was just a hillbilly Kentucky junk dealer or an ex-member of CIA's division D. His knowledge spoke for itself. He had an intimate acquaintance with banking wire transfers, bank computer operations, and banking-intelligence connections, as well as detailed insights into current hidden money-laundering channels.
Hayes was already familiar with my article The End of Ordinary Money. He said he had gotten his copy from the CIA library. The CIA had apparently either downloaded it from the Internet, or perhaps had obtained it through Robert Steele. Eric Bloodaxe, a.k.a. Chris Goggans, an ex-Legion of Doom member who edited a hacker publication called Phrack, had suggested I sent copies to Winn Schwartau of Information Warfare fame, and to Robert Steele, whose company Open Source Solutions, Inc., published a newsletter entitled OSS Notices, which advocated some radical changes to the process of intelligence collection. Steele had reviewed them as follows: "J. Orlin Grabbe has produced the first two in a series of three papers on digital cash, and I found them both educational and provocative. . . . He approaches the matter from a civil libertarian/civil disobedience perspective, and I find his perspective on the history of U.S. policy and technology, as well as the alternatives, well-worth review. This is a thoughtful popular perspective on issues of electronic privacy which bears on both the protection of intellectual property and electronic civil defense" (OSS Notices, vol. 3, issue 5, May 31, 1995).
Chuck and I had some differences, to be sure. Hayes was spending much of his time tracking drug- money laundering through the U.S. financial system. I looked at the War on Drugs from an economic perspective: supply restriction leading to vast profit margins, with concomitant political payoffs and political corruption, while in the meantime prisons were being over-crowded with casual drug users. It was an exercise in insanity. Nor was I a fan of the DEA, with its record of civil rights violations. Hayes, by contrast, liked the DEA for their street smarts, which contrasted with the desk- level bureaucrats he was somewhat contemptuous of at the CIA. But Hayes was gunning for the people at the top of the drug-dealing and money-laundering pyramid, and this was fine with me. There was a close association between those administering the War on Drugs, and those profiting from it. In the case of money-laundering, it was even more blatant: it was hard to differentiate the money launderers from those that administered the money- laundering laws. I did not approve of the money- laundering laws themselves with their invasions of personal financial privacy. But on the other hand, hoisting government junkies on their own petard did not perturb me. Over a period of time, Hayes and I developed an information-sharing arrangement.
Hayes was at the moment following the financial flows through Arkansas financial institutions, as well as through Mellon Bank in Pittsburgh. Also involved were New York banks, some members of the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, and at least one important official at the Federal Reserve. On the Arkansas front, Hayes was quite open in telling me he was going to nail Jim Guy Tucker to the wall, and over the following year I watched him do just that. One might assume from such a statement that Hayes was a Republican, out to get Democrats. But in fact Hayes' father had been a local Democrat party official, and Hayes had been a friend and admirer of John Kennedy. Hayes was not political in that sense, any more than I was.
Some people have a strange habit of trying to interpret everything in political terms. When I first spoke to Sarah McClendon, she asked me, "Why are people saying all these things about Clinton, and they aren't saying anything about George Bush?" I refused to bite. I told her I didn't give a shit about the difference between Republicans and Democrats--that this was about criminality, not about partisan politics. Some people-- Republican or Democrat--are honest, and some are not. Sarah herself kept referring to the Clintons (Bill and Hill) as "virgins," which amused me to no end. But my interest was not partisan, and never has been.
In a contrary vein, Jack Blum, who recently joined Jim Leach's House Committee on Banking as an investigator (and who quickly recommended they drop their Mena investigation), told Marianne Gasior that I was a right-wing nut because of what I had written about Bill and Hillary Clinton. Marianne said, "I don't think so," and read off my resume. Blum's response: "You're kidding." Gasior was politically a liberal Democrat, and when she was pursuing a case against Kennametal, which had done business with Iraq during the Gulf War, she received some support from Democrat politicians, because the issue was embarrassing to Republican interests. Time Magazine did a write-up of her efforts ("A Matter of Honor," June 21, 1993). But when she began to ask questions about what Hillary Clinton was doing on the board of Lafarge Corporation, which was part of the same smuggling network, Democrat support for her research quickly evaporated (see "Whatever Happened to Iraqgate?", The American Spectator, November 1996.) To the average political hack, partisanship always takes precedence over the search for truth.
In Wierzynski's case, while supposedly investigating money-laundering for the House Committee, he seemed to be actually serving other interests--perhaps the Pentagon's, perhaps someone else's. Hayes had come up with financial records showing that fifty to seventy million dollars a day of drug-related money was being laundered through the institutions he was looking at. Wierzynski couldn't understand how such a thing was possible. He wanted "proof" in a neat little package, say a memo entitled "Today's Money-Laundering Report". He seemed to expect to ask a few questions, and then voila!-- the darkest secrets of American political life would be exposed. So it is not surprising that Wierzynski's investigation had gone nowhere before Jack Blum arrived to call the whole thing off. Meanwhile, Wierzynski's son, in school in England, had been indicted for supplying information to a group of Russian hackers in St. Petersburg, who had pulled off a heist of Citibank funds.
Both Wierzynski and Stephen Gannis, the Counsel for the House Committee on Banking and Finance, were in touch with a San Francisco attorney named Charles O. Morgan. Systematics (now a subsidiary of Alltel) had hired Morgan to lie about its relationship to the NSA, and Morgan proceeded to do just that. In an April 5, 1995, letter to Michael Geltner, an attorney for Agora, Inc., Morgan wrote: "None of ALLTEL's operations or subsidiaries has ever had any connection in any capacity with the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency, or any other similar agency in the United States Government; . . ." But recent documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act by The Washington Weekly from NSA show that, for example, that "The Arkansas-based security contractor Systematics Inc. on September 14, 1990 was awarded a $166,000 NSA contract to build a 'Sensitive Compartmented Information Facility' (SCIF) in Ft. Gillem, Georgia" (The Washington Weekly, Nov. 11, 1996).
Morgan similarly denied any connection between Web Hubbell and Systematics, writing, "Webster Hubbell never served as an attorney or in any other capacity for ALLTEL Corporation, or for any of its operations or subsidiaries, other than a single instance in 1983, when Systematics, Inc., engaged Mr. Hubbell to pursue a competitor that was using Systematics, Inc.'s propriety software without authorization; . . ." But it is a matter of public record that when in 1978 Jackson Stephens tried to take over First American bank (later acquired by BCCI), that the bank sued Systematics along with BCCI, Bert Lance, and Jackson Stephens. Filing briefs for Systematics were Webster Hubbell, along with C.J. Giroir and Hillary Rodham Clinton. (Hubbell subsequently went to the Justice Department, and then to jail, after receiving a $500,000 payment for unspecified legal services from Indonesia's Lippo Group. C.J. Giroir left the Rose Law Firm and set up a consulting firm to arrange deals between the Lippo Group and Arkansas-based firms. Hillary Clinton recently declared her friendship for ex-Lippo employee and Democrat fund-raiser John Huang, and was also indicted by grand juries in Little Rock and in New York in October 1996. These indictments have not yet been made public.)
But the non-pursuit of the drug-money laundering trail by the Leach Committee was not surprising. It stepped on too many toes. Hayes and I agreed that the U.S. was being rapidly transformed into a narco-republic. The drug cartels had penetrated the highest levels of the Justice Department and the FBI, elements of the intelligence community, and were additionally bribing a broad assortment of state and federal government employees and politicians. Even more alarming, the cartels were now making inroads into the White House. And the Clinton administration, with lax security stemming largely from a variety of drug-related issues, along with a pre-existing legacy of political corruption in Arkansas, had created a free-for-all playground for foreign agents. Everything was for sale, from trade policy to nuclear codes. Moreover, Bill Clinton (or perhaps those he surrounded himself with, while he partied on the side) was making rapid progress in turning the FBI and the Secret Service into a private political police force--a Gestapo whose duty was to investigate and harass (and even kill) his political opponents, and to cover up evidence of his own bad deeds.
Extraordinary times required extraordinary measures. Enter the Fifth Column.
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