History of Hindostan (1768), by Alexander Dow

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Section VIII. The transactions of HUMAIOON, from his arrival in Persia, to his return to Hindostan.

WE have already seen that Humaioon, having arrived at Kizvi in Iran, dispatched Byram Chan to the Persian monarch at Ispahan. That omrah accordingly waited upon Shaw Tamasp at Nilack Kidar, between Abher and Sultania, and received an answer which testified the king's great desire to have an interview with Humaioon, The unfortunate sultan accepted, with joy, of the invitation, and in the month of Jemmad ul Awil, in the year nine hundred and fifty one, had a conference with Shaw Tamasp, the son of Shaw Ismaiel Suffvi, and was royally entertained. The king of Iran, one day, in conversation, asked Humaioon, By what means his weak enemy became so powerful? Humaioon replied, "By the enmity of my brothers." The Persian then told him, "The political manner of treating brothers is not such as they received from you." And being, at that time, at table, as soon as Shaw Tamasp was done eating, Byram Mirza, his brother, who attended him, as a servant, came with the bason and ewer for him to wash [To attend the sovereign in any menial office about his person, is the greatest honor that can be conferred upon a subject in the East.]. When this was done, Tamasp turned to Humaioon, and resuming the discourse, said, "In this manner you ought to have treated your brothers." Humaioon, out of compliment to the king, seemed to assent to what he said; which so much offended Byram Mirza, the king's brother, that he never after could forgive him, while he resided at court. He took every opportunity to calumniate Humaioon to the king, and was ever harping in his ears, how much against the interest of Persia it was, that a prince of the line of Timur should sit upon the throne of Hindostan. This maxim Byram Mirza took care to inculcate upon all who had the king's confidence. This circumstance greatly retarded the affairs of Humaioon, and, at length, wrought so visibly upon the king's disposition, that the unfortunate fugitive began to fear death or imprisonment.

In the mean time, Sultanum Begum, the king's sister, and Cusi Jehan of Kizvi, the high chancellor, in conjunction with Hakîm Noor ul Dien, one of the king's privy counsellors, taking compassion upon Humaioon's distressed situation, joined their interests to work a reconciliation, and to reinstate him in the favor of the king. The wit of Sultanum Begum had a great effect upon this occasion. She, one day, produced a stanza of verses to the king, of her own composition, in the name of Humaioon, extolling his devotion and happy turn of expression in the praise of Ali. This greatly pleased Tamasp, zealous for the sect of the Shiahs, who differ from the Sinnites, the sect whose tenets Humaioon followed. The Shiahs hold Ali to be the only assistant of Mahommed in his apostolic function, but the Sinnites believe in four, adding Osman, Omar, and Abubecker to Ali.

The king, in short, told his sister, That if Humaioon should become a Shiah, and enforce that doctrine in Hindostan, he would assist him to recover his empire. Sultanum Begum having acquainted Humaioon of these particulars, he was not so much wedded to a sect, as to lose a kingdom for an immaterial difference in a point of religion. He accordingly returned for answer, "That he had always privately favored the opinions of the Shiahs, which was partly the occasion of the animosity subsisting between him and his brothers."

Shaw Tamasp, soon after, had a private conference with Byram Chan, examined him concerning the policy and state of Hindostan; and when he had satisfied himself upon that head, he promised that his son Murad, who was then but an infant, with his general Biddai Chan Cadjar, should accompany Humaioon, with ten thousand horse, to chastise his brothers, and drive them out of Cabul, Candahar, and Buduchshan. Every thing accordingly was, in a short time, got in readiness, and Humaioon took leave of the Persian king. He told him, that he had long proposed to take a tour through Tibrez and Ardebiel, to visit the tomb of Shech Suffi, and then to proceed on his expedition. The king consented to this proposal, and issued orders to all governors through whose territories Humaioon was to pass, to supply him and his army with all necessaries, and treat him in a manner becoming his dignity.

Humaioon having visited and paid his devotions at the shrine of Suffi, marched with the young prince Murad, towards Candahar. He invested the fort of Garrimsere, took it, and read the chutba in his own name. Mirza Ashkari, who commanded at Candahar for Camiran, hearing of these proceedings, sent the young prince, the son of Humaioon, Mahummud Akbar, to his uncle at Cabul, and prepared the fort of Candahar for a siege.

Humaioon invested it upon the seventh of Mohirrim, in the year nine hundred and fifty two. The siege had been carried on for six months, when Humaioon sent Byrâm Chan with a message to Mirza Camiran, then at Cabul. A tribe of the Patans of Hazara, attacked Byrâm with great resolution, but they were defeated, and that omrah having obtained an audience of Mirza Camiran, according to his instructions made a demand of Candahar, and required a resignation of all those provinces which he had usurped from his brother Humaioon. But it was not to be expected that Mirza Camiran would as yet listen to such a demand, and so the ambassador departed without effecting any thing.

The Persian kisselbaches [Soldiers.] were now beginning to be discouraged by the length of the siege, and discontented at being commanded by Moguls. This circumstance might have obliged Humaioon to raise the siege, had he not been joined by Mahummud Sultan Mirza, Aligh Beg Mirza, Cusim Hussein Sultan, Mahummud Mirick, Shere Askun Beg, Fusil Beg, and other omrahs, who, disgusted with Mirza Camiran, had left his service. Some of the besieged deserted also, and joined the king. These favorable circumstances revived the sinking spirits of his army, and equally depressed those of the besieged. Mirza Ashkari desired to capitulate; his request was granted upon honorable terms; he gave up the place, and, much ashamed of his former behavior, waited upon the king.

The fort of Candahar, as had been stipulated with Shaw Tamasp, was given to his son Mirza Murad. The winter having now come on, the young prince Murad, Biddai Chan, Abul Fatte Sultan Afshâr, and Sufi Willi Sultan Aridmullu, took up their quarters in the fort, without admitting the Mogul omrahs. This so much disgusted them, that some, having no quarters, went off to Cabul, while Mirza Ashkari, with a view of raising more disturbance, also fled. Ashkari, however, was pursued, and brought back prisoner.

Humaioon, finding inaction more dangerous to his affairs than war, marched towards Cabul. On the way he heard of the death of the young prince Murâd, at Candahar, upon which he returned, with a view to retain that fort as a place of security, till he should make further conquests. Buddai Chan would not hearken to his proposal, which silenced the king, who could not, confident with gratitude, or his own promise, compel him to deliver up the place.

But the urgency of his affairs soon obliged Humaioon to depart from these punctilios of honor. He therefore tacitly permitted Byram Chan, Mirza Aligh Beg, and Hadgee Mahummud Chan, to take what means they could to render themselves masters of the place. These omrahs, accordingly, sent Hadgee Mahummud Chan, and a few enterprizing men, disguised like camel-drivers, among a string of camels, which was then bringing provisions into the fort. They fell upon the guards, and dispatched them, while Byram Chan, and Mirza Aligh Beg, rushed in with a chosen party of horse, and possessed themselves of the fort. Biddai Chan returned, by the king's permission, to Iran, and Byram Chan was appointed to the government of Candahar.

The king marched immediately towards Cabul. Mirza Eadgâr Nasir, the brother of Baber, flying, at this time, from Mirza Shaw Hussein Arghu, to Cabul, in conjunction with Mirza Hindal, the king's brother, joined Humaioon. The king, encamping in the environs of Cabul, before the army of his brother, was every day joined by some of Camiran's troops, who deserted his standards. Even Kipla Beg, one of Mirza Camiran's principal omrahs, came over, with all his adherents. This so much weakened Mirza's army, that he was necessitated to shut himself up in the city. Humaioon invested the place; but as it was only slightly fortified, Camiran evacuated it without fighting, and fled to Ghizni.

The king sent Mirza Hindal in pursuit of his brother, and, on the tenth of Ramzân, nine hundred and fifty two, entered Cabul, where he found his son Akbar, then four years old, with his mother Beguma, and, taking him in his arms, he repeated a verse to this purpose: "Joseph, by his envious brethren, was cast into a well; but he was exalted by Providence to the summit of glory."

The gates of Ghizni were shut against Mirza Camiran, and he was therefore obliged to take refuge at Dawir, among the Patans of Hazara. Being very ill received there, he went to Bicker, to Mirza Shaw Hassein, who gave him his daughter in marriage, and prepared to support him.

Humaioon, having left his son Akbar under the tuition of Mahummud Ali Tiggai, in Cabul, marched in person, in the year nine hundred and fifty three, to reduce Buduchshan. Mirza Eadgar Nasir having attempted to stir up a sedition in the royal army, was, upon conviction, sentenced to death, though he was uncle to the king.

Humaioon having passed Hinderkush and encamped at Neizikeran, Mirza Soliman, with the forces of Buduchshan, came before him, but they were defeated in the first charge. The king from thence turned towards Talichan, where he fell sick. He, however, recovered, at the end of two months, and all the factions which had begun to prevail in his army, soon subsided. Chaja Moazim, the brother of Chuli Begum [One of the sultans.], having had a quarrel at this time with Chaja Reshid, killed him, and fled to Cabul, where he was ordered to be imprisoned by the king.

Mirza Camiran having heard that his brother had marched to Buduchshan, made an excursion to Ghorebund. On the way he fell in with a caravan of merchants, whom he robbed of all their camels, horses, and goods; and, coming to Ghizni, raised a faction among the populace, and cut off the governor, Zatrid Beg. Making from thence forced marches towards Cabul, he arrived there as they were opening the gates in the morning, and took the place by surprize. He killed Mahummud Ali Tiggai, the governor, as he stood in the bath, and put out the eyes of Fasil Beg and Mheter Vakila. The young prince Akbar, and the ladies of the Haram, were given in charge to some eunuchs; Hisam ul Dien Alli, the son of Meer Chalisa, was put to death.

Intelligence of these transactions coming to Humaioon, that prince gave the government of Buduchshan to Mirza Soliman, and that of Kunduz to Mirza Hindal. He himself returned to Cabul, defeated the army of Camiran, which opposed him at Zohac Ghorebund, came to the town of the Afghans, called Deh Afghân, where Shere Afkun Beg, and all the army of Mirza Camiran had again assembled to oppose him. But the king overthrew them there also, and slew Shere Afkun Beg in the action. He proceeded from thence to Cabul, and sat down before that city, skirmishing every day with the enemy. Mirza Camiran, having received intelligence that a caravan was passing, wherein there was a great number of fine horses, sent Shere Alli, a bold enterprizing officer, with a strong detachment, to seize and bring it into the city. Humaioon marched round the walls, and cut off Shere Alli's retreat, so that, when he came to enter the city, he was attacked and defeated with great slaughter.

Mirza Soliman, from Buduchshan, Mirza Aligh Beg, and Casim Hassin Sultan, with several chiefs from Byram Chan, had now joined the king, while Kirrache Chan and Baboos Beg deserted from the city to his army. Mirza Camiran, in the rage of despair, basely murdered the three sons of Baboos Beg, and threw their mangled bodies over the wall. He, at the same time, bound the young prince and Kirrache Chan's son to a stake, and raised them up to view upon the battlements. But he was given to understand, that if he put them to death, every soul in the place should be massacred.

Camiran thought proper to desist from his intended cruelty, and that very night, making a breach in the wall, evacuated the place, and fled towards the skirts of the hills, leaving Humaioon a second time, in possession of Cabul. Mirza Camiran, in his retreat, was plundered, and even stript of his cloaths, by the Afghans of Hazara; but when they discovered him, they conducted him to his garrison at Ghorebund. He, however, did not think himself secure there, and therefore he hastened to Balich, where Pier Mahummud Chan, governor of that city, joined him, and assisted him in subduing Buduchshan. They drove Mirza Soliman and his son Mirza Ibrahim towards Kolâb.

Kirrache Chan, Baboos Beg, and some other omrahs, being, about this time, disgusted with the behavior of Chaja Ghazi, the vizier, wanted the king to disgrace him, and appoint Chaja Casim to his office. Humaioon, satisfied of the integrity of this minister, would by no means consent, which irritated them so much, that they left the king's service, and went over to Mirza Ashkari in Buduchshan. The king pursued them in their flight, but not being able to come up with them, returned to Cabul, and called to him Mirza Ibrahim and Mirza Hindal from their respective governments. The former having fallen in by accident with Timur Alli, one of those who had fled, cut him off, and brought his head to the king. Mirza Hindal having also met Shere Alli, brought him back prisoner.

Mirza Camiran having left Kirrache Chan at Kushum, went in person to Taleckân. Humaioon detached Mirza Hindal and Hadgee Mahummud Koka, with a considerable force, to drive Kirrache Chan from thence. That omrah having received intelligence of their coming, acquainted Mirza Camiran, who, with great expedition, returned to Kushum, and fell in with Mirza Hindal, in crossing the river of Talickân, when his troops were divided. He defeated Hindal, cut off a great part of his detachment, and seized upon all his baggage.

Humaioon, in a few days, advanced with the army from Cabul, which obliged Mirza Camiran to fly towards Talickân, and leave all his plunder, as well as his own baggage. He was, the day after his retreat, invested in the sort, and as he despaired of the assistance of the Usbecks, to whom he had applied, he requested leave of his brother Humaioon, to make a pilgrimage to Mecca. Humaioon, with a good-natured weakness, consented, and both the perfidious Camiran and Mirza Ashkari came out of the place, and proceeded about ten pharsangs on their way. When they found that Humaioon did not send troops to seize them, nor attempt to detain them, as they imagined, they were ashamed of their own behavior, and thought it more elegible to trust to his clemency, than turn mendicant pilgrims. With this resolution they returned.

The king having heard of their return, sent persons to congratulate them, and treated them with great respect. Humaioon, after these transactions, returned to Cabul. Pier Mahummud Chan, the Usbeck, having made some incursions into Humaioon's territories, in the year nine hundred and fifty six, the king determined to take, if possible, satisfaction for the affront. He, for that purpose, marched towards Balich. Mirza Camiran and Mirza Ashkari accompanied him, and begun again to hatch treason. The king perceived their treachery, but took no effectual steps to prevent its effect.

Humaioon arriving in the environs of Balich, Shaw Mahummud Sultan came before him with only three thousand Usbeck horse, and stopt his progress. The Usbeck chief was, on the second day, reinforced by Pier Mahummud Chan, Abdul Aziz Chan, and the princes of Hassar, and was thus enabled to march out with thirty thousand horse to give battle. Mirza Soliman, Mirza Hindal, and Hadgee Mahummud Sultan, defeated the advanced parties, and pressed so hard upon Pier Mahummud and Abdul Aziz Chan, that they thought proper to retreat within the city.

The king was desirous of pursuing the enemy. This resolution, had it been followed, would certainly have had a good affect, as the enemy were preparing to evacuate the place. But unfortunately the king suffered his own better judgment to be over-ruled by his omrahs, who suggested their apprehensions from Mirza Camiran, and advised the king to incamp somewhere near the city, which would fall into his hands in the course of things. This pernicious advice was accordingly followed. No ground proper for incamping being near, the king was obliged to retreat to a small distance. The troops being ordered to move back, apprehended that danger was near; when the enemy actually construed the retreat of Humaioon into a real flight. By this double mistake the Moguls were intimidated, and the Usbecks received fresh spirits. They immediately fell upon Mirza Soliman and Hussein Cooli Sultan, who brought up the rear, forced them upon the main body, where the king commanded in person. He gallantly opposed them hand to hand, and with his spear dismounted the officer who led on the attack. His brother Hindal, Tirdi Beg, and Tolick Chan Couchi supported Humaioon with great bravery; but they soon found themselves deserted by all their troops, and were obliged to save themselves by flight.

After this unfortunate action, the imperial army retreated towards Cabul. The king, on his way, was deserted by the perfidious Mirza Camiran and Mirza Ashkari, who had not joined in the action. The king, justly resenting their behavior, wrote to Alli Beg, one of Mirza Camiran's omrahs, and made him great promises if he would seize his master, and send him prisoner to court; dispatching, at the same time, sent Mirza Soliman and Hindal in pursuit of him.

Mirza Camiran, laying aside all his ensigns of state, attempted, by the way of Zohac and Bamia, to pass to Sind. The king, informed of his motions, sent a party to intercept him; but Kirrache Chan and Hasim Hussein Sultan, who had remained with Humaioon, wrote privately to Camiran, and acquainted him with all that past. These perfidious omrahs, being now ashamed of no villainy, told Camiran, that, as the greatest part of the king's troops were detached from his person, if he would return, they would join him in the action. Camiran did not let this favorable opportunity slip through his hands. He returned, by the way of Kipchach, whither, the king, having intelligence of him, advanced to meet him. The battle was no sooner begun, than Kirrache Chan, and his perfidious adherents, went over to him, and turned upon Humaioon, who, with a few faithful friends, fought with great resolution. Pier Mahummud Achtey, and Ahmed, the son of Mirza Kulli, being slain by the king's side, and he himself wounded in the head, as well as his horse, he was forced to abandon the field, and to fly to Bamia, and from thence to Buduchshan, leaving Camiran to possess himself, a third time, of Cabul.

Humaioon was now in great distress, for money to pay the few troops, who had continued faithful to his fortunes. He was obliged to borrow the horses, camels, and merchandize of some great caravans, with which he mounted and paid his troops. He privately sent Shaw Biddagh, Toglich Chan Kouchi, Mudgnow Chan, and others, to the number of ten persons, to support his interest at Cabul, and to send him intelligence of what passed in that city. But of all these, Toglick Chan alone remained true to his interest, which they now found was greatly declined. Mirza Soliman, Mirza Ibrahim, and his brother Hindal, returning with their detachments to join the king, he found himself again in a condition to make an attempt to recover his kingdom; and he accordingly marched towards Cabul.

Mirza Camiran, upon the approach of Humaioon, came out, and drew up on the banks of the Punger. Camiran was defeated with great slaughter, and in his flight he was obliged to shave his head and beard, to escape, in the disguise of a mendicant, to the mountains of Limgaan. Mirza Ashkari was taken prisoner, and the perfidious Kirrache Chan was killed in the engagement.

Humaioon now returned in triumph to Cabul; where he enjoyed a whole year in peace and festivity. Intelligence was brought to him, that the restless Mirza Camiran was again at the head of fifteen hundred horse, while Hadgee Mahummud Chan and Baba Kishka fled from the royal presence to Ghizni. The king marched against his brother, who fled towards the Nilab; so that Humaioon, without effecting any thing, returned to Cabul.

Mirza Camiran no sooner heard of his brother's retreat, than he returned again among the Afghans to raise up more disturbances. Humaioon was under the necessity of taking the field a second time. He wrote to Byram Chan, at Candahar, to march against Hadjee Mahummud Chan, who fled to Ghizni, and invited Mirza Camiran to join him at that place. Camiran, by the way of Peshawir, Bungish, and Curvez, was then on his march towards Ghizni: But before his arrival, Byram Chan had come to Ghizni, and carried Hadjee Mahummud Chan prisoner to Cabul. Mirza Camiran, disappointed of his ally, returned again to Peshawir, and the king directed his march to Cabul.

Before the arrival of Humaioon at his capital, Hadjee Mahummud found means to escape, a second time, to Ghizni, from whence he was persuaded to return; no doubt, upon the most sacred assurances of pardon. Mirza Ashkari having preferred a petition to the king, soliciting his releasement from prison, in order to perform a pilgrimage to Mecca, was now sent to Mirza Soliman, at Buduchshan, to proceed to Balich. Ashkari died in the year nine hundred and sixty one, in his way crossing the Arabian desarts.

Mirza Camiran was, in the mean time, levying troops among the Afghans, and carrying on a private correspondence with Hadjee Mahummud. The treason was discovered, and the old traitor condemned to death. Humaioon had, by this time, marched against Camiran; but he was surprized in his camp, near Chiber, the twenty first of Zicada, nine hundred and fifty eight, in the night; upon which occasion Mirza Hindal lost his life. Camiran, however, gained no advantage but the death of his brother, being overthrown by Humaioon, and obliged to take shelter again among the Patans. The king, after this victory, returned to Cabul, and in gratitude to the memory of Hindal, who had so well expiated his former disobedience, by his services and blood, he gave the daughter of that prince, Rickia Sultana Begum, to his son Akbar in marriage. He conferred, at the same time, upon the royal pair, all the wealth of Hindal; and appointed Akbar to the command of his uncle's troops, and to his government of Ghizni.

The Afghans, a few months after these transactions, rose in favor of Camiran. The king marched into their country, which he laid waste with fire and sword. Finding, at last, that they got nothing but mischief to themselves by adhering to Camiran, they with-held their aid, and expelled him from their country.

The desolate Camiran fled to Hindostan, and was reduced to solicit the protection of Selim Shaw, whom he beheld, by his own baseness, ruling his father's empire. But it was not expected that Selim would treat Camiran favorably. The unfortunate fugitive fled from the court of Delhi, and, like a poor vagabond, sought protection from the raja of Nagercot. Being from thence hunted by Selim Shaw, he fled among the Gickers.

Mirza Hyder, in the mean time, requested the assistance of Humaioon, to quell some disturbances in Cashmire. The king accordingly marched towards Hindostan, and crossed the Nilâb. Sultan Adam, the prince of the Gickers, fearing the king's resentment, for giving protection to Mirza Camiran, imprisoned the unhappy man, and acquainted the king, that he was ready to deliver him over to any body he should be pleased to send. The king dispatched Monim Chan to Sultan Adam, and Mirza Camiran was accordingly given up to him, and brought to the king.

The Chagittais, to a man, solicited that he should be put to death, that he might distress them no more; but the king would, by no means, consent to embrue his hands in the blood of his brother, however deserving he was of death. Humaioon, on account of his lenity, was threatened with a general sedition in his army, and every body openly complained of that merciful disposition in the king, by which his subjects were so often involved in misfortunes. He was, at last, though much against his will, necessitated to permit them to render Camiran blind, by means of antimony.

Some days after this sentence was executed upon the unfortunate prince, the king went to see him. Camiran immediately rose, and walked some steps forward to meet him, saying: "The glory of the king will not be diminished by visiting the unfortunate." Humaioon immediately bursting into tears, wept very bitterly: Mirza Camiran endeavored to comfort him, by confessing the justice of his own punishment, and, by way of expiating his crimes, requested leave to proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca. His request was granted, and he proceeded by the way of Sind. Having resided three years in Mecca, he died in that place, in the year nine hundred and sixty four. He left one son, Abul Carim, who was some time after his father's death assassinated, by the order of Akbar, in the fort of Gualier; Camiran had also three daughters.

Humaioon being now delivered from the restless spirit of Camiran, began to extend his dominions. He first turned his arms towards Cashmire. Selim Shaw having, at that time, advanced to Punjaab, his omrahs represented to Humaioon, that, if he should enter Cashmire, as there was but one pass through which he could return; that Selim Shaw might block up his rear, and reduce him to great distress. The king, however, would not listen to their representations; but marched towards Cashmire. Having advanced about half way, a mutiny arose in the army, and the greatest part of the omrahs refused to proceed; while others actually returned to Cabul. This obliged Humaioon to take a circuit, by the way of Sind, ordering a fort, called Bickeram, to be built in his rout. In Bickeram he left a garrison under Secunder Chan.

When the king arrived in Cabul, he sent his son Akbar to his government of Ghizni, under the charge of Jellal ul dien Mamood. In the year nine hundred and sixty-one, the king had another son born to him at Cabul, whom he named Mahummud Hakim.

In the course of this year, Humaioon was rendered jealous of Byram Chan, by the calumny of some of his courtiers, who pretended, that that great man was carrying on intrigues with the Persian government. The King marched towards Candahar, by the way of Ghizni. Byram Chan, who was quite innocent of the charge, when he heard of the King's approach, came out, with five or six friends only, to congratulate him upon his arrival, and to lay his offerings at his feet. The king soon plainly perceived that he had been abused, and satisfying Byram Chan with reasons for his coming, spent two months there in festivity. The calumniators of Byram Chan were disgraced, and he himself loaded with favors. Byram Chan was, however, afraid, that the repeated calumnies of his enemies might find way at last into the king's mind; he therefore earnestly requested, that the government should be bestowed on some other omrah, and that he might be permitted to attend his sovereign. But the king would by no means consent to a thing, which might have the appearance of a slur upon the conduct of his faithful servant. When they parted, Byram Chan obtained the district of Dawir for Bahadur Chan and Shubiani Chan, who remained with him.

Much about this time an address was received from the inhabitants of Delhi and Agra, acquainting Humaioon, that Selim Shaw was dead, and that all the tribes of the Patans were engaged in a civil war: That it was, therefore, a proper opportunity for the king to return and take possession of his empire. Humaioon was in no condition to raise a sufficient army for that enterprize, and he became extremely melancholy.

The king being one day upon a hunting party, told some of his omrahs, that he was very uneasy in his mind, about the execution of his designs upon Hindostan. Some of them, who were desirous to make the attempt, consulted among themselves, and hit upon a successful stratagem to bring the king to an immediate resolution. They therefore told him, that there was an old method of divination, by sending a person before, and asking the names of the three first persons he met, from which a conclusion, good or bad, might be formed, according to their meaning. The king, being naturally superstitious, ordered this to be done. He sent three horsemen in front, who were to come back and acquaint him of the answers they received. The first horseman who returned told the king, that he had met with a traveller whose name was Dowlat [Fortune or prosperity.]. The next brought advice, that he met a man who called himself Murâd [Desire or inclination.]. And the third, that he met with a villager, whose name was Sâdit [Happiness.].

The king discovered great joy upon this occasion, and though he could only collect fifteen thousand horse, determined to undertake an expedition into Hindostan. He left to Monim Chan the government of Cabul, and the tuition of his young son Mahummud Hakim, and in the month of Siffer, nine hundred and sixty-two, began his march from his capital. The king was joined at Peshawir by Byram Chan, with all his veterans from Candahar. When he had crossed the Nilab [The western branch of the Indas.], he appointed Byram Chan his captain general, and ordered him to lead the van with Chaja Chizer Chan, Tirdi Beg Chan, Secunder Sultan, and Alli Koli Shubiani.

Upon the approach of the king, Tatar Chan, who commanded the new fort of Rhotas, evacuated the place and fled to Delhi. Humaioon pursued Tatar to Lahore, which place was also evacuated by the Patans, and the king peaceably entered the city. From Lahore he dispatched Byram Chan to Sirhind, and that able general possessed himself of all the country as far as that place.

The king having received intelligence, that a body of Afghans, commanded by Shubas Chan and Nisir Chan, were assembled at Dibalpoor, he ordered Shaw Abul Mali, whom he used to honor with the name of son, with a strong detachment against them. Abul Mali having overthrown them, returned with the plunder of their camp to Lahore. The Emperor Secunder Shaw had, in the mean time, ordered Tatar Chan and Hybut Chan, with an army of thirty or forty thousand horse from Delhi, against Humaioon; but Byram Chan, notwithstanding their great superiority in number, was determined to risque a battle, crossed the Suttuluz, advanced boldly to meet them, and pitched his camp upon the banks of the river of Bidgwarrah. It being winter, the Patans kindled great fires of wood in their camp, which Byram Chan observing, he crossed the river with a thousand chosen horse, and advancing near their camp without being discovered, began to gall those who crouded round the fires with arrows, which raised an uproar in the camp. But the Patans, instead of extinguishing their fires, which prevented them from seeing the enemy, while the enemy had a fair view of them, by means of the light, threw on more wood. In the mean time, the whole of Byram Chan's army having crossed the river, fell upon the enemy from all sides, routed them, and took all their elephants, baggage, and a number of horses.

Byram Chan sent the elephants to the king, at Lahore, and encamped at Matchiwarrah. He dispersed detachments on all sides, and possessed himself of all the country, almost to the walls of Delhi. The king was greatly rejoiced when he heard of this victory, and conferred upon Byram Chan the title of Chan Chanan, Eâr Ossadar, Humdum Ghumgusar [These titles signify, the lord of lords, the grateful friend, and the grief-expelling companion.].

When the news arrived of the overthrow of Tatar Chan, Secunder Shaw exacted an oath of fidelity from his omrahs, and marched with eighty thousand horse, a great train of artillery, and a number of elephants, towards Punjaab. Byram Chan thought proper to shut himself up in Sirhind, and to provide against a siege, by laying in provisions, and throwing up new works. Secunder Shaw encamped before Sirhind, and Byram Chan sent continual letters to Lahore, to hasten the king to his relief. Humaioon accordingly marched, joined Byram, made repeated sallies from the city, and greatly distressed the enemy in their camp.

Upon the last day of Rigib, when the young prince Akbar was going the rounds of the camp, the Patans drew up their forces, and offered battle. This had the intended effect on the impetuous young prince, who could not bear to be insulted. He accordingly having obtained his father's permission, drew out the army. Humaioon gave the command of the right to Chan Chanan, and the left to Secunder Chan, which was composed of the troops of Abdulla Chan Usbeck, Shaw Abul Mali, Alla Kulla Chan Bahader, and Tirdi Beg Chan, who were to begin the action. He took post in person in the center, and advanced slowly towards the enemy, who waited the attack. The left wing having charged, according to the orders which they had received, the enemy were broke, and they never after recovered from the confusion into which they were thrown. The action, however, continued warm for some time; Humaioon and his gallant general Chan Chanan displayed great conduct, while the young prince Akbar distinguished himself with acts of personal valor. The Moguls were so animated by the behavior of that young hero, that they seemed even to forget that they were mortal men. The enemy, at last, were driven off the field, with very great slaughter, and Secunder Shaw fled, with precipitation, to the mountains of Sewalic.

This victory decided the fate of the empire, which fell for ever from the Patans. Secunder Chan, the Usbeck, and some other omrahs were detached to take possession of Delhi and Agra, which they effected without opposition. Humaioon conferred the government of the province of Punjaab upon Abul Mali, and ordered him to pursue Secunder Shaw.

In the month of Ramzan the king entered Delhi, in triumph, and became, a second time, Emperor of Hindostan. Byram Chan, to whose valor and conduct the king, in a great measure, owed his restoration, was now rewarded with the first offices in the state, and had princely jagiers assigned to him. Tirdi Beg Chan was appointed to the government of Delhi; the superintendency of Agra was given to Secunder Chan, and Alli Kulli Chan was made viceroy of Merat and Simbol; for which department he set out with a considerable force.

As Shaw Abul Mali, on account of disputes with the omrahs in his army, had permitted Secunder Shaw to become daily more formidable, the king dispatched his son Akbar, under the direction of Byram Chan, against him. Much about this time, a man of low birth, who became famous, under the name of Kumber Drivan, raised a rebellion in Simbol, and, collecting a great force, plundered the provinces between the rivers. He was, however, on the fifth of Ribbi ul Awil, nine hundred and sixty three, defeated and slain by Alli Kulli, and the insurrection totally quashed.

In the evening of the seventh of Ribbi ul Awil, Humaioon walked out upon the terrace of the library, and sat down there for some time to enjoy the fresh air. When the Emperor began to descend the steps of the stair from the terrace, the crier, according to custom, proclaimed the time of prayers. The king, conformable to the practice of religion, stood still upon this occasion, and repeated the Culma [The Creed.], then sat down upon the second step of the stair till the proclamation should be ended. When he was going to rise he supported himself upon a staff, which unfortunately slipt upon the marble, and the king fell headlong from the top to the bottom of the stair. He was taken up insensible, and laid upon his bed; he soon recovered his speech, and the physicians administered all their art: But in vain, for upon the eleventh, about sunset, his soul took her flight to Paradise. He was buried in the new city, upon the banks of the river; and a noble tomb was erected over him, some years after, by his son Akbar. Humaioon died at the age of fifty one, after a reign of twenty five years, both in Cabul and Hindostan.

The mildness and benevolence of Humaioon were excessive: If there can be any excess in virtues so noble as these. His affection to his brothers proved the source of all his misfortunes; but they rewarded him with ingratitude and contempt. He was learned, a lover of literature, and the generous patron of the men of genius, who flourished in his time. In battle he was valiant and enterprizing: But the clemency of his disposition hindered him from using his victories in a manner which suited the vices of the times. Had he been less mild and religious, he would have been a more successful prince: Had he been a worse man, he would have been a greater monarch.

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Part VI. The Reign of Shaw Jumja Abul Muziffer Gellal Ul Dien Mahummud Akbar Padshaw Ghazi.

Section I. The History of AKBAR, from his Accession to the Defeat and Death of HIMU.

SHECH ABUL FAZIL, the most elegant writer of Hindostan, has given to the world the history of the renowned Akbar, in three volumes, called Akbar namma. From that historian, we shall chiefly extract the transactions of this reign.

When Humaioon became insensible after his fall, the Omrahs sent Shech Chuli express to Punjab, to acquaint Akbar of the accident which had befallen his father. Not many days after, the news of his father's death came to the prince at Callanore. The Omrahs, who were present, after expressing their grief for the deceased, raised Akbar to the throne, on the second of Rubbi ul Sani, in the year 963, being then thirteen years and nine months old.

Byram Chan, on the accession of Akbar, became absolute regent, and had the whole civil and military power of the empire in his hands. The first orders issued from the throne, after dispatching the letters of proclamation, were, to prohibit the exaction of Peshcush money, from the farmers; to let all goods pass toll-free, and to prevent the injurious practice of pressing labourers to the war.

Not many days after the accession of Akbar, Shaw Abul Mali, who began to discover treasonable intentions, was seized and imprisoned in Lahore. He, however, found means, some time after, to escape; and Pulwan Gul, the Cutwal, to whose charge he was committed, killed himself.

The king led his army towards the hills, with a view to exterminate the party of Secunder Shaw: he defeated Secunder, and obliged him to fly farther among the mountains; whither the imperial army could not pursue him. Akbar, in the mean time, subdued the country of Nagracot; received the Raja of that province into favor; and the rains coming on, took up his quarters at Jallender.

In the mean time, Mirza Solimân, who had been left governor of Buduchshan, threw off his allegiance, set up for himself, and marched against Cabul. That city was defended by Monim Chan, the tutor of Mahammud Hakim, the king's brother. Intelligence of this rebellion being brought to Akbar, he immediately detached Mahummud Kulli Chan Burlass, Chan Azim, Chizer Chaja, and other Omrahs, to succour Monim Chan. Some of those Omrahs entered Cabul, while others encamped without, to harrass the besiegers; which they continued to do for the space of four months. The garrison, in the mean time, became to be distressed for provisions; which obliged Monim Chan, to consent, that the chutba, for the kingdom of Cabul, should be read in the name of Solimân. The rebel, after this submission, raised the siege, and returned to Buduchshan.

During these transactions at Cabul, Himu, the vizier of Mahummud Shaw Adili, of Bengal, advanced towards Agra, with thirty thousand horse and two thousand elephants. He obliged Secunder Chan, the governor of that city, to retreat to Delhi. Shadi Chan, an Afghan Omrah of Shaw Adili, in the mean time, raised an army, and advanced to the banks of the Rehib; where Alli Kulli Chan Seistani, entituled Chan Ziman, with three thousand horse, crossing the river, attacked him, but was defeated; and carried only two hundred of his army, alive, from the field; those who escaped the sword, being drowned in the river.

Himu having taken Agra, marched towards Delhi, where Tirdi Chan commanded. Tirdi sent expresses to all the Omrahs around, soliciting succours, and was joined by Abdulla Chan, Lal Sultan Buduchshi, Alli Kulli Inderani, Merick Chan Kullabi, and others; and then he thought himself in a condition to give the enemy battle, without waiting for Chan Ziman; who, with several other Omrahs, and a considerable reinforcement, was marching to his assistance. Himu, who was a very valiant man, selected three thousand chosen horse, and some of his best elephants, which he posted about his own person in the center; and with which he charged Tirdi Beg so violently, that he drove him quite off the field. Himu then fell, with great impetuosity, upon the right wing, which he routed so that the flight became general. This victory was so compleat, that in consequence of it, the city immediately surrendered; and Tirdi Beg, flying to Sirhind, left all the country open to the enemy. Chan Zimani, having received intelligence of this disaster, at Merat, hastened also to Sirhind.

The king, during these transactions, was at Jallender; and, finding all his dominions, except Punjab, wrested from him, was greatly affected with the news of Himu's success. He called to him Byram Chan, then distinguished by the name of Chan Chanan, and conferred upon him the honorable title of Chan Baba [Baba signifies father.]. He told that able man, that he reposed his whole trust in his prudence and good conduct, in this perilous situation of affairs, and desired that he might take whatever measures he thought most conducive to retrieve his affairs. He, at the same time, assured Byram, in the most solemn manner, that he would give no attention to any malicious insinuations which might be suggested to the royal ear by his enemies. The young prince having thus expressed the genuine sentiments of his soul to Byram, he made him swear, by the soul of his father Humaioon, and by the head of his own son, that he would be faithful to the great trust, which was now reposed in him.

A council of war was immediately called, in which Byram Chan presided. The majority of the Omrahs were of opinion, that as the enemy consisted of above a hundred thousand horse, while the royal army scarce amounted to twenty thousand, it would be most prudent to retreat to Cabul. Byram Chan strenuously opposed this measure, and was almost singular in his opinion, which was to give battle instantly to the enemy. The young king joined Byram's sentiments with so much warmth and gallant anxiety, that the Omrahs cried out, in rapture, that their lives and fortunes were at his service.

Immediate hostilities being resolved upon, Chaja Chizer Chan, who was married to the king's aunt, Gulbaddin Begum, was appointed governor of Lahore, to act against Secunder Shaw; while the king himself prepared, in person, to chastise Himu. He marched to Sirhind, and was there joined by his defeated Omrahs, who had assembled at that place.

The king being out, one day, at the diversion of hawking, Byram Chan, called Tirdi Beg to his tent, and ordered him to be beheaded for abandoning Delhi, where he might have defended himself, and for other unmilitary crimes, with which he was justly charged. When Akbar returned, Byram Chan waited upon him, and informed him of what he had done; he excused himself for not acquainting the king of his intentions, by insinuating, that he was certain his royal clemency was so great, that notwithstanding Tirdi's crimes, he would have forgiven him; which, at such a time, would be attended with very dangerous consequences, as the hopes of the Moguls rested upon every individual's strict performance of duty. He affirmed, that negligence was, in such a critical situation, as great a crime as treason, and ought to meet with an equal punishment. But that, on the other hand, desert should meet with reward: for a dangerous crisis, is the season of strict justice, in both respects. Without his reward, the soldier becomes languid and discontented; when he fears no punishment, he becomes negligent and insolent.

The king saw into the propriety of the measure, but he shuddered at the inhumanity of the punishment. He, however, thanked Byram for the service which he had done him; and, indeed, though the policy of that minister was severe, it had the intended effect among the Omrahs. They saw that they had nothing to hope, and every thing to fear from faction and bad behaviour; and therefore, they became very obedient to the orders of Byram Chan.

The king soon after marched from Sirhind towards Delhi, detaching Secunder Chan, Abdulla Chan, Alla Kulli Inderani, Lal Sultan, Mahummud Chan Jellaher, Mudjenu Chan Cashkal, and others, under the command of Chan Ziman, Amir ul Omrah [Captain-general.], some miles in his front. Himu, who had assumed the title of Raja Bickermajit, in Delhi, having attached Shadi Chan, and other Afghan Omrahs to his interest, marched out of that city with all his forces; which, by the lowest computation, exceeded a hundred thousand horse, besides elephants and infantry, with a great train of artillery. He detached, in front, a great body of Afgans, with some artillery, which falling in with Chan Ziman, were defeated by that general, with the loss of all their guns, which proved a signal advantage to the king. Himu having arrived at Panniput, heard that the king was advanced very near him. He divided his elephants, in which he greatly confided, among his principal officers.

In the morning of the second of Mohirrim, 964, Chan Ziman, who had been, by that time, joined by the whole army except a few, who remained to guard the king, drew up in order of battle, and waited the attack. Himu began the action with his elephants, in hopes of frightening the Mogul cavalry, who were not accustomed to those enormous animals. He, however, found that he was deceived. The Chigittai Omrahs, either from a fear of the fate of Tirdi Beg, or from a nobler cause, their own valor, attacked Himu, with such resolution, after he had penetrated the center of the Mogul army, where Ziman commanded, that the elephants, galled with lances, arrows and javelines, became quite outrageous, and submitting no longer to command, fell back and disordered the Afgan ranks.

Himu, who rode a prodigious elephant, still continued the action with great vigor, at the head of four thousand horse, in the very heart of the Moguls; being at last, pierced through the eye, with an arrow, the greatest part of his troops, fearing that his wound was mortal, forsook him. But that valiant man, drew the eye out of the socket, with the arrow; and, in that terrible condition, continued the fight with unequalled resolution and courage. He encouraged the few who remained by his side, and advanced through a bloody path which his weapons made; till Kulli Chan Mhiram stretched his spear to kill the driver of Himu's elephant: that timorous wretch, to save his own life, pointed to Himu, and addressing him, by name, said, he would carry him whithersoever he pleased. Kulli Chan, immediately surrounded him with a body of horse, and carried him prisoner to Akbar, whom Byram Chan, as upon him rested the hopes of all, detained in the rear.

When the unfortunate Himu was brought into the presence, almost expiring with his wounds, Byram Chan told the king, that it would be a meritorious action in him, to kill that brave infidel with his own hand. Akbar, in compliance to the advice of his tutor, drew his sword, but only gently touched the head of Himu, bursting into tears of compassion. Byram, looking sternly upon the king, insinuated, that the ill-timed clemency of his family, was the source of all their misfortunes, and with one stroke of the sabre, severed Himu's head from his body.

Akbar took, in this action, fifteen hundred elephants, and all the artillery of the enemy. He immediately marched from the field, and took possession of Delhi. From that city, he dispatched Mullu Pier Mahummud Shirwani, manager of the private affairs of Byram, towards Mewat, to seize the treasure of Himu, which was deposited in that place. This service was accomplished, with some loss on the side of the Moguls; and the empire, in some measure, returned to its former tranquillity.

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Part VI. The Reign of Shaw Jumja Abul Muziffer Gellal Ul Dien Mahummud Akbar Padshaw Ghazi.

Section I. The History of AKBAR, from his Accession to the Defeat and Death of HIMU.

SHECH ABUL FAZIL, the most elegant writer of Hindostan, has given to the world the history of the renowned Akbar, in three volumes, called Akbar namma. From that historian, we shall chiefly extract the transactions of this reign.

When Humaioon became insensible after his fall, the Omrahs sent Shech Chuli express to Punjab, to acquaint Akbar of the accident which had befallen his father. Not many days after, the news of his father's death came to the prince at Callanore. The Omrahs, who were present, after expressing their grief for the deceased, raised Akbar to the throne, on the second of Rubbi ul Sani, in the year 963, being then thirteen years and nine months old.

Byram Chan, on the accession of Akbar, became absolute regent, and had the whole civil and military power of the empire in his hands. The first orders issued from the throne, after dispatching the letters of proclamation, were, to prohibit the exaction of Peshcush money, from the farmers; to let all goods pass toll-free, and to prevent the injurious practice of pressing labourers to the war.

Not many days after the accession of Akbar, Shaw Abul Mali, who began to discover treasonable intentions, was seized and imprisoned in Lahore. He, however, found means, some time after, to escape; and Pulwan Gul, the Cutwal, to whose charge he was committed, killed himself.

The king led his army towards the hills, with a view to exterminate the party of Secunder Shaw: he defeated Secunder, and obliged him to fly farther among the mountains; whither the imperial army could not pursue him. Akbar, in the mean time, subdued the country of Nagracot; received the Raja of that province into favor; and the rains coming on, took up his quarters at Jallender.

In the mean time, Mirza Solimân, who had been left governor of Buduchshan, threw off his allegiance, set up for himself, and marched against Cabul. That city was defended by Monim Chan, the tutor of Mahammud Hakim, the king's brother. Intelligence of this rebellion being brought to Akbar, he immediately detached Mahummud Kulli Chan Burlass, Chan Azim, Chizer Chaja, and other Omrahs, to succour Monim Chan. Some of those Omrahs entered Cabul, while others encamped without, to harrass the besiegers; which they continued to do for the space of four months. The garrison, in the mean time, became to be distressed for provisions; which obliged Monim Chan, to consent, that the chutba, for the kingdom of Cabul, should be read in the name of Solimân. The rebel, after this submission, raised the siege, and returned to Buduchshan.

During these transactions at Cabul, Himu, the vizier of Mahummud Shaw Adili, of Bengal, advanced towards Agra, with thirty thousand horse and two thousand elephants. He obliged Secunder Chan, the governor of that city, to retreat to Delhi. Shadi Chan, an Afghan Omrah of Shaw Adili, in the mean time, raised an army, and advanced to the banks of the Rehib; where Alli Kulli Chan Seistani, entituled Chan Ziman, with three thousand horse, crossing the river, attacked him, but was defeated; and carried only two hundred of his army, alive, from the field; those who escaped the sword, being drowned in the river.

Himu having taken Agra, marched towards Delhi, where Tirdi Chan commanded. Tirdi sent expresses to all the Omrahs around, soliciting succours, and was joined by Abdulla Chan, Lal Sultan Buduchshi, Alli Kulli Inderani, Merick Chan Kullabi, and others; and then he thought himself in a condition to give the enemy battle, without waiting for Chan Ziman; who, with several other Omrahs, and a considerable reinforcement, was marching to his assistance. Himu, who was a very valiant man, selected three thousand chosen horse, and some of his best elephants, which he posted about his own person in the center; and with which he charged Tirdi Beg so violently, that he drove him quite off the field. Himu then fell, with great impetuosity, upon the right wing, which he routed so that the flight became general. This victory was so compleat, that in consequence of it, the city immediately surrendered; and Tirdi Beg, flying to Sirhind, left all the country open to the enemy. Chan Zimani, having received intelligence of this disaster, at Merat, hastened also to Sirhind.

The king, during these transactions, was at Jallender; and, finding all his dominions, except Punjab, wrested from him, was greatly affected with the news of Himu's success. He called to him Byram Chan, then distinguished by the name of Chan Chanan, and conferred upon him the honorable title of Chan Baba [Baba signifies father.]. He told that able man, that he reposed his whole trust in his prudence and good conduct, in this perilous situation of affairs, and desired that he might take whatever measures he thought most conducive to retrieve his affairs. He, at the same time, assured Byram, in the most solemn manner, that he would give no attention to any malicious insinuations which might be suggested to the royal ear by his enemies. The young prince having thus expressed the genuine sentiments of his soul to Byram, he made him swear, by the soul of his father Humaioon, and by the head of his own son, that he would be faithful to the great trust, which was now reposed in him.

A council of war was immediately called, in which Byram Chan presided. The majority of the Omrahs were of opinion, that as the enemy consisted of above a hundred thousand horse, while the royal army scarce amounted to twenty thousand, it would be most prudent to retreat to Cabul. Byram Chan strenuously opposed this measure, and was almost singular in his opinion, which was to give battle instantly to the enemy. The young king joined Byram's sentiments with so much warmth and gallant anxiety, that the Omrahs cried out, in rapture, that their lives and fortunes were at his service.

Immediate hostilities being resolved upon, Chaja Chizer Chan, who was married to the king's aunt, Gulbaddin Begum, was appointed governor of Lahore, to act against Secunder Shaw; while the king himself prepared, in person, to chastise Himu. He marched to Sirhind, and was there joined by his defeated Omrahs, who had assembled at that place.

The king being out, one day, at the diversion of hawking, Byram Chan, called Tirdi Beg to his tent, and ordered him to be beheaded for abandoning Delhi, where he might have defended himself, and for other unmilitary crimes, with which he was justly charged. When Akbar returned, Byram Chan waited upon him, and informed him of what he had done; he excused himself for not acquainting the king of his intentions, by insinuating, that he was certain his royal clemency was so great, that notwithstanding Tirdi's crimes, he would have forgiven him; which, at such a time, would be attended with very dangerous consequences, as the hopes of the Moguls rested upon every individual's strict performance of duty. He affirmed, that negligence was, in such a critical situation, as great a crime as treason, and ought to meet with an equal punishment. But that, on the other hand, desert should meet with reward: for a dangerous crisis, is the season of strict justice, in both respects. Without his reward, the soldier becomes languid and discontented; when he fears no punishment, he becomes negligent and insolent.

The king saw into the propriety of the measure, but he shuddered at the inhumanity of the punishment. He, however, thanked Byram for the service which he had done him; and, indeed, though the policy of that minister was severe, it had the intended effect among the Omrahs. They saw that they had nothing to hope, and every thing to fear from faction and bad behaviour; and therefore, they became very obedient to the orders of Byram Chan.

The king soon after marched from Sirhind towards Delhi, detaching Secunder Chan, Abdulla Chan, Alla Kulli Inderani, Lal Sultan, Mahummud Chan Jellaher, Mudjenu Chan Cashkal, and others, under the command of Chan Ziman, Amir ul Omrah [Captain-general.], some miles in his front. Himu, who had assumed the title of Raja Bickermajit, in Delhi, having attached Shadi Chan, and other Afghan Omrahs to his interest, marched out of that city with all his forces; which, by the lowest computation, exceeded a hundred thousand horse, besides elephants and infantry, with a great train of artillery. He detached, in front, a great body of Afgans, with some artillery, which falling in with Chan Ziman, were defeated by that general, with the loss of all their guns, which proved a signal advantage to the king. Himu having arrived at Panniput, heard that the king was advanced very near him. He divided his elephants, in which he greatly confided, among his principal officers.

In the morning of the second of Mohirrim, 964, Chan Ziman, who had been, by that time, joined by the whole army except a few, who remained to guard the king, drew up in order of battle, and waited the attack. Himu began the action with his elephants, in hopes of frightening the Mogul cavalry, who were not accustomed to those enormous animals. He, however, found that he was deceived. The Chigittai Omrahs, either from a fear of the fate of Tirdi Beg, or from a nobler cause, their own valor, attacked Himu, with such resolution, after he had penetrated the center of the Mogul army, where Ziman commanded, that the elephants, galled with lances, arrows and javelines, became quite outrageous, and submitting no longer to command, fell back and disordered the Afgan ranks.

Himu, who rode a prodigious elephant, still continued the action with great vigor, at the head of four thousand horse, in the very heart of the Moguls; being at last, pierced through the eye, with an arrow, the greatest part of his troops, fearing that his wound was mortal, forsook him. But that valiant man, drew the eye out of the socket, with the arrow; and, in that terrible condition, continued the fight with unequalled resolution and courage. He encouraged the few who remained by his side, and advanced through a bloody path which his weapons made; till Kulli Chan Mhiram stretched his spear to kill the driver of Himu's elephant: that timorous wretch, to save his own life, pointed to Himu, and addressing him, by name, said, he would carry him whithersoever he pleased. Kulli Chan, immediately surrounded him with a body of horse, and carried him prisoner to Akbar, whom Byram Chan, as upon him rested the hopes of all, detained in the rear.

When the unfortunate Himu was brought into the presence, almost expiring with his wounds, Byram Chan told the king, that it would be a meritorious action in him, to kill that brave infidel with his own hand. Akbar, in compliance to the advice of his tutor, drew his sword, but only gently touched the head of Himu, bursting into tears of compassion. Byram, looking sternly upon the king, insinuated, that the ill-timed clemency of his family, was the source of all their misfortunes, and with one stroke of the sabre, severed Himu's head from his body.

Akbar took, in this action, fifteen hundred elephants, and all the artillery of the enemy. He immediately marched from the field, and took possession of Delhi. From that city, he dispatched Mullu Pier Mahummud Shirwani, manager of the private affairs of Byram, towards Mewat, to seize the treasure of Himu, which was deposited in that place. This service was accomplished, with some loss on the side of the Moguls; and the empire, in some measure, returned to its former tranquillity.

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Section II. The History of SULTAN AKBAR, from the Death of HIMU, to that of BYRAM CHAN.

SULTAN HUSSEIN, the grandson of Shaw Ismaiel Suffvi advanced, this year, by the orders of Shaw Tamasp of Iran, and laid siege to Kandahar. After a sharp engagement, before the walls, with Mahummud Kandahari, who commanded in the place, as deputy of Byram Chan, the city fell into the hands of the Persians. Chizer Chaja Chan was, at the same time, defeated by Secunder Shaw, and obliged to fly to Lahore.

The king, having received intelligence of this double disaster, put his army in motion, and marched towards Punjab. Secunder Shaw, who had advanced as far as Callanore, retreated upon the king's approach, to the fort of Mancot, which had been built by Selim Shaw. Akbar besieged Secunder, in that fortress, for the space of six months: he then began to treat about surrendering the place, upon conditions; and Chan Azim being sent into the fort to settle the terms of capitulation, Secunder proposed to that Omrah, to give his son, as a hostage to the king, for his future obedience, if he himself should be permitted to retire to Bengal. This being granted, on the part of Akbar, Sheck Abul Rhiman, the son of Secunder Shaw, was, in the month of Ramzan, 964, brought to the king, with presents, consisting chiefly of elephants. Secunder Shaw was permitted to retire to Bengal, and Mancot was delivered up to Akbar. The king left a trusty governor in the place, and proceeded to Lahore.

Byram Chan, being privately disgusted at favors which the king had conferred upon some persons, whom he suspected to be enemies to himself, for some days, refused to come to court. The king, in the mean time, happened to amuse himself with an elephant fight, and the outrageous animals chanced to run over the tents of Byram Chan. The minister immediately suspected, that this was done designedly by the king, and he sent to acquaint him: "That he was sorry to see that he had disobliged the king: but that, if he deserved Akbar's dislike, he would be glad to know the crime he had committed, that he might be the better able to make his excuse, and then, retire for ever from the presence." The king was touched with an imputation, which his soul abhorred; but he condescended to acquaint Byram, that the circumstance, from which his ungenerous suspicious arose, was a mere accident. This, however, did not satisfy Byram Chan, who still continued to suspect that the king's mind was estranged from him.

The king, soon after this transaction, marched from Lahore to Delhi. Chaja Callan, who was proud of his family, and of the signal services which he had rendered to the king, set himself up to oppose Byram Chan in his administration. That vindictive minister, to get rid of his antagonist, condemned him to death upon very slight pretences, which raised great commotions among the Omrahs. The king also expressed his dislike of this violent proceeding; for the whole had been done without his orders.

Upon this occasion, high words arose between the king and his minister; and the former, in a few days, set out for Agra. Though the king did not discover what had passed between him and Byram, the cause of his journey was no secret at court. The people sided with their young king, in this quarrel, and the power of the minister began to decline visibly every day. The enraged Byram, in the mean time, endeavored to recover his authority by rigor and severity.

Much about this time, Mullu Pier Mahummud, who had been formerly a retainer of Byram Chan, was, on account of his great abilities, preferred to the high office of tutor to the king. He soon engrossed a great share of the king's favor; and the pride of advancement began to swell in his heart. He used often to make the Omrahs, who attended his levee, to wait whole hours, and, at last, to send them word that he could not see them: which insolent behaviour gave great offence to many. Byram Chan himself was little better treated, one day, by Mahummud; and he took it so much amiss, that, by virtue of his own authority, he sent the tutor prisoner to Biana, from thence he banished him to Guzerat, and there shipped him off for Mecca, to prosecute his devotion.

The king was highly offended at this proceeding, as it seemed to debar him from even the liberty of disposing of his own private favors. The artful minister, perceiving the Sultan's rage, projected an expedition against Gualier, to divert the king's attention to an other object. That fortress was then in the possession of Bibil, one of the slaves of Selim Shaw, who held it for Mahummud Shaw Adili. Bibil, hearing of Akbar's design against him, wrote to Ram Shaw, a descendant of Raja Man Singh, that as his ancestors had been masters of Gualier, and as he did not think himself capable to hold out the place against the king, he would put it into the possession of the Raja for a reasonable sum.

Ram Shaw, glad at this offer, immediately moved towards the fort: but Kika Chan, who possessed a jaghier from the king in the neighbourhood of Gualier, raised all his vassals, and attacking Ram Shaw, defeated and drove him into the dominions of Rama. Kika, immediately after this victory, returned and invested the fortress. Bibil, seeing himself thus besieged, made overtures of capitulation. The king being informed of this circumstance, ordered Chaja Mahummud Chan, with a detachment, to give Bibil the terms he required, and to sieze upon the fortress. The traitor accordingly, being gratified with some money and a promise of future favour, delivered up the important castle of Gualier.

In the course of the same year, Chan Ziman, to wipe off some aspersions under which he lay, exerted himself in a particular manner in the king's service; for he subdued all the provinces near Jionpoor and Benaris, which till then were in the hands of the Patans.

Sheck Mahummud Ghori, the brother of Sheck Phul, who having been firmly attached to the Chegittai, or Mogul interest, during the late supremacy of the Patans, had fled to Guzerat, this year returned to court with his family, and was very favourably received by the king, who ordered Byram Chan to provide for him in a manner suitable to his dignity. Mahummud Ghori trusting too much to the king's authority, neglected to pay that court to Byram Chan which that haughty minister expected: Byram therefore took every possible means to avoid to serve Mahummud, and made things so very disagreeable to him, that he left the court and retired to his old family residence at Gualier.

This being represented to the king, revived his former discontent against Byram Chan. The artful minister soon observed a visible alteration in the countenance of his sovereign. He therefore formed an expedition against Malava, to turn the king's active mind from the private politics of the court. Byram accordingly called Bahadur, the brother of Chan Ziman from Debalpoor, and gave him the command of the army destined to act against Baz Bahadur, who then ruled over Malava.

The king much about this time went out upon a hunting party, and made a progress as far as Secundra, within forty miles of Delhi, between the rivers. Mahim his foster-brother joined him there, and told him, that his mother was extremely ill at Delhi, and was very desirous to see the king. He immediately set out for Delhi, and Shabul dien Ahmed Chan Neishapuri, an Omrah of five thousand, who then commanded in the city, came out to meet Akbar with presents: that Omrah was in great perplexity how to act. He was assured, that Byram Chan would impute the king's journey to Delhi to his intrigues, and would not fail to get rid of him, as he had done of Musuai Beg; he therefore acquainted the king of his apprehensions, and begged he might be permitted to make a pilgrimage to Mecca. The king was very much affected upon hearing this request, by observing how formidable the power of his minister was become to all his friends; but after he had considered the many obligations under which he and his family lay to that able man, he could not think of removing him: to lessen however, in some measure, the apprehensions of Ahmed Chan, the king wrote Byram that he had of his own accord proceeded to Delhi, and not at the instigation of any person, but merely to pay his respects to his mother; that therefore a letter from him to appease the minds of those who were apprehensive of his displeasure, would be extremely necessary. Byram Chan returned for answer, that he should never entertain resentment against any whom the king was pleased to honor with his favor." He moreover sent Hadjee Mahummud Seistani and Tirdi Beg to Delhi, with assurances of his loyalty and absolute obedience to the king's royal pleasure.

In the mean time, Shabuldien Ahmed Chan finding the king disposed to protect him, and to hear accusations against Byram Chan, gave a loose to his tongue one day in public against that minister. He was joined by the whole court, whom he had previously attached to his interest. In short, so many crimes were alledged against Byram Chan, particularly his designs in favor of Abul Casim, the son of Mirza Cameran, that the king was alarmed and thought it necessary to curtail his authority. When therefore Hadjee Mahummud and Tirdi Beg arrived, instead of being admitted to an audience, they were immediately imprisoned.

This breach between the king and Byram Chan, is related with other particulars by Abul Fazil. One day at Agra, says that great man, one of the king's elephants in the rutting season, attacked an elephant of Byram Chan and killed him. Byram, for this offence, commanded that the keeper of the king's elephants should be put to death, without giving any notice to the sultan. Akbar was greatly displeased with this piece of cruelty, especially when he found that the poor man was innocent, having lost all his command over the outrageous animal. Soon after, continues Abul Fazil, as Byram Chan was taking his pleasure in a barge on the river, one of the elephants, which had been carried down to the water, run furiously against the barge, and had almost sunk it, before, by the uncommon efforts of the rider, he was brought to obedience. The minister, naturally of a suspicious and unforgiving temper, imagined that these were actually plots laid against his life; and he publickly petitioned the king to punish the rider of the elephant. The king, to appease Byram, and to remove all suspicions, ordered that the elephant-rider should be sent to him, to be punished at discretion. But Byram, either to make an example to others, or to gratify his resentment against the innocent man, who might even be said to have saved his life, ordered him also to be put to death.

The king was highly incensed by these two instances of Byram's presumption and cruelty. His displeasure became visible to the court; and there were not wanting many, who made it their business by private insinuations, to encrease his resentment. The king, at length, came to the resolution of depriving Byram of the reins of government, which required some delicacy in the present situation of affairs. Some authors mention a scheme suggested to Akbar by his nurse [This was she that the king went to visit at Delhi.], upon this occasion, to get possession of the seals which were in Byram Chan's possession. They also say, that she discovered to him that minister's design to confine him, which she had accidentally heard, in a conversation between Byram and the queen-mother. This, say they, was the circumstance that determined Akbar to leave Agra. Abul Fazil mentions nothing of this affair; for that historian informs us, with greater probability, that the whole was concerted between Adam Chan and Mahim Anigah, on the part of the young king, who now began to be tired of a tutor, and thought he was capable of acting for himself. But to return from this digression.

When it became public that the deputies from Byram Chan had been imprisoned by the king, every body predicted the ruin of the minister, and endeavoured to shake him off as fast as possible. They flocked daily to Akbar by hundreds to Delhi. That young prince immediately issued a proclamation throughout the empire, that he had taken the administration upon himself, and that henceforth no orders, but his own, should be obeyed, Byram Chan being dismissed from the regency.

Shaw Abul Mali, who had been confined in Lahore, having before this time found means to escape, went to Cummâl Chan the Gicker, and engaged him in an expedition against Cashmire; but they were defeated with great slaughter. Mali flying to Debalpoor, joined himself with Bahadur Chan Seistani, and stirred him up to rebel: but Bahadur Chan, repenting of his resolution, a quarrel ensued between them, and Abul Mali was driven to Sind. From that place he fled to Guzerat, and from thence to Jionpoor, from whence Chan Ziman, by the order of Byram Chan, sent him prisoner to Agra. He was sent to perpetual imprisonment in the fort of Biana.

Byram Chan, finding that he had no farther hopes from the king, began to form a resolution of going to Malava, to reduce that country, and found an independant kingdom. To accomplish his purpose, he proceeded to Biana, and called Bahadur Chan and other Omrahs, who had been sent upon the expedition to Malava before him. But perceiving that he was deserted by those Omrahs, in whom he placed his chief confidence, he began to despair of succeeding in that enterprize. He, therefore, released Abul Mali from his confinement, intending by his assistance and that of Chan Ziman, to attack the Patans of Bengal, and to fix himself in that kingdom. But before he had proceeded many days on this scheme, he changed his resolution, and took the way of Nagore, with a design to make a pilgrimage to Mecca; upon which, Bahadur Chan, Kika Chan, and many other Omrahs, who had determined to follow his fortunes, took leave of him. But so irresolute was the unfortunate Byram become, at a time too when firmness, constancy, and perseverance were absolutely necessary, that, like a person infatuated, he had no sooner reached Nagore, after having lost all his friends, than he changed again his resolution of going to Mecca, and began to assemble troops, with a view to conquer Punjab.

When the king was informed of this new scheme of Byram's, he sent Meer Abdul Latîf Shusvini, his own preceptor, with a message to him to the following purpose. "Till now our mind has been taken up with our education, and the amusements of youth, and it was our royal pleasure, that you should be responsible for our empire. But as it is now our intention to govern our people, by our own judgment and pleasure, let our well-wisher contract his skirts from the business of the world, and retire to Mecca, without thirsting after vanity and ambition."

Byram Chan, upon receiving this letter, professed passive obedience, and sent his ensigns of state, elephants, banners and drums, by the hand of Hussen Kulli Beg Zul Kudder, to the king. He then returned to Nagore, to prepare for Mecca, being now abandoned by all his friends, except Willi Beg Zul Kuddur, Ismaiel Kulli Chan, Shaw Kulli Chan Merhum, Hassen Chan Tughlich, Shech Gaddai, and Chaja Muziffer Alli Jurbutti, the rest having joined the king. Among the latter, was Abul Mali, who, coming up to Akbar when hunting, neglected to dismount, when he made his obeisance, for which he was immediately confined.

Byram Chan having proceeded on his pilgrimage as far as Bickanere, repented of his resolution, and returned again to Nagore, where he began to assemble troops. The king being informed of that proceeding, marched to Jidger. Mulla Pier Mahummud, being now returned from his banishment, to which he had been condemned by Byram Chan, was thought a proper person to carry on the war against him. He was accordingly dignified with titles by the king, and sent with an army towards Nagore. The king, in the mean time, returned to Delhi, and sent orders to Monim Chan, at Cabul, to repair to court.

Byram Chan, upon the approach of Pier Mahummud Chan, set out for Punjab, and was closely pursued by that Omrah. When he arrived at the sort of Tibberhind, h• threw all his baggage into that place, which was commanded by one of his adherents, by name Shere Mahummud; but this traitor no sooner had got Byram's effects into the place, than he began to reckon upon them as his own, and turned out the guard which the unfortunate minister had sent to take charge of his baggage. Byram Chan set out from thence for Debalpoor, which was then governed by one of his old friends, Dirvesh Mahummud Usbeck. When he came near the place, he sent his secretary, Chaja Muziffer Ali, to wait upon him, but that ungrateful man, pretending to be affronted at Byram's request, confined the secretary, and sent him to the king. Byram Chan, who had conceived great hopes from his friendship, was astonished at a behaviour so common to men in adversity, and set out, in great perturbation of mind, towards Jallender.

The king had, by this time, recalled Pier Mahummud Chan, and appointed Chan Azim to reduce Punjab, and to quell the rebellion of Byram Chan. Chan Azim coming up soon after with Byram Chan, at Matchiwarrah, a battle ensued, which was maintained with great bravery on both sides; Chan Azim's line being broke by the enemy: but at length, several of Byram Chan's principal officers being killed, he was defeated, and obliged to fly to the mountains of Sewalic.

After this victory, the king appointed Chaja Abdul Mugid Hirrivi to the government of Delhi, by the title of Asiph Chan, and marched in person to Lahore. When Akbar had reached Ludhana, Munim Chan met him, in his way from Cabul, and being graciously received, was honoured with the title of Chan Chanan, and made prime minister of the empire.

The king's army having advanced near the mountains of Sewalic, a detachment of light horse entered the hills, where the Zemindars of that country, had convened in support of Byram Chan to guard the passes: but they were driven from post to post; upon which, Byram Chan, in great distress, sent his slave Jemmal Chan to the presence, to represent his unfortunate situation, and to implore the king's mercy.

Akbar immediately dispatched Mulla Abdulla Sultanpuri, with assurances of his clemency, and to bring the unhappy Byram to court. Accordingly, in the month of Ribbi ul Sani, he was received, at some distance from the camp, by a considerable number of Omrahs, whom the king had ordered to meet him. He was brought into the presence with every possible mark of favor and distinction. When he appeared within sight of the king, he hung his turban round his neck, and suddenly advancing, threw himself, in tears, at the foot of the throne. *The king instantly stretched forth his hand, ordered him to rise, and placed him in his former station, at the head of the Omrahs. To dispel at once his uneasiness and grief, the king honored him with a splendid chelat; and spoke to him after the following manner. "If Byram Chan loves a military life, he shall have the government of Calpé and Chinderi, in which he may exercise his martial genius: if he chuses rather to remain at court, our favor shall not be wanting to the great benefactor of our family: but should devotion engage the soul of Byram to perform a pilgrimage to Mecca, he shall be escorted in a manner suitable to his dignity."

Byram Chan replied: "The royal confidence and friendship for me, must be now diminished; nay, they are past the hopes of recovery. Why then should I remain in the presence? The clemency of the king is enough for me, and his forgiveness for my late errors, a sufficient reward for my former services. Let then the unfortunate Byram turn his face from this world to another, and pursue his pilgrimage to Mecca." The king assented to his request, and ordered a proper retinue for him with 50,000 rupees a year, to support his dignity. Byram soon after took leave of the king, who with a few attendants left the camp and went to Agra.

Byram Chan took the way of Guzerat, with an intention to proceed by sea to Mecca. When he arrived in the suburbs of the city of Guzerat, which was then governed by Musi Chan Lodi, on the part of Actemad Chan sovereign of the country, he was accosted by Mubarick Chan Lohani, whose father in the battle with Himu, Byram Chan had killed. The wretch pretended to embrace the unsuspecting Byram, drew a dagger and basely stabbed him to the heart. A mob of Afgans fell immediately upon Byram's retinue, and plundered them. This murder happened on the 24th of Jimmud ul Awil, in the 968th of the Higerah.

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Section III. The Transactions of AKBAR from the Death of BYRAM CHAN, to the total Defeat of the rebellious USBECK Omrahs.

TOWARDS the close of the year 968, Sultan Akbar appointed Adam Chan and Pier Mahummud to command an army destined for the conquest of Malava. Bas Bahadur in whose hands that country was then, spent his time in luxurious pleasures at Saringpoor, when he was informed of the expedition which the Moguls meditated against him: but the enemy had advanced within ten crores of his capital, before he could prevail with himself to quit the pillows of indolence; and then in the best manner the time and his own confusion would permit, he prepared for action. But the bold Chigittai upon the first onset shook his order of battle, and sent him with streaming eyes and a broken heart towards Burhanpoor.

Adam Chan after the victory distributed the spoil and the governments of Malava among his Omrahs, reserving the treasure, royal ensigns, and the ladies of the Haram for himself. He sent nothing except a few elephants to the king of what was customary on those occasions. Akbar fearing from this behaviour, that he entertained treasonable intentions, put the royal standard in motion towards him. When the imperial ensigns appeared before Shakeran, the governor of that fort on the part of Bas Bahadur, delivered it up to the king. The Sultan from thence made a sudden excursion by night, and in the morning arrived before Saringpoor. He met Adam Chan coming out with an intention to besiege Shakeran: he permitted that Omrah to pay his respects, and then he carried him back to the city. Adam Chan suspecting the king's displeasure and the cause of his visit, laid all the treasure and spoil at his feet: he excused himself by alledging, that he reserved every thing till he should have the honour of presenting them to Akbar in person. The king saw through his designs, but preferring clemency to rigour, he drew the pen of forgiveness over his crime.

The king soon after returned towards Agra; hunting one day on the way near Narvar, a great royal tygress with five young ones took the road before him. Akbar advanced to the animal, while his retinue stood trembling with fear and astonishment to behold the event. The king having meditated his blow, spurred on his horse towards the fierce tygress, whose eyes flamed with rage, and with one stroke of his sabre, cut her across the loins and stretched her dead upon the ground. The Omrahs who were present, in excess of joy, ran to kiss his royal stirrup, and offer up their thanks to God for his preservation.

The king having remained some months at Agra, Sheri Chan the son of Mahummud Shaw Adili, with 40,000 horse, advanced from Bengal to reduce the province of Jionpoor. He was opposed by Chan Ziman with 12,000 horse, and received a total defeat. Bahadur Chan the brother of Chan Ziman, distinguished himself in a very particular manner in this action; so that the two brothers were esteemed the boldest warriors of the age: but reckoning too much on their services, they neglected to send to the king the elephants which they had taken in the battle, which were always considered as royal property.

The king, though he gave to the brothers all due praise for their valour, would by no means permit any violation of his laws or encroachment upon his prerogative: this determined him to march towards Jionpoor, but when he had arrived at Kurrah, the brothers, sensible of his resolution and their own misbehaviour, advanced to congratulate him with all the spoils which they had taken, and other suitable presents. The king, whose generosity and clemency could be only equalled by his spirit, returned all, except what belonged properly to the exchequer. At the same time he gave them a gentle reproof for their neglect, and afterwards engaged their affections by his princely bounty and gracious favour. The king returning to Agra, on the third day's march gave the brothers permission to go back to Jionpoor.

By the time that the king had reached Agra, Chan Azim viceroy of Punjab, and Adam Chan governor of Malava, arrived at court according to orders, with suitable presents. The king gave the government of Malava to Pier Mahummud Chan, and the office of prime minister to Chan Azim.

The king after these transactions in the year 969, made a progress to Ajmere, to visit the shrine of Chaja Moin ul Dien: when Akbar arrived at Sumbre, Raja Birbil of that country gave his daughter to him in marriage, and listed himself and his son Bowan Dass, among the number of the king's Omrahs. When Akbar had reached Ajmere, and had performed his devotions, he sent Mirza Shirrif ul dein Hussein, governor of Ajmere, to invest the fort of Mertah, which was in the territories of Raja Maldeo of Marwar. He himself returned in three days and nights, with a retinue of six persons only to Agra, which was a distance of more than one hundred and thirty crores.

Mirza Hussein having advanced near Mertah, Jig Jal and Dewan Dass, who were principal Omrahs of that country, threw a detachment into the place and prepared for a siege. Mirza Hussein invested the fort, and began to carry on his approaches. In a few days he extended one of his mines under a bastion, and sprung it, by which a practicable breach was made. He advanced in person with a select body of troops to the assault, while the enemy bravely filled the breach to oppose him. Tho' fresh supplies of troops mounted from time to time, they were so warmly received, that Hussein was obliged to sound a retreat, and the next morning he found that the breach was filled up by the Rajaputs, who had continued to work, notwithstanding the fire he had kept up the whole night. The siege being prolonged for some months, the brave garrison were unable to hold out longer, and desired to capitulate; their request was granted, and the terms were, that they should march out with all their arms and horses.

Jig Jal according to these terms left all his money and effects, and marched forth; but Dewan Dass, who had been averse to the capitulation, collected five hundred of the garrison together, and having burnt all their effects, they rushed out of the place. Mirza Hussein having heard of this breach of the capitulation, ordered them to be attacked, and the Rajaputs on the other hand fought with such valour, that they cut their way through the Mogul army with the loss of two hundred and fifty of their number. Among the slain was Dewan Dass, whose head his friends carried away when they saw him mortally wounded, that it might not fall into the hands of the enemy. Mirza Hussein after having possessed himself of the fort, wrote an account of his victory to the king, and was honoured with particular favours.

Pier Mahummud Chan [Governor of Malava.], a man of resolution, took up his residence in Shadi-abad-mendu, and carried on the war with Bas Bahadur with such success, that he entirely possessed himself of his dominions. He took the strong fort of Bijanagur, and put all the garrison to the sword, as they obliged him to risque an assault. Bas Bahadur having taken protection under the governor of Brampoor on the borders of Chandez, he sometimes by the aid of that Omrah, made incursions into the territories of Malava, and kept the country in a state of hostility. Pier Mahummud Chan was obliged to march against Brampoor, and having taken it, ordered a cruel massacre of all the inhabitants, among whom was a number of philosophers and learned men, who resided in the place.

Before Mahummud had left this place, Bas Bahadur having prevailed upon Miran Mubarick Shaw and Tiffâl Chan, the former prince of Candez, and the latter of Berar, to join him, advanced with a great army towards the Mogul, upon which he retreated to Bijanagur, his Omrahs being all averse to engage. However he resolved to halt at Bijanagur contrary to all their opinions, and to give battle to the enemy. He did it, but not being supported by his officers, he was defeated, and being dismounted by a camel that attacked his horse in crossing the rapid river Narbudda, he was drowned. The enemy continuing the pursuit, drove the Moguls from place to place, as far as Agra, without being able to make one stand before them: so that Bas Bahadur in the year 969, recovered his whole dominions of Malava.

The king immediately after this disaster, appointed Abdulla Chan Usbeck governor of Calpee, to carry on the war against Bas Bahadur. This Omrah drove him a second time out of his country among the mountains of Comilmere. Abdulla Chan possessed himself of Mindu, and fixed his residence in that city.

Seid Beg the son of Musum Beg Suffavi, absolute agent for the king of Persia, arrived much about this time at the court of Agra, in the character of an ambassador, with valuable presents, and received a present for himself of two lacks of rupees from the king.

Chan Azim Atkah Chan had by this time acquired great influence in his ministerial office. Adam Chan envying his greatness, attempted to bring about his ruin, as some courtiers had before done that of Byram Chan: but the intrigues of Adam were discovered, and his calumnies reverted upon his own head. Stung with disappointed malice, he at last determined to act the assassin himself. He accordingly one day in the audience chamber, while the minister was reading the Koran, stabbed him under pretence that he took no notice of the salutation which Adam made him at his entrance, though he well knew, that at such a time it was not customary to make or return any compliments. Adam after having committed this horrid murder, ascended one of the terraces, and stood there in hopes of the king's pardon, though he might possibly have escaped.

The king who had been asleep in the Haram, hearing the noise that was made on this occasion, asked the cause. When they informed him of what had happened, he arose, and without changing his sleeping dress, went up to the terrace in a great rage. He was struck with horror when he saw the blood of his Vizier. Having approached the murderer with a sword in his hand, he drew it half out, but reflecting upon his own dignity, he returned it again into the scabbard, and sternly asked the assassin, Why have you killed my Vizier? The wretch, fearing that the king was going to kill him, seized his hands. This behaviour so enraged Akbar, that disengaging himself, he struck him a blow with his fist, and stretched him senseless at his feet. In this rage he ordered one of his attendants to throw the wretch over the wall, which was forty guzes [A guze is about a yard English.] in heighth. Mahim Anigah, this unfortunate man's father, died with grief about a month after, and Monim Chan who was an abettor of the assassination of the Vizier, fled to Lahore, where he was seized and sent to Agra: but as the proofs against him were not sufficient, he was acquitted by the king, and had afterwards the address to work himself into favour.

The king conferred all the honours and estates of his father upon Mirza Aziz, the eldest son of the deceased Vizier, excepting the offices of the Vizarit and Vakilit [The Vizarit and Vakilit are often joined in the same person, but the latter is reckoned the first office in the empire.]. Sultan Adam prince of the Gickers, disturbing the peace of Punjab, the Omrahs of that country were ordered to reduce him, and place Kummal Chan one of the same nation, upon the musnud. Kummal Chan had been once miraculously preserved from death. Selim Shaw ordered a prison, wherein he was at Gualier, with some hundreds of Gickers who had been taken prisoners, to be blown up with gunpowder. This was done, and Kummal was thrown to some distance, without receiving any considerable hurt. The same year Kummal Chan by the aid of the Omrahs marched against the Gickers, reduced that fierce nation, and took Sultan Adam prisoner.

Chaja Moin the father of Shirrif ul Dein Hussein, came about this time from Turkestan to Lahore: he was there met by his son and brought to Agra, the king himself going out to congratulate him, as he was of the race of Chaja Shakear nasir ul Dein Abdulla, one of the greatest saints in Turkestan. Not long after these transactions, Mirza Hussein either struck with madness, or some unknown apprehensions, fled to Ajmere with all his forces. This revolt occasioned great disturbances in that country, to quell which Hussein Kulli Chan ul Kuddir, the nephew of Byram Chan, was nominated to the government of Nagore, and ordered to proceed thither with a great force. Mirza Hussein having received intelligence of his march, left Ajmere in charge of one of his friends, and retreated to Jalore on the frontiers of Guzerat. Hussein Kulli Chan proceeded to Ajmere, and possessed himself of that place by capitulation.

Shaw Abul Mali, who had been released from his confinement upon promise of proceeding to Mecca, hearing of the rebellion of Mirza Hussein on the way, returned and joined him. He marched by his command with a body of horse towards Narnoul, and there committed hostilities. Hussein Kulli Chan detached Ahmed Beg and Eusuph Beg against him, while he marched in person against Mirza Hussein. Shaw Abdul Mali lay in ambush for the troops which were sent against him. They fell into the snare and were defeated with great slaughter, the two generals being slain in the action.

The king at that time taking the diversion of hunting at Muttra, received intelligence of the defeat of his troops, and sent another army against Mali. The rebel fled before the imperial forces to Punjab, and from thence to Mirza Mahummud Hakim, the king's brother at Cabul. Hakim gave to Mali his sister in marriage, and raised him to the first office in that kingdom, for which he by that time paid little or no homage to Akbar.

The ungrateful refugee, however, had not been many months in station, before he aspired to the kingdom of Cabul, and basely assassinated Mirza Mahummud Hakim's mother, his own mother-in-law, who was a woman of uncommon abilities, and might with truth be said to have ruled that kingdom. He then pretended to act as regent for the young prince, who was still in his minority, with a view to get rid of him as soon as he could conciliate matters with the Omrahs. In the mean time Mirza Soliman, prince of Buduchshân, came against him, and cut off the opening flower of his ambition, by depriving him of his life. Mirza Sherrif ul dein Hussein having heard of the retreat of Shaw Abul Mâli, fled to Ahmedabad, in Guzerat.

The king, about this time, made a progress towards Delhi. As he was passing by the college of Mahim Annigah, a slave of the rebel Mirza Hussein, by name Kuttlick Fowlad, who had been sent to assassinate the king, fixed an arrow in his bow and pointed it towards the sky. The royal retinue, imagining that the villain was going to shoot at some bird flying overhead, gazed upward: he immediately lowered his aim to the king, who was at some distance upon his elephant, and let fly his arrow, which lodged itself some inches deep in Akbar's shoulder. In a moment a thousand swords were drawn, and the people cut one another, each anxious to kill the assassin, who was in a moment hewn to pieces. The surgeons being called, the arrow was, with great difficulty, extracted on the place, before all the people; the king not shrinking once at the operation: in about ten days the wound was closed up, Akbar returned to Agra, and soon after appointed Asaph Chan Herdi Suba of Kurrah and Maneckpoor.

The king did not rest many days at Agra, before he set out for Narvar to hunt elephants. He had ordered Abdulla Chan Usbeck, governor of Malava, to send his trained elephants to assist in this amusement, which he neglected to do. The king was very much enraged at his disobedience, and made a sudden incursion into Malava, though the periodical rains were at their heighth. Mahummud Casin Chan Neishapuri, governor of Saringpoor, joined the king by the way. When Akbar had reached Ugein, Abdulla Chan, with all his forces and treasure, fled to Guzerat: the king pursued him about twenty-five crores, with a small body of cavalry: the rebel stood his ground, and fought with such success, that Akbar thought proper to return from the pursuit to Mindu, where he surveyed the buildings erected there by the princes of the race of Chillige. While Akbar remained in that city, Mira Mubarick Shaw, king of Chandez paid him homage, and gave him his daughter in marriage. The king conferred the government of Malava upon Shirra Bahadur, and returned towards his capital.

The king, upon the way, near the village of Sipiri, fell in with a great herd of wild elephants. He ordered his cavalry to surround them, and he drove them, with great difficulty, into a kedda or fold constructed for that purpose: one of the male elephants, of a prodigious size, finding himself confined, strode over the ditch, bore down the wall and the pallisadoes before him, and made his way into the plain. Three trained elephants were sent after him: he stood to fight, and before they could overcome and take him, he afforded very great diversion to the king; who was remarkably fond of the boisterous contention of those enormous animals.

In the year 972, Chaja Moazim, the brother of Chuli Begum, and husband to the king's aunt, for some impropriety of behaviour, was thrown into prison, where he died. The same year, the old fort of Agra, which was built of brick, was demolished, and the foundation of the new one of red freestone laid; and though a great and magnificent work, was finished in four years.

By the intrigues of Abdulla Chan, the Usbeck, there was a report propagated, that the king, on his account, had taken a dislike to all the Usbeck race, and proposed to confine all the Omrahs of that nation who were in his service. This calumny gained so much credit, that Secunder Chan, Ibrahim Chan Usbeck, and others, who had governments about Jionpoor and Behar, turned their heads from obedience, and drew over Chan Ziman, Bahadur Chan, and Shubiani Chan to their party: Asaph Chan Hirrevi, who held the government of Kurrah, on account of some disputes with the collector of the king's revenues, took part in their rebellion. In a short time, their army consisted of thirty thousand horse, with which they possessed themselves of all the territories near Behar and Jionpoor.

News of this rebellion being brought to the king, he seemed to take no notice of it. He ordered his troops to attend him on a hunting party towards Narvar, in the opposite direction to the enemy. He accordingly employed himself in taking elephants for some days; during which time, Asherif Chan, a scribe, was sent privately to Secunder Chan, to endeavor to bring him over from his faction. Lashkar Chan Bukshi, was sent with a great body of horse to seize the treasures of Asaph Chan, upon whom the king had a large demand, which was the sole cause of that Omrah's rebellion.

It seems, that when Asaph Chan was made an Omrah of five thousand, and obtained the government of Kurrah and Maneckpoor, he obtained permission of the king to subdue a country called Gurrah or Kattuck, lying between the provinces of Rintimpore, Malava, Behar and the Decan. At that time, the kingdom of Gurrah [Now part of Orissa and Bundel-cund.] was governed by a queen, whose name was Durgautti, famous for her beauty and accomplishments: her dominions were about one hundred and fifty crores in length, and about fifty in breadth: yet so flourishing was the country, that in this small tract, there were about seventy thousand towns and villages well inhabited; which had the good fortune never to have fallen under the dominion of foreigners.

Asaph Chan, having heard of the riches of this country, disturbed the peaceable inhabitants, unaccustomed to the sound of war, with constant depredations; he at length marched against them with six thousand horse, and about double that number of infantry. The queen, with fifteen hundred elephants, eight thousand horse and some foot, prepared to oppose him. Like a bold Heroine she led on her troops to action, cloathed in armour, with a helmet upon her head, mounted in a howdar, on an elephant, with her bow and quiver lying by her side, and a burnished lance in her hand. Though her troops had not been accustomed to action, the love of liberty, and the example of their queen, inspired every breast with a lion's courage. Their eagerness to engage, made them march in disorder towards the enemy, which the queen observing, commanded them to halt, and forming her line anew, gave her troops strict orders to march on slowly, as compact as possible, and to observe the signal to engage, when it should be displayed from the elephant of the royal standard.

In this manner she received the enemy, whom she quickly repulsed, and pressing upon them, laid six hundred Mahommedan horsemen dead on the field; she pursued the rest till the evening, with great slaughter. When night came on, the queen halted with her army, and gave them orders to wash and refresh themselves, that they might be prepared for a night attack upon the enemy, before they could recover from their consternation. But her vizier, and the rest of her chiefs, less daring, and consequently less prudent than this heroine, opposed this salutary measure, and seditiously insisted on returning to the field of battle to bury their friends. She, accordingly, returned unwillingly; and, after the dead were burnt, again addressed her chiefs, and solicited them, one by one, to accompany her to storm the Mahommedan camp: none of them, however, had the spirit to second her in this daring enterprize. They vainly imagined, that the enemy would of their own accord evacuate the country.

The Omrahs of Gurrah, soon found that they were fatally frustrated in their hopes. Asaph Chan, to wipe away the disgrace which he sustained the day before, and finding what enemy he had to deal with, advanced in the morning towards the queen, with his artillery; which, in the preceding action, he had left behind him, on account of the badness of the roads. The queen, upon Asaph's approach, advanced to a narrow pass, and prepared to oppose him. The Mogul, scouring the pass with his artillery, soon opened to himself a way into the plain beyond it, where the queen's army were drawn up in order of battle. Raja Bier Shaw, the queen's son, a young prince of great hopes, as soon as the Mahommedan army came into the plain, made a resolute charge, and exhibited prodigies of valour. He repulsed the enemy twice, but in the third attack, being wounded, he became faint with loss of blood. When he was just falling from his horse, his mother, who was mounted on an elephant in the front of the battle, observed her son ready to expire. She immediately called to some of her people to carry him back to the rear; many of them accordingly crowded around him, some with a friendly intention to serve him, but more to have an opportunity to quit the field. The loss of the Raja, in short, together with the retreat of so many with his body, struck a pannic into the rest, so that the unfortunate queen was left with only three hundred men in in the field. The heroine, however, seemed no ways affected by her desperate situation; she stood her ground with her former fortitude, till she received an arrow in her eye; she endeavoured to extricate it from the wound, but as she tugged it, part of the steel broke short, and remained behind. In the mean time, another arrow passed through her neck, which she also drew out, but nature sinking under the pain, a dimness swam before her eyes, and she began to nod from side to side of the howdar [A wooden tower on the back of the elephant.]. She, however, recovered from her fainting by degrees; and a brave officer of her houshold, by name Adhar, who drove her elephant, singly repulsed numbers of the enemy whithersoever he turned the outragious animal; begged permission, as the day was now irretrievable, to carry the queen from the field. She rejected the proposal with a noble disdain: "It is true, said she, we are overcome in war, but shall we ever be vanquished in honor? Shall we, for the sake of a lingering ignominious life, lose that reputation and virtue which we have been so solicitous to acquire? No: let your gratitude now repay that service for which I lifted up your head, and which I now require at your hands. Haste, I say; let your dagger save me from the crime of putting a period to my own existence."

Adhar burst into tears, and begged, that as the elephant was swift of foot, he might be permitted to leave the field, and carry her to a place of safety. In the mean time, the queen, finding that the enemy crowded fast around her, and that she must be taken prisoner, she, suddenly leaning forward, seized the dagger of Adhar, and plunging it into her bosom, expired. The death of the queen, rendered Asaph Chan's victory compleat. Six Hindoo chiefs, upon their elephants, still stood firm: and ashamed of being outdone by a woman, dedicated their lives to revenge the death of the queen.

Asaph Chan, a few days after this battle, laid siege to Joragur, where all the treasures of this noble family had been for ten generations deposited. The hopes of gain rendered the Moguls desperate; they begun to attack the fort with uncommon resolution, till the place was taken. The young Raja, bravely exerting what little strength he had left, lost his life in defence of his independence and kingdom. The unfortunate garrison, according to their barbarous custom, had performed the joar [The joar, is a general massacre of the women and children.]. This dreadful ceremony was performed after this manner: a house was filled with wood, straw and oil; the unfortunate victims were forced in, and fire set to the horrid pile. When the bloody conquerors, who had brought this dreadful calamity upon the miserable Hindoos, entered the place, they found two women still alive, and untouched by the flames; one of them was called Camelawilli, the sister of the deceased queen, and the other the daughter of the Raja of Biragur, who had been brought to be espoused by the young Raja of Gurrah. These two ladies were reserved by Asaph Chan, for the king. The riches of Joragur, in gold, silver, jewels and precious effects were invaluable; of gold alone, there were found, in one treasury, one hundred and one chests of mhers. When Asaph Chan had glutted his avarice and ambition with the blood and treasure of this brave, though peaceable family, he took up his residence in that country. His view was to maintain his conquest agaist the king; and he, therefore, did not return to his government of Kurrah. That avarice, which prompted him to this public robbery, prevented him from presenting the king with his part of the plunder. Out of a thousand elephants, which he had taken, though all should fall to the share of the king, he sent him only two hundred of the worst, and sent no part of the jewels and treasure. It was therefore this just demand which the king had upon Asaph, that made that ambitious Omrah join in rebellion with the disaffected Usbecks.

The king having found that Lashkar Chan could effect nothing against Asaph, he determined to march in person into Gurrah. Having therefore left Narvar, he continued his rout for some days towards Gurrah. Akbar being seized with a fever on account of the heat, which in that sandy soil was excessive, he returned to Agra, dispatching Shahim Chan Sellaori, Shaw Biddai Chan, Mahummud Amin, and other Omrahs, against Secunder Chan, by whom they were defeated, and the two last taken prisoners. The king apprized of this disaster, sent Menim Chan Chanan with an army some days journey in front, and in the month of Shawal 973, followed in person with all the forces that he could raise.

When the king had arrived at Kinnoge, he selected a body of horse, and made an excursion toward Lucknow, to surprize Secunder Chan, who was in that place: but Secunder Chan being informed of his approach evacuated Lucknow, and fled to Chan Ziman, with whom he crossed the Ganges. The king proceeding to Jionpoor, Asaph Chan sued for pardon, and by the mediation of Mudgenu Chan, was admitted to the presence, and again restored to favor, upon settling his accounts concerning the plunder of Gurrah.

A few days after Asaph Chan was detached with five thousand chosen horse, against the enemy. He came to the ferry of Nirhin, and was opposed in crossing the river, but instead of making any dispositions to gain the passage, he sat down and passed the time in riot and foolish negociations, for which he had no authority. The king being informed of Asaph's negligence, stripped him of his Jagier. Asaph with his brother Vizier Chan, relinquished his troops, and set out with great expedition to Gurrah.

The king sent Chan Chanan to take charge of the army which Asaph had forsaken; and the rebels in the mean time under Secunder Chan and Bahadur Chan crossed the Jumna, and raised disturbances in the provinces between the rivers, while Chan Ziman opposed the Imperial army at the Ganges. The king being informed of these motions, detached Shaw Biddaw Chan and other Omrahs, under the command of Meer Moaz ul Muluck, to stop the progress of Bahadur Chan; but in the mean time Chan Ziman repenting of his disloyalty, sent a number of elephants and other presents to the king, and Monim Chan interceeding for his pardon, the king was prevailed upon to receive him into favor, and draw the pen of oblivion over his crimes. He confirmed him in all his estates and honors, which he had forfeited by his rebellion.

Meer Moaz ul Muluck having come up with Secunder Chan and Bahadur Chan, was upon the point of engaging them, when he received a letter from Bahadur Chan, acquainting him that his brother Chan Ziman, had sent his mother with presents to the king to intercede for pardon, and therefore that he would be glad to avoid extremities, till he heard the consequence of that negociation. Meer Moaz ul Muluck, who had heard nothing of this matter, thinking it to be a political fetch to gain time or lull him to security, paid no regard to it, but drew out in order of battle. Secunder Chan who commanded the van of the rebel army, made the best disposition the time would permit to receive him, but was obliged to retreat with great loss towards the body of the army, which by this time was formed by Bahadur Chan. The Imperialists, who from the flight of Secunder Chan, concluded the victory already their own, pursuing in an irregular manner, were received so warmly by Bahadur Chan, that they were repulsed in turn, and would never more shew their face to the pursuers, so that the rebels gained a compleat victory and great spoil. Meer Moaz ul Muluck fled with the scattered remains of his army to Kinnoge.

Akbar in the mean time as peace was concluded with Chan Ziman, went to take a view of the fortifications of Chinar and the city of Benaris. When the news of the late defeat of the Imperialists arrived in the royal camp, Chan Ziman, though so lately pardoned, being destitute of every principle of gratitude, loyalty and honor, again deserted and took possession of Ghazipoor and the adjacent territories. The king enraged at this baseness, flew into a violent passion with Chan Chanan, by whose mediation he had pardoned Ziman. He immediately ordered Ziman's mother to be confined, and with all expedition marched towards the traitor, who upon his approach fled to the hills. Bahadur Chan taking advantage of the king's absence from Jionpoor, entered that place, and took the citadel by escalade, where he released his mother, and confined Asherif Chan the governor, with all the principle persons in the garrison.

The king hearing of the taking of Jionpoor, gave over the pursuit of Chan Ziman, and returning towards that city, issued out orders to all the viceroys of the provinces to join him with all their forces. Upon Akbar's approach, Bahadur Chan evacuated Jionpoor and fled towards Benaris. Chan Ziman now seeing such preparations against him, in all the provinces which remained firm in their allegiance, began again to despair of success, and had the confidence to address the king a second time for pardon, which by a strange perversion of policy, and an unjustifiable act of clemency, or rather weakness in the king, he obtained, as well as a confirmation of all his estates and honors. The king after passing his royal word for all these favours, ordered Ziman to come to court: but the traitor excused himself, by pretending that shame for his past offences would not permit him to appear in the presence, till time should erase his behaviour from his majesty's mind; that as soon as the king should return to Agra, both he and his brother Bahadur Chan, would accept the honor which the royal benevolence intended to confer upon them.

It surprizes, it even disgusts the friends of the memory of the renowned Akbar, to find that he should admit of this excuse, or trust to the oath of a man already perjured: but the sincere mind of Akbar, could not suspect in others that baseness which was a stranger to his own soul. He returned to Agra, and left this snake to collect fresh poison. When Akbar had arrived at Agra, he sent Mendi Cassim Chan with four thousand horse, to drive Asaph Chan out of his government of Gurrah, which he had usurped.

Chan Ziman, as might have been forseen, took this opportunity to strengthen his party. Treason still fermented in secret within his soul, and he invited Asaph Chan to join him. Asaph accepted of the proposal, and left Gurrah in possession of Cassim Chan. Ziman in the mean time forgetting his oath to wait on the king at Agra, during six months maintained himself in a princely independance over all the eastern provinces. Asaph Chan who had by this time joined him, finding himself neglected and treated with contempt, fled to Kurrah his original Jagier, was pursued by Bahadur Chan, defeated and taken prisoner. In the mean time his brother Vizier Chan, who escaped in the action, rallied the troops, and returning, surprized the conquerors, and rescued Asaph Chan out of their hands. The brothers then fell upon Kurrah, and possessed themselves of that country.

An ambassador about this time arrived from Mirza Mahummud Hakim the king's brother, who governed Cabul, acquainting him, that Mirza Soliman of Buduchshan, ever since he had defeated and killed Shaw Abdul Mali, continued to read the Chutba of Cabul in his own name; that he had appointed Mirza Sultan to act in that city in his behalf, which had obliged Hakim to expel him from that office; for which affront Mirza Soliman was again preparing to invade Cabul: he therefore earnestly entreated Akbar's aid to oppose him.

The king fearing more from the encroachments of his northern enemies, than from the soft sons of the eastern provinces, immediately ordered the Omrahs of Punjab, and Mahummud Kulli Chan of Moultan, to assist Mirza Mahummud Hakim, as soon as ever they should be certain of the enemies attempts upon Cabul. Feredoon Chan Cabuli who was one of the king's Omrahs, was also sent from the presence with what troops he retained in pay to succour Hakim: but before the royal orders arrived either at Punjab or Moultan, and consequently long before any succours could reach Cabul, Mirza Soliman had invested that city. Mirza Mahummud Hakim evacuated it in a few days and retreated to the Nilab, where he met Feredoon Chan coming to his assistance. This treacherous Omrah, proposed to Hakim to sieze upon Lahore, assuring him that Akbar was in no condition to oppose him, being involved in a war with the Usbeck Omrahs: that after he should be possessed of that rich and powerful province, he would find little difficulty in driving Mirza Soliman out of Cabul.

Mirza Mahummud Hakim insensible of the baseness of this project, ungratefully began to take measures to put it in execution, and marched to Lahore in conjunction with Feredoon Chan. Hakim's design upon Lahore being noised abroad, the Omrahs of Punjab, particularly Cuttub ul dein Annigah, and Pier Mahummud Chan, threw all their forces into the city, and prepared for a vigorous defence. Mirza Mahummud Hakim sat down before the place, and used every art and persuasion to bring over those Omrahs to his interest, but without effect.

The king enraged as well as alarmed at this rebellion, laid aside his intended expedition against the Usbecks, and turned his arms towards Lahore. He began his march towards that city on the 14th of Jimmad ul Awil 974, leaving Agra under the government of Monim Chan Chanan. Akbar having arrived at Sirhind, the news of his approach reached Lahore. The citizens immediately began to beat their drums, to sound their trumpets, and to make every demonstration of joy. This unusual noise waked Mirza Hakim, who was asleep in his tent: he asked the meaning of that uproar, and was told that the king was come expeditiously from Agra. Mirza Hakim believing that the king was already at his heels, mounted his horse without delay, and retreated precipitately with his cavalry towards Cabul: he came very opportunely to that city, and took it by surprize, Mirza Soliman having retired to Buduchshan during the winter.

The king in the mean time advanced to Lahore, where he spent a few days in hunting: he then sent back Mudginu Chan, to possess himself of Kurrah and Manneckpoor, which Asaph Chan had seized. Much about this time the sons of Mirza Sultan governor of Simbol, rose in rebellion. This insurrection was crushed in the bud by the other Jagierdars of the adjacent territories, who defeated the young rebels and drove them towards Malava. They however possessed themselves of that country without much opposition, there being at that time no imperial forces in that province. Mirza Sultan upon account of the rebellion of his sons, was seized and imprisoned in Biana, where he soon after died.

The Usbeck Omrahs improved the king's absence to their own advantage, and extended their conquests on all sides. This obliged the king to return to Agra, before which city he ordered all his forces from the provinces to rendezvous. He was in a few weeks ready to take the field against the rebels, with two thousand elephants and above a hundred thousand horse. Chan Ziman at that time besieging Eusoph Chan in the sort of Sherigur, hearing of the king's approach, retreated to Kurrah, in which place Bahadur Chan had invested Mudgenu Chan. The king closely pursued Ziman, but when he had reached Raibarrili, he heard that the rebel was crossing the Ganges, with an intention to march to Malava, and join the sons of Mahummud Sultan, or to make an alliance with the king of the Decan.

The king hastened his march and arrived at the ferry of Manneckpoor in the evening. No boats could be procured, and Akbar, impatient to engage the rebels, mounted his elephant, and contrary to the advice of all his Omrahs, took the river which was then very deep, and had the good fortune to pass over in safety: one hundred horse plunged into the stream and swam after the king. Akbar in the morning came before the enemies camp with his hundred horse, and Mudgenu Chan and Asaph Chan joined him immediately with all the garrison of Kurrah.

The enemy not suspecting that the king would attempt to cross the river without his army, had spent the night in festivity, and could hardly believe their senses, when they heard the royal drums beating the imperial march. They at length in the utmost confusion began to form their line, but before they were in compleat order, Akbar charged them with great violence: Baba Chan Cashkal at the head of the king's light scouts, penetrated through the camp of the rebels as far as the tents of Chan Ziman, where he was repulsed by Bahadur Chan, and driven back with precipitation among the king's ranks, which occasioned some disorder among the files of Mudgenu Chan. Bahadur Chan in the mean time turned towards the center, where the king commanded in person: Akbar observing him, came down from his elephant, and mounting a horse, pressed towards him; but by this time an arrow having killed Bahadur Chan's horse, he was obliged to retreat on foot, among his own troops. The king immediately commanded his few elephants to advance: those animals engaging furiously with those of the enemy, killed some of them upon the spot, and drove back the rest among their own ranks.

Chan Ziman encouraging his men, still continued the action with great bravery, till his horse having received two wounds, he was obliged to quit him, and while he was mounting another, he was trodden to death by an elephant. The rebels now fell into confusion: distracted for want of orders, they turned their face to flight. Bahadur Chan was taken prisoner, and carried before the king; What evil had I done to you, said Akbar, thus to provoke you to draw the sword of treason against me? He ordered that particular care should be taken of Bahadur; but some of the Omrahs, as soon as the king's back was turned, fearing that his clemency would pardon that consummate rebel, prevented it by putting him immediately to the sword. Akbar, though it is highly probable that he would have forgiven Bahadur, made no inquiries concerning his death. The heads of the brothers were sent to Punjab and Cabul. Jan Alli Beg Usbeck, Ear Alli, Mirza Beg, Chushal Beg, and Mier Shaw Mahummud Buduchsi, were also taken prisoners and carried by the king to Jionpoor, where they were trodden to death by elephants. This decisive action happened upon the first of Zihidge, 974, and is an instance of the daring intrepidity of the renowned Akbar.

The government of Kurrah was conferred upon Chan Chanan, and soon after Secunder Chan, who was besieged in the fort of Jud, fled to Gorrickpoor. The rebellion of the Usbecks being thus quashed, and the peace of the eastern provinces restored, the king in the month of Mohirrim 975, returned in triumph to Agra.

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Section IV. The History of the Reign of AKBAR, from the Year 975, to the total Reduction of the Kingdom of Guzerat in 981.

DURING the rebellion of the Usbeck Omrahs, Rana Udai Singh had taken great advantage of the king's distress. This determined Akbar, without remaining long at Agra, to march against him. The king having arrived before the fort of Suisoob, the governor evacuated the place and retreated to his master Surjun Raja of Rintimpore. Akbar left a garrison in Suisoob, and proceeded to the fort of Kakeran, on the frontiers of Malava. The sons of Sultan Mahummud Mirza, who had possessed themselves of Mindu, hearing of the emperor's progress, were greatly distressed. To compleat their misfortunes, Aligh Mirza died at that time, and his adherents fled with precipitation towards Guzerat.

The king left Malava under the charge of Shab ul dein Ahmed Shaw Neshapuri, and marched from Kakeran to expel the Rana from Chitor. The Rana left eight thousand disciplined Rajaputs, with a great store of provisions in the fort of Chitor, which is built on a mountain, and retired himself with his family to an inaccessible place. The king immediately invested Chitor, and set five thousand pioneers to work in throwing up trenches, and carrying on approaches to the place. When he had completed two batteries, and carried two mines under different bastions, he endevoured to spirng them at once: but one of them going off before the other, blew up one of the bastions and made a practicable breach. Two thousand men who were prepared to storm, advanced immediately, upon a supposition that both of the mines had been sprung. They divided into two bodies in order to enter at once both breaches: one of the parties advancing near the bastion, perceived that the mine had not been sprung, but before they could retreat it blew up, and killed above five hundred of the Moguls, and about double that number of the enemy who were crouded on the bastion. Among the latter were fifteen Omrahs of distinction. The explosion so terrified those who were entering the breach, that they retreated in the utmost consternation.

Another mine was immediately carried on by the king, but as he was one day standing in one of the batteries, he perceived Jeimal the governor of the place very assiduous in filling up the breaches, and giving orders for the defence: the king immediately called for a fuzee, and took so good an aim that he lodged the ball in Jeimal's brains, and laid him dead on the spot.

The spirit of the besieged fell with their chief, and in the utmost despair, they performed the horrid ceremony of the Joar, put all their wives and children to the sword, and burned their bodies with that of their governor, on a prodigious funeral pile. The Imperial army perceived what was going on by the light of the fire: they advanced under the cover of night to the breach, which they found abandoned, so that they entered the place without opposition. It was day-light before a number sufficient to attack the enemy could enter: then the king in person led on his men, and the unfortunate garrison devoting themselves to death, had retired to their temples. Akbar perceiving that he must lose a great number of his troops in case of a close attack, ordered a distant fire to be kept up upon the desperate Rajaputs, till he had introduced three hundred elephants of war, which he immediately ordered to advance to tread them to death.

The scene became now too shocking to be described. Brave men rendered more valiant by despair, crouded around the elephants, seized them even by the tusks, and inflicted upon them unavailing wounds. The terrible animals trode the Rajaputs like grasshoppers under their feet, or winding them in their powerful trunks, tossed them aloft into the air, or dashed them against the walls and pavements. Of the garrison, which consisted of eight thousand Rajaputs and of forty thousand inhabitants, thirty thousand were slain, and the most of the rest taken prisoners. A few escaped in the confusion, by tying their own children like captives, and driving them through the king's camp. They by this means passed undiscovered, being taken for some of the followers of the camp.

The government of the strong fort of Chitor was given to Asaph Chan Hirrivi, and the king returned towards his capital. On the way a tyger happened to be rouzed before him: he gave orders that nobody should touch the animal, and riding forward himself, he began to wound him with arrows. The terrible animal stood growling on a rising ground near the king, and being enraged by his wounds, he ran directly towards the king, who stood to receive him with his lance. One of his attendants called Adil, fearing the consequence, rushed between Akbar and the tyger, and aimed a fortunate blow at the animal, but he himself was tossed under his paws, and would have in a moment expired, had not some others rushed to his assistance, and given the tyger a deadly wound, which both saved the king and Adil from imminent danger.

Akbar having arrived at Agra, received advices that Ibrahim Hussein and Mahummud Hussein Mirza, had revolted from Chingez Chan prince of Guzerat, and were again returned to Malava, having commenced hostilities with the siege of Ugein. The king dispatched Killitch Chan Indijani and Chaja Yeas ul dien Kisvini, to expel them. Upon the approach of this army, the Husseins raised the siege, and retreating precipitately to the Nirbudda, crossed that river and fled again towards Guzerat.

In the month of Regib, in the year 976, the king marched from Agra with an intention to reduce Rintimpore, where Raja Surjan, who had bought that strong fort from Hujaz Chan one of the dependants of Selim Shaw, prepared to defend himself to the last extremity. On the 22d of Ramzan 976, the king invested the place, and having properly reconnoitered it, ordered a great battery to be constructed on an adjoining hill, called Rin: he with great difficulty dragged up his heavy artillery to this eminence; two of the pieces being capable to receive a stone ball of six or seven maunds, or one of iron of thirty maunds [The size of these guns might be reckoned incredible, did there not remain to this day in India pieces of as extraordinary a bore: particularly one at Arcot, and another at Dacca.]. In a few days a part of the wall and a great number of the houses were laid in ruins, and at the end of the month the garrison driven to difficulties, solicited to capitulate. The conditions proposed by them were, to have the liberty of retiring unmolested, leaving all their wealth and effects to the king. These terms were accordingly accepted, and the king took possession of Rintimpore.

Akbar after this conquest made a pilgrimage to the shrine of Chaja Moin ul Dein at Ajmere, and from thence returned to Agra. From that city he went to visit Shech Selim Chisti in the village of Sikri: he questioned him according to the ceremonies, and was told, it is said, that he would soon have issue that would live and prosper; all the children which were born to him before that time, dying in their infancy. Soon after, the favourite Sultana became pregnant, and upon the 17th of Ribbi ul Awil, in the year 977, she was brought to bed of a son, who was named Sultan Selim. Upon this occasion the king published an act of grace to all prisoners, and ordered a day of thanksgiving to the Almighty: soon after he performed a vow of pilgrimage on foot, to the shrine of Chaja Moin ul Dein, with his whole army in the procession, then returning by the way of Delhi, the king near that city took the diversion of the chace.

Raja Ram Chund, who had possession of the strong fort of Callinger, which he had taken from the dependants of Selim Shaw, hearing about this time, that the king meditated an expedition against him; fearing the fate of Rintimpore and Chitor, made terms for the delivery of the place, which was accordingly put into the hands of the king.

Upon the 3d of Mohirrim 978, the king had another son born to him in the house of Shech Selim [It seems the king had left some of his beautiful mistresses in the house of Shech Selim, to receive the benefit of the prayers of that holy man.], whom he called Mahummud Murad. He upon this account made another pilgrimage to Ajmere, and ordered the town to be fortified with a stone wall. The Sultan from thence proceeded to Nagore, where Chundersein the son of Maldeo, and Rai Callianmill Raja of Bicanere, came out to meet him with valuable presents. The latter presented the king with his beautiful daughter. Akbar from Nagore marched to the town of Adjodin, and visiting the tomb of Shech Ferid Shukurgunge, proceeded to Debalpoor, where Mirza Aziz Koka who was Jagierdar of that place, presented him with a large Pishcush. The king from thence passed to Lahore, Hussein Kulli Chan a Turkuman, governor of that city and province, came also out to meet him in the same manner with great presents.

On the first of Siffer 979, the Sultan left Lahore, and returned by the way of Firosa to Ajmere, and from thence proceeded to Agra. Secunder Chan Usbeck who had been lurking about the woods of Bengal, and committing ravages on the inhabitants, was about this time seized by Monim Chan, and sent to the king, who according to his usual clemency forgave him.

The king esteeming the village of Sikri, fortunate to him, as two sons were born to him there, by the means of the prayers of the saints with whom he left his favorite mistresses; he ordered the foundation of a city to be laid there, which after the conquest of Guzerat, he called Fattepoor [The city of Victory.]. In the year 980, the kingdom of Guzerat being torn to pieces by intestine divisions, Akbar seized upon that opportunity to declare war against it. He therefore marched to Ajmere under a pretence of a pilgrimage, and from that place detached Chan Callan before him towards Guzerat. The king followed at some distance with the main body of the army. Akbar in his way appointed Rai Singh to the government of Joelpoor, the residence of Raja Maldeo, whom on account of some misdemeanor he deposed. When the emperor arrived at Nagore, he received advices of the birth of another son, on the 2d of Jimmad ul Awil, in the house of the holy Shech Danial, whom he with great propriety called Danial, as it was to the saint's prayers no doubt he owed this piece of good fortune [One might be tempted to think, that as Akbar left his wives in charge of the Saints of Sikri, he owed some of his sons to more than the prayers of those holy persons: it being the opinion of the Mahommedan doctors, as well as of some grave divines among ourselves, that prayer is more effectual when the means are used.].

The king appearing with his army on the confines of Guzerat, Shere Chan Fowladi, an Omrah of distinction who defended the frontiers, abandoned his post and fled with precipitation. The king took immediate possession of Pattan, and gave the government of it to Seid Ahmed Chan. He from that place moved his standard of victory towards Ahmed-abad; but before he had marched two stages, Sultan Muziffer came to meet him, and without a blow, surrendered his kingdom into the hands of Akbar, so that the king entered Ahmed-abad, the capital of Guzerat, in as peaceable a manner, as if he had been entering Agra. To account for this it may not be improper to say something concerning the state of Guzerat at that period.

Sultan Mamood king of Guzerat, having sometime before this event died, his Omrahs, particularly Seid Mubarik Actemad Chan, and Amad ul Muluck, who possessed all the power of the government during the minority of the prince Sultan Ahmed, the son and successor of Sultan Mamood, finding him begin to think for himself, were unwilling to part with their power, and found means privately to make away with him: but to keep up the appearance of loyalty, they raised a child of doubtful birth to the throne, on whom they imposed the name of Sultan Muziffer, and divided the kingdom among themselves in the following manner. Ahmed-abad, Cambait, and some other provinces, were possessed by Actemad Chan; Anduka, Dolukch, and some other countries, by Juil Chan the grandson of Seid Mubarick; Surat, Biroge, Birod and Japanier, by Chingez Chan the son of Amad ul Muluck, while other Omrahs who had influence in the state, had the rest of the kingdom partitioned among them. The nominal king Sultan Muziffer was in the mean time cooped up by Actemad Chan in Ahmed-abad; during this oligarchy, the government became very oppressive, by continual wars and civil dissentions. This made the unhappy people of Guzerat turn their eyes towards Akbar, to relieve them from their petty tyrants, who like vultures, gnawed the bowels of their country. The easy conquest of Guzerat was therefore no ways surprizing, as the nominal king tired of his situation, hoped more from the favor of a foreign prince, than from his own factious and independant Omrahs.

But to return from this digression. The second day after the king's entrance into Ahmed-abad, he was waited upon by the principal Omrahs of Guzerat, who hastened to make their submission. But Aligh Chan and Hujaz Chan, two Abyssinian Omrahs, were ordered into confinement, as they gave some evident signs of discontent. Ibrahim Hussein Mirza was still at the head of an army in Biroge, and Mahummud Hussein Mirza at the head of another considerable force near Surat. The king therefore resolved to reduce them: Aichtiar ul Muluck one of the Omrahs of Guzerat, having broke his parole of honor and fled at this time, all the other Omrahs were ordered into close confinement. When the king arrived at the port of Cambait, he appointed Chan Azim Mirza Aziz governor of Ahmed-abad.

Ibrahim Hussein Mirza, who we have already observed was in Biroge, hearing of Akbar's approach, and suspecting the fidelity of Rustum Chan Rumi, one of his principal officers, assassinated him, and discovered an inclination to march into Punjab to raise disturbances in that quarter. The king receiving intelligence of this design about midnight, left his camp in charge of Chaja Jehan and Calliche Chan, and with a chosen detachment marched himself that night with all expedition to cut off Ibrahim's retreat: the next day he reached the river Mhenderi, which runs by the town of Sirtal, with only forty horse, the rest having lagged behind with fatigue. The enemy being encamped on the opposite bank of the river, and in sight, the king thought it prudent to proceed no further, till the rest of his detachment should arrive. Had Ibrahim therefore known any thing of the art of war, he might have easily taken Akbar prisoner. But that unenterprizing officer made no attempt of that kind, till the king was joined by a fresh detachment, which had been ordered some days before to Surat, and happened to be then encamped at a little distance.

This small party consisted only of seventy horse, at the head of which there happened to be five principal Omrahs, Seid Mamood Chan Baherra, Raja Buguan Dass, Raja Man Singh, Shaw Kulli Chan Myram, and Raja Surjun of Rintimpore. With these the king, without waiting for more troops, took the desperate resolution to attack the enemy, one thousand of whom commanded by Ibrahim Hussein, waited to receive him, while the main body of the army pursued their march. It happened very fortunately for Akbar that the enemy instead of permitting him to come into the plain, opposed him between two hedges, where not above six horsemen could fight abreast. The king in this narrow pass put himself upon the footing of a private trooper, and performed extraordinary seats of personal valour: which however avail little to wipe away the folly of this piece of his conduct. At last the courage which Akbar's behaviour naturally raised in his followers, made them as desperate as himself, so that after a long engagement with the enemy sword in hand, they beat them back, and at last totally defeated them, with the loss only of one Omrah, and a few private men.

Ibrahim Hussein fled to his army, but such was their consternation and opinion of Akbar's prowess, that the greatest part of his forces deserted him, which was all the advantage that could be gained by such a victory. The king contenting himself with what he had done, desisted from the pursuit, and waiting till his army came up, marched and invested Surat. In the mean time the Omrahs of Guzerat collected themselves in the environs of Pattan, and held a council how to proceed. They agreed that Ibrahim Hussein Mirza should prosecute his scheme of raising disturbances in Punjab, and that Mahummud Hussein Mirza, Shaw Mirza, and Shere Chan Fowladi, should invest Pattan. They expected by these means to draw the king from the siege of Surat.

Ibrahim Hussein Mirza having arrived at Nagore, Rai Sing governor of Jodpoor, who had pursued him, came up with him one day towards the evening, at a place where there was no water to be found, but what Ibrahim possessed. This made the troops of Rai Singh, who were in great distress for water, call out to attack the enemy. This favorable disposition and the necessity of the attempt, made Rai Singh, though much inferior to the enemy, join battle. Ibrahim's horse being killed, and he himself dismounted in the first charge, his army imagining that he was actually slain, gave ground. The enemy took such advantage of their confusion, that the whole efforts of Ibrahim were not capable to recover the disorder, and he was totally routed: he fled with great precipitation towards Delhi, and from thence to Simbol.

In the mean time Mahummud Hussein Mirza and the other Omrahs carried on the siege of Pattan, which was defended by Seid Ahmid Chan Barhey. Mirza Aziz Koka coming to his relief with the army from Ahmed-abad, the Omrahs raised the siege, went out to meet him, and gave him battle. Aziz Koka had at first the disadvantage, both his wings being thrown into disorder, but his troops continuing steady in the centre, he at last gained ground, and improving the advantage, put them to flight towards the Decan.

The king in the mean time made a breach in the walls of Surat, and had raised several mounts, from which he battered the city and commanded the streets. When he was preparing for a general assault, the garrison desired to capitulate. Their terms were agreed to, the city delivered up, and the king returned to Ahmed-abad; he distributed all the governments of Guzerat, among the friends of Mirza Aziz Koka, his foster-brother, and on the 2d of Ziffer, in the year 981, returned by the way of Ajmere to Agra.

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Section V. The History of the Reign of AKBAR, from the Year 981, to the Reduction of Cabul in 989.

IBRAHIM HUSSEIN MIRZA, arriving at Simbol, as we have already mentioned, heard that the Omrahs of Punjab under Hussein Kulli Chan, were besieging the castle of Nagracot, he therefore marched into Punjab, which he expected to find unguarded, and after plundering it he had resolved to join his friends in Guzerat, by the way of Sind.

Hussein Kulli Chan was therefore under the necessity of raising the siege, and marching after Ibrahim through all Punjab, without being able to come up with him, till he reached the environs of the city of Tatta upon the Sind. There Hussein Kulli attacked his camp as he was one day out hunting, at some distance from his line of march. Musaood Hussein Mirza, Ibrahim's brother, who commanded in his absence, was obliged therefore to form the line, sending in the mean time an express to his brother concerning his situation. But before Ibrahim arrived his brother was defeated and taken prisoner, having lost some thousands of his men in the engagement. Ibrahim returning from hunting met his routed army, and rallying a part of them, renewed the combat: he was however repulsed with great loss, and obliged to fly towards Moultan.

In Moultan the unfortunate Ibrahim was again attacked by the Billochees, wounded, taken prisoner, and delivered up to Muchsuse Chan, governor of Moultan, who beheaded him. Muchsuse Chan in conjunction with Hussein Kulli Chan, carried his head and all his effects to Agra, to present them to the king. Akbar ordered the head to be set up above one of the gates of Agra, and his brother Musaood Hussein to be confined in the sort of Gualier, where he soon after died.

In the Ribbi ul Awil of the same year, advices arrived from Mirza Aziz Koka, that Aichtiar ul Muluck Guzerati, and Mahummud Hussein Mirza, were joined with considerable armies, had possessed themselves of several countries in Guzerat, and had invested him in Ahmed-abad.

As it was now the rainy season, and to march a great army impracticable, with that expedition which the urgency of the situation of affairs required, the king selected two thousand horse, and sent them off before him; then with three hundred Omrahs and officers mounted upon camels, he proceeded at the rate of four stages every day [Each stage is about twenty English miles.], and came up with the detachment of horse at Pattan, where he was joined by a thousand more. His whole force then consisted of three thousand horse, and three hundred camels. With this small army he continued his march with the same expedition to Ahmedabad, and upon his arrival within four miles of the city, ordered the Imperial drums to beat his own march, which was the first news the enemy had of his approach. This struck the soldiers with such a pannic, that it was with difficulty their officers could keep them from immediate flight. They however formed at length the line, while Mahummud Hussein with a few horse went to the banks of the river to reconnoitre.

Hussein saw at some distance Suban Kulli, who had been sent on the same business by the king. He asked him across the river, what army that was? Suban Kulli replied, that it was the army of the king of kings. The other said, "that is impossible, for it is yet but fourteen days since one of my spies saw the king at Agra, and I perceive no elephants, which always attend the emperor." Suban Kulli then told him, "It is but nine days since the king put his foot in the stirrup, and it is well known, elephants cannot march at that rate; but all the cavalry are come up."

Mahummud Hussein returned immediately to his camp, and sent Achtiar ul Muluck with five thousand horse, to watch the gates of Ahmedabad. He himself marched with seven thousand horse against the king. Akbar had by this time reached the banks of the river, and discovering the enemy, he drew up to receive them, expecting every moment to be joined by the troops in the city: but they were blocked up by the enemy. He then saw, that his whole dependance must rest on his own troops; to render them more desperate, by cutting off all hopes of retreat, he crossed the river, and drew up before the enemy on the plain. Mahummud Hussein Mirza placing himself in the centre with his Moguls, Shaw Mirza on his right with the Afghans and Rajaputs, and Shere Chan Fowladi on his left with the Abassinians and the horse of Guzerat, advanced to the charge.

The king having also drawn up his small army in three divisions, commanded by their several officers, he posted himself with his body guard, consisting of a hundred horse in the rear of the centre. The battle now being joined with great fury on both sides, the king with his guard wheeled round his right flank, and fell furiously on the left flank of the enemy. His troops observing their king thus exposing himself in the midst of danger, made an uncommon effort of valor and charged the enemy so warmly, that they were repulsed with great loss. Mahummud Hussein Mirza who was wounded in the action, attempting to leap over a hedge with his horse, fell from his saddle, and was taken prisoner. Several persons contending about the honor of taking Hussein, the king asked him who was the man who took him? Hussein replied, "Nobody: the curse of ingratitude overtook me."

When the king's forces were warm in the pursuit, he himself remained on a rising ground, with about two hundred horse. On a sudden a great body of troops appeared moving towards him. He immediately dispatched a person to know who they were: he brought back intelligence, that they were the forces of Achtiar ul Muluck, who had been left to guard the gates of Ahmed-abad. The troops who were with the king began to be very uneasy at their situation, and gave many intimations of their desire of retreating. But Akbar would by no means desert his post: he ordered them instantly to prepare to charge and break through the enemy; at the same time commanding the drums to beat up the royal march.

The enemy hearing the drums, made no doubt but the whole army was behind the hill, and retreated with great precipitation. The king pursued them to some distance, to keep up the pannic which had seized them. Whilst these things happened where the king commanded in person, Rai Singh to revenge some former quarrel, basely embrued his hands in the blood of Mahummud Hussein Mirza, who had been left in his possession. Achtiar ul Muluck having also fallen from his horse in his flight, was killed by one of the king's guards, who was pursuing him with great eagerness.

Chan Azim Aziz Koka, finding now that the blockade was withdrawn from the gates, came out to meet the king. Akbar entered Ahmedabad the same day, and continued Chan Azim in his government, then by the way of Ajmere, hastened towards Agra, after having performed a service, which, though glorious, reflects more honor upon his intrepidity, than upon his conduct.

In the course of the same year, Daood ben Soliman governor of Bengal, drew his neck from the yoke of obedience. Monim Chan Chanan was sent against him, who brought him to a treaty after some successful engagements. The king dissatified with this peace, committed the affairs of Bengal to Raja Jodermul, and sent him with orders to expel Daood entirely out of his government, or to oblige him to pay a certain yearly tribute, superior to the small acknowledgement which he had formerly made. Daood being threatened at the time with a civil war by one Lodi, who discovered an inclination to usurp the kingdom, consented upon Jodermul's appearance to pay the tribute demanded. He then found means to seize upon Lodi, whom he put to death. Daood relieved from that domestic danger, broke the treaty with the king, and advancing against Chan Chanan and Raja Jodermul, engaged them at the confluence of the Sool, Gang and Sirve, where being defeated, he lost his fleet of boats and all his baggage. Chan Chanan crossed immediately the river, and laid siege to Patna.

The king informed of these transactions, set out from Agra in the middle of the rains, with as many troops as could be contained in a thousand boats: he halted a few days at Benaris, where he was joined by the forces which marched overland: he immediately embarked the whole, and fell down to Patna, and on his way he received the news of the reduction of Becker by Jesu Chan, who had been sent against that place. Akbar having arrived within a few miles of Patna, heard that Isah Chan Neazi, one of the enemies principal generals, had marched out of the fort and fought Chan Chanan, but that he was defeated and lost his life, so that the place was upon the point of being evacuated. The king therefore sent Chan Allum with three thousand horse, to possess himself of the fort of Hadgeepoor, on the opposite bank of the river, and to endeavour to harrass the enemy in their retreat, should they be already gone, if not, to stop them. Chan Allum accordingly took that place by assault, and made Fatte Chan the governor, and the garrison prisoners: Daood intimidated by this, sent a herald to the king to beg terms of accommodation.

The king returned him for answer, that he granted him his life, but that he must trust every thing else to his clemency, after making his submission; but if he should be obstinate enough to hold out some few days merely to give him trouble, he could have no reason to hope for pardon; "and though, said the king, I have a thousand in my army as good men as you, rather than fatigue my troops with a siege, I will put the whole upon the issue of a single combat between you and me, and let him take the fort who shall best deserve it." Daood did not chuse to accept the challenge, nor even to put him to farther trouble, but took boat at the water-gate that night, and fled down the river: soon after all his army evacuated the place. The next morning the king pursued them and took four hundred elephants, and the greatest part of their baggage. He then returned to Patna, conferred the government of that place and its dependencies upon Chan Chanan, then returned without pursuing his conquest farther to Agra.

Chan Azim from Guzerat and Chan Jehan from Lahore, came to pay their respects to the king, and returned afterwards to their respective governments. Akbar at the same time conferred the title of Muziffer Chan upon Chaja Muziffer Alli, and appointed him to command a force against the fort of Rhotas in Behar: he himself made a tour to Ajmere, where having bestowed great charities, he returned to Agra.

In the mean time Chan Chanan had orders to carry the war further into Bengal against Daood. That general having forced the pass of Killagurry, Daood fled into Orissa, whither he was pursued by Raja Jodermul, with part of the king's army. Junied the son of Daood defeated Jodermul in two battles, which obliged Chan Chanan to march to his aid: both the Mogul generals having joined their forces, engaged Daood.

Kudgera, an Afghan chief of great bravery, who commanded Daood's vanguard, attacked the vanguard of Chan Chanan commanded by Chan Allum, and defeated and killed that Omrah. The Afgan pursued the run-aways through the center of their own army, which were by that time drawn up in order of battle. Chan Chanan observing the disorder hastened himself with a small body to renew the ranks, Kudgera attacked him in person, and wounded him in several places, so that he was obliged to quit the field, and he was soon followed by his army. The valiant Kudgera being killed by an arrow, Chan Chanan rallied his troops, and being a little recovered, led them back to the charge: he found Daood's army intent upon the plunder, and soon put them to flight, taking all their elephants.

Raja Jodermul being detached to pursue the enemy, came up with Daood on the banks of the Chin, which he could not cross. The rebel finding no means for escaping, faced about to defend himself. Raja Jodermul did not chuse to provoke Daood too far, and immediately sent intelligence of what had passed to Chan Chanan. That Omrah, notwithstanding his wounds which were very bad, hasted to that place: Daood surrendered himself upon terms, and was permitted to retain Orissa, after which Chan Chanan returned. The city of Gore, which had been the capital of Bengal till the time of Shere, who on account of the badness of the air, had made Chawasspoor Tanda, the metropolis, was now greatly decayed. Chan Chanan admiring the antiquity and grandeur of that place, gave orders to repair the palaces, and made it his residence: but he soon fell a victim to the unhealthy air of Gore and died. He was succeeded in his government by Hussein Kulli Chan Turkuman, to whom the king gave the title of Chan Jehan.

Mirza Soliman prince of Buduchshan, being expelled by his own grandson Mirza Shaw, was about this time obliged to seek protection at the court of Agra. He soon after took leave of the king, to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca, after which he returned to Buduchshan, and found means to reinstate himself in his dominions. Some Omrahs at court who envied the greatness of Mirza Aziz Koka, viceroy of Guzerat, accused him to the king of treasonable intentions: they so far prevailed upon him, that he recalled him from his government and confined him. Koka's readiness to comply with the imperial order, convinced Akbar that he was no ways guilty; but that the whole proceeded from the malice of his enemies: however, Shab ul Dein Ahmed Chan Neishapuri, who was advanced to the government of Guzerat, had sufficient interest at court to retain his office after his predecessor was acquitted.

Before Chan Jehan had taken possession of his government of Bengal and Behar, the Zemindars of those provinces had risen in favour of Daood, and invested Chawasspoor, which they took. Daood found himself soon at the head of fifty thousand horse, and in possession of the greatest part of those countries. Chan Jehan having assembled all the Imperial Omrahs in that quarter, advanced against Daood, and that chief retreated beyond the passes, which Chan Jehan forced, and killed above a thousand of the enemy, who attempted to stop his march. The enemy on account of the narrowness of the defile, had not time to escape. Chan Jehan immediately marched towards Daood's camp, and on the 15th of Shawal 983, drew up his army in order of battle near to the enemy, who stood ready to receive him. Callapar, an Omrah famous in the army of Daood for personal strength and valor, made a resolute charge upon the left of the imperial line, and threw it into disorder; while Muziffer Chan, who commanded the right of Chan Jehan's army, had the same advantage over the enemy on the left; in this situation they fought in a circle, when Chan Jehan made a home charge upon the center of the enemy, which was sustained with great bravery. At length however the gale of victory blew on the imperial standards, and the enemy were dispersed like leaves before the autumnal wind. Daood being taken prisoner, was according to the barbarous custom of war when the king was not present, put to death by the conqueror in cold blood upon the field: his son Juneid, a youth of great bravery, died in a few days of his wounds. Chan Jehan took immedate possession of all Bengal, and sent all the elephants and other spoils to the king.

Muziffer Chan in the year 984, set out against Rhotas, and sent Mahummud Masoom to expel Hussein Chan, an Afghan, who was hovering about with a flying party in that quarter. Masoom Chan having engaged him, defeated him and took possession of his Pergunnahs; but Callapar in the mean time with eight thousand horse, surrounded him and thought to have obliged him to surrender. Masoom Chan breaking down the wall of the town in which he was shut up, rushed out unexpectedly upon the enemy. In the action which ensued Masoom Chan's horse was killed by a stroke of the trunk of the elephant. Callapar immediately rode up and he himself was in the most imminent danger of being crushed to death, had he not wounded the elephant with an arrow in the eye, which rendered the animal so unruly, that he would obey no command: he therefore rushed back through the Afgan troops, carrying off Callapar, which made his army believe that he fled, and they quickly followed him. Callapar was soon overtaken and slain.

Masoom after this victory returned and joined Muziffer Chan, who left Shabass Chan Cumbo to blockade the fort of Rhotas, and marched against Raja Chander Sein, from whom he took the fort of Savana. From thence he directed his march against Raja Gudgeputti, from whom he took the fort of Keregur, situated in the woods between Behar and Bengal.

The Afghans in the fort of Rhotas being destitute of provisions, were prevailed upon by promises and a favorable capitulation to give up the place: Shabass Chan left Rhotas under the command of his brother, and went himself to court.

The king this year made a progress towards Ajmere, and sent Shabass Chan against Comilmere, a strong fortress in the possession of the Rana; he took the place, and in the mean time the king made a tour towards the borders of the Decan: Murtaza Nizam Shaw prince of Ahmednagur, was at that time become melancholy mad and confined to his apartments: Akbar thought this a proper opportunity to seize upon that country; but he was diverted from his purpose by some domestic affairs which occurred at that time, and he returned towards Agra by the way of Ajmere, where he appointed Muziffer Chan to the high office of the Vizarit. From Ajmere the Sultan marched to Delhi, and from thence he took the rout of Cabul. When he was upon his way, a comet of an extraordinary magnitude appeared in the west. The king having reached Adjodin, visited the tomb of Sheck Ferid Shuckergunge, and quitting his resolution of going to Cabul, returned to Agra.

The great mosque at Fattepoor was finished in the year 986. The prince of Chandez in the same year imprisoned Muziffer Hussein Mirza by the king's commands, and sent him to Agra. In the course of the same year Chan Jehan died in Bengal. In 987 a great fire happened in Fattepoor in the wardrobe, which consumed effects to a prodigious amount. After the death of Chan Jehan, the Afghans began to recover in that quarter strength, and to raise disturbances. To suppress their insurrections the king sent Chan Azim Mirza Aziz Koka, with a considerable army to that kingdom.

Mirza Mahummud Hakim the king's brother, took the opportunity of these troubles to make an attempt upon Lahore. He sent Shadiman his foster-brother with a thousand horse, by way of advanced guard before him. This officer crossing the Nilab, was attacked by Shoor Man Singh an Omrah of Punjab, and routed. When Mirza Mahummud Hakim had reached Rhotas in Punjab, Man Singh retreated to Lahore, whither he was pursued by the prince. He arrived before that city upon the 11th of Mohirrim, in the year 989, and invested it.

The place was gallantly defended by Seid Chan, Baguandass, and Shoor Man Singh, till the king marched from Agra to their relief. Upon the approach of the royal standard, Mirza Mahummud Hakim retreated to Cabul: the king pursuing him to Sirhind. Intelligence was brought to him at that place, that Shaw Munsoor Shirazi one of his Omrahs had been carrying on a correspondence with the enemy, for which he ordered him to be impaled.

The king having crossed the Nilab, continued his march towards Cabul, and detached his son Murad in front with the vanguard: his son Selim he left at Jellalabad. When Murad had reached Shuttergurdan, within fifteen crores of Cabul, Feredoon Chan attacked Murad in that pass, and having repulsed the prince, seized upon all his baggage. Mirza Mahummud Hakim upon the 2d of Siffer 989, drew up his army before the king in order of battle.

The elephants which were with the prince Murad being ordered to advance, fired the small field pieces that were mounted upon them, and by mere accident three of the chiefs who stood by Mirza Mahummud Hakim were killed: that pusillanimous prince immediately left the field, and was pursued with great slaughter. The king without farther opposition entered Cabul upon the 7th of Siffer, and Mirza Mahummud Hakim fled to Ghorebund: he from thence sent an embassy to the king begging forgiveness, which was granted him.

The king having resigned his conquest of Cabul to Hakim on the 14th of Siffer, returned towards Agra. He on his way ordered a fort to be built upon the Nilab, which he called Attock, which means in the Indian language Forbidden; for by the superstition of the Hindoos, it was held unlawful to cross that river. The king having arrived at Lahore upon the 19th of Ramzan, gave the government of that province to Raja Baguandass, and in a few days set out for Agra.

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Section VI. The History of the Reign of AKBAR, from the Year 989, to the Rebellion in Cashmire, in the 1000th of the Higerah.

THE troubles in Bengal still continuing, the king sent Shabass Chan Cumbo, with a considerable force to reinforce his army in those parts. In the year 991 he made a progress to Priag, where he ordered the fort of Allahabad to be built at the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges.

Sultan Muziffer of Guzerat, who had been kept a prisoner at large since the reduction of his kingdom, began now to exhibit great loyalty and affection for the king. Akbar upon this account rewarded him with a large Jagier, and he became a great favourite at court.

But indulgences of this sort could not gratify the ambition of the conquered king: he made his escape to Guzerat, while Akbar was at Allahabad, and by the assistance of Shere Chan stirred up a rebellion in that kingdom. The king upon the first intelligence of this insurrection, sent Actemad Chan in quality of governor to Guzerat, and recalled Shab ul Dien, who was suspected of favouring Sultan Muziffer. After the arrival of the new governor, Shab ul Dien came out of Ahmed-abad, and halted some days at Pattan to prepare for his journey, during which time a great part of his army deserted to Sultan Muziffer. This enabled that prince to march towards Ahmed-abad.

Actemad Chan the governor left an officer and part of his troops to defend the city, and with the rest marched out to Pattan, where Shab ul Dien was encamped. Sultan Muziffer in the mean time, with very little opposition, possessed himself of Ahmed-abad. The new governor then prevailed upon Shab ul Dien to accompany him, and marched back to retake the place. Sultan Muziffer who came out to battle, defeated the two governors, and drove them back to Pattan. Actemad sent an express from Pattan, to acquaint the king of his misfortune.

Akbar being informed of the untoward situation of affairs in Guzerat, dispatched Abdul Rustum, commonly called Mirza Chan, the son of the great minister Byram Chan, together with the Omrahs of Ajmere, to restore the tranquility of that province; but before Mirza Chan had reached Guzerat, Sultan Muziffer had reduced the fort of Biruderra, which was defended by Cuttub ul Dien Mahummud, Jagierdar of Beroche, and had there taken fourteen lacks of rupees belonging to the king, and ten crores of rupees of the property of the governor, who lost his life on the occasion. This immense acquisition of treasure enabled him to recruit a great army at Ahmed-abad, whither Mirza Chan marched to attack him with eight thousand horse.

Mirza Chan having arrived at the village of Sirgunge, within three crores of the city, Sultan Muziffer on the 15th of Mohirrim 992, marched out to meet him with thirty thousand horse, and drew up in his presence. The Imperial general noways intimidated by his numbers, encouraged his men, charged the enemy vigorously sword in hand, defeated them with great slaughter, and pursued them quite through the city. Being soon after joined by the Omrahs of Malava with a considerable force, he marched after Sultan Muziffer towards Combait, and drove him among the mountains of Nadout. Muziffer faced about to oppose the Moguls in a narrow defile, but he was driven from his post by the artillery of Mirza Chan, and fled towards Jionagur, taking refuge with Jame, a Raja of these parts.

Mirza Chan thinking it unnecessary to pursue Muziffer further, returned to Ahmed-abad, and sent Callehi Chan to besiege the fort of Baroche, which he took from Nasire Chan, the brother-in-law of Sultan Muziffer. Nasire held out the place seven months, and at last made his escape to the Decan.

Sultan Muziffer soon after by the aid of Jame, and Ami Chan Suba of Jionagur, advanced to a place called Mabi within sixty crores of Ahmed-abad. Mirza Chan marching out to oppose him, he was struck with a sudden pannic, and made a precipitate retreat: but strengthened by new alliances, he made a third attempt to recover his dominions, and engaging the king's army at Siranti, he was defeated and obliged to take refuge with Rai Singh, Raja of Jallah.

Mirza Chan five months after this last victory over Muziffer, was recalled to court; but as the fugitive Sultan began to raise his head again in his absence, the king conferred the titles of of Chan Chanan upon him, and ordered him back to Guzerat. This year Burhan Nizam ul Muluck, the son of Hussein Nizam Shaw, fled from his brother Murtiza Nizam Shaw king of the Decan, and came to the court of Agra, where he was graciously received; and not long after Shaw Fatte Allah Shirazi, the most eminent man of that age for learning, came also from the Decan, and had an honorable office near the king's person conferred upon him.

In the ensuing year Seid Murtiza Subwari, and Choclawind Chan, Omrahs of the Decan, being defeated by Sullabit Chan took refuge at Agra; and as the king had a long time entertained thoughts of conquering the Decan, he sent them to Mirza Aziz Koka, who then possessed the government of Malava. He ordered that Omrah to raise all the forces of Malava, and of the adjacent territories, and carry war into that country: and having conferred the title of Azid ul Dowla upon Shaw Fatte Alla Shirazi, sent him to assist Chan Azim in that expedition, as he was thoroughly acquainted with the different interests and policy of that country.

Koka having according to orders recruited a great army, marched to the borders of his government, and found that Raja Alli Chan of Chandez was inclinable to join the king of the Decan. He immediately dispatched Shaw Fatte Alla to endeavor to bring him over to the Mogul interest; but that Omrah returned without accomplishing any thing. Mirza Mahummud Tucki Nizire and Bezad ul Muluck, in conjunction with the Raja of Chandez, by the orders of the king of the Decan marched against Koka, who was encamped in the province of Hindia. Koka however did not think it proper to engage them in that place, but giving them the slip, he entered the Decan by another rout, and advancing to Elichpoor, plundered that place for the space of three days. The generals of the Decan, and their ally the Raja of Chandez, in the mean time returned and threw themselves into the suburbs of Elichpoor, which obliged Koka, rather than risque a battle, to evacuate the Decan.

While these things were transacted in the Decan, orders were sent to Chan Chanan of Guzerat to come to court. He forthwith obeyed, and Sultan Muziffer taking advantage of his absence, advanced towards Darul Malleck, the deputy governor of the country, but he was again defeated.

Mirza Sharoch, prince of Buduchshan, being expelled from his dominions by Abdulla Chan, the Usbeck, came this year to court, and ranked himself among the king's Omrahs; at the marriage of the daughter of Raja Baguandass to Sultan Selim, in the year 994, the king kept a great festival on the Norose [The day upon which the sun enters Aries.], and a few months after Mirza Mahummud Hakim, the king's brother, who reigned in Cabul, died. Akbar having appointed Chan Chanan a second time governor of Guzerat, and Shaw Fatte Alla, Sidder or high-priest of that country, set out for Punjab. On his way he appointed Sadei Mahummud Chan to the government of Bicker, and Man Singh the son of Baguandass, was sent to Cabul. That Omrah brought the children of Mirza Mahummud Hakim, who were very young, to Lahore, and left his own son with Chaja Shumse ul Dein Chani, invested with the chief authority in Cabul.

The king having arrived at the fortress of Attock, he detached Mirza Sharoch, Chaja Baguandass, and Shaw Kulli Chan Myram, with five thousand horse to reduce the kingdom of Cashmire. He at the same time dispatched Zein Chan Koka, with another considerable detachment against the Afghans of Jawad and Bejere. A few days after he sent Man Singh with a detachment to rout out the Afghans of Roshnai, who were idolaters of the Zendeika sect, and followers of an Hindoo, who called himself Pier Roshnai. This impostor had converted to his system of religion great numbers of the inhabitants of those countries, who after his death adhered to his son, and taking up arms, raised great disturbances in Punjab and Moultan. The king being fully informed of the strength of the Afghans of Sawad and Bejoar, sent a reinforcement to Zein Chan. But that Omrah was notwithstanding defeated, and Chaja Arib Buchshi, Raja Berbul and Mulluh Seri, with many other persons of distinction, with eight thousand men, were killed in the action.

Man Singh, who was detached against the Roshnai-Afghans, met with better success; he defeated them at Kotil Cheiber with great slaughter. The king returning from Attock to Lahore, ordered Koor Man Singh to proceed to Cabul, and take upon him the government of that kingdom, and at the same time to chastize the Afghans. The daughter of Rai Singh was also married this year to Sultan Selim.

The army which had been detached to Cashmire, being reduced to great distress by the snow and rain, as also by a scarcity of provisions, were under the necessity of making a peace with the Cashmirians. The conditions were a tribute of saffron to Akbar, and the regulation of the mint, the coin being struck in his name: but the king dissatisfied with this peace, sent Mahummud Casim Chan, with another army to reduce that kingdom entirely to his obedience. This that General easily accomplished, on account of civil dissentions then raging among the chiefs of that country. Mirza Soliman, the grandfather of Mirzah Sharoch, came this year from Cabul, and had an interview with the king. The ambassador of the king of Turan, who came to court while Akbar was at Attock, was much about the same time dispatched with great presents to his master.

In the year 996, Jillal Afghan began to become formidable, having defeated and killed Seid Hamid Bochari, and driven Man Singh towards Bungish. The king therefore sent Abdul Muttalib Chan with an army against him, who gave him a signal defeat near Cheiber, and cut off great numbers of the rebels.

Sultan Chusero the son of Sultan Selim was born this year of the daughter of Raja Buguandass, and the king made a great festival upon the occasion. Mahummud Sadoc Chan, governor of Bicker, according to the orders he received from court, invested the fort of Sewan upon the Sind, and obliged Jan Beg prince of Tatta, to acknowledge the king's authority, and to send him great presents and letters of homage. Mahummud Sadoc Chan was soon after ordered back to Bicker.

In the month of Ribbi ul Sani, Zein Chan Koka was appointed to the government of Cabul, and Man Singh recalled to Lahore. At the same time Chan Chanan and Shaw Fatte Ulla, were ordered from Guzerat; as also Mahummud Sadoc Chan from Bicker, for it was a maxim with Akbar, to change the governors of the provinces every three years, to prevent their acquiring too much influence in the countries under their command, and to show the people that the royal authority prevailed through all departments of the empire. Singh was immediately appointed to the government of Behar, and the viceroyship of Cashmire was conferred upon Seid Eusuph Chan Mushiddi, Mahummud Casim Chan the former governor being called to court; Mahummud Sadoc was in the mean time sent against the Afghans of Sawad and Bajore, and Ismaiel Chan who was in that country, recalled and sent to Guzerat.

In the year 997, upon the 23d of Jimmad ul Sani, the king set out on a tour to Cashmire, being captivated with the praises which he had heard of the beauty of that country, from every person, who had seen it. When he reached Bimber, at the entrance of the mountains, he left his army and family behind, and with a small retinue, set out to Serinagur the capital of that kingdom. Shaw Fatte ulla Shirazi who accompanied him died there, and the king was greatly afflicted for his death, having a particular affection for that Omrah.

The king having gratified his fancy with a fight of all the beauty of Cashmire, resolved to proceed to Cabul. On the way Hakim Abul Fatte Gilani, a man famous for learning, and one of the king's companions died, and was buried at Hassen Abdal. Akbar having arrived at Attock, detached Shabas Chan to drive away the Afghans of Eusoph Zei, who infested the roads, and then proceeded, march by march, to Cabul. To that city Hakim Humam and Meer Sidder Jehan, who had been sent on an embassy to Abdulla Chan, king of Maver ul Nere, were just returned with an ambassador on the part of that monarch. The king having remained two months at Cabul viewing the gardens of pleasure, and distributing justice and charity among the inhabitants, conferred the government upon Mahummud Casim Chan, and on the 20th of Mohirrim 998, returned towards Lahore. At Lahore he conferred the government of Guzerat upon Chan Azim, and ordered him from Malava to proceed thither, while Shab ul Dien Ahmed Chan succeeded him in his presidency.

Chan Azim having arrived at Guzerat, led an army against Jâm, a Zemindar of great power in that province, who in alliance with Dowlat Chan, the son of Ami Chan prince of Jionagur in the Decan, came out to meet him with twenty thousand horse. A sharp engagement ensued: Mahummud Ruffi Buduchsi, Mahummud Hussein Shech, and Meer Sherrif ul Dien, Omrahs of distinction in the empire, were killed on the Mogul side, and a great number of men, while the enemy lost the eldest son of Jame, and that prince's Vizier, with four thousand Rajaputs on the field of battle. Victory declared for the Moguls, and many more Rajaputs fell in their flight.

Abdulla Chan the Usbeck, having about this time taken Buduchshan, and infested the borders of Cabul, Akbar resolved to take up his residence for some time in Lahore, fearing an irruption of Usbecks from the north. Mirza Jani governor of Sind, notwithstanding the king's vicinity, and his orders to him to repair to court, continued refractory, and prepared for war. Akbar dispatched Chan Chanan with many Omrahs of distinction, and a well appointed army against him.

In the year 999, Shab ul Dein Ahmed Chan died at Malava, and was succeeded by the king's appointment by the Shaw Zadda [The king's eldest son.] Murad Pari, under the tuition of Ishmaiel Kulli Chan. When the Shaw Zadda arrived upon the confines of Gualila, he heard that Mudkar, a Zemindar of power in those parts, disturbed the peace of the country. He immediately marched against him: the enemy opposed him with resolution, but at last he obtained the victory, and drove the rebel to the woods, where he died in a few days of his wounds. The Zemindar's son Ram Chund, submitted himself, and after paying a proper Peshcuish, was confirmed in his paternal territories. The prince marched from thence, and soon after arrived at Malava.

The king in the mean time sent four ambassadors to the four princes of the Decan. Shech Feizi, the brother of the learned Abul Fazil, to Asere and Burhanpoor; Chaja Amin ul Dein to Ahmednagur; Meer Mahummud Amin Mashadi to Bejapoor, and Mirza Musaood to Bagnagur; principally with a design to be informed of the state of those countries, upon which he had fixed an eye of conquest.

Chan Azim governor of Guzerat, who had orders to seize every opportunity of enlarging his province, hearing that Dowlat Chan prince of Jionagur was dead, marched his army to reduce that country, and after a siege of seven months, made himself master of the capital and all its dependencies.

In the course of the same year Chan Chanan laid siege to the fort of Suvan, on the banks of the Sind. Jani Beg with a numerous army, and a great train of artillery in boats, advanced against him, and having arrived within seven crores of the place, he sent a hundred boats full of armed men, and forty larger ones mounted with swivels, to annoy the besiegers from the river: but Chan Chanan having armed twenty-five boats, sent them against this fleet in the night, and having killed about two hundred of the enemy, put the rest to flight. Mirza Jani Beg after this defeat, with his whole fleet, advanced to the place, and in the month of Mohirrim in the year 1000, landed on a spot of ground, which was surrounded by a muddy channel, in which part of the river ran when high. Here he maintained his post against all the attempts of Chan Chanan, and keeping his communication open by water, was well supplied, while he took such methods to prevent provisions from coming to the Moguls, that a great dearth soon ensued in their camp.

Chan Chanan reduced to this perilous situation, found himself obliged to leave a part of his army before the place, and to march towards Tatta with the rest. Soon after his departure, Mirza Jani attacked the detachment which was lest to carry on the siege; but they defended themselves till Dowlat Chan Lodi joined them from the main army, which was by that time at the distance of eighty crores, with a considerable reinforcement. So expeditious was Lodi upon this occasion, that he marched the eighty crores in two days. Mirza Jani was then obliged to retreat to a strong post, and throw up lines for his further security. Chan Chanan in the mean time returned, and shut him up on one side, while Dowlat Chan Lodi in a manner blockaded him on the other. He was therefore reduced in turn to the extremity of eating his cavalry and beasts of burthen, for want of provisions. This distress obliged Mirza Jani to sue for peace, and having given his daughter in marriage to Mirza Erich, Chan Chanan's eldest son, he prepared to set out for court to make his submission to the king in person, as soon as the rains should be over.

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Section VII. The History of the Reign of AKBAR, from the Year 1000, to his Death.

SEID EUSOPH CHAN had about this time by the king's orders, left his brother Mirza Eadgar at Cashmire, and presented himself at court. Mirza Eadgar in the mean time married the daughter of one of the princes of Cashmire, and by the advice of the chiefs of that country, exalted the standard of rebellion, and read the Chutba in his own name. To support him in his usurpation, he raised a great army; and Casi Alli Meer the Dewan of the country, Hussein Beg and Shech Omri Buduchshi, who were collectors of the revenues on the part of the king, levied what troops they could upon this occasion, and gave the rebels battle: but Casi Alli was slain and the rest of the Mogul Omrahs driven out of Cashmire.

The king receiving advices of this rebellion, nominated Shech Ferid Buchshi to carry on the war in those parts. That General forthwith marched with a considerable army towards Cashmire. Mirza Eadgar as the Mogul advanced came out to meet him, but upon the night before the expected engagement, Mirza Eadgar was treacherously attacked by Sharoch Beg and Ibrahim Kakor, two of his own chiefs, and flying naked out of his tent was murdered, and his head sent to Shech Ferid. The rebel army was dispersed, and Cashmire reduced without further trouble.

The king soon after made a second tour to that delightful country, where he spent forty days in rural amusements. He conferred the government of Cashmire upon Seid Eusoph Chan, and turning towards Rhotas, he was met in that place in the year 1001, by Mirza Jani and Chan Chanan from Tatta. Chan Chanan was immediately ranked with the Sihazaris or Omrahs of three thousand, which was at that time a high dignity, and his government of Sind reduced to the form of a province of the empire.

Chan Azim was this year obliged to take the field against Kinkar, a powerful Zemindar of Guzerat, who gave protection to Sultan Muziffer. He obliged the Zemindar to deliver him up; and that unfortunate prince, wearied out with adversity, put an end to his own life with a razor, as they were carrying him prisoner to Ahmedabad.

Raja Man Singh led in the course of this year the troops in Bengal against Cullulu the Afghan, and defeating him, reduced all the province of Orissa, and sent one hundred and twenty elephants which he had taken to the king.

Chan Azim being called to court to give some account of his administration in Guzerat, did not chuse to risque the enquiry, but putting his family and wealth on board some ships, sailed for Mecca. The king having received advices of Azim's departure, ordered the prince Murad from Malava to that government, and appointed Sadoc Mahummud Chan, absolute manager of public affairs under him. Mirza Sharoch was in the mean time appointed to the government of Malava, in the Shawzadda's place, and he released Shabas Chan Cumbo, who had lain six years in prison, and appointed him his minister.

Sometime before this period, the sect of Roshnai-Afghans had again begun to raise disturbances about Cheiber, but they were defeated by Mirza Jaffer Kisvini, who had been lately honored with the title of Asaph Chan, and their chief Jellali, and his brothers, taken and sent prisoners to court.

The ambassadors which the king had dispatched to the Decan, having about this time returned, brought advices that their proposals were rejected with contempt by the princes of that country. The king therefore resolved to reduce them to obedience, and for that purpose ordered prince Danial, in the year 1002, with a great army towards the Decan: but before Danial had reached Sultanpoor, the king changed his mind and recalled him, giving the command of the same army to Chan Chanan, with orders to proceed.

Mirza Rustum prince of Candahar, being driven this year to difficulties by his own brothers and the Usbecks, came to court and presented the king with the fort of Candahar, for which he had the government of Moultan conferred upon him, and was ranked among the Omrahs of the empire.

Chan Chanan in the mean time having arrived at Mindu, Burhan Shaw sent Anact Chan with professions of entire submission, but falling sick at the same time, he died in the year 1003. His son Ibrahim succeeding him in the kingdom of Berar, was killed soon after in battle against Adil Shaw. Miah Munju Jan Beg his Vizier, set up Ahmed, a young child of the family of Nizam ul Muluck, upon the throne: but the Omrahs dissented from this measure, rebelled against him, and besieged Miah Munju in Ahmednagur. The vizier finding himself driven to distress, sent a person to Ahmedabad with an ambassy to the prince Murad, inviting him to come to his assistance, and he would put him in possession of the fort. Murad having at that time received orders from his father to march into the Decan, with the army from Guzerat, gladly embraced this proposal, and set out with great expedition. When Chan Chanan, who had been lying all this time idle at Mundu, heard of the prince's march, he began to bestir himself, and with his own army and those of Mirza Sharoch governor of Malava, Shabas Chan Cumbo, Raja Jaggernot, Raja Durga, Raja Ram Chund, and others, marched towards the Decan, and on his way induced Raja Alli Chan prince of Chandez, to join him with six thousand horse. He soon after joined his force with that of prince Murad at Callenach on the borders of the Decan, and this numerous army, march by march, continued its rout to Amednagur.

Miah Munju had by this time quelled the rebellion, and repented of his having called the prince: he therefore laid in a store of provisions in the place, and committed it to the government of Chand Bibi, the daughter of Hussein Nizam ul Muluck, with a strong garrison, and retreated himself with the remainder of his army and a large train of artillery, towards the borders of Adil Shaw's dominions. Prince Murad and Chan Chanan laid siege to Ahmednagur in the month of Ribbi ul Sani 1004: they employed themselves in carrying on approaches, raising mounts, erecting batteries, and sinking mines; while Chand Bibi defended the place with a manly resolution, and wrote to Adil Shaw for assistance. At the end of three months, the besieged had carried five mines under the wall and bastions: the besiegers destroyed two of the mines by counter-mines, and continued to search for the others.

The prince upon the first of Regib, having prepared for the assault, set fire to the trains, upon which the three charged mines taking effect, blew up fifty yards of the wall: but when the Moguls waited in expectation of blowing up two mines, the besieged recovered from their surprize, and defended the breach with great bravery. The valiant female leader appeared veil'd, at their head, and gave orders with such prudence and spirit, that the assailants were beat off in their repeated attempts: the heroine stood all night by the workmen, and the breach was filled up before day, with wood, stones, earth, and dead bodies.

In the mean time it was rumoured abroad, that Joheil Chan, the chief eunuch of Adil Shaw was upon his march in conjunction with the forces of Nizam ul Muluck, with an army of seventy thousand horse, to raise the siege: there being at the same time a scarcity of provisions in the Mogul camp, the prince and Chan Chanan thought it adviseable to enter into treaty with the besieged. It was stipulated by Chand Bibi, that the prince should keep possession of Berar, and that Ahmednagur and its dependencies, should remain with her in the name of Bahader, the grandson of Burhan Shaw.

These terms being ratified, the prince and Chan Chanan marched towards Berar, and repairing the town of Shapoor, near Battapoor, took up their cantonments in that place. The prince espoused here with great magnificence the daughter of Bahader, the son of Raja Alli Chan, and divided the province of Berar among his Omrahs. Shabas Chan Cumbo being about this time disgusted with some indignities offered him by the prince, left Murad with all his forces, and marched without leave to to Malava.

Chand Bibi having resigned her command of Ahmednagur to Bahader, the grandson of Burhan Shaw, Abeck Chan an Abyssinian, and other chiefs, took up the reins of government, which he was too weak to hold with steadiness, and contrary to the advice of Chand Bibi, marched with fifty thousand horse towards Berar, to expel the prince. Chan Chanan leaving the prince and Mahummud Jadoe Chan in Shapoor, marched with twenty thousand horse to oppose the enemy on the banks of a river in that country, called the Gang. Having stopt for some days to inform himself of the situation and strength of the enemy, he forded the river and drew up on the opposite bank, on the 17th of Jimmad ul Sani 1005. Joheil Chan who commanded the succours sent by Adil Shaw, taking the chief command, drew up before the Moguls, the troops of Nizam ul Muluck on the right, those of Cuttub ul Muluck on the left, and his own in the center. He then advanced, carrying in his face the insolence of his own prowess, mixed with a contempt for the enemy.

Chan Chanan posted himself in the center to receive him: Raja Alli Chan and Raja Ram Chund being at the head of a body of Herawils in his front, to begin the attack. The charge was made with such intrepidity on the side of the Moguls, that they broke through the Herawils of the enemy, and fell upon Joheil Chan. They were however repulsed by a heavy discharge of artillery, small arms and rockets, which did great execution particularly among the Rajaputs and the troops of Chandez, who advanced under Raja Alli Chan and Raja Ram Chund. Both those chiefs were killed, with above three thousand of their horse. The center being broke, the Usbecks and Moguls on the left wing gave way also, and Joheil Chan remained master of the field on that side: but Chan Chanan, who had shifted his post to the right during the action, had made an impression there, and was pursuing the enemy, without knowing what had happened on the left. Night in the mean time coming on, and Joheil Chan equally ignorant of what had happened on his left, thought he had gained a complete victory: he however contented himself, as it was now dark, with keeping possession of the field, and permitted his troops to plunder the baggage. To secure their plunder, half of his army deserted to lodge their spoils in places of security. Joheil Chan with the remainder sat in the dark, without knowing whither to proceed.

Chan Chanan in the mean time returning from the pursuit, fell in with Joheil Chan's artillery, within a small distance of that General, and thinking the enemy entirely routed, determined to remain there till morning with the few that continued with him, for by far the greater part of his army thinking themselves defeated, had fled full speed to Shapoor. While things were in this perplexing situation, Joheil Chan's troops began to light up fires and flambeaus where they stood, having heard that Chan Chanan was near. The Mogul General being informed also by his spies, that the enemy was in his neighbourhood, he ordered some pieces of artillery to be loaded and fired among them, which threw them into great confusion. Joheil Chan immediately ordered all the fires to be extinguished, and shifting his ground, sent scouts all round to collect such of his troops as were dispersed over the plain and in the adjacent villages.

In the mean time Chan Chanan blew his trumpets and beat to arms, according to his manner, which being heard by such of his troops as were dispersed over the field, they hastened towards him in small detachments. Several of the Moguls meeting with others of the enemy in the dark, they fought and formed such a scene of horror and confusion, as is not easy to be described; while Allah! Allah! resounded from all sides, and every eye was fixed upon the east in expectation of the dawn. When the day exalted his beams, Joheil Chan was seen marching towards the Moguls with twelve thousand horse. Though the army of Chan Chanan did not exceed four thousand, he determined once more to dispute the field, and formed his line to oppose the enemy. The battle now joined with redoubled fury on both sides, but Joheil Chan after exhibiting the most daring acts of valor, sunk at last under fatigue and wounds, and fell from his horse. A body of his dependants bore him instantly off: his army according to custom followed him, and left Chan Chanar master of a bloody field. Chan Chanan in no condition to pursue the run-a-ways, returned to Shapoor, to join the prince and the rest of his army.

Akbar having about this time received advice of the death of Abdulla Chan the Usbeck, who had long threatened an invasion from the north, returned in security from Lahore to Agra. Having in that city heard of Chan Chanan's victory, he sent him a chelat and a fine horse, as marks of his particular favor. As private animosities had long subsisted between the prince and Chan Chanan, which being much inflamed by the intrigues of Mahummud Chan, now rose to a dangerous height; the king therefore thought it imprudent to leave them longer together: he dispatched Shech Eusoph Chan Mushaddi and Shech Abul Fazil [The celebrated historian.] to the prince, and in the year 1006, recalled Chan Chanan to the presence. But though the whole misunderstanding had plainly sprung from the prince's froward and jealous dispoposition, the king's resentment fell upon that great man, and he remained a long time in disgrace.

Seid Eusoph Chan, and Seid Abul Fazil, in a short time reduced the forts of Narnalla, Kavile, Kerlah, and others, in the province of Berar; but the prince Murad falling sick, died in the month of Shawal 1007, and was first buried in Shapoor, but by the king's orders the body was afterwards removed to Agra, and laid by the side of his grandfather Humaioon. The king's grief for the death of his son, instead of extinguishing his desire of conquering the Decan, only enflamed it the more, to divert his mind from sorrow. In the mean time the Omrahs of Nizam ul Muluck having gained some slight advantages, defeated Shere Chaja one of the king's Omrahs, who possessed the country of Bere, and besieged him in his sort. Seid Eusoph Chan and Abul Fazil were so much inferior to the enemy in number, that they durst not venture upon an engagement.

The king alarmed at this disaster, restored Chan Chanan to favor, and required his daughter Jana Begum for his son Danial in marriage. He then dispatched him with that prince, and a well appointed army, to carry on the war in the Decan, and moved the Imperial standard that way in the 1008 of the Higera, leaving his dominions under the charge of the Shaw Zadda, Sultan Selim. In the mean time the prince Danial and Chan Chanan, entered the Decan, and as Bahader, the son of Raja Alli Chan, was not found like his father, firm to his allegiance, and had shut himself up in Asere, they halted upon the banks of the Gang, near Pattan, and endeavored to persuade him over to their interest. In the mean time the king had reached Mindu, and dispatched orders to them to proceed to Ahmednagur, and invest that fort: for that he himself would take up Asere in his way.

The prince and Chan Chanan accordingly marched with about thirty thousand horse towards Ahmednagur. Abhing Chan Buchsi and other Omrahs of the Decan, fled from that city, and left the Moguls to invest the place. The king first endeavored to bring over Bahader by fair means, but he would not listen to terms. Akbar therefore marched to Burhanpoor, and sent his Omrahs to besiege Asere, which lay only three crores from that place. After the siege had continued a considerable time, the air in the place on account of the number of troops which were cooped up in it, became very unhealthy. This occasioned a pestilence which sweeped the Hindoos off in great numbers. Bahader, though he had still troops sufficient for the defence of the place, as well as a large magazine of warlike stores, and provisions in abundance, permitted despair to stain the current of his mind.

The siege of Ahmednagur was in the mean time carried on with great vigor, by Chan Chanan and the prince. The city was at length carried by a stratagem, executed by Chaja Abul Hussein Turbutti. This we shall have occasion to relate minutely in the history of the Decan. Ahmednagur was taken in the beginning of the year 1009: the strong fortress of Asere, some months after, was surrendered to the king: an immense treasure which had been accumulating there, for many ages, fell into Akbar's hands, with all the wealth of Ahmednagur.

Ibrahim Adil Shaw king of Bijapoor, one of the four principalities of the Decan, having solicited peace and paid homage, reconciled the king, who demanded Adil's daughter in marriage for his son Danial. Jummal Hussein Anjou was accordingly dispatched to bring the bride and Peshcuish from Bijanagur. The king reduced Asere, Birhanpoor, Ahmednagur, and Berar, into the form of a province, and conferred the government upon Danial, under the tuition and direction of Chan Chanan. The king after these transactions returned in triumph to the city of Agra, and in the year 1011, annexed his acquisitions in the Decan, to his other royal titles in a proclamation.

Akbar having in the course of the year 1011, recalled Sheck Abul Fazil from the Decan, that great man was unfortunately attacked near Narwar, by a body of banditti of Orcha Rajaputs, who cut him off with a part of his retinue, merely to rob him of his wealth, and not at the instigation of prince Danial, as has been maliciously and falsely reported by some writers.

In the 1013 of the Higera, Jummal Hussein Anjou who had been dispatched to Bijapoor, returned with the royal bride, and the stipulated tribute. He delivered the young Sultana to Danial, upon the banks of the Gang near Pattan, where the nuptials were celebrated with great pomp and magnificence. Hussein Anjou the embassador, after the ceremony was over, proceeded to the king at Agra.

Upon the first of Zehidge of the year 1013, the prince Danial died of a debauch in the city of Burhanpoor. His death and the manner of it so much affected the king, who was in a declining state of health, that he every day became worse, till upon the 13th of Jemmad ul Sani in the year 1014, he left that world through which he moved with so much lustre, after having reigned fifty-one years, and some months.

Mahummud Akbar was a prince endued with many shining virtues. His generosity was great, and his clemency without bounds: this latter virtue he often carried beyond the bounds of prudence, and in many instances past the limits of that justice which he owed to the state; but his daring spirit made this noble error seem to proceed from a generous disposition, and not from an effeminate weakness of mind.

His character as a warrior was rather that of an intrepid partizan, than of a great general: he exposed his person with unpardonable rashness, and often attempted capital points without using that power which at the time he possessed.—But fortune and a daring soul supplied the place of conduct in Akbar: he brought about at once by desperate means, what calm caution would take much time to accomplish. This circumstance spread the terror of the name of this son of true glory so wide, that Hindostan, ever subject to the convulsions of rebellion, became settled and calm in his presence. He raised a wall of disciplined valor [Soldiers.] against the powers of the north, and by his own activity inspired his Omrahs with enterprize.

He loved glory to excess, and thirsted after a reputation for personal valor: he encouraged learning with the bounty of kings, and delighted in history, which is in truth the school of sovereigns. As his warm and active disposition prompted him to perform actions worthy of the divine pen of the poet, so he was particularly fond of heroic compositions in verse.—In short, the faults of Akbar were virtues carried to extremes; and if he sometimes did things beneath the dignity of a great king, he never did any thing unworthy of a good man.

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Appendix.

History of the Mogul Empire, From Its decline, in the Reign of Mahummud Shaw, to the Present Times.

Section I. General Observations.—The Succession, from AKBAR to MAHUMMUD SHAW. The growing Imbecillity of the Empire.—Governors of the Provinces assume Independence. Their Intrigues at the Court of Delhi.—The Invasion of NADIR SHAW.

MAHUMMUD CASIM FERISHTA, the author of the preceding history, finishes his account of the kings of Delhi with the death of Akbar. The translator is still in hopes of being able to procure original and authentic histories of the empire of Hindostan, from that period down to the present times. He, therefore, will not break in upon his design of giving, some time or other, to the public, a complete history of the reigns of the posterity of Timur in India, by retailing the very imperfect accounts already published in Europe.

But as, to translate from the Persian language is a task of labor and difficulty, his engaging further, in works of this kind, will depend entirely upon the reception the public shall give to his first attempt in that way. If he shall find that he is not capable to acquit himself, in some degree, to the satisfaction of the world, he will, in prudence, lay down his pen; and leave that field to men of greater abilities, who may hereafter turn their thoughts to the subject.

The transactions of the court of Delhi, since the invasion of Nadir Shaw, are very little known in the West. They have not, even in Asia, been hitherto committed to writing; and if the present confusions of the Mogul empire shall long continue, it is probable the memory of them will die with those who were principally concerned in them. This consideration has induced the translator of Ferishta's history, to throw together the most material events, which happened in the empire, since the memorable irruption of the Persians, in the year 1738. He derives his authority, for some of the facts, from a Persian manuscript, now in his hands, concerning six years of the reign of Mahummud Shaw; and as to the rest, he principally follows a short sketch of the affairs of the empire, given to him in writing, by his intimate friend the Rai Raiân, secretary of state to the present mogul.

To continue the line of connection, between the preceding history and the reign of Mahummud Shaw, who sat upon the throne of Delhi when the invasion of Nadir Shaw happened, it may not be improper, just to mention the succession of the kings, from Akbar to that period. It is necessary to observe, that, after consulting the most authentic Persian histories, the author of this account finds himself obliged to differ from all the European writers, who have treated on the subject, with regard to the duration of most of the reigns.

Upon the death of Akbar, his son Selim ascended the throne, in Agra, upon Thursday the 20th of Jemmad ul Sani, in the 1014 year of the Higera. He, upon his accession, assumed the title of JEHANGIRE, and reigned twenty-two years, nine months, and twenty days, with much more reputation and success than could have been expected of so weak a prince. His death happened upon Sunday the 28th of Siffer, in the 1037 year of the Higera.

SULTAN KURRUM, the third son of Jehangire, mounted the throne at Agra, upon the 8th of Jemmad ul Sani, in the year 1037, and, under the title of SHAW JEHAN, reigned thirty-two years, three months, and twenty days. He was deposed by his third son, the famous Aurungzebe, who dated the commencement of his reign, from the first of Ramzan, in the 1069 of the Higera. Aurungzebe, upon his accession, took the name of Allumgire [Though Shaw Jehan was confined during the time his four rebellious sons, Dara Shekoh, Sultan Suja, Aurungzebe, and Morad Buksh, contended for the crown, yet as Aurungzebe prevailed over his brothers, and dated his reign from the year 1069, we have included the time of the civil wars in the reign of his father.].

ALLUMGIRE, having reigned fifty years, two months, and twenty-eight days, died, in a very advanced age, at Ahmednagur, in the Decan, upon Friday the 28th of Zicada, in the 1119 of the Higera.

Mahummud Mauzim, Aurungzebe's second son, succeeded his father in the throne, under the title of BAHADAR SHAW. He died, after a short reign of four years and eleven months, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Moaz ul Dien.

Moaz ul Dien, under the title of JEHANDAR SHAW, reigned eighteen months. Some writers do not include him in the succession of kings, as the succeeding emperor, the son of Azim ul Shaw, the second son of Bahadar Shaw, under the name of Firrochsere, dated his reign from the death of his grandfather.

FIRROCHSERE, according to his own computation, reigned six years. He was blinded, and afterwards put to death, by the two SEIDS, upon the 12th of Jammad ul Sani, in the 1130 of the Higera.

RAFFEIH UL DIRJAT, the son of Raffeih ul Shaw, the third son of Bahadar Shaw, was raised to the throne, by the ambitious Seids; and after a nominal reign of three months, was put to death by the same faction, by whose interest he had obtained the crown.—His brother RAFFEIH UL DOWLAT succeeded him; but he died in a few days.

MAHUMMUD SHAW, the son of Jehan Shaw, and grandson of Bahadar Shaw, acceded to the throne of Delhi, in the month of Shawal of the year 1130 of the Higera.—Mahummud Shaw, having rid himself of the two Seids, Abdalla Chan, and Hassen Chan, who had so long tyrannized in the empire, raising and deposing kings at pleasure, gave himself wholly up to indolence, and the enervating pleasures of the Haram. The distractions, before Mahummud's accession, occasioned principally by the ambition of the Seids, gave the first mortal wound to the Mogul empire, under which it has ever since languished. Most of the Omrahs, either envying or dreading the power of the Seids, formed ambitious schemes of independence in their respective provinces, which the aparent debility of the regal authority very much favored.

Cuttulich Chan, who, as Nizam ul muluck, commanded all the provinces of the Decan, being sensible of the weakness of Mahummud, maintained a great standing army, under a pretence of keeping the unsubdued Hindoo Rajas and Mahrattor [These are they, who are known in Europe, under the disfigured name of Marattoes.] chiefs in awe. But the real design of this force was to found an independent kingdom for the Nizam in the Decan, as Hassen Caco Bemeni had done in the reign of Tuglick Shaw [This Hassen Caco mounted the throne at Kilbirga in the Deccan, which city he called from himself, Hassen-abad, upon the 24th of Ribbi ul Achir, in the 748 of the Higera. He assumed the title of sultan Alla ul Dien.].

To facilitate his ambitious views, the Nizam ul muluck began to extend his power in the Decan, by the reduction of the neighbouring Rajas. Though the revenues of his government must have been very considerably increased by these conquests, he remitted none to the Delhi; and, at the same time, to weaken the empire, he encouraged, or at least, permitted the Mahrattors to make hostile incursions into the interior provinces. These irregular marauders ravaged the kingdoms of Malava, Narvar, Biana and Ajmere, in such a manner, that no revenues could be paid by the unfortunate inhabitants.

The weak Mahummud, instead of checking this insolence by the sword, disgraced the dignity of the house of Timur, by submitting to become, in a manner, tributary to these despicable banditti. He agreed to pay them the Chout, or fourth part of the revenues of those provinces, which had been subject to their depredations. From this pusillanimous conduct of Mahummud, we may date the irretrievable decline of the Mogul empire. That opinion, which supports government in every country, was now destroyed in India; and each petty chieftain began to start into a prince, as he had nothing to fear from a government which had betrayed such evident symptoms of timidity.

Chan Dowran Sumsam ul Dowla was, at this time, Amir ul Omrah, or captain-general of the empire. As the offices of paymaster-general and commander in chief of the troops are injudiciously joined in one person, in Hindostan, Chan Dowran had such an influence in the state, that he engrossed to himself all the ministerial power. He left, in short, nothing but their names in the government to the king and his vizier, Kimmir ul Dien Chan.

Chan Dowran was sly, artful, insinuating; of an active and intriguing disposition; in appearance assuming no authority, when, at the same time, he directed every thing. He executed, in public, as by the king's orders, whatever he himself had resolved upon in private. As the indolent Mahummud was even averse to the trouble of thinking, the suggestions of this artful Omrah, who was full of plausibility, and prompt to execute whatever he advised, were always grateful to the royal ear. The captain-general, though personally brave, permitted his master's authority to be daily insulted by despicable enemies. He foresaw that to take the field, without the king, would probably put an end to his influence over him; for he knew that the disposition of Mahummud was sickle and inconstant; and apt to be swayed to any thing, by every artful person near him.

Dowran made many unsuccessful attempts to persuade Mahummud to accompany him to the field. The dissolute monarch was not to be removed from the luxurious indolence of the palace. The Mahrattors, in the mean time, continued their inroads. They ravaged the province of Guzerat, and raised the Chout as far as the Indus. They returned back from that river, by the way of Ajmere and Biana, and spread their devastations to the very gates of Agra.

The captain-general, though much against his inclination, found himself obliged to march against these plunderers. But, instead of chastising them, he ingloriously promised to pay them the Chout, upon condition they should immediately evacuate the provinces.

The barbarians, gaining courage by this submission, and trusting very little to promises extorted by fear, from Dowran, crossed the Jumna, near Calpee, with a design to plunder the province of Oud. Sadit Chan, who then possessed that subaship, opposed them, between the rivers in the district of Korah, and gave them a total defeat. They fled to Feridabad near Delhi, whither they were closely pursued by Sadit, who had, on his way, joined the imperial army under Dowran.

Before the united armies under Dowran and Sadit came up, the Mahrattors made an attempt to plunder Delhi. They were opposed, without the walls, by two imperial Omrahs, Hassen Chan and Amir Chan, the former of whom was killed in the action. The Mahrattors had now possessed themselves of the suburbs, when Kimmir the vizier, coming up with an army, put them to flight. But notwithstanding these repeated defeats, the Mahrattors found means to retreat, with a great booty to the Decan.

The king and his ministers, finding that the Nizam of the Decan favored the incursions of the Mahrattors, devised many schemes to inveigle him to court, that they might deprive him either of his life or government. The crafty Nizam, penetrating into their designs, conceived an implacable resentment against Chan Dowran, who, he knew, was at the bottom of the whole affair. But as the empire, notwithstanding its growing imbecillity, was still sufficiently strong to reduce the Nizam, had he broke forth in open rebellion, he thought it most prudent to obey the royal command. He, however, previously, strengthened his interest at court, by a coalition with many great Omrahs, who were disgusted with the insolence of Dowran.

Cuttulich Chan, having taken a step so necessary for his own safety, set out for court, leaving his son Ghazi ul Dien in the government of the Decan. He arrived at Agra, with a retinue, or rather an army of 20000 men; and, as he held the office of Vakeel Muttuluch [For the nature of this office see the preface.], he expected to command Chan Dowran, and to draw all the reins of government into his own hands.

Sadit Chan, Suba of Oud, pluming himself upon his success against the Mahrattors, aspired to the ministerial power. The king continued to favor Dowran, and to support him against the Nizam; for, however weak Mahummud was, he could not but see through that ambitious governor's designs, by his behavior for some years back. But, as the Nizam had, upon the spot, a force to protect his person, and a strong party at court; and as his son, a man of great parts, commanded all the provinces of the Decan, the king was assured, that to deprive Cuttulich Chan of his government, would occasion a revolt, which, in its consequences, might prove fatal to the royal house of Timur.

In the mean time, Sadit Chan, finding that he could not effect any thing against the united interests of the Nizam and vizier, who had joined factions, was easily brought over to their party. The terms of this coalition were, that when the Nizam and Vizier should force themselves into the management of the affairs of government, Sadit Chan should be appointed buckshi [Paymaster-general of the forces.], with the title of Amir ul omrah, which Dowran at that time possessed.

The accession of Sadit and his party did not render the faction of the Nizam and Vizier sufficiently strong to turn Dowran from his high employ. He had absolute possession of the royal ear, and the army, who depended upon him for their pay, remained firm to his interest. The faction of the malcontents was reduced to despair; and Nizam ul muluck, to gratify his resentment against Dowran, concerted, with Sadit, a plan, which gave the last stroke to the tottering authority of the crown.

The famous Nadir Shaw, king of Persia, was, at this juncture, in the province of Candahar. The disaffected Omrahs resolved to invite him to Hindostan. They foresaw that a Persian invasion would occasion confusions and distractions in the empire, which must facilitate their own schemes of independence in their respective governments; it must, at any rate, ruin Chan Dowran, which was a very capital object to men possessed of such inveterate animosities against that minister.

Whether the Nizam did not even extend his views to the empire itself, admits of some doubt. Many sensible men in India think that he did; and affirm, that his opinion was, that Nadir Shaw would depose Mahummud; and, to secure his conquest, extirpate the family of Timur: he argued with himself, that as it was not probable that the Persian would fix his residence in Hindostan, he hoped, for his services, to secure to himself the viceroyship of that empire; and that afterwards time and circumstances would point out the line of his future proceedings.

Full of these ambitious projects, and at the same time to avenge himself of his political enemy, the Nizam, in conjunction with Sadit, wrote to Nadir Shaw. That monarch received their letters at Candahar, and, in an answer to them, pointed out many difficulties which he had to surmount in the proposed invasion. He represented to them, that it would be extremely difficult to penetrate even into Cabul and Peshawir, which provinces Nasir Chan had governed for twenty years, with great reputation, and kept in pay a formidable army of Moguls and Afgans: that should he even force his way through the government of Nasir, there were five great rivers to cross in Punjâb, where Zekirriah Chan, subadâr of Lahore, would certainly oppose him; and that even should he get over those obstacles, the imperial army still remained to be defeated.

Nizam ul muluck, and his colleague in treason, endeavoured to remove the king's objections, by assuring him, that they would bring over the governors of the frontier provinces to their faction; and that, as they themselves commanded one half of the imperial army, little danger was to be dreaded from the other. Nadir Shaw began his march from Candahar, with a great army, about the vernal equinox of the 1149 of the Higera. He took the rout of Ghizni, and the governor of that city came out with presents, and submitted himself and the province to the king, agreeing to pay the usual revenues to Persia. Nadir Shaw continued his march from Ghizni to Cabul, which city he immediately invested. Shirza Chan, an omra of seventy years of age, was, at this time, governor of Cabul. Being summoned, he refused to surrender, and made the proper dispositions for an obstinate defence.

The king of Persia finding that neither fair promises nor threats could induce Shirza to open the gates of Cabul, assaulted the place for six days together. In this desperate manner, many of the bravest soldiers, who suffer most upon these occasions, fell; without making any impression on the besieged: upon the seventh day, Nadir Shaw found means to bring over to his party Nasir Chan, governor of the province of Cabul, the son of that Nasir, who was, for twenty years, subadâr of Peshawir. That traitor, with the provincial army, presented himself at that gate of the city which was opposite to the side of the attack, and sent a letter to the gallant Shirza. He requested immediate admittance to the place, to prevent his being cut off by the enemy; insinuating, that his forces, when joined with the garrison, would be a match for the Persians in the field.

The unfortunate Shirza, not suspecting the treachery of the young Omrah, consented to receive within the walls the women and baggage of the provincial army; but insisted that the troops should encamp before the gate, till they should consult together what was best to be done upon this urgent occasion.

The women and baggage were accordingly admitted, with a proper guard, and Shirza, with a few attendants, went out to have an interview with Nasir. No sooner was Shirza out of the city, than the king of Persia began a general assault; while one Abdul Rahim, an officer of the traitor Nasir, seized upon Shirza, and confined him.

The two sons of Shirza, ignorant of their father's fate, in the mean time defended the gates with great firmness and resolution; till one of them was killed by that part of Nasir's army that had been admitted into the city. The remaining brother, in this desperate situation, knew not which enemy he ought to oppose, while the garrison, struck with terror and confusion, deserted their posts upon the wall. Nadir Shaw took advantage of this panick, forced open the gates, took the place, massacred many of the inhabitants, and inhumanly put to death the gallant Shirza Chan and his son.

The king of Persia found in the treasury of Cabul two crores of roupees, and effects to the value of two crores more: in these were included four thousand complete suits of armour, inlaid with gold; four thousand of polished steel, four thousand mails for horses, and a great quantity of fine tissues and dresses, deposited in Cabul by Shaw Jehan. Nadir Shaw remained at Cabul seven months, before he would attempt to cross the Indus. He, in the mean time, kept up a correspondence with the conspirators in Delhi, and maturely settled his plan of operations. He, at length, put his army in motion, and directed his march to Pishawir.

Nasir Chan, subadar of Pishawir, had wrote, repeatedly, to the court of Delhi, for succours; but Chan Dowran, in his answers, affected to despise the king of Persia; and insinuated, that it was impossible he could meditate the conquest of Hindostan. He, however, promised, from time to time, that he himself would march with the imperial army, and drive the invader back to Persia. The disaffected Omrahs wrote, at the same time, to Nasir, to make the best terms he could with Nadir Shaw; for that there was little hopes of his being reinforced with any part of the royal army.

Nasir Chan, finding himself neglected by the court, after a faint resistance, surrendered himself prisoner to the king of Persia, upon the 20th of Shabân. He was soon after taken into favor by that monarch, and appointed one of his viziers. Nadir Shaw had, by this time, crossed the Attock or the Nilâb, one of the most considerable of the five branches of the Indus. He issued out an order to ravage the country, to spread the terror of his arms far and wide.

Daily advices of the approach of the Persians came to Delhi. A general consternation among the people, and a distraction in the councils of the government ensued. The king and his minister, Dowran, were so weak, that either they did not suspect the treachery of the disaffected Omrahs, or took no measures to prevent their designs. New obstacles were daily thrown in the way of the military preparations of Dowran, till the Nizam and his colleagues thought, that the procrastination which they had occasioned, had sufficiently weakened the imperial cause.

Upon the first of Ramzan, the Vizier, the Nizam ul muluck, and Dowran, incamped without the city, with a great train of artillery, and began to levy forces. Nadir Shaw, during these transactions, crossed the Bea, and on the first of Shawal appeared before Lahore. Zekeriah Chan, governor of the city and province, who was incamped with 5000 horse before the walls, retreated into the city. He, the next day, marched out and attacked the Persians. A general rout of his army was the consequence, and the conquerors were so close to the heels of the run-aways, that they possessed themselves of the gates.—Zekeriah waited immediately upon Nadir Shaw, with a nazir of half a lack of roupees, was politely received by that monarch, and Lahore was preserved from being plundered.

The king of Persia continued his march towards Delhi, and, upon the 14th of Zicada, appeared in sight of the imperial army. Mahummud Shaw was incamped upon the plains of Karnal; so that only the canal, which supplied Delhi with water, divided the armies. The Moguls had only possessed themselves of that ground about two days before the arrival of Nadir Shaw, and had thrown up entrenchments and redoubts before them, mounted with five hundred pieces of artillery. The army, which the king now commanded in person, consisted of 150,000 horse, exclusive of irregular infantry. This unweildy body of militia was composed of all sorts of people, collected indiscriminately in the provinces, by the Omrahs, who thought that a sufficient number of men and horses was all that was necessary to form a good army. Subordination was a thing unknown in the Mogul camp: the private soldier, as well as the Omrah, acted only by the impulse of his own mind.

The Persians, though not so numerous as the Moguls, were under some degree of regulation. The rank of Nadir Shaw's officers was determined; and his own commands were instantly and implicitly obeyed. Severe to excess, he pardoned no neglect or disobedience in his Omrahs. He has even been known to send an essawil [A mace-bearer.] to a general, at the head of 5000 horse; with orders to make him halt and receive corporal punishment, for a misdemeanor, in the front of his own men. Though this rigor may be thought in Europe too tyrannical and repugnant to a military spirit; yet, in a country where the principles of honor are little known, fear is the strongest motive to a strict performance of duty.

Sadit Chan, upon the 14th of Zicada, having out-marched his baggage, joined the imperial army. Just as he was receiving an honorary dress from Mahummud Shaw, advice came that the Herawils of Nadir Shaw had attacked his baggage. Sadit Chan requested of the king to be permitted to march out against the Herawils. The whole of this attack was a plan concerted between Nadir Shaw and the traitor, in order to draw the Moguls from their entrenchments. The king, however, laid his commands upon Sadit to wait until the next morning, when, "by the favor of God," he intended to march out, with his whole army, to give the Persians battle.

But so little did Sadit regard Mahummud's orders, that, as soon as he had quitted the presence, he issued out with 10000 horse, which he had brought from his government, and attacked the enemy. A mock engagement now commenced, between Sadit and a part of the Persian army; who were ordered to retreat before him. He sent repeated messages, from the field to the king, requesting more troops, and that he would drive the enemy back to Persia.

Mahummud, justly incensed at the disobedience of Sadit, would not, for some time, permit any succours to be sent to him. Chan Dowran, at length, prevailed with the king to permit him, with 15000 men, to support Sadit. When Chan Dowran came up to the field, Sadit, in a feigned attack, joined the Persians, and permitted himself to be taken prisoner. His design was to get the start of his partner in treason, Nizam ul muluck, in engaging the Persian monarch in his interest.

In the mean time, the troops of Sadit being strangers to the treachery of their commander, joined Chan Dowran, and continued the engagement. Chan Dowran was immediately attacked on all sides, by the bulk of the Persian army. He, however, for some time, maintained his ground with great firmness and resolution; and was at length unwillingly drawn from the field, though he had received a wound which soon after proved mortal, by three repeated messages from the king, commanding his immediate attendance.

Mahummud Shaw was, with good reason, apprehensive that Nizam ul muluck, who was then in the camp, was preparing to seize him, which made him so anxious for the presence of Dowran. When the wounded general appeared before the king, he told him the situation of affairs, and earnestly intreated him to permit him to return to the field, with the troops which were under his immediate command, as captain-general, consisting of 36000 men, together with two hundred pieces of cannon. "Grant my request," said he, "and you shall never see me return but in triumph."

The king was now perplexed beyond measure. He dreaded the designs of the Nizam, should Dowran be absent, and, at the same time, he durst not permit the traitor to march out of the lines, for fear he should join the Persians. He, therefore, fell into the common error of weak minds, and hesitated, in hopes that delay would give birth to a more favorable concurrence of events.—He was deceived: the happy moment, for the preservation of himself and the empire, was now upon the wing. His troops maintained still their ground, under Muzziffer, the gallant brother of Dowran; and a reinforcement would turn the scale of victory in their favor.

When Chan Dowran quitted the field, the command of those Moguls, who were engaged, devolved upon his brother Muzziffer. That brave Omrah made a violent charge upon the Persian army, and penetrated to the very door of Nadir Shaw's tent. There, for want of being supported from the camp, Muzziffer, Assil Ali Chan, Dowran's son, Raja Gugermull, Meer Mullu, Eadgar Chan, and twenty-seven officers of distinction, covered one small spot of ground with their bodies. Ten thousand common Mogul soldiers were slain in this desperate action; which had almost proved fatal to Nadir Shaw, for his whole army were upon the point of giving way; several great detachments having fled back forty miles from the field of battle. After the engagement, the few that remained of the Moguls, retired within the entrenchments [Fraser says, that only 4000 Persians were engaged; but we have reason to doubt his authority, as we derive our account from several persons, who were present in the action.].

Chan Dowran, though wounded, had that night an interview with the Nizam ul muluck. It was agreed, that the whole army should next morning march out of the lines, and attack the Persians in their camp. But when the morning came, Chan Dowran's wound, which he had received in the arm, was so much inflamed, that he could not act, and, therefore, the meditated attack was delayed. In the evening of the 18th, a mortification ensued, which was then attributed to something applied to the wound by a surgeon bribed by the Nizam; and many in India still continue in the same belief. *Be that as it will, Chan Dowran expired that night, amidst the tears of his sovereign, who had a great friendship for him.

When this brave Omrah, on whom alone the hopes of Mahummud Shaw rested, was dead, Nizam ul muluck stood unrivalled in the management of affairs. The whole authority devolved upon him, and the king became a cypher in the midst of his own camp. The traitor finding now the power of the empire in his hands, under a certainty of being able to dispose of the king at any time, according to his own pleasure, set a treaty on foot with Nadir Shaw, for the immediate return of that monarch into Persia. So little hopes had the Persian, at this time, of conquering the Mogul empire, that he actually agreed for the pitiful sum of fifty lacks of roupees to evacuate Hindostan.

Sadit Chan, who, we have already observed, was in the Persian camp, hearing of these transactions, used all possible means to break off the treaty. The regard of Nadir Shaw to his plighted faith, was not proof against the lucrative offers of Sadit. That Omrah promised to pay to the Persian two crores of roupees out of his own private fortune, upon condition he should reduce the Nizam, and place himself at the head of the administration.—In the mean time, the Nizam, who was now appointed Amir ul omrah, by Mahummud, finding that Nadir Shaw broke the treaty, began to talk in a high strain, and to make preparations for coming to action with the Persians, to which the king strenuously urged him. But the active spirit of Nadir Shaw was not idle during these transactions. He possessed himself of several strong posts, round the Indian camp, and totally cut off their supplies of provisions. The Nizam perceiving that he must act with great disadvantage, if he should march out of his lines and attack the Persians, began to renew the treaty, and offered more than Sadit had done to Nadir Shaw.

Mahummud, being informed that these two villains, without his communication, were making separate bargains, about himself and his empire, and that he even had not the shadow of authority in his own camp, took a sudden resolution to throw himself upon the clemency of Nadir Shaw. "A declared enemy," said he to the few friends who still adhered to him, "is by no means to be dreaded so much as secret foes, under the specious character of friends." Having, therefore, previously acquainted the Persian of his intentions, he set out in the morning of the 20th, in his travelling throne, with a small retinue, for Nadir Shaw's camp.

The king of Persia, upon the Mogul's approach, sent his son, Nisir Alla Mirza, to conduct him to the royal tent. Nadir Shaw advanced a few steps from his Musnid, and embraced Mahummud, and, sitting down, placed him upon his left hand. The substance of their conversation has been already given to the public by Fraser: and, therefore, we shall only observe here, that Nadir Shaw severely reprimanded Mahummud, for his pusillanimous behaviour, in paying the Chout to the Mahrattors, and for suffering himself to be invested in his camp, in the very center of his dominions, without making one single effort to repel the invasion.

Nadir Shaw, after this conversation, retired to another tent, called to him his vizier, and consulted with him what was best to be done with Mahummud, in this critical situation. The vizier told him, that, should he confine the king, the Nizam, who commanded the army, would immediately act for himself; and, as he was an able officer, they might meet with great difficulty in reducing him. But that, should the king be permitted to return to the camp with assurances of friendship and protection, a party would join Mahummud, that would, at least, be a ballance against the influence of the Nizam.

Nadir Shaw saw the propriety of what his vizier advised. He immediately returned to the royal tent, and told Mahummud, that, as hitherto the imperial house of Timur had not injured the Persians, it was far from his intentions to deprive Mahummud Shaw of his kingdom. "But," said he, with a determined look, "the expence of this expedition must be paid, and, during the time of collecting the money, my fatigued army must refresh themselves in Delhi."

The emperor made little reply to Nadir Shaw's discourse. He was, however, permitted to return to his camp, and the Persian began to lay schemes to seize the Nizam. One Casim Beg was employed in this affair. He, in Nadir Shaw's name, made the Nizam many protestations of friendship, and obtained a promise, that he would visit that monarch in his camp. He accordingly, upon the 24th, set out, and was, immediately upon his arrival in the Persian lines, seized, and, together with some great Omrahs who attended him, confined.

Mahummud Shaw, looking upon the Nizam's confinement as a plan laid by the traitor himself, in order that he might negotiate matters with the Persian with more security, determined to pay a second visit to Nadir Shaw.—That monarch had, by this time, secured most of the Mogul omrahs, one after another, and when Mahummud, upon the 26th, arrived in the camp, a tent was pitched for him near the royal pavilion. The unfortunate Mahummud was carried into his tent, and left for some time alone. A collation was brought him, and he ate very heartily; without betraying any symptoms of being affected with his unhappy situation. Nadir Shaw was greatly astonished when he heard of Mahummud's behavior, and exclaimed: "What kind of man must this be, who can, with so much indifference, give his freedom and empire to the wind? But we are told, by the wise, that greatness of mind consists in two extremes: to suffer patiently, or to act boldly; to despise the world, or to exert all the powers of the mind to command it. This man has chosen the former: but the latter was the choice of Nadir Shaw."

Though Mahummud was hindered from returning to his own camp, he was permitted to have all his domestics about him, who amounted to three thousand. A thousand Kisselbash horse mounted guard upon him: but this pretended honor, which was conferred upon him, was a certain badge of his forlorn condition. In the mean time, Kummir ul dien, the vizier, Surbullind Chan, Nizam ul muluck, and all the principal Mogul omrahs, were kept in the same kind of honorable confinement. The Persian had now nothing to fear from an army without officers. He entered the camp, seized upon the ordnance, the military chest, the jewel-office, the wardrobe and armory.—He ordered three months pay to be immediately advanced to his troops, and the best of the artillery he sent off to Cabul.

Upon the 2d of Zehidge, Nadir Shaw moved from Karnâl towards Delhi. The emperor, guarded by ten thousand men, marched a few miles in his rear. The Mogul army were, at the same time, ordered to march in two irregular columns, one on each side of the Persians, the front of whose column was advanced two miles beyond the other two. By continued marches, Nadir Shaw arrived upon the 8th in the suburbs of the city. He himself, at the head of 12000 horse, entered the city next day.

The king of Persia, finding himself in possession of Delhi, called Nizam ul muluck and Sadit Chan into his presence, and addressed them in the following extraordinary manner; "Are not you both most ungrateful villains to your king and country; who, after possessing such wealth and dignities, called me, from my own dominions, to ruin them and yourselves? But I will scourge you all with my wrath, which is the instrument of the vengeance of God." Having spoke these words, he spit upon their beards, and turned them, with every mark of indignity, from his presence.

After the traitors were thrust out into the court of the palace, the Nizam addressed himself to Sadit Chan, and swore, by the holy prophet, that he would not survive this indignity. Sadit Chan applauded his resolution, and swore he would swallow poison upon his return home; the Nizam did the same; and both determined in appearance upon death, retired to their respective houses.

Sadit Chan, in the mean time, sent a trusty spy to bring him intelligence when the Nizam should take his draught. The Nizam, being come home, appeared in the deepest affliction: but having privately intimated his plot to a servant, he ordered him to bring him the poison. The servant acted his part well. He brought him an innocent draught, with great reluctance. The Nizam, after some hesitation, and having formally said his prayers, drank it off in the presence of Sadit's spy, and soon after pretended to fall down dead.

The spy hastened back to his master, and told him that the Nizam had just expired. Sadit, ashamed of being outdone in a point of honor by his fellow in iniquity, swallowed a draught of real poison, and became the just instrument of punishment to his own villainy. The Nizam was not ashamed to live, though none had greater reason. He even prided in that wicked trick, by which he had rid himself of his rival, and afterwards actually enjoyed the intended fruits of all his villainies.

The Persian, in the mean time, placed guards upon the gates of Delhi, with orders to permit no person whatever to pass in or out without his special licence. These strict injunctions were given to prevent the inhabitants from evacuating the place, and from carrying away their wealth. He, at the same time, issued his commands, that no person whatsoever should be molested; but he demanded twenty-five crores, as a contribution for sparing the city.

Whilst the magistrates were contriving ways and means to raise this enormous sum, by laying a tax in proportion to their wealth on individuals, famine began to rage in the city, as all communication with the country was cut off. Upon the 10th Nadir Shaw ordered the granaries to be opened, and sold rice at a certain price. This occasioned a prodigious mob in all the public Bazars, particularly in the Shawgunge, or royal market. A Persian kisselbash in this market, seeing a man selling pigeons, seized by force upon his basket. The fellow, to whom the pigeons belonged, made a hideous outcry, and proclaimed aloud, That Nadir Shaw had ordered a general pillage.

The mob immediately fell upon the Kisselbash, who was protected by some of his own countrymen. A great tumult arose, and some persons, bent upon more mischief, cried aloud, That Nadir Shaw was dead; and that now was the time to drive the Persians out of the city. The citizens, who in general carried arms, drew their swords, and began to cut to pieces the Persians, wherever they could be found. The report of the death of Nadir Shaw flew, like lightning, through every street in Delhi; and all places were filled with tumult, confusion, and death. It was now dark, and the Persians, who had been straggling through the city, returned to the citadel, except two thousand who were killed by the mob.

About twelve o'clock at night, the king of Persia was informed of these transactions. He immediately ordered what men he had with him under arms, and, putting himself at their head, marched out as far as the Musgid of Roshin ul Dowlat. He thought it prudent to halt there till day-light should appear. He, in the mean time, sent for the Nizam, Sirbillind Chan, and Kimmir ul dien, and threatened to put them to instant death, charging them with fomenting these tumults. They swore upon the Coran, that they were innocent, and he pardoned them.

When day began to appear, a person from a neighbouring terrace sired upon Nadir Shaw, and killed an officer by his side. The king was so enraged, that, though the tumult had, by this time, totally subsided, he ordered the officers of the cavalry to lead their squadrons through the streets, and some musqueteers to scour the terraces, and to commence a general massacre among the unfortunate inhabitants. This order was executed with so much rigor, that, before two o'clock in the afternoon, above 100,000, without distinction of age, sex, or condition, lay dead in their blood, though not above one third part of the city was visited by the sword. Such was the panic, terror and confusion of these poor wretches, that instead of bravely opposing death, the men threw down their arms, and, with their wives and children, submitted themselves like sheep to the slaughter. One Persian soldier often butchered a whole family, without meetings with any resistance. The Hindoos, according to their barbarous custom, shut up their wives and daughters, and set fire to their apartments, and then threw themselves into the flames. Thousands plunged headlong into wells and were drowned; death was seen in every horrid shape; and, at last, seemed rather to be sought after than avoided.

The king of Persia sat, during this dreadful scene, in the Musgid of Roshin ul Dowlat. None but his slaves durst come near him, for his countenance was dark and terrible. At length, the unfortunate emperor, attended by a number of his chief Omrahs, ventured to approach him with downcast eyes. The Omrahs, who preceded Mahummud Shaw, bowed down their foreheads to the ground. Nadir Shaw sternly asked them what they wanted? They cried out, with one voice, "Spare the city." Mahummud said not a word, but the tears flowed fast from his eyes. The tyrant sheathed his sword, and said, "For the sake of Mirza Mahummud, I forgive."

No sooner had he pronounced these words than, according to our author, the massacre was stopt; and so instantaneous was the effect of his orders, that in a few minutes every thing was calm in the city. He then retired into the citadel, and inquired into the original cause of the tumult. Seid Neaz Chan, the superintendant of the royal market, for having been active in this affair, was put to death. Kisrah Chan, a brave Omrah, for having defended his house against the Persians who came to massacre his family, but who had not been concerned in the tumult, was beheaded.

The tyrant's thirst for blood was not yet satisfied. He sent detachments daily to plunder the villages near Delhi, and to put all the inhabitants to the sword. Six thousand of the inhabitants of Mogulpurra were cut off for a very trivial offence. He sent a party into the royal market, where the tumult first arose, and ordered seven hundred persons to be seized indiscriminately, and to cut off their noses and ears.

When now all disturbances were quelled by the blood of the unfortunate Delhians, the king of Persia had leisure to pillage the city at pleasure. He seized upon the public treasure and the regalia of Mahummud Shaw. In the treasury several vaults were discovered, in which much wealth lay concealed, as well as many valuable effects. In the public treasury was found in specie, three crores of roupees: in the private vaults near two crores more. The Jewaer Channa [The jewel-office.] was estimated at twenty-five crores, including the Tucht Taoos, which alone cost ten. The royal wardrobe and armory were valued at five crores. Six crores were raised in specie, by way of contribution, upon the city, and about eight crores in jewels; all which, together with horses, camels and elephants, amount to about fifty crores, or sixty-two millions five hundred thousand pounds of our money.

Great cruelties were exercised in levying the contributions upon the city. Under an arbitrary government, like that of India, individuals find it necessary to conceal their wealth. Some Omrahs, therefore, who had very little were taxed very high, whilst others who were rich came off with a moderate sum. Many of the former, under the supposition, that they actually possessed more wealth, were, after they had given all they were worth in the world, tortured to death; whilst others, to avoid pain, shame and poverty, put, with their own hands, an end to their miserable existence.

Upon the 21st of Mohirrim, the king of Persia celebrated the nuptials of his son, Mirza Nasir Alli, with the daughter of Ezidan Buksh, the son of Kaam Buksh, and grandson of the famous Aurungzebe. The Shaw himself discovered a violent desire to espouse the beautiful daughter of Muzisser Chan [The brother of Chan Dowran. He was slain in the battle at Karnal.]; but he was prevented by one of his wives, who had the art to command the furious spirit of Nadir Shaw, which the rest of the world could not controul.

During all these transactions the gates of the city were kept shut. Famine began to rage every day more and more; but the Shaw was deaf to the miseries of mankind. The public spirit of Tucki, a famous actor, deserves to be recorded upon this occasion. He exhibited a play before Nadir Shaw, with which that monarch was so well pleased, that he commanded Tucki to ask what he wished should be done for him. Tucki fell upon his face, and said, "O king, command the gates to be opened, that the poor may not perish." His request was granted, and half the city poured out into the country; and the place was supplied in a few days with plenty of provisions.

The king of Persia, having now raised all the money he could in Delhi, reinstated Mahummud Shaw in the empire, upon the third of Siffer, with great solemnity and pomp. He placed the crown upon his head with his own hand, and presented him with a rich chelat; distributing, at the same time, forty more among the Mogul omrahs. He then gave to the emperor some instructions concerning the regulation of his army; to which he added some general maxims of government. He put him upon his guard against the Nizam, who, he plainly perceived, aspired above the rank of a subject. "Had not I," said the king of Persia, "foolishly passed my word for his safety, the old [The Nizam was near ninety years of age.] traitor should not now live to disturb Mahummud."

Every thing being ready upon the 7th, for Nadir Shaw's return to Persia, strict orders were issued to his army to carry no slaves away, nor any Indian women, contrary to their inclinations, upon pain of immediate death. Before his departure, he obliged Mahummud formally to cede to the crown of Persia, the provinces of Cabul, Peshawir, Kandahâr, Ghizni, Moultan and Sind, or, in general, all those countries which lie to the north-west of the Indus and Attoc. The whole of the treasure which Nadir Shaw carried from Hindostan, amounted, by the best computation, to eighty millions of our money.

When this destructive comet, to use the expression of our Indian author, rolled back from the meridian of Delhi, he burnt all the towns and villages in his way to Lahore, and marked his rout with devastation and death. "But before he disappears behind the mountains of Persia," says our author, continuing the metaphor of the comet, "it may not be improper to throw some light on the character of this scourge of Hindostan." Nadir Shaw, together with great strength of body, was endued with uncommon force of mind. Innured to fatigue from his youth, struggling with dangers and difficulties, he acquired vigor from opposition, and a fortitude of soul, unknown in a life of ease. His ambition was unbounded and undisguised: he never fawned for power, but demanded it as the property of his superior parts. Had he been born to a throne, he deserved it; had he continued a subject, his glories would have been less dazzling, but more permanent and pure.

In a country where patriotism and honor are principles little known, fear is the only means to inforce obedience. This rendered Nadir Shaw so cruel and inexorable, that often, in his rage and the hurry of action, he inflicted general punishments for the crimes of a few. Courage, which he possessed in common with the lion, was his only virtue; and he owed his greatness to the great defects of his mind. Had his eye melted at human miseries, had his soul shuddered at murder, had his breast glowed once with benevolence, or, had his heart revolted at any injustice, he might have lived to an old age, but he would have died without the name of Nadir [Wonderful.].