STEPS TO AN ECOLOGY OF MIND: COLLECTED ESSAYS IN ANTHROPOLOG

That's French for "the ancient system," as in the ancient system of feudal privileges and the exercise of autocratic power over the peasants. The ancien regime never goes away, like vampires and dinosaur bones they are always hidden in the earth, exercising a mysterious influence. It is not paranoia to believe that the elites scheme against the common man. Inform yourself about their schemes here.

Re: STEPS TO AN ECOLOGY OF MIND: COLLECTED ESSAYS IN ANTHROP

Postby admin » Fri Dec 11, 2015 5:45 am

Part 1 of 3

Part IV: Biology and Evolution

On Empty-Headedness Among Biologists and State Boards of Education [1]


My father, the geneticist William Bateson, used to read us passages of the Bible at breakfast—lest we grow up to be empty-headed atheists; and so I find it natural to wonder what broadening of the mind may come from the strange anti-evolutionary ruling of the State Board of Education in California. [2]

Evolution has long been badly taught. In particular, students—and even professional biologists—acquire theories of evolution without any deep understanding of what problem these theories attempt to solve. They learn but little of the evolution of evolutionary theory.

The extraordinary achievement of the writers of the first chapter of Genesis was their perception of the problem: Where does order come from? They observed that the land and the water were, in fact, separate and that species were separate; they saw that such separation and sorting in the universe presented a fundamental problem. In modern terms, we may say that this is the problem implicit in the Second Law of Thermodynamics: If random events lead to things getting mixed up, by what nonrandom events did things come to be sorted? And what is a “random” event?

This problem has been central to biology and to many other sciences for the last 5000 years, and the problem is not trivial.

With what Word should we designate the principle of order which seems to be immanent in the universe?

The California ruling suggests that students be told of other attempts to solve this ancient problem. I myself collected one of these among the Stone Age headhunters of the Iatmul tribe in New Guinea. They, too, note that the land and the water are separate even in their swampy region. They say that in the beginning there was a vast crocodile, Kavwokmali, who paddled with his front legs and paddled with his back legs, and thereby kept the mud in suspension. The culture hero, Kevembuangga, speared the crocodile, who then ceased to paddle, causing the mud and the water to separate. The result was dry land upon which Kevembuangga stamped his foot in triumph. We might say he verified that “it was good.”

Our students might have their minds broadened somewhat if they would look at other theories of evolution and consider how a man’s spirit must take a different shape if he believes that all sorting in the universe is due to an external agent, or if, like the Iatmul and modern scientists, he sees that the potentiality for order and pattern is immanent throughout this world.

And then the student may be forced by the new system to look at the “Great Chain of Being,” with Supreme Mind at the top and the protozoa at the bottom. He will see how Mind was invoked as an explanatory principle all through the Middle Ages and how Mind later became the problem. Mind became that which needed explanation when Lamarck showed that the Great Chain of Being should be inverted to give an evolutionary sequence from the protozoa upward. The problem then was to explain Mind in terms of what could be known of this sequence.

And when the student reaches the mid-nineteenth century, he might be given as a textbook Philip Henry Gosse’s Creation (Omphalos): An Attempt to Untie the Geological Knot. He will learn from this extraordinary book things about the structure of animals and plants which are today scarcely mentioned in many courses of biology; notably, that all animals and plants show a time structure, of which the rings of growth in trees are an elementary example and the cycles of life history, a more complex one. Every plant and animal is constructed upon the premise of its cyclic nature.

After all, there can be no harm in Gosse, who was a devout fundamentalist—a Plymouth Brother—as well as a distinguished marine biologist. His book was published in 1857, two years before the Origin a f Species. He wrote it to show that the facts of the fossil record as well as those of biological homology could be made to fit with the principles of fundamentalism. It was to him inconceivable that God could have created a world in which Adam had no navel; the trees in the Garden of Eden, no rings of growth; and the rocks, no strata. Therefore, God must have created the world as though it had a past.

It will do the student no harm to wrestle with the paradoxes of Gosse’s “Law of Prochronism”; if he listens carefully to Gosse’s groping generalizations about the biological world, he will hear an early version of the “steady state” hypothesis.

Of course, everybody knows that biological phenomena are cyclic-from egg, to hen, to egg, to hen, etc. But not all biologists have examined the implications of this cyclic characteristic for evolutionary and ecological theory. Gosse’s view of the biological world might broaden their minds.

It is silly and vulgar to approach the rich spectrum of evolutionary thought with questions only about who was right and who was wrong. We might as well assert that the amphibia and reptiles were “wrong” and the mammals and birds “right” in their solutions to the problems of how to live.

By fighting the fundamentalists, we are led into an empty-headedness analogous to theirs. The truth of the matter is that “Other men have laboured and ye are entered into their labours” (John 1:38), and this text is not only a reminder of the need for humility, it is also an epitome of the vast evolutionary process into which we organisms are willy-nilly entered.

The Role of Somatic Change in Evolution [3]

All theories of biological evolution depend upon at least three sorts of change: (a) change of genotype, either by mutation or by redistribution of genes; (b) somatic change under pressure of environment; and (c) changes in environmental conditions. The problem for the evolutionist is to build a theory combining these types of change into an ongoing process which, under natural selection, will account for the phenomena of adaptation and phylogeny.

Certain conventional premises may be selected to govern such theory building: (a) The theory shall not depend upon Lamarckian inheritance. August Weismann’s argument for this premise still stands. There is no reason to believe that either somatic change or changes in environment can, in principle, call (by physiological communication) for appropriate genotypic change. Indeed, the little that we know about communication within the multicellular [4] individual indicates that such communication from soma to gene script is likely to be rare and unlikely to be adaptive in effect. However, it is appropriate to attempt to spell out in this essay what this premise implies:

Whenever some characteristic of an organism is modifiable under measurable environmental impact or under measurable impact of internal physiology, it is possible to write an equation in which the value of the characteristic in question is expressed as some function of the value of the impacting circumstance. “Human skin color is some function of exposure to sunlight,” “respiration rate is some function of atmospheric pressure,” etc. Such equations are constructed to be true for a variety of particular observations, and necessarily contain subsidiary propositions which are stable (i.e., continue to be true) over a wide range of values of impacting circumstance and somatic characteristic. These subsidiary propositions are of different logical type from the original observations in the laboratory and are, in fact, descriptive not of the data but of our equations. They are statements about the form of the particular equation and about the values of the parameters mentioned within it.

It would be simple, at this point, to draw the line between genotype and phenotype by saying that the forms and parameters of such equations are provided by genes, while the impacts of environment, etc. determine the actual event within this frame. This would amount to saying, e.g., that the ability to tan is genotypically determined, while the amount of tanning in a particular case depends upon exposure to sun-light.

In terms of this oversimplified approach to the overlapping roles of genotype and environment, the proposition excluding Lamarckian inheritance would read somewhat as follows: In the attempt to explain evolutionary process, there shall be no assumption that the achievement of a particular value of some variable under particular circumstances will affect, in the gametes produced by that individual, the form or parameters of the functional equation governing the relationship between that variable and its environmental circumstances.

Such a view is oversimplified, and parentheses must be added to deal with more complex and extreme cases. First, it is important to recognize that the organism, considered as a communicational system, may itself operate at multiple levels of logical typing; i.e., that there will be instances in which what were above called “parameters” are subject to change. The individual organism might as a result of “training” change its ability to develop a tan under sunlight. And this type of change is certainly of very great importance in the field of animal behavior, where “learning to learn” can never be ignored.

Second, the oversimplified view must be elaborated to cover negative effects. An environmental circumstance may have such impact upon an organism unable to adapt to it, that the individual in question will in fact produce no gametes.

Third, it is expectable that some of the parameters in one equation may be subject to change under impact from some environmental or physiologic circumstance other than the circumstance mentioned in that equation.

Be all that as it may, both Weismann’s objection to Lamarckian theory and my own attempt to spell the matter out share a certain parsimony: an assumption that the principles which order phenomena shall not themselves be supposed changed by those phenomena which they order. William of Occam’s razor might be reformulated: in any explanation, logical types shall not be multiplied beyond necessity.

(b) Somatic change is absolutely necessary for survival. Any change of environment which requires adaptive change in the species will be lethal unless, by somatic change, the organisms (or some of them) are able to weather out a period of unpredictable duration, until either appropriate genotypic change occurs (whether by mutation or by redistribution of genes already available in the population), or because the environment returns to the previous normal. The premise is truistical, regardless of the magnitude of the time span involved.

(c) Somatic change is also necessary to cope with any changes of genotype which might aid the organism in its external struggle with the environment. The individual organism is a complex organization of interdependent parts. A mutational or other genotypic change in any one of these (however externally valuable in terms of survival) is certain to require change in many others—which changes will probably not be specified or implicit in the single mutational change of the genes. A hypothetical pregiraffe, which had the luck to carry a mutant gene “long neck,” would have to adjust to this change by complex modifications of the heart and circulatory system. These collateral adjustments would have to be achieved at the somatic level. Only those pregiraffes which are (genotypically) capable of these somatic modifications would survive.

(d) In this essay, it is assumed that the corpus of genotypic messages is preponderantly digital in nature. In contrast, the soma is seen as a working system in which the genotypic recipes are tried out. Should it transpire that the genotypic corpus is also in some degree analogic—a working model of the soma—premise c (above) would be negated to that degree. It would then be conceivable.that the mutant gene “long neck” might modify the message of those genes which affect the development of the heart. It is, of course, known that genes may have pleiotropic effect, but these phenomena are relevant in the present connection only if it can be shown, e.g., that the effect of gene A upon the phenotype and its effect upon the phenotypic expression of gene B are mutually appropriate in the overall integration and adaptation of the organism.

These considerations lead to a classifying of both genotypic and environmental changes in terms of the price which they exact of the flexibility of the somatic system. A lethal change in either environment or genotype is simply one which demands somatic modifications which the organism cannot achieve.

But the somatic price of a given change must depend, not absolutely upon the change in question, but upon the range of somatic flexibility available to the organism at the given time. This range, in turn, will depend upon how much of the organism’s somatic flexibility is already being used up in adjusting to other mutations or environmental changes. We face an economics of flexibility which, like any other economics, will become determinative for the course of evolution if and only if the organism is operating close to the limits set by this economics.

However, this economics of somatic flexibility will differ in one important respect from the more familiar economics of money or available energy. In these latter, each new expenditure can simply be added to the preceding expenditures and the economics becomes coercive when the additive total approaches the limit of the budget. In contrast, the combined effect of multiple changes, each of which exacts a price in the soma, will be multiplicative. This point may be stated as follows: Let S be the finite set of all possible living states of the organism. Within S, let s1 be the smaller set of all states compatible with a given mutation (ml), and let s2 be the set of states compatible with a second mutation (m2). It follows that the two mutations in combination will limit the organism to the logical product of s1 and s2, i.e., to that usually smaller subset of states which is composed only of members common to both s1 and s2. In this way each successive mutation (or other genotypic change) will fractionate the possibilities for the somatic adjustment of the organism. And, should the one mutation require some somatic change, the exact opposite of a change required by the other, the possibilities for somatic adjustment may immediately be reduced to zero.

The same argument must surely apply to multiple environmental changes which demand somatic adjustments; and this will be true even of those changes in environment which might seem to benefit the organism. An improvement in diet, for example, will exclude from the organism’s range of somatic adjustments those patterns of growth which we would call “stunted” and which might be required to meet some other exigency of the environment.

From these considerations it follows that if evolution proceeded in accordance with conventional theory, its process would be blocked. The finite nature of somatic change indicates that no ongoing process of evolution can result only from successive externally adaptive genotypic changes since these must, in combination, become lethal, demanding combinations of internal somatic adjustments of which the soma is incapable.

We turn therefore to a consideration of other classes of genotypic change. What is required to give a balanced “theory of evolution is the occurrence of genotypic changes which shall increase the available range of somatic flexibility. When the internal organization of the organisms of a species has been limited by environmental or mutational pressure to some narrow subset of the total range of living states, further evolutionary progress will require some sort of genotypic change which will compensate for this limitation.

We note first that while the results of genotypic change are irreversible within the life of the individual organism, the opposite is usually true of changes which are achieved at the somatic level. When the latter are produced in response to special environmental conditions, a return of the environment to the previous norm is usually followed by a diminution or loss of the characteristic. (We may reasonably expect that the same would be true of those somatic adjustments which must accompany an externally adaptive mutation but, of course, it is impossible in this case to remove from the individual the impact of the mutational change.)

A further point regarding these reversible somatic changes is of special interest. Among higher organisms it is not unusual to find that there is what we may call a “defense in depth” against environmental demands. If a man is moved from sea level to 10,000 feet, he may begin to pant and his heart may race. But these first changes are swiftly reversible: if he descends the same day, they will disappear immediately. If, however, he remains at the high altitude, a second line of defense appears. He will become slowly acclimated as a result of complex physiological changes. His heart will cease to race, and he will no longer pant unless he undertakes some special exertion. If now he returns to sea level, the characteristics of the second line of defense will disappear rather slowly and he may even experience some discomfort.

From the point of view of an economics of somatic flexibility, the first effect of high altitude is to reduce the organism to a limited set of states (si) characterized by the racing of the heart and the panting. The man can still survive, but only as a comparatively inflexible creature. The later acclimation has precisely this value: it corrects for the loss of flexibility. After the man is acclimated he can use his panting mechanisms to adjust to other emergencies which might otherwise be lethal.

A similar “defense in depth” is clearly recognizable in the field of behavior. When we encounter a new problem for the first time, we deal with it either by trial and error or possibly by insight. Later, and more or less gradually, we form the “habit” of acting in the way which earlier experience rewarded. To continue to use insight or trial and error upon this class of problem would be wasteful. These mechanisms can now be saved for other problems. [5]

Both in acclimation and in habit formation the economy of flexibility is achieved by substituting a deeper and more enduring change for a more superficial and more reversible one. In the terms used above in discussing the anti-Lamarckian premise, a change has occurred in the parameters of the functional equation linking rate of respiration to external atmospheric pressure. Here it seems that the organism is behaving as we may expect any ultrastable system to behave. Ashby [6] has shown that it is a general formal characteristic of such systems that those circuits controlling the more rapidly fluctuating variables act as balancing mechanisms to protect the ongoing constancy of those variables in which change is normally slow and of small amplitude; and that any interference which fixes the values of the changeful variables must have a disturbing effect upon the constancy of the normally steady components of the system. For the man who must constantly pant at high altitudes, the respiration rate can no longer be used as a changeable quantity in the maintaining of physiological balance. Conversely, if the respiration rate is to become available again as a rapidly fluctuating variable, some change must occur among the more stable components of the system. Such a change will, in the nature of the case, be achieved comparatively slowly and be comparatively irreversible.

Even acclimation and habit formation are, however, still reversible within the life of the individual, and this very reversibility indicates a lack of communicational economy in these adaptive mechanisms. Reversibility implies that the changed value of some variable is achieved by means of homeostatic, error-activated circuits. There must be a means of detecting an undesirable or threatening change in some variable, and there must be a train of cause and effect whereby corrective action is initiated. Moreover, this entire circuit must, in some degree, be available for this purpose for the entire time during which the reversible change is maintained—a considerable using up of available message pathways.

The matter of communicational economics becomes still more serious when we note that the homeostatic circuits of an organism are not separate but complexly interlocked, e.g., hormonal messengers which play a part in the homeostatic control of organ A will also affect the states of organs B, C, and D. Any special ongoing loading of the circuit controlling A will therefore diminish the organism’s freedom to control B, C, and D.

In contrast, the changes brought about by mutation or other genotypic change are presumably of a totally different nature. Every cell contains a copy of the new genotypic corpus and therefore will (when appropriate) behave in the changed manner, without any change in the messages which it receives from surrounding tissues or organs. If the hypothetical pregiraffes carrying the mutant gene “long neck” could also get the gene “big heart,” their hearts would be enlarged without the necessity of using the homeostatic pathways of the body to achieve and maintain this enlargement. Such a mutation will have survival value not because it enables the pregiraffe to supply its elevated head with sufficient blood, since this was already achieved by somatic change but because it increases the overall flexibility of the organism, enabling it to survive other demands which may be placed upon it either by environmental or, genotypic change.

It appears, then, that the process of biological evolution could be continuous if there were a class of mutations or other genotypic changes which would simulate Lamarckian inheritance. The function of these changes would be to achieve by genotypic flat those characteristics which the organism at the given time is already achieving by the uneconomical method of somatic change. Such a hypothesis, I believe, conflicts in no way with conventional theories of genetics and natural selection. It does, however, somewhat alter the current conventional picture of evolution as a whole, though related ideas were put forward over sixty years ago. Baldwin [7] suggested that we consider not only the operation of the external environment in natural selection but also what he called “organic selection” in which the fate of a given variation would depend upon its physiologic viability. In the same article, Baldwin attributes to Lloyd Morgan the suggestion that there might exist “coincident variations” which would simulate Lamarckian inheritance (the so-called “Baldwin effect”).

According to such a hypothesis, genotypic change in an organism becomes comparable to legislative change in a society. The wise legislator will only rarely initiate a new rule of behavior; more usually he will confine himself to affirming in law that which has already become the custom of the people. An innovative rule can be introduced only at the price of activating and perhaps overloading a large number of homeostatic circuits in the society.

It is interesting to ask how a hypothetical process of evolution would work if Lamarckian inheritance were the rule, i.e., if characteristics achieved by somatic homeostasis were inherited. The answer is simple: it would not work, for the following reasons:

(1) The question turns upon the concept of economy in the use of homeostatic circuits, and it would be the reverse of economical to fix by genotypic change all the variables which accompany a given desirable and homeostatically achieved characteristic. Every such characteristic is achieved by ancillary homeostatic changes all around the circuits, and it is most undesirable that these ancillary changes should be fixed by inheritance, as would logically happen according to any theory involving an indiscriminate Lamarckian inheritance. Those who would defend a Lamarckian theory must be prepared to suggest how in the genotype an appropriate selection can be achieved. Without such a selection, the inheritance of acquired characteristics would merely increase the proportion of nonviable genotypic changes.

(2) Lamarckian inheritance would disturb the relative timing of the processes upon which evolution must—according to the present hypothesis—depend. It is essential that there be a time lag between the uneconomical but reversible somatic achievement of a given characteristic and the economical but more enduring alterations of the genotype. If we look upon every soma as a working model which can be modified in various ways in the workshop, it is clear that sufficient but not infinite time must be given for these workshop trials before the results of these trials are incorporated into the final blueprint for mass production. This delay is provided by the indirection of stochastic process. It would be unduly shortened by Lamarckian inheritance.


The principle involved here is general and by no means trivial. It obtains in all homeostatic systems in which a given effect can be brought about by means of a homeostatic circuit, which circuit can, in turn, be modified in its characteristics by some-higher system of control. In all such systems (ranging from the house thermostat to systems of government and administration) it is important that the higher system of control lag behind the event sequences in the peripheral homeostatic circuit.

In evolution two control systems are present: the homeostases of the body which deal with tolerable internal stress, and the action of natural selection upon the (genetically) nonviable members of the population. From an engineering point of view, the problem is to limit communication from the lower, reversible somatic system to the higher irreversible genotypic system.

Another aspect of the proposed hypothesis about which we can only speculate is the probable relative frequency of the two classes of genotypic change: those which initiate something new and those which affirm some homeostatically achieved characteristic. In the Metazoa and multicellular plants, we face complex networks of multiple interlocking homeostatic circuits, and any given mutation or gene recombination which initiates change will probably require very various and multiple somatic characteristics to be achieved by homeostasis. The hypothetical pregiraffe with the mutant gene “long neck” will need to modify not only its heart and circulatory system but also perhaps its semicircular canals, its intervertebral discs, its postural reflexes, the ratio of length and thickness of many muscles, its evasive tactics vis-a-vis predators, etc. This suggests that in such complex organisms, the merely affirmative genotypic changes must far outnumber those which initiate change, if the species is to avoid that cul-de-sac in which the flexibility of the soma approaches zero.

Conversely, this picture suggests that most organisms, at any given time, are probably in such a state that there are multiple possibilities for affirmative genotypic change. If, as seems probable, both mutation and gene redistribution are in some sense random phenomena, at least the chances are considerable that one or other of these multiple possibilities will be met.

Finally, it is appropriate to discuss what evidence is available or might be sought to support or disprove such a hypothesis. It is clear at the outset that such a testing will be difficult. The affirmative mutations upon which the hypothesis depends will usually be invisible. From among the many members of a population which are achieving a given adjustment to environmental circumstances by somatic change, it will not be possible immediately to pick out those few in which the same adjustment is provided by the genotypic method. In such a case, the genotypically changed individuals will have to be identified by breeding and raising the offspring under more normal conditions.

A still greater difficulty arises in cases where we would investigate those homeostatically acquired characteristics which are achieved in response to some innovative genotypic change. It will often be impossible, by mere inspection of the organism, to tell which of its characteristics are the primary results of genotypic change and which are secondary somatic adjustments to these. In the imaginary case of the pregiraffe with a somewhat elongated neck and an enlarged heart, it may be easy to guess that the modification of the neck is genotypic while that of the heart is somatic. But all such guesses will depend upon the very imperfect present knowledge of what an organism can achieve in way of somatic adjustment.

It is a major tragedy that the Lamarckian controversy has deflected the attention of geneticists away from the phenomenon of somatic adaptability. After all, the mechanisms, thresholds, and maxima of individual phenotypic change under stress must surely be genotypically determined.

Another difficulty, of rather similar nature, arises at the population level, where we encounter another “economics” of potential change, theoretically distinguishable from that which operates within the individual. The population of a wild species is today conventionally regarded as genotypically heterogeneous in spite of the high degree of superficial resemblance between the individual phenotypes. Such a population expectably functions as a storehouse of genotypic possibilities. The economic aspect of this storehouse of possibilities has, for example, been stressed by Simmonds. [8] He points out that farmers and breeders who demand 100 per cent phenotypic uniformity in a highly select crop are in fact throwing away most of the multiple genetic possibilities accumulated through hundreds of generations in the wild population. From this Simmonds argues that there is urgent need for institutions which shall “conserve” this storehouse of variability by maintaining unselected populations.

Lerner [9] has argued that self-corrective or buffering mechanisms operate to hold constant the composition of these mixtures of wild genotypes and to resist the effects of artificial selection. There is therefore at least a presumption that this economics of variability within the population will turn out to be of the multiplicative kind.

Now, the difficulty of discriminating between a characteristic achieved by somatic homeostasis and the same characteristic achieved (more economically) by a genotypic short cut is clearly going to be compounded when we come to consider populations instead of physiologic individuals. All actual experimentation in the field will inevitably work with populations, and, in this work, it will be necessary to discriminate the effects of that economics of flexibility which operates inside the individuals from the effects of the economics of variability which operates at the population level. These two orders of economics may be easy to separate in theory, but to separate them in experimentation will surely be difficult.

Be all that as it may, let us consider what evidential support may be available for some of the propositions which are crucial to the hypothesis:

(1) That the phenomena of somatic adjustment are appropriately described in terms of an economics of flexibility. In general, we believe that the presence of stress A may reduce an organism’s ability to respond to stress B and, guided by this opinion, we commonly protect the sick from the weather. Those who have adjusted to the office life may have difficulty in climbing mountains, and trained mountain climbers may have difficulty when confined to offices; the stresses of retirement from business may be lethal; and so on. But scientific knowledge of these matters, in man or other organisms, is very slight.

(2) That this economics of flexibility has the logical structure described above— each successive demand upon flexibility fractionating the set of available possibilities. The proposition is expectable, but so far as I know there is no evidence for it. It is, however, worthwhile to examine the criteria which determine whether a given “economic” system is more appropriately described in additive or multiplicative terms. There would seem to be two such criteria:

(a) A system will be additive insofar as the units of its currency are mutually interchangeable and, therefore, cannot meaningfully be classified into sets such as were used earlier in this paper to show that the economics of flexibility must surely be multiplicative. Calories in the economics of energy are completely interchangeable and unclassifiable, as are dollars in the individual budget. Both these systems are therefore additive. The permutations and combinations of variables which define the states of an organism are classifiable and—to this extent—noninterchangeable. The system is therefore multiplicative. Its mathematics will resemble that of information theory or negative entropy rather than that of money or energy conservation.


A system will be additive insofar as the units of its currency are mutually independent. Here there would seem to be a difference between the economic system of the individual, whose budgetary problems are additive (or subtractive) and those of society at large, where the overall distribution or flow of wealth is governed by complex (and perhaps imperfect) homeostatic systems. Is there, perhaps, an economics of economic flexibility (a metaeconomics) which is multiplicative and so resembles the economics of physiological flexibility discussed above? Notice, however, that the units of this wider economics will be not dollars but patterns of distribution of wealth. Similarly, Lerner’s “genetic homeostasis,” insofar as it is truly homeostatic, will have multiplicative character.

The matter is, however, not simple and we cannot expect that every system will be either totally multiplicative or totally additive. There will be intermediate cases which combine the two characteristics. Specifically, where several independent alternative homeostatic circuits control a single variable, it is clear that the system may show additive characteristics—and even that it may pay to incorporate such alternative pathways in the system provided they can be effectively insulated from each other. Such systems of multiple alternative controls may give survival advantage insofar as the mathematics of addition and subtraction will pay better than the mathematics of logical fractionation.

(3) That innovative genotypic change commonly makes demands upon the adjustive ability of the soma. This proposition is orthodoxly believed by biologists but cannot in the nature of the case be verified by direct evidence.

(4) That successive genotypic innovations make multiplicative demands upon the soma. This proposition (which involves both the notion of multiplicative economics of flexibility and the notion that each innovative genotypic change has its somatic price) has several interesting and perhaps verifiable implications.

(a) We may expect that organisms in which numerous recent genotypic changes have accumulated (e.g., as a result of selection, or planned breeding) will be delicate, i.e., will need to be protected from environmental stress. This sensitivity to stress is to be expected in new breeds of domesticated animals and plants and experimentally produced organisms carrying either several mutant genes or unusual (i.e., recently achieved) genotypic combinations.

(b) We may expect that for such organisms further genotypic innovation (of any kind other than the affirmative changes discussed above) will be progressively deleterious.

(c) Such new and special breeds should become more resistant both to environmental stress and to genotypic change, as selection works upon successive generations to favor those individuals in which “genetic assimilation of acquired characteristics” is achieved (Proposition 5).

(5) That environmentally induced acquired characteristics may, under appropriate conditions of selection, be replaced by similar characteristics which are genetically determined. This phenomenon has been demonstrated by Waddington [10] for the bithorax phenotypes of Drosophila.


He calls it the “genetic assimilation of acquired characteristics.” Similar phenomena have also probably occurred in various experiments when the experimenters set out to prove the inheritance of acquired characteristics but did not achieve this proof through failure to control the conditions of selection. We have, however, no evidence at all as to the frequency of this phenomenon of genetic assimilation. It is worth noting, however, that, according to the arguments of this essay, it may be impossible, in principle, to exclude the factor of selection from experiments which would test “the inheritance of acquired characteristics.” It is precisely my thesis that the simulation of Lamarckian inheritance will have survival value under circumstance of undefined or multiple stress.

(6). That it is, in general, more economical of flexibility to achieve a given characteristic by genotypic than by somatic change. Here the Waddington experiments do not throw any light, because it was the experimenter who did the selecting. To test this proposition, we need experiments in which the population of organisms is placed under double stress: (a) that stress which will induce the characteristic in which we are interested, and (b) a second stress which will selectively decimate the population, favoring, we hope, the survival of those individuals whose flexibility is more able to meet this second stress after adjusting to the first. According to the hypothesis, such a system should favor those individuals which achieve their adjustment to the first stress by genotypic process.

(7) Finally, it is interesting to consider a corollary which is the converse of the thesis of this essay. It has been argued here that simulated Lamarckian inheritance will have survival value when the population must adjust to a stress which remains constant over successive generations. This case is in fact the one which has been examined by those who would demonstrate an inheritance of acquired characteristics. A converse problem is presented by those cases in which a population faces a stress which changes its intensity unpredictably and rather often—perhaps every two or three generations. Such situations are perhaps very rare in nature, but could be produced in the laboratory.


Under such variable circumstances, it might pay the organisms in survival terms to achieve the converse of the genetic assimilation of acquired characteristics. That is, they might profitably hand over to somatic homeostatic mechanisms the control of some characteristic which had previously been more rigidly controlled by the genotype.

It is evident, however, that such experimentation would be very difficult. Merely to establish the genetic assimilation of such characteristics as bithorax requires selection on an astronomical scale, the final population in which the genetically determined bithorax individuals can be found being a selected sample from a potential population of something like 1050. or 1060 individuals. It is very doubtful whether, after this selective process, there would still. exist in the sample enough genetic heterogeneity to undergo a further converse selection favoring those individuals which still achieve their bithorax phenotype by somatic means.

Nevertheless, though this converse corollary is possibly not demonstrable in the laboratory, something of the sort seems to operate in the broad picture of evolution. The matter may be presented in dramatic form by considering the dichotomy between “regulators” and “adjusters.” [11] Prosser proposes that where internal physiology contains some variable of the same dimensions as some external environmental variable, it is convenient to classify organisms according to the degree to which they hold the internal variable constant in spite of changes in the external variable. Thus, the homoiothermic animals are classified as “regulators” in regard to temperature while the poikilothermic are “adjusters.” The same dichotomy can be applied to aquatic animals according to how they handle internal and external osmotic pressure.

We usually think of regulators as being in some broad evolutionary sense “higher” than adjusters. Let us now consider what this might mean. If there is a broad evolutionary trend in favor of regulators, is this trend consistent with what has been said above about the survival benefits which accrue when control is transferred to genotypic mechanisms?

Clearly, not only the regulators but also the adjusters must rely upon homeostatic mechanisms. If life is to go on, a large number of essential physiological variables must be held within narrow limits. It the internal osmotic pressure, for example, is allowed to change, there must be mechanisms which will defend these essential variables. It follows that the difference between adjusters and regulators is a matter of where, in the complex network of physiologic causes and effects, homeostatic process operates.

In the regulators, the homeostatic processes operate at or close to the input and output points of that network which is the individual organism. In the adjusters, the environmental variables are permitted to enter the body and the organism must then cope with their effects, using mechanisms which will involve deeper loops of the total network.

In terms of this analysis, the polarity between adjusters and regulators can be extrapolated another: step to include what we may call “extraregulators” which achieve homeostatic controls outside the body by changing and controlling the environment—man being the most conspicuous example of this class.

In the earlier part of this essay, it was argued that in adjusting to high altitude there is a benefit to be obtained, in terms of an economics of flexibility, by shifting from, e.g., panting to the more profound and less reversible changes of acclimation; that habit is more economical than trial and error; and that genotypic control may be more economical than acclimation. These are all centripetal changes in the location of control.

In the broad picture of evolution, however, it seems that the trend is in the opposite direction: that natural selection, in the long run, favors regulators more than adjusters, and extraregulators more than regulators. This seems to indicate that there is a long time evolutionary advantage to be gained by centrifugal shifts in the locus of control.

To speculate about problems so vast is perhaps romantic, but it is worth noting that this contrast between the overall evolutionary trend and the trend in a population faced with constant stress is what we might expect from the converse corollary here being considered. If constant stress favors centripetal shift in the locus of control, and variable stress favors centrifugal shift, then it should follow that in the vast spans of time and change which determine the broad evolutionary picture, centrifugal shift of control will be favored.

Summary

In this essay the author uses a deductive approach. Starting from premises of conventional physiology and evolutionary theory and applying to these the arguments of cybernetics, he shows that there must be an economics of somatic flexibility and that this economics must, in the long run, be coercive upon the evolutionary process. External adaptation by mutation or genotypic reshuffling, as ordinarily thought of, will inevitably use up the available somatic flexibility. It follows—if evolution is to be continuous—that there must also be a class of genotypic changes which will confer a bonus of somatic flexibility.

In general, the somatic achievement of change is uneconomical because the process depends upon homeostasis, i.e., upon whole circuits of interdependent variables. It follows that inheritance of acquired characteristics would be lethal to the evolutionary system because it would fix the values of these variables all around the circuits. The organism or species would, however, benefit (in survival terms) by genotypic change which would simulate Lamarckian inheritance, i.e., would bring about the adaptive component of somatic homeostasis without involving the whole homeostatic circuit. Such a genotypic change (erroneously called the “Baldwin effect”) would confer a bonus of somatic flexibility and would therefore have marked survival value.

Finally, it is suggested that a contrary argument can be applied in those cases where a population must acclimate to variable stress. Here natural selection should favor an anti-Baldwin effect.

Problems in Cetacean and Other Mammalian Communication [12]

The Communication of Preverbal Mammals [12]


Of the Cetacea I have had little experience. I once dissected in the Cambridge Zoological Laboratories a specimen of Phocoena bought from the local fishmonger, and did not really encounter cetaceans again until this year, when I had an opportunity to meet Dr. Lilly’s dolphins. I hope that my discussion of some of the questions that are in my mind as I approach these peculiar mammals will assist you in examining either these or related questions.

My previous work in the fields of anthropology, animal ethology, and psychiatric theory provides a theoretical framework for the transactional analysis of behavior. The premises of this theoretical position may be briefly summarized: (1) that a relationship between two (or more) organisms is, in-fact, a sequence of S-R sequences (i.e.,. of contexts in which proto-learning occurs); (2) that deuterolearning (i.e., learning to learn) is, in fact, the acquiring of information about the contingency patterns of the contexts in which proto-learning occurs; and (3) that the “character” of the organism is the aggregate of its deutero-learning and therefore reflects the contextual patterns of past protolearning. [13]

These premises are essentially a hierarchic structuring of learning theory along lines related to Russell’s Theory of Logical Types. [14] The premises, following the Theory of Types, are primarily appropriate for the analysis of digital communication. To what extent they may be applicable to analogic communication or to systems that combine the digital with the analogic is problematic. I hope that the study of dolphin communication will throw light on these fundamental problems. The point is not either to discover that dolphins have complex language or to teach them English, but to close gaps in our theoretical knowledge of communication by studying a system that, whether rudimentary or complex, is almost certainly of a totally unfamiliar kind.

Let me start from the fact that the dolphin is a mammal. This fact has, of course, all sorts of implications for anatomy and physiology, but it is not with these that I am concerned. I am interested in his communication, in what is called his “behavior,” looked at as an aggregate of data perceptible and meaningful to other members of the same species. It is meaningful, first, in the sense that it affects a recipient animal’s behavior, and, second, in the sense that perceptible failure to achieve appropriate meaning in the first sense will affect the behavior of both animals. What I say to you may be totally ineffective, but my ineffectiveness, if perceptible, will affect both you and me. I stress this point because it must be remembered that in all relationships between man and some other animal, especially when that animal is a dolphin, a very large proportion of the behavior of both organisms is determined by this kind of ineffectiveness.

When I view the behavior of dolphins as communication, the mammalian label implies, for me, something very definite. Let me illustrate what I have in mind by an example from Benson Ginsburg’s wolf pack in the Brookfield Zoo.

Among the Canidae, weaning is performed by the mother. When the puppy asks for milk, she presses down with her open mouth on the back of his neck, crushing him down to the ground. She does this repeatedly until he stops asking. This method is used by coyotes, dingoes, and the domestic dog. Among wolves the system is different. The puppies graduate smoothly from the nipple to regurgitated food. The pack comes back to the den with their bellies full. All regurgitate what they have got and all eat together. At some point the adults start to wean the puppies from these meals, using the method employed by the other Canidae; the adult crushes the puppy down by pressing its open mouth on the back of the puppy’s neck. In the wolf this function is not confined to the mother, but is performed by adults of both sexes.

The pack leader of the Chicago pack is a magnificent male animal who endlessly patrols the acre of land to which the pack is confined. He moves with a beautiful trot that appears tireless, while the other eight or nine members of the pack spend most of their time dozing. When the females come in heat they usually proposition the leader, bumping against him with their rear ends. Usually, however, he does not respond, though he does act to prevent other males from getting the females. Last year one of these males succeeded in establishing coitus with a female. As in the other Canidae, the male wolf is locked in the female, unable to withdraw his penis, and this animal was helpless. Up rushed the pack leader. What did he do to the helpless male who dared to infringe the leader’s prerogatives? Anthropomorphism would suggest that he would tear the helpless male to pieces. But no. The film shows that he pressed down the head of the offending male four times with his open jaws and then simply walked away.

What are the implications for research from this illustration? What the pack leader does is not describable, or only insufficiently described, in S-R terms. He does not “negatively reinforce” the other male’s sexual activity. He asserts or affirms the nature of the relationship between himself and the other. If we were to translate the pack leader’s action into words, the words would not be “Don’t do that.” Rather, they would translate the metaphoric action: “I am your senior adult male, you puppy!” What I am trying to say about wolves in particular, and about preverbal mammals in general, is that their discourse is primarily about the rules and the contingencies of relationship.

Let me offer a more familiar example to help bring home to you the generality of this view, which is by no means orthodox among ethologists. When your cat is trying to tell you to give her food, how does she do it? She has no word for food or for milk. What she does is to make movements and sounds that are characteristically those that a kitten makes to a mother cat. If we were to translate the cat’s message into words, it would not be correct to say that she is crying “Milk!” Rather, she is saying something like “Ma-ma!” Or, perhaps still more correctly, we should say that she is asserting “Dependency! Dependency!” The cat talks in terms of patterns and contingencies of relationship, and from this talk it is up to you to take a deductive step, guessing that it is milk that the cat wants. It is the necessity for this deductive step which marks the difference between preverbal mammalian communication and both the communication of bees and the languages of men.

What was extraordinary—the great new thing—in the evolution of human language was not the discovery of abstraction or generalization, but the discovery of how to be specific about something other than relationship. Indeed, this discovery, though it has been achieved, has scarcely affected the behavior even of human beings. If A says to B, “The plane is scheduled to leave at 6.30,” B rarely accepts this remark as simply and solely a statement of fact about the plane. More often he devotes a few neurons to the question, “What does A’s telling me this indicate for my relationship to A?” Our mammalian ancestry is very near the surface, despite recently acquired linguistic tricks.

Be that as it may, my first expectation in studying dolphin communication is that it will prove to have the general mammalian characteristic of being primarily about relationship. This premise is in itself perhaps sufficient to account for the sporadic development of large brains among mammals. We need not complain that, as elephants do not talk and whales invent no mousetraps, these creatures are not overtly intelligent. All that is needed is to suppose that large-brained creatures were, at some evolutionary stage, unwise enough to get into the game of relationship and that, once the species was caught in this game of interpreting its members’ behavior toward one another as relevant to this complex and vital subject, there was survival value for those individuals who could play the game with greater ingenuity or greater wisdom. We may, then, reasonably expect to find a high complexity of communication about relationship among the Cetacea. Because they are mammals, we may expect that their communication will be about, and primarily in terms of, patterns and contingencies of relationship. Because they are social and large-brained, we may expect a high degree of complexity in their communication.

Methodological Considerations

The above hypothesis introduces very special difficulties into the problem of how to test what is called the “psychology” (e.g., intelligence, ingenuity, discrimination, etc.) of individual animals. A simple discrimination experiment, such as has been run in the Lilly laboratories, and no doubt elsewhere, involves a series of steps:

(1) The dolphin may or may not perceive a difference between the stimulus objects, X and Y.

(2) The dolphin may or may not perceive that this difference is a cue to behavior.

(3) The dolphin may or may not perceive that the behavior in question has a good or bad effect upon reinforcement, that is, that doing “right” is conditionally followed by fish.

(4) The dolphin may or may not choose to do “right,” even after he knows which is right. Success in the first three steps merely provides the dolphin with a further choice point. This extra degree of freedom must be the first focus of our investigations.


It must be our first focus for methodological reasons. Consider the arguments that are conventionally based upon experiments of this kind. We argue always from the later steps in the series to the earlier steps. We say, “If the animal was able to achieve step 2 in our experiment, then he must have been able to achieve step 1.” If he could learn to behave in the way that would bring him the reward, then he must have had the necessary sensory acuity to discriminate between X and Y, and so on.

Precisely because we want to argue from observation of the animal’s success in the later steps to conclusions about the more elementary steps, it becomes of prime importance to know whether the organism with which we are dealing is capable of step 4. If it is capable, then all arguments about steps 1 through 3 will be invalidated unless appropriate methods of controlling step 4 are built into the experimental design. Curiously enough, though human beings are fully capable of step 4, psychologists working with human subjects have been able to study steps 1 through 3 without taking special care to exclude the confusions introduced by this fact. If the human subject is “cooperative and sane,” he usually responds to the testing situation by repressing most of his impulses to modify his behavior according to his personal view of his relationship to the experimenter. The words cooperative and sane imply a degree of consistency at the level of step 4. The psychologist operates by a sort of petitio principii: if the subject is cooperative and sane (i.e., if the relational rules are fairly constant), the psychologist need not worry about changes in those rules.

The problem of method becomes entirely different when the subject is noncooperative, psychopathic, schizophrenic, a naughty child, or a dolphin. Perhaps the most fascinating characteristic of this animal is derived precisely from his ability to operate at this relatively high level, an ability that is still to be demonstrated.

Let me now consider for a moment the art of the animal trainer. From conversations with these highly skilled people —trainers of both dolphins and guide dogs—my impression is that the first requirement of a trainer is that he must be able to prevent the animal from exerting choice at the level of step 4. It must continually be made clear to the animal that, when he knows what is the right thing to do in a given context, that is the only thing he can do, and no nonsense about it. In other words, it is a primary condition of circus success that the animal shall abrogate the use of certain higher levels of his intelligence. The art of the hypnotist is similar.

There is a story told of Dr. Samuel Johnson. A silly lady made her dog perform tricks in his presence. The Doctor seemed unimpressed. The lady said, “But Dr. Johnson, you don’t know how difficult it is for the dog.” Dr. Johnson replied, “Difficult, madam? Would it were impossible!”

What is amazing about circus tricks is that the animal can abrogate the use of so much of his intelligence and still have enough left to perform the trick. I regard the conscious intelligence as the greatest ornament of the human mind. But many authorities, from the Zen masters to Sigmund Freud, have stressed the ingenuity of the less conscious and perhaps more archaic level.
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Re: STEPS TO AN ECOLOGY OF MIND: COLLECTED ESSAYS IN ANTHROP

Postby admin » Fri Dec 11, 2015 5:48 am

Part 2 of 3

Communication About Relationship

As I said earlier, I expect dolphin communication to be of an almost totally unfamiliar kind. Let me expand on this point. As mammals, we are familiar with, though largely unconscious of, the habit of communicating about our relationships. Like other terrestrial mammals, we do most of our communicating on this subject by means of kinesic and paralinguistic signals, such as bodily movements, involuntary tensions of voluntary muscles, changes of facial expression, hesitations, shifts in tempo of speech or movement, overtones of the voice, and irregularities of respiration. If you want to know what the bark of a dog “means,” you look at his lips, the hair on the back of his neck, his tail, and so on. These “expressive” parts of his body tell you at what object of the environment he is barking, and what patterns of relationship to that object he is likely to follow in the next few seconds. Above all, you look at his sense organs: his eyes, his ears, and his nose.

In all mammals, the organs of sense become also organs for the transmission of messages about relationship. A blind man makes us uncomfortable, not because he cannot see that is his problem and we are only dimly aware of it—but because he does not transmit to us through the movement of his eyes the messages we expect and need so that we may know and be sure of the state of our relationship to him. We shall not know much about dolphin communication until we know what onedolphin can read in another’s use, direction, volume, and pitch of echolocation.

Perhaps it is this lack in us which makes the communication of dolphins seem mysterious and opaque, but I suspect a more profound explanation. Adaptation to life in the ocean has stripped the whales of facial expression. They have no external ears to flap and few if any erectile hairs. Even the cervical vertebrae are fused into a solid block in many species, and evolution has streamlined the body, sacrificing the expressiveness of separate parts to the locomotion of the whole. Moreover, conditions of life in the sea are such that even if a dolphin had a mobile face, the details of his expression would be visible to other dolphins only at rather short range, even in the clearest waters.

It is reasonable, then, to suppose that in these animals vocalization has taken over the communicative functions that most animals perform by facial expression, wagging tails, clenched fists, supinated hands, flaring nostrils, and the like. We might say that the whale is the communicational opposite of the giraffe; it has no neck, but has a voice. This speculation alone would make the communication of dolphins a subject of great theoretical interest. It would be fascinating, for example, to know whether or not, in an evolutionary shift from kinesics to vocalization, the same general structure of categories is retained.

My own impression—and it is only an impression unsupported by testing—is that the hypothesis that dolphins have substituted paralinguistics for kinesics does not quite fit in with my experience when I listen to their sounds. We terrestrial mammals are familiar with paralinguistic communication; we use it ourselves in grunts and groans, laughter and sobbing, modulations of breath while speaking, and so on. Therefore we do not find the paralinguistic sounds of other mammals totally opaque. We learn rather easily to recognize in them certain kinds of greeting, pathos, rage, persuasion, and territoriality, though our guesses may often be wrong. But when we hear the sounds of dolphins we cannot even guess at their significance. I do not quite trust the hunch that would explain the sounds of dolphins as merely an elaboration of the paralinguistics of other mammals. (To argue thus from our inability is, however, weaker than to argue from what we can do.)

I personally do not believe that the dolphins have anything that a human linguist would call a “language.” I do not think that any animal without hands would be stupid enough to arrive at so outlandish a mode of communication.

To use a syntax and category system appropriate for the discussion of things that can be handled, while really discussing the patterns and contingencies of relationship, is fantastic. But that, I submit, is what is happening in this room. I stand here and talk while you listen and watch. I try to convince you, try to get you to see things my way, try to earn your respect, try to indicate my respect for you, challenge you, and so on. What is really taking place is a discussion of the patterns of our relationship, all according to the rules of a scientific conference about whales. So it is to be human.

I simply do not believe that dolphins have language in this sense. But I do believe that, like ourselves and other mammals, they are preoccupied with the patterns of their relationships. Let us call this discussion of patterns of relationship the t function of the message. After all, it was the cat who showed us the great importance of this function by her mewing. Preverbal mammals communicate about things, when they must, by using what are primarily μ-function signals. In contrast, human beings use language, which is primarily oriented toward things, to discuss relationships. The cat asks for milk by saying “Dependency,” and I ask for your attention and perhaps respect by talking about whales. But we do not know that dolphins, in their communication, resemble either me or the cat. They may have a quite different system.

Analogic versus Digital Communication

There is another side of the problem. How does it happen that the paralinguistics and kinesics of men from strange cultures, and even the paralinguistics of other terrestrial mammals, are at least partly intelligible to us, whereas the verbal languages of men from strange cultures seem to be totally opaque? In this respect it would seem that the vocalizations of the dolphin resemble human language rather than the kinesics or paralinguistics of terrestrial mammals.

We know, of course, why gestures and tones of voice are partly intelligible while foreign languages are unintelligible. It is because language is digital and kinesics and paralinguistics are analogic. [15] The essence of the matter is that in digital communication a number of purely conventional signs -1, 2, 3, X, Y, and so on—are pushed around according to rules called algorithms. The signs themselves have no simple connection (e.g., correspondence of magnitude) with what they stand for. The numeral “5” is not bigger than the numeral “3.” It is true that if we remove the crossbar from “7” we obtain the numeral “1”; but the crossbar does not, in any sense, stand for “6.” A name usually has only a purely conventional or arbitrary connection with the class named. The numeral “5” is only the name of a magnitude. It is nonsense to ask if my telephone number is larger than yours, because the telephone exchange is a purely digital computer. It is not fed with magnitudes, but only with names of positions on a matrix.

In analogic communication, however, real magnitudes are used, and they correspond to real magnitudes in the subject of discourse. The linked range finder of a camera is a familiar example of an analogue computer. This device is fed with an angle that has real magnitude and is, in fact, the angle that the base of the range finder subtends at some point on the object to be photographed. This angle controls a cam that in turn moves the lens of the camera forward or back. The secret of the device lies in the shape of the cam, which is an analogic representation (i.e., a picture, a Cartesian graph) of the functional relationship between distance of object and distance of image.

Verbal language is almost (but not quite) purely digital. The word “big” is not bigger than the word “little”; and in general there is nothing in the pattern (i.e., the system of interrelated magnitudes) in the word “table” which would correspond to the system of interrelated magnitudes in the object denoted. On the other hand, in kinesic and paralinguistic communication, the magnitude of the gesture, the loudness of the voice, the length of the pause, the tension of the muscle, and so forth—these magnitudes commonly correspond (directly or inversely) to magnitudes in the relationship that is the subject of discourse. The pattern of action in the communication of the wolf pack leader is immediately intelligible when we have data about the weaning practices of the animal, for the weaning practices are themselves analogic kinesic signals.

It is logical, then, to consider the hypothesis that the vocalization of dolphins may be a digital expression of μ functions. It is this possibility that I especially have in mind in saying that this communication may be of an almost totally unfamiliar kind. Man, it is true, has a few words for μ functions, words like “love,” “respect,” “dependency,” and so on. But these words function poorly in the actual discussion of relationship between participants in the relationship. If you say to a girl, “I love you,” she is likely to pay more attention to the accompanying kinesics and paralinguistics than to the words themselves.

We humans become very uncomfortable when somebody starts to interpret our postures and gestures by translating them into words about relationship. We much prefer that our messages on this subject remain analogic, unconscious, and involuntary. We tend to distrust the man who can simulate messages about relationship. We therefore have no idea what it is like to be a species with even a very simple and rudimentary digital system whose primary subject matter would be μ functions. This system is something we terrestrial mammals cannot imagine and for which we have no empathy.

Research Plans

The most speculative part of my paper is the discussion of plans for the testing and amplification of such a body of hypotheses. I shall be guided by the following heuristic assumptions:

(1) The epistemology in whose terms the hypotheses are constructed is itself not subject to testing. Derived from Whitehead and Russell, [16] it serves to guide our work. Should the work prove rewarding, the success will be only a weak verification of the epistemology.

(2) We do not even know what a primitive digital system for the discussion of patterns of relationship might look like, but we can guess that it would not look like a “thing” language. (It might, more probably, resemble music.) I shall therefore not expect the techniques for cracking human linguistic codes to be immediately applicable to the vocalization of dolphins.

(3) The first requirement, then, is to identify and to classify the varieties and the components of relationship existing among the animals through detailed ethological study of their actions, interactions, and social organization. The elements of which these patterns are built are doubtless still present in the kinesics and actions of the species. We therefore begin with a listing of the kinesic signals of individual dolphins, and then try to relate them to the contexts in which they are used.

(4) No doubt, just as the pack leader’s behavior tells us that “dominance” among wolves is metaphorically related to weaning, so also the dolphins will tell us their kinesic metaphors for “dominance,” “dependency,” and other μ functions. Gradually this system of signals will fit together piece by piece to form a picture of the varieties of relationship existing even among animals arbitrarily confined together in a tank.

(5) As we begin to understand the metaphor system of the dolphin, it will become possible to recognize and classify the contexts of his vocalization. At this point the statistical techniques for cracking codes may conceivably become useful.


The assumptions regarding the hierarchic structure of the learning process— upon which this whole paper is based —provide the basis for various kinds of experimentation. The contexts of proto-learning may be variously constructed with a view to observing in what types of contexts certain types of learning most readily occur. We shall pay special attention to those contexts that involve either relationships between two or more animals and one person, or relationships between two or more people and one animal. Such contexts are miniature models of social organization within which the animal may be expected to show characteristic behaviors and to make characteristic attempts to modify the context (i.e., to manipulate the humans).

Comments

Mr. Wood: In the course of twelve years in Marine Studios in Florida, I spent a great deal of time watching what was perhaps the most natural assemblage of Tursiops in captivity, including animals of various ages, usually two or more of them in the process of growing up, and I saw remarkably little of what you are going to look for in a much more restricted group of animals in the Virgin Islands.

One time I saw something very interesting. Early one morning about six or six-thirty, over a period of at least half an hour, the adult male assumed a position next to one of the females in the tank who was hanging motionless in the current. He would go up occasionally and move away and then come back and assume a position beside her, and he would stroke her side with his right flipper repeatedly. There was no indication that this had sexual significance. There was no erection on the part of the male, and no observable response on the part of the female. But it was as clear-cut a nonvocal signal as I ever observed in the tank.

Mr. Bateson: I would like to say that the amount of signaling that goes on is much greater than is evident at first sight. There are, of course, the rather specific kinds of signals which are very important. I am not denying that. I mean the touching, and so on. But the shy individual, the traumatized female, staying almost stationary three feet below the surface while two other individuals fool around, is getting a great deal of attention just by sitting there and staying. She may not be actively transmitting, but in this business of bodily communication, you don’t have to be actively transmitting in order to have your signals picked up by other people. You can just be, and just by being she attracts an enormous amount of attention from these other two individuals who come over, pass by, pause a little as they pass, and so on. She is, we would say, “withdrawn,” but she is actually about as withdrawn as a schizophrenic who by being withdrawn becomes the center of gravity of the family. All other members of the group move around the fact of her withdrawal, which she never lets them forget.

Dr. Ray: I tend to agree with Mr. Bateson. We are working at the New York Aquarium with the beluga whale, and I believe these animals are much more expressive than we like to suspect. I think one of the reasons they don’t do very much in captivity is that they are bored to tears most of the time. There is nothing much of interest in their tank environment, and I would like to suggest that we have to manipulate their captivity much more cleverly than we do. I don’t mean handling the whales. They don’t like that. But the introduction of different types of animals, or clever little things that we might do would get them to respond more. Captive cetaceans are like monkeys in a cage. They are highly intelligent and highly developed, and they are bored.

Another factor is our skill in observation, and in the beluga whale, at least, we have been able to notice visually the sounds they are making by watching the change in the shape of the melon, which is extremely marked in this animal. It can swell on one side or the other, or take several different shapes correlated with sound production. So, by very careful observation and/or skilled manipulation, I think a great deal can be done with these animals rather simply.

Mr. Bateson: I had meant to point out that all sense organs among mammals, and even among ants, become major organs for the transmission of messages, such as, “Where are the other fellow’s eyes focused?” and, “Are his pinnae focused in one direction or another?” In this way sense organs become transmitting organs for signals.

One of the things we must absolutely acquire if we are going to understand dolphins is a knowledge of what one animal knows and can read from another animals’ use of sonar. I suspect the presence of all sorts of courtesy rules in this business; it probably isn’t polite to sonar scan your friends too much, just as among human beings it is not polite, really, to look at another’s feet in detail. We have many taboos on observing one anothers’ kinesics, because too much information can be got in that way.

Dr. Purves: It seems to me that the dolphin or the cetacean must suffer from an even greater disadvantage than man has in the past, because—I have forgotten the authority—it has been said that the origin of human speech is an analogue language. In other words, if you use the word “down,” you lower the hand and lower the lower jaw at the same time. If you say “up,” you raise the hand and raise the lower jaw. And if you use the word “table,” and, better still, pronounce it in French, your mouth widens out and you make a horizontal gesture. However complicated the human language is, it has its origin in an analogue language. The poor porpoise has nothing like this to start from. So he must have been highly intelligent to have developed a communication system completely de novo.

Mr. Bateson: What has happened to this creature is that the information we get visually and the other terrestrial animals get visually must have been pushed into voice. I still maintain that it is appropriate for us to start by investigating what is left of the visual material.

A Re-examination of “Bateson’s Rule” [17]

Introduction


Nearly eighty years ago, my father, William Bateson, became fascinated by the phenomena of symmetry and metameric regularity as exhibited in the morphology of animals and plants. It is difficult today to define precisely what he was after, but, broadly, it is clear that he believed that an entirely new concept of the nature of living things would develop from the study of such phenomena. He held, no doubt correctly, that natural selection could not be the only determinant of the direction of evolutionary change and that the genesis of variation could not be a random matter. He therefore set out to demonstrate regularity and “lawfulness” among the phenomena of variability.

In his attempt to demonstrate a sort of order which the biologists of his day had largely ignored, he was guided by the notion, never clearly formulated, that the place to look for regularity in variation would be precisely where variation had its impact upon what was already regular and repetitive. The phenomena of symmetry and metamerism, themselves strikingly regular, must surely have been brought about by regularities or “laws” within the evolutionary process and, therefore, the variations of symmetry and metamerism should precisely exemplify these laws at work.

In the language of today, we might say that he was groping for those orderly characteristics of living things which illustrate the fact that organisms evolve and develop within cybernetic, organizational, and other communicational limitations. It was for this study that he coined the word “genetics.” [18]

He set out to examine the material in the world’s museums, private collections, and journals bearing upon the teratology of animal symmetry and metamerism. The details of this survey were published in a large book [19] which is still of considerable interest.

To demonstrate regularity within the field of teratological variation, he attempted a classification of the various sorts of modification that he encountered. With this classification I am not here concerned, except that in the survey he happened upon a generalization which can be called a “discovery.” This discovery came to be called “Bateson’s Rule” and remains one of the unexplained mysteries of biology.

The purpose of the present note is to place Bateson’s Rule in a new theoretical perspective determined by cybernetics, information theory, and the like.

Briefly, Bateson’s Rule asserts in its simplest form that when an asymmetrical lateral appendage (e.g., a right hand) is reduplicated, the resulting reduplicated limb will be bilaterally symmetrical, consisting of two parts each a mirror image of the other and so placed that a plane of symmetry could be imagined between them.

He himself was, however, very doubtful whether such simple reduplication ever occurs. He believed and accumulated evidence to show that, in a very large proportion of such cases, one component of the reduplicated system was itself double. He asserted that in such systems the three components are normally in one plane; that the two components of the doublet are mirror images of each other; and that that component of the doublet which is the nearer to the primary appendage is a mirror image of the primary.

This generalization was shown by my father to hold for a very large number of examples of reduplication in the vertebrates and in arthropods, and for a few cases in other phyla where the museum material was, of course, more scarce.

Ross Harrison [20] believed that Bateson underestimated the importance of simple reduplication.

Whether or not simple reduplication is a real and common phenomenon, I shall begin this essay with a discussion of the logical problems which it would present.

The Problem Redefined

In 1894, it appeared that the problem centered around the question: What causes the development of bilateral symmetry in a context where it does not belong?

But modern theory has turned all such questions upside down. Information, in the technical sense, is that which excludes certain alternatives. The machine with a governor does not elect the steady state; it prevents itself from staying in any alternative state; and in all such cybernetic systems, corrective action is brought about by difference. In the jargon of the engineers, the system is “error activated.” The difference between some present state and some “preferred” state activates the corrective response.

The technical term. “information” may be succinctly defined as any difference which makes a difference in some later event. This definition is fundamental for all analysis of cybernetic systems and organization. The definition links such analysis to the rest of science, where the causes of events are commonly not differences but forces, impacts, and the like. The link is classically exemplified by the heat engine, where available energy (i.e., negative entropy) is a function of a difference between two temperatures. In this classical instance, “information” and “negative entropy” overlap.

Moreover, the energy relations of such cybernetic systems are commonly inverted. Because organisms are able to store energy, it is usual that the energy expenditure is, for limited periods of time, an inverse function of energy input. The amoeba is more active when it lacks food, and the stem of a green plant grows faster on that side which is turned away from the light.

Let us therefore invert the question about the symmetry of the total reduplicated appendage: Why is this double appendage not asymmetrical like the corresponding appendages of normal organisms?

To this question a formal and general (but not particular) answer can be constructed on the following lines:

(1) An unfertilized frog’s egg is radially symmetrical, with animal and vegetal poles but no differentiation of its equatorial radii. Such an egg develops into a bilaterally symmetrical embryo, but how does it select one meridian to be the plane of bilateral symmetry of that embryo? The answer is known—that, in fact, the frog’s egg receives information from the outside. The point of entry of the spermatozoon (or the prick of a fine fiber) marks one meridian as different from all others, and that meridian is the future plane of bilateral symmetry.


Converse cases can also be cited. Plants of many families bear bilaterally symmetrical flowers. Such flowers are all clearly derived from triadic radial symmetry (as in orchids) or from pentadic symmetry (as in Labiatae, Leguminosae, etc.) ; and the bilateral symmetry is achieved by the differentiation of one axis (e.g., the “standard” of the familiar sweet pea) of this radial symmetry. We again ask how it is possible to select one of the similar three (or five) axes. And again we find that each flower receives information from the outside. Such bilaterally symmetrical flowers can only be produced on branch stems, and the differentiation of the flower is always oriented to the manner in which the flower-bearing branch stem comes off from the main stem. Very occasionally a plant which normally bears bilaterally symmetrical flowers will form a flower at the terminus of a main stem. Such a flower is necessarily only radial in its symmetry—a cup-shaped monstrosity. (The problem of bilaterally asymmetrical flowers, e.g., in the Catasetum group of orchids, is interesting. Presumably these must be borne, like the lateral appendages of animals, upon branches from main stems which are themselves already bilaterally symmetrical, e.g., dorso-ventrally flattened.)

(2) We note then that, in biological systems, the step from radial symmetry to bilateral symmetry commonly requires a piece of information from the outside. It is, however, conceivable that some divergent process might be touched off by minute and randomly distributed differences, e.g., among the radii of the frog’s egg. In this case, of course, the selection of a particular meridian for special development would itself be random and could not be oriented to other parts of the organism as is the plane of bilateral symmetry in sweet peas and labiate flowers.

(3) Similar considerations apply to the step from bilateral symmetry to asymmetry. Again either the asymmetry (the differentiation of one half from the other) must be achieved by a random process or it must be achieved by information received from the outside, i.e., from neighboring tissues and organs. Every lateral appendage of a vertebrate or arthropod is more or less asymmetrical [21] and the asymmetry is never set randomly in relation to the rest of the animal. Right limbs are not borne upon the left side of the body, except under experimental circumstances. Therefore the asymmetry must depend upon the outside information, presumably derived from the neighboring tissues.

(4) But if the step from bilateral symmetry to asymmetry requires additional information, then it follows that in absence of this additional information, the appendage which should have been asymmetrical can only be bilaterally symmetrical.


The problem of the bilateral symmetry of reduplicated limbs thus becomes simply a problem of the loss of a piece of information. This follows from the general logical rule that every reduction in symmetry (from radial to bilateral or from bilateral to asymmetrical) requires additional information.

It is not claimed that the above argument is an explanation of all the phenomena which illustrate Bateson’s Rule. Indeed, the argument is offered only to show that there are simple ways of thinking about these phenomena which have scarcely been explored. What is proposed is a family of hypotheses rather than a single one. A critical examination of what has been said above as if it were a single hypothesis will, how-ever, provide a further illustration of the method.

In any given case of reduplication, it will be necessary to decide what particular piece of information has been lost, and the argument so far given should make this decision easy. A natural first guess would be that the developing appendage needs three sorts of orienting information to enable it to achieve asymmetry: proximodistal information; dorso-ventral information; and antero-posterior information. The simplest hypothesis suggests that these might be separately received and therefore that one of these sorts of information will be lost or absent in any given case of reduplication. It should then be easy to classify cases of reduplication according to which piece of orienting information is missing. There should be at most three such types of reduplication, and these should be clearly distinct.

Supernumerary Double Legs in Coleoptera

But in the only set of cases where this deduction can be tested, facts clearly do not fit the hypothesis. The cases are those of supernumerary pairs of appendages in beetles. About a hundred such cases were known in 1894, and of these Bateson [22] describes about half and figures thirteen.

The formal relations are remarkably uniform and leave no doubt that a single type of explanation should apply to the symmetry in all cases.

Image

Fig. 1 Carabus scheidleri, No. 736. The normal right fore leg, R, bearing an extra pair of legs, SL and SR', arising from the ventral surface of the coxa, C. Seen from in front. (The property of Dr. Kraatz.) From Bateson, W., Materials for the Study of Variation, London:

Image

Fig. 2 Pterostichus muhlfeldii, No. 742. Semidiagrammatic representation of the left middle tibia bearing the extra tarsi upon the antero-ventral border of the apex. L, the normal tarsus; R, the extra right; L' the extra left tarsus. ( The property of Dr. Kraatz. ) From Bateson, W., Materials for the Study of Variation, London: Macmillan, 1894, p 485.

Image

Fig. 3 Symmetry of a doublet occurring in the dorsal region. Fig. 4 Symmetry of a doublet occurring in the dorso-anterior region.

Image

Fig. 5 A mechanical device for showing the relations that extra legs in Secondary Symmetry bear to each other and to the normal leg from which they arise. The model R represents a normal right leg. SL and SR represent respectively the extra right and extra left legs of the supernumerary pair. A and P, the anterior and posterior spurs of the tibia. In each leg the morphologically anterior surface is shaded, the posterior being white. R is seen from the ventral aspect and SL and SR are in Position VP. From Bateson, W., Materials for the Study of Variation, London: Macmillan, 1894, p. 480.

Typically [23] one leg (rarely more than one) of a beetle is abnormal in bearing a branch at some point in its length. This branch is regularly a doublet, consisting of two parts which may be fused at the point of branching off from the primary leg but which are commonly separate at their distal ends.

Distally from the point of branching there are thus three components—a primary leg and two supernumerary legs. These three lie in one plane and have the following symmetry: the two components of the supernumerary doublet are a complementary pair—one being a left and the other a right—as Bateson’s Rule would suggest. Of these two, the leg nearest to the primary leg is complementary to it.

These relations are represented in Figure 3. (See page 387.) Each component is shown in diagrammatic cross section, and their dorsal, ventral, anterior, and posterior faces are indicated by the letters D, V, A, and P, respectively.

What is surprising about these abnormalities—in that it conflicts with the hypothesis offered above—is that there is no clear discontinuity by which the cases can be classified according to which sort of orienting information has been lost. The supernumerary doublet may be borne on any part of the circumference of the primary leg.

Figure 3 illustrates the symmetry of a doublet occurring in the dorsal region. Figure 4 (page 387) illustrates the symmetry of a doublet in the dorso-anterior region.

It appears, then, that the planes of symmetry are parallel to a tangent of the circumference of the primary leg at the point of branching but, since the points of branching may be anywhere on the circumference, a continuous series of possible bilateral symmetries is generated.

Figure 5 (page 388) is a machine invented by W. Bateson to demonstrate this continuous series of possible bilateral symmetries.

If the bilateral symmetry of the doublet is due to a loss of orienting information, we should expect the plane of that bilateral symmetry to be at right angles to the direction of the lost information; i.e., if dorso-ventral information were lost, the resulting limbs or doublet should contain a plane of symmetry which would be at right angles to the dorso-ventral line.

(The argument for this expectation may be spelled out as follows: a gradient in a lineal sequence creates a difference between the two ends of the sequence. If this gradient is not present, then the ends of the sequence will be similar, i.e., the sequence will be symmetrical about a plane of symmetry transverse to itself. Or, consider the case of the frog’s egg. The two poles and the point of entry of the spermatozoon determine a plane of bilateral symmetry. To achieve asymmetry, the egg requires information at right angles to this plane, i.e., something which will make the right half different from the left. If this something is lost, then the egg will revert to the original bilateral symmetry, with the original plane of symmetry transverse to the direction of the lost information.)

As noted above, the supernumerary doublets may originate from any face of the primary leg, and therefore all intermediates occur between the expectedly discontinuous types of loss of information. It follows that if bilateral symmetry in these doublets is due to loss of information, then the information lost cannot be classified as antero-posterior, dorso-ventral, or proximo-distal.

The hypothesis must therefore be corrected.

Let us retain the general notion of lost information, and the corollary of this that the plane of bilateral symmetry must be at right angles to the direction of the information that was lost.

The next simplest hypothesis suggests that the lost information must have been centro-peripheral. (I here retain this bipolar term rather than use the simpler “radial.”)

Let us imagine, then, some centro-peripheral difference —possibly a chemical or electrical gradient within the cross section of the primary leg; and suppose that the loss or blurring of this difference at some point along the length of the primary leg determines that any branch limb produced at this point shall fail to achieve asymmetry.

It will follow, naturally, that such a branch limb (if produced) will be bilaterally symmetrical and that its plane of bilateral symmetry will be at right angles to the direction of the lost gradient or difference.

But, clearly, a centro-peripheral difference or gradient is not a primary component of that information system which determined the asymmetry of the primary leg. Such a gradient might, however, inhibit branching, so that its loss or blurring would result in production of a supernumerary branch at the point of loss.

The matter becomes superficially paradoxical: the loss of a gradient which might inhibit branching results in branch formation, such that the branch cannot achieve asymmetry. It appears, then, that the hypothetical Centro-peripheral gradient or difference may have two sorts of command functions: (a) to inhibit branching; and (b) to determine an asymmetry in that branch which can only come into existence at all if the Centro-peripheral gradient is absent. If these two sorts of message functions can be shown to overlap or be in some sense synonymous, we shall have generated an economical hypothetical description of the phenomena.

We therefore address ourselves to the question: Is there an a priori case for expecting that the absence of a gradient which would prohibit branching in the primary leg will permit the formation of a branch which will lack the information necessary to determine asymmetry across a plane at right angles to the missing gradient?

The question must be inverted to fit the upside-downness of all cybernetic explanation. The concept “information necessary to determine asymmetry” then becomes “information necessary to prohibit bilateral symmetry.”

But anything which “prohibits bilateral symmetry” will also “prohibit branching,” since the two components of a branching structure constitute a symmetrical pair (even though the components may be radially symmetrical).

It therefore becomes reasonable to expect that loss or blurring of a Centroperipheral gradient which prohibits branch formation will permit the formation of a branch which will, however, itself be bilaterally symmetrical about a plane parallel to the circumference of the primary limb.

Meanwhile, within the primary limb, it is possible that a Centro-peripheral gradient, by preventing branch formation, could have a function in preserving a previously determined asymmetry.

The above hypotheses provide a possible framework of explanation of the formation of the supernumerary doublet and the bilateral symmetry within it. It remains to consider the orientation of the components of that doublet. According to Bateson’s Rule, the component nearest to the primary leg is in bilateral symmetry with it. In other words, that face of the supernumerary which is toward the primary is the morphological counterpart of that face of the periphery of the primary from which the branch sprang.

The simplest, and perhaps obvious, explanation of this regularity is that in the process of branching there was a sharing of morphologically differentiated structures between branch and primary and that these shared structures are, in fact, the carriers of the necessary information. However, since information carried this way will clearly have properties very different from those of information carried by gradients, it is appropriate to spell the matter out in some detail.

Consider a radially symmetrical cone with circular base. Such a figure is differentiated in the axial dimension, as between apex and base. All that is necessary to make the cone fully asymmetrical is to differentiate on the circumference of the base two points which shall be different from each other and shall not be in diametrically opposite positions, i.e., the base must contain such differentiation that to name its parts in clockwise order gives a result different from the result of naming the parts in anticlockwise order.

Assume now that the supernumerary branch, by its very origin as a unit growing out from a matrix, has proximo-distal differentiation, and that this differentiation is analogous to the differentiation in the axial dimension of the cone. To achieve complete asymmetry, it is then only necessary that the developing limb receive directional information in some arc of its circumference. Such information is clearly immediately available from the circumstance that, at the point of branching, the secondary limb must share some circumference with the primary. But the shared points which are in clockwise order on the periphery of the primary will be in anticlockwise order on the periphery of the branch. The information from the shared arc will therefore be such as to determine both that the resulting limb will be a mirror image of the primary and that the branch will face appropriately toward the primary.

It is now possible to construct a hypothetical sequence of events for the reduplications in the legs of beetles:

(1) A primary leg develops asymmetry, deriving the necessary information from surrounding tissues.

(2) This information, after it has had its effect, continues to exist, transformed into morphological differentiation.

The asymmetry of the normal primary leg is henceforth maintained by a centroperipheral gradient which normally prevents branching.

In the abnormal specimens, this centro-peripheral gradient is lost or blurred— possibly at some point of lesion or trauma.

Following the loss of the centro-peripheral gradient, branching occurs.

The resulting branch is a doublet; lacking the gradient information which would have determined asymmetry, it must therefore be bilaterally symmetrical.

That component of the doublet which is next to the primary is oriented to be a mirror image of the primary by the sharing of differentiated peripheral structures.

(3) Similarly each component of the doublet is itself asymmetrical, deriving the necessary information from the morphology of shared peripheries in the plane of the doublet.


The above speculations are intended to illustrate how the explanatory principle of loss of information might be applied to some of the regularities subsumed under Bateson’s Rule. But it will be noted that the data on symmetry in the legs of beetles have, in fact, been overexplained.

Two distinct but not mutually exclusive—types of explanation have been invoked: (a) the loss of information which should have been derived from a centroperipheral gradient, and (b) information derived from shared peripheral morphology.

Neither of these types of explanation is sufficient by itself to explain the phenomena, but when combined the two principles overlap so that some details of the total picture can be referred simultaneously to both principles.

Such redundancy is, no doubt, the rule rather than the exception in biological systems, as it is in all other systems of organization, differentiation, and communication. In all such systems, redundancy is a major and necessary source of stability, predictability, and integration.

Redundancy within the system will inevitably appear as overlapping between our explanations of the system. Indeed, without overlapping, our explanations will commonly be insufficient, failing to explain the facts of biological integration. We know little about how the pathways of evolutionary change are influenced by such morphogenetic and physiological redundancies. But certainly such internal redundancies must impose nonrandom characteristics upon the phenomena of variation. [24]
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Re: STEPS TO AN ECOLOGY OF MIND: COLLECTED ESSAYS IN ANTHROP

Postby admin » Fri Dec 11, 2015 5:51 am

Part 3 of 3

Reduplicated Limbs in Amphibia

At this point it is interesting to turn from analysis of reduplication in beetles’ legs to another body of data in which reduplication commonly occurs and has been referred to Bateson’s Rule. [25] These are the data on reduplication in the experimentally transplanted limbs of larval newts.

(1) There are some cases, mostly of heterotopic transplants in which the grafted limb bud develops into a simple and apparently equal binary system, in which the two components are in mirror image symmetry. I was shown about three years ago a very striking preparation by Dr. Emerson Hibbard of the California Institute of Technology. In this specimen the limb bud had been rotated through 180°, so that the anterior edge of the bud faced toward the posterior end of the host, and had been implanted in a median dorsal position on the posterior region of the head of the host. This transplant had developed into two remarkably complete legs in mirror image relationship. This binary system was connected to the head of the host only by a slender bridge of tissue.


Such preparations, where the product is binary and the parts equal, certainly look like what would be expected from a simple loss of one dimension of orienting information. (It was Dr. Hibbard’s specimen that suggested to me that the hypothesis of lost information might be applicable to the amphibian material.)

(2) However, apart from these instances of equal binary reduplication, the amphibian material does not at all fit with any hypothesis that would explain the reduplication as due to a simple loss of information. Indeed, if Bateson’s Rule were restricted to cases where the explanation is formally analogous to that which fits the reduplication in the beetles’ legs, then the amphibian cases would probably not fall under this rubric.


The limitations of a hypothesis are, however, as important as its applications, and I shall therefore summarize here the very complex data on orthotopic transplants.

One schematic paradigm will suffice: if the right anterior limb bud is excised, turned through 180° and replaced in the wound, it will grow to be a left limb. But this primary limb may subsequently form secondary limb buds at its base, usually either immediately anterior or posterior to the point of insertion. The secondary will be a mirror image of the primary, and may even later develop a tertiary which will typically be formed outside the secondary, i.e., on that side of the secondary which is farthest from the primary.

The formation of the left primary on the right side of the body is explained [26] by assuming that antero-posterior orientation is received by the limb bud earlier than dorso-ventral information, and that, once received, this antero-posterior information is irreversible. It is supposed that the graft is already antero-posteriorly determined at the time of grafting but later receives dorso-ventral information from the tissues with which it is now in contact. The result is a limb whose dorso-ventral orientation is correct for its new setting but whose antero-posterior orientation is reversed. It is tacitly assumed that the proximo-distal orientation of the bud is undisturbed. The result is a limb which is reversed in regard to one of its three sorts of asymmetry. Such a limb must logically be a left.

This explanation I accept and proceed to consider the reduplications.

These differ in four important respects from the reduplications in beetles’ legs discussed above:

(a) In the beetles, the reduplication is usually equal. The two halves of the supernumerary doublet are equal in size, and are usually approximately equal in size to the corresponding parts of the primary leg. Such differences as do appear among the three components are such as might expectably result from trophic differences. But in the larval newts, great differences in size occur between the components of the reduplicated system, and it appears that these differences are determined by time. The secondaries are smaller than the primaries because they are produced later and, similarly, the rare tertiaries are later and smaller than the secondaries. This spacing of events in time indicates clearly that the primary limb received all the information necessary to determine its own asymmetry. It received, indeed, “wrong” information and grew to be a left leg on the right side of the body but it did not suffer from such a deficiency of information as would make it immediately fail to achieve asymmetry. The reduplication cannot simply be ascribed to loss of orienting information in the primary.

(b) The reduplications in beetles’ legs may occur at any point along the length of the leg. But those of amphibian larvae usually arise from the region of attachment of the limb to the body. It is not even sure that the secondary always shares tissue with the primary.

(c) In the case of the beetles, the supernumerary doublets form a continuous series, being given off from any portion of the periphery of the primary. In contrast, the reduplication of limbs in amphibian larvae is localized either anterior or posterior to the primary.


In the beetles it is clear that the two supernumerary components form together a single unit. In many cases there is actual compounding of the two components (as in Figure 1). In no case [27] is that component of the doublet which is nearer to the primary compounded with it rather than with the other supernumerary. In the amphibian preparations, on the other hand, it is not clear that secondary and tertiary form a subunit. The relation between tertiary and secondary seems no closer than between secondary and primary. Above all, the relation is asymmetric in the time dimension.

These profound formal differences between the two bodies of data indicate that the explanations for the amphibian data must be of a different order. It would seem that the processes are located not in the shaft of the limb but in its base and the tissues surrounding the base. Tentatively we may guess that the primary in some way proposes the later formation of a secondary by a reversal of gradient information, and that the secondary similarly proposes a reversed tertiary. Models for such systems are available in cybernetic theory in those circuit structures which propose Russellian paradoxes. [28] To attempt to construct any such model at the present time would be premature.

Summary

This essay on the symmetry of reduplicated lateral appendages starts from an explanatory principle, viz., that any step of ontogenetic differentiation which reduces the symmetry of an organ (e.g., from radial to bilateral symmetry, or from bilateral symmetry to asymmetry) requires additional orienting information. From this principle it is argued that a normally asymmetrical lateral appendage, lacking some necessary piece of orienting information, will only be able to achieve bilateral symmetry, i.e., instead of a normal asymmetrical appendage, the result will be a bilaterally symmetrical doublet.

To examine this explanatory principle, the writer has attempted to construct a hypothesis to explain Bateson’s Rule as this regularity is exemplified in the rare supernumerary double legs of Coleoptera. In the construction of this hypothesis, it was assumed that morphogenetic orienting information may undergo transformation from one type of coding to another, and that each transform or code is subject to characteristic limitations:

(a) The information may be embodied in gradients (perhaps biochemical). In this coding, the information can be diffused from neighboring tissues and provide the first determinants of asymmetry in the developing appendage. It is suggested that information coded in this way is only briefly available, and that once the asymmetry of the limb is established, the information continues to exist, but transformed into morphology.

(b) It is suggested that information coded as morphological difference is essentially static. It cannot be diffused to neighboring tissues and it cannot inhibit branching. It can, however, be used by a branch which at its inception shares tissue with the primary limb from which it branches off. In this case, the information passed on by the method of shared periphery will be necessarily inverted: if the primary be a right, the branch will be a left.

(c) The information in morphological form being (by hypothesis) unable to inhibit branching, the asymmetry of a growing primary must be preserved by a centro-peripheral gradient—not itself a determinant of that asymmetry.

(d) It is suggested that the loss of such a centro-peripheral gradient might have two effects: that of permitting branching and that of depriving the resulting branch of one dimension of necessary orienting information; so that the branch can only be a bilaterally symmetrical unit with a plane of symmetry at right angles to the lost centroperipheral gradient.


The data on reduplication in the experimentally transplanted limb buds of amphibia are also examined. It is argued that these data are not to be explained by simple loss of orienting information. Simple loss, it is suggested, will expectably result in equal and synchronous bilateral symmetry. The amphibian reduplicates are, in general, unequal and successive. In a few cases, synchronous and equal reduplication occurs in the amphibian experiments, especially in heterotopic implants. Such cases could perhaps be regarded as due to simple loss of orienting information.

Postscript, 1971

Compare the bilateral symmetry in the supernumerary doublet of the beetle’s leg with the bilateral symmetry in the sweet pea or orchid flower. Both in the plant and in the animal, the bilaterally symmetrical unit comes off from a point of branching.

In the plant, the morphology of the fork provides information enabling the flower to be not radially but bilaterally symmetrical, i.e., information which will differentiate the “dorsal” standard from the ventral lip of the flower.

In the doublet on the beetle’s leg, the plane of bilateral symmetry is orthogonal to that in the flower.

We might say that the information which the beetle’s leg has lost is precisely that information which the plant creates by the act of branching.

Comment on Part IV

The papers placed together in this part are diverse in that while each paper is a branch from the main stem of the argument of the book, these branches come off from very different locations. “The Role of Somatic Change in Evolution” is an expansion of the thought behind “Minimal Requirements for a Theory of Schizophrenia,” while “Problems in Cetacean and Other Mammalian Communication” is an application of “The Logical Categories of Learning and Communication” to a particular type of animal.

“A Re-examination of Bateson’s Rule” may seem to break new ground, but is related to the remainder of the book in that it extends the notion of informational control to include the field of morphogenesis and, by discussing what happens in absence of needed information, brings out the importance of the context into which information is received.

Samuel Butler, with uncanny insight, once commented upon the analogy between dreams and parthenogenesis. We may say that the monstrous double legs of the beetles share in this analogy: they are the projection of the receptive context deprived of information which should have come from an external source.

Message material, or information, comes out of a context into a context, and in other parts of the book the focus has been on the context out of which information came. Here the focus is rather upon the internal state of the organism as a context into which the information must be received.

Of course, neither focus is sufficient by itself for our understanding of either animals or men. But it is perhaps not an accident that in these papers dealing with non-human organisms the “context” which is discussed is the obverse or complement of the “context” upon which I have focussed attention in other parts of the book.

Consider the case of the unfertilized frog’s egg for which the entry point of the spermatozoon defines the plane of bilateral symmetry of the future embryo.

The prick of a hair from a camel’s hair brush can be substituted and still carry the same message. From this it seems that the external context out of which the message comes is relatively undefined. From the entry point alone, the egg learns but little about the external world. But the internal context into which the message comes must be exceedingly complex.

The unfertilized egg, then, embodies an immanent question to which the entry point of spermatozoon provides an answer; and this way of stating the matter is the contrary or obverse of the conventional view, which would see the external context of learning as a “question” to which the “right” behavior of the organism is an answer.

We can even begin to list some of the components of the immanent question. First there are the already existing poles of the egg and, necessarily, some polarization of the intervening protoplasm towards these poles. Without some such structural conditions for the receipt of the prick of the spermatozoon, this message could have no meaning. The message must come into an appropriate structure.

But structure alone is not enough. It seems probable that any meridian of the frog’s egg can potentially become the plane of bilateral symmetry and that, in this, all meridians are alike. It follows that there is, to this extent, no structural difference between them. But every meridian must be ready for the activating message, its “readiness” being given direction but otherwise unrestricted by structure. Readiness, in fact, is precisely not-structure. If and when the spermatozoon delivers its message, new structure is generated.

In terms of the economics of flexibility, discussed in “The Role of Somatic Change in Evolution” and later in “Ecology and Flexibility in Urban Civilization” (Part VI), this “readiness” is uncommitted potentiality for change, and we note here that this uncommitted potentiality is not only always finite in quantity but must be appropriately located in a structural matrix, which also must be quantitatively finite at any given time.

These considerations lead naturally into Part V, which I have titled “Epistemology and Ecology.” Perhaps “epistemology” is only another word for the study of the ecology of mind.

_______________

Notes:

1. This item in BioScience, Vol. 20, 1970, is reproduced by permission from that journal.

2. See “California's Anti-Evolution Ruling,” BioScience, March 1, 1970.

3. This essay appeared in the journal Evolution, Vol 17, 1963, and is reprinted with the editor's permission.

4. The problems of bacterial genetics are here deliberately excluded.

5. Bateson, “Minimal Requirements for a Theory of Schizophrenia,” A.M.A. Archives of General Psychiatry, 1960, 2: 447.

6. W. R. Ashby, “The Effect of Controls on Stability,” Nature, 1945, 155: 242; also Ashby, Design for a Brain, New York, John Wiley & Co., 1952.

7. J. M. Baldwin, “Organic Selection,” Science, 1897, 5: 634.

8. N. W. Simmonds, “Variability in Crop Plants, Its Use and Conservation,” Biol. Review, 1962, 37: 422-62.

9. I. M. Lerner, Genetic Homeostasis, Edinburgh, Oliver and Boyd, 1954.

10. C. H. Waddington, “Genetic Assimilation of an Acquired Character,” Evolution, 1953, 7: 118; also Waddington, The Strategy of Genes, London, Allen and Unwin, 1957.

11. C. L. Prosser, “Physiological Variation in Animals,” Biol. Review, 1955, 30: 22-262.

12. This article appeared as Chapter 25, pp. 569-799, in Whales, Dolphins and Porpoises, edited by Kenneth S. Norris, University of California Press, 1966. Reprinted by permission of The Regents of the University of California.

13. J. Ruesch and G. Bateson, Communication: The Social Matrix of Psychiatry, New York, Norton, 1951.

14. A. N. Whitehead and B. Russell, Principia Mathematica, London, Cambridge University Press, 1910.

15. The difference between digital and analogic modes of communication may perhaps be made clear by thinking of an English-speaking mathematician confronted with a paper by a Japanese colleague. He gazes uncomprehendingly at the Japanese ideographs, but he is able partly to understand the Cartesian graphs in the Japanese publication. The ideographs, though they may originally have been analogic pictures, are now purely digital; the Cartesian graphs are analogic.

16. Whitehead and Russell, op. cit.

17. This essay has been accepted for publication in the Journal of Genetics, and is here reproduced with the permission of that journal.

18. W. Bateson, “The Progress of Genetic Research,” Inaugural Address, Royal Horticultural Society Report, 1906.

19. W. Bateson, Materials for the Study of Variation, London, Macmillan and Co., 1894.

20. R. G. Harrison, “On Relations of Symmetry in Transplanted Limbs,” Journal of Experimental Zoology, 1921, 32: 1-118.

21. In this connection, scales and feathers and hairs are of special interest. A feather would seem to have a very clear bilateral symmetry in which the plane of symmetry is related to the antero-posterior differentiation of the bird. Superposed on this is an asymmetry like that of the individual bilateral limbs. As in the case of lateral limbs, corresponding feathers on opposite sides of the body are mirror images of each other. Every feather is, as it were, a flag whose shape and coloring denote the values of determining variables at the point and time of its growth.

22. W. Bateson, Materials . . . , op. cit., pp. 477-503.

23. See Figures 1 and 2, pages 385 and 386.

24. G. Bateson, “The Role of Somatic Change in Evolution,” Evolution, 1962, 17: 529-39.

25. Harrison, op. cit.; also F. H. Swett, “On The Production of Double Limbs in Amphibians,” Journal of Experimental Zoology, 1926, 44: 419-72.

26. Swett, op. cit.; also Harrison, op. cit.

27. Bateson (Materials …, op. cit., p. 507) describes and figures one doubtful exception to this statement. This is a reduplication in the left hind tarsus of platycerus caraboides.

28. G. Bateson, “Minimal Requirements for a Theory of Schizophrenia,” A.M.A. Archives of General Psychiatry, 1960, 2: 477-91.
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Re: STEPS TO AN ECOLOGY OF MIND: COLLECTED ESSAYS IN ANTHROP

Postby admin » Fri Dec 11, 2015 5:53 am

Part 1 of 3

Part V: Epistemology and Ecology

Cybernetic Explanation [1]


It may be useful to describe some of the peculiarities of cybernetic explanation.

Causal explanation is usually positive. We say that billiard ball B moved in such and such a direction because billiard ball A hit it at such and such an angle. In contrast to this, cybernetic explanation is always negative. We consider what alternative possibilities could conceivably have occurred and then ask why many of the alternatives were not followed, so that the particular event was one of those few which could, in fact, occur. The classical example of this type of explanation is the theory of evolution under natural selection. Ac-cording to this theory, those organisms which were not both physiologically and environmentally viable could not possibly have lived to reproduce. Therefore, evolution always followed the pathways of viability. As Lewis Carroll has pointed out, the theory explains quite satisfactorily why there are no bread-and-butter-flies today.

In cybernetic language, the course of events is said to be subject to restraints, and it is assumed that, apart from such restraints, the pathways of change would be governed only by equality of probability. In fact, the “restraints” upon which cybernetic explanation depends can in all cases be regarded as factors which determine inequality of probability. If we find a monkey striking a typewriter apparently at random but in fact writing meaningful prose, we shall look for restraints, either inside the monkey or inside the typewriter. Perhaps the monkey could not strike inappropriate letters; perhaps the type bars could not move if improperly struck; perhaps incorrect letters could not survive on the paper. Somewhere there must have been a circuit which could identify error and eliminate it.

Ideally—and commonly—the actual event in any sequence or aggregate is uniquely determined within the terms of the cybernetic explanation. Restraints of many different kinds may combine to generate this unique determination. For example, the selection of a piece for a given position in a jigsaw puzzle is “restrained” by many factors. Its shape must conform to that of its several neighbors and possibly that of the boundary of the puzzle; its color must conform to the color pattern of its region; the orientation of its edges must obey the topological regularities set by the cutting machine in which the puzzle was made; and so on. From the point of view of the man who is trying to solve the puzzle, these are all clues, i.e., sources of information which will guide him in his selection. From the point of view of the cybernetic observer, they are restraints.

Similarly, from the cybernetic point of view, a word in a sentence, or a letter within the word, or the anatomy of some part within an organism, or the role of a species in an ecosystem, or the behavior of a member within a family—these are all to be (negatively) explained by an analysis of restraints.

The negative form of these explanations is precisely comparable to the form of logical proof by reductio ad absurdum. In this species of proof, a sufficient set of mutually exclusive alternative propositions is enumerated, e.g., “P” and “not P,” and the process of proof procedes by demonstrating that all but one of this set are untenable or “absurd.” It follows that the surviving member of the set must be tenable within the terms of the logical system. This is a form of proof which the nonmathematical sometimes find unconvincing and, no doubt, the theory of natural selection sometimes seems unconvincing to nonmathematical persons for similar reasons—whatever those reasons may be.

Another tactic of mathematical proof which has its counterpart in the construction of cybernetic explanations is the use of “mapping” or rigorous metaphor. An algebraic proposition may, for example, be mapped onto a system of geometric coordinates and there proven by geometric methods. In cybernetics, mapping appears as a technique of explanation whenever a conceptual “model” is invoked or, more concretely, when a computer is used to simulate a complex communicational process. But this is not the only appearance of mapping in this science. Formal processes of mapping, translation, or transformation are, in principle, imputed to every step of any sequence of phenomena which the cyberneticist is attempting to explain. These mappings or trans-formations may be very complex, e.g., where the output of some machine is regarded as a transform of the input; or they may be very simple, e.g., where the rotation of a shaft at a given point along its length is regarded as a transform (albeit identical) of its rotation at some previous point.

The relations which remain constant under such transformation may be of any conceivable kind.

This parallel, between cybernetic explanation and the tactics of logical or mathematical proof, is of more than trivial interest. Outside of cybernetics, we look for explanation, but not for anything which would simulate logical proof. This simulation of proof is something new. We can say, however, with hindsight wisdom, that explanation by simulation of logical or mathematical proof was expectable. After all, the subject matter of cybernetics is not events and objects but the information “carried” by events and objects. We consider the objects or events only as proposing facts, propositions, messages, percepts, and the like. The subject matter being propositional, it is expectable that explanation would simulate the logical.

Cyberneticians have specialized in those explanations which simulate reductio ad absurdum and “mapping.” There are perhaps whole realms of explanation awaiting discovery by some mathematician who will recognize, in the informational aspects of nature, sequences which simulate other types of proof.

Because the subject matter of cybernetics is the propositional or informational aspect of the events and objects in the natural world, this science is forced to procedures rather different from those of the other sciences. The differentiation, for example, between map and territory, which the semanticists insist that scientists shall respect in their writings must, in cybernetics, be watched for in the very phenomena about which the scientist writes. Expectably, communicating organisms and badly programmed computers will mistake map for territory; and the language of the scientist must be able to cope with such anomalies. In human behavioral systems, especially in religion and ritual and wherever primary process dominates the scene, the name often is the thing named. The bread is the Body, and the wine is the Blood.

Similarly, the whole matter of induction and deduction —and our doctrinaire preferences for one or the other—will take on a new significance when we recognize inductive and deductive steps not only in our own argument but in the relationships among data.

Of especial interest in this connection is the relationship between context and its content. A phoneme exists as such only in combination with other phonemes which make up a word. The word is the context of the phoneme. But the word only exists as such—only has “meaning”—in the larger context of the utterance, which again has meaning only in a relationship.

This hierarchy of contexts within contexts is universal for the communicational (or “emic”) aspect of phenomena and drives the scientist always to seek for explanation in the ever larger units. It may (perhaps) be true in physics that the explanation of the macroscopic is to be sought in the microscopic. The opposite is usually true in cybernetics: without context, there is no communication.

In accord with the negative character of cybernetic ex-planation, “information” is quantified in negative terms. An event or-object such as the letter K in a given position in the text of a message might have been any other of the limited set of twenty-six letters in the English language. The actual letter excludes (i.e., eliminates by restraint) twenty-five alternatives. In comparison with an English letter, a Chinese ideograph would have excluded several thousand alternatives. We say, therefore, that the Chinese ideograph carries more information than the letter. The quantity of information is conventionally expressed as the log to base 2 of the improbability of the actual event or object.

Probability, being a ratio between quantities which have similar dimensions, is itself of zero dimensions. That is, the central explanatory quantity, information, is of zero dimensions. Quantities of real dimensions (mass, length, time) and their derivatives (force, energy, etc.) have no place in cybernetic explanation.

The status of energy is of special interest. In general in communicational systems, we deal with sequences which resemble stimulus-and-response rather than cause-and- effect. When one billiard ball strikes another, there is an energy transfer such that the motion of the second ball is energized by the impact of the first. In communicational systems, on the other hand, the energy of the response is usually provided by the respondent. If I kick a dog, his immediately sequential behavior is energized by his metabolism, not by my kick. Similarly, when one neuron fires another, or an impulse from a microphone activates a circuit, the sequent event has its own energy sources.

Of course, everything that happens is still within the limits defined by the law of energy conservation. The dog’s metabolism might in the end limit his response, but, in general, in the systems with which we deal, the energy supplies are large compared with the demands upon them; and, long before the supplies are exhausted, “economic” limitations are imposed by the finite number of available alternatives, i.e., there is an economics of probability. This economics differs from an economics of energy or money in that probability—being a ratio—is not subject to addition or subtraction but only to multiplicative processes, such as fractionation. A telephone exchange at a time of emergency may be “jammed” when a large fraction of its alternative pathways are busy. There is, then, a low probability of any given message getting through.

In addition to the restraints due to the limited economics of alternatives, two other categories of restraint must be discussed: restraints related to “feedback” and restraints related to “redundancy.”

We consider first the concept of feedback:

When the phenomena of the universe are seen as linked together by cause-and-effect and energy transfer, the resulting picture is of complexly branching and interconnecting chains of causation. In certain regions of this universe (notably organisms in environments, ecosystems, thermostats, steam engines with governors, societies, computers, and the like), these chains of causation form circuits which are closed in the sense that causal interconnection can be traced around the circuit and back through whatever position was (arbitarily) chosen as the starting point of the description. In such a circuit, evidently, events at any position in the circuit may be expected to have effect at all positions on the circuit at later times.

Such systems are, however, always open: (a) in the sense that the circuit is energized from some external source and loses energy usually in the form of heat to the outside; and (b) in the sense that events within the circuit may be influenced from the outside or may influence outside events.

A very large and important part of cybernetic theory is concerned with the formal characteristics of such causal circuits, and the conditions of their stability. Here I shall consider such systems only as sources of restraint.

Consider a variable in the circuit at any position and sup-pose this variable subject to random change in value (the change perhaps being imposed by impact of some event external to the circuit). We now ask how this change will affect the value of this variable at that later time when the sequence of effects has come around the circuit. Clearly the answer to this last question will depend upon the characteristics of the circuit and will, therefore, be not random.

In principle, then, a causal circuit will generate a non-random response to a random event at that position in the circuit at which the random event occurred.

This is the general requisite for the creation of cybernetic restraint in any variable at any given position. The particular restraint created in any given instance will, of course, depend upon the characteristics of the particular circuit—whether its overall gain be positive or negative, its time characteristics, its thresholds of activity, etc. These will together determine the restraints which it will exert at any given position.

For purposes of cybernetic explanation, when a machine is observed to be (improbably) moving at a constant rate, even under varying load, we shall look for restraints—e.g., for a circuit which will be activated by changes in rate and which, when activated, will operate upon some variable (e.g., the fuel supply) in such a way as to diminish the change in rate.

When the monkey is observed to be (improbably) typing prose, we shall look for some circuit which is activated whenever he makes a “mistake” and which, when activated, will delete the evidence of that mistake at the position where it occurred.

The cybernetic method of negative explanation raises the question: Is there a difference between “being right” and “not being wrong”? Should we say of the rat in a maze that he has “learned the right path” or should we say only that he has learned “to avoid the wrong paths”?

Subjectively, I feel that I know how to spell a number of English words, and I am certainly not aware of discarding as unrewarding the letter K when I have to spell the word “many.” Yet, in the first level cybernetic explanation, I should be viewed as actively discarding the alternative K when I spell “many.”

The question is not trivial and the answer is both subtle and fundamental: choices are not all at the same level. I may have to avoid error in my choice of the word “many” in a given context, discarding the alternatives, “few,” “several,” “frequent,” etc. But if I can achieve this higher level choice on a negative base, it follows that the word “many” and its alternatives somehow must be conceivable to me—must exist as distinguishable and possibly labeled or coded patterns in my neural processes. If they do, in some sense, exist, then it follows that, after making the higher level choice of what word to use, I shall not necessarily be faced with alternatives at the lower level. It may become unnecessary for me to exclude the letter K from the word “many.” It will be correct to say that I know positively how to spell “many”; not merely that I know how to avoid making mistakes in spelling that word.

It follows that Lewis Carroll’s joke about the theory of natural selection is not entirely cogent. If, in the communicational and organizational processes of biological evolution, there be something like levels—items, patterns, and possibly patterns of patterns—then it is logically possible for the evolutionary system to make something like positive choices. Such levels and patterning might conceivably be in or among genes or elsewhere.

The circuitry of the above mentioned monkey would be required to recognize deviations from “prose,” and prose is characterized by pattern or—as the engineers call it—by redundancy.

The occurrence of the letter K in a given location in an English prose message is not a purely random event in the sense that there was ever an equal probability that any other of the twenty-five letters might have occurred in that location. Some letters are more common in English than others, and certain combinations of letters are more common than others. There is, thus, a species of patterning which partly determines which letters shall occur in which slots. As a result: if the receiver of the message had received the entire rest of the message but had not received the particular letter K which we are discussing, he might have been able, with better than random success, to guess that the missing letter was, in fact, K. To the extent that this was so, the let-ter K did not, for that receiver, exclude the other twenty-five letters because these were already partly excluded by information which the recipient received from the rest of the message. This patterning or predictability of particular events within a larger aggregate of events is technically called “redundancy.”

The concept of redundancy is usually derived, as I have derived it, by considering first the maximum of information which might be carried by the given item and then considering how this total might be reduced by knowledge of the surrounding patterns of which the given item is a component part. There is, however, a case for looking at the whole matter the other way round. We might regard patterning or predictability as the very essence and raison d’etre of communication, and see the single letter unaccompanied by collateral clues as a peculiar and special case.

The idea that communication is the creation of redundancy or patterning can be applied to the simplest engineering examples. Let us consider an observer who is watching A send a message to B. The purpose of the transaction (from the point of view of A and B) is to create in B’s message pad a sequence of letters identical with the sequence which formerly occurred in A’s pad. But from the point of view of the observer this is the creation of redundancy. If he has seen what A had on his pad, he will not get any new information about the message itself from inspecting B’s pad.

Evidently, the nature of “meaning,” pattern, redundancy, information and the like. depends upon where we sit. In the usual engineers’ discussion of a message sent from A to B, it is customary to omit the observer and to say that B received information from A which was measurable in terms of the number of letters transmitted, reduced by such redundancy in the text as might have permitted B to do some guessing. But in a wider universe, i.e., that defined by the point of view of the observer, this no longer appears as a “transmission” of information but rather as a spreading of redundancy. The activities of A and B have combined to make the universe of the observer more predictable, more ordered, and more redundant. We may say that the rules of the “game” played by A and B explain (as “restraints”) what would otherwise be a puzzling and improbable coincidence in the observer’s universe, namely the conformity between what is written on the two message pads.

To guess, in essence, is to face a cut or slash in the sequence of items and to predict across that slash what items might be on the other side. The slash may be spatial or temporal (or both) and the guessing may be either predictive or retrospective. A pattern, in fact, is definable as an aggregate of events or objects which will permit in some degree such guesses when the entire aggregate is not available for inspection.

But this sort of patterning is also a very, general phenomenon, outside the realm of communication between organisms. The reception of message material by one organism is not fundamentally different from any other case of perception. If I see the top part of a tree standing up, I can predict —with better than random success—that the tree has roots in the ground. The percept of the tree top is redundant with (i.e., contains “information” about) parts of the system which I cannot perceive owing to the slash provided by the opacity of the ground.

If then we say that a message has “meaning” or is “about” some referent, what we mean is that there is a larger universe of relevance consisting of message-plus-referent, and that redundancy or pattern or predictability is introduced into this universe by the message.

If I say to you “It is raining,” this message introduces redundancy into the universe, message-plus-raindrops, so that from the message alone you could have guessed—with better than random success—something of what you would see if you looked out of the window. The universe, message-plus-referent, is given pattern or form—in the Shakespearean sense, the universe is informed by the message; and the “form” of which we are speaking is not in the message nor is it in the referent. It is a correspondence between message and referent.

In loose talk, it seems simple to locate information. The letter K in a given slot proposes that the letter in that particular slot is a K. And, so long as all information is of this very direct kind, the information can be “located”: the information about the letter K is seemingly in that slot.

The matter is not quite so simple if the text of the message is redundant but, if we are lucky and the redundancy is of low order, we may still be able to point to parts of the text which indicate (carry some of the information) that the letter K is expectable in that particular slot.

But if we are asked: Where are such items of information as that: (a) “This message is in English”; and (b) “In English, a letter K often follows a letter C, except when the C begins a word”; we can only say that such information is not localized in any part of the text but is rather a statistical induction from the text as a whole (or perhaps from an aggregate of “similar” texts). This, after all, is metainformation and is of a basically different order—of different logical type—from the information that “the letter in this slot is K.”

This matter of the localization of information has be-deviled communication theory and especially neurophysiology for many years and it is, therefore, interesting to consider how the matter looks if we start from redundancy, pattern or form as the basic concept.

It is flatly obvious that no variable of zero dimensions can be truly located. “Information” and “form” resemble contrast, frequency, symmetry, correspondence, congruence, conformity, and the like in being of zero dimensions and, therefore, are not to be located. The contrast between this white paper and that black coffee is not somewhere between the paper and the coffee and, even if we bring the paper and coffee into close juxtaposition, the contrast between them is not thereby located or pinched between them. Nor is that contrast located between the two objects and my eye. It is not even in my head; or, if it be, then it must also be in your head. But you, the reader, have not seen the paper and the coffee to which I was referring. I have in my head an image or transform or name of the contrast between them; and you have in your head a transform of what I have in mine. But the conformity between us is not localizable. In fact, information and form are not items which can be localized.

It is, however, possible to begin (but perhaps not complete) a sort of mapping of formal relations within a system containing redundancy. Consider a finite aggregate of objects or events (say a sequence of letters, or a tree) and an observer who is already informed about all the redundancy rules which are recognizable (i.e., which have statistical significance) within the aggregate. It is then possible to delimit regions of the aggregate within which the observer can achieve better than random guessing. A further step toward localization is accomplished by cutting across these regions with slash marks, such that it is across these that the educated observer can guess, from what is on one side of the slash, something of what is on the other side.

Such a mapping of the distribution of patterns is, how-ever, in principle, incomplete because we have not considered the sources of the observer’s prior knowledge of the redundancy rules. If, now, we consider an observer with no prior knowledge, it is clear that he might discover some of the relevant rules from his perception of less than the whole aggregate. He could then use his discovery in predicting rules for the remainder—rules which would be correct even though not exemplified. He might discover that “H often follows T” even though the remainder of the aggregate contained no example of this combination. For this order of phenomenon a different order of slash mark—metaslashes —will be necessary.

It is interesting to note that metaslashes which demarcate what is necessary for the naive observer to discover a rule are, in principle, displaced relative to the slashes which would have appeared on the map prepared by an observer totally informed as to the rules of redundancy for that aggregate. (This principle is of some importance in aesthetics.

To the aesthetic eye, the form of a crab with one claw bigger than the other is not simply asymmetrical. It first pro-poses a rule of symmetry and then subtly denies the rule by proposing a more complex combination of rules.)

When we exclude all things and all real dimensions from our explanatory system, we are left regarding each step in a communicational sequence as a transform of the previous step. If we consider the passage of an impulse along an axon, we shall regard the events at each point along the pathway as a transform (albeit identical or similar) of events at any previous point. Or if we consider a series of neurons, each firing the next, then the firing of each neuron is a transform of the firing of its predecessor. We deal with event sequences which do not necessarily imply a passing on of the same energy.

Similarly, we can consider any network of neurons, and arbitrarily transect the whole network at a series of different positions, then we shall regard the events at each transection as a transform of events at some previous transection.

In considering perception, we shall not say, for example, “I see a tree,” because the tree is not within our explanatory system. At best, it is only possible to see an image which is a complex but systematic transform of the tree. This image, of course, is energized by my metabolism and the nature of the transform is, in part, determined by factors within my neural circuits: “I” make the image, under various restraints, some of which are imposed by my neural circuits, while others are imposed by the external tree. An hallucination or dream would be more truly “mine” insofar as it is produced without immediate external restraints.

All that is not information, not redundancy, not form and not restraints—is noise, the only possible source of new patterns.

Redundancy and Coding [2]

Discussion of the evolutionary and other relationships between the communication systems of men and those of other animals has made it very clear that the coding devices characteristic of verbal communication differ profoundly from those of kinesics and paralanguage. But the point has been made that there is a great deal of resemblance between the codes of kinesics and paralanguage and the codes of nonhuman mammals.

We may, I think, state categorically that man’s verbal system is not derived in any simple way from these preponderantly iconic codes. There is a general popular belief that in the evolution of man, language replaced the cruder systems of the other animals. I believe this to be totally wrong and would argue as follows:

In any complex functional system capable of adaptive evolutionary change, when the performance of a given function is taken over by some new and more efficient method, the old method falls into disuse and decay. The technique of making weapons by the knapping of flint deteriorated when metals came into use.

This decay of organs and skills under evolutionary replacement is a necessary and inevitable systemic phenomenon. If, therefore, verbal language were in any sense an evolutionary replacement of communication by means of kinesics and paralanguage, we would expect the old, preponderantly iconic systems to have undergone conspicuous decay. Clearly they have not. Rather, the kinesics of men have become richer and more complex, and paralanguage has blossomed side by side with the evolution of verbal language. Both kinesics and paralanguage have been elaborated into complex forms of art, music, ballet, poetry, and the like, and, even in everyday life, the intricacies of human kinesic communication, facial expression, and vocal intonation far exceed anything that any other animal is known to produce. The logician’s dream that men should communicate only by unambiguous digital signals has not come true and is not likely to.

I suggest that this separate burgeoning evolution of kinesics and paralanguage alongside the evolution of verbal language indicates that our iconic communication serves functions totally different from those of language and, in-deed, performs functions which verbal language is unsuited to perform.

When boy says to girl, “I love you,” he is using words to convey that which is more convincingly conveyed by his tone of voice and his movements; and the girl, if she has any sense, will pay more attention to those accompanying signs than to the words. There are people—professional actors, confidence tricksters, and others—who are able to use kinesics and paralinguistic communication with a degree of voluntary control comparable to that voluntary control which we all think we have over the use of words. For these people who can lie with kinesics, the special usefulness of nonverbal communication is reduced. It is a little more difficult for them to be sincere and still more difficult for them to be believed to be sincere. They are caught in a process of diminishing returns such that, when distrusted, they try to improve their skill in simulating paralinguistic and kinesic sincerity. But this is the very skill which led others to distrust them.

It seems that the discourse of nonverbal communication is precisely concerned with matters of relationship—love, hate, respect, fear, dependency, etc.—between self and vis-à-vis or between self and environment and that the nature of human society is such that falsification of this discourse rapidly becomes pathogenic. From an adaptive point of view, it is therefore important that this discourse be carried on by techniques which are relatively unconscious and only imperfectly subject to voluntary control. In the language of neurophysiology, the controls of this discourse must be placed in the brain caudad of the controls of true language.

If this general view of the matter be correct, it must follow that to translate kinesics or paralinguistic messages into words is likely to introduce gross falsification due not merely to the human propensity for trying to falsify statements about “feelings” and relationship and to the distortions which arise whenever the products of one system of coding are dissected onto the premises of another, but especially to the fact that all such translation must give to the more or less unconscious and involuntary iconic message the appearance of conscious intent.

As scientists, we are concerned to build a simulacrum of the phenomenal universe in words. That is, our product is to be a verbal transform of the phenomena. It is necessary, therefore, to examine rather carefully the rules of this trans-formation and the differences in coding between natural phenomena, message phenomena, and words. I know that it is unusual to presume a “coding” of nonliving phenomena and, to justify this phrase, I must expand somewhat on the concept of “redundancy” as this word is used by the communications engineers.

The engineers and mathematicians have concentrated their attention rigorously upon the internal structure of message material. Typically, this material consists of a sequence or collection of events or objects (commonly members of finite sets— phonemes and the like). This sequence is differentiated from irrelevant events or objects occurring in the same region of time-space by the signal/noise ratio and by other characteristics. The message material is said to contain “redundancy” if, when the sequence is received with some items missing, the receiver is able to guess at the missing items with better than random success. It has been pointed out that, in fact, the term “redundancy” so used becomes a synonym for “patterning.” [3] It is important to note that this patterning of message material always helps the receiver to differentiate between signal and noise. In fact, the regularity called signal/noise ratio is really only a special case of redundancy. Camouflage (the opposite of communication) is achieved (1) by reducing the signal/noise ratio, (2) by breaking up the patterns and regularities in the signal, or (3) by introducing similar patterns into the noise.

By confining their attention to the internal structure of the message material, the engineers believe that they can avoid the complexities and difficulties introduced into communication theory by the concept of “meaning.” I would argue, however, that the concept “redundancy” is at least a partial synonym of “meaning.” As I see it, if the receiver can guess at missing parts of the message, then those parts which are received must, in fact, carry a meaning which refers to the missing parts and is information about those parts.

If now we turn away from the narrow universe of message structure and consider the outer world of natural phenomena, we observe at once that this outer world is similarly characterized by redundancy, i.e., that when an observer perceives only certain parts of a sequence or configuration of phenomena, he is in many cases able to guess, with better than random success, at the parts which he cannot immediately perceive. It is, indeed, a principal goal of the scientist to elucidate these redundancies or patternings of the phenomenal world.

If we now consider that larger universe of which these two subuniverses are parts, i.e., the system: message plus external phenomena, we find that this larger system contains redundancy of a very special sort. The observer’s ability to predict external phenomena is very much increased by his receipt of message material. If I tell you that “it is raining” and you look out the window, you will get less information from the perception of raindrops than you would have got had you never received my message. From my message you could have guessed that you would see rain.

In sum, “redundancy” and “meaning” become synonymous whenever both words are applied to the same universe of discourse. “Redundancy” within the restricted universe of the message sequence is not, of course, synonymous with “meaning” in the wider universe that includes both message and external referent.

It will be noted that this way of thinking about communication groups all methods of coding under the single rubric of part-for-whole. The verbal message “It is raining” is to be seen as a part of a larger universe within which that message creates redundancy or predictability. The “digital,” the “analogic,” the “iconic,” the “metaphoric,” and all other methods of coding are subsumed under this single heading. (What the grammarians call “synecdoche” is the metaphoric use of the name of a part in place of the name of the whole, as in the phrase “five head of cattle.”)

This approach to the matter has certain advantages: the analyst is forced at all times to define the universe of discourse within which “redundancy” or “meaning” is supposed to occur. He is forced to examine the “logical typing” of all message material. We shall see that this broad view of the matter makes it easy to identify major steps in the evolution of communication. Let us consider the scientist who is observing two animals in a physical environment. The following components then must be considered:

(1) The physical environment contains internal patterning or redundancy, i.e., the perception of certain events or objects makes other events or objects predictable for the animals and/or for the observer.

(2) Sounds or other signals from one animal may con-tribute redundancy to the system, environment plus signal; i.e., the signals may be “about” the environment.

(3) The sequence of signals will certainly contain redundancy—one signal from an animal making another signal from the same animal more predictable.

(4) The signals may contribute redundancy to the universe; A’s signals plus B’s signals, i.e., the signals may be about the interaction of which they are component parts.

(5) If all rules or codes of animal communication and understanding were genotypically fixed, the list would end at this point. But some animals are capable of learning, e.g., the repetition of sequences may lead to their becoming effective as patterns. In logic, “every proposition proposes its own truth,” but in natural history we deal always with a converse of this generalization. The perceivable events which accompany a given percept propose that that percept shall “mean” these events. By some such steps an organism may learn to use the information contained in patterned sequences of external events. I can therefore predict with bet-ter than random success that in the universe, organism plus environment, events will occur to complete patterns or configurations of learned adaptation between organism and environment.

(6) The behavioral “learning” which is usually studied in psychological laboratories is of a different order. The redundancy of that universe, which consists of the animal’s actions plus external events, is increased, from the animal’s point of view, when the animal regularly responds to certain events with certain actions. Similarly, this universe gains redundancy when the animal succeeds in producing those actions which function as regular precursors (or causes) of specific external events.

(7) For every organism there are limitations and regularities which define what will be learned and under what circumstances this learning will occur. These regularities and patterns become basic premises for the individual adaptation and social organization of any species.

(8) Last but not least, there is the matter of phylogenetic learning and phylogeny in general. There is redundancy in the system, organism-plus-environment, such that from the morphology and behavior of the organism a human observer can guess with better than random success at the nature of the environment. This “information” about the environment has become lodged in the organism through a long phylogenetic process, and its coding is of a very special kind. The observer who would learn about the aquatic environment from the shape of a shark must deduce the hydrodynamics from the adaptation which copes with the water. The information contained in the phenotypic shark is implicit in forms which are complementary to characteristics of other parts of the universe, phenotype plus environment whose redundancy is increased by the phenotype.


This very brief and incomplete survey of some of the sorts of redundancy in biological systems and the universes of their relevance indicates that under the general rubric “part-for-whole” a number of different sorts of relationship between part and whole are included. A listing of some of the characteristics of these formal relations is in order. We consider some of the iconic cases:

(1) The events or objects which we here call the “part” or “signal” may be real components of an existing sequence or whole. A standing trunk of a tree indicates the probable presence of invisible roots. A cloud may indicate the coming storm of which it is a part. The bared fang of a dog may be part of a real attack.

(2) The “part” may have only a conditional relationship to its whole: the cloud may indicate that we shall get wet if we don’t go indoors; the bared fang may be the beginning of an attack which will be completed unless certain conditions are met.

(3) The “part” may be completely split from the whole which is its referent. The bared fang at the given instant may mention an attack which, if and when it occurs, will include a new baring of the fangs. The “part” has now became a true iconic signal.

(4) Once a true iconic signal has evolved—not necessarily through steps 1, 2, or 3, above—a variety of other pathways of evolution become possible:

(a) The “part” may become more or less digitalized, so that magnitudes within it no longer refer to magnitudes within the whole which is its referent but, for example, contribute to an improvement of the signal/noise ratio.

(b) The “part” may take on special ritual or metaphoric meanings in contexts where the original whole to which it once referred is no longer relevant. The game of mutual mouthing between mother dog and puppy which once followed her weaning of the pup may become a ritual aggregation. The actions of feeding a baby bird may become a ritual of courtship, etc.


Throughout this series, whose branches and varieties are here only briefly indicated, it is notable that animal communication is confined to signals which are derived from actions of the animals themselves, i.e., those which are parts of such actions. The external universe is, as already noted, redundant in the sense that it is replete with part-for-whole messages, and—perhaps for that reason—this basic style of coding is characteristic of primitive animal communication. But in so far as animals can signal at all about the external universe, they do so by means of actions which are parts of their response to that universe. The jackdaws indicate to each other that Lorenz is a “jackdaw-eater” not by simulating some part of the act of eating jackdaws but by simulating part of their aggression vis-a-vis such a creature. Occasionally actual pieces of the external environment—scraps of potential nest-building material, “trophies,” and the like—are used for communication, and in these cases again the messages usually contribute redundancy to the universe message plus the relationship between the organisms rather than to the universe message plus external environment.

In terms of evolutionary theory, it is not simple to ex-plain why over and over again genotypic controls have been evolved to determine such iconic signaling. From the point of view of the human observer such iconic signals are rather easy to interpret, and we might expect iconic coding to be comparatively easy for animals to decode—in so far as the animals must learn to do so. But the genome is presumed not capable of learning in this sense, and we might therefore expect genotypically determined signals to be aniconic or arbitrary rather than iconic.

Three possible explanations of the iconic nature of genotypic signals can be offered:

(1) Even genotypically determined signals do not occur as separate and isolated elements in the life of the phenotype but are necessarily components in a complex matrix of behavior some, at least, of which is learned. It is possible that the iconic coding of genotypically determined signals renders these easy to assimilate into this matrix. There may be an experiential “schoolmarm” which acts selectively to favor those genotypic changes which will give rise to iconic rather than arbitrary signaling.

(2) A signal of aggression which places the signaler in a position of readiness to attack probably has more survival value than would a more arbitrary signal.

(3) When the genotypically determined signal affects the behavior of another species—e.g., eye marks or postures which have a warning effect, movements which facilitate camouflage or aposematic mimicry—clearly the signal must be iconic to the perceptive system of that other species. However, an interesting phenomenon arises in many instances where what is achieved is a secondary statistical iconicism. Labroides dimidiatus, a small Indo-Pacific wrasse, which lives on the ectoparasites of other fishes, is strikingly colored and moves or “dances” in a way which is easily recognized. No doubt these characteristics attract other fish and are part of a signaling system which leads the other fish to permit the approaches of the cleaner. But there is a mimic of this species of Labroides, a saber-toothed blenny (Aspidontus taeniatus), whose similar coloring and movement permit the mimic to approach—and bite off pieces of the fins of other fishes. [4]

Clearly the coloring and movements of the mimic are iconic and “represent” the cleaner. But what of the coloring and movements of the latter? All that is primarily required is that the cleaner be conspicuous or distinctive. It is not required that it represent something else. But when we consider the statistical aspects of the system, it becomes clear that if the blennies become too numerous, the distinctive features of the wrasses will become iconic warnings and their hosts will avoid them. What is necessary is that the signals of the wrasse shall clearly and indubitably represent wrasse, i.e., the signals, though perhaps aniconic in the first instance, must achieve and maintain by multiple impact a sort of autoiconicism. “When I say it three times, it is true.” But this necessity for autoiconicism may also arise within the species. Genotypic control of signaling ensures the necessary repetitiveness (which might be only fortuitous if the signals had to be learned).

(4) There is a case for asserting that the genotypic determination of adaptive characteristics is, in a special sense, more economical than the achievement of similar characteristic by somatic change or phenotypic learning. This matter has been argued elsewhere. [5] Briefly it is asserted that the somatic adaptive flexibility and/or learning capacity of any organism is limited and that the demands placed upon these capacities will be reduced by genotypic change in any appropriate direction. Such changes would therefore have survival value because they set free precious adaptive or learning capacity for other uses. This amounts to an argument for Baldwin effects. An extention of this argument would suggest that the iconic character of genotypically controlled signaling characteristics may, in some cases, be explained by supposing that these characteristics were once learned. (This hypothesis does not, of course, imply any sort of Lamarckian inheritance. It is obvious (1) that to fix the value of any variable in a homeostatic circuit by such inheritance would soon gum up the homeostatic system of the body, and (2) that no amount of modification of the dependent variables in a homeostatic circuit will change the bias of the circuit.)

(5) Last, it is unclear at what level genotypic determination of behavior might act. It was suggested above that iconic codes are easier for an organism to learn than more arbitrary codes. It is possible that the genotypic contribution to such an organism might take the form, not of fixing the given behavior, but rather of making this behavior easier to learn—a change in specific learning capacity rather than a change in genotypically determined behavior. Such a contribution from the genotype would have obvious advantages in that it would work along with ontogenetic change instead of working possibly at cross-purposes with it.


To sum up the argument so far:

(1) But the evolution of aniconic verbal coding remains unexplained. It is understandable that an early (in an evolutionary sense) method of creating redundancy would be the use of iconic part-for-whole coding. The external nonbiological universe contains redundancy of this kind, and in evolving a code of communication it is expectable that organisms would fall into the same trick. We have noted that the “part” can be split from the whole, so that a showing of the fangs can denote a possible but as yet nonexistent fight. All this provides an explanatory background for communication by means of “intention movements” and the like.

(2) It it partly understandable that such tricks of coding by iconic parts might become genotypically fixed.

(3) It has been suggested that the survival of such primitive (and therefore involuntary) signalling in human communication about personal relationship is explained by a need for honesty in such matters.


We know from studies of aphasia, from Hockett’s enumeration at this meeting of the characteristics of language and from elementary common sense that the component processes of creating and understanding verbal communication are many and that language fails when any one of those component processes is interrupted. It is possible that each of these processes should be the focus of a separate study. Here, however, I shall consider only one aspect of the matter: the evolution of simple indicative assertion.

An interesting intermediate between the iconic coding of animals and the verbal coding of human speech can be recognized in human dreaming and human myth. In psychoanalytic theory, the productions of dream process are said to be characterized by “primary-process” thinking. [6] Dreams, whether verbal or not, are to be considered as metaphoric statements, i.e., the referents of dream are relationships which the dreamer, consciously or unconsciously, perceives in his waking world. As in all metaphor, the relata remain unmentioned and in their places appear other items such that the relationships between these substitute items shall be the same as those between the relata in the waking world.

To identify the relata in the waking world to which the dream refers would convert the metaphor into a simile, and, in general, dreams contain no message material which overtly performs this function. There is no signal in the dream which tells the dreamer that this is metaphor or what the referent of the metaphor may be. Similarly, dream contains no tenses. Time is telescoped, and representations of past events in real or distorted forms may have the present as their referent—or vice versa. The patterns of dream are timeless.

In a theater, the audience is informed by the curtain and the framing of the stage that the action on the stage is “only” a play. From within that frame the producers and actors may attempt to involve the audience in an illusion of reality as seemingly direct as the experience of dream. And, as in dream, the play has metaphoric reference to the out-side world. But in dream, unless the sleeper be partly conscious of the fact of sleep, there is no curtain and no framing of the action. The partial negative—”This is only metaphor”—is absent.

I suggest that this absence of metacommunicative frames and the persistence in dream of pattern recognition are archaic characteristics in an evolutionary sense. If this be correct, then an understanding of dream should throw light both on how iconic communication operates among animals and on the mysterious evolutionary step from the iconic to the verbal.

Under the limitation imposed by the lack of a metacommunicative frame, it is clearly impossible for dream to make an indicative statement, either positive or negative. As there can be no frame which labels the content as “metaphoric,” so there can be no frame to label the content as “literal.” Dream can imagine rain or drought, but it can never assert “It is raining” or “It is not raining.” Therefore, as we have seen, the usefulness in imagining “rain” or “drought” is limited to their metaphoric aspects.

Dream can propose the applicability of pattern. It can never assert or deny this applicability. Still less can it make an indicative statement about any identified referent, since no referent is identified.

The pattern is the thing.

These characteristics of dream may be archaic, but it is important to remember that they are not obsolete: that, as kinesic and paralinguistic communication has been elaborated into dance, music, and poetry, so also the logic of dream has been elaborated into theater and art. Still more astonishing is that world of rigorous fantasy which we call mathematics, a world forever isolated by its axioms and definitions from the possibility of making an indicative statement about the “real” world. Only if a straight line is the shortest distance between two points is the theorem of Pythagoras asserted.

The banker manipulates numerals according to rules sup-plied by the mathematician. These numerals are the names of numbers, and the numbers are somehow embodied in (real or fictitious) dollars. To remember what he is doing, the banker marks his numerals with labels, such as the dollar sign, but these are nonmathematical and no computer needs them. In the strictly mathematical procedure, as in the process of dream, the pattern of relationships controls all operations, but the relata are unidentified.

We return now to the contrast between the iconic method of creating redundancy in the universe, organism plus other organism, by the emission of parts of interactive patterns and the linguistic device of naming the relata. We noted above that the human communication which creates redundancy in the relationships between persons is still preponderantly iconic and is achieved by means of kinesics, paralinguistics, intention movements, actions, and the like. It is in dealing with the universe, message plus environment, that the evolution of verbal language has made the greatest strides.

In animal discourse, redundancy is introduced into this universe by signals which are iconic parts of the signaler’s probable response. The environmental items may serve an ostensive function but cannot, in general, be mentioned. Similarly, in iconic communication about relationship, the relata—the organisms themselves—do not have to be identified because the subject of any predicate in this iconic discourse is the emitter of the signal, who is always ostensively present.

It appears then that at least two steps were necessary to get from the iconic use of parts of patterns of own behavior to the naming of entities in the external environment: there was both a change in coding and a change in the centering of the subject-predicate frame.

To attempt to reconstruct these steps can only be speculative, but some remarks may be offered:

(1) Imitation of environmental phenomena makes it possible. to shift the subject-predicate frame from the self to some environmental entity while still retaining the iconic code.

(2) A similar shifting of the subject-predicate frame from self to other is latent in those interactions between animals in which A proposes a pattern of interaction and B negates this with an iconic or ostensive “don’t.” The subject of B’s message here verbalized as “don’t” is A.

(3) It is possible that the paradigms of interaction which are basic to iconic signaling about relationship could serve as evolutionary models for the paradigms of verbal grammar. We should not, I suggest, think of the earliest rudiments of verbal communication as resembling what a man does with only a few words of a foreign language and no knowledge of its grammar and syntax. Surely, at all stages of the evolution of language, the communication of our ancestors was structured and formed--complete in itself, not made of broken pieces. The antecedents of grammar must surely be as old or older than the antecedents of words.

(4) For actions of the self, iconic abbreviations are readily available, and these control the vis-à-vis by implicit reference to interactional paradigms. But all such communication is necessarily positive. To show the fangs is to mention combat, and to mention combat is to propose it. There can be no simple iconic representation of a negative: no simple way for an animal to say “I will not bite you.” It is easy, however, to imagine ways of communicating negative commands if (and only if) the other organism will first propose the pat-tern of action which is to be forbidden. By threat, by inappropriate response and so on, “don’t” can be communicated. A pattern of interaction, offered by one organism, is negated by the other, who disrupts the proposed paradigm.


But “don’t” is very different from “not.” Commonly, the important message “I will not bite you” is generated as an agreement between two organisms following real or ritual combat. That is, the opposite of the final message is worked through to reach a reductio ad absurdum which can then be the basis of mutual peace, hierarchic precedence, or sexual relations. Many of the curious interactions of animals, called “play,” which resemble (but are not) combat are probably the testing and reaffirmation of such negative agreement.

But these are cumbersome and awkward methods of achieving the negative.

(5) It was suggested above that the paradigms of verbal grammar might somehow be derived from the paradigms of interaction. We, therefore, look for the evolutionary roots of the simple negative among the paradigms of interaction. The matter, however, is not simple. What is known to occur at the animal level is the simultaneous presentation of contradictory signals—postures which mention both aggression and flight, and the like. These ambiguities are, however, quite different from the phenomenon familiar among humans where the friendliness of a man’s words may be contradicted by the tension or aggressiveness of his voice or posture. The man is engaging in a sort of deceit, an altogether more complex achievement, while the ambivalent animal is offering positive alternatives. From neither of these patterns is it easy to derive a simple “not.”

(6) From these considerations it appears likely that the evolution of the simple negative arose by introjection or imitation of the vis-à-vis, so that “not” was somehow derived from “don’t.”

(7) This still leaves unexplained the shift from communication about interaction patterns to communication about things and other components of the external world. This is the shift which determines that language would never make obsolete the iconic communication about the contingency patterns of personal relationship.


Further than that we cannot at present go. It is even possible that the evolution of verbal naming preceded the evolution of the simple negative. It is, however, important to note that evolution of a simple negative would be a decisive step toward language as we know it. This step would immediately endow the signals— be they verbal or iconic--with a degree of separateness from their referents, which would justify us in referring to the signals as “names.” The same step would make possible the use of negative aspects of classification: those items which are not members of an identified class would become identifiable as nonmembers. And, lastly, simple affirmative indicative statements would become possible.
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Re: STEPS TO AN ECOLOGY OF MIND: COLLECTED ESSAYS IN ANTHROP

Postby admin » Fri Dec 11, 2015 5:54 am

Part 2 of 3

Conscious Purpose versus Nature. [7]

Our civilization, which is on the block here for investigation and evaluation, has its roots in three main ancient civilizations: the Roman, the Hebrew and the Greek; and it would seem that many of our problems are related to the fact that we have an imperialist civilization leavened or yeasted by a downtrodden, exploited colony in Palestine. In this conference, we are again going to be fighting out the conflict between the Romans and the Palestinians.

You will remember that St. Paul boasted, “I was born free.” What he meant was that he was born Roman, and that this had certain legal advantages.

We can engage in that old battle either by backing the downtrodden or by backing the imperialists. If you are going to fight that battle, you have to take sides in it. It’s that simple.

On the other hand, of course, St. Paul’s ambition, and the ambition of the downtrodden, is always to get on the side of the imperialists—to become middleclass imperialists themselves—and it is doubtful whether creating more members of the civilization which we are here criticizing is a solution to the problem.

There is, therefore, another more abstract problem. We need to understand the pathologies and peculiarities of the whole Romano-Palestinian system. It is this that I am interested in talking about. I do not care, here, about defending the Romans or defending the Palestinians—the upper dogs or the underdogs. I want to consider the dynamics of the whole traditional pathology in which we are caught, and in which we shall remain as long as we continue to struggle within that old conflict. We just go round and round in terms of the old premises.

Fortunately our civilization has a third root—in Greece. Of course Greece got caught up in a rather similar mess, but still there was a lot of clean, cool thinking of a quite surprising kind which was different.

Let me approach the bigger problem historically. From St. Thomas Aquinas to the eighteenth century in Catholic countries, and to the Reformation among Protestants (be-cause we threw out a lot of Greek sophistication with the Reformation), the structure of our religion was Greek. In mid-eighteenth century the biological world looked like this: there was a supreme mind at the top of the ladder, which was the basic explanation of everything downwards from that—the supreme mind being, in Christianity, God; and having various attributes at various philosophic stages. The ladder of explanation went downwards deductively from the Supreme to man to the apes, and so on, down to the infusoria.

This hierarchy was a set of deductive steps from the most perfect to the most crude or simple. And it was rigid. It was assumed that every species was unchanging.

Lamarck, probably the greatest biologist in history, turned that ladder of explanation upside down. He was the man who said it starts with the infusoria and that there were changes leading up to man. His turning the taxonomy upside down is one of the most astonishing feats that has ever occurred. It was the equivalent in biology of the Copernican revolution in astronomy.

The logical outcome of turning the taxonomy upside down was that the study of evolution might provide an explanation of mind.

Up to Lamarck, mind was the explanation of the biological world. But, hey presto, the question now arose: Is the biological world the explanation of mind? That which was the explanation now became that which was to be explained. About three quarters of Lamarck’s Philosophie Zoologique (1809) is an attempt, very crude, to build a comparative psychology. He achieved and formulated a number of very modern ideas: that you cannot attribute to any creature psychological capacities for which it has no organs; that mental process must always have physical representation; and that the complexity of the nervous system is related to the complexity of mind.

There the matter rested for 150 years, mainly because evolutionary theory was taken over, not by a Catholic heresy but by a Protestant heresy, in the mid-nineteenth century. Darwin’s opponents, you may remember, were not Aristotle and Aquinas, who had some sophistication, but fundamentalist Christians whose sophistication stopped with the first chapter of Genesis. The question of the nature of mind was something which the nineteenth-century evolutionists tried to exclude from their theories, and the matter did not come up again for serious consideration until after World War II. (I am doing some injustice to some heretics along the road, notably to Samuel Butler—and others.)

In World War II it was discovered what sort of complexity entails mind. And, since that discovery, we know that: wherever in the Universe we encounter that sort of complexity, we are dealing with mental phenomena. It’s as materialistic as that.

Let me try to describe for you that order of complexity, which is in some degree a technical matter. Russel Wallace sent a famous essay to Darwin from Indonesia. In it he announced his discovery of natural selection, which coincided with Darwin’s. Part of his description of the struggle for existence is interesting:

The action of this principle [the struggle for existence] is exactly like that of the steam engine, which checks and corrects any irregularities almost before they become evident; and in like manner no unbalanced deficiency in the animal kingdom can ever reach any conspicuous magnitude, because it would make itself felt at the very first step, by rendering existence difficult and extinction almost sure to follow.

The steam engine with a governor is simply a circular train of causal events, with somewhere a link in that chain such that the more of something, the less of the next thing in the circuit. The wider the balls of the governor diverge, the less the fuel supply. If causal chains with that general characteristic are provided with energy, the result will be (if you are lucky and things balance out) a self-corrective system. Wallace, in fact, proposed the first cybernetic model.

Nowadays cybernetics deals with much more complex systems of this general kind; and we know that when we talk about the processes of civilization, or evaluate human behavior, human organization, or any biological system, we are concerned with self-corrective systems. Basically these systems are always conservative of something. As in the engine with a governor, the fuel supply is changed to conserve—to keep constant—the speed of the flywheel, so always in such systems changes occur to conserve the truth of some descriptive statement, some component of the status quo. Wallace saw the matter correctly, and natural selection acts primarily to keep the species unvarying; but it may act at higher levels to keep constant that complex variable which we call “survival.”

Dr. Laing noted that the obvious can be very difficult for people to see. That is because people are self-corrective systems. They are self-corrective against disturbance, and if the obvious is not of a kind that they can easily assimilate without internal disturbance, their self-corrective mechanisms work to sidetrack it, to hide it, even to the extent of shutting the eyes if necessary, or shutting off various parts of the process of perception. Disturbing information can be framed like a pearl so that it doesn’t make a nuisance of itself; and this will be done, according to the understanding of the system itself of what would be a nuisance. This too—the premise regarding what would cause disturbance—is something which is learned and then becomes perpetuated or con-served.

At this conference, fundamentally, we deal with three of these enormously complex systems or arrangements of conservative loops. One is the human individual. Its physiology and neurology conserve body temperature, blood chemistry, the length and size and shape of organs during growth and embryology, and all the rest of the body’s characteristics. This is a system which conserves descriptive statements about the human being, body or soul. For the same is true of the psychology of the individual, where learning occurs to conserve the opinions and components of the status quo.

Second, we deal with the society in which that individual lives—and that society is again a system of the same general kind.

And third, we deal with the ecosystem, the natural biological surroundings of these human animals.

Let me start from the natural ecosystems around man. An English oak wood, or a tropical forest, or a piece of desert, is a community of creatures. In the oak wood perhaps 1000 species, perhaps more; in the tropical forest perhaps ten times that number of species live together.

I may say that very few of you here have ever seen such an undisturbed system; there are not many of them left; they’ve mostly been messed up by Homo sapiens who either exterminated some species or introduced others which be-came weeds and pests, or altered the water supply, etc., etc. We are rapidly, of course, destroying all the natural systems in the world, the balanced natural systems. We simply make them unbalanced—but still natural.

Be that as it may, those creatures and plants live together in’ a combination of competition and mutual dependency, and it is that combination that is the important thing to consider. Every species has a primary Malthusian capacity. Any species that does not, potentially, produce more young than the number of the population of the parental generation is out. They’re doomed. It is absolutely necessary for every species and for every such system that its components have a potential positive gain in the population curve. But, if every species has potential gain, it is then quite a trick to achieve equilibrium. All sorts of interactive balances and dependencies come into play, and it is these processes that have the sort of circuit structure that I have mentioned.

The Malthusian curve is exponential. It is the curve of population growth and it is not inappropriate to call this the population explosion.

You may regret that organisms have this explosive characteristic, but you may as well settle for it. The creatures that don’t are out. On the other hand, in a balanced ecological system whose underpinnings are of this nature, it is very clear that any monkeying with the system is likely to disrupt the equilibrium. Then the exponential curves will start to appear. Some plant will become a weed, some creatures will be exterminated, and the system as a balanced system is likely to fall to pieces.

What is true of the species that live together in a wood is also true of the groupings and sorts of people in a society, who are similarly in an uneasy balance of dependency and competition. And the same truth holds right inside you, where there is an uneasy physiological competition and mutual dependency among the organs, tissues, cells, and so on. Without this competition and dependency you would not be, because you cannot do without any of the competing organs and parts. If any of the parts did not have the expansive characteristics they would go out, and you would go out, too. So that even in the body you have a liability. With improper disturbance of the system, the exponential curves appear.

In a society, the same is true.

I think you have to assume that all important physiological or social change is in some degree a slipping of the system at some point along an exponential curve. The slippage may not go far, or it may go to disaster. But in principle if, say, you kill off the thrushes in a wood, certain components of the balance will run along exponential curves to a new stopping place.

In such slippage there is always danger—the possibility that some variable, e.g., population density, may reach such a value that further slippage is controlled by factors which are inherently harmful. If, for example, population is finally controlled by available food supply, the surviving individuals will be half starved and the food supply overgrazed, usually to a point of no return.

Now let me begin to talk about the individual organism. This entity is similar to the oak wood and its controls are represented in the total mind, which is perhaps only a reflection of the total body. But the system is segmented in various ways, so that the effects of something in your food life, shall we say, do not totally alter your sex life, and things in your sex life do not totally change your kinesic life, and so on. There is a certain amount of compartmentalization, which is no doubt a necessary economy. There is one compartmentalization which is in many ways mysterious but certainly of crucial importance in man’s life. I refer to the “semipermeable” linkage between consciousness and the remainder of the total mind. A certain limited amount of information about what’s happening in this larger part of the mind seems to be relayed to what we may call the screen of consciousness. But what gets to consciousness is selected; it is a systematic (not random) sampling of the rest.

Of course, the whole of the mind could not be reported in a part of the mind. This follows logically from the relationship between part and whole. The television screen does not give you total coverage or report of the events which occur in the whole television process; and this not merely because the viewers would not be interested in such a re-port, but because to report on any extra part of the total process would require extra circuitry.. But to report on the events in this extra circuitry would require a still further addition of more circuitry, and so on. Each additional step toward increased consciousness will take the system farther from total consciousness. To add a report on events in a given part of the machine will actually decrease the percentage of total events reported.

We therefore have to settle for very limited consciousness, and the question arises: How is the selecting done? On what principles does your mind select that which “you” will be aware of? And, while not much is known of these principles, something is known, though the principles at work are often not themselves accessible to consciousness. First of all, much of the input is consciously scanned, but only after it has been processed by the totally unconscious process of perception. The sensory events are packaged into images and these images are then “conscious.”

I, the conscious I, see an unconsciously edited version of a small percentage of what affects my retina. I am guided in my perception by purposes. I see who is attending, who is not, who is understanding, who is not, or at least I get a myth about this subject, which may be quite correct. I am interested in getting that myth as I talk. It is relevant to my purposes that you hear me.

What happens to the picture of a cybernetic system—an oak wood or an organism—when that picture is selectively drawn to answer only questions of purpose?

Consider the state of medicine today. It’s called medical science. What happens is that doctors think it would be nice to get rid of polio, or typhoid, or cancer. So they devote re-search money and effort to focusing on these “problems,” or purposes. At a certain point Dr. Salk and others “solve” the problem of polio. They discover a solution of bugs which you can give to children so that they don’t get polio. This is the solution to the problem of polio. At this point, they stop putting large quantities of effort and money into the problem of polio and go on to the problem of cancer, or whatever it may be.

Medicine ends up, therefore, as a total science, whose structure is essentially that of a bag of tricks. Within this science there is extraordinarily little knowledge of the sort of things I’m talking about; that is, of the body as a systemically cybernetically organized self-corrective system. Its internal interdependencies are minimally understood. What has happened is that purpose has determined what will come under the inspection or consciousness of medical science.

If you allow purpose to organize that which comes under your conscious inspection, what you will get is a bag of tricks—some of them very valuable tricks. It is an extraordinary achievement that these tricks have been discovered; all that I don’t argue. But still we do not know two-penn’orth, really, about the total network system. Cannon wrote a book on The Wisdom of the Body, but nobody has written a book on the wisdom of medical science, because wisdom is precisely the thing which it lacks. Wisdom I take to be the knowledge of the larger interactive system—that system which, if disturbed, is likely to generate exponential curves of change.

Consciousness operates in the same way as medicine in its sampling of the events and processes of the body and of what goes on in the total mind. It is organized in terms of purpose. It is a short-cut device to enable you to get quickly at what you want; not to act with maximum wisdom in order to live, but to follow the shortest logical or causal path to get what you next want, which may be dinner; it may be a Beethoven sonata; it may be sex. Above all, it may be money or power.

But you may say: “Yes, but we have lived that way for a million years.” Consciousness and purpose have been characteristic of man for at least a million years, and may have been with us a great deal longer than that. I am not prepared to say that dogs and cats are not conscious, still less that porpoises are not conscious. So you may say: “Why worry about that?”

But what worries me is the addition of modern technology to the old system. Today the purposes of consciousness are implemented by more and more effective machinery, transportation systems, airplanes, weaponry, medicine, pesticides, and so forth. Conscious purpose is now empowered to upset the balances of the body, of society, and of the biological world around us. A pathology—a loss of balance—is threatened.

I think that much of what brings us here today is basically related to the thoughts that I have been putting before you. On the one hand, we have the systemic nature of the individual human being, the systemic nature of the culture in which he lives, and the systemic nature of the biological, ecological system around him; and, on the other hand, the curious twist in the systemic nature of the individual man whereby consciousness is, almost of necessity, blinded to the systemic nature of the man himself. Purposive consciousness pulls out, from the total mind, sequences which do not have the loop structure which is characteristic of the whole systemic structure. If you follow the “common-sense” dictates of consciousness you become, effectively, greedy and unwise—again I use “wisdom” as a word for recognition of and guidance by a knowledge of the total systemic creature.

Lack of systemic wisdom is always punished. We may say that the biological systems-the individual, the culture, and the ecology—are partly living sustainers of their component cells or organisms. But the systems are nonetheless punishing of any species unwise enough to quarrel with its ecology. Call the systemic forces “God” if you will.

Let me offer you a myth.

There was once a Garden. It contained many hundreds of species—probably in the subtropics—living in great fertility and balance, with plenty of humus, and so on. In that garden, there were two anthropoids who were more intelligent than the other animals.

On one of the trees there was a fruit, very high up, which the two apes were unable to reach. So they began to think. That was the mistake. They began to think purposively.

By and by, the he ape, whose name was Adam, went and got an empty box and put it under the tree and stepped on it, but he found he still couldn’t reach the fruit. So he got another box and put it on top of the first. Then he climbed up on the two boxes and finally he got that apple.

Adam and Eve then became almost drunk with excitement. This was the way to do things. Make a plan, ABC and you get D.

They then began to specialize in doing things the planned way. In effect, they cast out from the Garden the concept of their own total systemic nature and of its total systemic nature.

After they had cast God out of the Garden, they really went to work on this purposive business, and pretty soon the topsoil disappeared. After that, several species of plants became “weeds” and some of the animals became “pests”; and Adam found that gardening was much harder work. He had to get his bread by the sweat of his brow and he said, “It’s a vengeful God. I should never have eaten that apple.”

Moreover, there occurred a qualitative change in the relationship between Adam and Eve, after they had discarded God from the Garden. Eve began to resent the business of sex and reproduction. Whenever these rather basic phenomena intruded upon her now purposive way of living, she was reminded of the larger life which had been kicked out of the Garden. So Eve began to resent sex and reproduction, and when it came to parturition she found this process very painful. She said this, too, was due to the vengeful nature of God. She even heard a Voice say “In pain shalt thou bring forth” and “Thy desire shall be unto thy husband, and he shall rule over thee.”

The biblical version of this story, from which I have borrowed extensively, does not explain the extraordinary perversion of values, whereby the woman’s capacity for love comes to seem a curse inflicted by the deity.

Be that as it may. Adam went on pursuing his purposes and finally invented the free-enterprise system. Eve was not, for a long time, allowed to participate in this because she was a woman. But she joined a bridge club and there found an outlet for her hate.

In the next generation, they again had trouble with love. Cain, the inventor and innovator, was told by God that “His [Abel’s] desire shall be unto thee and thou shalt rule over him.” So he killed Abel.

A parable, of course, is not data about human behavior. It is only an explanatory device. But I have built into it a phenomenon which seems to be almost universal when man commits the error of purposive thinking and disregards the systemic nature of the world with which he must deal. This phenomenon is called by the psychologists “projection.” The man, after all, has acted according to what he thought was common sense and now he finds himself in a mess. He does not quite know what caused the mess and he feels that what has happened is somehow unfair. He still does not see him-self as part of the system in which the mess exists, and he either blames the rest of the system or he blames himself. In my parable Adam combines two sorts of nonsense: the notion “I have sinned” and the notion “God is vengeful.”

If you look at the real situations in our world where the systemic nature of the world has been ignored in favor of purpose or common sense, you will find a rather similar reaction. President Johnson is, no doubt, fully aware that he has a mess on his hands, not only in Vietnam but in other parts of the national and international ecosystems; and I am sure that from where he sits it appears that he followed his purposes with common sense and that the mess must be due either- to the wickedness of others or to his own sin or to some combination of these, according to his temperament.

And the terrible thing about such situations is that inevitably they shorten the time span of all planning. Emergency is present or only just around the corner; and long-term wisdom must therefore be sacrificed to expediency, even though there is a dim awareness that expediency will never give a long-term solution.

Morever, since we are engaged in diagnosing the machinery of our own society, let me add one point: our politicians—both those in a state of power and those in a state of protest or hunger for power—are alike utterly ignorant of the matters which I have been discussing. You can search the Congressional Record for speeches which show awareness that the problems of government are biological problems, and you will find very, very few that apply biological insight. Extraordinary!

In general, governmental decisions are made by persons who are as ignorant of these matters as pigeons. Like the famous Dr. Skinner, in The Way of All Flesh, they “combine the wisdom of the dove with the harmlessness of the serpent.”

But we are met here not only for diagnosis of some of the world’s ills but also to think about remedies. I have al-ready suggested that no simple remedy to what I called the Romano-Palestinian problem can be achieved by backing the Romans against the Palestinians or vice versa. The problem is systemic and the solution must surely depend upon realizing this fact.

First, there is humility, and I propose this not as a moral principle, distasteful to a large number of people, but simply as an item of a scientific philosophy. In the period of the Industrial Revolution, perhaps the most important disaster was the enormous increase of scientific arrogance. We had discovered how to make trains and other machines. We knew how to put one box on top of the other to get that apple, and Occidental man saw himself as an autocrat with complete power over a universe which was made of physics and chemistry. And the biological phenomena were in the end to be controlled like processes in a test tube. Evolution was the history of how organisms learned more tricks for controlling the environment; and man had better tricks than any other creature.

But that arrogant scientific philosophy is now obsolete, and in its place there is the discovery that man is only a part of larger systems and that the part can never control the whole.

Goebbels thought that he could control public opinion in Germany with a vast communication system, and our own public relations men are perhaps liable to similar delusions. But in fact the would-be controller must always have his spies out to tell him what the people are saying about his propaganda. He is therefore in the position of being responsive to what they are saying. Therefore he cannot have a simple lineal control. We do not live in the sort of universe in which simple lineal control is possible. Life is not like that.

Similarly, in the field of psychiatry, the family is a cybernetic system of the sort which I am discussing and usually when systemic pathology occurs, the members blame each other, or sometimes themselves. But the truth of the matter is that both these alternatives are fundamentally arrogant. Either alternative assumes that the individual human being has total power over the system of which he or she is a part.

Even within the individual human being, control is limited. We can in some degree set ourselves to learn even such abstract characteristics as arrogance or humility, but we are not by any means the captains of our souls.

It is, however, possible that the remedy for ills of conscious purpose lies with the individual. There is what Freud called the royal road to the unconscious. He was referring to dreams, but I think we should lump together dreams and the creativity of art, or the perception of art, and poetry and such things. And I would include with these the best of religion. These are all activities in which the whole individual is involved. The artist may have a conscious purpose to sell his picture, even perhaps a conscious purpose to make it. But in the making he must necessarily relax that arrogance in favor of a creative experience in which his conscious mind plays only a small part.

We might say that in creative art man must experience himself—his total self—as a cybernetic model.

It is characteristic of the 1960s that a large number of people are looking to the psychedelic drugs for some sort of wisdom or some sort of enlargement of consciousness, and I think this symptom of our epoch probably arises as an attempt to compensate for our excessive purposiveness. But I am not sure that wisdom can be got that way. What is required is not simply a relaxation of consciousness to let the unconscious material gush out. To do this is merely to exchange one partial view of the self for the other partial view. I suspect that what is needed is the synthesis of the two views and this is more difficult.

My own slight experience of LSD led me to believe that Prospero was wrong when he said, “We are such stuff as dreams are made on.” It seemed to me that pure dream was, like pure purpose, rather trivial. It was not the stuff of which we are made, but only bits and pieces of that stuff. Our conscious purposes, similarly, are only bits and pieces.

The systemic view is something else again.

Effects of Conscious Purpose on Human Adaptation [8]

“Progress,” “learning,” “evolution,” the similarities and differences between phylogenetic and cultural evolution, and so on, have been subjects for discussion for many years. These matters become newly investigable in the light of cybernetics and systems theory.

In this Wenner-Gren conference, a particular aspect of this wide subject matter will be examined, namely the role of consciousness in the ongoing process of human adaptation.

Three cybernetic or homeostatic systems will be considered: the individual human organism, the human society, and the larger ecosystem. Consciousness will be considered as an important component in the coupling of these systems.

A question of great scientific interest and perhaps grave importance is whether the information processed through consciousness is adequate and appropriate for the task of human adaptation. It may well be that consciousness contains systematic distortions of view which, when implemented by modern technology, become destructive of the balances between man, his society and his ecosystem.

To introduce this question the following considerations are offered:

All biological and evolving systems (i.e., individual organisms, animal and human societies, ecosystems, and the like) consist of complex cybernetic networks, and all such systems share certain formal characteristics. Each system contains subsystems which are potentially regenerative, i.e., which would go into exponential “runaway” if uncorrected. (Examples of such regenerative components are Malthusian characteristics of population, schismogenic changes of personal interaction, armaments races, etc.) The regenerative potentialities of such subsystems are typically kept in check by various sorts of governing loops to achieve “steady state.” Such systems are “conservative” in the sense that they tend to conserve the truth of propositions about the values of their component variables—especially they conserve the values of those variables which otherwise would show exponential change. Such systems are homeostatic, i.e., the effects of small changes of input will be negated and the steady state maintained by reversible adjustment.

But “plus c’est la meme chose, plus ça change.” This converse of the French aphorism seems to be the more exact description of biological and ecological systems. A constancy of some variable is maintained by changing other variables. This is characteristic of the engine with a governor: the constancy of rate of rotation is maintained by altering the fuel supply. Mutatis mutandis, the same logic underlies evolutionary progress: those mutational changes will be perpetuated which contribute to the constancy of that complex variable which we call “survival.” The same logic also applies to learning, social change, etc. The ongoing truth of certain descriptive propositions is maintained by altering other propositions.

In systems containing many interconnected homeostatic loops, the changes brought about by an external impact may slowly spread through the system. To maintain a given variable (V1) at a given value, the values of V2, V3, etc., undergo change. But V2 and V3 may themselves be subject to homeostatic control or may be linked to variables (V4, V5, etc.) which are subject to control. This second-order homeostasis may lead to change in V6, V7, etc. And so on.

(1) This phenomenon of spreading change is in the widest sense a sort of learning. Acclimation and addiction are special cases of this process. Over time, the system becomes de-pendent upon the continued presence of that original external impact whose immediate effects were neutralized by the first order homeostasis.

Example: under the impact of Prohibition, the American social system reacted homeostatically to maintain the constancy of the supply of alcohol. A new profession, the bootlegger, was generated. To control this profession, changes occurred in the police system. When the question of repeal was raised, it was expectable that certainly the bootleggers and possibly the police would be in favor of maintaining Prohibition.

In this ultimate sense, all biological change is conservative and all learning is aversive. The rat, who is “re-warded” with food, accepts that reward to neutralize the changes which hunger is beginning to induce; and the conventionally drawn distinction between “reward” and “punishment” depends upon a more or less arbitrary line which we draw to delimit that subsystem which we call the “individual.” We call an external event “reward” if its occurrence corrects an “internal” change which would be punishing. And so on.

Consciousness and the “self” are closely related ideas, but the ideas (possibly related to genotypically determined premises of territory) are crystallized by that more or less arbitrary line which delimits the individual and defines a logical difference between “reward” and “punishment.” When we view the individual as a servosystem coupled with its environment, or as a part of the larger system which is individual + environment, the whole appearance of adaptation and purpose changes.

In extreme cases, change will precipitate or permit some runaway or slippage along the potentially exponential curves of the underlying regenerative circuits. This may occur without total destruction of the system. The slippage along exponential curves will, of course, always be limited, in extreme cases, by breakdown of the system. Short of this disaster, other factors may limit the slippage. It is important, however, to note that there is a danger of reaching levels at which the limit is imposed by factors which are in themselves deleterious. Wynne-Edwards has pointed out—what every farmer knows—that a population of healthy individuals cannot be directly limited by the available food supply. If starvation is the method of getting rid of the excess population, then the survivors will suffer if not death at least severe dietary deficiency, while the food supply itself will be reduced, perhaps irreversibly, by overgrazing. In principle, the homeostatic controls of biological systems must be activated by variables which are not in themselves harmful. The reflexes of respiration are activated not by oxygen deficiency but by relatively harmless CO2 excess. The diver who learns to ignore the signals of CO2 excess and continues his dive to approach oxygen deficiency runs serious risks.

(8) The problem of coupling self-corrective systems together is central in the adaptation of man to the societies and ecosystems in which he lives. Lewis Carroll long ago joked about the nature and order of randomness created by the inappropriate coupling of biological systems. The problem, we may say, was to create a “game” which should be random, not only in the restricted sense in which “matching pennies” is random, but meta-random. The randomness of the moves of the two players of “matching pennies” is restricted to a finite set of known alternatives, namely “heads” or “tails” in any given play of the game. There is no possibility of going out-side this set, no meta-random choice among a finite or infinite set of sets.

By imperfect coupling of biological systems in the famous game of croquet, however, Carroll creates a meta-random game. Alice is coupled with a flamingo, and the “ball” is a hedgehog.

The “purposes” (if we may use the term) of these contrasting biological systems are so discrepant that the randomness of play can no longer be delimited with finite sets of alternatives, known to the players.

Alice’s difficulty arises from the fact that she does not “understand” the flamingo, i.e., she does not have systemic information about the “system” which confronts her. Similarly, the flamingo does not understand Alice. They are at “cross-purposes.” The problem of coupling man through consciousness with his biological environment is comparable. If consciousness lacks information about the nature of man and the environment, or if the information is distorted and inappropriately selected, then the coupling is likely to generate meta-random sequence of events.

We presume that consciousness is not entirely with-out effect—that it is not a mere collateral resonance without feedback into the system, an observer behind a one-way mirror, a TV monitor which does not itself affect the pro-gram. We believe that consciousness has feedback into the remainder of mind and so an effect upon action. But the effects of this feedback are almost unknown and urgently need investigation and validation.

It is surely true that the content of consciousness is no random sample of reports on events occurring in the remainder of mind. Rather, the content of the screen of consciousness is systematically selected from the enormously great plethora of mental events. But of the rules and preferences of this selection, very little is known. The matter requires investigation. Similarly the limitations of verbal language require consideration.

It appears, however, that the system of selection of information for the screen of consciousness is importantly related to “purpose,” “attention,” and similar phenomena which are also in need of definition, elucidation, etc.

If consciousness has feedback upon the remainder of mind (9, above), and if consciousness deals only with a skewed sample of the events of the total mind, then there must exist a systematic (i.e., nonrandom) difference between the conscious views of self and the world, and the true nature of self and the world. Such a difference must distort the processes of adaptation.

In this connection, there is a profound difference between the processes of cultural change and those of phylogenetic evolution. In the latter, the Weismannian barrier between soma and germ plasm is presumed to be totally opaque. There is no coupling from environment to genome. In cultural evolution and individual learning, the coupling through consciousness is present, incomplete and probably distortive.

It is suggested that the specific nature of this distortion is such that the cybernetic nature of self and the world tends to be imperceptible to consciousness, insofar as the contents of the “screen” of consciousness are determined by considerations of purpose. The argument of purpose tends to take the form “D is desirable; B leads to C; C leads to D; so D can be achieved by way of B and C.” But, if the total mind and the outer world do not, in general, have this lineal structure, then by forcing this structure upon them, we become blind to the cybernetic circularities of the self and the external world. Our conscious sampling of data will not disclose whole circuits but only arcs of circuits, cut off from their matrix by our selective attention. Specifically, the at-tempt to achieve a change in a given variable, located either in self or environment, is likely to be undertaken without comprehension of the homeostatic network surrounding that variable. The considerations outlined in paragraphs 1 to 7 of this essay will then be ignored. It may be essential for wisdom that the narrow purposive view be somehow corrected.

The function of consciousness in the coupling between man and the homeostatic systems around him is, of course, no new phenomenon. Three circumstances, however, make the investigation of this phenomenon an urgent matter.

First, there is man’s habit of changing his environment rather than changing himself. Faced with a changing variable (e.g., temperature) within itself which it should control, the organism may make changes either within itself or in the external environment. It may adapt to the environment or adapt the environment to itself. In evolutionary history, the great majority of steps have been changes within the organism itself; some steps have been of an intermediate kind in which the organisms achieved change of environment by change of locale. In. a few cases organisms other than man have achieved the creation of modified microenvironments around themselves, e.g., the nests of hymenoptera and birds, concentrated forests of conifers, fungal colonies, etc.

In all such cases, the logic of evolutionary progress is to-ward ecosystems which sustain only the dominant, environment-controlling species, and its symbionts and parasites.

Man, the outstanding modifier of environment, similarly achieves single-species ecosystems in his cities, but he goes one step further, establishing special environments for his symbionts. These, likewise, become single-species ecosystems: fields of corn, cultures of bacteria, batteries of fowls, colonies of laboratory rats, and the like.

Secondly, the power ratio between purposive consciousness and the environment has changed rapidly in the last one hundred years, and the rate of change in this ratio is certainly rapidly increasing with technological advance. Conscious man, as a changer of his environment, is now fully able to wreck himself and that environment—with the very best of conscious intentions.

Third, a peculiar sociological phenomenon has arisen in the last one hundred years which perhaps threatens to isolate conscious purpose from many corrective processes which might come out of less conscious parts of the mind. The social scene is nowadays characterized by the existence of a large number of self-maximizing entities which, in law, have something like the status of “persons”—trusts, companies, political parties, unions, commercial and financial agencies, nations, and the like. In biological fact, these entities are precisely not persons and are not even aggregates of whole persons. They are aggregates of parts of persons. When Mr. Smith enters the board room of his company, he is expected to limit his thinking narrowly to the specific purposes of the company or to those of that part of the company which he “represents.” Mercifully it is not entirely possible for him to do this and some company decisions are influenced by considerations which spring from wider and wiser parts of the mind. But ideally, Mr. Smith is expected to act as a pure, uncorrected consciousness—a dehumanized creature.

Finally, it is appropriate to mention some of the factors which may act as correctives—areas of human action which are not limited by the narrow distortions of coupling through conscious purpose and where wisdom can obtain.

(a) Of these, undoubtedly the most important is love. Martin Buber has classified interpersonal relationships in a relevant manner. He differentiates “IThou” relations from “I-It” relations, defining the latter as the normal pattern of interaction between man and inanimate objects. The “I-It” relationship he also regards as characteristic of human relations wherever purpose is more important than love. But if the complex cybernetic structure of societies and ecosystems is in some degree analogous to animation, then it would follow that an “I-Thou” relationship is conceivable between man and his society or ecosystem. In this connection, the formation of “sensitivity groups” in many depersonalized organizations is of special interest.

The arts, poetry, music, and the humanities similarly are areas in which more of the mind is active than mere consciousness would admit. “Le coeur a ses raisons que la raison ne connaît point.”

Contact between man and animals and between man and the natural world breeds, perhaps—sometimes—wisdom.

(b) There is religion.

(20) To conclude, let us remember that job’s narrow piety, his purposiveness, his common sense, and his worldly success are finally stigmatized, in a marvelous totemic poem, by the Voice out of the Whirlwind:

Who is this that darkeneth counsel by words without understanding… Dost thou know when the wild goats of the rock bring forth? Or canst thou tell when the hinds do calve?
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Re: STEPS TO AN ECOLOGY OF MIND: COLLECTED ESSAYS IN ANTHROP

Postby admin » Fri Dec 11, 2015 5:55 am

Part 3 of 3

Form, Substance, and Difference [9]

Let me say that it is an extraordinary honor to be here tonight, and a pleasure. I am a little frightened of you all, because I am sure there are people here who know every field of knowledge that I have touched much better than I know it. It is true that I have touched a number of fields, and I probably can face any one of you and say I have touched a field that you have not touched. But I am sure that for every field I have touched, there are people here who are much more expert than I. I am not a well-read philosopher, and philosophy is not my business. I am not a very well-read anthropologist, and anthropology is not exactly my business.

But I have tried to do something which Korzybski was very much concerned with doing, and with which the whole semantic movement has been concerned, namely, I have studied the area of impact between very abstract and formal philosophic thought on the one hand and the natural history of man and other creatures on the other. This overlap between formal premises and actual behavior is, I assert, of quite dreadful importance today. We face a world which is threatened not only with disorganization of many kinds, but also with the destruction of its environment, and we, today, are still unable to think clearly about the relations between an organism and its environment. What sort of a thing is this, which we call “organism plus environment”?

Let us go back to the original statement for which Korzybski is most famous—the statement that the map is not the territory. This statement came out of a very wide range of philosophic thinking, going back to Greece, and wriggling through the history of European thought over the last 2000 years. In this history, there has been a sort of rough dichotomy and often deep controversy. There has been a violent enmity and bloodshed. It all starts, I suppose, with the Pythagoreans versus their predecessors, and the argument took the shape of “Do you ask what it’s made of— earth, fire, water, etc?” Or do you ask, “What is its pattern?” Pythagoras stood for inquiry into pattern rather than inquiry into substance.1 That controversy has gone through the ages, and the Pythagorean half of it has, until recently, been on the whole the submerged half. The Gnostics follow the Pythagoreans, and the alchemists follow the Gnostics, and so on. The argument reached a sort of climax at the end of the eighteenth century when a Pythagorean evolutionary theory was built and then discarded—a theory which involved Mind. [10]

The evolutionary theory of the late eighteenth century, the Lamarckian theory, which was the first organized transformist theory of evolution, was built out of a curious historical background which has been described by Lovejoy in The Great Chain of Being. Before Lamarck, the organic world, the living world, was believed to be hierarchic in structure, with Mind at the top. The chain, or ladder, went down through the angels, through men, through the apes, down to the infusoria or protozoa, and below that to the plants and stones.

What Lamarck did was to turn that chain upside down. He observed that animals changed under environmental pressure. He was incorrect, of course, in believing that those changes were inherited, but in any case, these changes were for him the evidence of evolution. When he turned the ladder upside down, what had been the explanation, namely, the Mind at the top, now became that which had to be explained. His problem was to explain Mind. He was convinced about evolution, and there his interest in it stopped. So that if you read the Philosophic Zoologique (1809), you will find that the first third of it is devoted to solving the problem of evolution and the turning upside down of the taxonomy, and the rest of the book is really devoted to comparative psychology, a science which he founded. Mind was what he was really interested in. He had used habit as one of the axiomatic phenomena in his theory of evolution, and this of course also took him into the problem of comparative psychology.

Now mind and pattern as the explanatory principles which, above all, required investigation were pushed out of biological thinking in the later evolutionary theories which were developed in the mid-nineteenth century by Darwin, Huxley, etc. There were still some naughty boys, like Samuel Butler, who said that mind could not be ignored in this way—but they were weak voices, and incidentally, they never looked at organisms. I don’t think Butler ever looked at anything except his own cat, but he still knew more about evolution than some of the more conventional thinkers.

Now, at last, with the discovery of cybernetics, systems theory, information theory, and so on, we begin to have a formal base enabling us to think about mind and enabling us to think about all these problems in a way which was totally heterodox from about 1850 through to World War II. What I have to talk about is how the great dichotomy of epistemology has shifted under the impact of cybernetics and information theory.

We can now say—or at any rate, can begin to say—what we think a mind is. In the next twenty years there will be other ways of saying it and, because the discoveries are new, I can only give you my personal version. The old versions are surely wrong, but which of the revised pictures will survive, we do not know.

Let us start from the evolutionary side. It is now empirically clear that Darwinian evolutionary theory contained a very great error in its identification of the unit of survival under natural selection. The unit which was believed to be crucial and around which the theory was set up was either the breeding individual or the family line or the sub-species or some similar homogeneous set of conspecifics. Now I suggest that the last hundred years have demonstrated empirically that if an organism or aggregate of organisms sets to work with a focus on its own survival and thinks that that is the way to select its adaptive moves, its “progress” ends up with a destroyed environment. If the organism ends up destroying its environment, it has in fact destroyed itself. And we may very easily see this process carried to its ultimate reductio ad absurdum in the next twenty years. The unit of survival is not the breeding organism, or the family line, or the society.

The old unit has already been partly corrected by the population geneticists. They have insisted that the evolutionary unit is, in fact, not homogeneous. A wild population of any species consists always of individuals whose genetic constitution varies widely. In other words, potentiality and readiness for change is already built into the survival unit. The heterogeneity of the wild population is already one-half of that trial-and-error system which is necessary for dealing with environment.

The artificially homogenized populations of man’s domestic animals and plants are scarcely fit for survival.

And today a further correction of the unit is necessary. The flexible environment must also be included along with the flexible organism because, as I have already said, the organism which destroys its environment destroys itself. The unit of survival is a flexible organism-in-its-environment.

Now, let me leave evolution for a moment to consider what is the unit of mind. Let us go back to the map and the territory and ask: “What is it in the territory that gets onto the map?” We know the territory does not get onto the map. That is the central point about which we here are all agreed. Now, if the territory were uniform, nothing would get onto the map except its boundaries, which are the points at which it ceases to be uniform against some larger matrix. What gets onto the map, in fact, is difference, be it a difference in altitude, a difference in vegetation, a difference in population structure, difference in surface, or what-ever. Differences are the things that get onto a map.

But what is a difference? A difference is a very peculiar and obscure concept. It is certainly not a thing or an event. This piece of paper is different from the wood of this lectern. There are many differences between them—of color, texture, shape, etc. But if we start to ask about the localization of those differences, we get into trouble. Obviously the difference between the paper and the wood is not in the paper; it is obviously not in the wood; it is obviously not in the space between them, and it is obviously not in the time between them. (Difference which occurs across time is what we call “change.”)

A difference, then, is an abstract matter.

In the hard sciences, effects are, in general, caused by rather concrete conditions or events—impacts, forces, and so forth. But when you enter the world of communication, organization, etc., you leave behind that whole world in which effects are brought about by forces and impacts and energy exchange. You enter a world in which “effects”—and I am not sure one should still use the same word—are brought about by differences. That is, they are brought about by the sort of “thing” that gets onto the map from the territory. This is difference.

Difference travels from the wood and paper into my retina. It then gets picked up and worked on by this fancy piece of computing machinery in my head.

The whole energy relation is different. In the world of mind, nothing—that which is not—can be a cause. In the hard sciences, we ask for causes and we expect them to exist and be “real.” But remember that zero is different from one, and because zero is different from one, zero can be a cause in the psychological world, the world of communication. The letter which you do not write can get an angry reply; and the income tax form which you do not fill in can trigger the Internal Revenue boys into energetic action, be-cause they, too, have their breakfast, lunch, tea, and dinner and can react with energy which they derive from their metabolism. The letter which never existed is no source of energy.

It follows, of course, that we must change our whole way of thinking about mental and communicational process. The ordinary analogies of energy theory which people borrow from the hard sciences to provide a conceptual frame upon which they try to build theories about psychology and behavior—that entire Procrustean structure—is non-sense. It is in error.

I suggest to you, now, that the word “idea,” in its most elementary sense, is synonymous with “difference.” Kant, in the Critique of Judgment—if I understand him correctly—asserts that the most elementary aesthetic act is the selection of a fact. He argues that in a piece of chalk there are an infinite number of potential facts. The Ding an sich, the piece of chalk, can never enter into communication or mental process because of this infinitude. The sensory receptors cannot accept it; they filter it out. What they do is to select certain facts out of the piece of chalk, which then become, in mod-ern terminology, information.

I suggest that Kant’s statement can be modified to say that there is an infinite number of differences around and within the piece of chalk. There are differences between the chalk and the rest of the universe, between the chalk and the sun or the moon. And within the piece of chalk, there is for every molecule an infinite number of differences between its location and the locations in which it might have been. Of this infinitude, we select a very limited number, which be-come information. In fact, what we mean by information—the elementary unit of information—is a difference which makes a difference, and it is able to make a difference because the neural pathways along which it travels and is continually transformed are themselves provided with energy. The path-ways are ready to be triggered. We may even say that the question is already implicit in them.

There is, however, an important contrast between most of the pathways of information inside the body and most of the pathways outside it. The differences between the paper and the wood are first transformed into differences in the propagation of light or sound, and travel in this form to my sensory end organs. The first part of their journey is energized in the ordinary hard-science way, from “behind.” But when the differences enter my body by triggering an end. organ, this type of travel is replaced by travel which is energized at every step by the metabolic energy latent in the protoplasm which receives the difference, recreates or transforms it, and passes it on.

When I strike the head of a nail with a hammer, an impulse is transmitted to its point. But it is a semantic error, a misleading metaphor, to say that what travels in an axon is an “impulse.” It could correctly be called “news of a difference.”

Be that as it may, this contrast between internal and external pathways is not absolute. Exceptions occur on both sides of the line. Some external chains of events are energized by relays, and some chains of events internal to the body are energized from “behind.” Notably, the mechanical interaction of muscles can be used as a computational model. [11]

In spite of these exceptions, it is still broadly true that the coding and transmission of differences outside the body is very different from the coding and transmission inside, and this difference must be mentioned because it can lead us into error. We commonly think of the external “physical world” as somehow separate from an internal “mental world.” I believe that this division is based on the contrast in coding and transmission inside and outside the body.

The mental world—the mind—the world of information processing—is not limited by the skin.

Let us now go back to the notion that the transform of a difference traveling in a circuit is an elementary idea. If this be correct, let us ask what a mind is. We say the map is different from the territory. But what is the territory? Operationally, somebody went out with a retina or a measuring stick and made representations which were then put upon paper. What is on the paper map is a representation of what was in the retinal representation of the man who made the map; and as you push the question back, what you find is an infinite regress, an infinite series of maps. The territory never gets in at all. The territory is Ding an sich and you can’t do anything with it. Always the process of representation will filter it out so that the mental world is only maps of maps of maps, ad infinitum. [12] All “phenomena” are literally appearances.

Or we can follow the chain forward. I receive various sorts of mappings which I call data or information. Upon receipt of these I act. But my actions, my muscular contractions, are transforms of differences in the input material. And I receive again data which are transforms of my actions. We get thus a picture of the mental world which has somehow jumped loose from our conventional picture of the physical world.

This is not new, and for historic background we go again to the alchemists and Gnostics. Carl Jung once wrote a very curious little book, which I recommend to all of you. It is called Septem Sermones ad Mortuos, Seven Sermons to the Dead. [13] In his Memoirs, Dreams and Reflections, Jung tells us that his house was full of ghosts, and they were noisy. They bothered him, they bothered his wife, and they bothered the children. In the vulgar jargon of psychiatry, we might say that everybody in the house was as psychotic as hooty owls, and for quite good reason. If you get your epistemology confused, you go psychotic, and Jung was going through an epistemological crisis. So he sat down at his desk and picked up a pen and started to write. When he started to write the ghosts all disappeared, and he wrote this little book. From this he dates all his later insight. He signed it “Basilides,” who was a famous Gnostic in Alexandria in the second century.

He points out that there are two worlds. We might call them two worlds of explanation. He names them the pleroma and the creatura, these being Gnostic terms. The pleroma is the world in which events are caused by forces and impacts and in which there are no “distinctions.” Or, as I would say, no “differences.” In the creatura, effects are brought about precisely by difference. In fact, this is the same old dichotomy between mind and substance.

We can study and describe the pleroma, but always the distinctions which we draw are attributed by us to the pleroma. The pleroma knows nothing of difference and distinction; it contains no “ideas” in the sense in which I am using the word. When we study and describe the creatura, we must correctly identify those differences which are effective within it.

I suggest that “pleroma” and “creatura” are words which we could usefully adopt, and it is therefore worthwhile to look at the bridges which exist between these two “worlds.” It is an oversimplification to say that the “hard sciences” deal only with the pleroma and that the sciences of the mind deal only with the creatura. There is more to it than that.

First, consider the relation between energy and negative entropy. The classical Carnot heat engine consists of a cylinder of gas with a piston. This cylinder is alternately placed in contact with a container of hot gas and with a container of cold gas. The gas in the cylinder alternately expands and contracts as it is heated or cooled by the hot and cold sources. The piston is thus driven up and down.

But with each cycle of the engine, the difference between the temperature of the hot source and that of the cold source is reduced. When this difference becomes zero, the engine will stop.

The physicist, describing the pleroma, will write equations to translate the temperature difference into “available energy,” which he will call “negative entropy,” and will go on from there.

The analyst of the creatura will note that the whole system is a sense organ which is triggered by temperature difference. He will call this difference which makes a difference “information” or “negative entropy.” For him, this is only a special case in which the effective difference happens to be a matter of energetics. He is equally interested in all differences which can activate some sense organ. For him, any such difference is “negative entropy.”

Or consider the phenomenon which the neurophysiologists call “synaptic summation.” What is observed is that in certain cases, when two neurons, A and B, have synaptic connection to a third neuron, C, the firing of neither neuron by it-self is sufficient to fire C; but that when both A and B fire simultaneously (or nearly so), their combined “impulses” will cause C to fire.

In pleromatic language, this combining of events to surmount a threshold is called “summation.”

But from the point of view of the student of creatura (and the neurophysiologist must surely have one foot in the pleroma and the other in creatura), this is not summation at all. What happens is that the system operates to create differences. There are two differentiated classes of firings by A: those firings which are accompanied by B and those which are unaccompanied. Similarly there are two classes of firings by B.

The so-called “summation,” when both fire, is not an additive process from this point of view. It is the formation of a logical product—a process of fractionation rather than summation.

The creatura is thus the world seen as mind, wherever such a view is appropriate. And wherever this view is appropriate, there arises a species of complexity which is absent from pleromatic description: creatural description is always hierarchic.

I have said that what gets from territory to map is trans-forms of difference and that these (somehow selected) differences are elementary ideas.

But there are differences between differences. Every effective difference denotes a demarcation, a line of classification, and all classification is hierarchic. In other words, differences are themselves to be differentiated and classified. In this context I will only touch lightly on the matter of classes of difference, because to carry the matter further would land us in problems of Principia Mathematica.

Let me invite you to a psychological experience, if only to demonstrate the frailty of the human computer. First note that differences in texture are different (a) from differences in color. Now note that differences in size are different (b) from differences in shape. Similarly ratios are different (c) from subtractive differences.

Now let me invite you, as disciples of Korzybski, to define the differences between “different (a) ,” “different (b),” and “different (c) “ in the above paragraph. The computer in the human head boggles at the task. But not all classes of difference are as awkward to handle.

One such class you are all familiar with. Namely, the class of differences which are created by the process of trans-formation whereby the differences immanent in the territory become differences immanent in the map. In the corner of every serious map you will find these rules of transformation spelled out—usually in words. Within the human mind, it is absolutely essential to recognize the differences of this class, and, indeed, it is these that form the central subject matter of “Science and Sanity.”

An hallucination or a dream image is surely a transformation of something. But of what? And by what rules of trans-formation?

Lastly there is that hierarchy of differences which biologists call “levels.” I mean such differences as that between a cell and a tissue, between tissue and organ, organ and organism, and organism and society.

These are the hierarchies of units or Gestalten, in which each subunit is a part of the unit of next larger scope. And, always in biology, this difference or relationship which I call “part of” is such that certain differences in the part have informational effect upon the larger unit, and vice versa.

Having stated this relationship between biological part and whole, I can now go on from the notion of creatura as Mind in general to the question of what is a mind.

What do I mean by “my” mind?

I suggest that the delimitation of an individual mind must always depend upon what phenomena we wish to under-stand or explain. Obviously there are lots of message path-ways outside the skin, and these and the messages which they carry must be included as part of the mental system whenever they are relevant.

Consider a tree and a man and an axe. We observe that the axe flies through the air and makes certain sorts of gashes in a pre-existing cut in the side of the tree. If now we want to explain this set of phenomena, we shall be concerned with differences in the cut face of the tree, differences in the retina of the man, differences in his central nervous system, differences in his efferent neural messages, differences in the behavior of his muscles, differences in how the axe flies, to the differences which the axe then makes on the face of the tree. Our explanation (for certain purposes) will go round and round that circuit. In principle, if you want to explain or understand anything in human behavior, you are always dealing with total circuits, completed circuits. This is the elementary cybernetic thought.

The elementary cybernetic system with its messages in circuit is, in fact, the simplest unit of mind; and the trans-form of a difference traveling in a circuit is the elementary idea. More complicated systems are perhaps more worthy to be called mental systems, but essentially this is what we are talking about. The unit which shows the characteristic of trial and error will be legitimately called a mental system.

But what about “me”? Suppose I am a blind man, and I use a stick. I go tap, tap, tap. Where do I start? Is my mental system bounded at the handle of the stick? Is it bounded by my skin? Does it start halfway up the stick? Does it start at the tip of the stick? But these are nonsense questions. The stick is a pathway along which transforms of difference are being transmitted. The way to delineate the system is to draw the limiting line in such a way that you do not cut any of these pathways in ways which leave things inexplicable. If what you are trying to explain is a given piece of behavior, such as the locomotion of the blind man, then, for this purpose, you will need the street, the stick, the man; the street, the stick, and so on, round and round.

But when the blind man sits down to eat his lunch, his stick and its messages will no longer be relevant—if it is his eating that you want to understand.

And in addition to what I have said to define the individual mind, I think it necessary to include the relevant parts of memory and data “banks.” After all, the simplest cybernetic circuit can be said to have memory of a dynamic kind—not based upon static storage but upon the travel of information around the circuit. The behavior of the governor of a steam engine at Time 2 is partly determined by what it did at Time 1—where the interval between Time 1 and Time 2 is that time necessary for the information to complete the circuit.

We get a picture, then, of mind as synonymous with cybernetic system—the relevant total information-processing, trial-and-error completing unit. And we know that within Mind in the widest sense there will be a hierarchy of sub-systems, any one of which we can call an individual mind.

But this picture is precisely the same as the picture which I arrived at in discussing the unit of evolution. I believe that this identity is the most important generalization which I have to offer you tonight.

In considering units of evolution, I argued that you have at each step to include the completed pathways outside the protoplasmic aggregate, be it DNA-in-the-cell, or cell-in-the-body, or body-in-the-environment. The hierarchic structure is not new. Formerly we talked about the breeding individual or the family line or the taxon, and so on. Now each step of the hierarchy is to be thought of as a system, instead of a chunk cut off and visualized as against the surrounding matrix.

This identity between the unit of mind and the unit of evolutionary survival is of very great importance, not only theoretical, but also ethical.

It means, you see, that I now localize something which I am calling “Mind” immanent in the large biological system—the ecosystem. Or, if I draw the system boundaries at a different level, then mind is immanent in the total evolutionary structure. If this identity between mental and evolutionary units is broadly right, then we face a number of shifts in our thinking.

First, let us consider ecology. Ecology has currently two faces to it: the face which is called bioenergetics—the economics of energy and materials within a coral reef, a red-wood forest, or a city—and, second, an economics of information, of entropy, negentropy, etc. These two do not fit together very well precisely because the units are differently bounded in the two sorts of ecology. In bioenergetics it is natural and appropriate to think of units bounded at the cell membrane, or at the skin; or of units composed of sets of conspecific individuals. These boundaries are then the frontiers at which measurements can be made to determine the additive-subtractive budget of energy for the given unit. In contrast, informational or entropic ecology deals with the budgeting of pathways and of probability. The resulting bud-gets are fractionating (not subtractive). The boundaries must enclose, not cut, the relevant pathways.

Moreover, the very meaning of “survival” becomes different when we stop talking about the survival of something bounded by the skin and start to think of the survival of the system of ideas in circuit. The contents of the skin are randomized at death and the pathways within the skin are randomized. But the ideas, under further transformation, may go on out in the world in books or works of art. Socrates as a bioenergetic individual is dead. But much of him still lives as a component in the contemporary ecology of ideas. [14]

It is also clear that theology becomes changed and perhaps renewed. The Mediterranean religions for 5000 years have swung to and fro between immanence and transcendence. In Babylon the gods were transcendent on the tops of hills; in Egypt, there was god immanent in Pharoah; and Christianity is a complex combination of these two beliefs.

The cybernetic epistemology which I have offered you would suggest a new approach. The individual mind is immanent but not only in the body. It is immanent also in pathways and messages outside the body; and there is a larger Mind of which the individual mind is only a sub-system. This larger Mind is comparable to God and is perhaps what some people mean by “God,” but it is still immanent in the total interconnected social system and planetary ecology.

Freudian psychology expanded the concept of mind in-wards to include the whole communication system within the body—the autonomic, the habitual, and the vast range of unconscious process. What I am saying expands mind out-wards. And both of these changes reduce the scope of the conscious self. A certain humility becomes appropriate, tempered by the dignity or joy of being part of something much bigger. A part—if you will—of God.

If you put God outside and set him vis-à-vis his creation and if you have the idea that you are created in his image, you will logically and naturally see yourself as outside and against the things around you. And as you arrogate all mind to yourself, you will see the world around you as mindless and therefore not entitled to moral or ethical consideration. The environment will seem to be yours to exploit. Your survival unit will be you and your folks or conspecifics against the environment of other social units, other races and the brutes and vegetables.

If this is your estimate of your relation to nature and you have an advanced technology, your likelihood of survival will be that of a snowball in hell. You will die either of the toxic by-products of your own hate, or, simply, of over-population and overgrazing. The raw materials of the world are finite.

If I am right, the whole of our thinking about what we are and what other people are has got to be restructured. This is not funny, and I do not know how long we have to do it in. If we continue to operate on the premises that were fashionable in the precybernetic era, and which were especially underlined and strengthened during the Indus-trial Revolution, which seemed to validate the Darwinian unit of survival, we may have twenty or thirty years before the logical reductio ad absurdum of our old positions destroys us. Nobody knows how long we have, under the present system, before some disaster strikes us, more serious than the destruction of any group of nations. The most important task today is, perhaps, to learn to think in the new way. Let me say that I don’t know how to think that way. Intellectually, I can stand here and I can give you a reasoned exposition of this matter; but if I am cutting down a tree, I still think “Gregory Bateson” is cutting down the tree. I am cutting down the tree. “Myself” is to me still an excessively concrete object, different from the rest of what I have been calling “mind.”

The step to realizing—to making habitual—the other way of thinking—so that one naturally thinks that way when one reaches out for a glass of water or cuts down a tree—that step is not an easy one.

And, quite seriously, I suggest to you that we should trust no policy decisions which emanate from persons who do not yet have that habit.

There are experiences and disciplines which may help me to imagine what it would be like to have this habit of correct thought. Under LSD, I have experienced, as have many others, the disappearance of the division between self and the music to which I was listening. The perceiver and the thing perceived become strangely united into a single entity. This state is surely more correct than the state in which it seems that “I hear the music.” The sound, after all, is Ding an Bich, but my perception of it is a part of mind.

It is told of Johann Sebastian Bach that when somebody asked him how he played so divinely, he answered, “I play the notes, in order, as they are written. It is God who makes the music.” But not many of us can claim Bach’s correctness of epistemology—or that of William Blake, who knew that the Poetic Imagination was the only reality. The poets have known these things all through the ages, but the rest of us have gone astray into all sorts of false reifications of the “self” and separations between the “self” and “experience.”

For me another clue another moment when the nature of mind was for a moment clear—was provided by the famous experiments of Adelbert Ames, Jr. These are optical illusions in depth perception. As Ames’ guinea pig, you discover that those mental processes by which you create the world in three-dimensional perspective are within your mind but totally unconscious and utterly beyond voluntary control. Of course, we all know that this is so—that mind creates the images which “we” then see. But still it is a pro-found epistemological shock to have direct experience of this which we always knew.

Please do not misunderstand me. When I say that the poets have always known these things or that most of mental process is unconscious, I am not advocating a greater use of emotion or a lesser use of intellect. Of course, if what I am saying tonight is approximately true, then our ideas about the relation between thought and emotion need to be revised. If the boundaries of the “ego” are wrongly drawn or even totally fictitious, then it may be nonsense to regard emotions or dreams or our unconscious computations of perspective as “ego-alien.”

We live in a strange epoch when many psychologists try to “humanize” their science by preaching an anti-intellectual gospel. They might, as sensibly, try to physicalize physics by discarding the tools of mathematics.

It is the attempt to separate intellect from emotion that is monstrous, and I suggest that it is equally monstrous—and dangerous—to attempt to separate the external mind from the internal. Or to separate mind from body.

Blake noted that “A tear is an intellectual thing,” and Pascal asserted that “The heart has its reasons of which the reason knows nothing.” We need not be put off by the fact that the reasonings of the heart (or of the hypothalamus) are accompanied by sensations of joy or grief. These computations are concerned with matters which are vital to mammals, namely, matters of relationship, by which I mean love, hate, respect, dependency, spectatorship, performance, dominance, and so on. These are central to the life of any mammal and I see no objection to calling these computations “thought,” though certainly the units of relational computation are different from the units which we use to compute about isolable things.

But there are bridges between the one sort of thought and the other, and it seems to me that the artists and poets are specifically concerned with these bridges. It is not that art is the expression of the unconscious, but rather that it is concerned with the relation between the levels of mental process. From a work of art it may be possible to analyze out some unconscious thoughts of the artist, but I believe that, for example, Freud’s analysis of Leonardo’s Virgin on the Knees of St. Anne precisely misses the point of the whole exercise. Artistic skill is the combining of many levels of mind — unconscious, conscious, and external—to make a statement of their combination. It is not a matter of expressing a single level.

Similarly, Isadora Duncan, when she said, “If I could say it, I would not have to dance it,” was talking nonsense, be-cause her dance was about combinations of saying and moving.

Indeed, if what I have been saying is at all correct, the whole base of aesthetics will need to be re-examined. It seems that we link feelings not only to the computations of the heart but also to computations in the external pathways of the mind. It is when we recognize the operations of creatura in the external world that we are aware of “beauty” or “ugliness.” The “primrose by the river’s brim” is beautiful because we are aware that the combination of differences which constitutes its appearance could only be achieved by information processing, i.e., by thought. We recognize an-other mind within our own external mind.

And last, there is death. It is understandable that, in a civilization which separates mind from body, we should either try to forget death or to make mythologies about the survival of transcendent mind. But if mind is immanent not only in those pathways of information which are located in-side the body but also in external pathways, then death takes on a different aspect. The individual nexus of pathways which I call “me” is no longer so precious because that nexus is only part of a larger mind.

The ideas which seemed to be me can also become immanent in you. May they survive if true.

Comment on Part V

In the final essay of this part, “Form, Substance and Difference,” much of what has been said in earlier parts of the book falls into place. In sum, what has been said amounts to this: that in addition to ( and always in conformity with) the familiar physical determinism which characterises our universe, there is a mental determinism. This mental determinism is in no sense supernatural. Rather it is of the very nature of the macroscopic [15] world that it exhibit mental characteristics. The mental determinism is not transcendent but immanent and is especially complex and evident in those sections of the universe which are alive or which include living things.

But so much of occidental thinking is shaped on the premise of transcendent deity that it is difficult for many people to rethink their theories in terms of immanence. Even Darwin from time to time wrote about Natural Selection in phrases which almost ascribed to this process the characteristics of transcendence and purpose.

It may be worthwhile, therefore, to give an extreme sketch of the difference between the belief in transcendence and that in immanence.

Transcendent mind or deity is imagined to be personal and omniscient, and as receiving information by channels separate from the earthly. He sees a species acting in ways which must disrupt its ecology and, either in sorrow or in anger, He sends the wars, the plagues, the pollution, and the fallout.

Immanent mind would achieve the same final result but without either sorrow or anger. Immanent mind has no separate and unearthly channels by which to know or act and, therefore, can have no separate emotion or evaluative comment. The immanent will differ from the transcendent in greater determinism.

St. Paul (Galatians VI) said that “God is not mocked,” and immanent mind similarly is neither vengeful nor forgiving. It is of no use to make excuses; the immanent mind is not “mocked.”

But since our minds—and this includes our tools and actions—are only parts of the larger mind, its computations can be con-fused by our contradictions and confusions. Since it contains our insanity, the immanent mind is inevitably subject to possible in-sanity. It is in our power, with our technology, to create insanity in the larger system of which we are parts.

In the final section of the book, I shall consider some of these mentally pathogenic processes.

_______________

Notes:

1. This article is reprinted from the American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 10, No. 8, April 1967, pp. 29- 32, by per-mission of the publisher, Sage Publications, Inc.

2. This essay appeared as Chapter 22 in Animal Communication: Techniques of Study and Results of Research, edited by Thomas A. Sebeok. Copyright 1968 by Indiana University Press. Reprinted by permission of the publisher.

3. F. Attneave, Applications of Information Theory to Psychology, New York, Henry Holt and Co., 1959.

4. J . E. Randall and H. S. Randall, “Examples of Mimicry and Protective Resemblance in Tropical Marine Fishes,” Bulletin of Marine Science of the Gulf and Caribbean, 1960, 10: 444-80.

5. G. Bateson, “The Role of Somatic Change in Evolution,” Evolution, 1963, 17: 529- 39.

6. O. Fenichel, Psychoanalytic Theory of Neu York, Norton, 1945.

7. This lecture was given in August, 1968, to the London Conference on the Dialectics of Liberation, and is here reprinted from Dialectics of Liberation by permission of the publisher, Penguin Books Inc.

8. This essay was prepared as the author's position paper for Wenner-Gren Foundation Conference on “Effects of Conscious Purpose on Human Adaptation.” The author was chairman of this conference, which was held in Burg Wartenstein, Austria, July 17-24, 1968. The proceedings of the conference as a whole are to be published by Knopf & Co. under the title Our Own Metaphor, edited by Mary Catherine Bateson.

9. This was the Nineteenth Annual Korzybski Memorial Lecture, delivered January 9, 1970, under the auspices of the Institute of General Semantics. It is here re-printed from the General Semantics Bulletin, No. 37, 1970, by permission of the Institute of General Semantics.

10. R. G. Collingwood has given a clear account of the Pythagorean position in The Idea of Nature, Oxford, 1945.

11. It is interesting to note that digital computers depend upon transmission of energy “from behind” to send “news” along wire from one relay to the next. But each relay has its own energy source. Analogic computers, e.g., tide machines and the like, are commonly entirely driven by energy “from behind.” Either type of energization can be used for computational purposes.

12. Or we may spell the matter out and say that at every step, as a difference is transformed and propagated along its pathway, the embodiment of the difference be-fore the step is a “territory” of which the embodiment after the step is a “map.” The map-territory relation obtains at every step.

13. Written in 1916, translated by H. G. Baynes and privately circulated in 1925. Republished by Stuart & Watkins, London, and by Random House, 1961. In later work, Jung seems to have lost the clarity of the Seven Sermons. In his “Answer to Job,” the archetypes are said to be “pleromatic.” It is surely true, however, that constellations of ideas may seem subjectively to resemble “forces” when their ideational character is unrecognized.

14. For the phrase “ecology of ideas,” I am indebted to Sir Geoffrey Vickers' essay “The Ecology of Ideas” in Value Systems and Social Process, Basic Books, 1968.

For a more formal discussion of the survival of ideas, see Gordon Pasks' remarks in Wenner- Gren Conference on “Effects of Conscious Purpose on Human Adaptation,” 1968.

15. I do not agree with Samuel Butler, Whitehead, or Teilhard de Chardin that it follows from this mental character of the macroscopic world that the single atomies must have mental character or potentiality. I see the mental as a function only of complex relationship.
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Re: STEPS TO AN ECOLOGY OF MIND: COLLECTED ESSAYS IN ANTHROP

Postby admin » Fri Dec 11, 2015 5:58 am

Part 1 of 2

Part VI: Crisis in the Ecology of Mind

From Versailles to Cybernetics [1]


I have to talk about recent history as it appears to me in my generation and to you in yours and, as I flew in this morning, words began to echo in my mind. These were phrases more thunderous than any I might be able to compose. One of these groups of words was, “The fathers have eaten bitter fruit and the children’s teeth are set on edge.” Another was the statement of Joyce that “history is that nightmare from which there is no awakening.” Another was, “The sins of the fathers shall be visited on the children even to the third and fourth generation of those that hate me.” And lastly, not so immediately relevant, but still I think relevant to the problem of social mechanism, “He who would do good to another must do it in Minute Particulars. General Good is the plea of the scoundrel, hypocrite, and flatterer.”

We are talking about serious things. I call this lecture “From Versailles to Cybernetics,” naming the two historic events of the twentieth century. The word “cybernetics” is familiar, is it not? But how many of you know what happened at Versailles in 1919?

The question is, What is going to count as important in the history of the last sixty years? I am sixty-two, and, as I began to think about what I have seen of history in my lifetime, it seemed to me that I had really only seen two moments that would rate as really important from an anthropologist’s point of view. One was the events leading up to the Treaty of Versailles, and the other was the cybernetic breakthrough. You may be surprised or shocked that I have not mentioned the A-bomb, or even World War II. I have not mentioned the spread of the automobile, nor of the radio and TV, nor many other things that have occurred in the last sixty years.

Let me state my criterion of historical importance:

Mammals in general, and we among them, care extremely, not about episodes, but about the patterns of their relationships. When you open the refrigerator door and the cat comes up and makes certain sounds, she is not talking about liver or milk, though you may know very well that that is what she wants. You may be able to guess correctly and give her that—if there is any in the refrigerator. What she actually says is something about the relationship between herself and you. If you translated her message into words, it would be something like, “dependency, dependency, dependency.” She is talking, in fact, about a rather abstract pattern within a relationship. From that assertion of a pattern, you are expected to go from the general to the specific—to deduce “milk” or “liver.”

This is crucial. This is what mammals are about. They are concerned with patterns of relationship, with where they stand in love, hate, respect, dependency, trust, and similar abstractions, vis-à-vis somebody else. This is where it hurts us to be put in the wrong. If we trust and find that that which we have trusted was untrustworthy; or if we distrust, and find that that which we distrusted was in fact trustworthy, we feel bad. The pain that human beings and all other mammals can suffer from this type of error is extreme. If, therefore, we really want to know what are the significant points in history, we have to ask which are the moments in history when attitudes were changed. These are the moments when people are hurt because of their former “values.”

Think of the house thermostat in your home. The weather changes outdoors, the temperature of the room falls, the thermometer switch in the living room goes through its business and switches on the furnace; and the furnace warms the room and when the room is hot, the thermometer switch turns it off again. The system is what is called a homeostatic circuit or a servocircuit. But there is also a little box in the living room on the wall by which you set the thermostat. If the house has been too cold for the last week, you must move it up from its present setting to make the system now oscillate around a new level. No amount of weather, heat or cold or whatever, will change that setting, which is called the “bias” of the system. The temperature of the house will oscillate, it will get hotter and cooler according to various circumstances, but the setting of the mechanism will not be changed by those changes. But when you go and you move that bias, you will change what we may call the “attitude” of the system.

Similarly, the important question about history is: Has the bias or setting been changed? The episodic working out of events under a single stationary setting is really trivial. It is with this thought in mind that I have said that the two most important historic events in my life were the Treaty of Versailles and the discovery of cybernetics.

Most of you probably hardly know how the Treaty of Versailles came into being. The story is very simple. World War I dragged on and on; the Germans were rather obviously losing. At this point, George Creel, a public relations man—and I want you not to forget that this man was a granddaddy of modern public relations—had an idea: the idea was that maybe the Germans would surrender if we offered them soft armistice terms. He therefore drew up a set of soft terms, according to which there would be no punitive measures. These terms were drawn up in fourteen points. These Fourteen Points he passed on to President Wilson. If you are going to deceive somebody, you had better get an honest man to carry the message. President Wilson was an almost pathologically honest man and a humanitarian. He elaborated the points in a number of speeches: there were to be “no annexations, no contributions, no punitive damages…” and so on. And the Germans surrendered.

We, British and Americans specially the British—continued of course to blockade Germany because we didn’t want them to get uppity before the Treaty was signed. So, for another year, they continued to starve.

The Peace Conference has been vividly described by Maynard Keynes in The Economic Consequences of the Peace (1919).

The Treaty was finally drawn up by four men: Clemenceau, “the tiger,” who wanted to crush Germany; Lloyd George, who felt it would be politically expedient to get a lot of reparations out of Germany, and some revenge; and Wilson, who had to be bamboozled along. Whenever Wilson would wonder about those Fourteen Points of his, they took him out into the war cemeteries and made him feel ashamed of not being angry with the Germans. Who was the other? Orlando was the other, an Italian.

This was one of the great sellouts in the history of our civilization. A most extraordinary event which led fairly directly and inevitably into World War II. It also led (and this is perhaps more interesting than the fact of its leading to World War II) to the total demoralization of German politics. If you promise your boy something, and renege on him, framing the whole thing on a high ethical plane, you will probably find that not only is he very angry with you, but that his moral attitudes deteriorate as long as he feels the unfair whiplash of what you are doing to him. It’s not only that World War II was the appropriate response of a nation which had been treated in this particular way; what is more important is the fact that the demoralization of that nation was expectable from this sort of treatment. From the demoralization of Germany, we, too, became demoralized. This is why I say that the Treaty of Versailles was an attitudinal turning point.

I imagine that we have another couple of generations of aftereffects from that particular sellout to work through. We are, in fact, like members of the house of Atreus in Greek tragedy. First there was Thyestes’ adultery, then Atreus’ killing of Thyestes’ three children, whom he served to Thyestes at a peace-making feast. Then the murder of Atreus’ son, Agamemnon, by Thyestes’ son, Aegistheus; and finally the murder of Aegistheus and Clytemnestra by Orestes.

It goes on and on. The tragedy of oscillating and self-propagating distrust, hate, and destruction down the generations.

I want you to imagine that you come into the middle of one of these sequences of tragedy. How is it for the middle generation of the house of Atreus? They are living in a crazy universe. From the point of view of the people who started the mess, it’s not so crazy; they know what happened and how they got there. But the people down the line, who were not there at the beginning, find themselves living in a crazy universe, and find themselves crazy, precisely because they do not know how they got that way.

To take a dose of LSD is all right, and you will have the experience of being more or less crazy, but this will make quite good sense because you know you took the dose of LSD. If, on the other hand, you took the LSD by accident, and then find yourself going crazy, not knowing how you got there, this is a terrifying and horrible experience. This is a much more serious and terrible experience, very different from the trip which you can enjoy if you know you took the LSD.

Now consider the difference between my generation and you who are under twenty-five. We all live in the same crazy universe whose hate, distrust, and hypocrisy relates back (especially at the international level), to the Fourteen Points and the Treaty of Versailles.

We older ones know how we got here. I can remember my father reading the Fourteen Points at the breakfast table and saying, “By golly, they’re going to give them a decent armistice, a decent peace,” or something of the kind. And I can remember, but I will not attempt to verbalize, the sort of thing he said when the Treaty of Versailles came out. It wasn’t printable. So I know more or less how we got here.

But from your point of view, we are absolutely crazy, and you don’t know what sort of historic event led to this craziness. “The fathers have eaten bitter fruit and the children’s teeth are set on edge.” It’s all very well for the fathers, they know what they ate. The children don’t know what was eaten.

Let us consider what is to be expected of people in the aftermath of a major deception. Previous to World War 1, it was generally assumed that compromise and a little hypocrisy are a very important ingredient in the ordinary comfortableness of life. If you read Samuel Butler’s Erewhon Revisited, for example, you will see what I mean. All the principal characters in the novel have got themselves into an awful mess: some are due to be executed, and others are due for public scandal, and the religious system of the nation is threatened with collapse. These disasters and tangles are smoothed out by Mrs. Ydgrun (or, as we would say, “Mrs. Grundy”), the guardian of Erewhonian morals. She carefully reconstructs history, like a jigsaw puzzle, so that nobody is really hurt and nobody is disgraced—still less is anybody executed. This was a very comfortable philosophy. A little hypocrisy and a little compromise oil the wheels of social life.

But after the great deception, this philosophy is untenable. You are perfectly correct that something is wrong; and that the something wrong is of the nature of a deceit and a hypocrisy. You live in the midst of corruption.

Of course, your natural responses are puritanical. Not sexual puritanism, because it is not a sexual deceit that lies in the background. But an extreme puritanism against compromise, a puritanism against hypocrisy, and this ends up as a reduction of life to little pieces. It is the big integrated structures of life that seem to have carried the lunacy, and so you try to focus down on the smallest things. “He who would do good to another must do it in Minute Particulars. General Good is the plea of the scoundrel, hypocrite, and flatterer.” The general good smells of hypocrisy to the rising generation.

I don’t doubt that if you asked George Creel to justify the Fourteen Points, he would urge the general good. It is possible that that little operation of his saved a few thousand American lives in 1918. I don’t know how many it cost in World War II, and since in Korea and Vietnam. I recall that Hiroshima and Nagasaki were justified by the general good and saving American lives. There was a lot of talk about “unconditional surrender,” perhaps because we could not trust ourselves to honor a conditional armistice. Was the fate of Hiroshima determined at Versailles?

Now I want to talk about the other significant historical event which has happened in my lifetime, approximately in 1946-47. This was the growing together of a number of ideas which had developed in different places during World War II. We may call the aggregate of these ideas cybernetics, or communication theory, or information theory, or systems theory. The ideas were generated in many places: in Vienna by Bertalanffy, in Harvard by Wiener, in Princeton by von Neumann, in Bell Telephone labs by Shannon, in Cambridge by Raik, and so on. All these separate developments in different intellectual centers dealt with communicational problems, especially with the problem of what sort of a thing is an organized system.

You will notice that everything I said about history and about Versailles is a discussion of organized systems and their properties. Now I want to say that we are developing a certain amount of rigorous scientific understanding of these very mysterious organized systems. Our knowledge today is way ahead of anything that George Creel could have said. He was an applied scientist before the science was ripe to be applied.

One of the roots of cybernetics goes back to Whitehead and Russell and what is called the Theory of Logical Types. In principle, the name is not the thing named, and the name of the name is not the name, and so on. In terms of this powerful theory, a message about war is not part of the war.

Let me put it this way: the message “Let’s play chess” is not a move in the game of chess. It is a message in a more abstract language than the language of the game on the board. The message “Let’s make peace on such and such terms” is not within the same ethical system as the deceits and tricks of battle. They say that all is fair in love and war, and that may be true within love and war, but outside and about love and war, the ethics are a little different. Men have felt for centuries that treachery in a truce or peace-making is worse than trickery in battle. Today this ethical principle receives rigorous theoretical and scientific support. The ethics can now be looked at with formality, rigor, logic, mathematics, and all that, and stands on a different sort of basis from mere invocational preachments. We do not have to feel our way; we can sometimes know right from wrong.

I included cybernetics as the second historic event of importance in my lifetime because I have at least a dim hope that we can bring ourselves to use this new understanding with some honesty. If we understand a little bit of what were doing, maybe it will help us to find our way out of the maze of hallucinations that we have created around ourselves.

Cybernetics is, at any rate, a contribution to change—not simply a change in attitude, but even a change in the understanding of what an attitude is.

The stance that I have taken in choosing what is important in history—saying that the important things are the moments at which attitude is determined, the moments at which the bias of the thermostat is changed—this stance is derived directly from cybernetics. These are thoughts shaped by events from 1946 and after.

But pigs do not go around ready-roasted. We now have a lot of cybernetics, a lot of games theory, and the beginnings of understanding of complex systems. But any understanding can be used in destructive ways.

I think that cybernetics is the biggest bite out of the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge that mankind has taken in the last 2000 years. But most of such bites out of the apple have proved to be rather indigestible—usually for cybernetic reasons.

Cybernetics has integrity within itself, to help us to not be seduced by it into more lunacy, but we cannot trust it to keep us from sin.

For example, the state departments of several nations are today using games theory, backed up by computers, as a way of deciding international policy. They identify first what seem to be the rules of the game of international interaction; they then consider the distribution of strength, weapons, strategic points, grievances, etc., over the geography and the identified nations. They then ask the computers to compute what should be our next move to minimize the chances of our losing the game. The computer then cranks and heaves and gives an answer, and there is some temptation to obey the computer. After all, if you follow the computer you are a little less responsible than if you made up your own mind.

But if you do what the computer advises, you assert by that move that you support the rules of the game which you fed into the computer. You have affirmed the rules of that game.

No doubt nations of the other side also have computers and are playing similar games, and are affirming the rules of the game that they are feeding to their computers. The result is a system in which the rules of international interaction become more and more rigid.

I submit to you that what is wrong with the international field is that the rules need changing. The question is not what is the best thing to do within the rules as they are at the moment. The question is how can we get away from the rules within which we have been operating for the last ten or twenty years, or since the Treaty of Versailles. The problem is to change the rules, and insofar as we let our cybernetic inventions—the computers—lead us into more and more rigid situations, we shall in fact be maltreating and abusing the first hopeful advance since 1918.

And, of course, there are other dangers latent in cybernetics and many of these are still unidentified. We do not know, for example, what effects may follow from the computerization of all government dossiers.

But this much is sure, that there is also latent in cybernetics the means of achieving a new and perhaps more human outlook, a means of changing our philosophy of control and a means of seeing our own follies in wider perspective.

Pathologies of Epistemology [2]

First, I would like you to join me in a little experiment. Let me ask you for a show of hands. How many of you will agree that you see me? I see a number of hands—so I guess insanity loves company. Of course, you don’t “really” see me. What you “see” is a bunch of pieces of information about me, which you synthesize into a picture image of me. You make that image. It’s that simple.

The proposition “I see you” or “You see me” is a proposition which contains within it what I am calling “epistemology.” It contains within it assumptions about how we get information, what sort of stuff information is, and so forth. When you say you “see” me and put up your hand in an innocent way, you are, in fact, agreeing to certain propositions about the nature of knowing and the nature of the universe in which we live and how we know about it.

I shall argue that many of these propositions happen to be false, even though we all share them. In the case of such epistemological propositions, error is not easily detected and is not very quickly punished. You and I are able to get along in the world and fly to Hawaii and read papers on psychiatry and find our places around these tables and in general function reasonably like human beings in spite of very deep error. The erroneous premises, in fact, work.

On the other hand, the premises work only up to a certain limit, and, at some stage or under certain circumstances, if you are carrying serious epistemological errors, you will find that they do not work any more. At this point you discover to your horror that it is exceedingly difficult to get rid of the error, that it’s sticky. It is as if you had touched honey. As with honey, the falsification gets around; and each thing you try to wipe it off on gets sticky, and your hands still remain sticky.

Long ago I knew intellectually, and you, no doubt, all know intellectually, that you do not see me; but I did not really encounter this truth until I went through the Adelbert Ames experiments and encountered circumstances under which my epistemological error led to errors of action.

Let me describe a typical Ames experiment with a pack of Lucky Strike cigarettes and a book of matches. The Lucky Strikes are placed about three feet from the subject of experiment supported on a spike above the table and the matches are on a similar spike six feet from the subject. Ames had the subject look at the table and say how big the objects are and where they are. The subject will agree that they are where they are, and that they are as big as they are, and there is no apparent epistemological error. Ames then says, “I want you to lean down and look through this plank here.” The plank stands vertically at the end of the table. It is just a piece of wood with a round hole in it, and you look through the hole. Now, of course, you have lost use of one eye, and you have been brought down so that you no longer have a crow’s-eye view. But you still see the Lucky Strikes where they are and of the size which they are. Ames then said, “Why don’t you get a parallax effect by sliding the plank?” You slide the plank sideways and suddenly your image changes. You see a little tiny book of matches about half the size of the original and placed three feet from you; while the pack of Lucky Strikes appears to be twice its original size, and is now six feet away.

This effect is accomplished very simply. When you slid the plank, you in fact operated a lever under the table which you had not seen. The lever reversed the parallax effect; that is, the lever caused the thing which was closer to you to travel with you, and that which was far from you to get left behind.

Your mind has been trained or genotypically determined —and there is much evidence in favor of training—to do the mathematics necessary to use parallax to create an image in depth. It performs this feat without volition and without your consciousness. You cannot control it.

I want to use this example as a paradigm of the sort of error that I intend to talk about. The case is simple; it has experimental backing; it illustrates the intangible nature of epistemological error and the difficulty of changing epistemological habit.

In my everyday thinking, I see you, even though I know intellectually that I don’t. Since about 1943 when I saw the experiment, I have worked to practice living in the world of truth instead of the world of epistemological fantasy; but I don’t think I’ve succeeded. Insanity, after all, takes psycho-therapy to change it, or some very great new experience. Just one experience which ends in the laboratory is insufficient.

This morning, when we were discussing Dr. Jung’s paper, I raised the question which nobody was willing to treat seriously, perhaps because my tone of voice encouraged them to smile. The question was whether there are true ideologies. We find that different peoples of the world have different ideologies, different epistemologies, different ideas of the relationship between man and nature, different ideas about the nature of man himself, the nature of his knowledge, his feelings, and his will. But if there were a truth about these matters, then only those social groups which thought according to that truth could reasonably be stable. And if no culture in the world thinks according to that truth, then there would be no stable culture.

Notice again that we face the question of how long it takes to come up against trouble. Epistemological error is often reinforced and therefore self-validating. You can get along all right in spite of the fact that you entertain at rather deep levels of the mind premises which are simply false.

I think perhaps the most interesting—though still incomplete—scientific discovery of the twentieth century is the discovery of the nature of mind. Let me outline some of the ideas which have contributed to this discovery. Immanuel Kant, in the Critique of Judgment, states that the primary act of aesthetic judgment is selection of a fact. There are, in a sense, no facts in nature; or if you like, there are an infinite number of potential facts in nature, out of which the judgment selects a few which become truly facts by that act of selection. Now, put beside that idea of Kant Jung’s insight in Seven Sermons to the Dead, a strange document in which he points out that there are two worlds of explanation or worlds of understanding, the pleroma and the creatura. In the pleroma there are only forces and impacts. In the creatura, there is difference. In other words, the pleroma is the world of the hard sciences, while the creatura is the world of communication and organization. A difference cannot be localized. There is a difference between the color of this desk and the color of this pad. But that difference is not in the pad, it is not in the desk, and I cannot pinch it between them. The difference is not in the space between them. In a word, a difference is an idea.

The world of creatura is that world of explanation in which effects are brought about by ideas, essentially by differences.

If now we put Kant’s insight together with that of Jung, we create a philosophy which asserts that there is an infinite number of differences in this piece of chalk but that only a few of these differences make a difference. This is the epistemological base for information theory. The unit of information is difference. In fact, the unit of psychological input is difference.

The whole energy structure of the pleroma—the forces and impacts of the hard sciences—have flown out the window, so far as explanation within creatura is concerned. After all, zero differs from one, and zero therefore can be a cause, which is not admissible in hard science. The letter which you did not write can precipitate an angry reply, because zero can be one-half of the necessary bit of information. Even sameness can be a cause, because sameness differs from difference.

These strange relations obtain because we organisms (and many of the machines that we make) happen to be able to store energy. We happen to have the necessary circuit structure so that our energy expenditure can be an inverse function of energy input. If you kick a stone, it moves with energy which it got from your kick. If you kick a dog, it moves with the energy which it got from its metabolism. An amoeba will, for a considerable period of time, move more when it is hungry. Its energy expenditure is an inverse function of energy input.

These strange creatural effects (which do not occur in the pleroma) depend also upon circuit structure, and a circuit is a closed pathway (or network of pathways) along which differences (or transforms of differences) are transmitted.

Suddenly, in the last twenty years, these notions have come together to give us a broad conception of the world in which we live—a new way of thinking about what a mind is. Let me list what seem to me to be those essential minimal characteristics of a system, which I will accept as characteristics of mind:

The system shall operate with and upon differences.

The system shall consist of closed loops or networks of pathways along which differences and transforms of differences shall be transmitted. (What is transmitted on a neuron is not an impulse, it is news of a difference.)

Many events within the system shall be energized by the respondent part rather than by impact from the triggering part.

The system shall show self-correctiveness in the direction of homeostasis and/or in the direction of runaway. Self-correctiveness implies trial and error.

Now, these minimal characteristics of mind are generated whenever and wherever the appropriate circuit structure of causal loops exists. Mind is a necessary, an inevitable function of the appropriate complexity, wherever that complexity occurs.

But that complexity occurs in a great many other places besides the inside of my head and yours. We’ll come later to the question of whether a man or a computer has a mind. For the moment, let me say that a redwood forest or a coral reef with its aggregate of organisms interlocking in their relationships has the necessary general structure. The energy for the responses of every organism is supplied from its metabolism, and the total system acts self-correctively in various ways. A human society is like this with closed loops of causation. Every human organization shows both the self-corrective characteristic and has the potentiality for runaway.

Now, let us consider for a moment the question of whether a computer thinks. I would state that it does not. What “thinks” and engages in “trial and error” is the man plus the computer plus the environment. And the lines between man, computer, and environment are purely artificial, fictitious lines. They are lines across the pathways along which information or difference is transmitted. They are not boundaries of the thinking system. What thinks is the total system which engages in trial and error, which is man plus environment.

But if you accept self-correctiveness as the criterion of thought or mental process, then obviously there is “thought” going on inside the man at the autonomic level to maintain various internal variables. And similarly, the computer, if it controls its internal temperature, is doing some simple thinking within itself.

Now we begin to see some of the epistemological fallacies of Occidental civilization. In accordance with the general climate of thinking in mid-nineteenth-century England, Darwin proposed a theory of natural selection and evolution in which the unit of survival was either the family line or the species or subspecies or something of the sort. But today it is quite obvious that this is not the unit of survival in the real biological world. The unit of survival is organism plus environment. We are learning by bitter experience that the organism which destroys its environment destroys itself.

Our interpretation of Darwin's great vision is altered. Gaia draws attention to the fallibility of the concept of adaptation. It is no longer sufficient to say that "organisms better adapted than others are more likely to leave offspring." It is necessary to add that the growth of an organism affects its physical and chemical environment; the evolution of the species and the evolution of the rocks, therefore, are tightly coupled as a single, indivisible process.

-- The Ages of Gaia: A Biography of Our Living Earth, by James Lovelock


If, now, we correct the Darwinian unit of survival to include the environment and the interaction between organism and environment, a very strange and surprising identity emerges: the unit of evolutionary survival turns out to be identical with the unit of mind.

Formerly we thought of a hierarchy of taxa—individual, family line, subspecies, species, etc.—as units of survival. We now see a different hierarchy of units—gene-in-organism, organism-in-environment, ecosystem, etc. Ecology, in the widest sense, turns out to be the study of the interaction and survival of ideas and programs (i.e., differences, complexes of differences, etc.) in circuits.

Let us now consider what happens when you make the epistemological error of choosing the wrong unit: you end up with the species versus the other species around it or versus the environment in which it operates. Man against nature. You end up, in fact, with Kaneohe Bay polluted, Lake Erie a slimy green mess, and “Let’s build bigger atom bombs to kill off the next-door neighbors.” There is an ecology of bad ideas, just as there is an ecology of weeds, and it is characteristic of the system that basic error propagates itself. It branches out like a rooted parasite through the tissues of life, and everything gets into a rather peculiar mess. When you narrow down your epistemology and act on the premise “What interests me is me, or my organization, or my species,” you chop off consideration of other loops of the loop structure. You decide that you want to get rid of the by-products of human life and that Lake Erie will be a good place to put them. You forget that the eco-mental system called Lake Erie is a part of your wider eco-mental system—and that if Lake Erie is driven insane, its insanity is incorporated in the larger system of your thought and experience.

You and I are so deeply acculturated to the idea of “self” and organization and species that it is hard to believe that man might view his relations with the environment in any other way than the way which I have rather unfairly blamed upon the nineteenth-century evolutionists. So I must say a few words about the history of all this.

Anthropologically, it would seem from what we know of the early material, that man in society took clues from the natural world around him and applied those clues in a sort of metaphoric way to the society in which he lived. That is, he identified with or empathized with the natural world around him and took that empathy as a guide for his own social organization and his own theories of his own psychology. This was what is called “totemism.”

In a way, it was all nonsense, but it made more sense than most of what we do today, because the natural world around us really has this general systemic structure and therefore is an appropriate source of metaphor to enable man to understand himself in his social organization.

The next step, seemingly, was to reverse the process and to take clues from himself and apply these to the natural world around him. This was “animism,” extending the notion of personality or mind to mountains, rivers, forests, and such things. This was still not a bad idea in many ways. But the next step was to separate the notion of mind from the natural world, and then you get the notion of gods.

But when you separate mind from the structure in which it is immanent, such as human relationship, the human society, or the ecosystem, you thereby embark, I believe, on fundamental error, which in the end will surely hurt you.

Struggle may be good for your soul up to the moment when to win the battle is easy. When you have an effective enough technology so that you can really act upon your epistemological errors and can create havoc in the world in which you live, then the error is lethal. Epistemological error is all right, it’s fine, up to the point at which you create around yourself a universe in which that error becomes immanent in monstrous changes of the universe that you have created and now try to live in.

You see, we’re not talking about the dear old Supreme Mind of Aristotle, St. Thomas Aquinas, and so on down through ages—the Supreme Mind which was incapable of error and incapable of insanity. We’re talking about immanent mind, which is only too capable of insanity, as you all professionally know. This is precisely why you’re here. These circuits and balances of nature can only too easily get out of kilter, and they inevitably get out of kilter when certain basic errors of our thought become reinforced by thousands of cultural details.

I don’t know how many people today really believe that there is an overall mind separate from the body, separate from the society, and separate from nature. But for those of you who would say that that is all “superstition,” I am prepared to wager that I can demonstrate with them in a few minutes that the habits and ways of thinking that went with those superstitions are still in their heads and still determine a large part of their thoughts. The idea that you can see me still governs your thought and action in spite of the fact that you may know intellectually that it is not so. In the same way we are most of us governed by epistemologies that we know to be wrong. Let us consider some of the implications of what I have been saying.

Let us look at how the basic notions are reinforced and expressed in all sorts of detail of how we behave. The very fact that I am monologuing to you—this is a norm of our academic subculture, but the idea that I can teach you, unilaterally, is derivative from the premise that the mind controls the body. And whenever a psychotherapist lapses into unilateral therapy, he is obeying the same premise. I, in fact, standing up in front of you, am performing a subversive act by reinforcing in your minds a piece of thinking which is really nonsense. We all do it all the time because it’s built into the detail of our behavior. Notice how I stand while you sit.

The same thinking leads, of course, to theories of control and to theories of power. In that universe, if you do not get what you want, you will blame somebody and establish either a jail or a mental hospital, according to taste, and you will pop them in it if you can identify them. If you cannot identify them, you will say, “It’s the system.” This is roughly where our kids are nowadays, blaming the establishment, but you know the establishments aren’t to blame. They are part of the same error, too.

Then, of course, there is the question of weapons. If you believe in that unilateral world and you think that the other people believe in that world (and you’re probably right; they do), then, of course, the thing is to get weapons, hit them hard, and “control” them.

They say that power corrupts; but this, I suspect, is nonsense. What is true is that the idea of power corrupts. Power corrupts most rapidly those who believe in it, and it is they who will want it most. Obviously our democratic system tends to give power to those who hunger for it and gives every opportunity to those who don’t want power to avoid getting it. Not a very satisfactory arrangement if power corrupts those who believe in it and want it.

Perhaps there is no such thing as unilateral power. After all, the man “in power” depends on receiving information all the time from outside. He responds to that information just as much as he “causes” things to happen. It is not possible for Goebbels to control the public opinion of Germany because in order to do so he must have spies or legmen or public opinion polls to tell him what the Germans are thinking. He must then trim what he says to this information; and then again find out how they are responding. It is an interaction, and not a lineal situation.

But the myth of power is, of course, a very powerful myth and probably most people in this world more or less believe in it. It is a myth which, if everybody believes in it, becomes to that extent self-validating. But it is still epistemological lunacy and leads inevitably to various sorts of disaster.

Last, there is the question of urgency. It is clear now to many people that there are many catastrophic dangers which have grown out of the Occidental errors of epistemology. These range from insecticides to pollution, to atomic fallout, to the possibility of melting the Antarctic ice cap. Above all, our fantastic compulsion to save individual lives has created the possibility of world famine in the immediate future.

Perhaps we have an even chance of getting through the next twenty years with no disaster more serious than the mere destruction of a nation or group of nations.

I believe that this massive aggregation of threats to man and his ecological systems arises out of errors in our habits of thought at deep and partly unconscious levels.

As therapists, clearly we have a duty.

First, to achieve clarity in ourselves; and then to look for every sign of clarity in others and to implement them and reinforce them in whatever is sane in them.

And there are patches of sanity still surviving in the world. Much of Oriental philosophy is more sane than anything the West has produced, and some of the inarticulate efforts of our own young people are more sane than the conventions of the establishment.

The Roots of Ecological Crisis [3]

Summary: Other testimony has been presented regarding bills to deal with particular problems of pollution and environmental degradation in Hawaii. It is hoped that the proposed Office of Environmental Quality Control and the Environmental Center at the University of Hawaii will go beyond this ad hoc approach and will study the more basic causes of the current rash of environmental troubles.

The present testimony argues that these basic causes lie in the combined action of (a) technological advance; (b) population increase; and (c) conventional (but wrong) ideas about the nature of man and his relation to the environment.

It is concluded that the next five to ten years will be a period like the Federalist period in United States history in which the whole philosophy of government, education, and technology must be debated.

We submit:

(1) That all ad hoc measures leave uncorrected the deeper causes of the trouble and, worse, usually permit those causes to grow stronger and become compounded. In medicine, to relieve the symptoms without curing the disease is wise and sufficient if and only if either the disease is surely terminal or will cure itself.

The history of DDT illustrates the fundamental fallacy of ad hoc measures. When it was invented and first put to use, it was itself an ad hoc measure. It was discovered in 1939 that the stuff was an insecticide (and the discoverer got a Nobel Prize). Insecticides were “needed” (a) to increase agricultural products; and (b) to save people, especially troops overseas, from malaria. In other words, DDT was a symptomatic cure for troubles connected with the increase of population.

By 1950, it was known to scientists that DDT was seriously toxic to many other animals (Rachel Carson’s popular book Silent Spring was published in 1962).

But in the meanwhile, (a) there was a vast industrial commitment to DDT manufacture; (b) the insects at which DDT was directed were becoming immune; (c) the animals which normally ate those insects were being exterminated; (d) the population of the world was permitted by DDT to increase.

In other words, the world became addicted to what was once an ad hoc measure and is now known to be a major danger. Finally in 1970, we begin to prohibit or control this danger. And we still do not know, for example, whether the human species on its present diet can surely survive the DDT which is already circulating in the world and will be there for the next twenty years even if its use is immediately and totally discontinued.

It is now reasonably certain (since the discovery of significant amounts of DDT in the penguins of Antarctica) that all the fish-eating birds as well as the land-going carnivorous birds and those which formerly ate insect pests are doomed. It is probable that all the carnivorous fish [4] will soon contain too much DDT for human consumption and may themselves become extinct. It is possible that the earthworms, at least in forests and other sprayed areas, will vanish—with what effect upon the forests is anybody’s guess. The plankton of the high seas (upon which the entire planetary ecology depends) is believed to be still unaffected.

That is the story of one blind application of an ad hoc measure; and the story can be repeated for a dozen other inventions.

(2) That the proposed combination of agencies in State Government and in the University should address itself to diagnosing, understanding and, if possible, suggesting remedies for the wider processes of social and environmental degradation in the world and should attempt to define Hawaii’s policy in view of these processes.

(3) That all of the many current threats to man’s survival are traceable to three root causes:

technological progress

population increase

certain errors in the thinking and attitudes of Occidental culture. Our “values” are wrong.


We believe that all three of these fundamental factors are necessary conditions for the destruction of our world. In other words, we optimistically believe that the correction of any one of them would save us.

(4) That these fundamental factors certainly interact. The increase of population spurs technological progress and creates that anxiety which sets us against our environment as an enemy; while technology both facilitates increase of population and reinforces our arrogance, or “hubris,” vis-à-vis the natural environment.

The attached diagram illustrates the interconnections. It will be noted that in this diagram each corner is clockwise, denoting that each is by itself a self-promoting (or, as the scientists say, “autocatalytic”) phenomenon: the bigger the population, the faster it grows; the more technology we have, the faster the rate of new invention; and the more we believe in our “power” over an enemy environment, the more “power” we seem to have and the more spiteful the environment seems to be.

Similarly the pairs of corners are clockwise connected to make three self-promoting subsystems.

The problem facing the world and Hawaii is simply how to introduce some anticlockwise processes into this system.

How to do this should be a major problem for the proposed State Office of Environmental Quality Control and the University Environmental Center.

Image

Fig. 1 The Dynamics of Ecological Crisis

It appears, at present, that the only possible entry point for reversal of the process is the conventional attitudes toward the environment.

(5) That further technological progress cannot now be prevented but that it can possibly be steered in appropriate directions, to be explored by the proposed offices.

(6) That the population explosion is the single most important problem facing the world today. As long as population continues to increase, we must expect the continuous creation of new threats to survival, perhaps at a rate of one per year, until we reach the ultimate condition of famine (which Hawaii is in no position to face). We offer no solution here to the population explosion, but we note that every solution which we can imagine is made difficult or impossible by the thinking and attitudes of Occidental culture.

(7) That the very first requirement for ecological stability is a balance between the rates of birth and death. For better or for worse, we have tampered with the death rate, especially by controlling the major epidemic diseases and the death of infants. Always, in any living (i.e., ecological) system, every increasing imbalance will generate its own limiting factors as side effects of the increasing imbalance. In the present instance, we begin to know some of Nature’s ways of correcting the imbalance—smog, pollution, DDT poisoning, industrial wastes, famine, atomic fallout, and war. But the imbalance has gone so far that we cannot trust Nature not to overcorrect.

(8) That the ideas which dominate our civilization at the present time date in their most virulent form from the Industrial Revolution. They may be summarized as:

(a) It’s us against the environment.

(b) It’s us against other men.

It’s the individual (or the individual company, or the individual nation) that matters.

We can have unilateral control over the environment and must strive for that control.

(c) We live within an infinitely expanding “frontier.”

(d) Economic determinism is common sense.

(e) Technology will do it for us.


We submit that these ideas are simply proved false by the great but ultimately destructive achievements of our technology in the last 150 years. Likewise they appear to be false under modern ecological theory. The creature that wins against its environment destroys itself.

(9) That other attitudes and premises—other systems of human “values”—have governed man’s relation to his environment and his fellow man in other civilizations and at other times. Notably, the ancient Hawaiian civilization and the Hawaiians of today are unconcerned about Occidental “hubris.” In other words, our way is not the only possible human way. It is conceivably changeable.

(10) That change in our thinking has already begun—among scientists and philosophers, and among young people. But it is not only long-haired professors and long-haired youth who are changing their ways of thought. There are also many thousands of businessmen and even legislators who wish they could change but feel that it would be unsafe or not “common sense” to do so. The changes will continue as inevitably as technological progress.

(11) That these changes in thought will impact upon our government, economic structure, educational philosophy, and military stance because the old premises are deeply built into all these sides of our society.

(12) That nobody can predict what new patterns will emerge from these drastic changes. We hope that the period of change may be characterized by wisdom, rather than by either violence or the fear of violence. Indeed, the ultimate goal of this bill is to make such a transition possible.

(13) We conclude that the next five to ten years will be a period comparable to the Federalist period in United States history. New philosophies of government, education, and technology must be debated both inside the government and in the public press, and especially among leading citizens. The University of Hawaii and the State Government could take a lead in these debates.

7.4 Ecology and Flexibility in Urban Civilization [5]

First, it will be convenient to have, not a specific or ultimate goal, but an abstract idea of what we might mean by ecological health. Such a general notion will both guide the collection of data and guide the evaluation of observed trends.

I suggest then that a healthy ecology of human civilization would be defined somewhat as follows:

A single system of environment combined with high human civilization in which the flexibility of the civilization shall match that of the environment to create an ongoing complex system, open-ended for slow change of even basic (hard-programmed) characteristics.

We now proceed to consider some of the terms in this definition of systemic health and to relate them to conditions in the existing world.
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Re: STEPS TO AN ECOLOGY OF MIND: COLLECTED ESSAYS IN ANTHROP

Postby admin » Fri Dec 11, 2015 6:01 am

Part 2 of 2

“A High Civilization”

It appears that the man-environment system has certainly been progressively unstable since the introduction of metals, the wheel, and script. The deforestation of Europe and the man-made deserts of the Middle East and North Africa are evidence for this statement.

Civilizations have risen and fallen. A new technology for the exploitation of nature or a new technique for the exploitation of other men permits the rise of a civilization. But each civilization, as it reaches the limits of what can be exploited in that particular way, must eventually fall. The new invention gives elbow room or flexibility, but the using up of that flexibility is death.

Either man is too clever, in which case we are doomed, or he was not clever enough to limit his greed to courses which would not destroy the ongoing total system. I prefer the second hypothesis.

It becomes then necessary to work toward a definition of “high.”

(a) It would not be wise (even if possible) to return to the innocence of the Australian aborigines, the Eskimo, and the Bushmen. Such a return would involve loss of the wisdom which prompted the return and would only start the whole process over.

(b) A “high” civilization should therefore be presumed to have, on the technological side, whatever gadgets are necessary to promote, maintain (and even increase) wisdom of this general sort. This may well include computers and complex communication devices.

(c) A “high” civilization shall contain whatever is necessary (in educational and religious institutions) to maintain the necessary wisdom in the human population and to give physical, aesthetic, and creative satisfaction to people. There shall be a matching between the flexibility of people and that of the civilization. There shall be diversity in the civilization, not only to accommodate the genetic and experiential diversity of persons, but also to provide the flexibility and “preadaptation” necessary for unpredictable change.

(d) A “high” civilization shall be limited in its transactions with environment. It shall consume unreplaceable natural resources only as a means to facilitate necessary change (as a chrysalis in metamorphosis must live on its fat). For the rest, the metabolism of the civilization must depend upon the energy income which Spaceship Earth derives from the sun. In this connection, great technical advance is necessary. With present technology, it is probable that the world could only maintain a small fraction of its present human population, using as energy sources only photosynthesis, wind, tide, and water power.


Flexibility

To achieve, in a few generations, anything like the healthy system dreamed of above or even to get out of the grooves of fatal destiny in which our civilization is now caught, very great flexibility will be needed. It is right, therefore, to examine this concept with some care. Indeed, this is a crucial concept. We should evaluate not so much the values and trends of relevant variables as the relation between these trends and ecological flexibility.

Following Ross Ashby, I assume that any biological system (e.g., the ecological environment, the human civilization, and the system which is to be the combination of these two) is describable in terms of interlinked variables, such that for any given variable there is an upper and a lower threshold of tolerance beyond which discomfort, pathology, and ultimately death must occur. Within these limits, the variable can move (and is moved) in order to achieve adaptation. When, under stress, a variable must take a value close to its upper or lower limit of tolerance, we shall say, borrowing a phrase from the youth culture, that the system is “up tight” in respect to this variable, or lacks “flexibility” in this respect.

But, because the variables are interlinked, to be up tight in respect to one variable commonly means that other variables cannot be changed without pushing the uptight variable. The loss of flexibility thus spreads through the system. In extreme cases, the system will only accept those changes which change the tolerance limits for the uptight variable. For example, an overpopulated society looks for those changes (increased food, new roads, more houses, etc.) which will make the pathological and pathogenic conditions of overpopulation more comfortable. But these ad hoc changes are precisely those which in longer time can lead to more fundamental ecological pathology.

The pathologies of our time may broadly be said to be the accumulated results of this process—the eating up of flexibility in response to stresses of one sort or another (especially the stress of population pressure) and the refusal to bear with those byproducts of stress (e.g., epidemics and famine) which are the age-old correctives for population excess.

The ecological analyst faces a dilemma: on the one hand, if any of his recommendations are to be followed, he must first recommend whatever will give the system a positive budget of flexibility; and on the other hand, the people and institutions with which he must deal have a natural propensity to eat up all available flexibility. He must create flexibility and prevent the civilization from immediately expanding into it.

It follows that while the ecologist’s goal is to increase flexibility, and to this extent he is less tyrannical than most welfare planners (who tend to increase legislative control), he must also exert authority to preserve such flexibility as exists or can be created. At this point (as in the matter of unreplaceable natural resources), his recommendations must be tyrannical.

It has now been fifteen years since the Association first accepted as the concrete expression of the first principle of its action the following formula: "It is the whole duty of man to learn by observation and experiment (which is systemized and definite experience), facts, principles and laws of ALL that IS; apply them to the acceleration of individual and universal evolution, by producing a more perfect mutual adaptation of the organism, and its environments; to teach to others the knowledge and experience thus acquired, for the purpose of improving the environment, and creating in humankind the disposition to act according to the concepts thus acquired."

-- A Call to the "Awakened" From "The Unseen and Unknown," for an Esoteric College, and For G.....R Dept. No. 1, by Vidya-Nyaika.


Social flexibility is a resource as precious as oil or titanium and must be budgeted in appropriate ways, to be spent (like fat) upon needed change. Broadly, since the “eating up” of flexibility is due to regenerative (i.e., escalating) sub-systems within the civilization, it is, in the end, these that must be controlled.

It is worth noting here that flexibility is to specialization as entropy is to negentropy. Flexibility may be defined as uncommited potentiality for change.

A telephone exchange exhibits maximum negentropy, maximum specialization, maximum information load, and maximum rigidity when so many of its circuits are in use that one more call would probably jam the system. It exhibits maximum entropy and maximum flexibility when none of its pathways are committed. (In. this particular example, the state of nonuse is not a committed state.)

It will be noted that the budget of flexibility is fractionating (not subtractive, as is a budget of money or energy).

The Distribution of Flexibility

Again following Ashby, the distribution of flexibility among the many variables of a system is a matter of very great importance.

The healthy system, dreamed of above, may be compared to an acrobat on a high wire. To maintain the ongoing truth of his basic premise (“I am on the wire”), he must be free to move from one position of instability to another, i.e., certain variables such as the position of his arms and the rate of movement of his arms must have great flexibility, which he uses to maintain the stability of other more fundamental and general characteristics. If his arms are fixed or paralyzed (isolated from communication), he must fall.

In this connection, it is interesting to consider the ecology of our legal system. For obvious reasons, it is difficult to control by law those basic ethical and abstract principles upon which the social system depends. Indeed, historically, the United States was founded upon the premise of freedom of religion and freedom of thought -- the separation of Church and State being the classic example.

On the other hand, it is rather easy to write laws which shall fix the more episodic and superficial details of human behavior. In other words, as laws proliferate, our acrobat is progressively limited in his arm movement but is given free permission to fall off the wire.

Note, in passing, that the analogy of the acrobat can be apps at a higher level. During the period, when the acrobat is learning to move his arms in an appropriate way, it is necessary to have a safety net under him, i.e., precisely to give him the freedom to fall off the wire. Freedom and flexibility in regard to the most basic variables may be necessary during the process of learning and creating a new system by social change:

These are parades of order and disorder, which the ecological analyst and planner must weigh.

Be all that as it may, it is at least arguable that the trend of social change in the last one hundred years, especially in the USA, has been towards an inappropriate distribution of flexibility among the variables of the civilization. Those variables which should be flexible have been pegged, while those which should be comparatively steady, changing only slowly, have been cast loose.

But, even so, the law is surely not the appropriate method for stabilizing the fundamental variables. This should be done by the processes of education and character formation —those parts of our social system which are currently and expectably undergoing maximum perturbation.

The Flexibility of Ideas

A civilization runs on ideas of all degrees of generality. These ideas are present (some explicit, some implicit) in the actions and interactions of persons—some conscious and clearly defined, others vague, and many unconscious. Some of these ideas are widely shared, others differentiated in various subsystems of the society.

If a budget of flexibility is to be a central component of our understanding of how the environment-civilization works, and if a category of pathology is related to unwise spending of this budget, then surely the flexibility of ideas will play an important role in our theory and practice.

A few examples of basic cultural ideas will make the matter clear:

“The Golden Rule,” “An eye for an eye,” and “Justice.”

“The common sense of scarcity economics” versus “The common sense of affluence.”

“The name of that thing is `chair’," and many of the reifying premises of language.

“The survival of the fittest” versus “The survival of organism-plus-environment.” Premises of mass production, challenge, pride, etc.

The premises of transference, ideas about how character is determined, theories of education, etc.

Patterns of personal relatedness, dominance, love, etc.


The ideas in a civilization are (like all other variables) interlinked, partly by some sort of psychologic and partly by consensus about the quasi-concrete effects of action.

It is characteristic of this complex network of determination of ideas (and actions) that particular links in the net are often weak but that any given idea or action is subject to multiple determination by many interwoven strands. We turn off the light when we go to bed, influenced partly by the economics of scarcity, partly by premises of transference, partly by ideas of privacy, partly to reduce sensory input, etc.

This multiple determination is characteristic of all biological fields. Characteristically, every feature of the anatomy of an animal or plant and every detail of behavior is determined by a multitude of interacting factors at both the genetic and physiological levels; and, correspondingly, the processes of any ongoing ecosystem are the outcome of multiple determination.

Moreover, it is rather unusual to find that any feature of a biological system is at all directly determined by the need which it fulfills. Eating is governed by appetite, habit, and social convention rather than by hunger, and respiration is governed by CO2 excess rather than by oxygen lack. And so on.

In contrast, the products of human planners and engineers are constructed to meet specified needs in a much more direct manner, and are correspondingly less viable. The multiple causes of eating are likely to ensure the performance of this necessary act under a large variety of circumstances and stresses whereas, if eating were controlled only by hypoglycaemia, any disturbance of the single pathway of control would result in death. Essential biological functions are not controlled by lethal variables, and planners will do well to note this fact.

Against this complex background, it is not easy to construct a theory of flexibility of ideas and to conceive of a budget of flexibility. There are, however, two clues to the major theoretical problem. Both of these are derived from the stochastic process of evolution or learning whereby such interlocked systems of ideas come into being. First we consider the “natural selection” which governs which ideas shall survive longest; and second we shall consider how this process sometimes works to create evolutionary culs-de-sac.

(More broadly, I regard the grooves of destiny into which our civilization has entered as a special case of evolutionary cul-de-sac. Courses which offered short-term advantage have been adopted, have become rigidly programmed, and have begun to prove disastrous over longer time. This is the paradigm for extinction by way of loss of flexibility. And this paradigm is more surely lethal when the courses of action are chosen in order to maximize single variables.)

In a simple learning experiment (or any other experience), an organism, especially a human being, acquires a vast variety of information. He learns something about the smell of the lab; he learns something about the patterns of the experimenter’s behavior; he learns something about his own capacity to learn and how it feels to be “right” or “wrong”; he learns that there is “right” and “wrong” in the world. And so on.

If he now is subjected to another learning experiment (or experience), he will acquire some new items of information: some of the items of the first experiment will be repeated or affirmed; some will be contradicted.

In a word, some of the ideas acquired in the first experience will survive the second experience, and natural selection will tautologically insist that those ideas which survive will survive longer than those which do not survive.

But in mental evolution, there is also an economy of flexibility. Ideas which survive repeated use are actually handled in a special way which is different from the way in which the mind handles new ideas. The phenomenon of habit formation sorts out the ideas which survive repeated use and puts them in a more or less separate category. These trusted ideas then become available for immediate use without thoughtful inspection, while the more flexible parts of the mind can be saved for use on newer matters.

In other words, the frequency of use of a given idea becomes a determinant of its survival in that ecology of ideas which we call Mind; and beyond that the survival of a frequently used idea is further promoted by the fact that habit formation tends to remove the idea from the field of critical inspection.

But the survival of an idea is also certainly determined by its relations with other ideas. Ideas may support or contradict each other; they may combine more or less readily. They may influence each other in complex unknown ways in polarized systems.

It is commonly the more generalized and abstract ideas that survive repeated use. The more generalized ideas thus tend to become premises upon which other ideas depend. These premises become relatively inflexible.

In other words, in the ecology of ideas there is an evolutionary process, related to the economics of flexibility, and this process determines which ideas shall become hard programmed.

The same process determines that these hard-programmed ideas become nuclear or nodal within constellations of other ideas, because the survival of these other ideas depends on how they fit with the hard-programmed ideas. It follows that any change in the hard-programmed ideas may involve change in the whole related constellation.

But frequency of validation of an idea within a given segment of time is not the same as proof that the idea is either true or pragmatically useful over long time. We are discovering today that several of the premises which are deeply ingrained in our way of life are simply untrue and become pathogenic when implemented with modern technology.

Exercise of Flexibility

It is asserted above that the overall flexibility of a system depends upon keeping many of its variables in the middle of their tolerable limits. But there is a partial converse of this generalization:

“Analogous relations certainly obtain in the ecology of a redwood forest or a coral reef. The most frequent or “dominant” species are likely to be nodal to constellations of other species, because the survival of a newcomer to the system will commonly be determined by how its way of life fits with that of one or more dominant species.


In these contexts—both ecological and mental—the word “fit” is a low-level analogue of “matching flexibility.”

Owing to the fact that inevitably many of the subsystems of the society are regenerative, the system as a whole tends to “expand” into any area of unused freedom.

It used to be said that “Nature abhors a vacuum,” and indeed something of the sort seems to be true of unused potentiality for change in any biological system.

In other words, if a given variable remains too long at some middle value, other variables will encroach upon its freedom, narrowing the tolerance limits until its freedom to move is zero or, more precisely, until any future movement can only be achieved at the price of disturbing the encroaching variables.

In other words, the variable which does not change its value becomes ipso facto hard programmed. Indeed, this way of stating the genesis of hard-programmed variables is only another way of describing habit formation.

As a Japanese Zen master once told me, “To become accustomed to anything is a terrible thing.”

From all of this it follows that to maintain the flexibility of a given variable, either that flexibility must be exercised, or the encroaching variables must be directly controlled.

We live in a civilization which seems to prefer prohibition to positive requirement, and therefore we try to legislate (e.g., with antitrust laws) against the encroaching variables; and we try to defend “civil liberties” by legally slapping the wrists of encroaching authority.

We try to prohibit certain encroachments, but it might be more effective to encourage people to know their freedoms and flexibilities and to use them more often.

In our civilization, the exercise of even the physiological body, whose proper function is to maintain the flexibility of many of its variables by pushing them to extreme values, becomes a “spectator sport,” and the same is true of the flexibility of social norms. We go to the movies or the courts —or read newspapers—for vicarious experience of exceptional behavior.

The Transmission of Theory

A first question in all application of theory to human problems concerns the education of those who are to carry out the plans. This paper is primarily a presentation of theory to planners; it is an attempt at least to make some theoretical ideas available to them. But in the restructuring of a great city over a period of ten to thirty years, the plans and their execution must pass through the heads and hands of hundreds of persons and dozens of committees.

Is it important that the right things be done for the right reasons? Is it necessary that those who revise and carry out plans should understand the ecological insights which guided the planners? Or should the original planners put into the very fabric of their plan collateral incentives which will seduce those who come later into carrying out the plan for reasons quite different from those which inspired the plan?

This is an ancient problem in ethics and one which (for example) besets every psychiatrist. Should he be satisfied if his patient makes a readjustment to conventional life for neurotic or inappropriate reasons?

The question is not only ethical in the conventional sense, it is also an ecological question. The means by which one man influences another are a part of the ecology of ideas in their relationship, and part of the larger ecological system within which that relationship exists.

The hardest saying in the Bible is that of St. Paul, addressing the Galatians: “God is not mocked,” and this saying applies to the relationship between man and his ecology. It is of no use to plead that a particular sin of pollution or exploitation was only a little one or that it was unintentional or that it was committed with the best intentions. Or that “If I didn’t, somebody else would have.” The processes of ecology are not mocked.

On the other hand, surely the mountain lion when he kills the deer is not acting to protect the grass from overgrazing.

In fact, the problem of how to transmit our ecological reasoning to those whom we wish to influence in what seems to us to be an ecologically “good” direction is itself an ecological problem. We are not outside the ecology for which we plan—we are always and inevitably a part of it.

Herein lies the charm and the terror of ecology—that the ideas of this science are irreversibly becoming a part of our own ecosocial system.

We live then in a world different from that of the mountain lion—he is neither bothered nor blessed by having ideas about ecology. We are.

I believe that these ideas are not evil and that our greatest (ecological) need is the propagation of these ideas as they develop—and as they are developed by the (ecological) process of their propagation.

If this estimate is correct, then the ecological ideas implicit in our plans are more important than the plans themselves, and it would be foolish to sacrifice these ideas on the altar of pragmatism. It will not in the long run pay to “sell” the plans by superficial ad hominem arguments which will conceal or contradict the deeper insight.


_______________

Notes:

1. Previously unpublished. This lecture was given April 21, 1966, to the “Two Worlds Symposium” at Sacramento State College.

2. This paper was given at the Second Conference on Mental Health in Asia and the Pacific, 1969, at the East-West Center, Hawaii. Copyright © 1972 by the East-West Center Press. It will also appear in the report of that conference and is here reprinted by permission of the East-West Center Press, Hawaii.

3. This document was testimony on behalf of the University of Hawaii Committee on Ecology and Man, presented in March, 1970, before a Committee of the State Senate of Hawaii, in favor of a bill (S.B. 1132). This bill proposed the setting up of an Office of Environmental Quality Control in Government and an Environmental Center in the University of Hawaii. The bill was passed.

4. Ironically, it turns out that fish will probably become poisonous as carriers of mercury rather than DDT. [G.B. 1971]

5. In October, 1970, the author convened and chaired a small five-day conference on “Restructuring the Ecology of a Great City,” sponsored by the Wenner-Gren Foundation. A purpose of the conference was to join with planners in the office of John Lindsay, mayor of New York City, in examining relevant components of ecological theory. This essay was written for this conference and subsequently edited. Section VI on the Transmission of Theory has been added and represents afterthoughts following the conference.

6. Articles marked with an asterisk have been included in this volume. As a matter of historical interest, the occasion for which each paper was prepared has been noted. Reprintings of articles have generally been excluded. Readers failing to find a book in this bibliography listed in a library catalog under either the volume editor's name or the volume title should try looking under the title of the conference or symposium, which is listed immediately preceding the editor's name.
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Re: STEPS TO AN ECOLOGY OF MIND: COLLECTED ESSAYS IN ANTHROP

Postby admin » Fri Dec 11, 2015 6:02 am

The Published Work of Gregory Bateson

Prepared by Vern Carroll [6]

Books, Reviews and Articles

1926 “On certain aberrations of the red-legged partridges Alectoris rufa and saxatilis.” Journal of Genetics 16: 101-23. ( with W. Bateson).

1932a “Further notes on a snake dance of the Baining.” Oceania 2: 334-41.

1932b “Social structure of the Iatmul people of the Sepik River (Parts I and II).” Oceania 2: 245-91.

1932c “Social structure of the Iatmul people of the Sepik River (Part III).” Oceania 2: 401- 53.

1935a “Music in New Guinea.” Eagle 47, no. 214: 158-70. [“The Eagle… a magazine supported by members of St. John’s College, Cambridge, England. Printed at the University Press for subscribers only.”]

[7] 1935b “Culture contact and schismogenesis.” Man 35: 178-83 (art. 199).

1936 Naven: A Survey of the Problems Suggested by a Composite Picture of the Culture of a New Guinea Tribe Drawn from Three Points of View. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Reprint. New York: Macmillan Co., 1937.

1937 “An old temple and a new myth.” Djawa 17: 291-307. Text reprinted in Traditional Balinese Culture, edited by Jane Belo, pp. 111-36. New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1970. [Note: the reprint excludes five of the eight original photographs and adds two photographs which do not appear in the original, but which pertain to two of the same subjects appearing in the original.]

[7] 1941a "Experiments in thinking about observed ethnological material.” Philosophy of Science 8: 53-68. Paper read at the Seventh Conference on Methods in Philosophy and the Sciences, 28 April 1940, at the New School for Social Research, New York, New York.

1941b “Age conflicts and radical youth.” Mimeographed. New York: Institute for Intercultural Studies. Pre-pared for the Committee for National Morale.

1941c “The frustration-aggression hypothesis and culture.” Psychological Review 48: 350-55. Paper read at the 1940 meeting of the Eastern Psychological Association in the Symposium on the Effects of Frustration.

1941d "Principles of morale building.” Journal of Educational Sociology 15: 206-20. (with Margaret Mead).

1941e Review of Conditioning and Learning, by Ernest R. Hilgard and Donald G. Marquis. American Anthropologist 43: 115-16.

1941f Review of Mathematico-Deductive Theory of Rote Learning, by Clark L. Hull et al. American Anthropologist 43: 116-18.

1942a Balinese Character: A Photographic Analysis. Special Publications of the New York Academy of Sciences, vol. 2. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. (with Margaret Mead).

1942b “Some systematic approaches to the study of culture and personality.” Character and Personality 11: 76-82. Reprinted in Personal Character and Cultural Milieu, edited by Douglas G. Haring, pp. 71-77. Syracuse, New York, 1948. Rev. ed. Syracuse Univ. Press, 1949.

[7] 1942c Comment on “The comparative study of culture and the purposive cultivation of democratic values,” by Margaret Mead. In Science, Philosophy and Religion; Second Symposium (held 8-11 September 1941, at New York, New York). Conference on Science, Philosophy and Religion. Edited by Lyman Bryson and Louis Finkelstein, pp. 81-97. New York: Conference on Science, Philosophy and Religion in Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life, Inc. Reprinted widely under the title “Social planning and the concept of deutero-learning.

[7] 1942d “Morale and national character.” In Civilian Morale. Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues, Second Yearbook. Edited by Goodwin Watson, pp. 71-91. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. (for Reynal & Hitchcock, New York).

1943a “Cultural and thematic analysis of fictional films.” Transactions of the New York Academy of Sciences, series 2, vol. 5, no. 4: 72-78. An address to the New York Academy of Sciences, 18 January 1943. Reprinted in Personal Character and Cultural Milieu, edited by Douglas G. Haring, pp. 117-23. Syracuse, New York, 1948.

1943b “An analysis of the film Hitlerjunge Quex (1933).” Mimeographed. New York: Museum of Modern Art Film Library. Microfilm copy made in 1965 by Graphic Microfilm Co. Abstracted in The Study of Culture at a Distance, edited by Margaret Mead and Rhoda Métraux, pp. 302-14. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953. A copy of the first three reels of this film, with analytic titles by Gregory Bateson, is in the Museum of Modern Art Film Library.

1943c “Human dignity and the varieties of civilization.” In Science, Philosophy and Religion; Third Symposium, (held 27-31 August 1942, at New York, New York). Conference on Science, Philosophy and Religion. Edited by Lyman Bryson and Louis Finkelstein, pp. 245-55. New York: Conference on Science, Philosophy and Religion in Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life, Inc.

1943d Discussion concerning “The science of decency.” Philosophy of Science 10: 140-42.

1944a “Psychology—in the War and after (Part VII): Material on contemporary peoples.” Junior College Journal 14: 308-11.

1944b “Pidgin English and cross-cultural communication.” Transactions of the New York Academy of Sciences, series 2, vol. 6, no. 4: 137-41. Paper read to the New York Academy of Sciences, Section of Anthropology, 24 January 1944.

1944c “Cultural determinants of personality.” In Personality and the Behavior Disorders, vol. 2, edited by Joseph McV. Hunt, pp. 714-35. New York: Ronald Press Co.

1944d “Form and function of the dance in Bali.” In The Function of Dance in Human Society: A Seminar Directed by Franziska Boas, pp. 46-52. Boas School. New York: The Boas School. (with Clair Holt). Reprinted in Traditional Balinese Culture, edited by Jane Belo, pp. 322-30. New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1970.

1944e “A Melanesian culture-contact myth in pidgin English.” Journal of American Folklore 57, no. 226: 255-62. (with Robert Hall, Jr.).

1946a “Physical thinking and social problems.” Science 103, no. 2686 (21 June 1946): 717- 18.

1946b “Arts of the South Seas.” Art Bulletin 28: 119-23. Review of an exhibit held 29 January 1946—19 May 1946, at the Museum of Modern Art, New York, New York.

1946c “The pattern of an armaments race, Part I: An anthropological approach.” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 2, nos. 5 & 6: 10-11. Reprinted in Personal Character and Cultural Milieu, edited by Douglas G. Haring, pp. 85-88. Syracuse, New York, 1948.

1946d “The pattern of an armaments race, Part II: An analysis of nationalism.” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 2, nos. 7 & 8: 26-28. Reprinted in Personal Character and Cultural Milieu, edited by Douglas G. Haring, pp. 89-93. Syracuse, New York, 1948.

1946e “From one social scientist to another.” American Scientist 34 (October 1946) : 648 if.

1946f “Protecting the future.” Letter to the New York Times, 8 December 1946, section 4, p. 10.

1947a “Sex and culture.” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 47: 647-60. Paper read to the Conference on Physiological and Psychological Factors in Sex Behavior, New York Academy of Sciences, Sections of Biology and Psychology, 1 March 1946. Reprinted in Personal Character and Cultural Milieu, edited by Douglas G. Haring, pp. 94-107. Syracuse, New York, 1948.

1947b “Atoms, nations, and cultures.” International House Quarterly 11, no. 2: 47-50. Lecture delivered 23 March 1947, at International House, Columbia University. 1947c Review of The Theory of Human Culture, by James Fiebleman. Political Science Quarterly 62: 428-30.

[7] 1949a “Bali: The value system of a steady state.” In Social Structure: Studies Presented to A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, edited by Meyer Fortes, pp. 35-53. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Reprint. New York: Russell & Russell, 1963.

1949b “Structure and process in social relations.” Psychiatry 12: 105-24. (with Jurgen Ruesch).

1951a Communication: The Social Matrix of Psychiatry. New York: W. W. Norton & Co.; Toronto: George McLeod. (with Jurgen Ruesch). Reprint. New York: Norton, 1968.

[7] 1951b “Metalogue: Why do Frenchmen?” In Impulse, Annual of Contemporary Dance, 1951, edited by Marian Van Tuyl. San Francisco: Impulse Publications, 1951. Reprinted in ETC.: A Review of General Semantics 10 (1953) : 127-30. Reprinted also in Anthology of Impulse, Annual of Contemporary Dance, 1951-1966, edited by Marian Van Tuyl. Brooklyn: Dance Horizons, 1969.

1952 “Applied metalinguistics and international relations.” ETC.: A Review of General Semantics 10: 71-73.

1953a “An analysis of the Nazi film Hitlerjunge Quex.” In The Study of Culture at a Distance, edited by Margaret Mead and Rhoda Métraux, pp. 302-14. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Abstract by Margaret Mead of “An Analysis of The Film Hitlerjunge Quex (1933), by Gregory Bateson. (cf. Bateson 1943b).

1953b “The position of humor in human communication.” In Cybernetics: Circular Causal and Feedback Mechanisms in Biological and Social Sciences; Transactions of the Ninth Conference (held 20-21 March 1952, at New York, New York). Conference on Cybernetics. Edited by Heinz Von Foerster, pp. 1-47. New York: Josiah Macy, Jr. Foundation.

[7] 1953c “Metalogue: About games and being serious.” ETC.: A Review of General Semantics 10: 213-17.

[7] 1953d “Metalogue: Daddy, how much do you know?” ETC.: A Review of General Semantics 10: 311-15. Reprinted herein as “Metalogue: How much do you know?’’

[7] 1953e “Metalogue: Why do things have outlines?” ETC.: A Review of General Semantics 11: 59-63.

[7] 1953f “Metalogue: Why a swan?” In Impulse, Annual of Contemporary Dance, 1954, edited by Marian Van Tuyl, pp. 23-26. San Francisco: Impulse Publications. Reprinted in Anthology of Impulse, Annual of Con-temporary Dance, 1951-1966, edited by Marian Van Tuyl, pp. 95-99. Brooklyn: Dance Horizons, 1969.

1955a “A theory of play and fantasy; a report on theoretical aspects of the project for study of the role of paradoxes of abstraction in communication.” Approaches to the Study of Human Personality, pp. 39–51. American Psychiatric Association. Psychiatric Research Reports, no. 2. Paper delivered to a symposium of the American Psychiatric Association on Cultural, Anthropological, and Communications Approaches, 11 March 1954, at Mexico City.

[7] 1955b “How the deviant sees his society.” In The Epidemiology of Mental Health, pp. 25–31. Mimeographed. An Institute Sponsored by the Departments of Psychiatry and Psychology of the University of Utah, and by the Veterans Administration Hospital, Fort Douglas Division, Salt Lake City, Utah, May 1955, at Brighton, Utah. Reprinted herein, edited, as “The epidemiology of a schizophrenia.”

1956a “The message `This is play’.” In Group Processes; Transactions of the Second Conference (held 9-12 October 1955, at Princeton, New Jersey). Conference on Group Processes. Edited by Bertram Schaffner, pp. 145–242. New York: Josiah Macy, Jr. Foundation.

1956b “Communication in occupational therapy.” American Journal of Occupational Therapy 10: 188.

[7] 1956c “Toward a theory of schizophrenia.” Behavioral Science 1: 251–64. (with Don D. Jackson, Jay Haley, and John Weakland).

1958a Naven: A Survey of the Problems Suggested by a Composite Picture of the Culture of a New Guinea Tribe Drawn from Three Points of View. 2nd ed., with added “Epilogue

1958. Stanford: Stanford University Press; London: Oxford University Press. Reprint. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1965; London: Oxford University Press, 1965. (cf. Bateson 1936).

1958b “Language and psychotherapy—Frieda Fromm-Reichmann’s last project.” Psychiatry 21: 96-100. The Frieda Fromm-Reichmann Memorial Lecture, delivered 3 June 1957, at the Veterans Administration Hospital, Palo Alto, Cailfornia.

1958c "Schizophrenic distortions of communication.” In Psychotherapy of Chronic Schizophrenic Patients. Sea Island Conference on Psychotherapy of Chronic Schizophrenic Patients, sponsored by Little, Brown & Co., 15–17 October 1955, at Sea Island, Georgia. Edited by Carl A. Whitaker, pp. 31–56. Boston and Toronto: Little, Brown & Co.; London: J. & A. Churchill.

1958d “Analysis of group therapy in an admission ward, United States Naval Hospital, Oakland, California.” In Social Psychiatry in Action: A Therapeutic Community, by Harry A. Wilmer, pp. 334—49. Springfield, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas.

1958e "The new conceptual frames for behavioral research.” In Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Psychiatric Institute (held 17 September 1958, at the New Jersey Neuro-Psychiatric Institute, Princeton, New Jersey), pp. 54-71. n.p.

1959a Letter in response to “Role and status of anthropological theories," by Sidney Morganbesser. Science 129 (6 February 1959) : 294—98.

1959b anel Review. In Individual and Familial Dynamics. Vol. 2, Science and Psychoanalysis. [Report of a conference held in May 1958, at the Academy of Psycho-analysis, Chicago.] Academy of Psychoanalysis, Chicago. Edited by Jules H. Masserman, pp. 207—11. New York: Grune & Stratton.

1959c “Cultural problems posed by a study of schizophrenic process.” In Schizophrenia; an Integrated Approach. [American Psychiatric Association symposium of the Hawaiian Divisional Meeting, 1958, San Francisco.] Symposium on Schizophrenia. Edited by Alfred Auerback, pp. 125-48. New York: Ronald Press Co.

[7] 1960a “The group dynamics of schizophrenia.” In Chronic Schizophrenia; Explorations in Theory and Treatment. Institute on Chronic Schizophrenia and Hospital Treatment Programs, State Hospital, Osawatomie, Kansas, 1—3 October 1958. Edited by Lawrence Appleby, Jordan M. Scher, and John Cumming, pp. 90-105. Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press; London: Collier-Macmillan.

[7] 1960b “Minimal requirements for a theory of schizophrenia.” Archives of General Psychiatry 2: 477-91. Second annual Albert D. Lasker Memorial Lecture, delivered 7 April 1959, at the Institute for Psychosomatic and Psychiatric Research and Training of the Michael Reese Hospital, Chicago.

1960c Discussion of “Families of schizophrenic and of well children,” by Samuel J. Beck. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 30: 263—66. 36th Annual Meeting of the American Orthopsychiatric Association, 30 March—1 April 1959, San Francisco.

1961a Perceval’s Narrative: A Patient’s Account of His Psychosis, 1830-1832, by John Perceval. Edited and with an Introduction by Gregory Bateson. Stanford: Stanford University Press; London: Hogarth Press, 1962.

1961b "The biosocial integration of behavior in the schizophrenic family.” In Exploring the Base for Family Therapy. M. Robert Gomberg Memorial Conference (held 2-3 June 1960, at the New York Academy of Medicine). Edited by Nathan W. Ackerman, Frances L. Beatman, and Sanford N. Sherman, pp. 116-22. New York: Family Service Association of America.

1961c “Formal research in family structure.” In Exploring the Base for Family Therapy. M. Robert Gomberg Memorial Conference (held 2-3 June 1960, at the New York Academy of Medicine). Edited by Nathan W. Ackerman, Frances L. Beatman, and Sanford N. Sherman, pp. 136-40. New York: Family Service Association of America.

1963a “A social scientist views the emotions.” In Expression of the Emotions in Man. Symposium on Expression of the Emotions in Man (held at the meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 29-30 December, at New York, New York). Edited by Peter H. Knapp, pp. 230-36. New York: Inter-national Universities Press.

1963b “Exchange of information about patterns of human behavior." In Information Storage and Neural Control. Houston Neurological Society Tenth Annual Scientific Meeting, 1962, jointly sponsored by the Department of Neurology, Baylor University College of Medicine, Texas University Medical Center. Edited by William S. Fields and Walter Abbott, pp. 173-86, Springfield, Illinois; Charles C. Thomas.

1963c "A note on the double bind.” In Family Process 2: 154-61. (with Don D. Jackson, Jay Haley, and John H. Weakland).

[7] 1963d “The role of somatic change in evolution.” Evolution 17: 529-39.

1964 "Some varieties of pathogenic organization.” In Disorders of Communication. Proceedings of the Association, 7 & 8 December 1962, at New York, New York. Association for Research in Nervous and Mental Disease, Research Publications, vol. 42. Edited by David McK. Rioch and Edwin A. Weinstein, pp. 270-90. Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins Co.; Edinburgh: E. & S. Livingstone. (with Don D. Jackson).

1966a “Communication theories in relation to the etiology of the neuroses.” In The Etiology of the Neuroses. [Report of a symposium sponsored by the Society of Medical Psychoanalysts, 17–18 March 1962, at New York, New York.] Edited by Joseph H. Merin, pp. 28–35, Palo Alto, California: Science & Behavior Books.

1966b "Slippery theories.” Comment on “Family interaction and schizophrenia: A review of current theories,” by Elliot G. Mishler and Nancy E. Waxler. International Journal of Psychiatry 2: 415–17. Reprinted in Family Processes and Schizophrenia, edited by Elliot G. Mishler and Nancy E. Waxier. New York: Science House, 1969.

[7] 1966c “Problems in cetacean and other mammalian communication.” In Whales, Dolphins, and Porpoises. International Symposium on Cetacean Research (sponsored by the American Institute of Biological Sciences, August 1963, Washington, D.C.). Edited by Kenneth S. Norris, pp. 569-79. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

[7] 1967a "Cybernetic explanation.” American Behavioral Scientist 10, no. 6 (April 1967) : 29- 32.

1967b Review of Person, Time, and Conduct in Bali, by Clifford Geertz. American Anthropologist 69: 765-66.

[7] 1968a “Redundancy and coding.” In Animal Communication; Techniques of Study and Results of Research. [Report of the Wenner-Gren Conference on Animal Communication, held 13–22 June 1965, at Burg Wartenstein, Austria.] Edited by Thomas A. Sebeok, pp. 614–26. Bloomington, Indiana and London: Indiana University Press.

1968b Review of Primate Ethology, edited by Desmond Morris. American Anthropologist 70: 1035.

[7] 1968c "Conscious purpose versus nature.” In The Dialectics of Liberation, edited by David Cooper, pp. 34–49. Congress on the Dialectics of Liberation, held 15–30 July 1967, at London. Harmondsworth, England; Baltimore, Maryland; Victoria, Australia: Penguin Books, Pelican Books. Reprinted under title: To Free a Generation; the Dialectics of Liberation. New York: Macmillan Co., Collier Books, 1969.

[7] 1969a "Metalogue: What is an instinct?” In Approaches to Animal Communication, edited by Thomas A. Sebeok and Alexandra Ramsay, pp. 11–30. The Hague and Paris: Mouton & Co.

1969b Comment on “The study of language and communication across species,” by Harvey B. Sarles. Current Anthropology 10: 215.

1970a “An open letter to Anatol Rapoport.” ETC.: A Review of General Semantics 27: 359-63.

[7] 1970b "On empty-headedness among biologists and state boards of education.” BioScience 20: 819.

[7] 1970c “Form, substance and difference.” General Semantics Bulletin vol. 37. 19th Annual Alfred Korzybski Memorial Lecture, delivered 9 January 1970, at New York, New York.

1970d "The message of reinforcement.” In Language Behavior: A Book of Readings in Communication, edited by Johnnye Akin et al., pp. 62-72 Janua Linguarum, series maior, 41. The Hague: Mouton & Co.

[7] 1971a “The cybernetics of `self’: A theory of alcoholism.” Psychiatry 34: 1—18.

[7] 1971b “A Reexamination of `Bateson’s Rule’.” Journal of Genetics, in press.

1971c "A systems approach.” Evaluation of “Family therapy," by Jay Haley. International Journal of Psychiatry 9: 242-44.

1971d “Introduction” to The Natural History of an Interview. University of Chicago Library Microfilm Collection of Manuscripts in Cultural Anthropology, series 15, nos. 95—98.

[7] 1971e “Metalogue: Why do things get in a muddle?” Previously unpublished. (written 1948).

[7] 1971f “From Versailles to cybernetics.” Lecture given to the Two Worlds Symposium, 21 April 1966, at Sacramento State College, California. Previously unpublished.

[7] 1971g “Style, grace and information in primitive art.” In The Study of Primitive Art. [Report of the Wenner-Gren Symposium on Primitive Art and Society, held 27 June—5 July 1967, at Burg Wartenstein, Austria.] Edited by Anthony Forge. New York: Oxford University Press, forthcoming.

[7] 1971h “The logical categories of learning and communication, and the acquisition of world views.” Paper given at the Wenner-Gren Symposium on World Views: Their Nature and Their Role in Culture, 2-11 August 1968, at Burg Wartenstein, Austria. Previously unpublished. Published herein as “The logical categories of learning and communication.”

[7] 1971i “Pathologies of epistemology.” In Mental Health Research in Asia and the Pacific, vol. 2. [Report of the Second Conference on Culture and Mental Health in Asia and the Pacific, held 17–21 March 1969, at Honolulu, Hawaii.] Edited by William P. Lebra. Honolulu: East-West Center Press, forthcoming.

[7] 1971j “Double bind, 1969.” Paper given at the Annual Meeting of the American Psychological Association, 2 September 1969, at Washington, D.C. Previously unpublished.

[7] 1971k “Statement on problems which will confront the proposed Office of Environmental Quality Control in government and an Environmental Center at the University of Hawaii.” Prepared for the University of Hawaii Committee on Ecology and Man, as testimony before a committee of the Hawaii State Senate, 1970. Previously unpublished. Published herein as “The roots of ecological crisis.”

[7] 19711 "Restructuring the ecology of a great city.” Paper prepared for the Wenner-Gren Symposium on Restructuring the Ecology of a Great City, held 26–31 October 1970, in New York City. Previously unpublished. Published herein as “Ecology and flexibility in urban civilization.”

[7] 1971m "The science of mind and order.” In Steps to an Ecology of Mind, by Gregory Bateson. San Francisco: Chandler. New York: Ballantine Books.

1971n La cérémonie du naven: les problemes poses par la description sous trois rapports d’une tribu de nouvelleguinee. Translated by Jean-Paul Latouche and Nimet Safouan; translation edited by Jean-Claude Chamboredon and Pascale Maididier. Paris: Les Editions de Minuit.

II. Films

The following films in the series Character Formation in Different Cultures, produced in collaboration with Margaret Mead for the Institute for Intercultural Studies, were released in 1951 by the New York University Film Library, New York, New York 10003. All are 16 mm, black and white, sound:

A Balinese Family, 2 reels.

Bathing Babies in Three Cultures, 1 reel.

Childhood Rivalry in Bali and New Guinea, 2 reels.

First Days in the Life of a New Guinea Baby, 2 reels.

Karba’s First Years, 2 reels.

Trance and Dance in Bali, 2 reels.

The following films, produced by Gregory Bateson, are as yet not commercially available. Both are 16mm, black and white, sound:

Communication in Three Families, 2 reels.

The Nature of Play—Part I: River Otters, 1 reel.
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Re: STEPS TO AN ECOLOGY OF MIND: COLLECTED ESSAYS IN ANTHROP

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INDEX

Abel, 442
Acclimation, 351-352, 448
reversibility of, 351f.
Acculturation, 62-72
Adam, 345
and Eve, 441-442
Adaptation, 253f., 273f., 314,
338-339, 346-363, 446f.,
503f.
and consciousness, 446-453
hierarchic characteristics of,
274-276
See also Biological evolution
Addiction, 309-337, 448, 497
Aegistheus, 480
Aesthetics, 148, 265-267, 306,
332, 415-416, 459, 470,
503
as modulation of communication,
231-232
and morality, 265f.
and non-verbal communication,
232
and scientific truth, 265f.
See also Art
Agamemnon, 480
Aggression, 325, 430
"negative" aggression, 325
and surrender, 53, 325
Alcoholic pride, 320f.
Alcoholics Anonymous, 309-313,
321, 322, 325, 328-337
Alcoholism, 309-337
and anesthesia, 311
and challenge, 321f.
and complementary relationship,
325f.
epistemology of, 310f.
and hitting bottom, 312, 329-
332
intoxication in, 310-312
pride in, 321f.
and religious conversion,
326, 331f.
schismogenesis in, 322f.
and sobriety, 310f.
and symmetrical relationship,
322f.
Alexander, Franz, 93
Alice in Wonderland, 30
Alice and the flamingo,
30, 449
Allegory, 136
Altamira cave paintings, 130,
144
Ames, Adalbert, Jr., 135, 469,
487f.
Analogic coding, see Coding
Analogy, 153-155
Andaman Islands, 141, 182
Animism, 492
Anonymity, 333-334
AIJ.thropology, xviii, xxi, 61f.,
continued
527
528 Index
146-147, 160-161, 170,
202, 253
Appleby, Lawrence, 231
Aquinas, St. Thomas, 433, 434,
493
Arabia Deserta, 81
Arapesh, 67
Aristotle, 434, 493
Armaments races, escalation
of, xvii, 109-110, 155, 324
See also Schismogenesis and
War
Art, 34, 37, 128-152, 170, 182,
183, 268, 271, 272, 418,
428, 444, 453, 470-471
Balinese, 113, 116, 117, 125,
147-152
and coding, 129, 130
composition in, 130, 149-151
corrective nature of, 144-147,
151-152
epistemology of, 133-147,
151-152
and habit, 134f.
and practice, 137, 138
and primary process, 135-141
relation of to levels of consciousness
and unconsciousness,
129f., 308, 470
representationalism in, 130,
149, 182
sexual symbolism in, 130,
150-151, 152
skill in, 130f., 142-144, 147-
148
and unconscious habits of
perception, 135
See also Aesthetics
Ashby, W. Ross, 124, 269, 352,
504, 506
Asymmetry, 78, 380-399, 416
See also Symmetry
Atreus, 480f.
"Auguries of Innocence, " 306
Bach, Johann Sebastian, 469
Baining, xi
Baldwin, J. M., 354
Baldwin effect, 354, 363, 426
Bali; Balinese, xi, 95, 100-101,
108-127
art, 113, 116, 117, 125, 147-
152
balance, 120-121, 125, 127,
174
ca~e, 95, 114, 117, 119
competition, 113, 114-115,
116, 121
cumulative interaction, absence
of, 112-116, 125, 127
dance, 117
drama, 113, 117
dualism, 95
economic transactions, 116
ethos, 116-121, 125, 127
maximization, absence of,
116, 121, 124-125
music, 113, 117
national character, 95, 100-
101, 112f., 173f.
quarrels, 113, 115
religion, 161
schismogenesis, absence of,
112-116, 127
social orientation, 117, 125
spatial orientation, 117, 125
trance, 112
warfare, 114
Balinese Character: A Photographic
Analysis, 112, 113,
118, 120
Barnard, Chester, xii
Basilides, 461
Bateson, Beatrice G, 232
Bateson, John, 280
Bateson, Lois, xiii
Bateson, Mary Catherine, 4,
446
Bateson, William, xiv, 73, 232,
343, 379f.
Bateson's Rule, 379-399
Behaviorism, 321
Beluga whale, 377
Bernard, Claude, 279
Bertalanffy, Ludwig von, 229,
242, 482
Bible, 343, 512
Bigelow, Julian, xi
Bill W., 310, 312, 313, 331,
333-334
Index 529
Biological evolution, xiv, xvii,
xviii, 1, 146, 154-155, 245-
266, 274, 282-283, 291,
338-339, 343f., 394, 411-
417, 424, 446, 451, 455f.
centripetal versus centrifugal
control in, 362-363
of context, 155
effect of use and disuse in,
258, 411f.
environmental change in,
346f.
genotypic change in, 346.;
invisibility of, 356
inheritance of acquired characteristics
in, 253-259, 266,
346f.
and learning, 245, 253-258,
293, 307
somatic change in, 346, 363
stochastic process in, 255f.,
266, 355, 508f.
unit of survival in, 155, 332,
456f., 466-467, 468, 419f.,
507; identity with unit of
mind, 466, 491
See also Adaptation; Darwin,
Charles; Darwinian evolution;
Genetics; Heredity;
Lamarck; Natural selection;
and Survival
Bipolarity in Western cultures,
94-95, 99, 104
Bit, informational, 272, 273,
315
Bithorax gene, 256-268, 360-
361
Bitterman, M. E., 296
Blake, William, xiv, 27-29,
49, 188, 265, 303, 306,
469
Body-mind problem, xiv, 319-
320, 331, 471, 493-494
Boehme, Jacob, 265
Bohannon, Paul, 61
Boothe, Bert, xiii
Brodey, Warren, 339
Buber, Martin, 452
Buffon, 130
Butler, Samuel, xiv, 134, 141,
237-238, 253-255, 258,
265, 266, 270, 400, 434,
456, 472, 481
Cain, 442
Cannon, Walter B., 279, 439
Carnap, Rudolf, 177
Carpenter, C. R., 181, 204, 222
Carroll, Lewis, 405, 411, 449
Carroll, Vern, xiv
Carson, Rachel, 497
Cartesian dualism, 313, 337
Caste, 67, 95, 114, 117, 119
Catholicism, 36
Catatonia, 211
Cetacea, 364-378
communication of, see Cetacean
communication
language of, 365, 371f.
training of, 276-278, 368-369
Cetacean communication, xiii,
364-378
contexts of, 375
as digital discourse about relationship,
374
echolocation in, 370-377
substitution of paralinguistics
for kinesics in, 371f.
Chambuli, 67, 90
Character, xxiv, 303-305
formation of, 79, 91, 115f.,
162-172, 297f., 364-365,
507
national, see National character
reorganization of, 93, 259,
301-306
Christ, 29
Christianity, vii, xxv, 160f., 321,
343-345, 434, 467
Civilization:
diversity in, 504f.
and ecology, 502f.
Clemenceau, Georges, 480
Coding, 417-431
analogic, 291, 349, 364, 372f.,
421, 460; absence of "not"
in, 54, 291, 326f.
and art, 129f.
continued
530 Index
digital, 133, 291, 365, 372f.,
418, 421, 423, 460; and
Cetacean communication,
374; of genotypic messages,
349f.
iconic, 133, 140-141, 142,
291, 411f., 421, 423f.; absence
of "not" in, 140-141,
291, 430; of genotypic signals,
424f.
of information inside and outside
the body, 460
and language, 133, 139,
371f., 417f.
metaphoric, 421, 423
ostensive, 291
part-For-whole, 421f.
See also Communication
and Information
Collingwood, Robin George,
xiv, 320, 455
Commitment, 242, 263
Common sense, 146, 440f.,
501
Communication, xxvii, 131f.,
154, 229f.-, 248f., 276,
283, 365f., 393, 405-416,
457f., 489
Cetacean, see Cetacean communication
and context, 184-186, 203,
222
deceit in, 128, 137-138, 178,
181, 182, 203-204, 212-
'215, 224
denotative, 178-190
evolution of, 141, 178f., 291,
411, 417-418, 423, 424,
426
and genetics, see Genetics
kinesics in, 203, 371f., 411f.
logical types of, xiii, 177f.,
196, 202f., 261f.
mammalian, 57, 135, 140f.,
178-193, 275, 327, 364f.,
411f., 470, 478f.
metacommunication, 9-13,
137, 178f., 194-200, 203-
227, 229f., 235f., 261-262,
364-376, 428, 483; in
schizophrenia, 194-200,
208f., 235f.
mood-signs in, 178, 181, 189,
193
mu-function signals in, 372f.
non-verbal, see Non-verbal
communication
paradoxes of abstraction in,
xii, 179f., 196, 201f., 280-
281, 291, 303, 339, 397
paralinguistics in, 203, 371f.,
411f.
phenotype and genotype,
communication between,
254, 258, 346f.
relationship, communication
about, 9-13, 56, 57, 137f.,
177, 275, 364f., 427, 478f.
See also Coding; Context;
Information; and Frames,
psychological
Communication phenomena versus
physical phenomena,
250f.
See also Explanation
Communication theory, 109,
201f., 247-248, 279, 283,
414
and genetics, 282-283, 379f.;
see also Genetics
and learning, 279f.
See also Cybernetics
Communication: The Social
Matrix of Psychiatry, 177,
227, 301, 314
Comparison, 274, 315
Competition, 91, 97, 109-110,
121-125, 324, 335, 436-
437
in Bali, 113, 114-115, 116,
121
See also Relationship, symmetrical
Complementary relationship,
see Relationship, complementary
Computers, 460, 484
and learning, 284
and mental process, 316-317,
491
Index 531
Consciousness, 37, 139, 14, 2-
146, 184, 320, 370, 438-
445, 446-453
and art, see Art
economics of, 136, 141-143
enlargement of, 444
and human adaptation, 446-
453
and language, 48-52
limits of, 142-143
and objectivity, 58-60
and purpose, 144-146, 438f.
relation to total mind, 142-
146, 319-320, 438f., 446-
453
and systematic distortion of
world view, 144-146, 446-
453
and unconsciousness, 129,
134-147
Context, xiv, xix, 21-22, 162-
166, 245-248, 250, 263,
266-267, 277, 338-339,
400f.
and communication, 184-186,
203, 222, 236, 275-276
of communication among dolphins,
375
and content, 154-155, 245,
4oof., 408
of learning, 112, 171f., 194-
195, 204f., 245f., 283f.,
364f.
logical types of, 289
markers, 289-291, 293, 297,
298
principal contexts of experimental
learning, 171-172
repeatability of, 169, 288-
289, 292
'as unit of evolution, 155
See also Communication
Control, 37, 75-76, 136, 159-
166, 174, 267-269, 315f.,
355, 437, 438, 444, 447f.,
494, 508f.
homeostatic control by nonlethal
variables, 449, 508
See also Power and Purpose
Courtship, xvii, 423
Craik, K. J. W., 483
Creation (Omphalos): An Attempt
to Untie the Geological
Knot, 344-345
Creativity, 278, 306, 317, 444,
503
Creatura, 462-463, 471, 489-
490
Creel, George, 479, 482, 483
Critique of Judgment, 459, 489
Cultural differences, xix, 62
between England and America,
xix, 155
See also National character
Cultural evolution, 155, 274,
446
differences between cultural
and phylogenetic evolution,
450
Cultural relativism, 314
Culture change, 62, 64-72, 77-
78, 90, 92-94
Culture contact, 61-72, 93, 314
Culture Learning Institute, xiii
Cumulative interaction, 111-
112, 115, 126-127
absence of in Bali, 112-116,
125, 127, 174
Cuvier, Georges, xiv
Cybernetics, xii, xxviii, 155,
205, 309, 315-319, 331-
332, 363, 380, 381, 405-
416, 435, 446, 456f., 477,
483f.
cybernetic explanation, 405-
416
epistemology of, 309, 315-
319, 337, 456f.
See also Communication theory;
Game theory; Information
theory; and Systems
theory
DDT, 146, 497f.
Dadi, 119
Dance, 13, 33-37, 137, 418, 470
Balinese, 117
Darlington, C. D., 270
Darwin, Charles, xiv, 253f., 265,
continued
532 Index
266, 269, 434, 456, 472,
491
See also Biological evolution
Darwinian evolution, xiv, 253-
266, 434, 456
inadequacies of, 457f., 468,
491
See also Biological evolution
Data, selection of, xx, 459, 489
Da Vinci, Leonardo, 470
Death, xvii, 112, 123, 152, 328,
329, 471
Death instinct, 328
Deduction, xx, xxvii, 308, 408
"Defense in depth, " 351
Degenerative circuits, 109, 126
See also Homeostasis
Democracy, 159-165
Democritus, 265
Description, xx
Deutero-learning, 166-176, 204,
248, 249, 252, 273f., 292f.,
321, 339, 351-352, 364f.
acquisition of in early infancy,
300-301
definition of, 167, 293
self-validating nature of, 301,
302, 314
unconsciousness of, 300-301,
302, 304, 308
Deviance from social norms, 90,
92
Difference, xxvi, 232, 271-273,
315f., 381, 458f., 489f.
hierarchies of classification
of, 463-464
location of, 414f., 458
transmission of, inside and
outside the body, 460
See also Explanation
Differentiation, xxvii, 3-8, 27-
29, 76, 77-78, 233, 253,
260, 379-399
cultural, 65, 67-69, 76-79
and national character, 90-95,
103
in schizophrenogenic families,
260-261
Digital coding, see Coding, digital
Discrimination, 288, 296-297,
368-369
Diversity, 504f.
in civilization, 504f.
specialization and, 505
Djati Sura, Ida Bagus, 147
Dollard, John, 93
Dominance-submission, 68, 91f.,
109-110, 155, 299-300, 323
"Don't, " 56
"Dormitive hypotheses, "xxii
Double bind, xiii, 201, 206f.,
234f., 245, 271-278, 297,
303, 323, 331, 334-335,
339
definition of, 206-207
and enlightenment, 208, 305-
306
and hypnosis, 223
implications for psychotherapy,
225f., 328, 334-335
in normal relationships, 209
and Zen Buddhism, 208
See also Schizophrenia
Doughty, Charles, 81-82
Dr. Bob, 310
Dream, 50-58, 135, 139, 140,
141, 146, 150, 185, 190,
197, 272, 302, 328, 416,
427f., 464, 470
lack of negation in, 54-56,
139f., 326-327
and parthenogenesis, 400
Duncan, Isadora, 137-138, 470
Dunkett's rat-trap, 238
East-West Center, xiii
Echolocation, 370, 377
Ecology, xiv, 145-146, 153, 338-
339, 345, 436f., 466, 491,
496-501, 5002-513
ad hoc corrective measures
in, 496f., 505
bioenergetic versus entropic,
466-467
and civilization, 502f.
ecological health, 502f.
and ethics, 512-513
of mind, xvii, 338-339, 402,
Index 533
456f., 472; see also Ideas,
ecology of
Economics, xvii, xxi, 62f., 82,
121, 125, 126
additive systems of, 358
and communication, 352-353
of consciousness, 136, 141-
143
economic transactions in Bali,
116
of flexibility, 258, 349f., 401-
402, 504f.; multiplicative
nature of, 349-350, 358-
359
of genetic variability, 357
of mental process, 257-258,
274, 303
multiplicative systems of,
358-359
of probability, 409
of unconsciousness, 136, 141-
146
Ecosystems, 436f., 440f., 466,
502f.
single-species ecosystems,
451, 457
Ego, xx, 87, 136, 185, 194, 199,
204, 320, 324, 469
weakness of, 194-195, 205
Eidos, 74, 83, 85
Emotion, xxiv, 17, 66, 82, 85,
129, 138-139, 320-321, 469
and intellect, 139, 469-470
Empiricism, xxi, xxiii, xxvii, 107
End-linkage, 155-156
Energy, xxiii, xxiv, xxvii, 409f.
conservation of, xxi, xxiii,
xxviii, 229, 409
as determinant of behavior,
xxiv, 205, 320, 409f., 458-
459, 489f.
energy expenditure as inverse
relation of energy input in
cybernetic systems, xxiv,
382, 489-490
law of conservation of, xxi,
xxiii, xxviii, 229, 409
psychic energy, xxiv, 318
See also Explanation
Enlightenment, 208
and the double bind, 208
Entropy, xviii, xxiii, 466, 504
negative entropy, xxvi, 358,
381, 462-463, 466, 504; as
information, 462-463
Epimenides, 184
Epistemology, vii, xiv, 140, 245,
313f., 402, 456, 461, 486-
495
of alcoholism, 326, 327-331
of art, 133-147, 151-152
of cybernetics, 309, 315-319,
337, 456f.
occidental, 309, 318-321, 327,
472-473, 486f., 491f., 496-
501
Equilibrium, cultural, 65, 67,
72, 93-94
Erewhon Revisited, 481-482
Erickson, Milton H., 223-224
Erikson, Eric H., 110, 324
Erogenous zones, 110-111, 324
Error, 274, 286-287, 289
self-reinforcing, 286, 301,
319
Escalation, see Armaments races
and Schismogenesis
Eternal Verities, xxi
Ethics, 159-166, 264-269, 332,
336
of ecology, 512-5i3
See also Morality
Ethos, 82-85, 91, 107-108
Balinese, 116-121, 125, 127
definition, 108
and schismogenesis, 107-115
Evolution:
biological, see Biological evolution
of communication, see Communication
cultural, see Cultural evolution
Darwinian, see Darwinian evolution
of language, 417-418, 430
teaching of, 343-345
Exhibitionism-spectatorship, 91,
95, 99-103, 104f., 110, 155,
182, 323
5:34 Index
Experimental neuroses, 171,
296-297
Explanation, xxi, 38-40, 45, 55,
244-245, 405-416, 462f.
cybernetic, 405-416
dichotomy between explanatory
world of mass and
energy and explanatory
world of form and communication,
xxiii-xxviii,
229-230, 250-251, 271-272,
455f., 489f.
Exploration, 47, 93, 141, 257,
281-282, 285
Fantasy, 34, 182-193, 197, 199,
203, 224, 428
See also Dream
Fatalism, 173-174, 298, 304,
321
Feedback, xi, xii, 274, 324, 327-
328, 409f., 450
and schismogenesis, 324
Fenichel, Otto, 135, 139
Fighting, 112
in animals, 53, 54-55, 141
Flexibility, 124-125, 263, 304,
502-513
distribution of, 506
economics of, 349f., 401-402,
504f.
exercise of, 510-511
somatic, 349f., 425-426
and specialization, 505
and variability, 357f.
See also Rigidity
Forge, Anthony, 128, 137
Form, xxvii, 154, 408, 454f.
See also Context; Explanation;
Meaning; Order; Pattern;
Redundancy; and
Restraint
Fortes, Meyer, 107
Foundations Fund for Psychiatry,
xiii
Fourteen Points, 479f.
Frames, psychological, 184-188,
190-192
and logical types, 189-190,
263
See also Context
Frank, L. K., 123, 167
Free enterprise, 442
Free will, 62, 163f., 267
Fremont-Smith, Frank, xii, xiii
Freud, Sigmund; Freudian theory,
xxiv, 48, 50, 84, 86-
87, 135-137, 138, 139, 145,
300, 328, 370, 440, 467,
470
See also Psychoanalysis
Frog's egg, 382, 386, 401
Fromm-Reichmann, Frieda,
226, 234
Fry, William, xii, 228
"Fundamental" concepts, xxxxii,
xxvii
Fundamentalism, 335-336, 345
Galileo, 265
Game theory, 121-127, 239f.,
284f., 484
as model for schizophrenic
system of interaction, 239f.
See also Cybernetics
Garden of Eden, 345, 441
Gemutlichkeit, 329
Genesis, xxv, xxvii, 343
Genetic variability, 357
Genetics, xiv, 41-43, 244-264,
273, 346-363, 379-399
as communication, 58, 154,
231-232, 253, 254, 260f.,
272f., 282-283, 346-363,
379-399, 456; between
phenotype and genotype,
254
digital nature of genotypic
messages, 349f.
heterogeneity of wild populations,
357
iconic coding in, 424f.
and learning, 41f., 253-260,
273, 284, 288, 295, 299,
306-307, 347-348
and logical types, 273, 347f.
of schizophrenia, 197, 234,
258f., 273
and transcontextual experience,
273
Index 535
See also Biological evolution
George, Lloyd, 480
Gillespie, C. C., 270
Ginsburg, Benson, 365
Gnostics, 455, 461
God, xxv, 45, 49, 50, 95, 100,
128, 326, 331f., 337, 345,
433, 440f., 467-468, 469,
472-473, 512
Goebbels, Joseph, 443, 494
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von,
276
Good and evil, 50
Gosse, Philip Henry, 344-345
Grace, 128-129
Grammar, xvii, 13, 153-154,
276, 430
Great Chain of Being, The,
344, 455
Greeting, 54-55, 327
Guggenheim Foundation, xii
Haag, R, 277
Habit, 44, 104, 134-135, 141,
143, 242, 254, 257-258,
263, 274, 301, 303, 304,
351-352, 362, 456, 467,
509f.
and art, 134f.
Habits of perception, 135, 162-
170, 173-176
Habituation, 284, 287, 511
Haeckel, Ernst, 80
Haley, Jay, xii, 177, 191, 201,
202, 227, 228, 234, 269
Hallucination, 238, 416, 464
and hypnosis, 223
in schizophrenia, 208, 323,
328, 335
Hamlet, 230, 290
Harlow, H. F., 204, 252, 293,
295-296
Harrison, Ross, 381
Hate, xix, 47, 140, 146, 191,
206, 305
Hebephrenia, 199, 211, 262
Henley, William Ernest, 312
Heraclitus, 265, 288
Heredity, 253, 256, 266, 346-
363
and acquired characteristics,
253f., 266, 346f.
and environmental stress, 256,
346f.
See also Biological evolution
Herrigel, Eugen, 135
Heterogeneity and national
character, 90, 92-94
"Heuristic" concepts, xx, xxiii
Hibbard, Emerson, 394
Hilgard, E. R, 171
Hilgard, J. R, 213
Hitting bottom, 312, 329f.
Holt, Anatol, 334
Homeostasis, 352-353, 354-355
See also Degenerative circuits;
Equilibrium, cultural; Regenerative
circuits; Runaway;
Schismogenesis;
Self-corrective circuits;
Steady state; and "Vicious"
circles
Homology, 80-81, 345
Honesty, 418-419, 426
Hubris, 336, 498, 501
Hull, Clark, 167, 169, 204, 252,
294-295
Humility, 334, 345, 443-444,
467
Humor, 47, 141, 193, 203, 222,
231, 247, 259-260, 261,
272
and logical types, 196, 203
Hutchinson, Evelyn, xii
Huxley, Aldous, 128
Huxley, T. H., 456
Hypnosis, 223, 224, 302, 369
Iatmul, xxvi, xxvii, 67, 75-79,
84-85, 90, 107-109, 115,
123-124, 126, 267-268, 344
myth of central origin, xxvi,
344
Id, 87, 136
Ideas, xvii, xxvii, 35, 229-230,
250, 271-272, 315, 318-
320, 459-460, 462, 465
definition of, 271-272, 315,
459
continued
536 Index
ecology of, xvii, 339, 467,
509f.; see also Mind, ecology of
multiple determination of, 508
natural selection of, xvii, 508-
509
Immanence versus transcendence,
315, 319-320, 344,
467-468, 472-473, 493
Immanent question, 401
Induction, xx, xxi, xxiii, xxiv,
xxvi, xxvii, 308, 408
See also Empiricism
Industrial Revolution, 162, 443,
468
Information, xxvi, 22-23, 129,
130-134, 154, 271-273, 315-
331, 407f., 420f., 459, 466,
509
and asymmetry, 383f.
and bilateral symmetry, 382f.
coding of, inside and outside
the body, 251, 460
location of, 414f., 458
loss of in reduplicated bilaterally
symmetrical limbs,
383f., 400
and morphogenesis, 379-399,
400
and negative entropy, 462-
463
quantification of, 408-409
Information theory, xxi, 244,
283, 291, 315f., 358
and genetics, 381f., 456
See also Cybernetics
Initiation, 182, 267-268, 328
Input and output, 292, 317
Insight, 351-352
Instinct, xx, 38-58, 108
and learning, 41-44
Instrumental learning, see
Learning, instrumental
Instrumentality, 160-164, 166
Intellect, 48-50
and emotion, 139, 469-470
Intoxication, 139, 144, 310-312
See also Alcoholism
Jackson, Don D., 201, 202, 216,
221, 228, 234, 269
Job, 453, 461
Johnson, Lyndon Baines, 442
Johnson, Samuel, 369
Jones, H. Festing, 237-238
Joyce, James, 477
Jung, Carl; Jungian theory, 322,
461, 489
Kant, Emmanuel, 459, 489
KapaT, 120-121
Kavwokmali, xxvi, 344
Kelly, George, 315
Kevembuangga, xxvi, 344
Keynes, J. M., 265
Kinesics, 203, 370f., 411f.
Korzybski, Alfred, xviii, 180,
454, 455
Laing, Ronald, 435
Lamarck; Lamarckian theory,
xiv, 254, 265, 344, 346f.,
426, 433, 434, 455
impossibility of Lamarckian
inheritance, 354-355
See also Biological evolution
Langley Porter Clinic, xii
Language, xxvii, 82, 132f., 153-
154, 170, 177-180, 275,
302, 367f.
of Cetacea, 365, 371f.
and coding, 133, 139, 417f.
and consciousness, 48-52
digital nature of, 371f.
evolution of, 417-418, 430
Lasker, Albert D., 244
Latouche, Robinson, 92
Lavoisier, Antoine, 265
Law of conservation of energy,
xxi, xxiii, xxviii, 229, 409
Law of conservation of mass,
xxi, xxiii, xxvii
"Law of Prochronism, " 345
Leach, Edmund, 129, 150
Learning, xviii, 122, 123, 162-
176, 204, 233, 241, 245-
260, 264, 274, 279-308,
440, 447-448, 451
I, see proto below
II, see Deutero-learning
537
Macaulay, 150
Macbeth, 34-35
McCulloch, Warren, xi, xii,
185-186
McPhee, Colin, 113
Macy Conferences on Cybernetics,
xii
Macy Foundation, xi, xii, xiii,
202
Index
Lee, Dorothy, 173
Legislation, 354
Lerner, I. M., 357, 358
Levi-Strauss, Claude, 139
Lewin, Kurt, 89, 171
Liddell, H. S., 297
Lilly, John c., xiii, 364, 368
Lindsay, John, 502
Lineal thinking, 441, 450-451
Logic, 18-19, 37, 74, 136, 185-
186, 188, 267, 281-282,
291, 339, 406f.
, symbolic, 75
Logical types, 180-193, 194,
196, 414, 421, 463-464
of communication, xiii, 177-
180, 189f., 196, 202f.,
261f.
of complementary and symmetrical
relationship, 323
of context, 289
and genetics, 273, 347f.
of knowledge, 23-24
and learning, 204, 206, 247-
253, 279-308
of psychological frames, 189-
190
and schizophrenia, 194, 196,
202f., 2'28f.
Logical Types, Theory of, 180,
193, 201, 202, 279f., 365,
483
Lorenz, Konrad, 181, 204, 325,
424
Love, xix, 47, 50, 111-112, 140,
146, 170, 191, 206, 207,
374, 418, 441, 452-453,
470, 504
Lovejoy, Arthur 0., 455
III, xiii, 249, 293, 301-306
IV, 293
as change, 247-249, 274,
283f.
and communication theory,
279f.
and computers, 284
contexts of, 112, 167-174,
194-195, 204, 245-253,
283f., 364f.
and evolution, 245, 253f.,
293, 307
extinction of, 287, 288, 303
and genetics, 41f., 253-260,
273, 284, 288, 295, 299,
306-307, 347-348
and genotypic determinants
of behavior, 424-426
hierarchic structure of, 248-
'253, 276, 364-365, 375;
discontinuity of, 247-249,
252-253
and instinct, 41-44
instrumental, 171-172, 173f.,
245, 249, 287, '293-294,
296, 300, 305
limits of, 293, 306-307
and logical types, 204, 205,
247-253, 279-308, 339
and national character, 89,
91-92
neurophysiology of, 249-250
Pavlovian, 171, 173-174, 245,
249, 287, 288, 293-294,
296, 298, 304
phylogenetic, 422
and probability, 255, 284-
287
proto, 167-168, 248, 287f.,
364, 375
and redundancy, 421-422
reversal, 296, 302
rote, 163, 167-169, 172-175,
249, 288, 294-295
and schizophrenia, 234, 241-
242
set, 293, 295-296
stochastic process in, 255f.,
284f., 509
zero, 248, 283f.
538 Index
Magic, 144, 173-174, 183, 229,
301
Maier, N. R. F., 167
Malinowski, Bronislaw, 63, 173-
174
Mammals, 112, 281-282, 306,
345, 364f.
communication of, 57, 135,
140f., 275, 3'26-327, 364-
378, 411f., 470, 478f.
as philosophers, 320-321
value system of, 122, 123
Manus, 161
Map/territory relationship,
180, 183, 185, 408, 455,
458, 460-461, 464
Mapping, 407
of distribution of patterns,
415-416
Marquis, D. G., 171
Marx, Karl; Marxian theory,
64, 69-70, 112, 115
Mass, conservation of, xxi, xxiii,
xxvii
Materialism, 264-269
Matter, xxiii, xxv
Maturity, xx
Maximization, 121, 124-125,
239, 315, 335, 452
absence of in Bali, 116, 121,
124-125
versus optimization, 315, 335
Maxwell, Clarke, 279
Mead, Margaret, xi, 67, 90, 91,
93, 96, 108, 112, 115, 119,
159-165, 174, 175
Meaning, xix, 130-133, 156,
233, 276, 365, 370, 408,
413, 420f.
See also Form
Measurement of knowledge, 21-
26
Medicine, 145-146, 433, 489
Memories, Dreams, Reflections,
461
Mendelism, 74, 258
Mental process, xxvii, 315f.
and computers, 316-317, 491
See also Mind
Metacommunication, see Communication
Metalinguistics, 178, 180, 188
Metalogue, definition of, 1
Metameric regularity, 76-77,
379f.
Metaphor, 33-37, 56-58, 135-
136, 139-140, 142, 150,
183, 203f., 247, 366, 375,
401, 421, 423, 427f.
in schizophrenia, 140, 190f.,
205, 209-210, 222, 235-
236
Mind, xviii, xx, xxviii, 309, 344
and consciousness, see Consciousness
delimitation of, 464f.
ecology of, xvii, 338-339, 402,
456f., 472; see also Ideas,
ecology of
economics of, 136, 141-146,
257 -258, 274, 303
immanence of, 315-316, 466f.,
472-473; versus transcendence
of, 315, 319-320,
467-468, 472-473, 493
mind-body problem, xiv, 319-
320, 331, 471, 493-494
nature of, xvii, 145, 309,
315f., 344, 433f., 455f.,
472-473, 489f.
and unconsciousness, 319f.
unit of, 464f., 482f.; identity
with unit of evolution and
survival, 466, 491
See also Explanation
Moliere, xxii
Mood-signs, 178, 181, 189, 193
Morale, 88, 104-106
Morality, 264-269, 468, 480,
483, 512
and aesthetics, 265
and scientific truth, 265
See also Ethics
Morgan, Lloyd, 354
Morgenstern, 0., 122, 239
Morphogenesis, 276, 379f.
and information, 379-399,
400
Morphology, 379f.
Mu-function signals, 372f.
Index 539
Multiple determination of ideas,
62-64, 508
Mundugumor, 67
Music, 231, 375, 418, 428, 453,
469
Balinese, 113, 117
Mutation, 346f.
Mysticism, 74-75, 264-269, 301
Myth, 51, 150, 190
Myth of central origin:
Judaco-Christian, xxv, 343-
345
Iatmul, xxvi, 344
Mythology, 77, 130, 134, 141,
150, 427
National character, 88-106, 155
American, 89, 98, 99-105,
124
Balinese, 95, 100-101, 112-
121, 125, 127
and complementary relationship,
90-95, 97-105
differentiation in, 90f.
English, 92, 94, 96-97, 98,
101-105
German, 89, 94, 98-99, 100,
101, 102, 105
and heterogeneity, 90, 92-94
and learning, 89, 91-92, 297-
306
Russian, 100
and symmetrical relationship,
97f.
uniformity versus regularity
in, 90-94
National Institute of Mental
Health, xiii
Natural selection, xvii, 155,
253f., 274, 346f., 379, 405,
411, 434-435, 457f., 472,
491, 508-509
of ideas, 508-509
unit of survival in, 155, 332,
455f., 466-467, 468, 491f.,
507; identity with unit of
mind, 466, 491
See also Biological evolution
Naven, xi, xii, 76, 84-86, 90,
107-108, 110, 111, 118,
270, 323
"Negative" aggression, 325
Negative entropy, see Entropy
"Nervous impulses, " 318, 460,
490
New Guinea, xi, xxvi, 75, 81, 90,
267, 344
New School for Social Research,
73
Newton, Sir Isaac, xxiii, 38-39,
265, 269, 283
Noise, 416, 419-420, 423
Non-verbal communication,
9-13, 137f., 178f., 203, 207,
370f., 417f.
and aesthetics, 232
concern with relationship,
141, 418f.
translation into words of, 12-
13, 137-138, 419
unconsciousness of, 137-138,
374, 419, 426
use of sense organs in, 292,
370f., 377
voluntary versus involuntary,
178-179
Norris, Kenneth S., 364
"Not" :
absence of in analogic coding,
291, 326f.
absence of in animal behavior,
54-55, 57
absence of in dream, 54-56,
57, 139f., 326-327
absence of in iconic coding,
140-141, 291, 430
absence of in primary process,
54f., 139-141, 326-327
derivation of, 430-431
Objectivity :
and consciousness, 48-50
and subjectivity, 47-51
O'Brien, Barbara, 328
Observation, xx, 74
Oceanic Foundation, xiii
Oceanic Institute, xiii
Octopus, xiii
Ontoloty, 313-314
Operant conditioning, 276-277
540 Index
Optimization and maximization,
329f.
Order, xviii, xxv-xxviii, 3-8, 283,
379f.
nature of, 3-8
origin of, xxv, 343-345
See also Form and Explanation
O'Reilly, J., 277
Orestes, 480
Organization, xxvii, 154, 233,
282-283, 348, 350, 393,
411, 489f.
cultural, 90
Orgasm, 111-112, 113
Origin of Species, 345
Orthotopic transplants, 394f.
Osmundsen, Lita, xiv
Overcompensation, 264
Paralinguistics, 203, 370f.
Paranoia, 94, 200, 211
Part/whole relationship, 267,
329f., 438, 443-444, 464
Parthenogenesis and dream,
400
Pascal, Blaise, 138, 321
Pask, Gordon, 467
Patoet, 119
Pattern, xviii, xxvii, xxviii, 74,
130-134, 147-148, 154-156,
285, 411f., 420f., 455f.
See also Form
Paul, St., 432, 473, 512
Pavlovian learning, see Learning,
Pavlovian
Perception, vii, 135, 187-188,
242, 282, 292, 416, 487f.
unconscious habits of, 162-
170, 173-176; and art, 135
Perceval, John, 208, 335
Perceval's Narrative: A Patient's
Account of his Psychosis,
278, 328, 335
Petroushka, 33
Philosophie Zoologique, 434,
456
Phylogeny, 346
Play, xii, xvii, xviii, 14-20, 47,
55, 137, 178-193, 194, 203,
204, 222, 327
and combat, 53-55, 179-181,
191, 222, 327, 430
as negation, 54, 327, 430
and psychotherapy, 191-193,
224
and threat, 181-182, 189
Pleroma, 462-463, 489
Plog, Fred, 61
Poetry, 34, 37, 136, 138, 139,
222, 272, 418, 428, 444,
453, 470
and prose, 136
Pollock, Jackson, 148
Population increase, 436-437,
447, 496f.
Power, 123, 309, 313, 331-336,
440, 443, 494
See also Control and Purpose
Practice, 45-46, 47
and art, 137, 138
See also Art, and habit and
Art, skill in
Prayer, 334-335
Prediction, xxii, 30-32, 51, 131
Pregiraffe, 348-349, 353, 355,
356
Primary process, 135-136, 138-
142, 184-185, 192, 326f.,
408, 427
and art, 135-141
lack of negation in, 54f.,
139-141, 326-327
Principia Mathematica, 202,
279, 463
Probability, xxi, 3-8, 405,
408-409
economics of, 409
and learning theory, 255,
284-287
Progress, 446
Prohibition, 448
Prospero, 444
Prosser, C. L., 361
Protestantism, 35-36
Prusmack, John J., xii
Pryor, Karen, 277
Pryor, Taylor, xiii
Psychedelic drugs, viii, 444-
445, 469, 481
Index 541
Psychiatry, xxi, 159-339, 444,
512
See also Psychology and Psychotherapy
Psychoanalysis, 52, 84, 110-111,
139, 202, 205, 264, 321,
324, 427
and misplaced concreteness,
82, 84, 86-87
See also Freud, Sigmund
Psychological frames, see
Frames, psychological
Psychology, xxi, 50, 63, 64, 123,
140, 162-163, 166, 170,
253, 339, 368, 459, 470
behaviorism, 321
comparative, 434, 456
gestalt, 162, 163, 187
Jungian analysis, 322
Psychotherapy, 190-193, 202,
225, 231, 233, 249, 300-
301, 302-303, 328, 512
implications of double bind
theory for, 225-227, 328,
334-335
and play, 191-193
and schizophrenia, 224f.
transference in, 191, 249, 300-
301
Psychotic break, 224, 261, 263
Punctuation of experiential sequence,
163f., 292-293,
298f., 304
Punishment, 76, 206-207, 214-
218, 236-237, 246, 247,
332, 440, 448
Purpose, xx, 49, 128, 145-146,
151, 159-166, 173, 300-301,
318, 335, 432-445, 446-
453
and consciousness, 144-146,
438f.
See also Control and Power
Pwik, 113
Pythagoras, 455
Quiescence, 318-319
Radcliffe-Brown, A. R., 82,
107, 115, 182
Randall, H. S., 425
Randall, J. E., 425
Random events, xxvii, 3-8,
253-255, 285, 343
Reductio ad absurdum, 327-328
Redundancy, 130-134, 147-148,
156, 285, 393, 409, 411-
416, 419-431
and learning, 421-422
See also Form
Reduplicated limbs in Amphibia,
394f.
Reduplication, 380-399
Regenerative circuits, 109, 126,
447f., 511
See also Homeostasis
"Regulators" and "adjustors, "
361f.
Reification, xxi, 64, 82-87, 271,
318, 320, 334, 507
and double bind theory,
271-272
in psychoanalysis, 82, 84, 87
of self, 318, 331, 468-469
Reinforcement, 247, 255, 274f.,
282f., 366, 368
Relationship, 35, 132, 140f.,
153-155, 233, 246, 267,
275, 297-300, 304, 309,
338-339
communication about, 9-13,
56, 57, 137, 139f., 177,
275, 364f., 427, 478f.
complementary, 67, 68, 90,
233-234, 260, 322f.; and
alcoholism, 322f.; logical
typing of, 323; and national
character, 90-105; and
schismogenesis, 68-72, 109-
110, 155, 324f.
part/whole, 267, 306, 329f.,
438, 443-444, 464
reciprocal, 68-69; and schismogenesis,
70
symmetrical, 67, 68, 77-79,
260, 322f.; and alcoholism,
322f.; logical typing of,
323; and national character,
97-105; and schiscontinued
542 Index
mogenesis, 68-72, 109-110,
155, 324f.
Religion, viii, xxiv, 37, 62f.,
139, 146, 183, 266, 333,
408, 444, 453, 467-468,
503
in Bali, 161
Religious communion, viii, 329
Religious conversion, 301, 326
and alcoholism, 326, 331f.
Representationalism in art, 130,
149
Repression, 135
Restraint, 130-132, 381, 405f.
See also Form
Reversal learning, 296, 302
Richards, A. I., 63
Richardson, L. F., 109-111, 324
Rigidity, 263, 274
See also Flexibility
Ritual, 134, 174, 182, 222, 408,
423
Rivalry, see Competition
Rockefeller Foundation, xii,
xiii, 201
Roheim, G., 96
Rote learning, see Learning,
rote
Rouault, Georges, 188
Royal Anthropological Institute,
81
Ruesch, Jurgen, xii, 177, 227,
301, 314
Runaway, 328, 436f., 447, 449,
490
See also Homeostasis
Russell, Bertrand, 177, 180,
186, 189, 202, 279, 296,
365, 375, 483
Ryder, Robert, 271
Sacrament, xviii, xxiii, 35-37.
183, 203
St. John's College, Cambridge,
xi
Salk, Jonas, 433
Schismogenesis, 64, 68-72, 108-
111, 121, 126-127, 155,
324, 333, 447
absence of in Bali, 112-116,
127
and alcoholism, 322f.
and complementary relationship,
68-72, 109-110, 155,
324f.
and ethos, 107-115
and feedback, 324 .
and reciprocal relationship,
70
and symmetrical relationship,
68-72, 109-110, 155, 324f.
See also Annaments races
and Homeostasis
Schizophrenia, xiv, xviii, 190,
194-200, 201-227, 228-243,
244, 246, 252, 258-262,
272-273, 310, 339, 369,
377
asymmetrical relationship
in schizophrenic family,
'237
difficulty with first person
pronoun in, 208, 230, 235,
306
disorientation in, 208, 210
and environmental factors,
259-260, 273
epidemiology of, 194-200
etiology of, 194, 197, 201-
203, 206-207, 236, 272
and fiction, 222-223
genetics of, 197, 234, 258-
259, 262-264, 273
hallucination in, 208, 223,
323, 328, 335
homeostasis in, 221
and hypnosis, 223
and learning, 234, 241f.,
305-306
and logical types, 194, 196,
202-208, 213-214
metacommunication in, 194-
200, 208, 210, 213f., 234-
236
and metaphor, 140, 190-191,
192, 199, 205, 209-210,
222, 235-236, 261
nature of, 194-200, 201-227
"overt" and "covert, " 261-
263
Index 543
and psychotherapy, 201,
224f.
psychotic break in, 224, 261,
263
role of family in, 206f., 228f.,
260-262
stochastic process in, 260f.
"word salad" in, 190, 192,
194
See also Double bind
Science:
application of, 160-165, 175,
264-269
nature of, xx-xxviii, 74-87,
244-245, 264-269, 271
Sebeok, Thomas A., 417
Second law of thermodynamics,
xxi, 3-8, 343
Secondary process, 139, 185
Selection, artificial, 357
Self, nature of, xx, 41, 46, 242-
243, 267, 303f., 313-337,
437f., 448, 450-451, 467-
468, 492
reification of, 318, 331, 468-
469
Self-control, 312f.
See also Control
Self-corrective circuits, 109,
127, 211-212, 267, 315-
319, 321, 35'2f., 381, 406,
426, 435, 447, 490
conservative nature of, 435,
447 See also Homeostasis
Sepik River Valley, xxvi
See also Iatmul and New
Guinea
Septem Sermones ad Mortuos,
461, 489
"Serenity Prayer, " 334-335
Set learning, see Learning, set
Set theory, 186-189
Shannon, Claude, xxi, 482
Siegel, Bernard, xii
Silent Spring, 497
Silkworth, William D., 331
Simmonds, N. W., 357
Sin, 442
Sing dadi, 119
Smith, Bernard, 311
Social planning, 159-166,
175-176
Social Sciences Research
Council, 61
Sociology, xxi, 66, 72, 83
Socrates, 469
Somatic change, 346-363
necessity of, 348f.
parameters of, 347f.
"Sort of, " 33-37
Special Creation, xiv
Specialization:
and diversity, 505
and flexibility, 505
Stanford University Press, xii
Steady state, 124-127, 345
See also Homeostasis
Stevenson, Robert Louis, 229
Stochastic process:
in evolution, 255f., 266-267,
355, 508
in learning, 255f., 284f., 509
in schizophrenia, 260f.
See also Trial and error
Stroud, John, 252, 270
Structure, 153-154, 344-345,
401
cultural, 65-66, 69, 83-84,
85
See also Form
Stupidity, xx
Subjectivity:
and objectivity, 47-58
and unconsciousness, 50-58
Substance, see Explanation and
Matter
Succoring-dependence, 91f.,
109, 110, 155, 299-300,
323, 324
Supernumerary double legs in
Coleoptera, 384f.
Suppression, 264
Surrender, 53, 312-313, 325,
330-332
and aggression, 325
Survival, xviii, 255, 264, 338-
339, 348f., 435, 447, 457f.,
467, 509-510
See also Biological evolution
544 Index
Survival and evolution, unit of,
155, 332, 456f., 466-467,
468, 507
identity with unit of mind,
466, 491
Sweet, F. H., 394
Symmetry, 414, 416
biological, xvii, xviii, 74, 76-
77, 379f.
radial and bilateral, 382f.
See also Asymmetry
Synaptic summation, 463
Synecdoche, 421
Systems theory, xiv, xxviii,
309-337, 446, 456
See also Cybernetics
Taoism, vii, 160
Tautology, xxi, xxiii
Technology, 48f., 146, 170,
314, 332, 337, 440, 446,
452, 468, 473, 493, 496-
501, 503, 510
Teilhard de Chardin, 472
Teratological variation, 380f.
Thompson, D'Arcy, 232
Thyestes, 480
Time, xxiii, 51, 66, 175, 197,
235, 281, 288, 316, 331,
339, 344-345, 442, 458
and evolution, 338-339, 354-
355, 396
Tinbergen, N., 181
Tolerance, 28-29
Totemism, 81, 492
Transcendence versus immanence,
320, 467-468,
472-473, 493
Transcontextual process, 272-
278
and genetics, 273
Transference in psychotherapy,
191, 249, 300-301
Trauma, 90, 92, 196, 198, 199,
206, 207, 233, 245
Trial and error, 257, 274, 284f.,
300-301, 317, 331, 352,
362, 457, 465-466, 491
See also Stochastic process
Trieben, 138
Trobriand Islanders, 173-174
"Twelve Steps" of Alcoholics
Anonymous, 312-313, 333
"Twelve Traditions" of Alcoholics
Anonymous, 333,
334
Unconsciousness, 129, 134-142,
184, 320, 323, 444, 467,
469
and art, see Art
and consciousness, 129, 134-
147
and deutero-learning, 3OOf.
economics of, 136, 141-143
impossibility of translation
into consciousness of, 135-
137, 138, 139
of non-verbal communication,
137-138, 419, 426
relation to total mind, 319f.
and subjectivity, 50-58
unconscious habits of perception,
135, 487f.
Unity, cultural, 62-67
Van Gogh, Vincent, 135, 143
Van Slooten, Judith, xiv
Variability, genetic, 357
Variation, 253, 255, 379f.
See also Differentiation and
Specialization
Versailles, Treaty of, 478-485
Veterans Administration Hospital,
xii, xviii, 310
"Vicious" circles, 109, 126
See also Homeostasis
Vickers, Sir Geoffrey, 467
Vietnam, 442, 482
Virgin Islands, xiii
Vitalism, 266
Von Domarus, E., 205
Von Foerster, H., 270
Von Neumann, John, xii, 122,
123, 239, 241, 285, 482
See also Game theory
Waddington, C. H., 256-258,
270, 360
Wallace, Russell, 434-435
545
Zen Buddhism, 135, 208, 301,
303, 304, 370, 511
and double binds, 208
Zen in the Art of Archery, 135
Index
Will, 312-313
See also Free will
Wilmer, H. H., 234
Wilson, Woodrow, 479f.
Wisdom, 145-147, 150, 439,
440, 442, 444, 451-453,
503
definition of, 146
Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 131, 177
Wolves, 366, 374, 375
"Word salad, " 190, 192, 194
World War I, 479f.
World War II, xii, 478, 480,
482
Wynne-Edwards, V. C., 448
War, 104-106
in Bali, 114
See also Armaments races
Watson, Goodwin, 88
Weakland, John, xii, 201, 202,
228, ~34, 269
Weaning in Canidae, 365-366,
423
Weismann, August, 270, -346,
348
Weismannian barrier, 346-348,
450
Wenner-Gren Foundation, xiv,
440
Whitehead, Alfred North, 64,
177, 186, 202, 279, 365,
375, 472, 483
Whitman, Walt, 128
Whorf, B. L., 177
Wiener, Norbert, xii, xiii, 482
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