The Choice of a Mate, by Anthony M. Ludovici

That's French for "the ancient system," as in the ancient system of feudal privileges and the exercise of autocratic power over the peasants. The ancien regime never goes away, like vampires and dinosaur bones they are always hidden in the earth, exercising a mysterious influence. It is not paranoia to believe that the elites scheme against the common man. Inform yourself about their schemes here.

Re: The Choice of a Mate, by Anthony M. Ludovici

Postby admin » Mon Jan 29, 2018 2:58 am

Part 1 of 3

Chapter II: The Subject of the Previous Chapter Continued

7. The approach from psycho-analysis and the new psychology. This is the most difficult with which I have to deal, because I think it may be said without unfairness to the whole of the new psychology, that the validity of some of its essential first principles is still sub judice.

I cannot enter exhaustively into the teachings of Freud, Adler and Jung, and shall attempt only to give the reader some idea of their importance in regard to characterology.

Starting out from pathological states, the new psychology, with psycho-analysis, attempts to describe the leading unconscious conditions which, in conjunction, and often in conflict, with the conscious, act formatively on conduct and adaptation, whether in the healthy or the unhealthy.

In the hands of its chief exponents, this science has discovered a number of new facts concerning the human mind, although the object with which it set out — the discovery of a reliable psychotherapy, has not been altogether achieved.

Stated briefly, the psycho-analytical, or Freud's position, is this: We all have two levels to our minds — a conscious and an unconscious, the former being to the latter much as the part of an iceberg that protrudes from the water is to the part that is submerged, i.e. in a ratio of one to ten. The unconscious consists of various ingredients — racial memories and impulses, and individual experiences which have been repressed (i.e. desires, appetites and impulses that have been involuntarily driven back into the unconscious) either because their expression was impossible, or because it or they led to painful or intolerable situations. As, however, desires, appetites and impulses have instinctive energy behind them, they are not quiescent in repression. They are much more in the nature of fermenting liquors, constantly sending up bubbles to the surface and trying to express themselves in spite of everything. The guardian or censor at the door between the unconscious and the conscious is very severe, and allows nothing unsuitable to pass in waking hours, though during sleep he too seems to be somnolent, and allows much of the unconscious material to escape into the adjoining or conscious chamber — hence the importance of dreams as an indication to the contents of the unconscious. 1

Completely forgotten consciously, these repressed memories, experiences or desires, nevertheless bring to bear on consciousness all kinds of influences, direct or indirect, which consciousness as frequently misinterprets, although it acts in some way upon them.

Suppose, for instance, a female child has an unpleasant experience connected in some way with sex and hair, the memory of which becomes submerged in the unconscious. Although, as an adult, she may not be able to recall the incident, its survival as a repressed memory may influence her conscious life in ways she cannot understand, and always misinterprets.

Thus, it may cause her constantly to mislay or lose her muff or fur stole. It may make her vaguely disinclined to wear furs at all. This disinclination probably appears to her consciousness in the form of a dread of being too hot, or looking too bulky in furs.

The fact that when, possibly out of regard for the fashion of her day, she wears a muff or fur stole, she constantly loses it, she will explain in various ways that have nothing whatsoever to do with the real cause. One day her excuse will be that she witnessed an accident from her taxi-cab, another time that she had unexpectedly met a long-lost friend; or, again, she will blame a shop assistant for having been rude to her.

It will never occur to her that she constantly loses her muff or stole because a shameful or forbidden experience connected with hair has long lain repressed in her unconscious mind, causing her to try to forget about hair as urgently as she forgets about the associated shameful experience itself. And the reason why this will not occur to her is that her conscious mind is actually unaware of it. 2

Similar eccentricities of conduct, misinterpreted by consciousness, such as slips of the tongue and of the pen, 3 are constantly being caused by such unconscious memories, and from their

1 For Freud's own description of this censor, see GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO PSYCHO-ANALYSIS (New York, 1920, p. 256).
2 For innumerable similar examples, see Freud's PSYCHO-PATHOLOGY OF EVERYDAY LIFE (London, 1914, Chap. IX).
3 Ibid., Chaps. V and VI.


frequency we are complied to infer that, even in the healthy and so-called "normal", conscious life is influenced far more than most people are aware by their unconscious mind and its heterogeneous mass of buried experiences.

When the repression is of a more serious character, as, for instance, when it represents the incestuous desire of a boy for his mother (Freud's "Œdipus Complex"), or of a girl for her father (the "Electra Complex"), its effects on the life of the adult may be serious. He or she may hate the parent who stands in the way of reading the unconscious incestuous desire, without knowing exactly why. Thus a boy may hate a perfectly kind father and a girl a perfectly good mother, and explain the hatred by referring to utterly insufficient reasons — such as the father's way of coughing, or eating, or laughing, or his conceit, or his conversation, or his attitude to mother. The girl may try to account for her hatred of her mother by saying vaguely that she is too "self-centred", or too "short" with father, or too fond of Mrs. X, and so on.

These examples must suffice to show the far-reaching effects which a buried or unconscious memory may have on adult behaviour. And, as Freud claims that these repressions occur in very early childhood, when the child first learns that some of its desires or experiences are shameful or forbidden, it is not difficult to see how onerous is the task of unearthing these memories and bringing them to consciousness, more particularly when we remember that consciousness resists the process.

Bringing them to consciousness, however, and causing the patient to re-enact the whole complex of emotions associated with them (hence the word "complex"), constitutes Freud's alleged cure of the distressing or awkward symptoms to which they may give rise. 1

The attacks on Freud have come chiefly from an outraged public and a group of outraged scientists, who resented the notion that the sex instinct played such an important part in the lives of children whom hitherto the world of sentimentalists had

1 See PAPERS ON PSYCHO-ANALYSIS, by E. Jones, M.D. (London, 1918, p. 128): "The mode of action of the treatment . . . which is the overcoming, by means of psycho-analysis, of the resistances that are interposed against the making conscious of the repressed unconscious material, gives the patient a much greater control over the pathogenic material by establishing a free flow of feeling from the deeper to the more superficial layers of the mind, so that the energy investing the repressed tendencies can be diverted from the production of symptoms into useful, social channels."


liked to regard as "pure" and "innocent". This public, too, resented the extension of sexual reactions and feelings into spheres which, until Freud appeared, it liked to regard as "pure" — the sphere of the relationship of parent to child, and child to parent, the sphere of the relationship of child to child, brother to sister, and vice-versâ, the sphere of the relationship of the moral adult to the child, and so on.

When Freud says: "The mother would probably be terrified if it were explained to her that all her tenderness awakens the sexual impulse of her child and prepares its future intensity. She considers her actions as asexually 'pure'", 1 he is really guilty of understatement.

The fact is that the mother, when this was explained to her, was not only terrified, but outraged and angry, and she and her friends, both male and female, accused Freud of exaggerating the sex-factor in human life, of being obsessed by sex, and of polluting many of the most idyllic situations of life.

Such people, relying more on their outraged feelings than on their reason, forgot to inquire into the nature of Freud's researches. Freud dealt with repressions. Now there are not necessarily any repressions about harmless pastimes like playing the piano, toasting a slice of bread at the fire, or playing patience, unless some past shameful experience happens to be correlated with them. Why should there be? The very nature of Freud's inquiry inevitably led him to sex, because sex in civilized life happens to be a department about which there are many severe tabus. 2 The child at a tender age learns that it must not expose itself, must not talk of the functions connected with its anus and genitalia. Very early, therefore, a civilized child gathers that the region of the pubis in its body is a shameful, or at least a secret affair. It is not taught that it is shameful to handle a chair, or a toy or a ball; but it is taught that it is shameful to handle its genitalia. When dealing with repressions, therefore — and Freud made if quite clear that this was his province — he inevitably lighted upon a mass of sex and water-closet material in the unconscious, and very rightly said so.

1 THREE CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE THEORY OF SEX (trans. by A. Brill, New York, 1918, p. 82).
2 Freud points this out repeatedly, and puts it very plainly in his little monograph on DREAMS (trans. by Dr. Eder, London, 1924, p. 101), where, speaking of the sex instinct, he says: "No other class of instincts has required so vast a suppression at the behest of civilization as the sexual, whilst their mastery by the highest psychical processes is in most persons soonest of all relinquished."


We may quarrel with Freud tor having overlooked certain other shameful material in the unconscious — those factors, for instance, on which, as we shall see, Adler lays stress. We may quarrel with him, as I do, about the overweening claims he and his followers at first made regarding the therapeutical value of hi.s analysis. But to quarrel with him because in his investigations into repressions he lighted repeatedly on sex and water-closet experiences and desires, is not only unfair, it is idiotic. Regarding the quarrel with him which turns upon the alleged therapeutical value of his analysis (and this quarrel may, I think, be rightly engaged up to a point with his two disciples, Adler and Jung), perhaps the reader will appreciate a case of which I have first-hand knowledge; for I am one of the few who entertained doubts concerning his therapy long before he himself hinted at these doubts. 1

My own suspicions regarding the validity of the new psychologist's therapeutical claims were first aroused in the years 1918–1920, when, under my own eyes, a girl I knew very well steadily overcame certain distressing neurotic symptoms without psycho-analytical help and apparently merely by improving bodily functioning.

The neurotic symptoms in question were as follows: She would awake suddenly at night in the middle of a dream which always had the same content. She would be lying at the bottom of a deep well, the walls of which were closing in about her. This made her jump out of bed and thrust head and shoulders out of the nearest window for free air and for the experience of freedom. Obviously there was danger here. Given a window difficult to open, or actually fixed, and the sleeper, still only semi-conscious, might have thrust head and shoulders through a pane of glass and been badly cut.

Other symptoms were these: She could not sit in a close or stuffy restaurant, or room, or theatre, and could not make a journey in a closed carriage or cabin.

I had read two or three works of Freud at that time, and I diagnosed a hidden birth memory in the case, i.e. a repression of the experience of being born too arduously and slowly, with all the accompanying sensations of a high carbon-dioxide content in the blood.

1 He has recently said: "The future will probably attribute far greater importance to psycho-analysis as the science of the unconscious than as a therapeutic procedure" (E.B., 14th Ed., XVIII, p. 673).


In other words, she had the claustrophobia complex, which Freud traces to a repressed birth memory.

I explained all this to her and she checked my diagnosis by questioning her mother, who confessed that her birth had been a very difficult one.

But now observe what followed. Her symptoms continued as before. Meanwhile, however, she received help in tackling the trouble of constipation from which she had suffered for years, and ultimately succeeded in overcoming it without the help of daily aperients. As it dated from an attack of peritonitis many years previously, it took a long time to cure. But, as it gradually vanished, the symptoms of claustrophobia declined as well, until with its total suppression, no trace of claustrophobia remained.

I was not then, and am not now, sufficiently expert to explain all that happened. But, at the time, I strongly suspected that the distress caused by the long history of constipation, with the daily use of Irritant aperients, might have been an important factor in the genesis of the neurosis, and that probably other neuroses, which psychiatrists like Freud, Jung and Adler, describe as of purely psychogenic origin, have a similar history, i.e. they begin with a long period of psycho-physical distress.

I object, in any case, to this subdivision of mind and body, and to the practice of diagnosing so-called "mental" and so-called "physical" trouble. And when I hear and see that psycho-analysis is itself beginning to be less triumphant as a therapy than as a contribution to the science of the unconscious, 1 I ask myself whether perhaps my instinctive feeling that neuroses

1 The only purely objective and unbiassed study of the therapeutic results of psycho-analysis, that I know, is the review made by Drs. Leo Kessel and H. T. Hyman of 33 cases completely and competently analyzed. Of the "results, 16 were classified as failures, 17 were helped, and in 5 instances it is no exaggeration to say that the cure was specific." Of those that were merely helped, the report says: "The results were good, hut not startling, and at times the result was not specific but due to the modified circumstances" (normal sexual intercourse, etc.). The authors sum up the limitations of psycho-analysis as follows: (1) Its practice is limited to a small group of adequately trained physicians, who cannot possibly handle more than a small number of patients annually. (2)Where the need is greatest, in true psychoses and drug addictions, there is the least expectation of assistance. (3) Favourable results cannot be obtained in patients beyond the age of 40, or who are not well-to-do and unusually intelligent. "The average man in the street is totally unable to grasp or utilize this form of therapy", which "requires attendance from 3 to 6 hours a week for well over a year." The authors conclude by saying, "Despite our receptive attitude towards psycho-analysis as a form of therapy, in 12 years we have seen only a handful of patients who have benefited from the experiences" (J.A.M.A., 18.11.33, pp. 1612–1615). This is by no means the first and only valuation of this form of therapy. In 1930 the Berlin Psychoanalytical Institute published a review of 721 cases, and in 1929 the B.M.A. instituted an inquiry into psycho-analysis as a medical theory and procedure. But this review of Drs. Kessel and Hyman is the first impartial examination of results in definite cases.


of a purely psychogenic order were probably much less common than the new psychology supposes, was not on the whole justified. I may say that I had this feeling long before I had collected the facts which I am now going to set before the reader.

Before I do this, however, I should like to state precisely the extent of my doubts concerning the psycho-analytical position.

I do not question the validity of Freud's science of the unconscious, nor do I doubt the reality of the complexes of which he speaks. Though I do not believe I have a conscious knowledge of more than one of these complexes — the Œdipus — I know all too well the nature of this complex and the great influence it has had on my life, to hesitate in acknowledging its possibility and power. I, therefore, accept Freud's claim that a complex may lead to a peculiar or faulty adjustment to the problems of life, although I doubt whether it often does so alone or single-handed.

Consequently, what I venture to doubt is that the difficulties arising in adult life as the supposed result of a complex, whether neuroses, or psychoses, or functional disorders of the organs, are as often of a psychogenic nature as the psycho-analysts allege, and whether we should not rather assume as more probable that all human beings have some, if not all, of the complexes, and that these, as a rule, become of importance in relation to neurotic behaviour or functional disorders, only when something else, some mechanical distress of long standing, has reduced the average nervous health to a low ebb.

The alert reader will say that I am here guilty of a dualism similar to that of the psycho-analyst himself. For I am really saying that almost all neuroses and functional disorders are of an organic or somatic nature, i.e. they originate in some congenital or acquired peculiarity or disorder of the body, which, by harassing the nerves for a long while, at last allows the complexes, otherwise inoffensive and latent, to assert themselves and crown the nervous irritability.

But even if I assume what seems to be a dualistic position here, surely it is one more justified than the psycho-analyses. The mind, as we know it, is a more recent acquisition than the body. In other words, the thoracic and abdominal viscera of Man do not differ nearly as much as does his brain from the corresponding organs in animals. In this sense, the human trunk is senior to the human brain, just as the human hand is senior to the nakedness of the human skin. Thus the functions of the various viscera have the momentum of sons behind them, and although I abide by the idea of the psycho-physical wholeness of Man, there is a hierarchy based on age, which suggests that the recently acquired habits of the human brain have not the momentum which those of the other organs have, just as the instinct of humanitarianism has not the momentum of that of sex.

If we are to suppose that one moves the other, or that trouble in one affects the other, it seems to me that the genesis of the trouble is likely to start very much more often in the older than in the newer mechanisms. In this sense I would suggest that only a small percentage of neuroses and psychoses and functional disorders of the organism, can have a purely psychogenic origin, and can be approached and removed by the psychological method — hence possibly the disappointments that have attended psycho-therapy based on this approach.

Now let us see what has been said and done to confirm this view, so important from the standpoint of character.

In the first place, Drs. G. R. Wilson and H. C. Marr make this significant remark: "Speaking generally, nearly every case of insanity is attended by a more or less profound disturbance of all the important bodily functions; and the more grave the insanity is going to be, the greater that disturbance is." 1 Secondly, Dr. Henry Devine writes as follows: "It is recognised that the psychoses must be the outcome of a malfunctioning organism." 2

But these statements, however authoritative, are too general. In an article on BIOCHEMISTRY AND MENTAL DISORDER, Dr. J. H. Quastel, Director of Research, Cardiff City Mental Hospital, says: "Mental disease is a symptom of underlying disease or physiological disturbances, the sites, the details, and the courses of which, in the majority of instances, are either unknown, or far from clear." And, "the clinical state 'insanity', whilst immediately referable to the brain, has to be considered as ultimately dependent upon the malfunctioning of various other organs and systems in the body." 3

1 E.M., VI, p. 595.
2 E.B. (14th Ed., XVIII, p. 722). I point out that I am deliberately neglecting the published attacks on psycho-analysis by medical men (Dr. MacBride's, for instance) in order to state my own personal doubts, supported by facts personally collected.
3 LANCET, 31.12.32, p. 1417.


Then, on the purely psychological approach to mental disorders, Dr. Quastel says: "The best results, it appears to the writer, will come only through the combination of the two lines of inquiry, the one which determines the nature of the physiological abnormality and attempts to rectify it, and the other which deals with the details of the mental disorders and relates them to factors of a psychological or constitutional nature." 1

He then proceeds to describe the mental symptoms accompanying lack of oxygen in high altitudes. Such are, loss of judgment and memory, irritability and emotional instability. And he adds, "there seems to be little question that anoxæmia of the brain leads to irrational behaviour". Hence the psychological effects of narcotics which diminish "the rates of oxidation brought about in the brain". This they do, not by interfering with the access of oxygen to the brain, but with the mechanisms which result in the activation of lactic acid or pyruvic acid. 2 Then, speaking of the normal detoxication of tyramine by the liver, and of the liberation of this substance in the blood, if the detoxicating process becomes faulty, he adds: "It seems not impossible that many of the toxic confusional cases, so commonly encountered in mental hospitals, owe their disability to a phenomenon of this description." 3

The whole article should be read, but the following passages are surely most important: "It is evident that in manic-depressive disorders, a disturbance, most probably of the endocrine system occurs, which upsets the normal carbo-hydrate metabolism of the patient." 4

Dr. Quastel also refers to the successful thyroid-feeding of schizophrenic patients of "poor prognosis and of the chronic class", and to Zondek's recent work on the bromine content of the blood in manic-depressives, which he found to be 40 per cent lower than in normal cases, and present in all phases of their illness. This change in bromine level is supposed to be consequent on an endocrine disturbance.

Finally, speaking of the hydrolytic enzymes, affecting endocrine glands and cerebral cortex, in the blood of psychotics, he says: "Apparently the sera of manic-depressive cases show none of these enzymes, whereas those of schizophrenic and frankly organic psychoses contain the enzymes in variable quantities." 5 Another worker in this field. Dr. T. Stacey Wilson, claims that

1 Ibid.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., p. 1418.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid., p. 1419.


he has rectified many cases of "a faulty attitude to the problems of life" through colon treatment, and he says that sometimes the change takes place comparatively suddenly. "As soon as the disturbing nervous impulses which arise in the colon cease," he says, "the mental cloud is dissipated and the patients outlook on life and touch with outward surroundings become normal." And, inviting a test of his statements, he concludes: "I feel confident that it will show that mental distress of various types is very frequently due to abnormal muscular activity of the colon, and is curable by medicinal and dietetic treatment without the aid of psycho-therapy." 1

Among the mental symptoms of colon hardening which he mentions are — mental depression and unhappiness, worry over some imaginary trouble (anxiety), phobias and obsessions, neurasthenia, visual hallucinations, suicidal impulses, etc. And among the possible causes of nerve strain and neurasthenia, he mentions: "errors of refraction . . . dropped kidneys . . . uterine displacements . . . labyrinthine vertigo of a moderate degree . . . dilated deep-thigh veins", etc. 2

Dr. R. C. Rutherford, Medical Superintendent of Farnham House, Finglas, Co. Dublin, also contributes to the subject. In an interesting article, he says: "There can be no question about the exceeding frequency with which subthyroidal symptoms are met with in a mental hospital. . . . For this reason I believe that every symptom of subthyroidism should be regarded with concern as to the mental future of the patient."

He also points out how often goitre is associated with psychosis, and says: "In a mental hospital receiving no cases of idiocy, one patient in every eight has some thyroid enlargement." And he adds: "I have noted for many years the frequency with which patients suffering from mental trouble can be found to have mothers or maternal aunts who suffer from goitre."

He then considers chronic sepsis as a factor in mental illness, and says of Dr. Graves, of the Birmingham Mental Hospital: "He has published the results of 1000 cases that have been examined by the Watson-Williams technique of sinus puncture and wash-out, with the result that 818 were found to show evidence of nasal sinus infection." 3

1 B.M.J., 6.5.33, p. 804.
2 TONIC HARDENING OF THE COLON (Oxford, 1927, pp. 25–27 and p. 36). For cases cured, see pp. 119–139. For treatment: pp. 35–52.
3 B.M.J., 29.7.33, pp. 188–189. See, however, INFECTION OF THE NASAL SINUSES AND TONSILS IN THE PSYCHOSES, by Dr. P. K. McCowan (LANCET, 14.10.33, pp. 853–855), in which, out of 807 cases at the Cardiff City Mental Hospital, only 24 had sinusitis.


Continuing, Dr. Rutherford says: "Chronic sepsis in any portion of the body, and especially that located in the sinuses of the nasal passages, would appear to be so common in mental illness as almost to make it more than suspicious that it may be an essential factor for the production of disease. . . . Thus there are two important factors which would appear to me to be most liable, in combination, to produce a mental disease. First, a deficiency in the nature of a subthyroid condition of the system; and, secondly, the presence of a focus of septic infection essentially of a chronic nature." 1

Dr. Rutherford, bearing out the claims of an investigator like Dr. Stacey Wilson, points to the frequency of gastric disturbances and constipation as factors in the etiology of mental disease, "especially melancholia", and he adds, "I have known some patients make a complete recovery within a few days following the administration of an enema." 2

Another writer. Dr. Sara M. Jordane, of Boston, U.S.A., in a recent article on "The Unstable Colon and Neurosis", says among other things: "Since there is a definite percentage of patients . . . who show clear-cut improvement in their neurogenic symptoms, it is assumed that the condition of colonic dysfunction may precipitate in a fatigued patient symptoms of neuroses, and that when the normal physiological condition is restored the associated symptoms are relieved." 3

Dr. K. Platanow, of Leipzig, in a recent article, rejects Stekel's view that vomiting in pregnancy is necessarily of psychogenic origin, i.e. anxiety neurosis in Freud's sense. Dr. Platanow treated 62 cases by simple suggestion in the waking state or under hypnosis, and in 80 per cent of cases with success. He concludes that the symptom is a somatic rather than a psychic manifestation, and since such a minor psycho-therapeutic measure as suggestion is capable of influencing these cases, he claims that resort to psycho-analysis is not necessary. 4

Platanow's claim is less significant from the standpoint I am advancing than from the standpoint of the thorough-going anti-Freudian who rejects psycho-analysis altogether. But at least it adds to the evidence which shows that many disorders claimed

1 Op. cit., p. 189.
2 Ibid., p. 190.
3 J.A.M.A., 31.12.32, p. 2236.
4 Ibid., 11.2.33, p. 462 (in a report on the ZENTRALBLATT FÜR GYNÄKOLOGIE, Leipzig. Dec., 1932).


by the psycho-analysts as accessible to their therapy are not even of psychogenic origin.

Turning now to Pavlov, of Leningrad; in a recent letter he writes: "First of all, one sees that neuroses are possible to obtain and without difficulty [in dogs], if only one has an animal in whose make-up there is not a proper balance between its fundamental reactions of nervous activity — as yet not further analysed physiologically — that is, between the excitatory and inhibitory processes." And he concludes: "what my associates and I have found with our animals is elemantal physiological phenomena — the limit of physiologic analysis (in the present state of our knowledge). At the same time it is the prime and most fundamental basis of human neurosis and serves as the truest interpretation and understanding of it." 1

Now it is important for the reader to distinguish sharply between neurogenic and so-called psychogenic origins to neuroses and dysfunctions.

The fact that Pavlov points out that a neurosis may be due to a faulty balance between the excitatory and inhibitory processes of the nervous system, is no argument in favour of the psycho-analyst's claim; for according to the latter, a mass of shameful, or painful experiences, unexpressed desires, ideas, buried memories, etc., which he suppressed in the unconscious, is quite sufficient to account for a whole process of disturbances ending in neuroses, psychoses and somatic dysfunctions, and they claim that these morbid phenomena, which the individual has been forced through repression to store up in the unconscious, are curable by the technique of deep analysis.

When, therefore, Pavlov speaks of congenital imbalance between the excitatory and inhibitory processes in a dog, he is not concerned with this unconscious material of the psycho-analysts, although he is speaking in the terminology of nerves and nerve systems. In a word, while the psycho-analysts may be said to emphasize ideological matter and experience, Pavlov stresses an abnormality in the functioning or actual structure of the nerves — a very different matter. I hope the distinction is clear, for it is extremely important.

To the modern psycho-physiologist, the central nervous system is as much the individual organism as his visible nose or eyes. His psyche is merely an invisible and his body a visible

1 J.A.M.A., 17.9.32, pp. 1012–1013.


manifestation of the same organism. In the words of Dr. E. Miller, "Mind divorced from body is as inconceivable as body divorced from mind." 1 Or, as Dr. Arthur J. Hall puts it: "Although for the sake of convenience it is customary to make a distinction between mental and bodily disorders, such separation of the two is physiologically unsound. Every disorder, however slight or localized, must give rise to reactions in every part of the organism," 2

Finally, in this all too brief summary of the more salient facts against the too-sweeping acceptance of a psychogenic origin to neuroses, psychoses and organic dysfunction, there are the conclusions of Dr. Trigant Burrow, who, in "A Phylogenetic Study of Insanity in its Underlying Morphology", says:—

"A laboratory study of man and his reactions as a total process gives indication that the false ideas, the delusions and phobias, the mood-alternations of elation and depression, the emotional conflicts, the repressions and over-accentuations characteristic of mental disease, all are but reflections of an impairment that is deeper seated within the organism. This impairment consists in tensions, alterations and disturbances that affect definite body processes. In a word, the conflict or disparity present in mental disorders consists in a discrepancy between those feelings and sensations which belong to that circumscribed segment of the organism located in the cephalic region with its secondarily acquired ideas and images. As this conflict consists in a disparity between two clearly denned body zones, it is a physiological disparity. Such a condition is perceptible and remediable only through recourse to physiologic methods of repair and not through a program which attempts to exchange ideas for ideas and images for images." 3

I therefore deprecate the dualistic standpoint of the new psychologists, when they speak of a "psychogenic" origin to neuroses, etc., and when they claim that these can be removed by a one-sided concentration on the psyche. I suggest that this is a heresy, and should like to sum up my argument as follows:—

(1) Because the human organism is one psycho-physical whole, it is unlikely that an abnormality which appears as merely psychological can have only a psychogenic origin.

(2) It is even more unlikely that an abnormality which appears

1 T.M.B., p. 14.
2 B.M.J., 27.1.34, p. 133. A paper on BODILY DISEASES IN MENTAL DISORDERS.
3 J.A.M.A., 4.3.33, p. 651. See also same writer's remarks on p. 650. The whole article, in fact, supports my thesis.


as merely somatic (indigestion, constipation, nausea, etc.) can have only a psychogenic origin.

(3) A more acceptable point of view would be that disorders of any kind are psycho-physical, i.e. they originate in a joint disorder of soma and psyche — the two being distinguished only methodologically — and that anxiety exhibited in the mind is always an expression of an anxiety already existing in the tissues owing to some long-existing dysfunction. The fact that the anxious person soon finds purely psychological factors to account for his anxiety — grief over a family death, or over loss of money, or over fear of the future owing to loss of money, etc. — has nothing to do with the point. I should doubt whether continued anxiety in any man, no matter how severe a "mental" blow he may have had, is ever possible unless his organism is already suffering from some obscure and well-established dysfunction.

(4) But an even more acceptable point of view would be to say that disorders of the psychosome, although simultaneously psychological and physiological, do not become apparent in any neurosis, psychosis or well-established dysfunction until they are of long standing, at which time it is preposterous to look for the source in only one side of the organism, because:—

(a) Small beginnings in somatic disturbances are rarely perceptible, although there are innumerable agencies eminently calculated to produce them. These may be congenital anomalies such as a slight though unusual disproportion between certain important organs; abdominal bands now so frequently found at autopsy in different degrees in different people, causing intestinal stasis; endocrine imbalance; mechanical faults caused by faulty co-ordination of the organism in action and inaction; 1 neurological faults caused by the neglect of the inhibitory process of the nervous system and the over-stimulation of the excitatory process; faulty hygiene and forms of exercise and so on. (See also a few obscure causes of dysfunction and neuroses suggested by Dr. Stacey Wilson above, p. 305, and Dr. Burrow in his conclusions, p. 308.)

The onset of the physical symptoms is usually slow and obscure in most of these conditions. When the symptoms are well-established and result from some mechanical fault in the body (such as visceroptosis, often caused by faulty use of self) they have usually had a long history, which must have had an exasperating influence on the psyche.

1 See my HEALTH AND EDUCATION THROUGH SELF-MASTERY (London, 1933).
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Re: The Choice of a Mate, by Anthony M. Ludovici

Postby admin » Mon Jan 29, 2018 2:59 am

Part 2 of 3

A hundred years ago de Quincey, that much underrated writer, who .stared the case for the importance of repressions as boldly as the new psychology, wrote: "I am persuaded myself that all madness, or nearly all, takes its rise in some part of the apparatus connected with the digestive organs." 1

(b) The complexes, whether of Freud, Jung or Adler, must be present, according to their hypothesis, with but very few exceptions, in all men and women. If, therefore, they become exhibited in neuroses and psychoses, etc., only in a minority, it must mean that something else, not common to all, determines their appearance. The complexes would thus form a parallel to the bacteria of infectious and contagious diseases, which have no pathogenic power in themselves, and are found in most healthy people's saliva, but which appear to cause disease only after something else, not common to all, in the organism, has laid the foundations of the trouble.

We are, therefore, forced to ask the question, what factor, besides the complex, operates in inducing morbid psychological or other symptoms?

My reply is that, much more often than the psycho-analysts and new psychologists seem prepared to admit, this factor is some dysfunction of obscure origin, which may usually be assumed to be intractable, because it has eluded treatment.

The few facts adduced above point to this as highly probable. Consequently, disorders of so-called "psychogenic" origin are probably much more rare than is generally admitted.

The general conclusion of this argument is simply the old adage, mens sana in corpore sano; if you have a healthily functioning organism your complexes take care of themselves.

A further conclusion would be that no psycho-analytical therapy should be undertaken until everything had been done to identify and remove the organic dysfunction probably lying behind the neurotic or other morbid symptoms.

I must now add a few words about Adler and Jung.

Adler, a former pupil of Freud, emphasizes the fact that no two people are alike and that every case of abnormal behaviour must be faced on its own merits — hence the term "Individual Psychology", given to his method. He claims that the style or pattern of a man's life is formed in the first eight years of child-

1 See COLLECTED WORKS, VIII, p. 349, and X, p. 445. Also VIII, p. 350, where he declares that sanity of judgment depends on good digestion.


hood, 1 and that, as an adult, man adjusts himself to his difficulties exactly as he did as a child. Thus the adult neurotic is the man who, as a child, had an abnormal way of adapting himself to life.

Assuming, as Nietzsche did, that each of us is out for personal aggrandisement and power, Adler measures each man's neurosis by asking what are his peculiar obstacles to power? Has he a deformity, a physical disability, or an organic inferiority? How has he faced his disadvantages? Has he shown courage and common sense, or a childish effort to circumvent his disadvantages or to compensate for them, by retreating from the problems they present, by dependence, by inspiring pity, by invoking help, etc.?

He assumes that the feeling of weakness is common to all children, but that in some it is greatly accentuated by the sense of the disabilities which, over and above their relative weakness, result from the possession of inferior organs, or inferior endocrine secretions, or what not. 2 And he argues that much the commonest form in which a child tries to escape the display of its feelings of inferiority, consists "in the erection of a compensatory spiritual superstructure, which aims at recovering superiority in life".

This structure is carried into adult life, and becomes the "secret life-goal" of the individual, which, as Philippe Mairet says, "must be conceived as having been elaborated to compensate the chief inferiority." 3

In the normal and healthy, the desire for ascendancy assumes a more or less useful expression, and makes them co-operate in the life of the world. In the neurotic, it tends to take the form of non-co-operation, with a corresponding fantastic effort to retain the sense of superiority. So that the sexual aspects and memories of a man are only a part of his life-style, and not, as in Freud, the chief factor in the neurosis. 4 And Adler achieves his cures, or his alleged cures (I do not mean this disparagingly, but merely because I have seen no unbiased statistical records), not by a laborious process of unearthing hidden memories, but

1 P.T.D., I, p. 42. He says, "The origin of a neurosis can always be traced to the first or second year of life."
2 Ibid., pp. 9–12.
3 Ibid., p. 22, and A.B.C. OF ADLER'S PSYCHOLOGY (London, 1930, pp. 27–28).
4 Freud too speaks of "inferiority feelings", and their effect on the neurotic's adaptation; but he traces them to sexual experiences, to loss of love and love-failure in infancy, which "leave behind a lasting limitation of self-esteem as a narcissistic scar; and according to my own and Marcinowski's experiences, make the most important contribution to the 'inferiority feelings' of neurotics." (JENSEITS DES LUSTPRINZIPS, 3rd Ed., Vienna, 1925, pp. 23–24).


by a fresh adjustment of the individual to life, i.e. by re-educating him to co-operation. In other words, Adler cures, or claims to be able to cure the neurotic, isolated as he is from society through the phantasms which he has seized upon to bolster up his self-esteem, by giving him a living contact with society, a useful co-operative adjustment to his fellows, in which he finds new self-esteem built on real and not on fantastic achievements. 1

Thus the "inferiority complex" is the Adlerian devil which the therapy of Individual Psychology drives out.

It is an important contribution to psychology and as a psychotherapy it has more plausibility than the psycho-analytical position, if only because it at least pre-supposes an organic basis to the inferiority feelings. Nevertheless, its claims to correct a "faulty attitude to the problems of life" seem to me to be more securely founded than its attempts to cure functional disorders as the outcome of this faulty attitude.

For Adler's position, like Freud's, has to be cleared of the suspicion that long-standing dysfunction of some sort may not have been the ultimate cause of a "faulty attitude to the problems of life".

In Jung, Freud's libido, from being purely sexual, becomes psychic energy in general, 2 expressing itself in desire, instinct and function. In the listless person, who turns away from life, the libido has turned inwards, satisfying itself upon fantasies. A man's psyche consists of persona and anima, the former being in contact with the external, and the latter with internal reality. The psyche has four activities — thinking, feeling, sensation and intuition. And everyone belongs to one of four different types, according to the predominance of one activity in him or her, and further according to what Jung terms the extraverted or introverted tendency of each activity. So that in all we get eight types.

"But every individual possesses both mechanisms — extraversion as well as introversion, and only the relative predominance of the one or the other determines the type." Thus Jung adds: "A typical attitude always signifies the merely relative predominance of one mechanism." 3

1 P.T.D.I., pp. 25, 35. Thus Dr. Franz Alexander of Chicago, says: "Every neurosis, no matter whether it is expressed merely by psychic processes or by bodily disturbances of functional nature, is the result of a defect of the individual in his psychic relation to the environment, in his foreign politics." (J.A.M.A., 18.2.33, p. 473.)
2. P.T., p. 571.
3 Ibid, pp. 10–13.


What does Jung mean by extraversion and introversion?

He says: "When the orientation to the object and to objective facts is so predominant that the most frequent and essential decisions and reactions are determined, not by subjective values, but by objective relations, one speaks of an extraverted type". Such a man's "inner life succumbs to the external necessity, not of course without a struggle, which, however, always ends in favour of the objective determinant. His entire consciousness looks outward to the world, because the important and decisive determination always comes to him from without". But this it does only because he expects it to. 1 Thus the extravert "owes his normality to his ability to fit into existing conditions with relative ease." 2

"Introversion," on the other hand, "means a turning inwards of the libido, whereby a negative relation of subject to object is expressed. Interest does not move towards the object, but recedes towards the subject. Everyone whose attitude is introverted thinks, feels, and acts in a way that clearly demonstrates that the subject is the chief factor of motivation while the object at most receives only a secondary value." 3

Thus the extravert constantly feels urged "to spread and propagate himself in every way, and, on the other hand, the tendency of the introvert" is "to defend himself against external claims, to conserve himself from any expenditure of energy directly related to the object, thus consolidating for himself the most secure and impregnable position." 4

Jung says his eight types are to be found in all classes, and in both sexes. 5 To make the matter clearer, let us take as an example the extraverted feeling type in woman. He says feeling "is a more obvious peculiarity of feminine psychology than thinking", and that"the most pronounced feeling types are also to be found among women". This type reveals herself in her love match. She tends to love, not the man who is fundamentally most like her in inner life, habits of thought and secret feeling, but him who is her most perfect counterpart in social standing, in the age-relationship, in practical capacity, in relative height, family respectability, and so on. 6

"Such women are good comrades and excellent mothers", provided that both husband and children "possess the con-

1 Ibid, p. 417.
2 Ibid, p. 419, also p. 542.
3 Ibid, p. 34.
4 Ibid, p. 414.
5 Ibid, p. 413.
6 Ibid, pp. 448–449.


ventional psychic constitution". Their instinct tells them, however, that they can feel correctly and conventionally only "if feeling is disturbed by nothing else. But nothing disturbs feeling so much as thinking". Hence this type "represses thinking as much as possible." 1

This is also true of the male feeling-extravert.

The introverted feeling type would attach far greater importance to the inner life of her mate, and its suitability to her own inner life, and would care less about his correctness. The male would act similarly. "The emotional life of the introvert," says Jung, "is generally his weak side; it is not absolutely trustworthy. He deceives himself about it; others also are deceived and disappointed in him, when they rely exclusively upon his affectivity. His mind is more reliable because more adapted. His affect is too close to sheer untamed nature." 2

The introverted thinking type, of which Kant is, according to Jung, a normal, and Nietzsche an abnormal example, is chiefly characterized by his subjectivation of consciousness.

He usually displays a lack in practical ability. If he appreciates what he produces as correct and true, he does not try to convert people to his view, they have simply got to bow to its truth. He has an awkward relationship with his colleagues, and does not know how to win their favour, and "as a rule only succeeds in showing them how entirely superfluous they are to him". He is more subject to misunderstanding than the extraverted thinker, because "the style of the epoch in which he himself participates is against him". If he tries, as he now must, to adapt himself to the correct prevailing orientation "with its almost exclusive acknowledgment of the visible and the tangible", he undermines his own foundations, and tends, I take it, to become neurotic. 3

Thus Jung classes Darwin among the extraverted, and Kant and Nietzsche among the introverted thinking types — Darwin turning to the outside world of fact, and basing his thesis on objective data, and Kant turning to contemplation and meditation, and basing his thesis on the logical necessities of rationalism. 4

It is impossible to give an adequate survey of Jung's profound and highly complex work, with all its reservations, subtle differentiations, etc. 5

1 Ibid p. 449.
2 Ibid, p. 195.
3 Ibid, pp. 477–497.
4 Ibid, pp. 477–484.
5 See a useful summary of Jung's teaching in the MED. PRESS, 11th and 18th of January, 1933, by Dr. Hankin. Miss Joan Corrie's A.B.C. OF JUNG'S PSYCHOLOGY (London, 1927) is also useful.


The question is, does Jung's classification serve a useful purpose?

I think it does. But I also think that he and others are inclined to make too much of it. I believe the two fundamental types exist and that they run through all classes and both sexes. But are the manifold distinctions helpful?

I will try to put the matter simply.

There are men and women who, like moderately sensitized photographic plates, require long exposure before they take in the outside world. And since long exposure means long attention directed to the object — the outside world — such men and women may be regarded as objectively orientated (extraverted).

Conversely, there are men and women who, like very highly sensitized photographic plates, not only require snap exposures, but also feel even these short snap exposures as stabs and wounds, because they are so sensitive. And since short exposure and even reluctance to be exposed, means scant attention directed on the object — the outside world — these people may be said to be subjectively orientated (introverted).

We have, therefore, in the first place, men and women (and undoubtedly they are numerous) who, moderately sensitized, and habitually requiring long exposure, are more or less eagerly attentive to the outside world. Their libido, therefore, becomes directed outwards, whether in feeling, thinking, sensation or intuition. Their attention is not directed preponderatingly inwards, because, if it were, their true adaptation to the outside world, which is one of long exposure, would be interfered with. They would not be able to attend.

Secondly, we have men and women (also numerous) who, very highly sensitized and habitually requiring only the most rapid exposure before complete sensitization (amounting almost to pain in the morbid cases) are inclined to shun the outside world, and perforce to turn their attention inwards. Their libido, therefore, becomes directed preponderatingly inwards, whether in feeling, thinking, sensation or intuition, often out of sheer self-protection, and their attention follows suit; because if it did not they would interfere with their mechanisms for rapid exposure. If they exposed themselves or attended to the outside world as long as the extraverts, they would become, as it were, over-exposed (to abide by the analogy), i.e. confused, blurred, over-printed, and thus lose their clarity (sanity), and their personality. It is these people who are, as Professor Stockard puts it, "most constantly under nervous control". 1 They belong, as we shall see, to his "linear" type, and they are obliged constantly to keep themselves under nervous control, because otherwise, owing to their sensitiveness, their rapid and violent reactions would turn them into animated automata, self-revelatory and will-less, and able to do nothing all day except to react — hence the appalling results in insanity, nervous breakdowns, and such disorders as paralysis ag.tans, which overtake this type when it is unable to exercise the requisite nervous control.

In this form, I hope Jung's classification is seen to be both real and useful, and that mixed types are recognized as possible. For instance, a man may be highly sensitive to one order of impressions, i.e. introverted regarding these — and of low or slow sensitiveness to another order, i.e. extraverted regarding that order.

Confirmation of my reading of Jung's meaning is to be found in at least two quarters, if not more.

Dr. F. G. Crookshank, for instance, a great authority on human types, classified the introverts among the asthenics, the schizophrenes, the linear and thyroidal types, 2 which, as we shall see, are the leptosomes of Weidenreich, i.e. the thin, nervous people, in whom the skin lies close to the muscles and viscera, without any fatty insulation, and who are consequently fitted to receive rapid impressions.

He also classified the extraverts among the pyknics, the laterals, the hypothyroidal and the manic-depressives, 3 which, as we shall see, are the eurysomes of Weidenreich, i.e. those people who tend to be protected by adipose insulation, and therefore designed tor slower impressions.

Dr. Emanuel Miller, too, places the extraverts among Kretschmer's syntonics, 4 which, as we know, are a subdivision of the pyknics. Implicitly, therefore, he too places the introverts among the asthenics.

There is, thus, some warrant for my analogy and for the conclusions drawn from it. 5

1 See Note 3, p. 247 supra.
2 THE MONGOL IN OUR MIDST (London, 1931), pp. 458–459
3 Ibid.
4 T.M.B., p. 83.
5 Independent light is also shed on the question by Dr. Christopher Howard, who asks: "Is it better for the progress of the human race that men should die from fatty infiltration of the myocardium between the sixth and seventh decades of life, or that to obviate (his, numbers of human beings should be deprived of fat insulation and as a consequence suffer from such modern complaints as neurasthenia and lack of emotional balance?" And he adds: "When I am fat I can face the blows of fortune with comparative equanimity, but when I diet myself and lose weight, the necessary pin-pricks of daily life become fraught with almost mortal significance." (LANCET, 2.12.33, p. 1290.)


To sum up this section, we have found:—

(a) The unconscious can mould the individual's life, and when its repressed material leads to "a faulty attitude to life's problems" it may help to create abnormal behaviour, neuroses and psychoses. And, unless the adult can abandon a childish adaptation to life and bravely face the world realistically, his complexes may interfere with normal relationships to his fellows, and alienate him from society.

It is unlikely, however, that these results will supervene, or that abnormal functioning of any organ will follow from psychogenic origins alone. It seems more probable that, as a rule psycho-physical aberrations occur only in people with a long history of dysfunction, the cause of which may be obscure.

To reply to this that children can display neuroses is not effective, because they, too, may have relatively long histories of dysfunction.

(b) Though it may be sound to deny a purely psychogenic origin to neuroses, etc., this does not mean that so-called healthy and normal people may not have their lives coloured and influenced by the unconscious, because the latter invariably does exercise such an influence. The healthy youth with the claustrophobia complex, for instance, may show a predilection tor life out of doors, just as the healthy girl with the castration complex (i.e. a repressed horror at having been deprived of the male's external genitalia) may invariably display timidity (quite distinct from prudery) about exposing her person even to females. But from these signs of an unconscious influence, to the display of neuroses, psychoses and organic dysfunction, is a far cry, and we must be on our guard against concluding with Philippe Mairet that "There is no perfectly healthy mind". 1

(b) We have seen that the inferiority complex may lead to asocial conduct and a refusal to co-operate. In this case Adler changes the life-style to restore the capacity for co-operation, and by one stroke a mischievous influence is removed and a good citizen gained. But in this book we are less concerned with the therapy of the new psychology than with its characterology. And in the sequel we shall find Adler's insistence on inferiority feelings is most important in regard to the choice of a mate, even when they do not lead to definitely unhealthy conditions.

1 Op. cit., p. 35.


The fact that Jung himself, however, seems to associate inferiority feelings with his introverted type, 1 shows us that there is a possible correlation between hypersensitiveness and the inferiority complex, and that when hypersensitiveness is morbid this complex may work havoc with a life. But I suggest that the root of the trouble is the cause of the hypersensitiveness. This psycho-physical abnormality requires curing, and no amount of changes in the life-style can help without this initial correction.

(d) Finally we have seen Jung's theory of types, and the importance of distinguishing the introvert from the extravert and of recognizing the physical characters of each. The whole key to this problem will not be held, however, until we discuss the matter of human types below.

8. There is the approach from environment, which attempts to portray a person from the dints, dents, abrasions, or other impressions, ambient conditions have made upon him. This school, to which Dr. Emil Utitz belongs, aims at denning disposition and character in terms of environmental influences. It claims that personality is not all initial endowment. Thus similar physiological traits may indicate different mental attitudes, according to whether they are found in adverse or favourable conditions, etc. Environment need not change the fundamentals in a person, but by picking out, or stimulating, specific traits, it develops peculiar characteristics by provoking persistent similar reactions. Presumably it leaves the other traits dormant or rudimentary. In this way the influence of environment may conflict with the findings of a codified physiognomy and render it invalid. Against this school, however, there is the damaging evidence collected from the study of identical or similar twins by men like Galton, Professor Thorndyke, Nathaniel David Mttron Hirsch, I. Muller, H. H. Newman, J. Lange and Professor Merriman. The results of their work go to show how comparatively small the influence of environment really is, and how paramount is initial endowment in determining the personality and destiny of a human being. Dr. Hirsch, for instance, studied 58 pairs of dissimilar twins living in a similar environment, 38 pairs of similar twins living in a similar environment, and 12 pairs of similar twins living apart. And he concluded as follows: "Neither the extreme hereditist nor the extreme environmentalist

1 P.T., p. 119.


is correct, but the contribution of heredity is several times as important as that of environment." 1

Galton, who examined an extensive material, wrote: "There is no escape from the conclusion that nature prevails enormously over nurture when the differences of nurture do not exceed what is commonly to be found among persons of the same rank of a society and in the same country", 2 The work of Heape, Castle and Phillips, Speman, O. Mangold, Stone, and R. G. Harrison, on transplanted fertilized ova and on transplanted ovaries, also adduced results most damaging to the environmentalist's case. Speaking of these experiments, Stockard says: "The results would seem to mean, in the first place, that no organic environment yet employed has the power to alter the specific characteristics of the somatic cells." 3

9. There is the approach from heredity, so ably represented by Dr. H. Hoffman, which attempts a description of a creature on the basis of his family germ-plasm, and the association of definite characterological and physical traits with specific genes. By this method the psycho-physical structure of each individual child, preferably of a large family, can be observed in relation to that of each parent, and by a study of the various combinations and permutations of the parental traits in each child, certain physical and character elements can be isolated and thus furnish, as it were, the pieces in a family jig-saw puzzle. For this method, however, as Dr. Hoffmann admits, large families are essential; for the more extensive the material the more fruitful the results, The method, though endowed with certain novel features by Hoffmann, is really as old as the hills. It is a very reliable method of estimating the stock value of an individual, as apart from his individuality, and is involved in applying the Rose-among-Thorns and the Black-Sheep rules formulated above. See pages 162–163 supra.

10. There is the approach of the Scientific Expressionists. This dates from Aristotle and his attempt to correlate animal types and their associated mental attributes with human beings reminiscent of them in general expression. Lavater, part of whose Essay on Physiognomy, particularly where it dealt with skull-

1 TWINS (Heredity and Environment), Harvard Univ. Press, 1930, p. 147. See also pp. 244–245 supra.
2 I.H.F., History of Twins. See also J.A.M.A. (24.8.29) for a good report of the work of H. H. Newman and Johannes Lange.
3 P.B.P., p. 198.


conformation, Goethe claimed to have inspired, 1 tried an elaboration of this idea. 2

The method of the scientific expressionists is both plausible and convincing. It attempts by a simple classification to associate certain moulds of countenance with desirable or undesirable mental traits, according to their origin in benevolent or malevolent expression.

Except for Lavater, Edmund Burke was probably the first modern who saw in expression the formative agency of features. In a short note on Physiognomy he said: "The manners give a certain determination to the countenance, which, being observed to correspond pretty regularly with them, is capable of joining the effect of certain agreeable qualities of the mind and those of the body." 3

Schiller came next with his essay on the CONNEXION BETWEEN MAN'S ANIMAL AND INTELLECTUAL NATURE. Here he emphasizes the intimate relation between states of the body and the mind, in illness, and in the display of emotion, showing how the very motions of the body harmonise with the emotion of the soul. 4

Then he proceeds: "Should the emotions, which sympathetically provoke these movements in the organism, be frequently renewed, should the peculiar reactions of the soul become habitual, then so too will the corresponding movements of the body. And if the emotions become perfected into lasting characters, then the corresponding features of the organism become more deeply engraved on its surface, and remain, if I may borrow a word from the pathologists, deuteropathically behind and finally become organic."

Thus Schiller wisely concludes: "A physiognomy of particular organic parts, dealing, for instance, with the shape and size of the nose, of the eyes, the mouth, the cars, etc., the colour of the hair, the length of the neck, etc., may not perhaps be impossible, but it is unlikely to be warranted at least for the present, no matter through how many quarto volumes Lavater may care to rhapsodise." 5

Schopenhauer, a few years later, said much the same thing, but made this extra point — that the claim that expression is feature in the making, is proved by the fact that "intellectual races only become so gradually, and really reach the maximum

1 E.G.G., Part II, 17.2.1829.
2 Op. cit., pp. 207–244.
3 THE SUBLIME AND BEAUTIFUL (Oxford, 1796, pp. 127–128).
4 Op. cit., X, pp. 25, 35–36, 39–40.
5 Ibid., pp. 40–41.


of intelligent expression only in old age, whereas youthful portraits of the same people reveal only faint traces of it." 1

Georg Christoph Lichtenberg says with reference to intelligence in a face: "People who are very much older than they appear are very rarely intelligent; and, contrariwise, those who look old and are really young are people who are approaching the intelligence of age." 2

I doubt, however, whether this could be successfully maintained; for premature age in a face may result from so many influences quite remote from intelligence — dissiptation, vice, illness, suffering, etc. — that the youthful old person, far from being necessarily stupid, may be simply unusually sober, chaste, etc.

The greatest of this school of thought is undoubtedly Herbert Spencer, who argued very cogently in favour of the view that expression is feature in the making.

He asks, "If expression means something," may we not say, "the form of feature produced by it means something"? 3

He then gives examples "in which the connexion between organic ugliness and mental inferiority, and the converse connexion between organic beauty and comparative perfection of mind, are distinctly traceable ". For instance, he shows the reasons for the relationship between a projecting lower jaw and a certain inferiority of nature, and compares the orthognathous profile of the higher races favourably with the prognathous profile of the savage. He argues in the same way about the projecting cheek bones of inferior races, their wide-spread to the nose, their greater width between the eyes, and unduly large mouths — " indeed all those leading peculiarities of feature which are by general consent called ugly." 4

"When we remember," he says, "that the variations of feature constituting expression are confessedly significant of character — when we remember that these tend by repetition to organise themselves, to affect not only the skin and muscles but the bones of the face, and to be transmitted to offspring — when we thus find that there is a psychological meaning alike in each passing adjustment of the features, in the marks that habitual adjustments leave, in the marks inherited from ancestors, and in those main outlines of the facial bones and integuments indicating the type

1 P.P., II, Chap. XXIX.
2 AUSGEWÄHLTE SCHRIFTEN (Stuttgart, 1893, p. 110).
3 P.B., p. 388.
4 Ibid., pp. 388–391.


or sex; are we not almost forced to the conclusion that all forms of feature are related to forms of mind, and that we consider them admirable or otherwise, according as the traits of nature they imply are admirable or otherwise?"

And he expresses his own conviction in the formula: "The saying that beauty is skin-deep is but a skin-deep saying." 1 It is a convincing and notable contribution to the subject, and should be read in full.

Dr. Mantegazza claims that it is always possible to formulate from a face certain judgments on its owner's: (1) state of health, (2) degree of beauty or ugliness, (3) moral worth, (4) intellectual worth, (5) race. 2

Mantegazza showed his pupils a series of photographs and found that their judgments upon them agreed more regarding the moral than the intellectual qualities of each face. He adds: "Feelings leave a more profound and characteristic trace on our faces than thought ". Then he explains that we more readily read the moral than the intellectual value of a face, "because, from our earliest childhood we have directed our observations m this way; for nothing is more important to us than to learn what we may expect of evil or good from a man or woman whom we approach." 3

Mantegazza gives a list of signs, in accordance with the actual state of the sciences, for determining intelligence and stupidity in faces, which, owing to his excessive scepticism and caution, is all the more valuable:—

"Anatomical Character of,
The Intelligent Face / The Stupid Face


Large head, beautifully oval. Wide, high and prominent forehead. 4 Eyes large rather than small. Ears small, or medium and beautiful. Face small and not very muscular. Not very prominent jaws. Large and prominent chin. / Small head and very irregular. Narrow, retreating, smooth forehead. Eyes rather small. Large and ugly ears. Large and very muscular face. Prominent jaws. Retreating and small chim." 5


He adds: "The maximum of will nearly always corresponds

1 Ibid., pp. 392–394.
2 P.E., p. 261.
3 Ibid., pp. 262–264. See, however, P.P., II. Chap. XXIX: "It is much easier to discover by physiognomical means the intellectual capacities of a man than his moral character; for the former are much more prone to outward expression."
4 We have seen the partial error of this.
5 P.E., p. 288.


to this expressive formula — a large chin, thrown forward, and mouth closed.

"On the contrary, flaccid will is represented by a small retreating chin, an opened or half-opened mouth." 1

Knight Dunlap, also largely an expressionist, others some confirmation of one or two of Mantegazza's claims. He says, for instance: "On the whole, the development of the chin is concomitant with the development of thought, and hence, in races or large groups, an index of mental development", owing to the connexion between the chin and the tongue, the instrument of language, and between language and thought. 2

He also points out that "The activity of the facial muscles expresses the mental and still more the emotional activity of the individual in a plain way." 3

Finally, we come to Dr. Theodor Piderit, one of the most careful and enlightening of the nineteenth-century writers on physiognomy as the outcome of expression.

He states his fundamental principle as follows: "We can expect to find reliable phsyiognomical characters only in those parts which lie under the influence of the spiritual activities. These parts are the muscles and above all the numerous mobile muscles of the face." 4

I cannot now repeat the cogent arguments with which he supports his thesis, but his observations seem, on the whole, to be sound. About eyes, he says:—

"When a person habitually, and without any physical cause, looks tired and sleepy, one may infer mental indolence and poverty of thought."

"When a person habitually, and without any particular cause, displays a quick lively look, i.e. when the eyeballs habitually move quickly, a lively and alert intellect may be inferred."

"When a person shows a tendency to gaze fixedly and steadily, i.e. when the muscles of the eye possess a peculiarly rigid quality, energy in action and thought may be inferred." 5

Referring to vertical wrinkles on the brow, over the root of the nose, he says:—

"When, in a face, these are prominent, we may infer that the subject has frequent and prolonged fits of bad humour or temper. The causes of these lines may be external or internal. That is why we find these vertical wrinkles in:—

1 Ibid., p. 290.
2 P.B.R.B., pp. 30–32.
3 Ibid., pp. 44–45.
4 M.P., p. 200.
5 Ibid., p. 207.


"A. People who have been exposed to great vicissitudes and misfortunes, or painful illness.

"B. People who are easily depressed, or put out, i.e. peevish, sulky and choleric people.

"C. People who are keen thinkers, or whose thinking, though keen and earnest, habitually leads to no satisfactory results.

"D. People with sensitive eyes.

"E. People with myopia.

"F. People whose lives compel them to frown, i.e. who have to face the glow of a furnace, or what not, such as stokers, iron-smokers, blacksmiths, sailors, fisherfolk, agricultural labourers." 1

Referring again to the eyes, he says: "The significance of the drowsily drooping eyelid is the reverse of that of the raised eyelid. Indifferent, apathetic (callous) and indolent people may be known by the fact that a considerable portion of the cornea is concealed by the upper lid." 2 On the other hand, open eyes mean an open heart and nature.

Dr. Piderit associates horizontal wrinkles on the brow with:—

"(a) Inquisitive and eager people, 3 who like to be astonished and hear new and astonishing facts, and who, anxious to hear something interesting, go about inquiringly, questioningly, and with ears agog.

"(b) Contemplative people, who habitually concentrate their attention on definite objects for a long time at a stretch."

Horizontal forehead wrinkles with drowsily drooping eyelids, he says, "indicate intellectual limitedness".

Moist brilliance of the eye characterizes enthusiastic and emotional people who are easily moved.

A dry, gleaming eye characterizes cold rational natures.

Lack-lustre eyes may mean sorrow, care, dissipation or illness, but most often indigestion.

He says "the fact that men of great intellect possess bright, radiant eyes is well known. Luther, Frederick the Great and Napoleon had unusually bright eyes."

Finally, he says that the mouth that looks as if it were tasting

1 Ibid., pp. 214–217. On p. 215 he states on the authority of P. Lindau, that in the police records of Berlin a high percentage of the criminals reveal these vertical wrinkles.
2 Ibid., p. 222.
3 Ibid., p. 220.


wine or tea — Nero's and Jean Paul Richter's, for instance — denotes gastronomical sensuality. 1

I have quoted the above, because there is much t-o be said tor the expressionist's approach to physiognomy, and because the logic and careful observation displayed by Dr. Piderit make his conclusions peculiarly valuable. 2

11. The approach from Ethnology and Anthropology. This could be elaborated to produce interesting results, but it concerns the domain rather of world politics and international mating, than of infra-national mating as advocated in this book. Accept the precept, "Marry your like", and most of the findings of ethnologic anthropology become, from the standpoint of mating, quite irrelevant. Nevertheless, as it deals with the origins and characters of the races of Europe and the British Isles, it is important, and must be considered.

Our principal questions are: (a) How much is race still recognizable in Europe and the British Isles? (b) How is it recognizable? and (c) What qualities of mind are associated with particular races?

(a) As I have already stated, Europe contains three principal races — the Mediterranean, the Teutonic and the Alpine — and the population of the British Isles is a compound of the first two (with whole areas of more or less pure representatives of each) without any Alpine. 3

(b) Roughly, the characteristics of the three races are:— 4

Race. / Head. / Face. / Hair. / Eyes. / Stature. / Nose.
Teutonic, Germanic or Nordic / Long / Long / Very Light / Blue / Tall Narrow
Aquiline
Alpine, Sarmation, or Arvernian / Round / Round / Light Chestnut / Hazel Grey / Medium Stocky / Variable rather broad and heavy
Mediterranean, Iberian, Ligurian, or Euskarian / Long / Long / Dark brown, or black / Dark / Medium Slender / Rather broad


1 Ibid., pp. 223–234.
2 Two other important works, Darwin's THE EXPRESSION OF THE EMOTIONS IN MAN AND ANIMALS, and Dr. Francis Warner's PHYSICAL EXPRESSION, have not been used, because they repudiate any attempt at correlating mould or cast of features with mental traits, and are concerned only with the mental states causing particular expressions.
3 R.E, p. 365.
4 Ibid., p. 121. Merely based on Ripley, not an exact copy of his table.
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Re: The Choice of a Mate, by Anthony M. Ludovici

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Part 3 of 3

The first race is "entirely restricted to north-western Europe, with a centre of dispersion in Scandanavia", while "each of the other types extends beyond the confines of the continent, one into Asia, and the other into Africa", and the Alpine race "constitutes a full half of the present populations of every state of Middle Western Europe", i.e. "France, Belgium, Italy and Germany". 1 It is probable that this broad-headed Alpine race constitutes an immigration from the East. 2

Although tallness is not always associated with blondness, 3 the blond, or Teutonic race, does tend to tallness. 4 If Dr. Beddoe is right, and hair colour "is so nearly permanent in races of men as to be fairly trustworthy evidence in the matter of ethnical descent", blondness is an indication of Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian ancestry, particularly as "the greater part of the blond population of modern Britain — or, at all events of the eastern parts — derive their ancestry from the Anglo-Saxons and Scandinavians". 5 The tall blond of the Teutonic race also has as a distinctive feature a "prominent and narrow nose". Ripley says, ct the association of a tall stature with a narrow nose is so close as to point to a law". 6 The race has also a more athletic and coarser skeleton than the Mediterranean, and the rufous type is only a variant of it. 7 Professor Fleure hints that red hair may be the result of inter-crossing; but he says, "this requires much more study". 8

If then we add blue eyes, a fresh complexion and a long head, 9 we have a fair idea of the appearance of the type.

The Mediterranean race, of which Professor Sergi says, "it is morphologically the finest brunet race which has appeared in Europe", 10 is described by Professor Elliot Smith as follows: "long-headed brunets of small stature, glabrous, and with scanty facial hair, except for a chin-tuft; with bodies of slender habit . . . the eyebrow ridges are poorly developed or absent; the forehead is narrow, vertical, smooth, and often slightly bulging. . . . The cheeks are narrow, and their bony supports flattened laterally. The nose is only moderately developed: it is small,

1 Ibid, pp. 121 and 365. (I omit a description of the Alpine race as not relevant).
2 Ibid, pp. 473–474. Prof. Elliot Smith says "their home was certainly Asia" (A.E., p. 68).
3 R.E., pp. 106–107.
4 Miss Fleming found tallness commoner in English than in Welsh boys. (S.G.D., p. 58.)
5 R.O.B., p. 268.
6 R.E., p. 122.
7 Ibid, pp. 206 and 321.
8 R.E.W., p. 104.
9 R.E., p. 467 and elsewhere.
10 M.R., p. 34.


and relatively broad and flattened at its bridge. The chin is pointed and the jaw very feebly built. The face as a whole is short and narrow: it is ovoid in form and straight. . . . The teeth are of moderate size or small. The whole structure is of slight and mild build". 1

Where this type is round with blue eyes, as in the Breton peasantry and the Irish, Ripley says it is the result of a cross. "The opposite combination," he declares, "— that is to say, of dark eyes with light hair, is very uncommon . . . in the British Isles. The normal association resulting . . . from a blond cross with a primitive dark race is of brownish hair and gray or bluish eyes." 2

(c) As regards the long head of both the dark and fair races of Great Britian, 3 it is strange that this should appear to be more a male than a female feature (as if a further development of the head after growth had stopped in the female) and also that it should be a character of two races which have shown such marked superiority in the world. As it also belongs to backward races like the Negroes, Papuans and Australians, it cannot be a specific sign of superiority; but, within the British Isles, variations in head length appear to have a certain significance, for Dr. Venn has shown "that at Cambridge the first-class men have proportionately longer as well as more capacious heads than the rest of students." 4 On the other hand, the Mediterranean race seems to prevail and nourish more in cities than in rural districts, 5 and, strange to say, to reappear more frequently in females than in males. 6 Ethnologists give various reasons for these two facts. The first. Dr. Beddoe suggests, is due "to the perpetual immigration of dark-complexioned foreigners", and also to the fact that "blond children" are "often more difficult to rear amid the many unfavourable influences that accompany city life", while

1 A.E., p. 65. See also R.E.W., p. 76, for confirmation.
2 R.E., p. 64.
3 Ibid, p. 305. Hence the fact that "the cranial type in the British Isles is practically uniform from end to end."
4 A.H.E., p. 185. See, however, R.U.K., pp. 140–146, where brachycephalic head is classed as superior (though only in Germany). J. Deniker thinks it matters not, from the standpoint of mental superiority or inferiority, whether one is dolicho or brachycephalic. (R.O.M., p. 76.)
5 A.H.E., p. 178. R.E., pp. 555–559. See also R.E., p. 70: brunetness "holds its own more persistently over the whole of Europe than the lighter characteristics."
6 R.E., p. 322. See, however, Hrdlicka: THE OLD AMERICANS (Baltimore, 1925, pp. 27–28), who found "women show more blondes than men".


there is constant elimination of blonds through migration. 1

Ripley, on the other hand, argues that "it is not improbable that there is in brunetness, in the dark hair and eye, some indication of vital superiority". And he adduces much evidence in favour of this view. 2

We shall see, in a moment, however, that Miss Fleming offers another possible reason, and that is the taste of either race — the fair preferring life away from, and the dark preferring life in, cities. This would be in accordance with the statements of the ancient historians who declare that the Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian peoples loathed cities. 3

Dr. Shrubsall has said there is an adverse selection against blonds in towns, owing to the fact that"blond children in towns suffer more from rheumatism and throat affections than those of dark complexion." 4

This view seems to be widely held. Lord Horder, for instance, has recently said, "Why is the rheumatic child par excellence, a blonde, and why so often a rufous blonde?" 5 Dr. J. S. Mackintosh explains the alleged fact by showing that the natural habitat of the blond is utterly different from any city. 6 These conclusions have, however, been contested recently as the result of a study of 1212 asthmatic and rheumatic urban children, reported on by Dr. Matthew Young. Among the findings, we read: "There is no evidence . . . of any special predilection of rheumatism for the blond type as has been alleged by Shrubsall. . . . The rheumatic children do not differ from the normal, but both the asthmatic boys and girls show a relatively greater excess of the blonde-haired type, and a greater deficiency in the dark-haired as compared with the normal than might be expected to occur as a chance variation." 7

Thus there would appear to be adverse selection against blonds in cities, only owing to chest complaints. We must assume, therefore that emigration, peculiar tastes, a certain vital superiority and sexual and other forms of selection, are the cause of the increase in brunetness, and here we seem to have definite evidence.

Dr. Beddoe suggests three possible causes — conjugal selection

1 A.H.E., pp. 181–182.
2 R.E., p.. 557–559. See also note 3, p. 328 infra.
3 See Stubbs (op. cit., p. 34 and elsewhere).
4 A.H.E., p. 182.
5 B.M.J., 9.12.33, p. 1059.
6 Ibid, 30.12.33, p. 1232.
7 JOURN. OF HYGIENE, Nov., 1933, XXXIII, No. 4, pp. 456, 461.


(men prefer brunettes), selection through disease, and "the relative increase of the darker types through the more rapid multiplication of the artizan class, who are in England generally darker than the upper classes " 1

Mr. Finck agrees that "cupid favours brunettes", because "the brunette complexion, in a word, suggests to the mind the idea of stored-up sunshine, i.e. health, and as health is what primarily attracts cupid, 2 this, combined with the taste for delicate tints and veiled blushes, partly accounts for the preference for the dark type." 3

Was not Schopenhauer perhaps right, therefore, when, without, as far as I know, any knowledge of the tendency of brunetness to increase in Europe, or of the primitiveness of the dark race, 4 he said: "In the love of the sexes, nature strives after dark and brown eyes as the original type"? 5 He had remarkable flashes of vision, and this seems to have been one of them.

All these facts point indirectly to the mental and temperamental characteristics of the two races; but a few further details may be added.

An examination of the University women of the Eastern States of America, for instance, by Dr. Macdonald, revealed that blondes were less sensitive to pain than brunettes. This apparently accords with Miss Carmon's study of school children in Michigan. In general it was found that "the blondes were physically inferior to the brunettes", which would mean that they were also intellectually inferior. We should, however, remember that the blonde type is nowhere indigenous in America, and therefore reckon with probable maladaptation.

Dr. Macdonaid also found the dolichocephalic less sensitive to pain than the brachycephalic, and women more sensitive than men. This last finding accords with Dr. Macdonald's results regarding Washington school children. 6

In his examination of 4000 boys and girls. Professor Karl Pearson found no sign of differentiation in athletic power between fair, brown or dark-haired children, but "some sign of increased athletic power in the red-haired". And he concludes: "The red-haired are slightly more and the blue-eyed very slightly less athletic". 7

"Fair, brown, or dark to jet-black hair," he discovered, "has

1 R.O.P., p. 270.
2 Not in over-Christianized countries, Mr. Finck!
3 R.L.P.B., II, p. 381.
4 R.E., p. 466: "It would seem as if the earliest race in Europe must have been very dark."
5 W.W.V, II, Chap. 44.
6 P.S.M., pp. 39–40.
7 O.R.H.P., p. 31.


no influence on either girls or boys, but red-haired boys are remarkably popular, and red-haired girls have the same tendency, although in a much less degree". He also found that children with more pigment are slightly healthier. 1

Miss R. M. Fleming, in her study of 2219 boys and 2073 girls, found in Group Ia, containing children with dark eyes, dark hair and long heads, that "the interests and abilities of the group are æsthetic rather than analytical", that their literary and linguistic record was good, and that they seldom enjoy or excel at mathematics and science. Not many of them showed preference for strenuous physical exercise; but they loved country walks and country life. They were not of the class of "climbers". 2

Among the girls of this group, menstruation was early (11 to 15 years, usually before 15), and the number of those who showed a preference for domestic occupations was greater than in Group Ib.

Group Ib contained boys and girls with long heads, blue or light eyes, fair hair and fair skin.

This group showed a marked preference for athletics and out-door sports, much less ability for music, more ambition and organizing ability, less interest in æsthetics and literature (except tales of travel and adventure) and in the boys much more inclination to think out a future career than in Group la.

Menstruation in the girls came later (14 and 15 years) and fewer girls expressed a preference for domestic occupations than in la, 61.4 per cent expressed a preference for games and physical exercise.

In all the female children "the onset of puberty certainly checked enthusiasm for games". 3

If earlier onset of puberty in dark girls is a sign of greater sexual vigour. Miss Fleming's findings are confirmed by various authorities. Dr. Scheuer, on the authority of Dr. Heyn's statistics, claims that dark-haired women are sexually more vigorous than fair-haired. And, on the authority of Dr. Aschner, who held that pigmentation is one of the most fundamental criteria of constitution, he states that frigidity is much more widespread among blondes than brunettes, and that this confirms an old popular belief that fair hair and blue eyes indicate a minus, and dark hair and eyes a plus of primitive sensuality. 4

1 Ibid, pp. 38–42 and 48. For characteristics of popular child, see p. 259 supra.
2 S.G.D., pp. 66, 71–72.
3 Ibid, pp. 68–69, 72–73.
4 B.D.M., p. 26. Marian also believes blondes prone to early menopause and sub-parity of menstrual flow. (S.P.W., p. 188.) Kisch (S.L.W., p. 45) says: "The opinion is general that in girls with black hair, dark eyes, thick skin and dark complexion, menstruation begins earlier than in blondes."


If this is so, it accounts for Schopenhauer's views on dark women, quoted above, and for the fact that "cupid favours brunettes".

Various other authorities are mentioned by Scheuer for his point of view, among whom Drs. Rothe and Bergh found hypotrichosis of the pubis (scanty pubic hair), which is also associated with low sexuality, commoner among blondes than brunettes. 1

Dr. Anton Schücker, in a learned monograph, also shows that the more strongly Nordic elements are represented in a people, the more powerful is the movement for feminine emancipation, which, he argues, stands for hostility to man and feminine careers away from domesticity and motherhood, both of which argue a minus of sexual vigour. 2

Dr. Pende, of Genoa, has also recently investigated this question. Among five races of Italian women, he found the Mediterranean, Alpine and Adriatic types, who are dark, much more fertile than the Nordic and the East Baltic, who are fair. Among the former, 85 per cent: were hyperfecund or normal. Among the latter, 68 per cent were either infecund or of low grade fecundity. He also found that 66 per cent of the Mediterranean stock were robust and sthenic, whereas among the blondes only 35 per cent were so. 3

On the other hand. Dr. Bolk "shows that in Holland blondes on the average begin to menstruate two months earlier than brunettes." 4

Ripley makes a point which may indicate greater sexual ardour in the dark than the fair. He says that in France divorce is much more common among people of Teutonic than or Alpine or Mediterranean stock. 5 If ardent sensibilities mean endurance of passion, this would argue a plus in the dark races. If, on the other hand, a strong and irrepressible sexual appetite means conjugal infidelity, the conclusion would be different.

An eighteenth-century poet, Lebrun, says of eyes: "Les noirs prouvent un cœur plus vif, mais plus léger; les bleus un cœur plus tendre et moins prompt à changer. Les yeux noirs savent mieux conquerir

1 B.D.M., pp. 68–69.
2 Z.P.F., p. 10 and elsewhere.
3 J.A.M.A., 9.12.33, p. 1894.
4 B.F.L., p. 163. Prof. Hannover, of Copenhagen, however, claims that in Denmark, which is contiguous to Holland, dark girls menstruate at 15.7 years and fair at 17.5 years. (A., p. 202.)
5 R.E., pp. 517–519.


ravager, les yeux bleus gardent mieux leur conquête." 1 This agrees with the Italian proverb quoted below, and hardly confirms the expert findings.

Various authors have also pointed out that throughout nature lack of pigmentation is in inverse ratio to acuteness of the senses. Albino men and animals are usually cited as examples of this, and, on these grounds, blonds have been charged with lower sensitivity than brunets. Deniker, for instance, points out that only 72.4 per cent of individuals were found among blonds whose visual acuteness was "stronger than the normal", and 2.7 per cent in whom it was weaker. The corresponding figures among the dark-haired, however, were 84.1 per cent. and 1.7 per cent. Thus, as far as the eye is concerned, there would appear to be slightly superior acuteness in brunets, 2 and if the other senses are in keeping, a generally lower sensitiveness might be argued regarding blonds, which may account for a good deal. 3

In spite of the weight of evidence, I confess that I have again and again been led to suspect exaggeration in the alleged preponderance of strong sexuality and sensitiveness among English brunettes.

We should remember the enormous fascination that fair women have always exerted. From the earliest times, fair or rufous hair in women has had a potent influence on the opposite sex. As far back as about 1700 B.C., Amenhotep III broke the custom of his

1 ANTHOLOGIE DE L'AMOUR (Paris, Ed. by P. M. Guitard, p. 275).
2 R.O.M., pp. 110–111.
3 Regarding the alleged vital superiority of brunets (see p. 328 supra), Baron D. L. Larrey's remarks are of great interest. As Napoleon's Surgeon-in-Chief in Russia, he witnessed the retreat from Moscow, and, speaking of the rigours of the winter, he says: "J'ai remarqué que les sujets bruns et d'un tempérament bilioso-sanguin, presque tous des contrées méridionales de l'Europe, résistaient plus que les sujets blonds, d'un tempérament phlegmatique et presque tous des pays du nord, aux effets de ce froid rigoureux, ce qui est contraire a l'opinion généralement reçue. La circulation, chez les premiers, est sans doute plus active; les forces vitales ont plus d'énergie; il est vraisemblable aussi que leur sang conserve beaucoup mieux les principes de la chaleur animale identifiés avec sa partie colorante." (MÉMOIRES DE CHIRURGIE MILITAIRE ET CAMPAGNES, Paris, 1817, IV, p. 125. See also p. 126 for instances.) Thus, here again, there would appear to be evidence of superior vitality in brunets. Other evidence of the kind is given by Dr. D. Macdonald, who, in a study of scarlet fever, diphtheria, measles and whooping-cough among Glasgow children, on whom 3535 observations were made, concludes as follows: "The dark-haired and jet black-haired child has higher recuperative power than the red-haired and, much more so, than the fair-haired child. The medium-haired child occupies an intermediate position . . it and the dark-eyed child has higher recuperative power than the light-eyed and blue-eyed child. . . . In the various gradations between extreme dark and extreme fair types, the closer the type approximates to fair, the less recuperative power it has, and the less resistance it oilers to the disease." See BIOMETRIKA (Cambridge, 1911), VIII, p. 38.


predecessors and his nation by marrying a foreigner, Tiy, who "was a blonde with blue eyes and rosy skin". 1 Both Ripley and Beddoe speak of the admiration of blondness among the ancient Greeks. 2 I shall refer in the next chapter to the blond wigs and blond hair dyes of the Roman women. Every poet has praised the golden-haired beauty, and this love of the blond type has survived, through the Middle Ages, to this day. 3 The fact that it prevailed even among the Jews, whose present general brunetness has been noticed, is surely evidence of its wide popularity. Dr. Feldman tells us "as regards complexion", among the ancient Jews, "blonde was the ideal", 4 and Ripley refers to the rufous type of Oriental Jews, and to the blondness of Oriental and Alsatian Jews. 5

There are grounds for supposing that dark women marry more easily than fair, but has it ever been proved? Dr. Beddoe, who made an examination of 600 working women of Bristol, found that "fewer of the red-haired and of the black-haired entered matrimony than of the fair, or dark-brown". 6

An old Italian proverb says: Tol la mora per morosa e la blonda per to sposa!" (Take the black one for a lover and the fair one for a wife!), and such a proverb, voicing the experience and instincts of a people, would hardly have been possible if the fair female had, as a rule, been sexually below parity.

According to Percival Symonds, an investigation was carried out by Drs. Paterson and Ludgate to determine the alleged differences between blondes and brunettes, and they were found to be "remarkably small". 7

Summing up, we must assume that, owing (a) to their later maturation; (b) to their usually smaller interest in domestic life; (c) to the consensus of expert opinion against them; and (d) to their ethnic association with peoples who have recently been very Puritanical, but who, according to ancient historians, were always inclined to be so, Teutonic or Nordic women (blondes) are inferior to brunettes in sexual ardour. But I think there are notable exceptions and that the charge has been exaggerated. In any case, what is true of their womenfolk is also probably true of the men in this respect.

There may be greater validity in the claim that blondness in

1 M.R., p. 61.
2 R.E., p. 407. A.H.E., p. 177.
3 A.H.E., p. 177.
4 T.J.C., pp. 9 and 12.
5 R.E., pp. 386 and 394.
6 A.H.E., p. 28.
7 D.P.C., p. 522. See also Karl Pearson, pp. 329–330 supra.


both sexes argues less sensitiveness and more enterprise, venturesomeness, ambition and pioneership; and brunetness more sensitiveness and æsthetic gifts, less material ambition, more love of home, greater taste for sedentary and urban occupations, and, most probably, greater vitality and viability. Miss Fleming's facts support this to some extent, as do the other facts adduced above, and it would be in keeping with the racial records of the two types.

Havelock Ellis points out that "created peers are fairer than either hereditary peers or even most groups of intellectual persons," and he adds, "they have possessed in higher measure the qualities that insure success." 1 It has also been shown that "all American Presidents have been blue-eyed, and Scotland has furnished as many as 13 of them," 2 while Dr. Beddoe speaks of "the prevalence of tall fair types among the colonial born", nicknamed "cornstalks". 3 He also says: "An unusual proportion of men with dark straight hair enter the ministry . . . red-whiskered are apt to be given to sporting and horseflesh . . . and tall, vigorous, blond, long-headed-men . . . still furnish a large contingent to our travellers and emigrants . . . lineal descendants of the Vikings or of the Athelings." 4

When we remember that the fair Anglo-Saxons, with their Teutonic and Scandinavian cousins, have given the world its greatest adventurers, pioneers and colonizers, and that the Mediterranean race, with its various cultures — in Egypt, Greece, Italy, etc. — has been chiefly distinguished by its hardiness and high artistic tastes and achievements, we cannot wonder that these different qualities should have descended to their respective modern representatives, and if the women of each race tend to share their men's gifts and tastes, it should not astonish us that the darker and more æsthetic are reputed to have more ardent sensibilities than the fair and venturesome, who again and again must have sacrificed love, hearth and home, and family ties, in order to strike out new paths and explore and conquer the world.

12. The approach from Phrenology. Beyond certain elementary generalizations, correlating size of head and breadth and length of head (all of which come under 11) with certain types of mind, this approach is not very helpful. There is undoubtedly much evidence in favour of the view that brain functions are to some extent localized. There is also some parallelism between the inner

1 S.P.S., IV, p. 203, also pp. 117–182.
2 MED. PRESS, 31.8.32.
3 A.H.E., p. 34.
4 Ibid., p. 33.


surface of the skull, moulded on the brain, and the outer surface. On the other hand, in view of the capacity undoubtedly possessed by one part of the brain to assume the functions of another, should the latter be oblated; in view also of the violence done to the brain, without much injury to it, by premature soudures of sutures, and the compensatory prominences these cause; in view, moreover, of many other facts of this nature, and the comparative poverty of our knowledge concerning the physical changes underlying mental processes, the application of phrenology to the task of discriminating between one candidate and another, for the hand of a girl in marriage, for instance, would be extremely precarious. Even in the task of discriminating between candidates for appointments, the use of phrenology cannot help leading to a good deal of injustice and injury, and phrenologists should, therefore, be careful and much more modest than they usually are in their claims. On the whole question see remarks on heads in Section 5 (Part II, Chap. I) on the Common Man's Approach.

13. The approach from scientific Cheiromancy and popular Palmistry — the former undoubtedly a guide, the latter no guide at all. That it should be possible to correlate certain features of the hand, the ringers and the thumb, with mental qualities, gifts, propensities and temperament, nobody in his senses can doubt for one moment. To suppose that, in a psycho-physical whole like the human organism, a member as important as the hand can be of any shape imaginable without involving specific invisible tendencies in their owner, would be the acme of Socratic stupidity. All experience argues against such a supposition. All modern discoveries concerning the correlation in children between manual dexterity and intelligence, show that there is a profound relation between the kind of hands and the kind of brain. The fact, moreover, that the most casual observer can see differences between the hands of artists and inartistic people, 1 between the hands of stupid and bright people, and between those of brutes and refined people; the fact that simian and other traits can be seen in the hands of the low-bred, and peculiarly human traits in the hands of highly-bred people, all point to the conclusion that, if only a scientific investigation of hand morphology were made on an extensive material, certain general laws might be established.

1 Darwin, for instance, found hands larger at birth in the children of labourers. (D.O.M., p. 33.)


This, however, does not mean that the purely mechanical arrangements of the muscles and folds of the palm, determined though they are by the length of the metacarpal bones and other anatomical conditions, can reveal any psychic, occult or predictive meaning. Fantastic claims made by charlatans in respect of such a meaning, however, should not destroy our belief in the possibility of reading character from all parts of the hand, although even this cheirosophy requires rescuing from the ignorant abuse it suffers at the hands of the unscrupulous and the ill-informed.

14. The approach from a persons clothes, personal surroundings and general habits. This approach is important because all these features are self-revelatory. More will be said about the philosophy of clothes in the next chapter. The features to be observed are:—

(a) Cleanliness, (b) tidiness, (c) smartness, (d) taste.

(a) Clothes may be scrupulously clean though old, shabby and faded. The cleaner they are in these circumstances, the more may cleanliness, care, thrift, and self-respect be inferred in the wearer.

There is clearly no merit in clean new clothes. But dirty new clothes argue extremely unclean habits.

To-day dirty clothes are more to be reprehended in a woman than a man; because, particularly in summer, most women's clothes are easily washed.

In both sexes, any tendency, as familiarity increases, to relax habits of cleanliness in appearance, and for a man to appear, for instance, unshaven on occasion, is a disquieting sign, and points to indolence and lack of self-discipline.

Mud or dust of a previous day's wet or dry weather, still to be seen on lower garments, argues a slovenly, indolent, careless nature.

Clothes indicate the measure of their wearer's self-respect, and as self-respecting persons are less inclined to depart from the ruling morality than non-self-respecting persons, clothes may tell a useful tale.

Where lady's maids or valets are kept, cleanliness of clothing has no characterological value.

(b) Tidiness in clothes depends not only on a good fit, but also on the wearer's attention. Buttons, patent fasteners, buckles, hooks or laces which have been overlooked or badly fastened, or are missing, or fastened in the wrong place, or badly matched, all denote a lack of tidiness, and therefore carelessness, indolence and bad self-discipline. If this form of untidiness is constant, and occurs particularly in the footwear, or inconspicuous places, where the wearer may hope that it will escape notice, calculation, design, and cunning may be inferred as ready to support indolence and untidiness in the wearer.

General untidiness in appearance may, however, be due to traits which, unfortunately, are exceedingly lovable; for instance, to a complete lack of self-consciousness, a tendency to dreaminess, meditativeness or philosophic preoccupation. It may be due to absentmindedness or an absorbing concern about other people's welfare, to an eagerness and impatience to be at hand, or to an inability to regard oneself as important. Thus it is often seen in devoted mothers of large families.

On the other hand it may be due to vicious habits, and is proverbial in drunkards, drug-addicts, gluttons, etc.

Untidiness of appearance in a prospective mate is more ominous in a female than in a male, because although it may be allied with lovable qualities not necessarily excluding worldly success in a man, in a mistress of a home it can hardly be anything but a bane, no matter how many lovable traits are associated with it.

There is an untidiness of footwear, apart from fastenings, which consists in ungainly appearance through clumsy and unbalanced walking. In these cases wrong poise or undue weight (adiposity) may be the cause, each of which is ominous in youth.

There is a myth about artistic people and their specific untidiness. I have known scores of artists in my time, and the best of them have been scrupulously tidy.

(c) Smartness, when extreme, is more tolerable in the young than the old; because youth may have many vital reasons, apart from mere vanity, for wishing to attract attention.

A conspicuously smart man of middle age, unless he happens to be the Governor of a Dominion, may often be suspected of being a roué, as he always is in France, and a woman of the same age, similarly smart (which in both sexes generally includes an effort to be belatedly youthful), is usually childless, or lacking loving children, particularly sons.

Conspicuous smartness in a young married woman may be disquieting as being a sign of an unconscious desire to attract other men because the spouse is disappointing.

Smartness cultivated beyond the limits of income is disquieting in either sex, and argues extravagant tastes which in matrimony may override superior domestic claims.

Nevertheless, moderate smartness, like tidiness, is a sign of self-respect and is a good omen in the young. When inconsistent, as, for instance, when one dowdy garment mars the effect, it reveals a lack of judgment, or merely naïveté, or stupidity, unless the subject is dressed wholly by a strict parent.

(d) Taste in clothing indicates general tastefulness. Only when a young person can control his or her wardrobe, is it, however, significant.

The test then is, to what extent has a young person rightly understood his or her character and morphology, and dressed accordingly. Clothes that clash with personality, colours that clash, over-dressing, clothes that increase volume in the obese, of that decrease volume in the asthenic, unsuitable materials or styles (corded velvets or tweeds in the obese, plus-fours or morning-coat in the undersized) and clothes that are too fussy or busy, all reveal bad taste.

Simplicity, particularly in the young, is the keynote of taste, because beauty unadorned, etc.

Clothes suitable to the occasion and to the age of the wearer also reveal taste.

A few last words great fussyness or busyness in the appearance of clothes may indicate a childlike, naïve mind. In a man it may denote femininity.

The constant affectation of male styles in a woman, or of female styles in a man, may be morbid and indicate a tendency to transvestitism, an affliction which points to dominating, though frequently unconscious, sex-elements of the opposite sex in the sufferer. All such signs are ominous, particularly if they are confirmed by masculinity in a female's, and feminity in a male's general morphology.

N.B. — Remember that clothes conceal as well as reveal. A future mate should, therefore, always be seen sea-bathing or sun-bathing if possible.

The appointments and surroundings of the future mate are also self-revelatory.

It he or she have any command of circumstances, we should ask, do the future mate's surroundings represent a hopeless jumble, or is there method, style, discrimination in their choice? Are they untidy, dirty, spoilt by neglect? If consisting partly of treasures, pictures, ornaments, are they harmonious, or just a congeries of knick-knacks from every culture, age and style? Are they assembled for love of beauty, or for mere love of display? Are books well-cared for and read, or are they collected for bindings, or for show? Are their leaves turned down, cut in careless fashion, or thumb-marked?

Are personal belongings used as a means of asserting self-importance? Is much made of family arms, crests, insignificant mementoes of ancestors who are slightly above the ordinary? If this is carried very far, so that attention is repeatedly being called to these things, inferiority feelings may be suspected, for which the future mate is trying to compensate.

Does he or she treat animal pets with affection, and understanding, callousness or cruelty? Do cats readily respond to the touch of his or her hand? (This is a good test of sensitive sensuousness.) A future mate's treatment of a dog may reveal sadism, capricious hardness, lack of firmness or good understanding. If a girl's treatment of animals, children and inferiors betrays a constant concern about securing their attachment by indulging them and spoiling them, inferiority feelings may be suspected, accompanied by the compensatory endeavour to bolster up her self-esteem by buying love and attachment. If a man reveals the same capricious treatment of animals, children and inferiors, and cannot discipline them, he too may be suspected of inferiority feelings. In him, however, the defect is much more serious because its effect on social life is more serious. It means there will be no justice where he rules.

Does the mate (male) unhesitatingly answer every question and profess to solve every problem, however abstruse, even at the risk of being subsequently discovered in error, or does he occasionally admit ignorance? In the former case he may be suspected of inferiority feelings, and his desire to appear omniscient is a compensatory effort.

The corresponding vice in a girl, which consists in constantly asking her future mate questions, the answers to many of which she knows before asking them, is to be ascribed to part of her incessant desire to please, and is of no importance.

How does the mate treat superiors? Can he or she retain dignity while showing respect, or is there a tendency to fawn? In the latter case inferiority feelings may be suspected. Is the future mate respectful to parents? Disrespect before strangers, unless bitterly provoked, is an ominous sign. It means insults and offensiveness in the future home.

What is the future mate's attitude to food? Are the instincts healthy? Is indigestion constantly recurring? Does he or she smoke excessively? This may indicate a lack of self-discipline, and of a healthy sense of good condition.

Is the mate changeable, flitting from hobby to hobby without doing anything perfectly? This, too, denotes a lack of discipline and constancy. A drunkard who at least sticks to his bottle, or cask, promises more constancy than a creature of sober habits who can stick to nothing.

Is the mate an early or prompt riser? Is he or she sluggish? Constant drowsiness, when nothing is doing, may indicate bad digestion, lack of tone, endocrine imbalance, lack of discipline, or all four.

Is the mate easily fatigued, lazy or sedentary? This may mean an asthenic constitution, or hypothyroidism, or anæmia, or chronic constipation, or if it is of psychogenic origin, it may indicate the disquieting fact that one is not a sufficiently stimulating partner. The same person may respond by a plea of fatigue to one's own invitation for a walk, and be eager to start at once on having an invitation from somebody else.

Does the mate (female) constantly assert herself to the point of loudness in speech and laughter, when in company, or when other men are present? Does she ever sacrifice the feelings of a friend, even other future mate, to raise a laugh among strangers or friends? In that case, she may be suspected of the hysterical tendencies of the record-breaker type (the person who wishes above all to gesticulate and perform before an audience, so well described by Klages) 1 and she should be immediately dropped, because marriage does not cure this affliction. 2

In a man such behaviour is so monstrous that no girl, having once been victimized, should continue to know one who has been guilty of it.

It may be taken as a general rule that constant self-assertion is an ominous sign, and means that for the gratification of vanity the self-assertor is prepared to stamp across God's face, not to mention the future mate's.

More indications for drawing inferences from behaviour will

1 Op. cit., Chap. VIII.
2 W.S.H., p. 42; Dr. Fischer-Defoy denies that hysteria is overcome by marriage. Dr. Fritz Lenz agrees, and adds: "No persons with pronounced hysteria should ever marry" (M.A.R., p. 472). Dr. Lorenzen admits that the unhappiest marriages are those of hysterics, but has known cases in which a harmonious marriage has completely cured hysteria (W.S.H., p. 60).


be given in the chapters on the "Desirable Mate" (Male and Female).

15. The Approach from a Person's Repute. This is important, although, of course, it should be used with caution, as any number of subjective influences may play a part and have to be discounted. What do people say about him or her in whom we are interested? How is he or she treated by family, friends, acquaintances, employers, etc.? Both negative and positive statements should be weighed with care, particularly if they are conflicting. It should be borne in mind that, owing to the increasing subjectivity of the Age — and Goethe regarded subjectivity as one of the signs of modern decadence and disintegration over a century ago 1 — people are inclined to speak of a person not according to his or her merits, but according to how he or she has treated them. For instance, to have asked Madame de Staël, whom Napoleon had snubbed, for a fair estimate of his genius, would have been utterly futile. Nor should we have hoped to have a fair estimate of Charles I from Prynne. The lower a person is in character, the less will he be able to speak highly of one who has given him an affront, and disparagingly of a person who has flattered his self-esteem. This is what makes the approach from the standpoint of repute precarious, and it is of paramount importance to bear these considerations in mind in availing oneself of this approach as a check on one's own observation.

16. The Approach from Graphology. As regards this, the present state of scientific opinion seems to be divided, but that it can be used as a means of confirming or checking judgments, guesses or surmises already carefully made about a person, is, think, beyond question. The danger seems to lie in making it the only source, the first source, or the determining source of information, and there is the tendency to exercise inadequate vigilance in regard to compensatory features.

The fact that it is now being used extensively in Germany, that a man of Goethe's genius and scientific erudition appears to have been not only a believer in graphology, but also to have made a collection of handwritings; 2 that a man of standing and authority in psychology such as Klages should be an advocate

1 E.G.G., 29.1.1826. Goethe said: "Alle im Rückschreiten und in der Auflösung begriffenen Epochen sind subjective, dagegen aber haben alle vorschreitenden Epochen eine objective Richtung. Unser ganze jetzige Zeit ist eine rückschreitende, denn sie ist eine subjective."
2 Ibid, 2.4.1829.


of it as a guide to character and should himself have contributed to ir as a science; the fact that two of the contributors. Dr. Felix Hilpert and Wilhelm von Schiber-Burkhardsberg, in the Symposium WHOM SHALL I MARRY? both recommend a graphological test before marriage, 1 and the fact that Bernhard Schultze-Naumberg has produced a volume of graphological data bearing on the choice of a mate, are surely significant. 2

Generally speaking, it seems just as likely that a person's handwriting should be an index to his character as that his voice, his speech, or his glance should be. Wherever there is differentiation, in tact, we may legitimately look for causes accounting for that differentiation and for qualities associated with it, whether it be found in various forms of handwriting, or in various shapes of body.

On the other hand, authorities do not seem to be unanimous, and there are some who are against regarding graphology as a reliable first or only test of character. The fact that apparently it is impossible to determine so fundamental a character as sex from handwriting, 3 the fact that Galton, in his investigation of identical twins found "most singularly, the one point in which similarity is rare is in the handwriting", and that he found "only one case in which nobody, not even the twins themselves, could distinguish their own notes of lectures, etc."; 4 the fact that no less a scientist than Karl Pearson is opposed to the idea of character-reading from handwriting, although he admits, as we have seen, the effect on the latter of certain states of health and mind, and the association of good handwriting with athletic power, 5 should make us at least cautious about accepting everything that the graphologists claim.

Dr. Arthur Kronfeld's considered opinion on the subject seems to be fair, and constitutes a good summing up of the whole question. He says: "Even graphology, which is so full of promise now that it has recently been elevated by Klages to a

1 W.S.H., pp. 35 and 68.
2 HANDSCHRIFT UND EHE (Munich, 1933).
3 J. Crépieux Jamin: THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE MOVEMENTS OF HANDWRITING (Paris, 1926, pp. 161–162), and Robert Saudek, EXPERIMENTS WITH HANDWRITING (London, 1928, p. 258). The former of these goes so far as to add that "physical conditions have no effect on handwriting". If this is so, and physical and psychological conditions cannot be separated, graphology would be shown as useless as a guide to character. Strange to say Percival M. Symonds (D.P.C., pp. 525–526) declares that while graphology can and does reveal nothing reliable about character, the one thing it can reveal is sex!
4 I.H.F. HISTORY OF TWINS.
5 O.R.H.P., pp. 19 and 25.


higher methodological level, will receive its scientific credentials only when its particular findings, based on an extensive material, are correlated with all other psychological and characterological methods and findings. But this has not yet been done. Blume, alone, has recently been able to show the importance of the graphological method in connexion with a critical psychological system of general tests in the case of psychotic individuals." 1 Elsewhere, Dr. Kronfeld, evidently wishing to condemn the abuses which are likely to arise when so-called "graphological experts", with inadequate qualifications, set out to advise the general public regarding character from handwriting, concludes as follows:—

"But these strictures, passed on a mischievous fashion which is gaining ground, should not be taken as directed against the usefulness of a graphological inquiry as one among many other methods employed in a general characterological investigation." 2

1 K.U.C., p. 47.
2 Ibid, p. 45.
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Re: The Choice of a Mate, by Anthony M. Ludovici

Postby admin » Mon Jan 29, 2018 4:12 am

Part 1 of 2

Chapter III: The Female Leg and the Influence of Dress on Morphology and Temperaments

In his essay on beauty and eugenics, Knight Dunlap says: "The most important element in the beauty of any individual is the evidence of her (or his) fitness for the function of procreating healthy children of the highest type of efficiency, according to the standards of the race." 1

This statement is unassailable, and thus we should look forward to the time when the valuation of a man or woman will be more biological than it is to-day, and when the judgment "normal", or "sound", or even "reputable" and "respectable" will be passed only on those people who bear on their person the visible characteristics of procreators of desirable offspring. And, since there is no possible separation between the invisible and the visible, between the so-called "mental" and the so-called "physical" attributes of a creature, this desirability of offspring must imply psychological as well as physiological superiority.

Knight Dunlap says further: "Our standards of bodily development are still, in the main Greek." 2

This, too, is doubtless correct. In fact, it would be correct to say also that our standards of beauty are Greek.

We in north-western Europe derive from a mixture of stocks, which, even if it is not the same as that of the ancient Greeks, contains many of the same ingredients, though probably in different proportions. There is much mystery regarding the ethnic origins of the ancient Hellenes. But there appears to be general agreement concerning the strong Mediterranean (Pelasgian or Iberian) 3 and the Nordic, or Teutonic elements, in their blood. Ripley, who tells us that the admiration felt by the ancient Greeks "for blondness in heroes and deities is well known", 4 definitely associates blondness with the Teutonic

1 P.B.R.P., p. 40.
2 Ibid., p. 28. For the extension of this race to the Iberian Peninsula, western Fiance, and the British Isles, see A.E., p. 66.
4 R.E., p. 407.


(Germanic, Nordic) race. 1 Dr. Beddoe speaks of the ancient Greeks as "largely blond" 2 and Dr. F. Hertz declares "that among the several races from the fusion of which the ancient Hellenes proceeded there was also a Nordic clement is, for more than one reason, highly probable." 3 A curious passage in Aristotle's PHYSIOGNOMY, in which he speaks of hazel and not black eyes as being a sign of courage, 4 seems to point (a) to the fact that: a northern Teutonic conqueror type probably constituted a prominent element in the old Hellenic make-up, and (b) that the characteristics of this conqueror type helped to mould the beauty ideal of the Greeks. Dr. Ridgeway's arguments also seem to point in this direction, 5 while Dr. Beddoe, remarking on the blond complexion and its share in the ideal of beauty, says: "This has throughout all historical time, and in most parts of Europe, been the one most admired, while the red, the brown, and the black, though they have all had their local reasons of favour or fashion, have, on the whole, been the less thought of and less spoken of, especially by the poets, from Homer downwards." 6

We also know that Apollo, Dionysus, Rhadamanthus, Pallas Athene and Alexander had flaxen hair, while Finck declares: "I have been assured that, in the Greece of to-day, light hair is still held as indicating the purest Hellenic blood." 7

There is probably overstatement here, because we know that Pelasgian or Mediterranean blood was strongly represented among the Greeks, particularly of Athens. Nevertheless, this admiration for blondness among them, together with other considerations, seems to point to the conclusion that a northern or Teutonic element existed also, and justifies us in assuming that, in so far as this was the case, there would be an ethnic affinity between them and old and modern western European stocks, which would make the admiration of a similar type of beauty not unlikely.

Now the English, French, Germans, Belgians and Italians do not differ from each other so much in regard to the variety of

1 Ibid., p. 121.
2 A.H.E., p. 51.
3 RACE AND CIVILIZATION (London, 1928, p. 106). Dr. Hertz, however, disbelieves that the Greeks were largely blond. For strong support of the belief that they were largely of Nordic or Teutonic blood, see F., pp. 168–172.
4 PHYSIOGNOMY (trans. as before, Chap. VI). He says definitely that black eyes mean cowardice. He could hardly have said this had the Greeks been chiefly of Mediterranean stock.
5 THE EARLY AGE OF GREECE. I.
6 A.H.E., p. 177.
7 R.L.P.B., II, p. 375.


stocks originally composing them, as in regard to the proportions of each parent stock in each nation. And, as we have seen, the principal difference between them consists in this, that whereas Teutonic and Mediterranean blood, in varying degrees is common to them all, there is an absence of Alpine blood in Britain and a prevalence of it in France, Belgium, Germany, and Italy. 1

This confirms the standpoint and is, in any case, enough for our purpose, seeing that the interest: here is not so much a matter of the races of Europe, with which we are only indirectly concerned, but the existence of a possible ethnic affinity between ourselves and the Greeks, which would make a similar ideal of beauty probable on a priori grounds alone.

The ancient Romans certainly agreed with the Greeks in the matter of admiring blondes, and their dark women used not only to dye their hair a blond shade, but also imported blond locks of hair from Germany, or else cut them from the heads of their German captives. 2 This inclines one to the view that a general admiration for blondness prevailed in classical Europe, possibly because this type of complexion and hair was associated with a superior or conquering race, or with the masterful elements in the population. 3

Now, it is unlikely that the complexion and hair would have been admired alone. The probability is that with them went the regular-featured orthognous face associated with the present ideal European type, which we find in the heads of Greek gods and athletes. And the spontaneity with which the beauty of the latter is admired, and has been admired, by western Europeans, seems to point to a fundamentally ethnic affinity.

It is no reply to this, or refutation of the argument, to say that the Greeks greatly idealized their types, because in their sculptures they represented their deities. For, in the first place, idealization does not entirely transform, it merely emphasizes an admired character, clears an accepted type of blemishes, or perfects the type. It never produces a totally different type out

1 R.E., p. 305.
2 Ovid: ARTIS AMATORIÆ, III, 163–164. AMORES, I, i, 31–50. Martial: VIII, 33, 20, and XIV, 26. In the former Martial recommends a Batavian pommade for lightening the hair-colour, in the latter he says, "The spuma of the Chatti turns to flame Teutonic locks; you can be smarter with the hair of a captive slave."
3 R.E., p. 469: "The trait [blondness] has for some reason become so distinctive of a dominant race all over Europe that it has been rendered susceptible to the influence of artificial selection. . . . Were there space we might adduce abundant evidence to prove that the upper classes in France, Germany, Austria and the British Isles are distinctly lighter in hair and eyes than the peasantry."


of a standard or common level of features among & population. Secondly, we know that the statues which first established the familiar Hellenic type were those of men and not of divinities. 1

So that the point I wish to make, which, after all, is not so very controversial, is that in the spontaneous and enduring admiration of ancient Greek types in Europe, we are probably concerned primarily with an ethnic affinity. And this accounts tor the fact that when we see in our theatres, streets or homes to-day a girl who looks like the Demeter of Cnidus, the Clyte of the British Museum, the De Laborde Head of Paris, or Demophon's Artemis of Athens; or when we see a young man who looks like a typical Hermes or Apollo of the best Greek period, we do not hesitate to regard such a young girl or man, whether dark or fair, as among the highest examples of our own blood. And this applies just as much to the bodily development as to the features.

This spontaneous admiration, which I suggest may be due to some extent to ethnic affinity, cannot be a recent development in Europe, as is shown not merely by the European vogue for Greek sculpture in antiquity, but also by such an apparently insignificant incident as Gregory's enthusiasm over some captive slaves from England in the sixth century. 2

This constitutes my first reason for agreeing with Knight Dunlap regarding our standards being in the main Greek.

There is, however, a less obvious and much less innocent, cause of our standards being in the main Greek. I refer to the precept and example constantly inculcated upon all Europeans, particularly us of western Europe, by our study and admiration of Greek antiquity.

This influence, while it has confirmed the spontaneous reactions due to our ethnic affinity, has at the same time modified

1 Grote: HISTORY OF GREECE (London, 1872, III, p. 321). "It was in statues of men, especially in those of the victors at Olympia and other sacred games, that genuine ideas of beauty were first arrived at and in part attained, from whence they passed afterwards to the statues of the gods." The gross liberties taken with the female form by Greek sculptors and draughtsmen was not, strictly speaking, idealization, but monstrification, or transformation to meet male homosexual taste.
2 See READINGS IN SOCIAL HISTORY (Cambridge, 1921, I, pp. 15, 16). Some English youths carried to Rome for sale in A.D. 575, excited the attention of the city by the beauty and elegance of their features. Gregory, the Archdeacon of the Apostolic See, was so struck with "such an assemblage of grace in mortals" that when he had heard they were pagans from Deira (a province of Northumbria), he said, "These Angles, Angel-like, should be delivered from (de) ira, and taught to sing Allelulia."


these reactions to the same extent as that to which ancient Greek culture differed from ours.

In other words, the Greeks produced a culture which, in some of its leading features, was unique. This culture influenced their notions of beauty, and to the extent to which it did this, and produced an ideal suitable only to their peculiar form of culture, we, who belong to a different culture, are led sadly astray by adopting that ideal.

As I have already shown, there is so much in the decadent period of Hellenic life, which has become an inextricable part of our Christian civilization, that the study and admiration of ancient Greece tends to be carried to lengths injurious to our best interests. But in this study and admiration of decadent Greek life, the Christian is in a somewhat serious dilemma.

He is bound to Socrates as the "pre-Christian Christian", and yet very rightly loathes much of what to Socrates and his associates was a commonplace. He would like to concentrate on the intellectual achievements of Socrates and Plato and believe that they belonged to the zenith of Hellenic culture, and yet he is forced by history to regard precisely the period in which they appeared as one of decadence, 1 and to reject much in the culture that preceded, and was also contemporary with, these two figures.

I am not concerned with a general estimate of Greek culture. As will be seen from what I have already said about the Socratic school of philosophy in other chapters, I am, in this book, interested only in those aspects of Hellenism which directly or indirectly affect the mating of modern people. And in this sense alone do I now propose to point to certain peculiarities of Greek culture, the influence of which, through our study and admiration of antiquity, and not so much through racial affinity, affects modern mating values.

Now the first fact to be grasped about the ancient Greeks, of the whole period from the end of the heroic to the dawn of the Hellenistic Age, is that they were a people of pronounced sensual tastes, who frankly and innocently indulged these tastes no matter whither they led, without any of the modern feeling of guilt that follows even a slight trip over the traces. I am not suggesting that this was either good or bad; I merely state it as a fact.

1 THE CHIEF PERIODS OF EUROPEAN HISTORY (London, 1886, p. 21), where Edward Freeman says that the greatest Age in Greek history (fifth century B.C.) was in reality an Age of decline. In saying this he confirmed Finlay.


Thus Dr. Hans Licht, one of the most scholarly authorities on the erotic life of Greece, writes: "The inmost nature of the Greeks is naked sensuality. . . . The whole life of the Greeks (not only their private life) represents solely an exultant creed of sensuality." 1

The second and more important fact to be grasped about the ancient Greeks is that they were a nation of homosexuals. It may be a regrettable, unfortunate and unpleasant tact that the people to whom we chiefly owe our religious philosophy should have been consistent and unblushing homosexuals, but it is only too plain.

Naturally, in view of the profound indebtedness of Christian thought to later Greek thought, and also of the unpleasantness of the whole subject, no stone has been left unturned to hush up this side of Greek life in the modern world. But this determined suppression cannot alter the fact that homosexuality was fundamental in Hellenic life, and was, moreover, of very great antiquity. Plato speaks of it as a custom that prevailed before the time of Laius, the father of Œdipus, 2 others ascribe it to Orpheus. Some maintain that it reached Greece through the Dorians, who were nomadic marauders, constantly separated for long periods from their women; others suggest that it came from the East.

Nor was it a practice that was confined to debauchees and "degenerates"; for, as Licht says: "It was just the most important and influential supporters of Greek culture who held the most decidedly homosexual opinions." 3

Epaminondas, "the greatest and purest of all the Greeks in history", was known to have been attached homosexually to the boy Asopichus "without fear and without reproach". 4 Æschylus, Sophocles, Socrates and Plato were all pederasts, 5 while "Parmenides, whose life, like that of Pythagoras, was accounted peculiarly holy, loved his pupil Zeno. 6 Theognis loved Kurnus, Pisistratus loved Charon, Pheidias loved Pantarkes, Pindar loved Theoxenos, Euripides loved Agathon, and Lysias, Demosthenes and Æschines did not scruple to avow their homosexual love. As J. A. Symonds (who does his utmost to defend

1 S.L.A.G. (Introduction). See also D.P., pp. 229–230.
2 LAWS, VIII, 836.
3 S.L.A.G., p. 434.
4 Mahaffy: SOCIAL LIFE IN GREECE FROM HOMER TO MENANDER (London, 1874, p. 307).
5 D.P., p. 233.
6 Symonds (S.P.S., I, Appendix A, p. 200).


the Greeks) declares: "This list might be indefinitely lengthened." 1

Phædo, whose name supplies the title of Plato's dialogue on immortality, had his freedom purchased for him, through the instrumentality of Socrates, when the boy was an inmate of a male brothel. And the fact that these male prostitutes were tolerated and acknowledged is shown by the tax which the State used regularly to levy from them. 2 Nor was the freer and more respectable form of homosexuality — practised by men with youths who gave themselves freely out of love — any less legal; for Solon, who besides being a legislator was also both a homosexual and a poet, passed laws which, by limiting this form of sexuality, implicitly legalised it. For instance, he forbade not merely the use of scent to slaves, but also pederasty, and, as Plutarch says, "he thus placed this practice among things decent, and praiseworthy, befitting, as it were, people whose rank made them worthy of it, and not befitting others." 3 Æschines refers to the whole of this legislation in his speech against Timarchus, and makes the same points as Plutarch, but more forcibly. 4

When, now, we bear in mind that the practice was very much older than the time of Solon, that it received religious sanction at an early period, that the passion played an important part in B Greek history, that the literature of Greece is full of unashamed allusions to it and of rhapsodical eulogies both of the practice and of the youths whom poets, scholars and statesmen loved; 5

1 Ibid.
2 Æschines (CONTRE TIMARQUE, 119–120. French trans. by Victor Martin and Guy de Budé, Paris, 1927).
3 See PLUTARQUE (trans. by Jacques Amyot, Paris. Ed. Lutetia. Solon., II). "Car que Solon n'ait pas esté trop ferme pour résister à la beauté, ny assez vaillant champion pour combattre l'amour, on le peut évidemment cognoistre, tant par autres escripts poëtiques qu'il a faits, que par un sien statut, auquel il défend que le serf ne se perfume ny ne soit amoureux des enfans, comme mettant cela au rang des choses honestes et louables exercises et conviant, par manière de dire, les personnes dignes à ce, dont il forclost les indignes." See, on this point, Wilamowitz-Moellendorf (STATT UND GESELLSHAFT DER GRIECHEN UND RÖMER, Berlin, 1910, p. 91).
4 Trans. as before, because no modern English translation gives the bald facts; pp. 138, 139, where it is perfectly plain that the law recognized the right to homosexuality among free citizens, i.e. the peculiar homosexuality of the Greeks, which consisted of grown males consorting with boys, educating them and using them as women.
5 For convincing evidence of this, see S.L.A.G., Chap. V, and D.P., pp. 230–236 and 387–427. As I was compelled to discuss paiderastia in order to make a point which will be seen in a moment, and not in order either to make a charge against the Greeks, or to defend them in regard to if, I could not burden the chapter with more evidence. The reader who still doubts the importance and prevalence of the custom in the culture is, therefore, referred to the original literature itself, and to the accounts of the custom given by Licht and Bloch.


when we read Plato's SYMPOSIUM, with its exaltation of precisely this kind of love, and are forced to the conclusion that it constituted the only kind of individual love that existed in the culture, (until, comparatively later, the hetairæ began to assume equal importance in this respect), it is impossible to deny the fundamental position it held in Hellenic civlization.

And yet no effort has been spared by the orthodox modern literature on ancient Greece, and by Hellenic scholars generally, to suppress the whole of this side of Greek culture, or else to make it appear quite secondary — so much so, indeed, that to anyone who does not take special pains, it is impossible, even if he has had an ordinary classical education, to become aware of the facts.

As Licht points our, in five major German works on the classical age in Greece, there is either no mention of it, or else it is referred to so cursorily that the impression given is that the practice was insignificant. 1 And the same applies to our own English authorities on Greek culture and our leading works of reference on the subject.

"The result of this treatment," says Licht, "which is to be found throughout present-day literature, is to give to the reader, who is himself unable to consult the authorities, the idea that in the case of Greek homosexuality it was merely a subsidiary phenomenon, something which happened in isolated instances, rarely and only here and there." 2

Attempts have, of course, been made, notably by Mahaffy and J. A. Symonds, to apologize for this clement in Greek culture. But, as we shall see, these very attempts at apology merely accentuate and confirm what I have said above.

Throughout the few pages that Mahaffy devotes to the question (in the first edition of his work; for he cannot prevail upon himself to repeat the passages in the second edition), one can feel his trembling hatred of the whole of what he calls "this painful subject".

He does not make it clear that the principal difference between that love of boys which prevailed throughout the best period of ancient Greece, and had its nobler educative aspects, and that later love of boys which, side by side with the other, degenerated into mere male prostitution, was this, that while the former (characterized by a free and willing surrender of his person by a boy to a single senior) served a cultural purpose both in war

1 S.L.A.G., pp. 411–412.
2 Ibid., p. 412.


and education, the latter (which influenced Rome) was purely lustful mate prostitution, and possessed no educational or any other value whatsoever.

By not making this clear he is able to refer to many a condemnation by Greeks, of the latter development as if it referred to the whole custom of homosexuality. Again, although male homosexuality was fundamental in the Greek state, nowhere did the customs or the laws allow any man to take a youth by force and against his will. Indeed, this crime was severely punished, just as rape of the female is in our culture. To allow this would have been to violate the sacred condition which was that, among free-born men the youth was joined only by voluntary attachment to his lover — a relationship essential to the educational aspect of the practice so important to Greek ideas. He might make a contract, and often did so, which involved the receipt of money. But the affair had to be free and voluntary. And yet, despite this well-known condition of the best form of Hellenic homosexuality, Mahaffy does not scruple, by a clever innuendo, to give the uninformed reader the impression that, in the case of Lysias, for instance, or the case for which Lysias composed the plaintiff's speech, the plaintiff is ashamed and confesses that such things ought not to be. By not telling the whole story, Mahaffy thus gives it a completely false complexion. The facts are that one, Simon, had signed an agreement with a boy, Theodotus, to consort with him, for which he had paid 300 drachmæ. Now the plaintiff, Lysias, or the man for whom Lysias composed his speech, had taken Theodotus by force, because he too loved him. This had led to blows between Simon and the plaintiff, and it was this which formed the grounds for the action.

There is no shame expressed by either side for their relation to Theodotus. If shame is expressed, it is for the procedure which constituted the rape and which followed it. In fact, Mahaffy concludes his misleading account of the case by saying that "a modern reader is struck by the fact that he [Lysias] is not at all ashamed of his own relation towards Theodotus." 1

In spite of his laborious attempt at vindicating the Greeks, however, Mahaffy is forced, in face of the overwhelming mass of evidence, to admit that, "To us these things are so repugnant and disgusting that all mention of them is usually omitted when treating of Creek culture. But this is to ignore a leading feature, and the principal blot, in this civilization, as compared with ours

1 Op. cit., p. 217.


— one, too, which affected society deeply and constantly, so that without estimating it, our judgment of the Greeks must be imperfect and even false." 1

This does not alter the fact that he does try to slur it over, and does omit all but a reference to it in the second edition of his book.

J. A. Symonds takes a different line. By him, too, the subject is represented as distasteful, but he tries to apologize for the Greeks by two lines of argument. In the first he tries to prove that Greek homosexuality had a noble spiritual side, and in the second that it was only in the period of decadence that it became carnal. He begins by denying that in the heroic age there was any trace of homosexuality, 2 and declares that Homer knew nothing of it. Here Licht joins violent issue with him. 3 But I cannot enter into the details of the controversy, except to point out that Æschines, speaking in the year 345 B.C., definitely says of the love of Achilles and Patroclus, which figures so prominently in Homer: "Homer is silent about the nature of the love that unites them, and does not designate their comradeship by its proper name, feeling sure that their extraordinary attachment would be self-evident to any cultivated audience." 4

Symonds certainly makes it plain that pederasty in Athens "was closely associated with liberty, manly sports, severe studies, enthusiasm, self-sacrifice, self-control, and deeds of daring." 5 He also clearly proves, as Licht and Bloch and the general literature of Greece show, that it was not "thought disreputable for men to engage in these liaisons", and that "disgrace only attached to the youth who gained a living by prostitution." 6 He, moreover, shows that "circumstances rendered it impossible for them [women] to excite romantic and enthusiastic passion", and that "the exaltation of the emotions was reserved for the male sex." 7

But what he fails to do is to convince us that a people and a civilization, in which homosexuality of such a passionate and habitual kind can take this central position, could be anything but suspect in the psycho-physical sense, i.e. morbid and therefore unsound. And when an examination of their statuary actually reveals certain definitely morbid elements, 8 and we also

1 Ibid., p. 311. The italics are.mine. A.M.L.
2 Op. cit., pp. 166 and 169. See, however, pp. 183 and 188.
3 S.L.A.G., pp. 449–452.
4 Op. cit. (trans. as before), p. 142.
5 Op. cit., p. 217.
6 Ibid., p. 216.
7 Ibid., p. 226 and 239.
8 See my HEALTH AND EDUCATION THROUGH SELF-MASTERY, p. 20.


contemplate the fact that their civilization lasted for what is comparatively an exceedingly brief period, we cannot help concluding that all was not well with them. It is unfortunate that the enormous debt which Christianity owes to Socrates should have made it necessary to apologize for them at all, and I strongly suspect that, were it not for the fact that Socratic dualism and the unhealthy elevation by Socrates of the soul above the body, supplies the philosophic basis to Christianity, we should hear nothing but rabid condemnation of the Greeks and their whole culture.

It is most regrettable, from the standpoint of the believer, that the fundamental tenets of Christianity and "the Christian before Christ" should have hailed not only from a nation of male homosexuals, but also from that nation in its decadence, and we non-Christians may well shudder to think what would have been said of our creed by Christians if it had sprung from similar origins. Nevertheless, without taking all the advantage of this damaging fact against our enemies, which they would have taken of it against us, may we not reasonably regard it as a confirmation of our repeated charge that Christianity is a morbid, unhealthy and dysgenic religion? May we not regard it as a tribute to our instincts, that this religion, which we have always stigmatized as insanitary, should have been built upon the tenets of a man who was condemned to death for corrupting the youth of his city, and who, in addition, belonged to a nation of homosexuals?

This, however, is not the point at which I wished to arrive. If I found myself bound to make this unpleasant digression on Greek homosexuality, it was because I wished to show that, unless we grasp the central position it held in Hellenic culture, it is impossible to understand either the latter, or the influence it has had upon us, or the effect of this influence on our taste in mating. How has all this happened?

I suggest that male homosexuality could not possibly have taken the central position it did in Hellenic culture, without having influenced the taste of the Greeks in human morphology.

This Symonds denies. Referring to Greek taste in human form as expressed in art, he says: "There is no partiality for the beauty of the male." 1

We shall now try to determine the precise value of this statement. Long before I was aware of the dominant role played by male homosexuality in Hellenic culture, my eye as a draughtsman had

1 Op. cit., p. 242.


discerned something odd in the female figure as presented in Greek sculpture. I had seen that what Schopenhauer foolishly described as the "unæsthetic character of the female form" — its "narrow shoulders, broad hips, low stature and diminutive legs" — had been decidedly modified or wholly eliminated by Greek art; in fact, that the Greeks had misrepresented those characteristic proportions of legs to trunk, 2 and shoulders to hips, which differentiate the normal female from the male.

If, however, male beauty was the leading æsthetic note in their culture, may we not suspect that, in this matter the Greeks would have sympathized with Schopenhauer, and that, in fact, Schopenhauer unconsciously revealed the potent influence of Greek culture in making his famous remarks about the female figure?

Unless we presuppose a deliberate choice of the perverse Greek standard by Schopenhauer, it is, in any event, a senseless point of view. For, unless, as should be the case, we observe one code of æsthetic values for the appreciation of the female form, and another for that of the male, we are bound to judge one sex according to criteria that do not apply to it. To say, therefore, that, from the standpoint of the male form that of the female is ugly, is as sensible as to say that, from the standpoint of the female form, that of the male is ugly.

Why should not the female leg-trunk ratio, for instance, be as beautiful in its way as the male? Æsthetic taste is purely arbitrary. There are no inexorable laws about it. Therefore, to declare, as Schopenhauer, Goethe, and a host of others have done, that the male form is more beautiful, betrays a bias unconsciously acquired from homosexual Greece, or else a puerile confusion of standards of which such men as Schopenhauer and Goethe can hardly be suspected.

Goethe declares that "according to pure æsthetic standards, 3 man is, after all, very much more beautiful, more excellent and more perfect than woman", and Cennini and Rémy de Gourmont agree with him. Then he goes on to explain that, given this fact, it would easily lead to an animal and coarse materialistic expression; and thus the love of boys would be a natural propensity, although at the same time contrary to nature. 4

1 P.P., I, p. 654.
2 Throughout this and the ensuing chapters, the word "trunk", in such phrases as trunk-leg ratio, stands for head and trunk.
3 The italics are mine. A.M.L.
4 UNTERHALTUNGEN MIT DEM KANZLER FRIEDRICH VON MÜLLER. (Stuttgart, l898, p. 231.) See also Cennino Cennini; LE LIVRE DE L'ART (trans. by Victor Mottez, Paris, 1911, p. 42). Referring to the bodily proportions of man and woman, Cennini says: "Celles de la femme je n'en parlerai pas, elle n'a aucune mesure parfaite." Cennini was writing in 1437, at the height of the Renaissance, when Greek values were enjoying their second vogue in Italy. See also P.L., p. 70, where Rémy de Gourmont says of the trunk-leg ratio: " Il suffit de comparer une série de photographies d'après l'art avec une série d'après le nu, pour se convaincre que la beauté du corps humain est une création idéologique. Il faut dire aussi que le corps humain a de graves défauts de proportion et qu'ils sont plus accentués chez la femelle que chez le mâle." Innumerable examples of this kind of nonsense could be quoted, revealing either an unconscious Greek male-homosexual bias, or an unconscious native homosexual bias, in the author.


But, for once, Goethe is talking nonsense. There are no such "pure æsthetic standards". In fact, in this case, as we have seen, they were most impure. Taste may be healthy or unhealthy, non-morbid or morbid, according to whether it tends to an ascent or a descent in the line of life. But when it discriminates between forms which diner, although equally healthy and sound, and each of which is in a class of its own, there is, apart from any psycho-physical abnormality, no "pure æsthetic standard" which places the one above the other. There is only bias.

The best proof of this is that, before the Greeks, and long before Cennini, Goethe and Schopenhauer, other great peoples had depicted women in art, not merely with the normal female trunk-leg ratio, but also with an exaggeration of it, evidently conceiving it, as in itself beautiful. Let anyone who doubts this look at the wonderful figures of women carved in ivory by the artists of the Cro-Magnon period, 1 or at the exquisitely beautiful women depicted in Indian art, 2 or at many of the female figures represented in Egyptian sculpture and drawings, 3 or even at some of the Greek work itself, produced more especially before the time of the Parthenon, but also even as late as the Parthenon pediments, 4 when presumably the Greek male-homosexual bias had not exerted its fullest influence. Even if the reader will look

1 L'ART PENDANT L'AGE DU RENNE (Paris, 1907). Plates LXXI, LXXIII and XXVII.
2 T. A. Gopinatha Rao: DOCUMENTS OF HINDU ICONOGRAPHY (Madras, 1914, I, Part II), particularly Plates XXII, XC, XCIX, CXI, CIII, CVI, and CV1II.
3 See, for instance, EBONY NEGRESS of the XVIII Dynasty (Petrie Collection), the Statuette of a Princess (described by Chassinat), also of the XVIII Dynasty; the picture of two YOUNG MUSICIAN PRINCESSES of the XVIII Dynasty (at El-Amara), and many other examples, all to be found in G. Maspero's ART IN EGYPT (London, 1912). The absurd elongation of the female lower limbs sometimes found in Egyptian work, is usually a conventional modification to suit the exigencies of a pattern or of a handle, instrument, or what not. But, as we shall see, the Egyptians were not consistent, and changed their canon with time.
4 ANATOMIE DER AUSSEREN FORMEN, by Dr. Carl Langer (Vienna, 1884, p. 60), where, according to measurements of antique statues in Vienna, the author is able to say: "The figures in the pediments of the Parthenon are in keeping with the proportions of the natural medium-sized human being."


at certain masters of the French School of the last half of the nineteenth century, such as Renoir and Degas, he will see that moderns too have appreciated and known how to admire the normal leg-trunk ratio in the female, and even an exaggeration of it. 1

To suppose that the Indian artist, who modelled the Annapurnadevi, 2 was not conscious of the peculiar beauty of the proper female proportions, and could not appreciate it as belonging to an order all its own, would be a fantastic misconception.

What then becomes of Goethe's alleged "pure æsthetic standards"?

The fact is that Goethe, Schopenhauer and millions of other Europeans are unconsciously labouring under the ancient Greek male-homosexual bias in favour of the male form, and its influence upon their own ideal of female beauty.

Symonds, as I have already observed, denies this influence on Greek art. But hear what he says: "The Greeks admitted, as true artists are obliged to do, that the male body displays harmonies of proportion and melodies of outline, more comprehensive, more indicative of strength expressed in terms of grace, than that of women." 3

How can a man write such nonsense? Except for a male homosexual bias, conscious or unconscious, native or borrowed, which, at all events, is out of place in judging woman, why is a man more of a "true" artist who admires the male form than he who admires the female?

It is not easy to be patient with this unconscious emulation of a nation of male homosexuals; for if we compare the work above mentioned of the Cro-Magnons, of India, of Egypt, and of such moderns as Renoir and Degas, with certainly the bulk of Greek work, we cannot help being struck with the difference of proportions in the female figures shown in the Greek work, and wondering how to account for it. Nor should we forget that, as E. A. Gardner points out, although "male draped figures are not unknown in the early period" of Greek art, they "are comparatively rare"; while nude male figures in art were actually

1 See particularly Renoir's LE JUGEMENT DE PARIS, and the innumerable studies of ballet girls by Degas. They shock the over-Hellenized taste of modern England; but evidently Renoir and Degas thought them beautiful.
2 Plate CVIII in Rao's Collection.
3 Op. cit., p. 245. Does he not here inadvertently admit what he elsewhere denies, that Greek male homosexuality did actually influence Hellenic taste in regard to human form?


an invention of the Greeks, and prevailed throughout the various periods of sculpture. On the other hand, while a few nude statuettes of women occur in the early period, the nude female figure in sculpture was "an extremely rare occurrence in Greece until the fourth century". 1

This is very significant. But it is particularly to the proportions of the Greek female statue that I wish to refer.

Licht flatly contradicts Symonds, and declares that Greek male homosexuality did actually affect the Hellenic ideal of beauty. He says, in speaking of this: "The most fundamental difference between ancient and modern culture is that the ancient is throughout male", and, "To how great an extent the boyish ideal appeared to the Greeks the embodiment of all earthly beauty may be further appreciated from the fact that in plastic art specifically female beauty is represented as approximating to the type of the boy or youth". He adds: "And the truth of this assertion can be found by rapidly turning over the pages of any illustrated history of Greek art." 2

To anyone with the slightest knowledge of the male and female figure, this influence of boy-love and of male homosexuality on the Greek sculptures of females is obvious; and when Grote says: "It was the masculine beauty of youth that fired the Hellenic imagination with glowing and impassioned sentiment", 3 he is not exaggerating.

Now Dr. Karl Gustave Carus, who was an artist as well as a man of science, shows that the principal differences between the bodily proportions of the sexes "are almost confined to the size of the femur, the hand and the foot"; and he adds: "The most important feature in the female is the shortened structure of the femur, which is chiefly responsible for her smaller stature as a whole." 4

As a consequence, we find the middle point of the body in the normal female a little higher than in the normal male. Thus

1 A HANDBOOK OF GREEK CULTURE (London, 1897, pp. 92–95).
2 S.L.A.G., pp. 418 and 427. Also Bloch (D.P., p. 232), who adduces as proof of the higher place held by the form of the boy and of man in Greek æsthetic values, the "love-token vases" bearing inscriptions expressing homage to beauty. According to Wilhelm Klein, "the small number of vases bearing female names is so striking — thirty in all compared with 528 bearing male names — that we may ignore them with impunity."
2 PLATO (2nd Ed., 1867, II, p. 207). In a previous passage Grote writes: "The beauty of woman yielded satisfaction to the senses, but little beyond." See also p. 209.
3 DIE PROPORTIONSLEHRE DER MENSCHLICHEN GESTALT. (Leipzig, 1854, p. 14).


Dr. Alexander Walker says of the normal woman: "Owing to the smaller stature and to the greater size of the abdominal region, the middle point, which is the pubis in the male, is situated higher in the female." 1

Dr. Ernst Brücke notices the same sexual differentiation. He says: "As a rule women have shorter legs than men, and this is true also of their representation in art." 2 Regarding the proportion of the upper to the lower part of the body. Dr. Carl Langer declares, "it is easily seen that in men the pubis seldom marks the centre of the body length; as a rule the central point is below the pubis. Consequently the lower extremities in men are somewhat longer than the upper part of the body. In women, on the contrary, the central point is usually in the region of the pubis, and the legs are therefore proportionately shorter." 3

There is no need to labour this point. It is a commonplace of the studios, though as a difference it is surviving with less and less frequency, as I shall show.

Now it is true to say that the proportions of the human body, regarded as normal and desirable, have, according to artistic canons, been steadily altering both for the male and the female.

William W. Story points out, for instance, the increasing length of the lower limbs in proportion to the whole figure in five successive canons. 4 According to an old Sanscrit MS., the SILPA SASTRA, the upper body is reckoned at 258 parts and the lower at 222, which makes the legs very short. Then, after tracing the proportions through the ages, from a canon of the most ancient Pharaonic dynasty to a canon of the time of Amunophth III (1200 B.C.), the figure comes to be divided into 19 parts, 10 of which cover the length from pubis to sole, and 9 from pubis to top of skull. 6

1 BEAUTY (London, 1863, p. 169).
2 SCHÖNHEIT UND FEHLER DER MENSCHLICHEN GESTALT (Vienna, 1891, p. 145). See also A., p. 240. Taking man's height as 1.689 m. and woman's as 1.580, Quetelet says: "La jambe par exemple est relativement plus courte chez la femme que chez l'homme. A 25 ans la hauteur de la rotule au dessus du sol est de .475 m. chez l'homme, et seulement .442 m. chez la femme . . . la hauteur de la bifurcation au dessus du sol est .806 m. chez l'homme et .739 m. chez la femme." Quetelet also confirms Langer on the difference of the central point in males and females.
3 Op. cit., p. 55.
4 THE PROPORTIONS OF THE HUMAN FIGURE (London, 1864, p. 15).
5 Regarding the SILPA SASTRA, Dr. Siegfried Schadow gives interesting particulars (POLYCLET, Berlin, 1882, p. 19). Story probably copied Schadow because (a) he repeats Schadow's mistake in the spelling of the code, (b) he gives fewer details about it than Schadow, and (c) Schadow's first edition appeared in 1834. Giving the ideal measurements of man and woman, Schadow says (pp. 6l–68): the length from sole to pubis in a man of 5 ft. 6 ins. (1.730 m.) should be 33 ins., while in a woman of 5 ft. 5 ins. (1.660 m.) it should he 30 ins. (.785 m.). From pubis to vertex in same man, the measurement should be 33 ins., in same woman 33 1/2 ins. Thus in Schadow's normal female, the central point would be well above pubis. He says the distance between sole and pubis in woman should, as a rule, equal that between pubis and eyebrows (op. cit., p. 66).


The Greeks followed the same strange development. From a canon which was clearly under seven head-lengths for the total height, they rose fairly quickly to a canon of 7 head-lengths, 7.8 head-lengths and 8.5 head-lengths. If we glance at the early sixth-century metopes of the Temple of Silenus (Palermo), and the type of the Argive masters of the early fifth century B.C., we have no difficulty in recognizing that, in its beginnings, Greek art made the proportion of leg to total height comparatively low. Even in the sixth-century Apollo of Tenea, although the head is small, and the figure therefore tall, the leg to trunk ratio is low, and the central point in the figure is above the pubis. Polycleitus, in the Doryphorus, or Canon, gives us a figure of seven heads to total height, with central point at the pubis. 1 But Lysippus increases the height to eight head-lengths and increases the length of the leg in proportion to the rest of the body. In his Apoxyomenus (fourth century B.C.) the leg-trunk ratio, instead of being 500 : 500 (Polycleitus), or 480 : 500, is actually 553.8 : 446.1, according to Langer's tables. 2 This is even in excess of the Apollo Belvedere (probably third century B.C.), in which the leg-trunk ratio, according to the same authority, is 538.5 : 461.5. 3 Thus the central point of the Greek male figure descended steadily from a position well above the" pubis to a position well below it.

It is as if there were, as Weidenreich declares, a tendency in urban life to produce an increasing height and slimness of body, or, to use his terms, which will be explained in due course, as if "leptosomes" were more frequent among urban than among rural populations. 4 That this increase of the "leptosome" occurred in Egypt is indicated by the canons I have referred to above. That it did so in the "polites" of Greece is shown by what I have said regarding the Greek canon. But there is curious independent evidence of this, apart from what the plastic arts

1 See also the Diadumenus after Polycleitus at the British Museum for similar proportions.
2 Op. cit., p. 61.
3 Even in Cleomenes' GERMANICUS of the Græco-Roman period, probably made to suit Roman tastes, the leg-trunk ratio is 520 : 480.1 — big enough indeed, but less than that of the canon of Lysippus.
4 R.U.K, p. 154.


supply, in a passage in Aristophanes, which I have never seen explained, which it is impossible to find in a modern English version of the classics, and which certainly confirms Weidenreich's claim. It is to the effect that the men of the good old times were square and solidly built, whereas the dramatist's contemporaries were meagre, mean and asthenic. 1

Unfortunately for Europe, the canon for women did not merely follow the same course, but, owing to the intense And one-sided admiration of the male figure in Greece, it was also made to approximate as nearly as possible to the latter. Dr. Carus definitely states that false proportions were deliberately adopted by the ancient Greeks in representing the female form, and in regard to the arbitrary lengthening of the femur in the female, he instances the truly monstrous VENUS OF ARLES. 2

The Greeks started fairly healthily. If we examine the statues of draped women found buried between the Erechtheum and the northern wall of the Acropolis, which date from before the ruin of the Acropolis by Xerxes (480 B.C.) and must therefore belong to the sixth century B.C., we find that these women have very hort legs, i.e. that their leg-trunk ratio is small, or, according to Schadow and others, normal. In the metope of the Heraion of Selinus, which is early fif h century B.C., we still see Hera quite short in the leg, while Zeus too has sound, manly proportions. But from about the middle of the fifth century B.C. onwards, these normal proportions for women all vanish and Ernst Brücke acknowledges that women with male leg proportions appear in the antique. 3 In the Aphrodite of Cnidus by Praxiteles (fourth century B.C.) we already notice a considerable lengthening of the whole body, and particularly of the leg, in comparison with what Gardner calls the "broad and majestic femal figures of the Parthenon", the pubis is nearing the central point of the figure,

1 CLOUDS (French trans. by Ch. Zévort, 996–1024). Just Cause is speaking: "Si tu t'appliques à suivre mes conseils, tu auras toujours la poitrine robuste, le leint clair, les épaules larges, la langue courte, les fesses grosses, le membre petit. Mais si tu te façonnes aux mœurs du jour, tu auras le teint jaune, les épaules étroites, la poitrine grêle, la langue longue, les fesses petites, le membre énorme, le parlage intarissable." It is odd that Weidenreich, Kretschmer and the other morphologists I have consulted, appear to have overlooked this passage, as also most of the evidence from ancient sculpture and æsthetic codes. In spite of what Pliny says of Lysippus (NAT. HIST., trans. by J. Bostock and H. T. Riley, London, 1857, Book 4, 65) that while "other artists made men as they actually were . . . he made them as they appeared [ought]o be," it is likely, therefore, that art did to some extent follow nature, at least in the male. The word "appeared" in Pliny's sentence is obviously wrong, and following O. Müller, I have suggested "ought" as the proper word.
2 Op. cit., p. 19.
3 Op. cit., p. 145.


and the lower extremities are much longer in proportion than those of the Indian canon's ideal male, and longer even than those of the early Greek male. In the Amazon from the pediment at Epidaurus (Athens Museum, fourth century B.C.) the legs are quite male, as they are also in the Artemis of Versailles (early third century B.C.), and in the goddess Victory from Samothrace (306 B.C.). In the Venus dei Medici, which probably belongs to the late third century B.C., the leg-trunk ratio is actually 529.8 : 470.4, i.e. much greater than that of the Germanicus, a male figure, and much greater than that of Schadow's normal man, or even of the Greek male of the time of Polycleitus! 1

I am not suggesting that this fantastic female leg-trunk ratio was even approximately approached by the women of the period. What I do maintain, however, is that in these statues, and m the progressive assimilation of the female to the male type, we have definite evidence of the monosexual ideal of beauty in ancient Greece, i.e. proof positive of Licht's and Bloch's claim that the æsthetic ideal was male, and that it influenced the æsthetic conception of desirability in the female form more .and more. In a word, what I think this evidence demonstrates is that the prevailing male homosexuality in ancient Greece did in the end produce an ideal female form which is a monstrosity. It now remains for me to discuss how this ideal, by having been acquired and followed by Europe, certainly since the Renaissance, has affected our choice in mating, and has to some extent influenced the morphology of our women.

There can be no doubt that the late Greek conception of beauty in the female form has been prominently before the general public ever since the Renaissance. Nor can there be any doubt that, particularly latterly — i.e. since the influence of men like Winckelmann and his associates — it has been widely popularized, and, throughout the nineteenth century, regarded more or less as the canon of desirability.

Nor can it be maintained that, at least in Protestant countries, with their return to the more ascetic and primitive forms of Christianity, there was any influence, sociological or moral, to resist this cult. On the contrary! From two totally different starting-points, the late Greek, wholly male-homosexual ideal of female form, and the early Christian ascetic ideal of human form

1 Nor was it the leg-trunk ratio alone that was masculinized in Greek female sculpture, the pelvis followed suit. See on this point M.W., pp. 61–62, and T.O.S., p. 45.


in general, converged on the same point to produce the same results. 1 And thus it happened that, certainly in Puritanical England, there was a twofold influence operating in the direction of a monstrous female form. Burne-Jones symbolizes as it were the highest crest of this curious confluence of ideals in the nineteenth century.
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Re: The Choice of a Mate, by Anthony M. Ludovici

Postby admin » Mon Jan 29, 2018 4:13 am

Part 2 of 2

Now, apart from æsthetic canons and ideals, what does a male or long leg in the female mean?

I have already quoted authorities for the contention that the female should be relatively shorter in the leg than the male. 2

Why should this be a female characteristic?

Chiefly because the female matures sooner than the male 3 and, as we have already seen, there appears to be some antagonism between the operation of the growth-promoting, and the sexual, glands. The development of the latter (the gonads) seems to close the epiphyses of the long bones, and thus to stop their growth. And as these long bones, particularly the femur, are the principal determiners of height, any difference between the sexes in regard to the time at which their growth is arrested must make appreciable differences in the height of the skeleton.

This accounts for the commonly observed unusual length of the leg in eunuchs and eunuchoid men and women. 4 It also

1 The conflict between soul and body, and the desire to produce a type as soulful and as "asthenic" as possible, soon led the Christians, from quite other motives, to depict a tenuous, bodiless creature which outshone in height and slenderness the "leptosome" of Lysippus and his followers. These emaciated figures, narrow and fragile, are a characteristic of the Gothic, whether in MSS. or in the statues of the saints; and the fact that the 8.4 heads to the body of the Apoxyomenos was surpassed by a Byzantine canon of the eleventh century measuring nine heads is proof enough of the curious coincidence of ideals. The work of Segna, Duccio and even Botticelli provides good examples of the type; while as late as the sixteenth century, Agnola Firenzuola (1493–1546) postulated that a man should measure nine heads. The two tendencies, Greek and Christian, combine in the work of men like Tintoretto, Corregio (see his ST. GEORGE MADONNA at Parma). Giorgione (VENUS at Dresden) and even Titian (VENUS OF URBINO, Uffizi). Another sixteenth century example is Gerard David's BAPTISM OF CHRIST in the Bruges Museum, in which Christ is represented as quite asthenic. See also, for a very leptosome Christ, the picture by Meister von Wittingen in the Church of St. Magdalen, Wittingau (fourteenth century); also Martin Schongauer's engraving, THE CRUCIFIXION (fifteenth century).
2 See, in addition, M.W., p. 49.
3 This is a well-established fact. See, for instance, F. H. A. Marshall: THE PHYSIOLOGY OF REPRODUCTION, p. 713; Schültze: DAS WEIB IN ANTHROPOLOGISCHER UND SOZIALER BEZIEHUNG, p. 22; M.W., p. 39; and Franz Daffner: DAS WACHSTUM DES MENSCHEN, p. 89.
4 Thus Drs. Tandler and Gross (op. cit., p. 62) describe eunuchoidism as "increased growth of the extremities, with correspondingly long legs and arms; while the skeleton maintains its epiphyses open, which is the sign of immaturity, long after the period when normally they have undergone synostosis".


accounts, as Drs. Tandler and Gross point out, for the difference in the size, not only between men and women, but also between southern and northern women, 1 since the latter mature later than the former.

Dr. Draper also points out that even an attack of mumps in a growing youth may occasion rapid and unusual growth of the extremities, owing to the check the disease may offer to the gonadal development and influence. 2

When, therefore, from what cause soever, there is increased activity of the pituitary gland, which is largely concerned with growth, a corresponding gonadal inadequacy in early lire may often be inferred. 3 But the gonadal inadequacy need not manifest itself only in abnormal growth. It can, as Tandler and Gross point out, show itself through abnormal adiposity. 4 But I am not discussing gonadal inadequacy as such, I am only concerned with it to the extent to which it impinges on the facts of morphology in Greek and Christian art given above.

When, therefore. Dr. Lipschütz, speaking of castrates, says that in them "the zone of proliferation of the epiphyses in the extremities remains longer than normally", and, in referring to eunuchoids, says, "all authorities agree that the state of 'eunuchoidism' is connected [in women] with ovarian deficiency," 5 we have a hint of what an artificial cultivation of the excessively long, or male, leg in females must mean.

It most probably means the cultivation of an ideal of eunuchoidism, or in its sub-acute forms, at least, an ideal of low-sexed feminity.

The fact that the male homosexual bias of the Greeks and the Christian pursuit of a soulful, disembodied spirit-type, should have coalesced in modern England with a strange recent taste (unconsciously homosexual among men?) for the boyish figure in girls, is a concatenation of such extraordinary fatality, that it is hardly credible. And yet it is undeniable, and may possibly account for Gini's claim regarding the increase of frigidity among Anglo-Saxon women, and also for the figures recently collected regarding the low-sexed type.

It is certainly strange that Europe is 'he only continent in which, ever since the fourth century B.C. there has been a succession of so-called "Woman's Movements" — feminist agitations

1 Op. cit., p. 71.
2 D.M., p. 126.
3 Ibid., p. 122.
4 Op. cit., pp. 62–66.
5 Op. cit., pp. 8 and 430.


characterized by (a) a desire on the part of the agitating female minority to drop the essential callings of females, particularly motherhood, 1 (b) a striving on the part of that same minority to adopt masculine callings and to persuade other women to do so, and (c) an actively militant attitude in that same minority, bearing marked signs of rivalry with and hostility towards males.
Seeing that we can reckon five or six major movements of this kind — those of ancient Greece itself, ancient Rome, the Renaissance in Italy, seventeenth-century England and France, and the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in America, France, England, Germany and the Netherlands; and seeing, moreover, that nowhere else in the world (except where Greek-infected and Christianized Europeans reside) has anything similar been witnessed, it becomes difficult to account for the persistence of the affliction, except in some recurrent morphological anomaly, which is undoubtedly associated with it, and the origin of which is to be found in the very country where the first feminist movement started.

It is not proved that the antagonism or correlation between the gonadal and pituitary secretions is alone responsible for differences in the growth and development of the body, and particularly of the long bones. 2 As Tandler and Gross declare: "It must be admitted that we are still a long way off from certainty regarding the nature of this correlation." 3 But an assembly of facts, which all converge from different charters upon the same point, lead one to infer that the conscious or unconscious admiration and pursuit of the leptosomatic or even asthenic female — long or male-legged, broad-shouldered, narrow-hipped and athletic — by most Europeans since the days of ancient male-homosexual Greece (with its marvellously persuasive plastic art) and the acceptance by Christian art of the leptosomatic ideal has probably done much to effect a change in female morphology,

1 This claim is put very typically by Leonie Ungern-Sternberg in B.M., pp. 264–265. She says: "Humanly woman has now the possibility of a life of her own [sic!!]; she can now lead an independent manless existence without perceiving it to be devoid of meaning."
2 Other glands may be involved, and the thyroid and principal glands certainly are.
3 Op. cit., p. 129. Also Lipschütz (op. cit., p. 15): "There can he no doubt that the formation of the morphological, physiological, and psychical characters of man depends on the sexual glands. . . . There may be different opinions as to the extent of this dependence . . . but on the other hand we are absolutely certain that this dependence exists."


and to produce (may be in periodical waves) a large percentage of masculoid, eunuchoid and, as Dr. Anton Schücker suggests, also infantile adult females in certain generations. 1

Let us now examine these converging lines of evidence.

In the first place, there is the comparatively common occurrence of sexual frigidity in European and United States women. The fact that frigidity among these women is much more common than among their men seems to be generally admitted, though never satisfactorily accounted for. 2 The fact, however, that there should be a marked difference is in itself a problem. Dr. Otto Adler claims with Guttzeit that 40 per cent of women suffer from frigidity, as compared with only 1 per cent of men, according to Dr. O. Effertz. The latter estimates that only 10 per cent of women suffer from frigidity. This is high enough when compared with its incidence among men; but Dr. Iwan Bloch, usually so careful and fair, considers Effertz's estimate too low and says that "the truth probably lies midway between the views of Effertz and those of Guttzeit." 3 This would mean that, in Europe and the United States to-day, 25 per cent of women are frigid and only 1 per cent of men.

Why this great difference? Can we regard it as natural that precisely that one of the two sexes (both of which are equipped for the joys of reproduction) whose sexual functions are the more elaborate and extensive, should be indifferent or actually inaccessible to the extent of 25 per cent of its members to the lure and joys of sex? Even if we cut this down to half, as we may seem entitled to do according to the figures given by Dickinson and Bean, the difference is still very great. 4

1 See Z.P.F., pp. 41–43. One might add "negroid" females; because, as the negress has she smallest pelvis of all three principal divisions of mankind (white, yellow, black) she can look masculoid without abnormality.
2 The literature abounds with admissions of this fact. See Dr. Helene Deutsch: PSYCHOANALYSE DER WEIBLICHEN SEXUALFUNKTIONEN (Leipzig, 1925, pp. 60–65), who says: "It is a remarkable fact which still remains unexplained psychologically that female frigidity is considerably more frequent than the corresponding disability — psychical impotence — in the male." Nor, in my opinion, does Dr. Deutsch satisfactorily account for this difference. Dr. S. Herbert (op. cit., p. 117) also says: "Frigidity — i.e. a natural coldness towards sex-relationship — is a much more frequent occurrence among women than among men." Also Bloch, S.L.O.T., p. 433.
3 S.L.O.T., pp. 432–437. Also S.P.S., III, pp. 203–227, for another discussion of same question, Havelock Ellis quotes Shufeldt as saying that 75 per cent of married women in New York are sexually frigid. Hegar gives 50 per cent, while Dr. Harry Campbell goes so far as to say that "the sexual instinct in the civilized woman is . . . tending to atrophy" (op. cit., p. 39).
4 Statistics of female frigidity are not easily found, as definite evidence can be obtained only from the married. In T.M., p. 438, out of over 300 of a group of 770 women, 227 were definitely negative to sexual relations. See also p. 440 ibid.: Of 375 wives on the negative side in marriage, 100 were diagnosed as frigid. This would be about 37 per cent of the 375, and 13 per cent of the whole group of 770. As, however, these figures relate to the married, who presumably would contain a lower percentage of frigids than of females as a whole (who would include numbers of spinsters who had remained so owing to frigidity) Bloch's 25 per cent is more probably right than the 13 per cent of the last computation.


Nowhere in my reading of anthropology and ethnology have I seen it stated that among savage women there is anything like this proportion of frigids. Something then seems to have affected European women, and their transatlantic cousins, to account for this peculiarly adverse differentiation from man.

It is difficult to accept Bloch's suggestion that the effects of (a) masturbation, and (b) inadequate artistry in the male, 1 suffice to explain the anomaly, because he gives us no convincing data about either (a) or (b), and masturbation, in adult life at least, is in itself rather the result of an anomaly (usually hetero-sexual abstinence) 2 than of a congenital disposition. Nor is the lack of male artistry universal in Europe. Regarding masturbation and its alleged connexion with frigidity, Felix Bryk, for instance, tells us that among women of the Buganda tribe in equatorial Africa, masturbation is very common; but he does not say that any frigidity is induced by the practice. 3

Dunlap suggests that the "age-long drafting into the ranks of harlots of the more ardent women should theoretically give a slight advantage in reproduction to the colder type." 4 But is it a tact that the more ardent women tend to gravitate to prostitution? 5 Does the variety of causes, economic, temperamental, vocational, accidental, etc., which lead prostitutes to their profession justify us in regarding this class of women as very different from their more "respectable" sisters? Dr. William J. Robinson, after a careful survey of the whole question, concludes that "morally, mentally and physically, she [the prostitute] differs very little from the average of the stratum from which she springs." 6 R. G. Randall certainly argues that "the appetite for

1 S.L.O.T., p. 433. See, however, p. 86.
2 On this point, see Dr. B. A. Bauer's WOMAN AND LOVE (London, 1927, p. 244). See also W., p. 190, and S.P.W., p. 96, where Magian claims that "During the recent war, owing to the prolonged absence of men from home, a decided increase in the habit was generally noted in the towns and cities of all the countries involved."
3 N.E., pp. 32 and 118. Dr. Hirschfeld also doubts whether masturbation can be a cause of female frigidity (G.K., II, p. 233).
4 P.B.R.B., p. 63.
5 Effertz says prostitutes are much more often frigid from the start than actually passionate" (G.K., II, p. 233).
6 PROSTITUTION, THE OLDEST PROFESSION IN THE WORLD, Etc. (S.R.C., pp. 278–295).


sex in the prostitute seems to be so strong that it excludes the possibility of her considering her life seriously; but he does not make out a very convincing case, and seems to lay more stress on ignorance, and the accidents to which it leads, than upon ardent sensibilities. Moreover, his conclusion is much the same as Dr. Robinson's; for he says: "Neither prostitutes nor prostitute-users are so far removed from the rest of humanity in their make-up." 1 Dr. Helene Deutsch ascribes the prostitute's choice of her profession to the Œdipus and Castration Complexes, and to disappointment at the failure of a relationship with the father. "As father will not have me, I shall throw myself at any and every man!" 2 Secondly, she ascribes it to "wounded narcissism". In a careful discussion of the subject. Dr. Bernard A. Bauer feels inclined "to attribute prostitution exclusively to bad social conditions and harmful moral influences during early childhood". He then goes on to suggest that economic causes, laziness, coquetry, passion for adornment, defective education and bad example all play their part. 3 As for the prostitute herself, she is characterised, according to Dr. Bauer, by "vanity, passion for adornment and an overwhelming desire to please". 4 Of 5183 Parisian prostitutes, Duchâtelet found that nearly half had been deserted by lovers, and the other half had taken up the life on account of poverty, loss of parents, or general helplessness. 5

To my mind, Bloch sums up the whole question very well when he says: "I consider the dispute regarding the causes of prostitution as superfluous; a number of causes are in operation, and in each individual case it is always an unfortunate concatenation of circumstances, of subjective and objective influences, which have driven the girl to prostitution . . . not one of them [the various theories] explains it wholly." 6

We cannot, therefore, accept Dunlap's suggestion regarding prostitution, and the greater incidence of frigids among women remains unexplained. It seems the more impossible to accept Dunlap's explanation seeing that, now as ever, it is chiefly from

1 THE INDIVIDUAL ASPECTS OF PROSTITUTION AMONG THE ENGLISH MIDDLE CLASSES (S.R.C. pp. 254–267). See also Rolf Ehrenfels: KANN PROSTITUTION BEKÄMPFT WERDEN? (S.R.C. pp. 296–299), who suggests various causes of prostitution, but does not claim that the prostitute is exceptionally ardent.
2 Op. cit, p. 35.
3 W., pp. 357–358.
4 Ibid., p. 363.
5 DE LA PROSTITUTION DANS LA VILLE DE PARIS (Paris, 1836, I, p. 100).
6 S.L.O.T., p. 325. Also p. 335.


the lower or servant class that prostitutes are recruited; whereas, for Dunlap to be correct, the absorption of the more ardent women by prostitution would effect women as a whole. 1 According to Corrado Gini, moreover, frigidity appears to be more common in the "upper" classes than in the lower. 2 So that again, if Dunlap were right, we should have to explain how the class from which prostitutes are chiefly recruited yet contains the greatest proportion of ardent women. Gini argues that the lower birth-rate of the upper classes "is not fundamentally due to Neo-Malthusian theories. It is rather the fact that the urge of genetic instincts has ceased, which allows their minds to receive the persuasive arguments of reason in favour of regulating the number of children, etc." 3

He adduces some statistical evidence of this, based chiefly on the researches of Dr. G. V. Hamilton. Among other things he shows that out of 200 intellectual families of New York, 46 of the 100 women examined "were found inadequate to complete the sexual act". Out of 67 bridegrooms only 29, and out of 69 brides only 28 had sexual relations on the first night of marriage. 4

It is now possible, however, to add to Gini's statistics pointing to the prevalence of frigidity, or a decline of the genetic instincts, in the middle classes. In Katherine B. Davis's investigation into the lives of 2200 middle-class American women, it was found that in the 1000 married women examined, the group which used contraceptive measures actually had a higher average of preg-

1 W., p. 348. Bauer's whole essay will convince anyone that we cannot charge prostitution with having made even a feeble preferential selection of the more ardent women in the population. Regarding the large proportion of domestic servants and of women of the same class among prostitutes, see S.L.O.T., p. 33.
2 P., p. 25. Also Dr. Harry Campbell (op. cit., p. 212): "It is even possible that an elimination of women having strong sexual instincts is taking place." But Dr. Campbell says it is not proved that the recruiting of prostitutes has this effect. His views on the causes of frigidity in women are on pp. 39 and 211 of his book. His principal point is that whereas in animals an instinctive predisposition to union with the male is necessary in the female, this is not imperative in human beings; hence numbers of women in each generation must marry who are not strongly sexual, and who thus transmit this subparity.
3 The decline of the genetic instincts in Europeans probably began generations ago, for had he not observed it, Larochefoucauld would hardly have said: "Il y a des gens qui n'auraient jamais été amoureux s'ils n'avaient jamais entendu parler de l'amour" (MAXIMES, CXXXVI). Paul Bournet certainly observed it in France in 1890, for he wrote: "La femme à tempérament est beaucoup plus rare dans nos races fatiguées que notre fatuité masculine n'en veut convenir" (P.A.M., pp. 131–139).
4 P., p. 42. See also J.A.M.A., 1.7.33, p. 64, where Dr. F. E. Kliman is reported to have said of conditions in Minnesota, "sterility is found in about 20 per cent of all married women."


nancies and of children than the group which did not use them. The figures were as follows:—

Families of those who used contraceptives.
Aver. No. of pregnancies. / Aver. of children. / Aver. age.

2.30 / 1.84 / 35.97


Families of those who did not use contraceptives.
Aver. No. of pregnancies. / Aver. of children. / Aver. age.

1.67 / 1.37 / 41.59 1


Surely these figures not only argue against Dunlap, but, seeing that the Federal Census for 1910 gives the average size of the family in the U.S.A. as 4.5, i.e. 2.5 children to a family, they also go very far towards supporting Gini's contention. We should also note that whereas 206 of the 1000 married women were childless, yet only four gave "no children" as a cause of unhappiness. 2

In the investigation carried out by R. L. Dickinson and L. Bean, it was found that out of 1000 married women of the upper middle class, 3 one-third bore no living child. And as regards the pleasures of sexual intercourse, it was found that in every five women, two experienced orgasm, two did not, and one sometimes. 4

Thus there is undoubtedly statistical evidence to show that Gini's contention is right; while, as to Dunlap, he is mistaken, not in recognising the frequency of frigidity among women, but in one of the chief causes to which he ascribes it. 5

Havelock Ellis certainly points to many considerations which investigators in this department are too much inclined to overlook — the fact that women cannot always get the men they would like, or would have chosen; the fact that certain women may

1 F.I.L.T., Table II, Chap. II and p. 16.: 15 of the 1000 did not answer the question, 255 said they never used contraceptives, and 730 said they did. Of this 730,520 were college graduates. These figures seem to imply that 25.5 per cent of the group (which does not include the sterile) were below genetic parity. See also B.M.J., 9.3.29, where Drs. C. Mazer and J. Hoffmann are reported to have said of 500 gynæcological cases, that they found "one out of every seven marriage unions in America remains barren".
2 F.I.L.T., p. 437.
3 T.M., p. 434. The authors say: "The social and economic milieu represented averages well above the middle-class line of humanity in large cities."
4 T.M., pp. 437–438.
5 For a not improbable cause of the preponderance of frigidity in the female sex, see Prof. R. Kossmann's chapter on Menstruation in M.D., p. 163. It may be that frigidity in some women is only an extra-menstrual phenomenon. I have already touched lightly on this point in my NIGHT HOERS (pp. 258–259).


be negative to sex with one man and positive with another, and that with them sexual ardour may develop, if they are in the right hands, etc. And he says: "If one wish to be accurate, it is very doubtful whether we can assert that a woman is ever absolutely without the aptitude of sexual satisfaction." 1 All this is reminiscent of La Bruyère, who says: "Une femme insensible est celle qui n'a pas encore vu celui qu'elle doit aimer." 2 The fact that many have exaggerated the incidence of frigidity in women cannot, I think, be questioned, particularly in view of the undoubted truth of much that Havelock Ellis says. On the other hand, the fact that, in our own small circles we all constantly meet with women who, although mated and happy with men of their own deliberate choice, display a negative attitude to sex, makes us wonder whether the condition is not independent of the optimum external requirements for a more positive attitude, and whether, if Havelock Ellis had considered the morphology of the frigid woman, he would have been so ready to doubt the prevalence of her type.

So much for one line of evidence.

We come next to the correlation between the onset of the catamenia and the duration of the sexual life. It would seem reasonable to suppose that the duration of the sexual life would be some indication of the vigour of tine sexual equipment, and that the early onset of the catamenia, within normal limits would likewise indicate sexual vigour, including greater fertility, and be accompanied by a relatively smaller stature.

Kisch actually found the first correlation, He says:—

"Exceptions apart, and generally speaking, it may be said that the earlier a woman displays maturity by her first menstruation, the more inclined she will be to bear many children, and the later also may her menopause be expected; because all these features are connected with a vigorous reproductive equipment". 3 And he goes on to say: "The reason of this seems to be that certain women manifest in their very constitution a sexual vigour

1 S.P.S., III, p. 206. The whole discussion (pp. 203–227) should be read. Bloch, despite the figures I have quoted from him, agrees with Havelock Ellis. He says (S.L.O.T., p. 86): "In the majority of cases the sexual frigidity of women is, in fact, apparent merely — either because behind the veil prescribed by conventional morality . . . there is concealed an ardent sexuality, or else because the particular man with whom she has had intercourse has not succeeded rightly in awakening her erotic sensibility." See also G.K., I, p. 261, and II, p. 233, where Hirschfeld agrees and confirms Bloch and Havelock Ellis.
2 L.C. (chap. "Des Femmes").
3 The italics are mine. A.M.L.


whereby an earlier ripening of the ovaries, and an earlier appearance of the catamenia are produced." 1

In statistics and conclusions that; have recently appeared 2 there is much that confirms Kisch. Among other statements, we find the following: "Childbearing, especially if it occurs frequently in the life of a woman, seems to be associated with the late onset of the menopause. . . . In most instances there is a definite association between the onset of puberty and the time of appearance of the menopause. In general it may be said that the earlier the menstrual function begins the longer it will continue." 3

Dr. Magian upholds these findings more or less. He says: "Women who have married, lived normal sexual lives, and had several children whom they have suckled themselves, as a rule have a longer sexual life than those in whom these conditions have not prevailed." And again: "Sterile married women usually have an exceptionally early menopause." 4

Thus there appears to be a correlation between sexual vigour and length of sexual life, and consequently a correlation between both and the normal early onset of the catamenia (not precocious puberty). Unfortunately I have been unable to find correlation tables of sexual vigour and height, or of sexual vigour and the female leptosomatic or asthenic figure. There are, however, one or two pregnant indications.

The first is the obvious increase in stature in both sexes,

1 K.A.F., p. 25. He proceeds to give statistics from various sources bearing out this conclusion.
2 J.A.M.A., 8.10.32.
3 Ibid. The italics are mine. A.M.L. Tables also follow, but there is no room to reproduce them.
4 S.P.W., p. 1X7. On the other hand, see the report on AN INVESTIGATION OF THE MENOPAUSE IN ONE THOUSAND WOMEN (LANCET, 14.1.33, pp. 106–108), where it is definitely stated that "no relationship was exhibited in the date between the menstrual and menopausal ages of either married or single women". Yes, but there was evidence of a shorter sexual life in those that had first menstruated at a later age, because the report shows that, "where menstruation began at 13, the mean age of cessation was 47.3; when it began at 18, it was 47.5", and the mean age at menopause was found to decline for menstrual ages after 19. The report also states that "child, bearing exerted no influence whatever on the age at the menopause". There are, however, various features in this report -which are unconvincing — for instance, the tendency to plead "small numbers" as invalidating a conclusion adverse to spinsterhood, and the absence of such a plea in regard to a conclusion favourable to spinsterhood. Again, to say that "no relation was exhibited in the data between the menstrual and the menopausal ages of either married or single women", is distinctly misleading, when the Figures show that when the mean menstrual age is 15 the mean menopausal age is 47.3, and when the mean menstrual age is 13 the mean menopausal age is 47.5. Surely with five years difference it is fair to say that, relatively, the girls menstruating at 18 have an earlier menopause, or a shorter sexual life.


noticed by anthropologists, and already referred to, 1 which may have a purely biological significance, but which happens to have been contemporaneous with a widespread feminist movement throughout western and northern Europe, and which suggests a general disturbance of endocrine balance, probably associated with a belated assertion of the gonadal influence. There is, moreover, the specially noticed recent increase in stature in those women among whom the boyish-figure ideal has prevailed most intensely (Anglo-Saxons). This has been attested by two independent observers. Dr. Charles Read, Superintendent of the Elgin State Hospital, Illinois, and Dr. Harold Diehl, of Minnesota University, who ascribes the fact (superficially, I think) to dieting and exercise. 2 The second is the general disparity in stature between French women and north European and Anglo-Saxon women, having regard to the fact that, as Weininger points out, "France . . . has never had a successful woman's movement", 3 although women of commanding intelligence abound there. In this connexion I would remind the reader of what I have already said above, that painters like Renoir and Degas — to mention only two — reveal by their work that the taste in France for women with a normal trunk-leg ratio is still prevalent; and that, as I point out in another work, Rodin, who was much influenced by the Greek, always endeavoured to obtain English female models for their masculoid trunk-leg ratio. 4 If it be contended that the difference between France and England in this respect is really a matter of race, I would reply that, although differences in stature may exist between races, this does not necessarily imply in peoples so closely allied as Europeans, 5 a great and constant difference in trunk-leg ratio, or in the proportions of shoulders to hips, etc. And it is precisely to these proportions that I am now referring. The literature of the day in England alone proves how prevalent the boy-type ideal is. See, for instance, pages 30–31 supra; see also how Alicia Ramsay describes the type she obviously admires: "A tall woman; straight as a young poplar, slim as a young birch . . . a woman whose hand should rule the destinies of men"; 6 or how Stella Mead describes a woman obviously held up to the admiration of the reader: "A . . .

1 See p. 116 supra.
2 Daily Press: 15.10.33 and 12.1.34.
3 S.C., p. 74.
4 See PERSONAL REMINISCENCES OF AUGUSTE RODIN (London, 1926, p. 122).
5 As between Europeans and Mongolians, or Negroes, the difference of race would imply marked differences in bodily proportions.
6 THE THREE COCKTAILS (London, 1933, p. 15).


lady . . . who walked serenely, with a movement of lovely grace, as a slender flower might sway forward on a lilting breeze." 1 These are figures reminiscent: of the asthenic women of Cranach and the Dutch draughtsmen and painters of the sixteenth century, who aimed at portraying the attenuated ascetic Christian type, afterwards so faithfully depicted by the pre-Raphaelites. Indeed, one has only to glance at the fashion-plates of the day in modern England to convince oneself that the ideal is actually a hipless, broad-shouldered and long-legged woman, who seems to bend like a slender flower under the weight of her head. 2

This ideal, as I shall try to show later, has not always prevailed in England. It is of post-Renaissance origin, at least in its present intensified form.

Thirdly, there is, as we shall see, good ground for associating a schizothymic character with the constitutionally leptosomatic and asthenic, and Kretschmer definitely states that "the born bachelor and spinster . . . are specially frequent among the strongly schizoid." 3 We have also Dr. Anton Schücker's careful investigation into the somatic characters of those women who display frigidity, hostility to man and marriage, and a tendency to agitate for masculine callings for women, etc., and his conclusion that such women invariably belong to one of two types — either the athletic (or masculoid), or the infantile. 4 And, finally, we have Dr. Victor Cox Pederson, the distinguished New York specialist, offering us quite independently the following interesting confirmation of our claims: "Broadly speaking,

1 GREEN CLOISTERS (London, 1933, p. 80).
2 The pastimes of the English and American girl also probably help to accentuate her eunuchoid and frigid character. In Dr. Riddle's paper, already quoted, he asks: "Is the increased metabolism of the female professional athlete favourable to her sex development and reproductive functions?" And he points out that his investigations into the influence of metabolism on sex show, not only that the rate of metabolism in individuals is plastic and "markedly influenced by such things as activities, occupation, excitement, nutrition and habits", but also that the experimentalist should be warned that "when he places a male and female under a condition that modifies the metabolism, he is not necessarily affecting the two individuals to the same extent" (op. cit., p. 945). Thus in promoting even mild athleticism among our schoolgirls, we may be actually masculinizing them, or at least reducing their feminity. (See pp. 476–481 infra).
3 B.M., p. 316. Also LANCET (21.1.33, p. 150), where Dr. A. J. Nissen is reported to have investigated the number of children born to 322 schizophrenes. The main findings were: "The comparative rarity of marriage in this class, the comparative sterility of these few marriages . . . only 166 children legitimate and illegitimate were born to these 322 patients. . . . While in the general population [in Norway] 9.43 per cent of the married women were childless, this was the case with 24.4 per cent of the 41 married schizophrenic women."
4 Z.P.F., pp. 38–47.


small and rather undersized women are more fruitful than large athletic women. The physiological reason for this circumstance is that ovarian processes in smaller women are more active (the chief reason for these women being smaller) and consequently are the grounds themselves of greater fertility." 1

Although the matter cannot, in the present state of our knowledge, be placed entirely beyond doubt, there seems, therefore, to be a very colourable warrant for my contention that Greek male homosexuality, with the bad taste it generated in regard to the female figure, has done much to influence our ideal of woman and our choice of women, and that it has consequently been responsible for an ever-increasing tendency in each generation to produce the virago, or athletic, asthenic, infantile and generally masculoid type of female. 2 This theory offers a satisfactory explanation not only of the disparity in the incidence of frigidity between the sexes and of the frequency and increasing intensity of the various so-called "Feminist" movements in Europe, but also of the declining vigour of the genetic instincts observed by Gini and others, and of the increasing stature or modern women. When we remember that the male homosexual bias of the Greeks was ultimately confirmed by (a) the Christian ascetic ideal, with its elongated, tenuous and asthenic types, and finally, in our own day by (b) a frankly admitted preference for the "boyish" figure in women and the cultivation of sports and athleticism by girls, it seems to me that there can hardly be any doubt that the ideal of human female beauty to-day is largely Greek, or at least greatly influenced by male-homosexual Greece, and that if we are to get back to a healthier ideal, which will restore harmony between the sexes and the happiness of superior adaptation to the female, we must try to forget or destroy all we know about those ancient Greek ideals of female beauty and form, which belong to the whole of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C., and root out from our life-habits those practices which, by assimilating the female to the male, destroy her femininity without achieving any corresponding gain.

1 Op. cit., pp. 38–47.
2 Weininger (S.C., pp. 64–65 and 73) seems to have approached the views expressed in this section, for he says: "A woman's demand for emancipation and her qualifications for it are in direct proportion to the amount of maleness in her." Also, on the periodicity of Feminist movements, he says: "If it occurs it may be associated with the 'secessional taste' which idealised tall, lanky women with flat chests and narrow hips. The enormous recent increase in a kind of dandified homosexuality may be due to the increasing effeminacy of the age, and the peculiarities of the pre-Raphaelite movement may have a similar explanation."


This means establishing another ideal of womanhood, not based on Greek male homosexuality, and it is this ideal which I shall attempt to describe in the final chapter.

* * * * * * *

In his discourse on clothes, Carlyle says: "Strange enough how creatures of the human-kind shut their eyes to the plainest facts." 1 But what is still more strange is the fact that, in a treatise on clothes, to write which he presumably sat down to dwell on all the aspects of his subject, Carlyle, who never tired of calling other people fools, should himself have overlooked the most important feature of clothes — their sexual differentiation and their effect on human morphology and temperament. But, long ago, I gave up looking for profundity in Carlyle. His popularity alone argues against it.

Be this as it may, the people of what is known as Western Civilization will one day certainly discover that perhaps the worst mistake they ever made was to adopt different clothing for the sexes. The step, as far as I can make out, was taken gradually, without either plan or method, following chiefly the exigencies of calling and occupation. 2 But, from the moment when each sex began to wear definitely unlike terms of apparel, the natural indolence of the human eye led to the uncritical habit of telling sex by garments or adornments alone rather than by bodily characteristics.

In a sentence; dissimilar clothing for the sexes led to a sartorial rather than a morphological heterosexual stimulus.

Stated thus, the idea may sound preposterous. Let the reader, however, imagine the conditions of a world in which both sexes dressed alike, and he will perceive that much of what to-day passes for discrimination would, in such an environment, be regarded as the most purblind obtuseness.

The fact is that to-day, as far as the eye is concerned — and it is the first organ to record the presence of a member of the opposite sex — there is a tendency in all people, even the observant, to stop and remain content with a standardized sartorial message, rather than to seek out and challenge the genuineness of the morphological one. A man tends to be a creature who wears male, and a woman a creature who wears female, clothes.

1 SARTOR RESARTUS.
2 Even these exigencies, however, did not prevent the earliest Romans from retaining a uniform garb for both sexes; for the toga, which in the early days was worn by both men and women "was the male garb for peace and war" (P.L.R., p. 564).


In a world in which, except when engaged on special duties proper to each sex, 1 both sexes wore the same clothes, however, a man would be a man only when, in spite of his integument, he looked a man, and a woman would be a woman only when, in spite of her epicene uniform, she looked a woman.

This would mean that the amorphous member of either sex would pass unnoticed by the opposite sex, as belonging to the same sex as the latter. Normal young men would not stop to look at her, or be falsely stimulated by her, if she were a female, and normal girls would not turn round to look at him it he were a male.

The normal heterosexual person of either sex would thus never be found pursuing a creature whose body did not conquer the epicene disguise, and much purely imaginary stimulation and attraction would instantly cease to be possible.

Those who doubt this conclusion have recently had ample means of testing its accuracy, thanks to the new fashion among young women of wearing male attire at the seaside in the summer. Again and again I have observed that, if she is at all eunuchoid, or masculoid, or even asthenic, the eye simply does not notice a girl thus attired, whether in shorts and a blazer, or in grey flannel trousers and a blazer, but that it is instantly aware of one who, in the male garments selected, appears but a travesty of the male, and on whom no epicine integument could possibly act as a disguise.

Imagine women confronted by men adopting similar methods. Imagine the large-hipped, narrow-shouldered, soft, effeminate male type dressed in garments that did not advertise him as a male, and how many young heterosexual women would look at him, or fail to know at a glance that he was a poor or bad specimen of his sex?

The reader may retort that clean-shaving was surely a step in the direction of dress-assimilation between the sexes. True, it was. But it is neutralized by the absence of an epicene uniform.

In the first place, it assimilates to the female a part of the body which, at least out of doors, is so plainly masculinised by the powerful sex-suggestion of the male hat above, and the male clothing immediately below it, that its importance is lost. This is particularly so in military men — hence the impression created by the late war that there were many more desirable-looking

1 In which case the sexes would be segregated as long as the duties lasted, just as they are to-day.


men about than in peace-time. Hence, too, the case with which many men in those days found admiring partners, although in peace time they would have been rejected with scorn. 1 Indeed, one often sees a young Guards officer to-day who, were it not for his bearskin and his tunic, Raphael might easily have chosen for one of his Madonnas. So that clean-shaving is not really enough to make the superficial make-up perfectly epicene.

The fact that, as Dr. Oscar F. Scheuer points out, clean-shaving eliminates a secondary characteristic which can and does reveal virility, is, of course, to be regretted. According to him and the authorities he quotes, from Ebles in 1831 to Rieger, Stieda, Gallavardin, Rebattu, Friedenthals, Stekel and Havelock Ellis in our own time, the quality and vigour of the beard is a definite indication of sexual potency. 2

Whether this is so or not, however, it seems to me that clean-shaving, by contributing to an epicene uniform, is desirable because it leaves to the facial features and the body the task of conveying the impression of sex, and it is important, from the standpoint of sound (heterosexual) mating, that this impression should be made by the various and multiple morphological characters which belong peculiarly to the male.

As things are to-day, however, with the principal accent of sex differentiation relegated to the wholly adventitious factor of purchased garments, the reaction in either sex tends to be to these garments (particularly in the young and unobservant), with the result that border-line cases, both of the effeminate-male and the masculoid-female type, often get selected even by heterosexual mates who otherwise would have passed them over.

The influence of distinctive clothing for each sex has, therefore, been to remove one of the checks on unwise mating and to some extent to abet and promote the multiplication of —

(a) Masculoid and eunuchoid females who, as we have seen, are already unsoundly selected as desirable owing to the male homosexual Greek, the Christian ascetic, and the more or less recent, ideals, and

(b) The effeminate and eunuchoid males whom urban life and the callings created by commerce, industry, and the intellectual

1 Marcel Proust, on women's love of soldiers and firemen, says: "L'uniforme les rend moins difficiles pour le visage: elles croient baiser sous la cuirasse un cœur différent, aventureux et doux; et un jeune souverain, un prince héritier, pour faire les plus flatteuses conquêtes, dans les pays étrangers qu'il visite, n'a pas besoin du profit régulier qui serait peut-être indispensable à un coulissier" (DU COTÉ DE CHEZ SWAN, I, ii).
2 D.M., pp. 36–40.


professions, have already tended preferentially to select in sufficient numbers.

The more closely, in the near future, male and female clothes can be assimilated, therefore, the better will it be for the race. For only thus can proper standards of criticism be easily followed. and the human eye trained to discern critically the differentiated characters of the heterosexual male and female. That is why those who to-day are raising pious objections to the adoption of male attire by women, and to the bobbing or cropping of women's hair, are really impeding a movement which in itself is likely to bring about a welcome suppression of one of the conditions which probably contribute most to unhappy and ill-assorted mating.

I do not deny that this movement, as it appears to-day, is probably chiefly supported by female transvestites. But it is obvious to every alert observer that many more girls are induced to adopt its innovations than those who are congenitally transvestites. It is, in fact, creating a fashion, and a fashion is followed apart from neurotic impulses, although it may appeal to many who have the latter.

There is, however, quite a large body of evidence which shows that in very early times the custom of not sexually differentiating clothes was very widespread.

In ancient Greece, for instance, the difference between the garments for both sexes was but trifling. The chiton was worn by both men and women, and was only a little shorter for the former, except in Sparta, where the women went about in a short chiton too. The himation was also the same for both sexes in classical times. 1 But, on the other hand, adult males frequently wore beards, which, of course, defeated the uniformity of the garb. Clean-shaving was, however, practised too, particularly in later times.

In early Rome the toga was worn by both men and women, 2 and when, in historical times, women adopted the palla, its resemblance to the toga was such — as the monuments show — that, except for the long stola underneath, the dress could not be called conspicuously different. True, the men wore beards, but not consistently. They certainly did so in the earliest times, but between 300 B.C. and the time of Hadrian, clean-shaving was the rule, though chiefly among adults over forty. 3

1 Carl Köhler: DIE TRACHTEN DER VÖLKER (Dresden, 1871, pp. 98–104).
2 P.L.R., pp. 44, 564–574.
3 Ibid., pp. 598 and 600.


In Japan "the costume for women", says Basil Hall Chamberlain, "is less different from that of the men than is the case with us." 1 while Dr. Briffault adduces evidence which seems to show that in China, in the early days, there was no differentiation of clothing between the sexes. 2 Felix Bryk, in his fresh and spirited account of various negro tribes in equatorial Africa, north of Lake Victoria Nyanza, speaks of the difficulty of distinguishing the sexes at a distance, owing to the similarity of their clothing, and adds that, at least among the Bantus, shaving among the men was general. He hints that before Mahommedan and European influence was felt, the apparel of the sexes was uniform, and also that occasionally, owing to this act, "a youth looks like a girl and a girl like a youth". 3 I would add: "Only to the European eye trained to recognize sex sartorially."

Many other instances could be given, but these suffice to show tint an epicine uniform would be nothing new, and, in conjunction with clean-shaving by men, would lead to a re-education of the eye regarding desirable form in the other sex.

The ideal would be for the male to abandon his present garb and gradually to adopt the essentials of the present female apparel — the skirt and the loose open upper garment. And it is greatly to be regretted, from the standpoint of the male, that the process of assimilation should have been begun by the other sex, who have voluntarily adopted male clothing and male pate-hair fashion.

My reasons for saying this are not wholly relevant to the subject of this work. Seeing, however, that the change to an epicine dress ought to come and that the features of present-day male attire may bear some relation to the decline in the genetic instincts of Europeans and those people who are offshoots from them, perhaps the reader will forgive a partial irrelevancy in return for an explanation why a male sartorial assimilation to the female, and not a female assimiliation to the present male form of apparel is to be desired.

It is a question of male potency and sexual vigour.

The dress of the ancient world, as can be seen from monuments, vases and frescoes, and as we know from investigations, was of a kind which always left the male external genital organs free

1 Op. cit., p 124. In this connexion an interesting remark was made to me by Dr. G. T. Wrench on his return from Japan before the Great War. He said that the sexes in Japan were most conspicuously differentiated morphologically.
2 MO, I, p. 447.
3 N.E., pp. 1, 5, 18, 49, 119.


and accessible to the air. The Egyptian males, for instance, wore kilts. The Greeks and Scots wear kilts to this day, and it is the old male dress of the Irish. The Greeks and Romans, as we have seen, wore garments which were in the nature of flowing robes, leaving their external genital organs free and accessible to the air. And the same is true of almost every race and people on earth.

By some extraordinarily adverse fate, however — so extraordinary, indeed, that it makes one almost wonder whether there was not from the very dawn of history a curse upon the sexual instincts of Europeans — the Arctic pattern of clothing for both sexes, the trouser, became the garment adopted by the men in all temperate climes populated by Europeans, while the women, who might well have adopted the Arctic pattern of clothing without injury to themselves, were somehow left with the tropical pattern, i.e. the skirt, kilt, long tunica, or stola. If differentiation was necessary at all. it seems strange that here, at these important sartorial cross-roads, the wrong; choice should have been made. At all events, it was made, and almost all European males and their cousins and kinsmen overseas have thus come to wear the worst garment that could possibly have been selected from the standpoint of hygiene, virility and, indirectly, female happiness. With the exception of the modern Greek peasant and the modern Scot, all European men do themselves injury every time they dress for the day's duties.

In addition to being extremely ugly, the trouser is essentially a non-male garment, i.e. a garment unfit for men to wear and appropriate only for the female; and it is simply one more of the innumerable errors of taste which Europeans seem to have been doomed to commit ever since the grossly over-rated Greeks started them on the road to decline.

It must be obvious to everyone why the trouser is an ugly garment — not so, however, why it is specially injurious to the man.

The reason is one which will soon occur to anybody who chooses to observe the males of other mammals than man.

He will find that, unlike the males of many other orders, the males of mammals all have external testicles, which have left the region of the abdomen, and become suspended in a receptacle outside it; and that this receptacle, the scrotum, is, compared with the rest of the animal, comparatively naked, often devoid of hair, and, in the case of horses and cattle, actually devoid of the thick leathery coat.

What a priori conclusion suggests itself from these observations?

Clearly that the function of the testicle in mammals is best performed not only away from the normal heat of the abdomen, but also actually in a position and in a receptacle which allows of a lower temperature than is required by he rest of the body.

How then does the trouser defeat Nature's arrangement?

By restoring to the neighbourhood of the testicle, if not the constant temperature of the abdomen, at least a degree of heat closely approximate to it; for, by the time the region of the fork has warmed after the donning of trousers, which retain the heat radiated by both the abdomen and the thighs, a temperature is soon generated which is not far short of that in the abdomen.

It has already been suggested by one or two investigators that the optimum temperatures for spermatogenesis is below that of the abdomen 1 — hence the normal exposure of the testicles outside the region in the lower mammals — and experiments carried out by Dr. Fukin (not yet confirmed, it is true) seem to show that a comparatively slight increase in temperature applied to the scrota of both rats and rabbits has sufficed to produce regressive changes in the seminiferous tubules. 2

Thus there would appear to be confirmation of the a priori conclusion that constantly over-heated scrota and sterility are related, and that, in sub-acute cases, constantly artificially warmed scrota may be suspected of causing varying degrees of decline in sexual vigour. If this is so, and there seems little doubt that it is, it is impossible to surmise how much damage has been done to each generation of males for centuries in temperate climes by the wearing of trousers and of the close and heavy leg-garments that preceded them. Combined with the factors causing frigidity and sexual sub-parity in the female, and the other factors enumerated which have exercised a preferential selection of males with sexual sub-parity, this grave sartorial mistake in males has probably done much towards bringing about the state which Gini has described as a decline in the genetic instincts.

Nor should it be supposed that the earlier fashions for men,

1 F. A. E. Crew is one of these. See his INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF SEX (London, 1932, pp. 117–118). Also Dr. G. L. Moench (LANCET, 22.3.30) and Dr Gregorio Maranon (THE EVOLUTION OF SEX, London, 1932, p. 134).
2 B.M.J., 15.10.28, p. 654. Remarkable as it may seem, Hippocrates, who presumably did not know the .scientific reason why trousers are deleterious to male sexuality, ascribed the reputed impotence of the ancient Scythians partly to their habit of wearing trousers. (AIRS, WATERS AND PLACES. Trans. by W. H. S. Jones, London, 1923, XXII.)


before trousers became universal among whites — such garments as the short breech, trunk-breeches and breeches — are any better; for although perhaps less offensive æsthetically, they were equally injurious, if not more so, from the standpoint of virility. 1

The ideal lower garment for men, therefore, there can be little doubt, would seem to be the kilt, or some other convenient modification of the flowing robe, open at the knees or calves, which the males of ancient civilizations were wise enough to wear. Since, however, in our neighbours and friends, the Scots, we have a people who have wisely adopted a sane lower garment for men, 2 why on earth we should not be sensible enough to emulate them, it is difficult to see. Meanwhile, if it is necessary to have differentiated garments for the sexes and women choose to go into trousers, no one can reasonably wish to prevent them; for the garment, ugly though it is, is certainly much more theirs than ours; it cannot injure them, and it is admirably calculated not to dissimulate their pelvic development.

1 At all events trousers must be a very ancient garment for men in Europe, for we are told that when Cæcina Alienus returned from the north of Europe (A.D. 69) he offended the Romans by addressing them in a plaid and drawers or trousers (braccæ), the latter being regarded by the Romans as characteristic of barbarians. (Tacitus, HISTORIES, II, 20. Oxford translation, London, 1854).
2 The kilt was not retained by the Scots to preserve virility, but simply owing to the accidental circumstance that walking through wet or dew-laden heather is not practical in trousers.
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Re: The Choice of a Mate, by Anthony M. Ludovici

Postby admin » Mon Jan 29, 2018 5:14 am

Part 1 of 2

Part III: Mainly Inferences from Parts I and II

Chapter I: The Desirable Mate (Male) 1


Age. Balzac said that at 40 a man reaches the last year when he can contemplate marrying a young woman. 2 In England, 45 to 50 would be nearer the limit. Beyond that age there is, for the girl, not only the risk of encountering a certain unsavouriness in her mate (through declining functions, poor teeth, etc.), but also the danger of his prompt demise, through the strain of marriage with a young woman, not to mention his temper aggravated by jealousy. In a dialogue between Gautama and a deity, for instance, we find this passage: "The man who, past his youth, brings home a woman with breasts like the timbaru fruit, and for jealousy of her cannot sleep, that is the cause of loss to the losing man." 3

Manu said that a man should marry at 24 to 30, 4 while the puranas said from 20 to 25. 5 Hesiod, the wise old poet of Bœotia, said 30 or thereabouts was the proper age for the Greeks, 6 and his later kinsmen, who were observant of Nature's laws, thought it highly improper for people of the same age to marry, "for the vigour of man endures much longer," 7 Aristotle thought that, as a man's body reaches perfection at 37, he should, at that age, marry a girl of 18. 8

The Romans, essentially a military people, like the Spartans, encouraged, as the latter did, much earlier marriages. Their jurists set the age at puberty, i.e. 14 for the male and 12 for the female; but the ceremony was rarely celebrated before the assumption of the toga, which occurred at various ages from the 13th (Caracalla) to the 16th year (Cicero). 9 Subsequently, in

1 The various aspects dealt with are arranged alphabetically to facilitate reference.
2 LA RECHERCHE DE L'ABSOLU.
3 The SUTTA-NIPATA (VI, v. 20).
4 L.M., IX.
5 Capt. A. Pillay (op. cit., S.R.C., p. 84).
6 WORKS AND DAYS, 695–702.
7 Euripides: TRAGICORUM GRÆCORUM FRAGMENTA (2nd Ed., A. Nauck, Leipzig, Frag. 24): "It is a bad thing to marry a young man to a young woman, for potency remains with the male for a longer time and the youth of a woman deserts her form more quickly."
8 POLITICS, VII, xvi, 1335d.
9 P.L.R., pp. 29 and 128–130.


the hope of purifying the morals of the people, Augustus legislated against unmarried men between 20 and 60, and unmarried women between 20 and 50, and against childlessness in men over 25 and in women over 20. 1 But this was late in Roman history.

The Jews, as we have seen, also encouraged early marriages. Although the MIDRASH set the man's age at from 30 to 40, the MISHNAH says 18, and we know that the old Talmudic sages thought it hardly possible for a man to be anything but vicious or psychopathological if he were unmarried at 20. 2 In the east of Europe, to this day, marriages of Jewish boys of 15 or 16 are not at all rare. 3

In ancient Peru men had to marry at 24, 4 while in mediæval and sixteenth and seventeenth-century England the age was much lower. Fourteen for boys was quite common; often they married earlier, although they did not necessarily consummate the marriage before 14. Thus Maurice, the third Lord Berkeley, born in 1281, was married in 1289 to Eve, daughter of Ewdo, Lord Zouche, "and was by her made father of Thomas, his eldest son, before he was 14 years old himself. Neither was his wife above that age".

Maurice, the fourth Lord Berkeley, was married in 1338 to Elizabeth, daughter of Hugh, Lord Spencer, then 8. But he had no issue from her till twelve years later. William Essex, aged 10, was married in 1487 to Elizabeth Roper, aged 11. 5

And these were not isolated cases. Such marriages were taking place all over the kingdom and in Scotland as well; but the practice, though defended by learned jurists, 6 was rooted in laws and customs which have now lapsed, and must be regarded as exceptional, at least as far as the male is concerned.

The German Civil Code lays down 21 years as the marriage age for men, 7 and in England we now regard this age as about the minimum desirable age at which a man can marry.

What conclusions are to be drawn from the above conflicting data?

In the first place, while it is well to bear in mind that the Greek idea of the unnaturalness of marriages between couples of the same age is very sound, and that a girl is, as a rule, much

1 Ibid., p. 75
2 See Note 3, p. 32.
3 Van der Horst (op. cit., p. 32).
4 Garcilasso de la Vega (op. cit., I, p. 350).
5 C.M.D.R., pp. XXVII, XXVIII and XXXIII.
6 See defence by Judge Swinburne (1560–1624), Ibid., p. xliii.
7 M.A.R., p. 493.


happier with a man considerably her senior and can more easily make him happy, we cannot now unfortunately carry this practice to the lengths advocated by Aristotle, because in modern civilization there are not the sound institutions which in ancient Greece enabled a man to remain safely unmarried and yet sexually satisfied until well on in the thirties.

It is, of course, undeniable that a sound girl's sexual instinct, as also her desire to reverence where she loves, both direct her to her senior. As Shakespeare so wisely says:—

"Let still the woman take
An elder than herself; so wears she to him,
So sways she level on her husband's heart;
For women are as roses, whose fair flower
Being once displayed, doth fall that very hour." 1

There are cogent reasons for this. In the first place, the girl of from 15 to 18 is normally so much senior both physically and mentally to a youth of her own age that she cannot associate with him and feel that support, that strength and that vigour, intellectual and physical, which her instincts need.

Secondly, the youth of her own age, who has the requisite relative seniority is so rare and such an oddity as to be usually undesirable.

Thirdly, women age so much more quickly than men, that a marked disparity of age at marriage, even if it amounts to fifteen years, is much more normal than the majority of people, in England at least, suppose.

It is extraordinary that the nubile Anglo-Saxon girl will not see this, more particularly as her unwillingness to do so is purely intellectual and acquired from the false values that surround her. This is more especially so in the working classes, where an absurd superstition — it cannot be given a more dignified name — against any disparity of more than two or three years, has somehow acquired so strong a hold upon the female, that a man even ten years a girl's senior is classed as "too old". If only people understood how much more easily happiness and fidelity are secured for both parties to a match by a minimum of ten years' seniority in the man, the perplexity now prevailing in regard to the increasing domestic disharmony in Anglo-Saxon countries would be dispelled, and a wiser practice would be adopted.

1 TWELFTH NIGHT, II, 4.
2 See for partial confirmation F.I.L.T. p. 49, Table XI. Among the unhappily married there were only 8, and among the happily married as many as 14 whose husbands were over 10 years older than their wives. Among the unhappily married there were 14, and among the happily married 2, whose wives were over three years older than their husbands. And of 5 couples in which both partners were under 21 at marriage, 4 were unhappy, i.e. 80 per cent.


The celebrated eugenist, Dr. Fritz Lenz, allowing for the modern European circumstances mentioned above, says a husband should be senior by at least five to ten years. He deplores the marriage of people of the same age, which he maintains is promoted by the comparatively recent University life of both sexes in Europe and America, and yet he sees, as I do, the damage to body and soul that may overtake a man who, in modern condition, continently waits too long for marriage. 1 Dr. August Forel says: "The husband should be older than the wife, on the average from six to twelve years. This point is very important ifs monogamous union is to be lasting." 2

Three contributors to the symposium on WHOM SHALL I MARRY? advocate from five or six to ten years' seniority in the husband, 3 and Dr. Van de Velde, the celebrated authority on marriage, recommends five to seven years. 4

This point of view, moderate as it is, seems unassailable, and although I incline to Aristotle and am convinced that the majority of women would be much happier if the disparity he advocates were observed, I see the folly of insisting on it in Europe, and above all in England to-day. For, as things are, the average unmarried man of 35 or more, can, as Dr. Lenz points out, hardly fail to be objectionable in some respect, from the standpoint of a healthy girl of 15 to 18.

Such men, says Dr. Lenz; "largely consist either of confirmed bachelors, sufferers or ex-sufferers from some venereal disease, psychopaths [if they have been chaste], people of weak passions, homosexuals, or else divorcees, who are to be taken with caution." 5

No wise girl to-day, therefore, should accept a bachelor of 35 or over too readily. If he has had sexual experience, she should make sure of his soundness, and if he has had none, she should always ask herself these practical questions: "What has he done all these years? Has he repressed his passions and is he therefore a neurotic? Has he expressed his passion auto-erotically and

1 M.A.I., pp. 496 and 497.
2 THE SEXUAL QUESTION (London, 1908, p. 428).
3 W.S.H., pp. 51, 93, 96.
4 I.M., p. 275. Keyserling also favours seniority in husband and suggests thirty as a good age for marriage in the male. (B.M., p. 33.)
5 M.A.R., p. 494.


developed a narcissistic, probably guilty and, therefore, semi-repressed attitude to sex? Or has he had no passions, or hopelessly weak ones, in which case he is merely impotent or almost so?"

There is a fourth alternative — as a man of passion he may have sublimated his sexual impulses by an overpowering and absorbing interest other than sex (religion, art, horse-riding, science, athleticism, frantically pursued), and thus diverted his energy into other channels. But in that case, the years of waiting will, according to the intensity of his sublimation, have left his sexual potency more or less impaired.

If, being passionate, he has expressed his sex in normal heterosexual intercourse, he is a better man for marriage than the man of no sex experience, but he may have contracted some disease which, although cured, has marred his pristine purity.

The two most common venereal diseases are gonorrhœa and syphilis. Although the former may appear to have been cured, it is insidious in the sense that "the germs of the disease may lie in some concealed part of the organism and continue to nourish there without their host being in the least aware of their presence." 1 No marriage should, therefore, be consummated With a confessed sufferer from this disease before consulting a competent medical man, as it is a well-known cause of sterility. 2

Syphilis, which is not so common as gonorrhœa, can be wholly cured, and it may be regarded as being so when, the infection having occurred three years back, no symptoms have appeared (after adequate treatment) for a period of eighteen months, and repeated blood-tests, have given negative results. But, even so, a doctor should be consulted before marriage. 3

Thus the most acceptable man of 35 or over is really the widower, but as all eligible men are not widowers, 4 and marriage is an urgent need for the healthy young woman, she must, as a rule, content herself with a younger man, and not aim deliberately at one who is her senior by over ten years.

1 DIE GATTENNWAHL, by Dr. Max Hirsch (Leipzig, 1922, p. 6).
2 B.M.J., 13.10.28, p. 653. Kenneth Walker, F.R.C.S., says: gonorrhœa "as a cause of sterility is widely recognized". According to Drs. C. Mayer and L. Hoffmann, the male: is indirectly responsible for most of the infections resulting in female sterility. (B.M.J., 9.3.29).
3 Max Hirsch (op. cit., p. 8).
4 Widowers may have children, and as the decent, passionate woman cannot be a good step-mother (only women of tepid passions can be that), a girl should not be too eager to enter a situation which may make her incur the reproach of a stupid, romantic world, even if she is sensible enough not to reproach herself for disliking her husband's progeny of another bed. For an explanation of this for people to whom it is not obvious, see W.V., pp. 312–313.


This would mean that to-day a girl of 15 to 18 must look to a man from about 25 to 28 as her best mate. And, from my very intimate knowledge of the modern young Englishman, I can assure such a young woman that her risk of encountering a man of this age with a history of cured venereal disease is much more remote than that of finding a mate who is either a psychopath, an auto-erotic, or alas! merely a passionless saint.

Three experienced American judges have expressed the view that there is "more chance of successful marriage if both the principals are young." 1 I think this is true. But "young" does not mean the same in terms of years for man and women. If a girl of 14 or 15 marries a man of 25, both are young, the two are ideally matched, and the marriage is likely to be a very happy one. But the word "young" obviously means something different in each case.

Unfortunately, there are in Anglo-Saxon communities so much ignorance about the realities of sex and marriage, and as much malicious prejudice against the early marriage of girls, that nowadays, as a rule, we stray very far from the ideal disparities, and even regard with equanimity the monstrous practice of marrying young men to their seniors in years, which is about as insane as anything modern can be. 2 But there are signs of a change in this direction, and one of the principal contributions to it, against the unconscious jealousy and manichæism of Anglo-Saxon matrons and old maids, and Anglo-Saxon fathers of daughters who constantly agitate for the sage of consent to be increased, is, it may be hoped, the corresponding section to this one in my chapter on the Desirable Mate (Female). 3

1 M.M., p. 51. Dr. V. C. Pedersen (op. cit., p. 187) says: 20 in women and 22 in men is the latest age for marriage. This is right, except for the man.
2 In the Registrar-General's Statistical Review for 1928 for instance, we find that 21 women of 30 married youths of 20; one woman of 30 married a youth of 17; while another of 38 married a youth of 19. Two women, 40 and 41, respectively, married youths of 20; and 17 women between 40 and 51 married men of 22. A few women between 57 and 69 married men of between 24 and 34, and women of 70 and upwards married men of 35, 37, 40, 44, 48, and 50. It is noticeable that the British matron and the meddlesome Anglo-Saxon spinster, whose principal motive to interfere is always sex-jealousy, make no fuss about these monstrous cases, because they know that much sexual joy cannot be got out of them. And yet, unless a youth suffers from a graophile complex (a morbid love of senile females) nothing can excuse such a large number of misalliances in one year.
3 This section on age should not be considered without a study of the corresponding section in the next chapter.


Body-Build. Four or five authorities on this subject, apart from Kretschmer, have now to be mentioned and conclusions drawn.

Image

Mac Auliffe, condensing the results of his predecessors in this field, distinguishes four desirable types (Fig. VII):—

(1) The Muscular, e.g. the Canon of Polycleitus and the Apollo Belvedere.

(2) The Respiratory, e.g., the Borghese Gladiator, the Venus of Arles, Michel-Angelo's David, the boxer Carpentier, and the runner Kolehmainen.

(3) The Digestive, e.g., the Venus of Cnidus.

(4) The Cerebral, e.g., Cæsar, the Emperor Claudius, Goethe, Victor Hugo, and Pasteur. 1

These are all healthy and desirable and should not be assimilated too closely to Kretschmer's types, without qualification.

The first is described as "a resilient (springy), elegant type, of 7 heads to the body", whose lowest ribs should be at a distance of two fingers' width from the point of the hip, whose face is equally wide throughout and whose trunk is evenly proportioned.

The second is broader-shouldered and taller than the former, the xiphoid angle 2 is more acute and the muscles more attenuated.

1 T., pp. 46, 50, 51, 58, 63, 66–78. The diagram is after MacAuliffe.
2 The xiphoid angle, or costal arch, is the angle formed by the lower and the a-sternal ribs and the sternum.


Only one finger's width separates the lowest ribs from the point of the hip, the middle segment of the face is the broadest, and the thorax dominates the trunk.

These two, says MacAuliffe, "are the leading types of humanity", and in them the preponderance of one feature does not imply the amorphousness of any other.

The third type is "free from hollows and humps" (i.e. sleek). In the female "the hips are broad, high, the shoulders narrow, and the thorax squat. . . . The jaws are firm and the lips everted." . . . The modelling of the body is softened by the adipose covering; the lower segment of the face is widest, and the abdomen dominates the thorax.

In the male ample curves reveal no corners or bumps. Sleekness with suppleness is typical. The form is attractive and harmonious throughout.

Neither male nor female of this third type is pyknic.

The fourth, which MacAuliffe says is very rare in Greek antiquity, is the type towards which "civilized mankind as a whole seems to be tending". The cranium dominates an orthognathous face of medium size. The body is harmoniously proportioned, and, in the finest examples, exhibits good muscular and visceral development.

"No matter what may have been said to the contrary," says MacAuliffe, "great intellectual power is usually associated with a finely-built and well-modelled body."

These four ideal types "are endowed with cellular structures which respond adequately to environment. Stasis is reduced to a minimum and they reveal the fewest deformities." They enjoy a maximum of resilience, and hardly change from adulthood to death. With sound instincts, they generally achieve superior adaptation, and their decline, which is but a progressive diminution of activity, usually culminates in a rapid end. 1

In three other less-highly evolved types — the primitive, the regressive and the morphologically irregular types — in whom traits overcome in the first four reappear — MacAuliffe finds the criminals the constitutionally morbid, and mentally unstable.

In the latter of these three groups are included equivalents to Kretschmer's schizoid-asthenic and cycloid-pyknic, which MacAuliffe calls the Flat and the Round type respectively.

The first, a dehydrated (dry) type, is more elastic and economically organized. It is thin, active, sensitive, quicker in

1 Ibid., pp. 38–99.


movement and more nervous than the second, and usually sober. But it is irritable, easily falls ill (T.B. particularly), or breaks down, especially when ill-adapted, which it often is, and it frequently becomes a "down and out".

The second is unelastic, hydrated (not a dry type), slow-moving, not very sensitive, corpulent, bulky, and accepts its relation to environment apathetically. MacAuliffe places Balzac and Renan in this class.

The ill-favoured of both types tend to be asocial and ill-adapted. 1

Otherwise Kretschmer's description of the schizoid-asthenic and the cycloid-pyknic may be followed for these types respectively. But the alert leader will already have seen that they are but degenerates of the first group of four, and therefore that Kretschmer with his healthy schizothyme and cyclothyme, together with his morbid examples of each type, really covers all MacAuliffe's ground.

Weidenreich finds two main types — the leptosomatic and the eurysomatic — whose characteristics he tabulates as follows:—

CHARACTER / LEPTOSOMES / EURYSOMES 2

Morphology / Long, narrow / Short, broad
General Impression of Form / Tall, slim / Short, squat
General State of Nutrition / Inclining to thinness / Inclining to fatness
Trunk / Long and narrow / Short and broad
Limbs / Long and slender / Short and stout
Neck / Long and thin / Short and thick
Shoulders / Drooping / Straight and raised high
Shoulders (breadth) / Narrow / Broad
Chest / Long, narrow, flat / Short, broad, deep
Chest circumference / Small / Large
Ribs / Drooping / Raised
Xiphoid angle / Acute / Obtuse
Belly / Always less in girth than chest / Also, but difference slighter
Navel / Midway between end of sternum and symphisis 3 / Below midway between these points
Hips / Narrow / Broad
Head in general / Long and narrow / Short and broad
Face / Long, oval (ellipse?) / Circular (full moon)
Brow / Narrow, lofty / Broad, low
Space between eyes / Small / Broad
Palebral fissure / Wide / More like a slit
Nose / Prominent, long, narrow, straight or convex / Flat, short, broad, straight or concave
Mouth / Small / Large
Lips / Everted / Thin
Chin / Pointed, narrow / Round and broad


1 Ibid., 131–197.
2 R.U.K., p. 48. This is but an extract of the complete table.
3 This is the "symphysis pubis", or pubic arch, the small bone joint in the front of the pelvis.


He demonstrates very cogently that these two types run through all the races of mankind, and are not, as has been asserted, rooted in race, although one race may incline more to one than the other.

He finds MacAuliffe's Cerebral in both the leptosomes and the eurysomes, and suggests Schopenhauer and Hebbel as examples. We may see Kretschmer's schizoid-asthenic and cycloid-pyknic in Weidenreich's types, provided that we remember that they cover all the healthy and unhealthy of each class.

Weidenreich claims that urban conditions favour leptosomes and rural eurysomes, and he believes, as Lubinski does, that this is due to muscular work shortening the stature. He thinks a person's type may change during lifetime; and, following Stockard argues that seaboard are more leptosomatic than inland, populations, owing to the iodine in the sea stimulating the thyroid gland, which has "the most important influence on growth".

Women, he thinks, tend to be more pyknic or eurysomatic than men. 1

Stockard calls the two types linear and lateral; he thinks they are distributed through the different races, and defines them as hyper- and hypothyroid respectively.

"The linear type," he says, "is faster growing, high metabolizing and thin, but not necessarily tall. The lateral type is slower in maturing and is stocky and rounder in form." 2

Weidenreich's description of his leptosome follows Stockard's linear type fairly closely, except that in the latter "the lower jaw is small and narrow, and usually not strongly developed. The teeth are, as a rule, crowded and somewhat ill-set . . . the shoulders are square and high and angular." Stockard adds: "Persons of the linear type are usually far-sighted, though not abnormally so. . . . Usually and particularly as children, they are underweight for their height. . . . They arrive at puberty early . . . and differentiate rapidly. . . . Their skin is thin and sensitive, so is also the epithelial lining of their digestive tract. . . . . They are, as a rule, active, energetic, and nervous, quite self-conscious, and thus constantly exerting considerable nervous control. 3 When in normal health, they rarely laugh loud, when

1 Ibid., pp. 46, 64–169. Max Hirsch thinks women incline more to the asthenic type (Z.P.F, p. 15). But, as we saw in Chap. III, this is a modern and chiefly northern tendency, and should not be regarded as normal.
2 P.B.P., pp. 279–285.
3 See pp. 267, 315 and 316 supra.


suddenly shocked they resist the reflex jump, and they never scream. . . . On these accounts the linear type passes for cool and calm with steady nerve, while, as a matter of fact, the body is almost constantly held under nerve control and is actually nervous in the common sense." 1

This is obviously Kretschmer's healthy schizothyme and Weidenreich's leptosome.

Weidenreich's description of the eurysome also follows Stockard's "lateral" fairly closely, except that in the latter, we find, in addition, that "the teeth are not crowded and are usually smoothly set, the lower jaw is large and strongly developed . . . the shoulders are smooth and sloping . . . the eyeball is so shaped as to be near-sighted . . . this type is well rounded and overweight for its height . . ." and unlike the linear, fluctuates in weight. . . ." The type arrives at puberty a little later than the linear and is slower differentiating." 2

"The initial reaction of the linear type," says Stockard, "to any suggestion is apt to be contrary or negative . . ." that "of the lateral type positive".

The linear type is more adventurous, eats lean meat and generally high protein diet with little fat or sweet. The lateral type is more inclined for well-pondered plans, with a higher regard for details and preparedness. This type likes a high carbohydrate diet.

"The two types are more clearly differentiated in men than in women," 3 and Stockard, like Weidenreich, says women are more lateral (pyknic, eurysome) than men. He thinks environment, i.e., the plus or minus of iodine over long periods determines the types, and the latter may change during life, though the young adult is the best example of each type. 4

Dr. F. G. Crookshank, after reviewing the literature, produced a useful table of equivalents, of which the following is an extract:— 5

AUTHOR. / TYPES.

De Giovanni, 1877/ Phthisic / Athletic / Plethoric / --
Sigaud, 1908 / Respiratory / Muscular / Digestive / Cerebral
Bryant, 1913 / Carnivorous / Normal / Herbivorous / --
Stockard, 1923 / Linear / Lateral / --
Weidenreich, 1927 / Leptosome / Eurysome / --


1 P.B.P., pp. 285–287.
2 Ibid., pp. 288–189.
3 Ibid., p. 289.
4 Ibid., pp. 289–293.
5 Op. cit., pp. 458–459. This table is based on MacAuliffe's (T., p. 43): but I have modified it slightly.


AUTHOR. / TYPES.

MacAuliffe / Dehydrated Flat / Muscular and Respiratory / Hydrated Flat / Cerebral
Russian School / Asthenic / Normal / Apoplectic / Infantile
Endocrinologists / Thyroidal / Pituitary / Hypothyro-pituitary / --
Clinicians / Graves Disease / Acromegaly / Myxœdema and dyspituitarism / --
Kretschmer / Asthenic-schizoid / Athletic-schizoid / Pyknic-cycloid / --
Jung / Introvert / -- / Extravert / --
Cervantes / Don Quixote / -- / Sancho Panza / --
Shakespeare / Hamlet / Othello / Falstaff / --
Contemptuously / Cranks, Fakirs / Boxers, Brutes / Boozers, Gluttons / Highbrows


The careful reader, who has traced the common factors in the theories of types above, including Kretschmer's and Jung's, should have little difficulty in drawing the right conclusions. We are, alas! much accustomed to the abnormal to-day, and perverted enough to think it "interesting", that the normal of the above data and arguments may not be instantly apparent.

If however, we allow what we have read to relate itself to all we have seen in the masterpieces of sculpture, in the best specimens of native races encountered abroad or studied in books of travel or ethnology, and in the finest examples of our own people, what are we forced to conclude?

Let me put it in a sentence: That the desirable type of man is a healthy leptosome, with a frame sufficiently robust and well-clothed with muscle, and with a skin sufficiently tonic and well-nourished, to enable him to react without hyper-æsthesia, irritability, or undue haste, to environment, and yet sensitive and alert enough to enable him adequately to grasp his environment and master it. Not as heavy as an athlete or a professional heavyweight boxer, but naturally wiry and slim without being mercurial, his body gets out of any scrape, and wriggles through any crevice. This is the thoroughbred male, resilient, agile, powerful, recuperative, resourceful, fleet, fiery and essentially sane. Brave because he has confidence in his natural equipment, even-tempered because he is strong 1 and every pinprick is not a stab, constant because his character is stable, 2 objective and,

1 See Balzac: LES PAYSANS, "Comme tous les êtres réellement forts, il avait l'humeur égale."
2 See D.A., p. 9: "Plus un caractère est fort, moins il est sujet à l'inconstance."


therefore, unlikely to be a fanatic or a crank, because his soundly functioning organism is not constantly drawing his attention inwards, ardent because his health is exuberant, and kind because his self-confidence inclines him to protect, he is the norm of all ages and races. He has been produced and triumphed everywhere and easily won the admiration of rulers, artists, and women.

Any tendency to overweight, or to asthenia, to adiposity, however slight, or to thinness, however faint, is a step towards the abnormal in body and mind, a sign that the ductless gland balance, or something else, is wrong; and when once the nature of the wrongness is determined, the facts given above should enable the reader to know what to expect from the wrongness she has detected.

Dr. E. Miller, who appears to have covered the whole ground (except perhaps Weidenreich), reduces the problem of types also to the question of normality, and arrives at a conclusion with which, up to a point, I agree. He says: "The centre of gravity of our norm of human behaviour lies nearer to the cyclothymic reaction than it does to the schyzophrenic", and he maintains that the muscular type of MacAuliffe (the Canon of Polycleitus) has "many pyknic components". 1

If this means that the schizothyme is always on the too thin side, and, therefore, inclined to be irascible, negative, fussy, over-sensitive, self-conscious, fanatical and possibly sadistic, and that, therefore, a dash of the pyknic is essential in every desirable normal man, I think this means very much the same as what I have said above, and it describes a type that has figured as the ideal of the best cultures. It is probably the type on which six thousand years ago Egyptian civilization was built, 2 and one which most of us instinctively conjure up when we think of a fine youth. The nearest approach to it in modern sculpture is, I believe, Rodin's L'AGE D'AIRAIN; but it appears again and again in ancient Egyptian drawings and sculptures. A woman left to her instincts will usually pick out such a man rather than the "strong man" of the ring, and the type is the favourite of the deeper psychologists.

Gustav Frenssen, in one of his novels, describes certain essential features of the type in the character of Dieter Blank, emphasizing the fact that he gave the impression of being well-braced, and of walking, as it were, on springs. 3 But the finest

1 T.M.B., pp. 31 and 98.
2 The healthy Mediterranean type.
3 OTTO BABENDIEK (Berlin, 1927, p. 940).


tribute to the type has been paid by Paul Bourget, as follows:—

"Of those men who are lucky with girls, and whom I have studied physiologically, sometimes with envy . . . 80 per cent have always been wiry rather than sthenic, slim and supple rather than athletic. All of them had that temperamental core which harbours the vital force. They all ate and digested admirably. They also possessed that indefinable capacity of active adaptation which is dexterity, deftness and bodily skill; and almost all of them possessed some wholly physical talent — they either danced well, rode well, or shot well. . . . The attractions that mark the professional lover actually reside neither in the cut of his clothes not in the material of which they are made, but in a sort of animal grace or charm, which cannot be acquired, and which age cannot destroy." 1 And he mentions Lamartine as an example of the type.

Character. This, as we have seen, goes with morphology to a great extent (see description of ideal type, pp. 398–399 supra), and in selecting type, character is necessarily selected too. It is above all, important to try to get away from the tawdry characteristics which the popular Press, hearsay, and shallow fiction exalt as chiefly desirable, i.e. "a sense of humour", so-called "unselfishness", and "sportiness", which, even if they were of value, are not necessarily manly; and to concentrate on those manly qualities which the Age neglects and even depreciates — will-power, consistency, leadership, resolution, good taste, discernment, self-control, a capacity for self-discipline rather than for fellow -discipline (the man who cannot discipline himself is more prone to exercise tyranny than the man who can), sound judgment (the prerequisite of justice), and ambition, free from overweaning aspirations.

Do not he put off by a certain tendency to extravagance in the male. Unbecoming as it is in a woman, remember that it is really a counterpart of the male's essentially katabolic nature, and, as that profound psychologist, Marcel Proust, maintains, "is in itself the proof of a rich personality," 2 ("rich" here meaning richly endowed psycho-physically).

Remember that a good deal of the degeneration of the modern

1 P.A.M., p. 67–68. See also P.F.M., p. 51, where Heape describes the ideal male thus: "He should be lean and spare, clean-limbed and muscular, clear of brain, quick of action; and so, from boyhood, he should develop these qualities."
2 LES PLAISIRS ET LES JOURS (Mondanité et Mélomanie de Bouvard Pécuchet). Meanness in a man is actually a suspicious sign, because it indicates the female anabolic tendency, which goes with a feminine morphology.


Anglo-Saxon male is due to the fact that, for generations, we have been content to class as "manly" the man who was brave in a military sense and proficient in sport, and to overlook other qualities more essential to the modern civilized male, which were frivolously taken for granted if he had a good sports or games record. The latter is not unimportant, because, as we have seen, success in sport and games depends to a great extent on good health. But it is a mistake to give it undue prominence. And as to bravery, although it is essential in a mate, it is such an elementary male quality, and found so far back in the evolutionary ladder, that to argue, as people have argued, that the bravery shown in the late war proved that modern man was not degenerate is to misunderstand the whole problem of degeneracy and progressive evolution. 1

A good test is a man's relationship to his womenfolk and theirs to him. Do his sisters respect his judgment? Do they lean on him, or have they grown up in an atmosphere of contempt for the male? Does he sway them by his natural ascendancy or by wiles? Does he practise what he preaches, i.e. if he believes in male leadership, is there a single decent woman who has ever been known to follow him willingly and absolutely?

Remember that, although a girl's self-esteem may be flattered by associating with a man whom she can turn and twist at will, she is happiest in the end with the man on whom she can rely and who has the personality described above. This, of course, involves intelligence. As things are, however, after two thousand years of the hot-house forcing of intellect, brains have become so plentiful and cheap that it is important to bear in mind that brains without character (like education without character) are worthless, and may even be a doubtful asset. Remember, too, that the best brains, as we have seen, are found in the healthy.

Nowadays there is far too great a tendency to concentrate on unessential qualities, particularly in Anglo-Saxon countries.

Dr. Pedersen quotes two questionnaires circulated in 1914 by one of the leading American women's journals. The first, to mothers, asked for a description of the ideal husband for their daughters, and 98 answers dealt with "attributes which were unessential". Two expressed the wish that the husband might be a good father.

To another sent to 100 young women, 99 answers were returned, which "went into foolish details concerned with

1 For a more detailed discussion of this important point, see M.A.I., Chap. VI.


entirely superficial elements". One only stated "that she desired her husband to agree with her about the essentials of bringing up children" 1

On the other hand, the female readers of PHYSICAL CULTURE (U.S.A.) voted for the essential quality of a mate in the following proportions:—

Health, 20 per cent; Finances, 19 per cent; Willingness to have children, 18 per cent; Looks, 11 per cent; Disposition, 8 per cent; Education, 8 per cent; Housekeeping, 7 per cent; Character, 6 per cent; Dress, 5 per cent.

The girls of Brigham Young College, Utah, also voted as follows: Physical and Mental Strength, 99 per cent; Abstinence from Tobacco and Alcohol, 95 per cent; Moral Decency, 86 per cent; Good Education, 50 per cent; Finance as unessential, 72 per cent; Ambition, 33 per cent. 2

Here and there these results are good, but on the whole show a lamentable tendency to overrate non-essentials.

Finally, let it be understood that a good husband should be like a good wallpaper — something one can live with daily. Flashy, obvious qualities are, therefore, to be avoided in favour of the sterling though less immediately stimulating and dazzling qualities. (On this point, compare equivalent section in next chapter. For additional remarks on character see Chapter 11, Part II, Section 14.)

Class. Same as self.

Complexes. We have seen that, where there is health and, of course, beauty, complexes need not preoccupy us. As, however, complexes may lead to awkward or tiresome behaviour, without necessarily inducing neuroses or functional disorders, it may be well to observe the few following rules:—

(a) Avoid a man with too deep-rooted a link to his mother, if it appears that this has become an obstacle to adaptation, or to a free and common-sense adult outlook on life. 3

(b) Avoid a man who is very touchy or self-assertive or who insists on always being right. This may indicate deep-rooted feelings of inferiority, for which somebody, usually the wife, must ultimately pay. 4

(c) Avoid a man who shows peculiar tastes, such as a love of

1 Op. cit. p. 113.
2 M.M., pp. 82–84.
3 C. J. Jung (B.M., p. 354).
4 For a fine description of a man with an inferiority complex see the "Brutal Man", by Theophrastus. (L.C., Character 15.)


displays of brutality, a love of horrors, a tendency to torment and tease everybody, including animals. A sadistic bent may be suspected.

(d) Avoid a man who is overanxious about his person, uses scent, has his nails manicured, uses outlandish bath-salts, dresses too immaculately, and is always inaccessible, no matter how much you may try to penetrate his inmost being. Narcissism, or extreme self-love may be suspected, with all that this involves in subjectivity, introversion, stubbornness, inability to see another's point of view, etc.

(e) Avoid a man who habitually asks what so-and-so said or thought about him. This denotes a lack of manly pride, a tendency to measure himself wholly according to his neighbour's estimate of him, and consequently indicates modesty, which is the inevitable accompaniment of vanity. The trait can be overlooked and need not mean undesirable qualities in a man, only if the person whose opinion is the object of his curiosity is his acknowledged superior and much depends upon it.

The reason why we should reject a man who is too much concerned about his neighbour's opinion of him is that such a person, in order to uphold his self-esteem, which in his case depends on his fellow-man's attitude towards him, will constantly try to seduce the latter to a high opinion of him, even to the point of posing, romancing and lying. This is suspicious and denotes a regressive attitude, i.e. an infantile complex. The world has become so vulgar that it prefers to deal with this vain-modest person rather than with the proud man who is concerned chiefly with his own measure of himself and is careless of the opinion of others. But if the equation, vanity = modesty is kept constantly in mind, mistakes will hardly be possible.

Deportment. How does the prospective mate sit? Does he droop, loll or sit huddled up in a chair? Or is he braced and straight when seated?

Poise is revelatory, not only of the prospective mate's degree of self-discipline and self-control, but also of the tone of his muscles and general constitution, remember that those whose muscles are inadequate for a braced, erect pose, generally suffer from muscular weakness throughout, i.e. in their hearts, abdominal wall and viscera etc., so that muscular weakness may be the source of a whole series of disabilities which middle age will probably reveal.

It: is not generally known, however, that bad poise and habitual wrong posture have a potent influence on health even when the muscles are sound and strong. The mechanical features of the human organism make it, up to a point, resemble any other machine; and in this sense no misuse, no habitual faulty use, can possibly go unrequited. It is fatuous to suppose, for instance, that the habitual doubling up of the abdominal viscera, or the pressing of them out of place, can leave their functioning unaffected, It is also fatuous to suppose that the thoracic viscera can be habitually constricted without dire effect on the heart and the respiratory function.

There is an ideal use of self, as I have shown, 1 and any departure from it must be paid for in the end.

How then does the prospective mate stand or walk? Does he stoop? Has he a marked hollow in the small of his back? Can you see his shoulder blades poking like pinions into the backcloth of his jacket? Do his hands tremble? Is he generally too stiff? (Almost always a sign of sexual repression.) Does he always lift one shoulder above the other?

These are all signs of faulty co-ordination and are abnormal.

Does he show a tendency to throw up his chin (a practice which in time will throw all his normal adjustments out)? And does he walk with the air of one who holds a commission to inspect the eaves of houses? If he does this habitually, inferiority feelings may be suspected, for which the peculiar poise is a postural compensation. It is the poise of many owner-drivers of cars, in whom it may have been induced temporarily by the awkward angle at which seats are fixed, but in whom it is also often a compensatory poise in the Adlerian sense.

Many people wrongly imagine that this poise is right and dignified, and they deliberately assume it, like the imitators of the "Gibson Girl" a generation ago, because they think it looks nice. Where it is assumed unconsciously, however, it is always a sign of inferiority feelings. But, whether deliberate or unconscious, it is equally injurious to the organism.

Education. To be considered only in so far as it does not proclaim a difference of class.

Erotic disposition. Balzac was too serious a psychologist to indulge in remarks about marital relations merely for the sake of being salacious, and when he said: "In marriage, the bed is everything," 2 he meant that in a world disastrously oblivious of

1 See my HEALTH AND EDUCATION THROUGH SELF-MASTERY.
2 P.M., p. 195.


such things, it is important to lay stress on the need of physical harmony between couples.

Owing to the frantic flight from the body, promoted and abetted by Christian values, we have been too prone, particularly in Protestant and Puritanical countries, to neglect the physical side of marriage, or actually to vilify it. And yet, if we are realists, we know that nothing could be more important.

The Romans and the Jews rightly took this matter so seriously that they had criteria for determining the normal development of adolescent at puberty. Dr. Rossbach tells us that the Romans were not consent with assuming that puberty had been reached, but actually checked their surmises by an inspection of all youths' bodies. 1 As to the Jews, the old Talmudic sages carefully enumerated the stigmata of impotence in the male, which might safeguard the bride from the misery of being united to a man unfit to be a husband.

Among the: signs were:—

(1) Absence of pubic hair at 20.

(2) Absence of hair on the face.

(3) Soft and smooth skin.

(4) A soft, effeminate voice, etc. 2

I have already enumerated many of the signs, but they can be summarized here. In addition to the Jewish data above, they are — a small head, undue length of the arms and lower limbs, or undue fatness, or cushions of fat over the hips, chest, and face, together with thin long lower limbs, possibly persistence of the thymus gland with. generally infantile appearance, and finally small and infantile genitalia. 3

Nor is it important to determine only potency in the mate. A plus rather than a minus is the quality to seek:, because, as all young women ought to be told, fire is the essential prerequisite of happy and acceptable sexual relations. Nature herself points the way to this. Her lower creatures mate only during "rut", when desire is keenest, and in the cold-blooded fishes there is no such thing as a sexual embrace.

In their examination of a thousand marriages, R. L. Dickinson and L. Bean found that "Even where there were no children,

1 UNTERSUCHUNGEN ÜBER DIE RÖMISCHE EHE (Stuttgart, 1883, p. 455).
2 TAL., Jabmuth, 80b. Some of the items are unprintable.
3 A girl's father or brothers should be able to see a prospective mate stripped and to discover stigmata of impotence, which the girl cannot discover for herself. See Note 1, p. 191 supra.


complete unity in marriage depends on sexual unity," 1 and their findings are confirmed by every experienced medical man.

"The physician knows," says Dr. Courtenay Beale, "that the cause of marital disharmony and divorce is almost invariably sexual discontent," and he adds: "Marriage, whatever else and however much more it may be, is essentially sex-union." 2

"Nothing is more fatal to love," says Dr. Van de Velde, "than disappointment in sexual intercourse." 3

"Unhappy marriages, which are so terribly frequent," says Dr. Bauer, "are usually due fundamentally to the lack of complete mutual sexual satisfaction." 4

Such observations could be multiplied almost indefinitely.

It is, therefore, urgently necessary to persuade young women not to listen, against the dictates of their instincts, to elders who warn them that So-and-so looks too fiery or too sensual, or too "material" (this is the favourite expression of the British matron, who often uses it out of jealousy). Let all grown girls remember that the fireless, top-heavy saint crucifies not only his own flesh, but also his wife's.

Not merely the adequacy of a man's sexual attentions is important but also, and above all, their form. Much has been written about this, as if a prescribed technique of sexual intercourse could replace sound instinct, or supplement it when it was lacking! Thus, I wholly agree with Dr. Esther Harding, when she writes: "The art of love cannot be practised successfully if it is viewed only as a technique — the expression of love must be a genuine expression of an emotion which is actually felt." 5

For what young women should remember is that, even when a man lacks previous knowledge and experience, the ardour alone of his passions will prove the best initiator and the most inexhaustible inspirer. And without that ardour a whole library of books on love-technique cannot avail.

Another important point is that passion and vanity are mutually exclusive; therefore that a man of passion will, as a rule, forget himself and his self-esteem when he really loves. The vain man, however, always sets his self-esteem and the kind of figure he is cutting in a situation, before anything else. That is why vain

1 T.M., p. 447.
2 W.W., pp. 11 and 24. See also p. 36
3 I.M., p. 270. See also S.H.I M., p. 269.
4 W., p, 210. Also N.E., p. 116, where Bryk shows how the happiness of the negro marriage depends on adequate sexual relations, and how the negresses insist on adequate sexual congress.
5 THE WAY OF ALL WOMEN (London, 1933, p. 162).


people may usually be classed as lacking in passion; for, if their sensibilities were ardent, considerations of self-esteem could not receive attention. This accounts for the majority of so-called "Don Juans". Their hunger for repeated successes with women is too often the outcome of an aching sense of inferiority (which makes them wish constantly to be reassured about their personal merit) for it to be too lightly inferred from their many affairs that they are moved by passion. 1

Nor is it merely a question of happiness. Health is also concerned, and Dr. M. Porosz has found that a husband's weak passion and sexual neurasthenia brings many young women with apparent ovarian trouble into the consulting room, although they turn out to be quite normal and their disorder — oöphoralgia erotica — is entirely due to the sexual subparity of their mates. 2

The frequency of this condition in otherwise perfectly charming young men, is one of the tragic features of modern life, at least in the middle classes of countries populated by Anglo-Saxon stocks; that is why grown girls should keep a sharp look-out for the external signs of coldness or inferior sensuality in their prospective mates, and, no matter how resolutely they have to resist them, prefer the young men who press for sexual intercourse, or at least for early marriage, and who apply all their energies to making themselves fit for the latter, before those who act as though next year, or Doomsday, would be soon enough.

Also do not let them be deceived by the man who constantly emphasizes his desire to have children. This is neither normal nor necessarily indicative of sexual ardour. Let them remember that his natural preoccupation is to desire the girl he loves. Children, no matter how welcome they may be, are merely a by-product of this mutual desire of a young couple for each other. When a man appears very anxious to have children, as such, two things may be suspected:— 3

(a) Deep-rooted inferiority feelings, which he is hoping to smother by this triumph of exhibiting the results of his potency to the world.

1 Stendhal saw this. He says: "Le bonheur de don Juan n'est que de la vanité." And he adds: "Les horreurs viennent toujours d'une petite âme qui a besoin de se rassurer sur son propre mérite" (D.A., pp. 223–225).
2 B.M.J., 25.12.26. We must also remember that sexual abnormality in the male is now an important factor in childlessness. Dr. Sidney Forsdike says: 25 per cent of childless marriages are due to the condition of the husband" (B.M.J., 13.10.28), and is confirmed by Drs. Mazer and Hoffmann (B.M.J., 9.3.29)
3 Unless he is nearing decrepitude and owns important properties or titles, which he wishes to hand on to an heir of his blood.


(b) Doubts concerning his potency or sexual ardour, which may be well-founded. And, since a man's self-esteem draws its strength very largely from his sense of the potency of his sexual organs, doubts concerning their potency may be the cause of his inferiority feelings, 1 and may induce him anxiously to desire children, if only to terminate his doubts.

A desire for children in an unmarried man is, therefore, more frequently a suspicious than a reassuring symptom.

Neither is the display of jealousy by any means necessarily a proof of ardent passions. So often is it misinterpreted in this way that it is important to warn young women against the error. The jealous man may be a creature of ardent passions; but jealousy may also be simply wounded self-esteem, and have no bearing whatsoever on erotic disposition or the degree of auction felt by the man displaying it. A vain man may, and often does, resent very bitterly being outclassed by another man, although his feelings for the girl in question may be comparatively cold. Such a man's jealousy is no proof of his affection, or of the depth of it. It is merely a proof that his self-esteem may be unusually sensitive. Thus Larochefoucauld said: "Il y a dans la jalousie plus d'amour-propre que d'amour." 2

Face and Features. Choose a good-looking mate. As we have seen, good looks are a guarantee of general desirability, and accompany not only superior health but also superior intelligence. A portrait gallery of great men is, on the whole, a collection of good-looking faces, and, as Dr. Joseph Hands says: "Nearly all persons of genius, whether men or women, were and are handsome and well-proportioned." 3

On the positive side, seek beauty, symmetry, bold, big, full features. A determined strong jaw and mouth become a man. Be glad of a modicum of fierceness in a man's face. Do not shun a man on that account. Failing this, accept sternness, but nothing less. Observe the males of the mammalia. None of them has a mild expression. Even the ram has a trace of fierceness. The smile, the sympathy, the look of adoration that come from a fierce mate face are infinitely sweeter than those that come from a mild or gentle male face. There is more sweetness in its owner too.

1 Apparently, primitive man is also sensitive about his sexual potency, unless the instance Bryk gives of a negro committing suicide because he was impotent is an exception (N.E., p. 117).
2 MAXIMES, CCCXXIV.
3 BEAUTY AND THE LAWS GOVERNING ITS DEVELOPMENT (London, 1882, p. 14).
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Re: The Choice of a Mate, by Anthony M. Ludovici

Postby admin » Mon Jan 29, 2018 5:15 am

Part 2 of 2

Look, moreover, for a sign of sensuality, and above all composure and serenity.

On the negative side, do not look twice at a man with any odd or exaggerated feature, such as eyes too deeply set, a chin too pointed or too prominent, a brow too retreating, a marked asymmetry of any kind. Do not accept a man who, in a girl's attire, would pass as a Madonna, whose lower jaw vanishes in his collar, or who has an anxious, haunted look.

A healthy endocrine balance is seen in manifold ways. The skin should not be dry, or greasy. The eye should be bright, the hair naturally glossy. The expression should be alert, and the general impression one of resilience.

Remember that a straight, steady look does not necessarily mean honesty, unless it is confirmed as such by other signs. Remember too that a bluff, hearty look is not necessarily incompatible with deceit and duplicity. Henry VIII was an example of this. 1

Finance. It is important for happiness that poverty should not add to the difficulties of a state already bristling, as marriage is, with difficulties of its own. 2

Gifts. All gifts should be welcome, except those that amount to genius or exceptional artistic ability. Otherwise the more gifted a husband is, and the more catholic his tastes and interests, the happier a wife is likely to be. Unfortunately, owing to the fact that for generations it has had to specialize, the male sex is to-day inclined to be more restricted in its tastes and sympathies than the female, which has only recently started specialization on a large scale for gain. Consequently the average young woman will often be startled, less by the extent of her husband's intelligence and ability in his own line, than by his ignorance, comparative denseness and lack of interest in matters outside it. Apart from sport (an almost universal secondary interest), she will often find him singularly limited. On this account, it is hardly possible nowadays to select a man who is too intelligent or too catholic in his tastes, and, for a full life, the more intelligent and catholic a man is, the better.

Advising quite impartially, and purely from the standpoint of domestic felicity, there are two types of man a girl should not

1 See Agnes Strickland's good remarks on his point (op. cit., II, p. 152).
2 S.H.I.M., p. 161. "Poverty is dangerous to married happiness." But, if my point and Van de Velde's about poverty and its dangers is correct, it argues more enduring and deeper passions in the so-called "lower" than the so-called "upper" classes. For in the former, happy marriages often occur in spite of poverty.


marry geniuses and highly-endowed artists generally. With the first, misery is almost certain. With the second, whether they belong to the first group or not, a girl should know that she has a creature who, like herself, is fatally destined to be occupied with gestation and parturition and to make a fuss about it. An artist is constantly bringing forth spiritual young, whether in music, sculpture, painting, poetry, the drama, or what not. And, in this incessant sequence of spiritual gestation and parturition, the female partner's physical gestation and parturition are likely to be relegated to a second or third place.

Moreover, artists are essentially eager for inspiration. Their muse often requires fresh stimulation. Again, in this, the female partner often has to accept a back seat. Madame François Millet, Madame Palissy, Mrs. Dickens, and the female associate of Whistler in his early days, and the lifelong companion of Rodin, could both have given eloquent accounts of these two kinds of trouble.

But there is a strong temptation to marry artists, because their creativeness is based in ardent sensibilities and superior sexual endowments. And their appearance is usually stamped with this character only those girls who have soberly and carefully concluded that the interest of the life makes up for its shortcomings should embark upon matrimony with an artist. If they do, however, let them abandon all hope of being, with their children, the centre of gravity in their homes.; for that can never be.

The case against geniuses is even more damaging.

"As a rule," says Dr. Lenz, "to be the wife of a genius is certainly anything but a blessing," 1 and we are told that when the King of Sweden gave audience to the widow of a famous scientist and inquired sympathetically about her late husband, the lady replied: "Your Majesty, he was insufferable!" 2 This is typical. And I can think of at least three women, closely connected with my circle as a child and young man, who could have said the same.

Moreover, the genius is, as a rule, incurably impecunious. Edgar Alan Poe, Fielding, Nietzsche, Leopardi, Van Gogh, Rodin and Whistler could not, even as mature men, have main-

1 M.A.R., p. 473. See also Mary Woolstonecroft (op. cit., p. 85), who speaking of geniuses, says: "Minds of this rare species see things too much in masses, and seldom, if ever, have a good temper."
2 G.M., p. 16.


tained a family, though the two latter might have been able to do so in middle age.

We have only to think of the large number of geniuses who have remained unmarried, in order, to see that, on the whole, the genius is not only unsuited to marriage, but is also averse to it.

I can think of thirty-five geniuses who were unmarried — Michelangelo, the three Carraccis, Newton, Locke, Leibnitz, Bayle, Hobbes, Hume, Beethoven, Sargent, Rodin, Balzac, Chatterton, Alfieri, Pascal, Pheidias, Gibbon, Adam Smith, Kant, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Spencer, Pope, Plato, Van Gogh, Newman, Descartes, Galileo, Ariosto, Rabelais, Musset, Comte, and Spinoza. And of thirty-two who married, seventeen were unhappy. These were — Dante (this is doubtful), Milton, Addison, Cæsar, Dickens, Molière, Socrates, Byron, Bernard Palissy, Napoleon, Shakespeare, Euripides, Haydn, Holbein, Berlioz, Fielding, Lope de Vega, and Machiavelli.

Of fifteen who may be said to have been happily married, Disraeli and Mahommed both married rich old women who supported them and with whom they can hardly be said to have led normal married lives; Goethe was married only ten years to a woman who was beneath him; Browning was married fifteen years to a poor delicate creature who disagreed with him on spiritualism, and during whose lifetime he produced by no means his best work, and only the remaining eleven — Darwin, Bach, Zola, Gainsborough, Corneille, Constable, Jenner, Pasteur, Lizst, and Millet, can be said to have led anything approaching tolerable married lives. Can Jenner, however, be classed among the geniuses?

While intelligence and catholic tastes are conducive to a fuller life, the desirable mate, therefore should hardly be a genius or m exceptionally gifted artist. Or, to state the case moderately, a young woman, should not, if she can possibly help it, marry such a man.

Hair. Everything authoritative has already been said on this matter. Remember that men who are too hairy, or whose face and pate hair invades the mask in unusual places, are to be avoided.

Although much can be inferred from the quality and quantity of a man's beard, and, as a rule, ceteris paribus, a feeble growth of beard indicates a weak constitution, 1 so many important facial features are covered by a beard and, for the reasons stated in the

1 B.D.M., p. 36. See also Kretschmer, p. 280 supra.


previous chapter, it is so desirable that the eye should be trained to appreciate masculinity without the too-obvious signs that lead to indolence of observation, that, on the whole, clean-shaving is to be preferred.

Female prejudice against beards is certainly common. As early as Shakespeare, in England, women appear to have disliked them; 1 and most great civilizations have developed a taste for clean-shaving. A New Zealand proverb says: "The hairy man catches no wife," 2 and Darwin regarded men with very hairy limbs and body as examples of reversion to a former stage in human evolution. 3 On the other hand, a taste for beards has frequently prevailed. Eleanora of Guyenne, for instance, in the middle of the twelfth century, was so horrified by the sight of Louis le Jeune's constantly smooth, hairless chin, that finding her mockery of no avail in making her husband give up shaving, she divorced him and married our King Henry II. There were certainly many other reasons for the divorce, but that Louis' monk-like appearance was one of them is unquestionable. And thus the taste for beards in a virago led to the acquisition of many rich provinces by the Crown of England, and incidentally also to hundreds of years of war.

It has, moreover, been said that whereas bearded Romans conquered the clean-shaven Greeks, bearded Goths vanquished a generation of clean-shaven Romans. This is true enough. But I have already entered sufficiently exhaustively into the reasons why, at urgent at least, clean-shaving is probably more desirable than the fashion of face-hair.

The desirable mate should be anything but conspicuously hairy.

Hands. Select a man with large rather than small hands, provided, that the size be not altogether disproportionate. A large hand becomes a man, and is also a better guarantee of character than a small one, which may also indicate hypo-pituitarism, particularly if the hand is conical as well. A well-formed hand is also important. 4

The musculature of a man's body may also be inferred from his hand. Men with very thin, limp hands may usually be suspected of asthenia.

1 MUCH ADO ABOUT NOTHING, II, i.
2 W. Bölsche, LOVE LIFE IN NATURE (London, 1931, p. 791).
3. D.O.M., pp. 601–602.
4 Balzac saw in a well-formed hand high intelligence. See P.M., p. 247: "Il est à remarquer que les hommes à puissante intelligence ont presque tous eu de belles mains."


For the rest everything has already been said.

Head. There seems to be no doubt that the head of a normal man, even relative to stature, is larger than that of a normal woman. Whether the relation to stature is fair or not, does not concern me here, seeing that we are engaged in giving the reader signs that strike the eye, and proportions certainly do so. We are not concerned with the superiority or inferiority of either sex.

Given two people of the same size, therefore, male and female, the male should normally have the larger head.

I have already adduced recent impartial evidence of this. But Ales found it in his material nine years ago, 1 and various authors, including Havelock Ellis, who admits it extremely reluctantly, have found that a normal man's brain is absolutely larger than a woman's. 2

If, however, we glance, no matter how cursorily, at the rest of the mammalia, even those of the orders which provide our domestic animals, we notice at once that normally the male always has the larger head, and that this is particularly noticeable where the two sexes, as in the cats and cattle, diner hardly at all in regard to stature.

A larger head than the female's, relative to stature, is therefore a distinctly male characteristic, and men with small heads are to be avoided. They probably have female elements, or are actually eunuchoid.

Health. Good health in the mate is a sine qua non. Do not listen to the glib platitudes about sickness and ill-health always being associated with superior intelligence. None of the parrots who repeat this cry have ever troubled to test its truth, and it is merely the latter-day plea of self-conscious degenerates. The statistics I have adduced in earlier chapters have shown a high correlation between good health and mental ability, and when we examine the lives of the great, we find this correlation abundantly demonstrated.

Manners. These should be instinctive. Where they are acquired they are merely good behaviour and are usually less valuable, as indicating no basis in character equivalent to the feelings they represent, and a proneness to disappear when witnesses who are feared are out of the way. That is why it is important to distinguish good manners from acquired good behaviour. It is also important to distinguish that radiance or geniality which in a

1 THE OLD AMERICANS, p. 196.
2 M.W., pp. 103–104.


friend is the outcome of genuine feelings of pleasure at our coming upon the scene, and that radiance or geniality which is merely the outcome of his extreme satisfaction with himself and with the impression he imagines he is making. Many a vain man thus gets a reputation for great geniality, who is really nothing but a dandy always trying to look his best. And this points to an exceedingly interesting aspect of good manners, which is too often overlooked — the objectivity of a good-mannered, and the subjectivity of a bad-mannered person. This alone shows how inborn real good manners must be, and how impossible it is for a wholly subjective person (and this type increases yearly) to be good-mannered.

The best men and women, therefore, show instinctive good manners, and do so as children.

The desirable mate should, therefore, have native good manners.

Muscular Development. The leptosome of the heyday of Egyptian civilization was not, as we can tell from the frescoes and other graphic representations of him, a heavily-built athlete. It is likely, in fact, that great recuperative power is incompatible with the loss of resilience which accompanies an unusual development of the muscular apparatus, and since Aristotle lived in the midst of a culture, and in an Age, notorious for its athleticism, and must, therefore, have been intimately acquainted with every aspect of the athlete's life, his condemnation of him as a mate ought in itself to weigh very heavily with us. 1 But Havelock Ellis, if not so emphatic, is also highly critical of the athlete's sexual powers, 2 although I can find no passage where he condemns, as such, the condition of a heavy and rigid encasement of the body by muscle. On the other hand, care should be taken not to go to the other extreme, and favour asthenic men, or men suffering from muscular atrophy; for it should be remembered that the condition of a man's visible and consciously controlled muscles are, to a great extent, indicative of the condition of his visceral and unconsciously controlled muscles, and, therefore,

1 POLITICS, VII, 16 (trans. as before): "The temperament of the athlete is not suited to the life of a citizen, or to health, or to the procreation of children, any more than the valetudinarian or exhausted constitution, but one which is a mean between the two", i.e. the leptosome described as desirable under Bodily Build, the man of the ancient Egyptian world, in which gymnastics were forbidden.
2 S.P.S., IV, p. 192. "Muscular strength is not necessarily correlated with sexual vigour, and in its extreme degrees appears to be more correlated with its absence."


that underdevelopment of the former may mean underdevelopment of the latter, with all its accompaniments in the form of chronic constipation, possibly heart trouble, and so on.

Nationality. Same as self.

Occupation. See Gifts. As a rule a woman is happiest with a man whose occupation takes him out of the home. Seeing each other every moment of the day is not conducive to harmony.

In their able work Drs. G. Dreyer and G. F. Harrison suggest three classes of occupation differentiated in respect of the general health of those who pursue them:—

Class A, where the best health is found: Army and Navy personnel, police force, athletes and active sportsmen, university students (playing games) . . . fire brigade, blacksmiths, and boilermakers."

Class B, which is intermediate: "Professional classes (doctors, lawyers, etc.), business men, railwaymen, high-grade mechanics . . . clerks (upper class).

Class C, where the lowest health is found: "Tailors, shopkeepers, shoemakers, printers, potters, clerks (lower class), painters. . . ." 1

No discussion of the question of occupation would be complete without making some reference to the statistical works of Drs. L. C. Parkes and H. K. Kenwood, 2 Drs. G. M. Kober and W. C. Hanson, 3 Sir Thomas Oliver, 4 and Drs. E. L. Collis and Major Greenwood. 5

In the first work an exceptionally high health record is ascribed to agricultural labourers, and (but for diseases of the respiratory system) 6 to miners, and (but for diseases of the circulatory system) 7 to wool and worsted operatives, and (but for phthisis) 8 to hosiery operatives. For the rest, however, we find cotton operatives above the average in phthisis and respiratory diseases, innkeepers and publicans much above the average in phthisis and diseases of the nervous, circulatory and respiratory systems; tailors, shoemakers, and printers much above the average in phthisis; and tin-miners, cutlers, and potters much above the

1 A.P.F., pp. 17–18.
2 (1) HYGIENE AND PUBLIC HEALTH (London, 1923).
3 (2) DISEASES OF OCCUPATION AND VOCATIONAL HYGIENE (London, 1918).
4 (3) OCCUPATIONS FROM THE SOCIAL, HYGIENIC AND MEDICAL POINTS OF VIEW (Cambridge, 1916, and (4) DISEASES OF OCCUPATION (London, 1916).
5 (5) THE HEALTH OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER (London, 1921).
6 261 per mil., against 174 per mil. for general population.
7 150 per mil., against 144 per mil. for general population.
8 200 per mil., against 186 per mil. for general population.


average in phthisis and diseases of the circulatory and respiratory systems. 1

Taking 1000 to represent the mobility of all males between 25 and 65 in England and Wales, the comparative figure for all occupied males was 953, and while it was 687 in agriculture, it reached 1248 in industrial districts. Clergymen were low at 553, farmers at 563, school teachers at 604, farm labourers at 632; but lawyers were comparatively high at 821, as were medical men at 966; and the following were very high: industrial labourers (1509), publicans (1642), costermongers (1652), and hotel servants (1725). 2

In the second work mentioned, most of the above findings are confirmed. In the third work we are told that "of all occupations, that of the farmer is the healthiest. Close upon the farmer comes the clergyman." 3 And while, in the main, Sir Thomas's figures support those in the two previous works, we find in addition that file-makers, cutlers, potters and earthenware manufacturers suffer an exceptionally high death-rate from phthisis and diseases of the respiratory system, and that lead-workers are unusually liable to diseases of the respiratory and circulatory systems. 4

Sir Thomas also records the following interesting fact, that "the mortality for occupied and unoccupied males . . . between 25 and 65 . . . are 953 and 2215 respectively" . . . i.e. an excess of the latter of 132 per cent. "Nearly two-thirds of the excessive mortality of unoccupied males as compared with occupied is due either to diseases of the nervous system or to phthisis." 5

In the fifth work mentioned, the authors show the high incidence of phthisis, particularly between 25 and 45, in tailors and shoemakers, 6 and the marked difference in the incidence of the disease among urban and rural dwellers, the latter showing a far higher death-rate for both males and females. 7

According to this work clergymen and not agriculturists head the list for longevity and general health, while cabinet-makers, tailors, printers, and bookbinders are at the bottom of the list and have remained so for 22 years. 8

Interesting facts are also given about cancer. Thus the lowest death-rates from cancer are found "among occupations of the highest social status." 9

1 (1) p. 671.
2 Ibid., p. 678.
3 (3) Ibid., p. 57.
4 Ibid., p. 59.
5 Ibid., p. 64.
6 (5) Ibid., p. 62.
7 Ibid., p. 131.
8 Ibid., p. 135.
9 Ibid., p. 170.


Among the occupations with the lowest cancer mortality (reckoned per 100,000 of the population of England and Wales), we find: Grocers (76.5), farmers. (78.2), farm labourers (79.7). coalminers (82.4), gardeners and nurserymen (85.2), railway engine drivers and stokers (85. 3), coal merchants (85.7), clergymen (87.3), and school teachers (90.1).

Among the occupations with the highest cancer mortality, similarly reckoned, are: Gas-works service (107.1), innkeepers (108.8), lawyers (111.8), fishermen (111.9), textile workers (112.6), tailors (112.9), brewers (166.6), seamen (170.5), and chimneysweeps (224.9). Of these eight occupations, all but the first and last have shown a marked increase in cancer since 1890. 1

Moreover, townsfolk show a higher death-rate from cancer and a greater susceptibility to the disease than country folk, and their women a higher death-rate from cancer of the generative organs than rural women. On the other hand, probably owing to the greater exposure to sunlight, rural folk show a higher mortality from skin cancer. 2

Figures from Germany more or less confirm the above, and do so abundantly in regard to the difference between urban and rural folk for skin cancer. 3

Regarding an occupation with which, through a long family tradition, I happen to be exceptionally familiar — that of artist-painters — I may say that, according to my experience the people I have known (including my own father and grandfather) who have pursued this calling, have all enjoyed extraordinarily good health. In order to make sure, however, that my observations were statistically confirmed, I paid a visit to the Royal Academy in 1923, and there, thanks to the courtesy of the officials, was able to extract the following figures from their registers:—

Of the 293 artists who were made Associates and Academicians since the foundation in 1768, and whose birthdays could be ascertained:—

8 died at 90 or over.
25 died between 85 and 89.
35 died between 80 and 84.
49 died between 76 and 79.
36 died between 70 and 75.
46 died between 65 and 69.
36 died between 60 and 64.
24 died between 55 and 59.
15 died between 50 and 54.
8 died between 45 and 49.
4 died between 40 and 44.
7 died between 35 and 39.


1 Ibid.
2 Ibid., p. 172. These particular figures relate to the U.S.A.
3 Ibid.


And between 1770, the year of the first vacancy, and 1923 only 362 original elections occurred, an average of little over two per annum.

This is not a bad record. Over 50 per cent lived to 70 and over, over two-thirds to 65 and over, and only a fifth failed to reach 60. It seems even to point to a further correlation between stamina and ability.

In a very different vein, Bourget, whose findings, however, relate only to French conditions, composed a list of occupations differentiated according to the opportunities they offer for illicit intercourse. I have selected from his data only those items which may be thought to apply more or less to England.

The proportion of professional men in various occupations who indulge in illicit intercourse is as follows:—

Artist-painters: 80 per cent.
Sculptors: 50 per cent.
Musicians: 25 per cent.
Architects: 50 per cent.
Actors: Melodrama, 20 per cent; Comedy, 60 per cent;
Journalists: 50 per cent.
Dramatists: 20 per cent.
Novelists: 15 per cent.
Poets: 30 per cent.
Farce, 99 per cent. 1


In all of the above, the calling certainly tends to offer opportunities for illicit relations outside the home. But whether the percentage would be so high in England may be seriously doubted.

Generally speaking, that girl is happiest who chooses a mate whose work, while taking him away from home, is of such a nature as to impose certain disciplines and restraints.

Pigmentation. There are undoubtedly correlations between fairness and brunetness respectively and certain character and mental traits. These have been discussed. On the score of these correlations, however (except for the probable association of darkness with greater vitality and more ardent sensibilities), it would be arbitrary to claim either fairness or brunetness as essential in the desirable mate. It is largely a question of taste, and of the preference instinctively shown for the psycho-physical qualities correlated with a particular pigmentation.

There is certainly little more than fancy in the average English girl's association of fairness with savouriness in the male; 2 but the other correlations already enumerated appear to be generally

1 P.A.M., pp. 42–43. Commercial travellers might be added, with a high record for infidelity.
2 See p. 199 supra.


valid. Here, as in most other respects, it seems as if it would be better to follow the golden rule and to marry your like, and, as we have seen, most people appear to do this in the matter of pigmentation.

Proportions. In the previous chapter I discussed the leg-trunk ratio, particularly in the female. I shall now deal more fully with this in the male, and consider other specifically male proportions.

In judging the proportions of any creature, animal or man, a good rule is to remember function., and thus to avoid the fallacy of criticizing the shire-horse according to race-horse standards, or vice versâ. Nor is unimportant to call attention to this rule, seeing that people as profound and perspicacious as Goethe and Schopenhauer completely forgot it in comparing man and woman, and, as we shall soon discover, a man as experienced and alert as Havelock Ellis has also forgotten it in the same connexion.

Regarding man from the standpoint of his life-function, then, we must expect his body to differ from woman's, and suspect those men of female elements who show any tendency to approach the specific proportions of woman.

The typical male, for reasons which I have discussed, has a longer leg than the female. He also does not functionally require a broad pelvis, so that his hips are narrower than woman's. In men and women of the same stature this difference in girth at hips amounts to as much as 6 ins." 1 This relatively narrower pelvis, moreover, makes man's legs much straighter, because, instead of descending from a broad, they descend from a relatively narrow, base. It also leads to much smaller buttocks. Thus a man with heavy buttocks, like one with large breasts, may be suspected of female elements. 2

Owing to his relatively narrow hips, a man appears to have and should, owing to his larger chest, 3 actually have broader

1 M.W., p. 56. Also Dr. S. Herbert (op. cit., p. 95) and Dr. A. Forel (op. cit., p. 64).
2 See P.S.D., p. 95, where feminism of male is described as "large pelvis, prominent hips, breasts of considerable size", and "abundance of sub-cutaneous fat".
3 F., p. 33: "Man's chest and breadth of shoulders surpass woman's in every dimension except that of depth." Forel (op. cit., p. 64). Also M.W., p. 45. Sir B. C. A. Windle, M.D., in THE PROPORTIONS OF THE HUMAN BODY (London, 1892, p. 62) compares the shoulder-hip ratio in men and women. Taking the relation of the maximum size of hips to that of shoulders as 100:—
100 male Parisians showed a ratio of 83.0.
30 female " " " " 91.8.
30 male Belgians " " " 82.5.
30 female " " " " 94.5.


shoulders than a woman, despite his larger head (a feature already discussed), which tends to dwarf his shoulders in a way that a woman's head does not dwarf hers.

So that the figure of the desirable male might be sketched as follows: Head proportionately larger than woman's, shoulders broader, hips narrower, legs longer and straighter, buttocks smaller and narrower, breasts flatter to the point of consisting only of the pectoral muscles, and back relatively shorter and straighter owing to the diminutive buttocks and longer legs. From the front, too, man's abdominal development looks and actually is inferior to woman's, and the distance from his navel to his pubis is actually shorter. 1

In one of the oldest attempts at describing an anthropological norm, the ideal man's shoulder-breadth is given as three times the width of his face, and the total height from sole to pubis is 54 angulas — i.e. 54 times one quarter of the width of the palm at the knuckles. 2 I think there is a colourable warrant for assuming that in such a figure the pubis to vertex length would also be 54 angulas, seeing that in another Hindu canon, the UTTAMA-DASA-TALA, the total stature is given as 124 angulas with height to bifurcation as 62 angulas. 3 In another very old Hindu canon, the CITRALAKSHANA, the total leg-length from sole to pubis is given as 58 finger-breadths, which is approximately the same as the former canon. 4

In two of these canons, precision is carried to the point of giving measurements even for the genital organs in tumescence and detumescence. 5 But we need not carry our investigations so far.

As we have seen, a very early Hindu canon — older probably than the above — reckoned the total height of a desirable man at 480, with a leg-trunk ratio of 222–258. This meant a very short leg. Schadow thinks this figure that of a well-built man, but himself argues in favour of the height: in the male being

Stratz (D.S.W.K., p. 80) gives the following table after Merkel:—

Normal European: height, 5 ft. 5 ins.
Shoulder breadth: 47 cm (18 1/2 ins.)
Hip breadth: 32.3 cm. (12.7 ins.)
Normal female: height, 5 ft. 2 ins.
Shoulder breadth: 37 cm. (14 1/2 ins.)
Hip breadth: 34 cm. (13 2/5 ins.)


1 M.W., p. 43.
2 PRATIMA-MANA-LAKSANAM (trans. from Sanscrit by Prof. P. N. Bose, Lahore, 1921, pp. 17, 23–24).
3 Rao (op. cit., I, Part I, p. 9).
4 DOKUMENTE DER INDISCHEN KUNST (trans. by B. Laufer from the Thibetan, Leipzig, 1913, p. 159).
5 See, for instance, Bose (op. cit., p. 18), and B. Laufer (op. cit., pp. 157–159).


divisible into two equal parts at the pubis, 1 and into two equal parts in the female, provided that, in the latter, the height is measured from the ground only to the pupils of the eyes. 2 Thus, taking the average man's height as 5 ft. 6 ins., and the average woman's at 5 ft. 3 ins., such a man should be 33 ins. above the pubis, and the woman 33 1/2 ins. 3

Story mentions four Egyptian canons, the last of which (referred to in previous chapter) divides the figure into 19 equal parts — 10 below and 9 above the pubis. 4 I have, however, been able to find no confirmation of this, and the proportions seem to me so wrong for the period, that I wonder whether Story has not stated the figures the wrong way round, in which case the Egyptian canon mentioned by Audran is probably correct, since it gives the total height at 1000, with a leg-trunk ratio of 484–516. 5

Certainly the trunk-leg ratio in the modern Belgian (496–504) shows how exaggerated the late Greek equivalent (487–513) was, 6 and Quetelet's averages for modern Belgian women bring the monstrous nature of the Greek female trunk-leg ratio, as seen in the previous chapter, still more clearly to light.

Quetelet found that, with an average height of 1.580 m. (a trifle under 5 ft. 3 ins.) the modern Belgian female measured .781 m. (a trifle under 30 ins.) from sole to pubis, 7 an indication of how closely the continental woman has kept the normal female proportions, despite centuries of Greek influence.

Thus, according to very old and quite recent documentation, we may assume that a desirable man's height should be divided exactly into half at the pubis, or that the lower half should be, at most, only slightly greater. Any tendency of the lower half in the male to be noticeably shorter than the upper half argues female proportions or premature synostosis of epiphyses. 8

On the other hand, as Quetelet and others point out, the leg-trunk ratio is very variable, 9 precisely because — a fact he did not know — the closing of the epiphytes of the long bones depends on an endocrine balance which, as we have seen, is an individual

1 ATLAS TO POLYCLET. Corresponding pp. in book (op. cit., 60–61).
2 Op. cit., p. 66.
3 Ibid., pp. 65–66.
4 Op. cit., p. 15.
5 A., p. 75.
6 Ibid., pp. 84–85.
7 Ibid., p. 204.
8 Topinard's leg-trunk ratio of 53:47 is obviously only a studio rule, fixed with deliberate falseness because, thanks to traditional Greek influence, it is supposed to impart grace to the figure. (See Windle, op. cit., p. 38.)
9 A., p. 235. Also A.P.F., pp. 1–2.


affair. The length of trunk with head varies much less between individuals, and thus Drs. G. Dreyer and G. F. Hanson used the head and trunk length for determining the remaining proportions and weight of the normal figure.

Their careful monograph should be studied. It will be possible here to give only a few results covering a range which includes most men of average size. Thus the following correlations were found by them to be usual in the normal male, i.e. not the average male or the majority of males, but in the normal or healthily functioning and vigorous male:—

Head and trunk in inches. / Weight in stones lbs. and ozs. / Chest measurement in inches.

34 / 8, 13, 0 / 32-3/8
34 ½ / 9, 4, 14 / 32-7/8
35 / 9, 10, 14 / 33-3/8
35 ½ / 10, 3, 2 / 33-7/8
36 / 10, 9, 8 / 34-1/2
36 ½ / 11, 2, 2 / 35
37 / 11, 8, 15 / 35-9/16
37 ½ / 12, 1, 15 / 36-1/8
38 / 12, 9, 2 / 36-11/16
38 ½ / 13, 2, 9 / 37-1/4
39 / 13, 10, 3 / 37-13/16
39 ½ / 14, 4, 0 / 38-3/8
40 / 14, 12, 1 / 38-15/16
40 ½ / 15, 6, 5 / 39-1/2 1


Having tested these correlations, I have found the table (of which the above is only an extract) very helpful and reliable. The authors claim that any correlations below (or in weight above) these figures indicate some abnormality, varying in gravity according to the extent of the variation. And, as the chest capacity indicates vitality, the importance of reaching the right proportions will be appreciated,

Regarding other proportions. Professor Achille de Giovanni claims the following as desirable:—

(1) The stature should be equal to the great aperture (i.e. the arms and hands extended and measured from tips of fingers),

(2) The chest circumference should equal half the stature. (If we follow Drs. Dreyer and Hanson's calculations, and assume

1 A.P.F., pp. 62–64 and 68–70. Height should be taken sitting, i.e. from top of head to floor, with subject sitting on floor and back to door or wall. Chest circumference should be taken just over nipples, with chest unexpanded, and subject encouraged to talk naturally.


that each male is divided into equal halves at the pubis, we shall see that they more or less confirm Giovanni here, or so nearly so that the difference is trifling). 1

(3) The length of the sternum should equal one-fifth of the chest circumference.

(4) The length of the abdomen should equal two-fifths of the chest circumference — one-fifth from the base of the xiphoid apophysis to the navel, and one-fifth from the navel to the pubis. 2

He describes; the ideal male as follows: Stature, 1.72 m. (about 5 ft. 8 3/4 ins.); great aperture, same; chest circumference, 34.4 ins.; sternal length 6 4/5 ins.; abdominal length, 12.8 ins.

He adds: "The above-mentioned measures appertain to persons endowed with excellent constitutions, healthy and resistent." 3

Cennini and Riccardi confirm Giovanni as to the ratio of stature to great aperture, 4 and it is curious to see how closely Giovanni's ideal stature approaches to that found in Part II, Chapter I supra, associated with the best life. Regarding the sitting height proportion to chest circumference, Giovanni is silent. If, however, we halve the stature of his ideal man and call the sitting height of his figure 34 3/8 ins., we find his corresponding chest circumference 34.4 ins. instead of the 32.75 ins. given for such a sitting height by Dreyer and Hanson. But since Giovanni does not say whether the chest is expanded or not, and in any case emphasizes the value of a big chest, 5 the difference, about 1 3/5 ins., is not very important.

On the whole, Dryer and Hanson may be followed with confidence, and their measurements are a useful test of vitality.

1 Ripley also confirms Giovanni (R.E., p. 382).
2 CLINICAL COMMENTARIES DEDUCED FROM THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE HUMAN BODY (London, 1909. Trans. by Dr. J. J. Eyre, p. 126.)
3 Ibid., p. 127. Giovanni regards stature:great-aperture ratio as so important (he claims it is usually normal in upper classes), that he says: "I have found only in a few cases . . . the great aperture inferior to the stature; and in these cases also one had to do with poor persons who suffered from different nervous affections."
4 LE LIVRE DE L'ART, p. 43 and Giovanni, p. 259.
5 Ibid., p. 297. My own sitting height, for instance, is 34.75 ins. According to A.P.F., therefore, my chest circumference should be 33.125 ins. But it is actually 33.36 ins., and as I am very thin and something should be added for the more muscular man of my height, it is possible that the A.P.F. correlation is based on a more moderate estimate than Giovanni's. But I should mention that for the last nine years, under F. M. Alexander, I have taken steps to increase my thoracic capacity.


A man who fails short in sitting-height-chest ratio should, therefore, be regarded with suspicion, while any excess in weight is also to be apprehended. 1 Enough, however, has already been said on the question of obesity and its dangers, to leave the reader in no doubt whatsoever that this is to be regarded with grave suspicion.

Regarding the less important proportions, Quetelet says:—

(1) The width of a man's eye should equal the distance between his eyes, and the length of his nose.

(2) The length of the ear should equal the width of the two eyes, and should measure half of the distance from the tragus to the top of the head. 2

(3) From the age of eight, the hand should be to the total stature as 113 is to 1000.

(4) The foot should be .15 to .16 of the total stature, and the ideal mature man should be six times and two-thirds his own foot in height. 1

As regards condition 3, Vitruvius differed from Quetelet. He maintained that the hand, which should be as long as the distance between the chin and the roots of the hair, ought to form one-tenth of the stature. 2

A few Indian proportions might have been of interest, seeing that the European is said to be so closely related to the Hindu; but space forbids. Should the reader be interested, he is advised to refer to the Indian literature mentioned in this and the previous chapter.

Race. Same as self.

Religion. Same as self if it is considered important. Otherwise it does not matter.

Stature. So much has been said about this matter in this and the previous chapters, that there is little to add.

The first fact to remember is that the medium heights from 5 ft. 3 ins. to 5 ft. 10 ins. are better lives than the heights beyond 5 ft. 10 ins. Possibly Stockard suggests a reason for this when he says: "In general the mass of organs in proportion to body weight was found to be distinctly greater for small than for

1 For sitting heights other than those given above, the reader should consult A.P.F.
2 In D.C.S R. (p. 12), Dr. Talbot says of the car: "In the adult it should not average over 2 1/2 ins. in length and 1 1/4 ins. in breadth." He points out (p. 212) how frequently the ears of degenerates attain to extraordinary size.
3 A., pp. 211–233.
4 Windle (op. cit., p. 28).


longer individuals." 1 For, if the amount of work for a smaller body is less than for a larger body, then the fact that the latter possesses relatively smaller organs with which to perform harder work would seem necessarily to tell against it.

It may be, too, that there is an optimum stature, to which the average man of each race tends by natural selection to approximate. If this were so, the averages of stature might lend confirmation to the findings of the doctors and the anthropologists.

According to Ripley the average stature of males in the British Isles is as follows:—

Number of observations. / Age. / Professional Class. / Commercial Class. / Industrial Classes Open Air / Industrial Classes Indoors

592 / 23 / 68.7" / 67.4" / 67.4" / 66.4"
1886 / 30–40 / 69.6" / 67.9" / 67.6" / 66.8" 2


W. H. L. Duckworth comes very near this when he gives as the average stature for Anglo-American types, 1.705 m. (about 5 ft. 8 ins.), 3 while Wieth-Knudsen also keeps near when he gives the average height of northern Europeans as 5 ft. 7 ins. 4 Dr. , who examined 727 Old Americans of pure British descent, also found the average stature to be 68.63 ins., which is only a little over 5 ft. 8 1/2 ins. 5

So that the findings appear to revolve so closely round the stature given by Giovanni for his ideal man, and by the insurance doctors for the best life, that we may safely infer that 5 ft. 8 ins. or thereabouts is probably an ideal height for an Englishman. 6

This does not mean that all taller men are necessarily to be rejected, or are inferior lives. What it probably means is merely that among the mass of men who exceed 5 ft. 10 ins. there are so many who attain this unusual stature without showing the necessary normal chest, weight, and leg correlations, i.e. there are so many who, by being asthenic, narrow-chested or eunuchoid, or all three, are poor specimens of humanity, that their number has seriously reduced the average of viability for their class.

1 P.B.P., p. 265.
2 R.E., p. 92.
3 Studies from the Anthropological Laboratory. The Anatomy School (Cambridge, 1904, p. 253).
4 F., p. 31.
5 THE OLD AMERICANS, p. 69.
6 Among the ancient Jews, "Medium height was the most beautiful", and "there is abundant evidence to show that the average height of the Jew in the days of the Talmud was between 5 ft. 3 ins. and 6 ft." (T.J.C., p. 7).


If, however, a man over 5 ft. 10 ins. can show the requisite normal correlations of weight and chest circumference, and if, moreover, his legs are not abnormally long (suggesting eunuchoidism), he is obviously to be preferred to the shorter man, because size in itself is imposing and involves certain qualities, such as dignity, fine presence, and, as Symonds and Sheldon declare, sociability, leadership, and aggressiveness. 1 Furthermore, seeing that selection appears to favour medium heights, persistent tallness in a family or a stock argues unusual health, hence probably Ripley's remark to the effect that "a tall population implies a relatively healthy one." 2

It is important, however, to bear in mind that the scrutiny for normal proportions should be even more severe in dealing with the tall than the medium-sized man, particularly if the former happens to be an exception in his stock; because, as we have seen, so many abnormal conditions — eunuchoidism and race-crossing, for instance — may account for the sudden appearance of tallness in a family.

The next question is, should a girl choose a man much taller than herself?

The answer undoubtedly is — not necessarily much taller, but certainly taller. This, as we shall see, appears to be the normal relation throughout the world, and it implies everything associated with the correct anatomical relation of the sexes.

That acute writer, Knight Dunlap, says: "From the point of view of the female, the male must be large, although not a giant," 3 and I think most people will agree with him. In any case it seems to be a natural law that the average female should be slightly smaller than the average male of her own race, and in the previous chapter I have explained why this must be so.

The only question to decide is — by how much should she normally be smaller?

A brief examination of the relative heights of man and woman in various races will give us the answer to this question.

Hrdlikca found that in his Old Americans of pure British stock,

1 See D.P.C., pp. 507 and 509, where Symonds, after examining various statistical inquiries regarding height, says: "We must conclude that height and weight are positively correlated with leadership and the accompanying characteristics of leadership"; and "Sheldon concludes from his experimental survey of the field that the factor of general size, or bigness, seems to be related positively to sociability, leadership and aggressiveness."
2 R.E., p. 85. See also A.H.E., p. 15.
3 P.B.R.B., p. 21. Also D.O.M., p. 31.


the difference was 12.49 cm., i.e. about 5 ins., the men being 68.63 ins. and the women 63.71 ins. 1

The same investigator found among the whites in the south-west of the United States and Northern Mexico, the difference was one-sixteenth of the male stature, which is a slightly smaller difference than that given for Old Americans. Vierordt says the difference is 8 to 16 cm., and Topinard says 12 cm. In Italian women with stature 100, their men are 106.5, and in Russian women with stature 100, their men are 108.3. 3

Wieth-Knudsen makes the difference between the men and women of northern European stock 5 ins., of France, 4.7 ins., and of Belgium, 4.3 ins. 3 Schadow makes it only 2 ins., presumably for Germany. 4 Quetelet found his Belgian women shorter by one-eighteenth of the male's stature. 5

Turning now to less-civilized races, Dr. Georg Buschan found the women of the Australian aborigines 4 ins. smaller than the men, the latter having an average height of 167.8 cm. (about 5 ft. 7 ins.). 6 Dr. Rodenwaldt found a difference of over 4 ins. between the men and women among his hybrids; 7 W. H. L. Duckworth computes the difference between, the Eskimos of Labrador and their women at a little over 3 ins. (the men are 157 cm. and the women 149 cm.); 8 and, according to Darwin, the difference between male and female Javans is 21.8 cm., or about 9 inches. 9

Thus, although the difference tends to decline with stature, we find that there are notable exceptions; for the disparity among the Javans is two and a quarter times as great as among the Australians.

Havelock Ellis confirms the more important findings above, when he states that the difference between English men and women averages about 5 ins. 10

So we may conclude that, although the difference in stature between the average male and female is not constant throughout the various races of man, it usually declines with average stature, and something between four and five inches is roughly the normal

1 THE OLD AMERICANS, p. 69.
2 BUSCHAN ILLUSTRIERTE VÖLKERKUNDE: Physiological and Medical Observations Among the Indians of the S.W. U.S.A. and Northern Mexico, p. 135.
3 F., p. 31.
4 POLYCLET, pp. 61–65.
5 A., pp. 116 and 204.
6 Op. cit., II, Part I. See, however, D.O.M., p. 559.
7 A.K., p. 159.
8 Op. cit., p. 272.
9 D.O.M., p. 559.
10 M.W., p. 39.


disparity for English people. Anything less than this would be inconsistent with the norm Nature appears to have established as the result of the conditions discussed in the previous chapter, unless very short people are in question, in which case, the difference may normally descend to as low as 2 1/2 ins. 1

Anything more, particularly if it amounted to many inches more, might be dangerous, because great disparity of this sort, if transmitted to the offspring by the male, may occasion difficulties in childbirth. It is a curious fact, and one that requires some explanation, that whereas in farmers' stock-books and guides to cattle breeding, and in books on dog-breeding, owners of ewes, cows and brood-bitches are warned not to mate their females with males that are disproportionately large, owing precisely to the difficulties such a disparity may lead to in parturition, I have nowhere come across any such warning in expert pronouncements on human mating, except in the RATI SASTRA RATNAVALI, where, addressing young women on the desirable male, the sage says: "If she is of small build, she should avoid marrying one of large build, but accept one who is nearer her own build." 2

It is true that the child does not necessarily inherit its father stature, and I have known cases where easy births have occurred when the father has been very much taller than the mother. But such good fortune cannot be reckoned upon in the case of every birth.

The next and last question is whether stature is correlated with fertility in the male. So many popular illusions prevail on this point, and it is so often asserted — probably only in order to bolster up the ever-flagging self-esteem of the short — that small men are unusually potent, that the subject must at least be mentioned.

According to my own view, there is little in it. The probability is that, since eunuchoidism finds its morphological expression very often in the elongated male, there may have arisen an ignorant belief, based on too sweeping a generalization, that

1 P.B.R.B., p. 25, Knight Dunlap says: "There is no primary desire of the woman for the man who is able to dominate her physically." I very much doubt the truth of this statement. But, even if it is true in the case of some women. we must reckon with two factors: (a) a relative shortness in females established by natural law, and (b) woman's and man's age-long instinctive adaptation to this disparity.
2 R.R., p. 68. In A.R. (pp. 52–54) stress is also laid on certain optimum proportions between male and female; but the object seems less to secure easy parturition than to ensure happy sexual relations.


tall men are less potent than short men. I do not think, however, that there is any sounder foundation to the alleged correlation than this, and the only statistics I have been able to discover on the subject actually point in the other direction, i.e. to the conclusion that tallness is correlated with greater potency, or at least greater fertility.

Drs. Aromando, Coio-Pinna and Pintus studied the histories of 433 fathers of the province of Cagliari, and found that those of short stature had much fewer children than those who were tall. 1

Stock and Family. I have made it abundantly clear that no decision should be arrived at about any man, no matter how attractive, whose family and ultimately whose stock have not been seen. The vagaries of heredity in random-bred stocks are such, and divergences from stock type, whether in size, apparent health, beauty and general build, are so frequently indicative of important constitutional facts, that a scrutiny of close and collateral relations is indispensable. It should, moreover, be the duty of a girl's brothers and elders to gather as much information as possible concerning a potential mate, his antecedents, habits, appearance unclothed, and his unguarded expressions of opinion and tastes. These precautions will usually be found adequately to take the place of any medical examination, however trustworthy, and are usually much simpler.

Temperament. Most of the essentials have been dealt with under Erotic Disposition, and if the female reader follows the rule of selecting the positive male, she cannot go very far wrong; for such a man will have the warm temperament that makes for happiness. It is important to look out for possible sublimations of sexual passion. Among these, I believe, are athleticism and particularly constant and arduous horse-riding. In two people as widely separated as the ancient Scythians of northern Asia, and the modern descendants of the Aztecs of Mexico, male potency is said to have been impaired by excessive horse-riding, and this coincidence is important. Hippocrates tells us that among the causes of "barrenness in the man", is "the constant jolting of their horses" — "for wherever men ride very much and very frequently, there the majority . . . are sexually very weak. These complaints came upon the Scythians, and they are the most impotent of men, for the reasons I have given." 2 Hippocrates

1 J.A.M.A., 28.10.33, p. 1405.
2 Op. cit., XXI, XXII. These impotent men were called "Anaries".


proceeds to give reasons for the impotence of excessive horse-riders which are unscientific; but his observation is interesting, seeing that it is independently confirmed by a practice adopted by the descendants of the Aztecs for the cultivation of eunuchs. Dr. W. A. Hammond, of the U.S. Army, who saw some of these Mexican eunuchs, or "Mujerados," vouches for the fact that all the characteristics of the eunuch were present in them, and that constant horse-riding is one of the two means used in producing them. Apparently they are deliberately reared for religious ceremonies "in which pederasty plays an important part." 1

These two independent pieces of evidence both converging upon the importance of the factor "excessive horse-riding" in the production of eunuchoidism, are surely very significant; for it should always be remembered that, where acute symptoms or consequences are known to arise from the excessive practice of a certain habit, minor or chronic symptoms may arise from a practice which is just short of being excessive.

Voice. Men with bass, baritone or tenor voices are all desirable. The men to avoid are:—

Those with falsetto voices. Those with weak or woolly voices. Those with voices which, no matter of what kind, have no ring in them.

The associated feature of a larger larynx in the male, should also not be overlooked. For although an "Adam's apple" need not be prominent it should be discernable. 2

* * * * * * *

The above does not pretend to be an exhaustive enumeration of the desirable male mate's "points." Taken in conjunction with the information to b's found in the previous chapters, however, it covers most of the relevant characters. To have attempted a more rigid statement of the desirable features might have been to please the indolent and less thoughtful female reader; but to her who is not shy of study and who would resent not being allowed to use her judgment in drawing inferences from the mass of data given, it would have been to offer an inelastic and unreal canon for which she could have little use.

1 THE AMER. JOURN. OF DERMATOLOGY AND GENITO-URINARY DISEASES, Sept., 1912, XVI, No. 9 (Article: A Study of Eunuchoidism in its various aspects and its bearing on other Pathological States, by Dr. B. Onuf, p. 471).
2 Maranon (op. cit. p. 58), also T.O.S. p. 36.
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Re: The Choice of a Mate, by Anthony M. Ludovici

Postby admin » Mon Jan 29, 2018 5:59 am

Part 1 of 3

Chapter II: The Desirable Mate (Female)

Age. In this country and America the question of the right marriage-age for women has for generations been abandoned to the mercy of so much ignorant prejudice and expert support of the latter, that I despair of being able to expose every error and source of error that has led to our present cruel and ridiculous customs. I can deal only with the more flagrant of the false doctrines current, and show how ascetic bias and matronly, spinsterly and often paternal jealousy (all three largely unconscious) have combined in an infernal pact to blight the lives of young women, always with the alleged object of serving their best interests.

There is no need to give a comparative table of the ages at which menstruation first occurs in the girls of the whole world; I shall confine myself to the girls of Anglo-Saxon race.

We shall see that there are notable differences in the views of the experts.

Havelock Ellis says 14 to 16, 1 Dr. E. H. Kisch says about 15, 2 Dr. A. C. Magian, 14, 3; Dr. J. H. P. Paton, 13 to 14 4; Professor Neurath, 15 to 15 5; Drs. Bland Sutton and Giles, 15 6; Dr. G. T. Wrench, 14 7; Dr. Quetelet, about 14 8; Dr. H. L. Hennessey, 14 to 16 9; Twentieth-Century Practice, 12 to 15. 10

I have already quoted Miss R. M. Fleming's statistical inquiry, in which she found, in a material of 2073 Welsh and English girls, that menstruation began between 11 and 13, and usually before 13, among the dark children, and between 14 and 15 among the fair children. 11

1 M.W., p. 279.
2 K.A.F., p. 426.
3 S.P.W., p. 37.
4 B.M.J., 10.9.27. THE INFLUENCE OF THE GENERAL HEALTH ON MENSTRUATION, p. 444.
5 J.A.M.A., 14.1.33, p. 132.
6 DISEASES OF WOMEN (London, 1926, p. 40).
7 HEALTHY WEDDED LIFE (London, 1923, p. 108).
8 A., p. 201.
9 E.B., XIth Ed. (Art.: Gynæcology).
10 Edit. by J. L. Stedman, VII, p. 565.
11 See p. 330 supra.


Dr. Alice E. Sanderson Clow, in a material of 1137 English schoolgirls, found that onset of catamenia occurred in 57.04 per cent before 14, and 26.82 per cent at 14. So that in only 16.14 per cent did the onset occur later than 14. 1

Dr. Janet E. Lane-Claypon, in a material consisting of 1017 women, 508 with, and 509 without, cancer, all British except 14 (and 17 did not remember the age of onset of the catamenia), it was found that 20 per cent of the non-cancerous started menstruating before 13, and only 13.34 of the cancerous did so. 2

A careful study of the figures on which these estimates are based reveals that, while in the majority of cases the onset occurs before 14, most authorities, baffled by the number of girls who to-day begin menstruating at from 15 to 17, try to strike a balance, and give the average age at onset instead of the normal.

In view of the confusion, even in expert minds, regarding the ideas represented by "average" and "normal", this is perhaps not surprising, but it makes their findings seriously misleading.

For, if there is such a thing as a normal onset for healthy English girls — say at 12 or 13 — then, owing to the appreciable number of less healthy girls whose onset is at 15, 16, or 17, we may get our notions of normality distorted if we consider averages.

I should like the reader to dwell on this, and for the following reasons:—

(1) I strongly suspect that any onset of the catamenia after 14 is actually abnormal.

(2) I think the experts (particularly some of the female doctors) do not like admitting this, chiefly because of the conclusions that may be drawn from it, as we shall see.

(3) Averages are untrustworthy guides to normality.

(4) Ideas of health are so devoid of precision and reasonableness in the expert mind, that the average medical man of minus-humanity, and minus-knowledge of normality, would scoff at me and, owing to his academic degrees, try to induce the lay world to scoff with him, for saying that a healthy girl is unlikely to begin menstruating later than 14.

Truth to tell, medical men are far too prone to judge health from a lay and inexpert standard. The fact that a girl looks well, can get about, is active, eats heartily, and shows average weight,

1 B.M.J., 10.9.27. THE PREVENTION OF MENSTRUAL TROUBLES, p. 446.
2 REPORTS ON PUBLIC HEALTH AND MEDICAL SUBJECTS, No. 32 (London, 1926, pp. 20–21).


height and muscular development for her years, always satisfies them. Owing to the traditional tendency to put sex, like the Devil, behind them, they incline to overlook the sex conditions. If a girl's onset of menstruation has been delayed, say to her sixteenth birthday, the tendency is to raise a secret shout of joy over the fact that "that side of life" has been so long hidden from her, rather than to inquire with alarm why she is not like other girls. And yet, that an apparently healthy, active girl may be sexually abnormal, owing to some pituitary insufficiency, for instance, or, more rarely, to some thyroid failure (apart from innumerable other causes) is beyond doubt.

And, seeing that such endocrine disturbances and even genital hypoplasia are growing extremely common in the female, and that in these cases the onset of catamenia is usually late, it is not only unscientific, but actually benighted, to include the appreciable and growing percentage of these abnormal girls in the group of the healthy, and to fix "averages" for the menarche, 1 unless it is definitely stated that such averages do not represent normality.

That is my first point which, I may say, is so far from occurring to the medical experts, especially the feminists among them, that the latter, so I am assured, regard the age of the onset of the catamenia as unimportant.

I shall show in a moment why it is important and how and why the feminists lose their scientific "objectivity" in dealing with this point. As in other cases, however, when I have opposed the orthodox scientific opinion of my day (and justifiably as subsequent research proved), 2 I do not expect my contemporaries to adopt my position, although I know that I can confidently wait for it to be confirmed.

I therefore suggest that, but for Dr. Paton's and Drs. Bland Sutton and Giles's estimates given above, the rest are misleading; because I suspect that they are the result of an average having been struck without due regard having been paid to the abnormal factor in the higher ages.

It is possible and even reasonable to recognize a variation of about a year, due probably to race differences within these islands, as Miss Fleming's figures appear to indicate. But anything more than that should not disturb our concept of normality,

1 Onset of menstruation.
2 See the Preface to 2nd Edition of my DEFENCE OF ARISTOCRACY (London, 1933).


as it is hardly likely to denote anything more than an "average" based on material containing a high proportion of unhealthy cases.

Dr. J. H. P. Paton gives me convincing support in this. His material consisted of about 400 schoolgirls, drawn from the "well-to-do classes", and he says: "Menstruation usually commences about the age of 13 or 14 in healthy girls," 1 and he adds: "A high level of general health, attained before puberty and maintained after it, is undoubtedly the chief agent in securing normal menstruation." 2

Dr. Alice E. Sanderson Clow, in a paper already quoted, after finding that 57.04 per cent of her 1157 schoolgirls started menstruating before 14, and that only 30.65 per cent of her 300 training-college girls started before 14, makes these significant remarks:—

"Although the standard of health among the latter is good, the schoolgirls are, on the whole, of better physique. It would seem, therefore, that earlier development of the generative organs is associated with physical fitness." 3

Dr. Kathleen Vaughan, moreover, who is untiring in her advocacy of means and methods for making childbirth easier, says of the female pelvis, "It is the most actively growing part of the whole body . . . its shape is determined by the pull of the muscles attached to it while it is soft. At 14 years of age it is fully formed for good or ill." 4

Another independent witness on the same side — but the evidence is sparse and difficult to find — is Dr. Samuel R. Meaker, Professor of Gynæcology at Boston University. In his STUDIES OF FEMALE GENITAL HYPOPLASIA, in which it is important to remember that he was dealing with American material (i.e. women of whom Dr. Gaillard Thomas, an eminent gynæcologist, has declared "only about 4 per cent were physiologically fitted to become wives and mothers" 5), he says:—

"Hypoplasia of the female reproductive organs is a common condition. . . . Of 100 wives whose marriages were sterile, 42

1 The italics are mine. A.M.L.
2 Op. cit., p. 444.
3 Op. cit., p. 446. Dr. W. Feldmann (T.J.C., p. 237) says he finds evidence to the effect that the old Talmud sages believed that strong girls show signs [of puberty] earlier, weak girls later".
4 B.M.J., 22.10.32. The italics are mine. A.M.L.
5 Arabella Keneally: FEMINISM AND SEX EXTINCTION (London, 1922, p. 135). Other evidence of the sexual sub-parity of American women has already been given in a previous chapter. See Part II, Chap. III, notes included.


were demonstrably hypoplastic. Hypoplasia may be considered a definite barrier in some 400,000 American marriages." And he adds that, despite its frequency, this defect "has engaged the interest of the medical profession hardly at all." 1

Then, in enumerating the symptoms of genital hypoplasia, he makes these important statements:—

"The most important type of menstrual disturbance is, in our opinion, delayed menarche." 2

And what does he mean by delayed menarche? In America, that land of infertile women, he says, the onset of menstruation in 80 per cent of girls occurs before the fifteenth birthday. That is to say, according to statistics which I have not seen, but which I suspect of having yielded averages in no sense equivalent to the normal, he regards the onset of menstruation after 15 as delayed menarche, and he says: "Many of the residual 20 per cent . . . can be demonstrated to have constitutional disabilities capable of retarding development."

He calls this condition "menstrual misbehaviour", and declares that it "is nearly always the symptom that first draws attention to the need for thorough investigation." 3 But, over and above these witnesses of the fact that delayed menarche is associated with inferior health (from what cause soever), there is the evidence adduced in a previous chapter 4 to the effect that sexual vigour is correlated with the early onset of the catamenia.

The conclusion that the vigour and duration of a function are an index to its normality seems, ceteris paribus, ineluctable, and, since it appears to be established that the early (I do not mean the precocious) onset of menstruation is associated with a longer sexual life in the female, we are justified (apart from the other evidence adduced above) in regarding early menarche rather than delayed menarche as normal.

On these grounds I conclude:—

(1) That, contrary to the opinion expressed to me by medical women, the age of onset of menstruation is most important.

(2) That it may be considered normal in English girls at about 13, but not later than 14. 5

1 J.A.M.A., 16.8.30, p. 468.
2 Ibid., p. 470.
3 Ibid.
4 See pp. 371–372 supra.
5 In this respect it is interesting to find that Albrecht von Haller, a noted medical man of the eighteenth century, and also a traveller, set the usual age for onset of menstruation in English, German and Swiss girls, between 12 and 13 years (D.W., I, p. 668).


(3) That every month later than that may indicate sub-normal sexuality induced either by:—

(a) Congenital constitution (endocrine imbalance, etc.) or,

(b) Acquired abnormality, due either to athleticism, or some other masculine-accented environmental factor.

Medical experts will, of course, protest at (a). But they should bear in mind the varying degrees of abnormality, and try to recognize the faint sub-acute forms of it, which do not necessarily lie crudely obvious to them on their operating tables, or ever enter their surgeries and consulting rooms.

Assuming, therefore, that 13 is the age when the onset of menstruation should occur (a little earlier is quite common and normal), the age of marriage ought to be much earlier than is popularly supposed, or scientifically claimed to be desirable; because the catamenia heralds the beginning of the female's active sexual life. 1

I am not suggesting that a girl should marry at thirteen, although, if she is normal, I do not see why she should not. But I am definitely charging the customs and prejudices of this Age with deliberate ill-usage of the female population by making the conventional marriageable age of a girl much too late, and these customs and prejudices are particularly hard on the normal young female, vigorously endowed sexually, although they may not cause any inconvenience or misery to her abnormal and less vigorously endowed sister.

Take the average age of marriage for women in England, as revealed by the Registrar-General's Statistical Review. This is twenty-five years and six months — i.e. presuming that even 50 per cent of English girls are sexually normal and have their menarche at 13, the average normal girl has to wait twelve years before she can lead a normal sexual life!

And, seeing that these girls are the most healthily endowed, we are guilty of inflicting physiological disappointment for twelve years on the best of our women, because, as usual, we measure their capacity either by the worst female, or by the male.

Does it matter? How can it help mattering?

On a priori grounds alone, before we consult statistics, etc., surely it appears to be wrong to wait twelve years after a function has become normally active before it is used normally!

The feminist spinsters and matrons who endeavour to prolong

1 This, of course, is the obvious conclusion dreaded by Feminists and Puritans if they admit that normal girls should start menstruating as early as 13.


the schoolgirl outlook as long as possible, declare it is right and good to delay marriage. They suspect that "disgusting" men like young things, and hating men for it, are determined to thwart them — an effort usually backed enthusiastically by jealous fathers suffering acutely from unconscious incestuous desires.

Miss Maud Wheeler, for instance, says: "No girl should marry till 21." 1 This is moderate. But Why? She can only speak vaguely about anatomical laws. Alas! the only laws involved are Puritanical laws.

But Dr. G. Courtenay Beale, who really ought to know better, and who, otherwise, is very sensible, says 25 is the proper age for a woman to marry! 2

These two are typical, and I need not further burden these pages with the excuses, pseudo-scientific pleas and arguments with which a host of other people make similar claims.

But the question is, what is a girl to do between 15 and 25? A more serious question is, what happens to the waiting girl's body in these momentous years, when her freshness, suppleness and mint-state passions are, as it were, dammed up?

It was generally understood by the ancients, even by the ancestors of the English people, that nothing good happened to her through delay. In a letter written by the Duke of Buckingham, urging forward the match between Prince Charles and the Infanta of Spain, he clearly feared the danger of long delay, for he said: "You know that the hawk, when she is first dressed and made ready to fly, having a great will upon her, if the falconer do not follow it at the time, she is in danger to be dulled for ever." 3

According to Kisch, the ancient Jews also appreciated the urgency; for he quotes one of the Talmudic sages (Rabbi Joshua) as saying: "If your daughter has attained puberty and is 12 years and 6 months old, she must be married at any cost. If no other means are available, manumit one of your slaves and give her to the freedman to wife." 4

This is the speech of a humane sage, a member of a wise race. He was no scientist, but he was endowed with traditional wisdom, beside which modern science is an unauthoritative upstart.

1 WHOM TO MARRY (London, 1894, p. 45).
2 W.W, p. 57.
3 I made a note of this passage years ago, but unfortunately did not record its source.
4 S.L.W., p. 267. See also TAL.: Synhedrin 76a, where Rabbi Aqiba says, in explaining LEV. xix. 29 ("Profane not thy daughter to make her a harlot"), that it means that a man must not delay in arranging a marriage for his daughter when she becomes nubile.


Manu, on the other hand, though obviously aware of the phenomenon I call "physiological disappointment", and of its dangers, allowed the possibility of three years of waiting after puberty — but no more. 1

Thus he regarded the matter as so urgent that, after the father had in vain cast about for three years for a son-in-law, his sacred right to choose a husband for his daughter became forfeit.

Hesiod, the wise old Bœotian peasant, allowed four to five years at most to elapse. "Let your wife have grown up four years," he said, "and marry her in the fifth." 2

In ancient Rome girls usually married between 13 and 16. 3 The age of puberty in women was considered to be normally 12, 4 so that a wait of four years at most was tolerated, and a girl of 19 who had not had children was regarded as a monstrosity. 5

In Japan the girl marries before or at 16. 6

So much for some of the principal civilizations of the past and present.

There are, however, other reasons besides common sense and the tradition of ancient peoples for supposing that a long wait is actually injurious. But as science, in supplying us with substitutes for the sound traditions we have lost, is terribly long-winded and slow, the evidence is not easily obtained, while the general prejudice against what is thought to be "too early" marriage, is so great, that even when evidence is available it is neglected.

A glance at what menstruation means to the body of the female adolescent would perhaps provide the best introduction to this aspect of the question.

In his monumental work on sex, already quoted. Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld says: "The general consensus of modern expert opinion now favours the view (which is most probably right) that whenever an ovum matures in the ovary, the female's body makes all the necessary preparations for the possibility of con-

1 L M., IX, v, 90. The fuss created by elderly American and English spinsters about the conditions of which in various parts of the world outside the United States of America and England, is characterized by a resolute ignorance of conditions nearer their own doorsteps. It is incredible that these unconsciously jealous busybodies can forget that in England and America nothing could be more cruel than the sex-life of their normally endowed sisters, and can presume to criticize others as if their own ascetic conditions were faultless. The point is well put by F. Yeats-Brown in BENGAL LANCER, pp. 56 and 235.
2 Op. cit., pp. 695–702.
3 R.L.M., I, p. 232.
4 P.L.R., p. 29.
5 R.L.M., I, 232.
6 Alice M. Bacon: JAPANESE GIRLS AND WOMEN, p. 57.


ception. But, above all, abundant supplies of the precious nutriment must be prepared, with which the future human being is to be nourished in the womb. And the mucous coverings adorning the inside walls of the shell in which the fruit is to grow must be so increased in thickness as to supply a safe, warm bed in the nest Nature gives the fertilized ovum. Should these natural provisions prove superfluous, owing to the fact that no fertilization occurs, then all the preparations for the development of the ovum are cleared away, together with the dead ovum itself, and the blood-gorged mucous membrane of the womb breaks up, resulting in a bloody mucous discharge. This is the meaning of the menstrual flow. Every menstruation is to some extent an abortive pregnancy, a birth that has failed to take place." 1

And then he adds these momentous words: "And in all this we are by no means concerned with a merely local process. On the contrary, the female's whole body is involved. Her pulse, blood-pressure, temperature, the sensitiveness of her reflex mechanisms, the warmth she radiates, her muscular strength and lung-capacity — all rise before the onset of the catamenia, drop when it has started, and reach their lowest ebb at the height of the menstrual period, in order to recover their normal state only when the flow ceases." And Dr. Hirschfeld sums up the whole process as a "mock confinement". 2

Now, to suppose that this elaborate preparation, this general tuning up of the whole organism to the point of highest functional expectation, this exceptional stimulation and sensitization of all its parts for a particular object that is not achieved, can be repeated month after month, year in year out, as it is repeated in the childless girl, without bringing about:—

(a) An ultimate dulling or blunting of the mechanisms and reflexes involved, and

(b) A morbid condition of fatigue and irritability in all the parts concerned in this monthly physiological commotion, is to my mind ridiculous; the idea cannot be entertained by any reasonable being, except a Puritanical female doctor, for two minutes. Owing, however, to the fact that ascetic prejudices are now so strong against so-called "too early" marriages, that this reasonable conclusion is questioned, I am bound to offer what

1 G.K., I, p. 442. See also Bland, Sutton and Giles (op. cit., p. 46): "We may, therefore, define menstruation as a periodic uterine preparation for pregnancy."
2 G.K., pp. 442, 443.


evidence I have been able, with great difficulty, to gather in support of it.

In the first place, it is a matter of common observation that, whereas adolescent girls seem, as Schopenhauer points out, 1 to be equipped by Nature to produce a dramatic impression on the opposite sex, owing to their bloom, lustre, general tonicity, graceful rounded forms, etc., all this slowly but very perceptibly vanishes after eighteen if they remain unmarried. Nor is it a matter merely of ageing. It is rather a matter of premature withering. As Ploss and Bartels say of the maturing spinster: "the colour fades from her cheek; her hair becomes drab, her lips pale and thin . . . dark shadows that tend to deepen appear beneath her eyes . . . the latter grow dull and acquire a sad and wistful expression . . . the voice often develops a plaintive harsh note, etc. There is a noticeable loss of subcutaneous fat . . . especially in the breasts . . . the shrunken skin on the upper chest looks masculine . . . the neck is thinner and the shoulders become more pointed and angular than they were . . . leaving the collar bones prominent. . . . The muscles in the arms grow more conspicuous than before," etc. 2

Then Ploss and Bartels add this significant sentence: "As to the average age when, in the girls of our nation this fading process begins, we must declare it as being 27 or 28, although the first traces of it may often be found as early as 25." 3

Now two points are to be noted here. First, that Ploss and Bartels speak of "the girls of our nation", i.e. girls of Teutonic blood, in whom the admixture of Mediterranean blood is certainly not greater than it is in English girls, if it is as great; consequently, the latter, by implication (i.e. owing to their marked Mediterranean elements) come well within this generalization, and it therefore applies to them with equal, if not greater, force. 4 Secondly, that these authorities speak of 25 — i.e. the age at which it has become customary to recommend marriage for the female in England, and at which, according to the Registrar-General's returns, most English women marry — as the age at which the ravages of the fading process may often be found present.

If, however, the fading process may often be noticeable at 25,

1 P.P., Chap. XXVIl, para. 365.
2 D.W., III, p. 274–275.
3 Ibid., p. 275.
4 Stratz declares that German, Dutch, Scandinavian and English girls reach their zenith, as a rule, at 20 (D.S.W.K., pp. 95, 96).


and, as a general rule, is well established at 27 and 28, we must recognize that for the outward signs of the process to have become visible at these ages, it must already by slow degrees have reduced the freshness and vigour of the organism very much earlier — that is to say, that although from 13 onwards a crescendo of blooming vigour may be sustained for a few years, in the end, the waiting organism tires, and a diminuendo tendency supervenes which, although not visible in grossly obvious traits, is nevertheless established.

I mean by this that we must try to rid ourselves of the expert medical tendency to recognize a morbid condition only when it is palpable and acute.

We may now usefully turn to the consideration of the morbid effects actually known to result from the delay or the long absence of natural functioning in the generative organs of the female, including the breasts.

In regard to the latter. Dr. Janet E. Lane-Claypon, in an interesting report on Cancer of the Breast, after stating that, "It has long been known that unmarried women suffer from cancer of the breast at a higher rate than married ones", and after pointing out that, "It is now proved that among married women those who are less fertile are at a disadvantage", 1 makes this profoundly significant remark:—

"It can hardly be doubted that the absence of the normal function of the breast must be of importance in unmarried women. It is possible that the continued recurrence in the breast of the changes which occur with each menstrual cycle, without the stimulus due to pregnancy and lactation, may be the prejudicial factor." 2

Here is an indication of the kind of morbid effect I was referring to when I spoke above of "physiological disappointment", of "tuning up the whole organism to the point of highest functional expectation", without any normal result.

Again, it is important not to dwell on the cancer factor; because that is a gross and obvious manifestation of the morbid process initiated by prolonged inactivity of a part; but to recognize that if such extremely morbid results as cancer do more frequently occur in the breasts of unmarried than of married women, 3 we must logically assume that degenerative processes,

1 Op. cit., p. 131.
2 Ibid., p. 132. Also pp. 129 and 130.
3 Dr. L. B. Wevill, in a review of ONE THOUSAND CASE RECORDS OF MALIGNANT DISEASE OF THE BREAST (EDIN. MED. JOURN., Dec., 1932, p. 714), also says the disease is more common in unmarried than in married women. See also LANCET (8.10.32, p. 778) where on THE ÆTIOLOGY OF BREAST CANCER, Drs. C. C. Twort and A. C. Bottomley declare that, "It has been conclusively shown statistically that the female breast which is not allowed to function normally is more liable to develop cancer than one to which a child has suckled over a definite period of time". The article contains interesting indications of the morbid processes occurring in the female breast that does not function normally.


not necessarily as acute or dramatic as cancer, not only precede the cancer, but are present in those who do not get as far as having cancer. 1 And that these degenerative processes are probably not unconnected with the repeated stimulation — dressing-up, so to speak — of the breasts, with each menstruation, in anticipation of their maternal function. 2

As regards at least the beauty of the female breast, and the preservation of that beauty through normal functioning, Stratz is quite positive; for he says: "All other things being equal, the female breast retains its beauty of form much better when a child has been suckled at it . . . the act of evading the duty of a mother avenges itself by a premature decline of beauty." 3

Regarding the womb and the effects of non-functioning, or inactive waiting, Drs. Bland Sutton and Giles tell us that cancer of the body of this organ is more frequent in spinsters and barren wives than in multiparous women, 4 while Dr. A. E. Giles found that in 881 cases of fibroid tumours of the womb, 50.8 per cent were in women who were either spinsters, or else married but childless, and the remaining 49.2 per cent, who, though mothers, had not had children for the last ten years. 5

Thus there would appear to be a direct connexion between this ailment and a history of prolonged inactivity of the organ.

Dr. J. T. Witherspoon, however, has actually shown the connexion between the repeated stimulation and preparation of the womb for pregnancy, ending in the catamenia, and uterine fibroids; and, confirming the empirical belief that the growth of fibro-myomata in the womb is related to sterility, shows how

1 For instance, the decline in breast feeding, and the frequent failure of so-called "healthy" women in this respect, may not be unconnected with the degenerative processes, which though not necessarily culminating in cancer, nevertheless result from long delay before child-bearing. For facts about the decline of breast-feeding, see my LYSISTRATA and M.A.I.
2 Dr. Janet Lane-Claypon hints as much (op. cit., Part V, particularly pp. 129–130), where she describes morbid processes resulting from the absence of normal functioning, which are similar to those described by Dr. Witherspoon in the non-functioning womb.
3 D.S.W.K., p. 98. Also pp. 90 and 259.
4 Op. cit., pp. 324–325.
5 MEDICAL VIEWS ON BIRTH CONTROL (London, 1926, pp. 87–88).


the action of œstrin, in the absence of corpus luteum influence, causes hyperplasia of the endometrium, and that, if œstrin continues to act unchecked (as it does in spinsters and non-parous women) the hypoplasia finally results in the development of fibromyomatous growth? 1

So that again here we find uterine cancer and fibroids associated as gross manifestations of the morbid conditions resulting from the absence of normal functioning, and we must again look away from these acute and dramatic results to dwell on the sub-acute and less obvious degenerative changes which, while they may never lead a young woman to the operating table, nevertheless must impair her sexual vigour, freshness and normality.

Now when, in addition to all this, we are told that dysmenorrhea, or painful menstruation "is commoner amongst single than married women, and amongst the sterile than the fertile," 2 when, moreover, we learn that "after childbearing menstruation becomes less painful", 3 when, finally, we hear that in an investigation into the menstruation of 6000 schoolgirls it was found:—

(a) That at the early period of menstruation, a smaller proportion of girls suffer pain than later;

(b) That the rise of incidence of pain is steady and gradual throughout the menstrual histories studied; and

(c) That the evidence of disturbed general health and happiness also increases progressively with length of menstrual history. 4 When, I say, we hear all this, I submit that there is no alternative but to conclude that waiting for normal functioning after the onset of the catamenia is injurious to girls, and that when this waiting is prolonged, as it is to-day, to the extent of ten to twelve years, it is actually dangerous. For it cannot be too greatly emphasized that it is the best girls, that is to say, the most normally equipped genetically, and the most ardent, who are likely to be the greatest sufferers, and to whom most damage is done by procrastination.

The fact that the last findings quoted point to a deterioration of function as age increased, while the girls were still at school, 5 leaves no possibility of doubt that the number of years after the onset of catamenia, during which a girl may wait for marriage

1 MED. PRESS, 5.7.33, p. 3.
2 E.M., IX. Drs. Christopher Martin and Hilda Shufflebotham.
3 Bland Sutton and Giles (op. cit., p. 41).
4 MENSTRUATION IN SCHOOLGIRLS (LANCET, 5.7.30, pp. 57–62).
5 The extensive material (6000 girls) should be borne in mind in considering the weight of this evidence.


while still retaining her normality, is much less than modern custom or modern prejudice and asceticism allows, and points to the suspicion that, here again, in this matter of waiting for parenthood, an unjustifiable and cruel analogy has been drawn between male and female life.

My general conclusion, therefore, is that marriage for the modern normal English girl comes as a rule many years too late, that her health, sexual functions and vigour are impaired by her prolonged wait many years before she marries, that the damage done is in proportion to her ardour and normal equipment, and that this result must affect her own and her husband's happiness.

I would suggest that no English girl who menstruates at 13 should marry later than 16 or 17, and so on accordingly; but that if she can marry at 15, it would be better, provided her general health is good.

Until the seventeenth century this seems, indeed, to have been the practice. Furnivall, in the book already quoted, 1 gives countless instances of marriages as early even as 12 or 13 during the Middle Ages and up to the sixteenth century. He also gives the case of the Countess of Buccleugh who, as recently as 1657, was married to Walter Scott at the tender age of 11, 2 while a still more recent case he gives was that of Lady Sarah Cadogan, daughter of William, first Earl Cadogan, who in 1719 married Charles, second Duke of Richmond, when she was only 13. 3 In 1679 Evelyn was present at the marriage of Lord Arlington's daughter to the Duke of Grafton when she was only 12. 4 Evelyn himself, as a man of 27, was married in 1647 to a girl of 12. Pepys married (1655) a girl of 15. Charles I married Henrietta Maria when she was 16. James I married Anne of Denmark when she was 15.

Earlier, of course, it was customary for a girl to marry almost at puberty, and the kings of England constantly married adolescents. John's wife was only just 15. Eleanor of Provence, Henry III's wife, was barely 14 when he married her. Isabella of France was 13 when she married Edward II. Queen Philippa of Hainault, wife of Edward III, was 16 when she married. Anne of Bohemia married Richard II at 15.

In France, where puberty came slightly earlier, marriages were repeatedly consummated with girls of only twelve, right up to

1 C.M.D.R.
2 Ibid., XXXII.
3 Ibid., XXXIII.
4 Ibid.


and after the Renaissance, 1 and Fumivall mentions a case in fifteenth-century England of a girl of 11 (Elizabeth Roper) being married. 2

The next question to consider is the effect of marriage on one who, according to foolish modern notions, is of such "tender a age", and the effect of early marriage on offspring.

To deal with the first question first, it seems obvious that if the above facts are correct, the effect of marriage on a healthy girl of 15 or 16, who has started menstruating at 15, cannot be anything but good. 3

Owing (a) to the suppleness of her limbs and (b) to the pristine vigour of her constitution, she is in an ideal condition for child-bearing, and the statistics of childbirth confirm this.

To begin with, we do not hear of dramatic and sudden collapses, or deaths, in the women who marry young.

Dürer's father, for instance, as a man of 40 married a girl of 15. But she lived to the age of 63 — a good age for those days . when the artificial medical aids to a long valetudinarian old age did not exist — after giving him eighteen children. Evelyn's wife, who could not have been more than in her seventeenth year when her first son was born, lived to 74, after presenting him with nine children. Eleanor of Provence lived to 56 and had nine children; but she could hardly have been 17 when Edward I was born. The most convincing case, however, is that of Margaret Beaufort, who lived to 68, although her son. Henry VII, was born when she was under 14.

The evidence from midwifery records is all in favour of early marriages for women.

Dr. Margaret Schultze, for instance, in a report on Labour in the Elderly Primipara, says abnormal presentations and contracted pelves are more common in the elderly than the young mother; she adds that "the frequency of inadequate pains increases with advancing age", 4 and that "a rather high percentage of Cæsarian sections will probably always be necessary in the older women and in those with previous long-standing sterility." 5

1 See R. de Maulde la Clavière (op. cit., particularly pp. 27–28).
2 Op. cit., p. XXXIII.
3 It is interesting to note that of the 1017 women studied by Dr. Lane-Claypon, she found that "The age of marriage of the control series [i.e. the 509 who did not have cancer] is lower throughout than that of the cancer series." Thus 158 in the non-cancerous group married at or before 20, while only 95 of the cancerous group did so (op. cit., pp. 39–40).
4 J.A.M.A., 14. 9.29, p. 829.
5 Ibid.


Dr. A. Leyland Robinson, in "Remarks on the Old Multipara," says: "It should be generally known that the mortality risk increases with the age of the mother, and therefore child bearing should be undertaken in the earliest years of married life." 1 In the same paper he says: "The mortality risk for a woman of 40 is three times as great as that of a primigravida of 18." 2

Dr. P. L. McKinlay has found that, estimated in terms of first births, the death-rate increases rapidly and steadily with age, subject to a small exception in the first quinquennium, which may possibly be a consequence of unfavourable marital selection at that age, 3

Dr. Peckham, reporting on births in negresses and white women in America, says: "In both races the percentage of operative deliveries increases with age and in the white race reaches a point in the late thirties when it exceeds the spontaneous type." 4

Dr. John Harris, from a study of 160 confinements in young white primiparæ and 340 young coloured primiparæ, of ages 12 to 16 years, concludes as follows: "Based upon the study of 500 patients comprised in this report, it seems permissible to conclude that pregnancy and labor are attended by no greater danger to the young primipara than in older women. On the other hand, the duration of labor is actually shorter. As our figures show that the size of the children is not inferior to that noted in older women, and that abnormal pelves occur quite frequently, this result must be attributed to the greater elasticity of the parts. Consequently, speaking from a purely obstetrical point of view, the ages under consideration appear to be the optimum time for the occurrence of the first labor." 5

Dr. K. Wepschek, of Czechoslovakia, examined the records of 96 girls who became mothers below the age of 17, and of 96 young women who became mothers between 20 and 24, and "He found that the first group did not compare unfavourably with the second group, but that in some respects, particularly in regard to puerperal morbidity, conditions were more favourable for them than for the older group of primiparas." 6

Figures obtained in New South Wales are summarized by Paul Popenoe as follows:—

1 B.M.J., 1.7.30, p. 49.
2 Ibid., p. 47.
3 JOURN. OF HYGIENE (London, July, 1929).
4 J.A.M.A., 6.8.32, p. 504.
5 From Dr. G. D. Maynard's STUDY IN HUMAN FERTILITY (BIOMETRIKA, XIV, p. 345).
6 J.A.M.A., 23.9.33, p. 1041.


Deaths per 1000 births in new-born children. / Age of Mothers.

3.04 / 20 to 24
6.8 / 30 to 34
11.4 / 40 to 45 1


And among Popenoe's conclusions from the data he has examined, we read: "There are fewer infant deaths among the offspring of young mothers. Many of the published investigations on this point are unsound or have been wrongly interpreted." "Early marriage is accompanied by greater longevity of children." And "The offspring of young mothers are not only healthy but they are intelligent." 2

Such evidence could be extended. The point to bear in mind again, however, is that we must look away from the acute morbidity of pregnancies in the late thirties, etc., in order to give proper consideration to the probably unrecorded and yet inevitable beginnings of these morbid conditions which must exist in much younger women — women still in their twenties — who have waited unmarried over a decade since the onset of menstruation.

If we give due weight to the probability that conditions which are shown to become acute after thirty must exist in a mild form long before thirty is reached, we shall inevitably conclude that a much earlier age than that which is at present recommended should be adopted for the marriage of girls.

When we remember that obstetric interference is increasing by leaps and bounds; 3 that, according to Dr. G. F. Gibberd, "In 1928 the proportion of Cæsarian sections to total deliveries at Guy's Hospital was as great as the proportion of all obstetric operations to total deliveries 60 years ago," 4 that, in spite of all the alleged improvements in appliances, anæsthetics, surgical skill, and general medical knowledge, the proportion of deaths un childbirth do not tend to decrease, 5 we are led to wonder whether in addition to the contributory factors of faulty feeding, miscegenation, and too severe physical exercise for girls, the

1 M.M., p. 52.
2 Ibid., pp. 53–54.
3 See Dr. G. F. Gibberd's CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF THE MATERNAL DEATH RATE (LANCET, 14.9.29, pp. 535–536). On p. 536 he says, since 1860, obstetric interference has been multiplied by six.
4 Op. cit., p. 535.
5 See figures in the Daily Press, quite apart from those in medical journals. In fact, in spite of improved medical assistance, the proportion of deaths per 1000 live births remains more or less stationary. According to the Registrar-General's Statistical Review, it was 4.08 in 1925, 4.12 in 1926, 4.11 in 1927, and 4.42 in 1928.


average age of marriage may not be set much too high for healthy and normal functioning.

I tried to correlate the maternal death-rate in both England and France with the age at marriage, but found it impossible, owing to the defective returns. A steady decline of marriages with girls under twenty is, however, certainly recorded in English statistics for recent times, and we know from history that, before the nineteenth century, such marriages were much more common than they ever were after 1850.

Marriages per thousand of girls under 20 in:—

1871 were 26.8
1881 were 21.5
1891 were 16.2
1901 were 12.9
1911 were 11.2
1920 were 16.0
1921 were 14.8
1922 were 13.2
1923 were 12.5
1924 were 12.4
1925 were 12.7
1926 were 12.1
1927 were 14.3
1928 were 14.7


Thus, except for a slight rise in the last two years, the number per 1000 has declined over 50 per cent in a little over fifty years.

Even the marriage per 1000 of girls over 20 and under 25 has also declined during the same period, as we can see from the following:—

1871 : 133.7
1881 : 121.9
1891 : 112.4
1901 : 104.9
1911 : 97.7
1920 : 134.1
1921 : 114.4
1922 : 108.2
1923 : 108.2
1924 : 109.8
1925 : 110.4
1926 : 104.0
1927 : 114.4
1928 : 112.6


Thus, except for a notable rise in the year following the clearing up of War conditions, a decline is apparent. And, with the prejudices now rife, it promises to be sustained. When we bear in mind that, in addition to the factor of age, which tends to be made steadily higher and higher, we must also allow for the recent introduction of hard exercise and masculine sports in girls' schools, so that, in any case, the pelvic muscles and bones tend to be prematurely stiffened, we can hardly wonder if, despite the alleged advances in science, parturition does not tend to become an easier or less dangerous function.

I, therefore, submit that the trend of modern opinion, as regards the marriage-age of women, is following, as it is in other departments of life, a wholly non-biological direction, and that the causes are:—

(a) The prejudices already referred to, due either to asceticism or unconscious jealousy on the part of feminist spinsters, matrons or fathers, and

(b) The feminist insistence on assimilating the female to the male. 1

The next question is, what is the effect of early marriages on the children?

In the first place, according to Dr. Fritz Lenz, "the belief that mental maturity is of importance for the favourable endowment of children, is a Lamarckian superstition." 2

Even the supposed mental immaturity of the female parent appears to have little effect in this direction. Edward I could hardly be called a mentally defective king, neither could Edward III. Henry VII, born of a young woman under 14, was a most gifted man. Confucius was the result of a marriage between a widower of 70 and a girl of 17, and a widower of 70 whose offer of marriage had been declined by the girl's elder sisters. Dürer's father, as we have seen, was his wife's senior by 25 years, and the artist was the third child, i.e. he was born when his mother was only 18. Weber's father, when over 50, married a girl of 17. Beaudelaire's father was 35 years older than his wife. Schopenhauer's father was 20 years older. Goethe's mother was married at 17 to a man 21 years her senior, and Goethe was born a year after.

It has actually been argued, in fact, that old fathers are particularly prone to procreate brilliant children, and Mr. A. F. Dufton, addressing the Anthropological section of the British Association at Leicester, on September 8th, 1933, propounded the theory that the older the father was at the date of a child's birth, the greater the chance of mental brilliance being acquired in the offspring. He also maintained that "the striking difference

1 Among the most flagrant examples of this is the practice of sending to the Universities girls who are the same age as the undergraduates who used to be the only students there. The girl student is thus sent to College when she is at a totally different stage of development from the male, and when she is actually at an age when it is monstrous for her to be without children. Feminists cannot get into their heads that the ejaculation of semen is the beginning and end of the male sexual function, and that, therefore, males and females cannot be assimilated. There is no equivalent in the female to the male ejaculation. The female sexual function requires pregnancy to be normal. Waiting for marriage, therefore, means something very different for men from what it does, for women.
2 M.A.R., p. 494.


between the frequency distributions of the paternal ages of one thousand eminent men and those of a more normal population support this view." 1

Galton found that the early marriages of women certainly led to greater fertility. And he gives the following table:—

Age of Mother at Marriage. / Average Family.

15–19 / 9.12
20–24 / 7.92
25–29 / 6.50
30–34 / 4.60 1


And he concluded his inquiry into the facts by saying: "Hence, if the races best fitted to occupy the land are encouraged to marry early, they will breed down the others in a very few generations." 2

Dr. G. D. Maynard came to a similar conclusion and made a further discovery. He says:—

"That early marriage is detrimental to the woman and results in a restricted family and unhealthy children is a view widely held, although, as far as I can ascertain, one based rather on what rice called 'general principles' [i.e. prejudice] than on ascertained facts. On general principles, however, the reverse might equally be expected, for if it were really detrimental to a race that early conceptions should occur, the age of puberty should have become delayed through the process of evolution. Among the animals, and in some human societies, desire and fulfilment wait only on opportunity, so that it is not unreasonable to expect that the appearance of the sexual passions should coincide with the optimum age for marriage." 3

He then proceeds to show from tables of births in the European population of New Zealand, and from other figures relating to England and Scotland supplied by Professor Pearson that not only fertility but also survival rate of children is greatest in girls married at 15 and 16. 4 And he concludes:—

(1) "That if the fertility data here discussed be reasonably homogeneous, it is probable that in the European population of New Zealand over the age of 15, the younger the wife at marriage the larger will be the mean family of children born alive, unless

1 REPORT OF THE BRIT. ASSOC. FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE. Ann. Meeting, 1933. London, 1933, p. 522.
2 l.H.F., pp. 209–210.
3 Op. cit., p. 340.
4 Ibid. He points out that "the largest families are associated in England with marriage at 16".


girls who marry at the early ages are drawn from a super-fertile section of the population.

(2) "That a similar observation is true of the family which survives to adult age." 1

There are other conclusions, but they do not concern us. The most important fact to bear in mind, however, is that revealed in conclusion 2 — that the viability or survival value of children born of such young mothers is greater than that of children born from older mothers.

Professor Antonio Marro, who inquired into the Influence of Age of Parents on the psycho-physical characters of their children, also came to interesting conclusions, although to my mind he lays unnecessary stress on the moral side, which, as I have pointed out again and again, has little to do with the quality either of a person's mind or body.

However, his results as regards longevity and intelligence are interesting.

He found, for instance, that of a group of octogenarians—

4, or 10 per cent, had been children of very young fathers.
23, or 62 per cent, had been children of fathers between 25 and 41.
10, or 27 per cent, had been children of fathers over 41.

Of a group of septuagenarians he found that—

21, or 13 per cent, were the children of young fathers.
78, or 51 per cent, were the children of fathers between 25 and 41.
53, or 34 per cent, were the children of fathers over 41. 2

So that fathers under 25 do not appear to impart a high survival value to their children.

As for intelligence, he found it highest in children of younger parents, and in the latter found the lowest percentage of inferior intelligences.

He also found intelligence greater and inferior intelligence less frequent in children of mothers under 21.

And in speaking of schoolchildren as a whole, he says: "Coinciding with the youthfulness of their parents we find the maximum of good conduct and the maximum of higher intelligence." 3

A final point of paramount importance has yet to be considered, and that is the matter of the compensations instinctively resorted to by the nubile female of sound health and normal passions, if marriage does not come to her early. Legislating and arguing as if every one were below par generally, the modern

1 Op. cit., p. 345.
2 EUGENICS CONGRESS, 1912, p. 111.
3 Op. cit., p. 115–117.


world thinks that no damage — not even physical damage — is done to an adolescent girl of ardent sensibilities who, menstruating at 13, goes on waiting for two, three, four, five, and sometimes twelve years, without functioning normally. But this, as we now know, is ridiculous. Nature is not denied in this way, without the mind making efforts either to adapt itself to the harsh unnatural circumstances by abnormal means, or else to sublimate the actual passions concerned. For, be it remembered, even if the virgin ideal were to be abandoned in England, and sterile – fornication, or pre-marital sexual congress with contraception were allowed to our adolescent females, they would still not be expressing their sex normally; for whereas sexual congress is all-in-all to a man, and completes his normal expression of sex, it is only the beginning of the female's sexual cycle.

When, therefore, a girl of ardent, i.e. normal sex endowments, is married late; when, that is to say, she is taken more than two or three years after the onset of the catamenia, we must expect to find her with distortions of her normal mental and physical equipment, commensurate with the length of time that her body has been held waiting. These distortions definitely mould her character, and, as we have seen, certainly mar the pristine health of her physical equipment. So that, from the standpoint of; characterology alone, we have for generations been damaging the majority of our womenfolk by condemning them to these long waits before natural and normal functioning begins. 1

Summing up the above arguments and data, I conclude that the modern prejudice against early marriage for girls, is based . on a mass of error, unconscious bitterness, middle-aged jealousy, asceticism, and feminism, which has infected even science (in the form of female and feminist-male doctors), and that it is the reader's patriotic duty to resist it with all his might.

If a man is of an age to marry, i.e. anything from 27 to 32 or 35 — let him choose a healthy, positive girl as low down in her teens as the recent feminist and ascetic laws will allow him to go, and let him turn a deaf ear to the chorus of protestations

1 We shall see, for instance — to mention only one characterological consequence of delayed marriage — that the female's normal sadism should be expressed in her relation to her child. If this normal sadism is not expressed, however, it finds abnormal outlets — hence possibly the cruelty of women, later referred to, their otherwise unaccountable love of the surgical side of medicine when they are hospital nurses (I have heard scores of young girls say, "the surgical side, watching operations, is much more thrilling"), their extraordinary hardness in the killing sports, and their love of criminal trials, displays of cruelty, etc. See pp. 456–458 infra.


from the middle-aged adults in his circle (including most probably his unconsciously incestuously inclined future father-in-law) that will be raised against him. 1
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Re: The Choice of a Mate, by Anthony M. Ludovici

Postby admin » Mon Jan 29, 2018 6:00 am

Part 2 of 3

When Dr. Fritz Lenz, summing up this very question, says: "If the economic conditions permit, there is nothing to be said against marrying a girl of 16," 2 and Dr. August Forel recommends marriage for a girl at 17 or 18, 3 let the reader remember that they are both speaking of girls even more Teutonic, i.e. with less Mediterranean blood in them, than English girls, and that their words therefore apply with even greater force to the latter.

Finally, let me quote these weighty words of Dr. A. C. Magian, who, speaking of conditions in this country, says: "Modern civilization, with its tendency to delayed marriage, and the tight rein which it holds on young women surrounded by every form of sexual excitement, has a good deal to answer for." 4

Body Build. Most of the corresponding section in the previous chapter also applies here, except that the normal female appears, as I have shown, to be specifically more pyknic or eurysomatic in type. Also, whereas marked adiposity is an unfavourable sign in the young female, extreme thinness or asthenia in her is even more to be apprehended than in the male, because she ought naturally to have a subcutaneous layer of adipose tissue, softening the outlines of her muscles, and rounding the contours of her form, and the absence of this feature may always be regarded as abnormal.

In these days of the morbid cultivation of the "boyish figure , girls are inclined deliberately to reduce their diet below sustenance level, and there is evidence that this is causing an increase in tuberculosis in adolescent and young women. This increase dates from about 1895. But this was about the time when the modern rage for the slim, boyish female figure began.

"The mortality from tuberculosis among girls between 10 and 15 is double that of males and remains much greater up to the

1 The law certainly gives parents the right to resist him until the girl reaches the absurdly advanced age of 21; but magistrates can overrule these parental objections, and it is to be hoped that when the arguments and facts in this section become more generally known, there will be less parental opposition to early marriage for girls. But for this to occur, English fathers will have to be made conscious of their present unconscious incestuous impulses, so as to be able to control them.
2 M.A.R., p. 493.
3 Op. cit., p. 429.
4 S.P.W., p. 98. It will be objected that, however sound the arguments in this section may be, over-population and modern economic conditions make early fertile marriages impossible. I have answered this objection in detail in NIGHT HOERS (the complete case against birth-control).


age of 25," says one report. "The chief factor seems to be nutrition." The report proceeds: "It is somewhat higher in the better class than in the poorest group, and is practically confined to single women." 1 Elsewhere we read: "Towards the end of childhood and in young adults it [T.B.] is the cause of more deaths in females than in males. At this period about one-third of the deaths from all causes among males and almost one-half among females are due to tuberculosis, mostly pulmonary" 2 In a much later report we find a confirmation of the above and the following comment: "This rise in mortality in young adult females dates only from the beginning of this century, and may be associated with the strenuous and less-sheltered lives now led by young women. Uninstructed and defective nutrition may also play its part." 3

That this recent increase in tuberculosis among young females is related to the late nineteenth and the twentieth century ideal of the boyish figure and the practice of slimming, is suggested by the fact that when there is no longer any need to attract by developing this type, i.e. in middle age, the deaths from tuberculosis preponderate among males. 4 If this is correct, it adds weight to the view that boyish slimness is abnormal in the female, and in this connexion it is most interesting to find Stratz advancing cogent reasons for the belief that Botticelli's Venus, which I have already referred to as an asthenic type of female, was painted from a model, Simonetta Catanea, who died of consumption when she was not quite 25. 5 Thus, as Stratz points out, "Botticelli made a pretty consumptive girl his ideal." 6

Tuberculosis is not, however, the only trouble to be feared in this bony type of female. Hysteria and general nervousness are even more serious. But enough has been said in a previous chapter concerning the probable connexion between thinness and neuroses, for the reader to know what is now meant.

The girl displaying the classic features of the neurotic — instability, irritability, and lack of serenity — may seem more "fascinating" or "interesting", 7 to the inexperienced young

1 B.M.J., 8.10.32, p. 677.
2 MED. PRESS, 22.6.32, p. 500.
3 LANCET, 17.2.34, p. 365.
4 See relevant reports quoted, particularly LANCET.
5 D.S.W.K., pp. 26–28.
6 Ibid., pp. 28, 126. On the latter page Stratz rightly claims that the Primavera is of the same type.
7 See M.A.R., p. 474. "Not a few men will leave healthy girls sitting about as wallflowers, and will burn with ardour for the enigmatical, uncanny, and fascinating antics of the hysterical."


man, bred on false modern values, but such a man should know that this supposed fascination or interest is ephemeral and quickly becomes intolerable in the daily contacts of home life.

Apart from the disproportionate preponderance of females in our lunatic asylums, there is scant statistical evidence of an increase in nervous diseases among women; but one fact points that way, and that is the increase in stammering among girls.

At Newcastle, on December 16th, 1933, Sir Thomas Oliver said that "for the first time on record stammering was becoming prevalent among girls. Hitherto it had been mainly confined to boys". He added that the changes in modern life possibly accounted for this. 1

The normal serenity, or doe-like placidity of the female — her classical characteristic — thus seems to be leaving her, owing to the change in her morphology which, as shown in a previous chapter, is due to an ancient male-homosexual bias. But the experienced male still looks for this doe-like placidity in the female. It is the centre of gravity of the future home, and to overlook it for a boyish figure plus what Dr. Lenz calls "enigmatical, uncanny and fascinating antics", is foolhardy. For other particulars of body-build, see Erotic Disposition.

Character. This follows morphology, and, in selecting type, character is necessarily selected too. Again, here, it is important to disregard much that popular opinion, the newspapers and modern fiction hold up as desirable.

It is more important to secure a girl with a kind heart and ardent sensibilities, than one with a reputation of being "a good sport", or of having "a sense of humour"; because innumerable normal incidents in the home demand an ability to feel deeply about a matter, and a sense of humour denotes a congenital inability to feel deeply. 2

It is, above all, essential to get rid of certain wholly unfounded illusions about the character of the normal woman, which have been cultivated by the shallow psychology and sentimentality of the nineteenth century. These illusions are based on the "fairy" or "angel" ideal of women, according to which the female is supposed to be something less material, less gross, less animal than the male. These illusions still prevail very widely, and the

1 SUNDAY TIMES, 17.12.33.
2 Those readers who do not understand my slighting references to the much-idolized quality of "a sense of humour" should read my SECRET OF LAUGHTER (Constable, 1932).


modern woman, although she is secretly aware of their spuriousness, does her utmost to keep them alive.

They depict woman as a creature more "unselfish", less greedy, less sensual, more moral, and more humanitarian than man. I have already shown how ridiculous the claim of greater "unselfishness" is in the female. As to the claim that she is less greedy, the facts adduced by impartial witnesses regarding women and diabetes and women and gallstone disease, dispose of it utterly, 1 and it requires no farther refutation here. The claim that women are less sensual and more moral than men — if any sensible man should require it to be exposed for him — will be found adequately refuted in another of my works, 2 while as to the claim of greater humanitarianism in the female, this will have to be dealt with afresh, although I have already discussed it elsewhere. 3

First, let us understand what inhumanity is.

It is, as a rule, a perversion, i.e. a non-life-promoting and one-sided specialization as an end in itself, of what is a useful natural disposition. What is this disposition? It is obviously sadism. Sadism has natural and normal roots and a natural, normal function. 4 In the male it is expressed harmlessly and joyfully in his relation to the weaker female in normal love-making. Its chief element is the joy of power over a fellow-creature. In the female it is expressed harmlessly and joyfully in her relation to the helpless infant in normal motherhood.

Sadism becomes a perversion only when power over a fellow creature is sought and enjoyed as an end in itself, divorced from its normal life-promoting components.

Thus, normally, a woman expresses her masochistic feelings in her relation to man, and her sadistic feelings in her relation to her infant child. Man normally expresses his masochistic feelings in his relation to the social power he honours, and serves, and is prepared to die for, and his sadistic feelings in his relation to woman.

To deny that the proneness to a sadistic perversion is just as strong in woman as in man, is, therefore, shallow and unenlightened. And the woman who, as a spinster or as a wife with inadequately expressed motherhood, finds her normal

1 See pp. 271 and 273–274 supra.
2 M.A.I., pp. 127–130.
3 Ibid., pp. 90–95.
4 For a discussion on the normal limits of sadism, see Freud's THREE CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE THEORY OF SEX.


sadism pent-up, is just as likely as an ill-adapted man to develop a sadistic perversion, i.e. a love of injuring, hurting, bullying, or tyrannizing over a fellow creature as an end in itself. 1

History is full of instances of her having done so, and if Dr. A. F. Chamberlain, in an impartial treatise, is able to say that woman is more cruel than man, 2 if David Hume was able to say, "no passion seems to have more influence on female minds than this for power" 3 (lust of power being the root of sadism), and if Dr. Briffault, whose bias is wholly feminist, is able to say that "primitive women are . . . even more cruel and ferocious than men," 4 and of mediæval European women that "as usual the women excel the men in cruelty," 5 it is evident that we are dealing with a matter that is something more than fancy.

In another work I collected a number of facts not generally known about this question, and instanced the revolting cruelty of the spinster martial corps of Dahomey, 6 of the Indian women of North America, of the women of Imperial Rome, to whom it was an entertainment to flog their slaves, and whose common practice it was to stick pins into the breasts and arms of their female slaves while the latter, stripped to the waist for the purpose, helped to dress them. 7

It was Queen Constance, and not King Robert the Pious, who in 1022 wished to put out the eyes of one of the heretics with whom the King had been debating at the Cathedral of Orleans. 8 It was the women of the French Revolution who disgusted the men with their bloodthirstiness, and not vice versâ. 9 It was the village girls and women, as Michelet shows, and not the men, who, in the civil wars in la Vendée, went out into the fields and stabbed the eyes. of the wounded and dying Republican soldiers with their long needles. 10 Bogmil Goltz says that "few women

1 See Note, p. 452.
2 THE CHILD (London, 1906, p. 421). Also Wieth-Knudsen (P., p. 57): "children and women are the most cruel of mankind".
3 ADDITIONAL ESSAYS, II.
4 MO, I, p. 453. A long list of examples supports the contention.
5 MO., III, p. 392. The examples should also be read.
6 See on this point Capt. Sir Richard Button (A MISSION TO GELELE, KING OF DAHOME, Ed. 1893, I, p. 112, and II, p. 49), also and particularly B. Chaudouin's TROIS MOIS DE CAPTIVITÉ AU DAHOMEY, pp. 286, 352.
7 M.A.I., pp. 90, 93–96. As to the nauseating cruelty of Roman women to their slaves, see, for instance, such an impartial witness as Smith's DICTIONARY OF GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES: Article, "Servus".
8 THE MIDDLE AGES, by F. Funck-Brentano (London, 1922, p. 71).
9 M.A.I., p. 90.
10 HISTOIRE DE LE RÉVOLUTION FRANÇAISE (Paris, 1853), VII, p. 82. Michelet actually mentions by name certain women who did this.


could be so cruel as to make pin-cushions, as certain Russian princesses of low origin used to do, of their female attendants' breasts, while they were being dressed," 1 but he had evidently forgotten the women of Imperial Rome to whom Juvenal, Ovid and Martial refer. 2 And as for Bolshevik Russia, hear what a historian of the Revolution says. Speaking of the brutal executions carried out by the Cheka, Essad-Bey writes: "Strange to say, however, the most brutal executioners in all Russia were not negroes, Letts or Russians, or even the intellectual communists, but the women. The women never grew sick of bloodshed, and when it was a matter of killing they required neither sleep, food, nor rest." He then proceeds to give the most sickening details. 3

It is data of this kind, together with ordinary observation, that makes one smile when, in the popular Press, surprise is expressed over the brutality of a white woman towards a native black, of a woman towards a child, a domestic servant, or an animal; or when a male reporter writes with wonder of a female official having shown bravery in doing her duty at an execution, or of a woman having shown calm fortitude on a jury in a criminal court, or in other occupations in which the death of a fellow creature is part of the business. But I mention these unpleasant facts, hidden away in histories and the files of newspapers, not because I have any anti-feminine bias, for, as I am tired of protesting, I am much more devoted to women than the most ardent feminist I have ever met; but because it is the only way to shed light on a subject which, owing to sentimentality and false nineteenth-century psychology (woman as the source of altruism!) has become completely obscured in England.

I make a special point of denying that woman is more "unselfish", less greedy, less sensual, more moral and more humanitarian than man, because to persist in believing all this rubbish is bound in the long run to lead the unenlightened man not merely into tragic disillusionment, but also into difficulties.

Let the inexperienced man, therefore, turn from the pursuit of women with these supposed, fictitious and frequently affected qualities, in order more usefully to seek those women who really have the qualities of their sex — the morphological equipment and therefore the gifts of good mothers. In such normal women, provided he meets them when they are still sufficiently young,

1 ZUR CHARACTERISTIK UND NATUR-GESCHICHTE DER FRAUEN (Berlin, 1859, p. 173).
2 For references, see M.A.I.
3 DIE VERSCHWÖRUNG GEGEN DIE WELT. G.P.U. (Berlin, 1932, p. 137 et seq.).


he will find female sadism, sensuality, egoism, etc., turn naturally to the purpose and service of life and happiness.

Owing to the modern worship of brains and of the so-called fascination of the faintly neurotic type, it is perhaps idle to inveigh against the common error of preferring the vivacious before the more doe-like female; but the latter is a much surer guarantee of future happiness, and I endorse Mr. Russell H. Johnson's words on this subject. He says:—

"Those mental traits that are most stimulating are the most effective. Hence vivacity leads . . . It is by no means a measure of mental efficiency and is frequently associated in its highest degrees with instability and hyperthyroidism. Indeed, it seems probable that much of the instability, neurasthenia and mental disease of to-day is the result of the relative over-effectiveness of vivacity in mate selection. On the other hand, the non-stimulating qualities — stability, persistence, endurance, poise and judgment, are undervalued traits." 1

It is also desirable to avoid girls in whom inferiority feelings are a too-constant spring of conduct.

If a girl loses no opportunity of securing some sort of tribute from a man — even if he be only a hall-porter or a chance passer-by — it is tolerably certain that her feelings of inferiority, gnawing at her self-esteem, are forcing her to seek restoratives in the momentary adulation of a stranger, even below her in station. The fact that her action is unconsciously motivated must not mislead the observer concerning the true state of affairs. (Her male equivalent is the Don Juan type, already described.) 2

This behaviour may be innocent, and end with the satisfaction it gives the girl. There is the danger, however, that any able flatterer may achieve an easy victory with her and triumph over a spouse who has long ceased troubling to invent a fresh compliment every morning.

In regard to such a girl, moreover, the wise man should ask himself how much of her devotion to him is due to genuine appreciation, and how much to her pleasure over his painstaking flattery.

Beware, too, of girls with marked masculine tastes. These may be acquired in education and need not be basic. They may also

1 E.R., XIV, p. 260. A typical example of the way in which this common error of selecting the vivacious girl is propagated by popular fiction, is the following passage in LOVERS MUST LIVE, by Pauline Stiles (London, 1954, p. 142): "No, the girl isn't beautiful. She lacks vivacity."
2 See pp. 406–407 supra.


be acquired through vanity, as another form of stifling inferiority feelings. In these days of the one-sided admiration of masculine pursuits and pastimes, the girl with inferiority feelings may be tempted to turn, as thousands do, to masculine habits as a restorative to self-esteem. 1

The signs are various. The constant use of a walking-stick is one. A walking-stick, except on loose or rocky ground, or in the case of the aged, is a hindrance rather than a help to the balanced resilient walker. Until I learnt the correct use of self, under Alexander, I always carried a walking-stick. If a young woman takes to a stick, it is, therefore, suspicious. Certain styles in clothes, as I have shown, may also indicate male tastes in a woman. Other significant traits are — a long swinging stride, a jaunty manner of sitting on chair-arms, side-boards, tables; a tendency to affect inelegant footwear; a proneness to act the champion of more feminine women, and a sudden display of hostility towards any man who rivals her in this capacity.

In the eyes of such a girl, even when she looks at her betrothed, there is always a trace of defiance or challenge. In her general demeanour there is no natural dignity.

Attention should be specially directed to girls with natural dignity. They, more than their less serene sisters, have the desirable character, provided other conditions already insisted on are fulfilled.

The shallow dicta that pass for wisdom and spread from mouth to mouth without anyone being able to trace their source, have also led to an absurd overvaluation of the quality of broadmindedness. The man in quest of a good mate should bear in mind that broadmindedness is of all qualities the least desirable in a girl. In addition to being a sign and product of weakness and weak instincts, it is a dangerous factor in the home. Let the reader dwell on the character of any figure in history who has shown strength, devotion and singleminded fidelity to a Cause or to anything, and he will discover that narrowmindedness has invariably been the chief feature of such a character. Narrowmindedness, therefore, is among the most important of the desiderata of a good wife. Those who prate thoughtlessly about broadmindedness are welcome to it in their own homes, although I doubt whether it is ever a desirable quality even outside the home.

1 See Adler's enlightening chapter on THE MASCULINE ATTITUDE IN FEMALE NEUROTICS (P.T.D.I., Chap. IX).


Paul Popenoe who, although dealing with modern America, describes what we are fast becoming, speaks of three questionnaires sent out to men about the woman of their choice, and the results are sufficiently interesting to be quoted.

In the first, sent to 250 male students of Mississippi University, 98 per cent, giving "the desirable traits in a wife listed in the average order of importance assigned to them," placed moral character first, health second, and beauty ninth. 1

The general confusion and lack of information regarding morphology and its relation to character is apparent from the distance which separates moral character from beauty in the list and health from beauty, while ignorance of normal psycho-physical conditions is revealed by the fact that "willingness to rear family" is placed sixth — as if the matter were purely one of an intellectual attitude towards a philosophic problem.

The second questionnaire was sent by an American journal, PHYSICAL CULTURE, whose male readers had to vote in a similar manner. This resulted in 23 per cent votes for health, 14 per cent for looks, 12 per cent for housekeeping, 11 per cent for disposition, 11 per cent for maternity (i.e. presumably for readiness to have a family as above), 10 per cent for education, with 5 per cent at the very end for character. 2

Again, there is the disparity between health and looks; but it is gratifying to find health placed so high in both results. The men of New York University voted as follows: 79 for health, 76 for beauty, and 26 for wealth. 3

This is a little more enlightened.

Finally, let it be said, that if the reader chooses a girl, young enough, healthy enough and good-looking enough, he will not need to worry much about such details as her readiness to be a mother, her disposition, her domestic qualities, etc.

Her youth will be a guarantee of her having resorted to no morbid compensations for sex-starvation, so that her character will be free from distortions, "wrong folds", and, above all, perverted substitutes for a normal expression of her natural sadism. Her beauty and health will be a guarantee of her desirable disposition, her normality, and hence other eagerness to function naturally and to become a mother. The warmth of her sensibilities will induce her, willy-nilly, to take an interest in the nest, her home, and, therefore to be domesticated; and so on in regard

1 M.M., p. 34.
2 Ibid., p. 36.
3 Ibid., p. 35.


to every essential quality. The principles established in this book, if followed, can hardly leave any room for error. (For a few further remarks on character, see Part II, Chapter II, Section 14.)

Class. Same as self.

Complexes. A girl taken young enough and healthy enough should have no tiresome symptoms from complexes. As we have seen, complexes cause no trouble in a healthy organism.

Should it be impossible to follow precisely the directions laid down in this book, and should it be necessary to select an older woman, past her twenties, the following points should be noted:—

A girl with a pronounced attachment to her father (Electra complex) should be avoided. She is luckily more rare than the man with a marked mother attachment (Œdipus complex). All her married life she is likely to show impatience with her husband, especially over those matters where he differs from "Father" — his politics, religious views, choice of newspapers, choice of aperient, of sports, pastimes, form of smoking (cigars, pipe, or cigarettes). She will be adamant in her fidelity to the views "Father" held, and will resist contradiction with fanaticism. As women are plentiful, and individual differences between them may be grossly exaggerated, it is best to drop such a girl and seek another who is not so afflicted.

A girl with pronounced inferior sex consciousness (castration complex) is also likely to be very tiresome. Dr. Helene Deutsch declares that this complex is a universal component in the physical structure of women, and arises from the little girl's consciousness of being deprived of an external anatomical part which the little boy is known to possess, 1 and she suggests that there are three types of women — (1) the normal, who become reconciled to the loss of the male generative organ and seek compensation in feminine joys, (2) the neurotic and disgruntled, who never become reconciled and wish to avenge themselves on the world in general, and on men, in particular, for their grievance, and (3) those who unconsciously remain stubbornly unconvinced that they are completely deprived, and shun every experience that will disillusion them. 2

It is obviously important to find the first type of woman, and if she is chosen young enough and healthy enough, the castration complex will not prove a very formidable source of unhappiness.

1 Op. cit., pp. 13, 14.
2 Ibid., Chap. III.


If an older woman has to be taken, it is clear that the castration complex may have a sinister influence on the home; for, being entirely unconscious, and expressing itself in unfavourable cases merely by an impulse which causes the woman to feel bitter towards the world and particularly towards the male, her husband is unlikely to be treated even with ordinary fairness, not to mention consideration or kindness.

If a young girl cannot, for various reasons, be selected, it is? also important to be on one's guard against the narcissistic young woman. Narcissism, as I have shown, is self-love, or, as Dr. Graham Howe has put it, self-idolatry. It is a turning inwards instead of outwards of the sex energy and striving. The narcissistic girl will be vain. 1 She will be like the third type, described above by Dr. Helene Deutsch, i.e. she will rum ever more and more away from experiences likely to reveal herself to another or to herself. She is content with herself, loves her own body, regards it as a holy-of-holies only to be guarded by herself. This girl, as a rule, hates marriage as a personal desecration. But if her vanity forces her to marry, in order to be equal with her friends, or if she wishes to escape drudgery, or what not, she will never forgive her husband his effrontery in having sullied her temple. Such women, if they marry, often become fanatical Christian Scientists in later life.

This attitude is so rare in the normal healthy girl, who has not waited too long for marriage, that narcissism may be ignored by the man who carries out the principles of this book. It is, however, common in the woman over twenty, and often becomes a fixed orientation by the time thirty is reached.

It should be remembered that vanity and modesty are to some extent normal in every female. The reader should not judge too adversely his fiancée's constant concern regarding what So-and-so has said or thought of her. This concern has not in her the same significance as in a man.

Deportment. The remarks under this head in the previous chapter apply with greater force to woman owing to the evil consequences of bad posture and carriage on the course of pregnancy and parturition.

It has recently become absurdly fashionable among girls of all classes to adopt a ridiculous shrug in walking and standing, as if an eternal reign of wintry cold made it necessary to lift coat

1 MOTIVES AND MECHANISMS OF THE HUMAN MIND (LANCET, 3.1.33, pp. 262–263.)


collars and furs high up against the back of the head. A necessary counterpart of this seems to be the habit of raising and projecting the chin, and holding the nose where normally the fringe should be.

It is a hideous, unhealthy habit, probably connected with modern feelings of inferiority and the effort to appear as if one rose superior to them.

It means that the thoracic cage is made rigid, breathing is inadequate, and the heart movements constricted. Girls who have the habit usually have protruding abdomens (below the navel) with lordosis. The fashion plates which imitate average poise reveal all these faults so accurately that a good orthopædic surgeon might easily use one of them as a pathological chart.
Choose a girl, therefore, who habitually carries her head with a graceful inward poise of the chin, whose shoulders are down, who has no ewe curve at the back of her neck, whose back is straight and whose arms hang loosely at her side.

Education. Not important, unless it means a difference of class. As the desirable mate should be too young to have gone to a University, there is no need to expand on this subject.

Erotic Disposition. Balzac says profoundly that "a man cannot marry unless he has studied anatomy and dissected at least one female corpse", because "the fate of a marriage depends upon the first night." 1

Allowing for the amusing exaggeration in the first statement, I entirely agree, and I think it lamentable that most men can talk intelligently and knowledgeably about the smallest structural detail of their cars, and are yet ignorant of the most necessary knowledge of all — human structure and mechanism. On the other hand, however, while I too emphasize the importance of a man's being equipped to master the love-technique, particularly of the first night, I deprecate the modern tendency to make sexual congress loom so conspicuously in the life of the female spouse.

In spite of the howl which I know will be set up if many hedonistic quarters, I maintain, both from my personal experience, which is not small, 2 my reading and my conversation, that concentration on the voluptuousness of sexual congress is, generally speaking, in inverse ratio to femininity.

I will try to avoid misunderstanding. I am not saying that the

1 P.M., p. 79.
2 It has been intimate in regard to three types — the English, French and German woman.


feminine woman with insignificant male components shuns or dislikes sexual congress. I insist, on the contrary, that, if she is normal, she should wish for it and enjoy it. All I say, and all I mean, is that when, in the female, there is an insistent concentration on the orgasm, equivalent to the male's, pronounced male elements may be suspected. And I do not here refer to nymphomaniacs, who besides being invalids are more rare than most people imagine.

I think my proposition follows a priori from the differences in the sexual cycles of the male and female. It cannot be stated often enough in these days of the ignorant assimilation of female to male, that whereas in the latter the orgasm is the beginning and end of all, in the former it is but the first stage in a cycle which should last eighteen months at least, i.e. from conception to weaning. And normally, during this period, untold pleasurable sensations are distributed over every day. Sexual congress is thus but a sparking-plug episode, and to appreciate its comparative insignificance from the woman's standpoint, it must be valued in relation to the remainder of the cycle.

On a priori biological grounds alone, therefore, we are compelled to suppose that woman's instinctive desire is for the whole cycle (however unconscious the extent of the desire may be) and not for any part of it. Nay, we are compelled to suppose that any conscious urgent insistence on a part of the cycle, to the neglect of the rest, is actually abnormal.

When, however, we find a medical authority as scholarly as Dr. Robert Briffault assuring us that "extreme sexuality in the female . . . opposed to the periodical character of the female impulse, is undoubtedly a transferred male character"; 1 when a people as wise as the ancient Hindus are found associating the woman "who is always pricked with lust and who is always addicted to lasciviousness", with the type "who neither fears her husband nor other respectable persons", and when we find this type — the Sankhini woman — described as "the lustful, who always hankers after uniting with males", and physically as follows: "her body is tall, breast hard but of stunted growth", full of words sweet and her neck bears three line-marks", 2 we find remarkable confirmation of much personal experience. For, be it noted, this Hindu description is that of a masculoid female.

1 MO., I, p. 143. Confirmed by Dr. Maranon (op. cit., pp. 77–79).
2 R., pp. 14–15. Also p. 16 for the Hastini type, which is similar. In A.R., pp. 34–35, a later treatise, this woman is described almost in the same terms.


How morphologically, can this woman be identified, seeing that, as a rule, before marriage, we cannot know the undue importance she attaches to sexual congress?

The description in the RATISHASTRAM is good. Generally speaking, is I have found, such women have masculine features. In addition, they are too thin for normal females, and according to Balzac — and this is a point I have also found confirmed — their mucous system, particularly of the nose and throat is very sensitive. They easily get catarrh. 1 The impression they give is one of being over-sensitized, a condition almost invariably associated with thinness in women. Above all, their eyes tend to be unusually round in external appearance and not elliptical. The upper lids droop over small spheres to assume the shape of hemispheres — a feature reminiscent of apes and monkeys. Strange to say, this is confirmed in the RATISHASTRAM, where the sage says: "She whose eyes . . . are circular becomes an immoral woman." 2

Psychological signs are, a truculent manner with men, a tendency to laugh at the dullest joke by a male and to overlook the brightest witticism by a female, a voice slightly strident, and a tendency to logorrhea. 3

Normal passion in a girl, however, is to be desired above all things. It denotes not only health and sanity but is also a potent means of reconciling a woman to those aspects of domesticity which, at the best of times, are monotonous or actually tiresome.

But this normal passion is very different from the lust of the Sankhini girl. The girl of normal passion is shy with men. She cannot stare them out as the passionless girl, or the Sankhini girl does. Particularly in the presence of one who attracts her, she cannot be bold, because her passions are too deeply stirred for her to be concerned with anything but the storm in her own breast. 4 She is, therefore, timid with men who attract her. Only when she knows she loves and is loved does she gain confidence and feel able to contemplate her man calmly. 5 Moderate in her

1 P.M., p. 102.
2 R., p. 37.
3 These characters are more or less confirmed by R., or by an earlier translation of it. (Madras, 1905.) See also Gustav Frenssen's OTTO BABENDIEK for an excellent portrayal of the type in Frau Hellebek.
4 This is confirmed in S.E., p. 146. In A.R. (p. 131), where we are told that when a passionate girl is drawn to a man, "her face, feet and hands break out into perspiration as soon as she sees him", and by Stendhal, who speaks of "la timidité, preuve de l'amour" (D.A., p. 13).
5 A.R., p. 130: "Une femme aime un homme premièrement lorsqu'elle n'a pas honte de la regarder."


sexual desires, she is the ideal female — the passionate girl described in the ANANGA RANGA as the MADHYAMA-VEGA. 1

She is usually morphologically attractive and normal.

It is necessary to warn men, particularly nowadays, against the "charming" perennially young, childish type. As a rule she is the victim of a condition known as infantilism, in which hypoplasia of the organs of generation is but the counterpart of her unduly protracted "childish charm". 2

I use the words "charming" and "childish charm", because I wish to be comprehensible to the modern. But it is wrong to suppose that she possesses such charm, except to a vitiated or inexperienced taste.

She is what is called "good-natured", because of her usually low intelligence, passes as "sporting" among her friends, has a very slight menstrual flow, which is usually irregular, is not troubled by sex (the silly phrase "has no nonsense about her" is the Puritanical and popular formula for this), is in every sense designed to be a neuter among neuters, and from the standpoint of offspring she is useless.

With people who try to forget about "that side of life" she is an easy favourite and, strange to say, often achieves triumphs against the rivalry of her superior.

According to Dr. Samuel R. Meaker, she is growing very common, and her condition is "a major factor in the causation of sterility". 3

Face and Features. Choose a good-looking girl and observe all the other physiognomical principles established in the earlier part of this book. Remember that a girl's face should be sleek and smooth, without the rough modelling becoming to a man. This does not mean that it should be angelic or seraphic (thymocentric). On the contrary, normal beauty demands pronounced signs of sensuality and positiveness. 4 But with all its evidences of animal passion, it must not be rugged, angular, bossed or busy,

1 A.R. .P. 55.
2 M.A.R., p. 497. Dr. Lenz says: "The reader must also be warned against that factitious youthfulness which is the result of infantilism, which imparts to girls even when nearing the thirties an almost childlike appearance, and which is known to exercise much fascination over many men. Such infantile women never attain to complete physical or mental maturity, and they age all the more quickly later on."
3 J.A.M.A., 16.8.30, pp. 468–470. Also S.L.W., p. 497, where Kisch says of the infantile genitalia of this type: "This infantile condition is by no means extremely rare."
4 S.B., pp. 226–227: "A woman who is devoid of a certain measure of animality and that by no means a small measure, must be regarded as degenerate."


like a man's, nor should it in youth show any hard lines, particularly about the mouth and nose.

The nose should not be very prominent or thin, the forehead should be vertical and never slanting, 1 the expression mild, i.e. neither truculent nor stern, the lips slightly everted, and the angle of the face may reveal slight prognathism without marring beauty. The eyebrows should be neither heavy nor straight, 2 and should not meet over the root of the nose. A curved pencil line broadening as it approaches the root of the nose is the ideal feminine eyebrow. Have nothing to do with girls whose eyebrows terminate half-way across the supra-orbital arch. 3 A large mouth does not disfigure, and is better than a small one.

The eyes should be doe-like and not too far from the nose. Small, very round-looking eyes are, as we have seen, a stigma of sexual undesirability. The jaw should be neither too heavy nor too square. Avoid the girl the points of whose jaw form the widest part of her mask. She will be brutal, masculoid and ruthless.

For the rest appeal to former chapters.

Finance. I need add only the following to the equivalent section in the last chapter: The belief that love flies out of the window when poverty comes in at the door is, to some extent, a purely middle-class superstition. But it is as old as Shakespeare, 4 and we must assume that in his time, as at present (though probably now more than ever), women, owing to the primary female instinct for good provisions for the brood, have always had difficulty in becoming attached to an impecunious man. If this instinctive inability to regard or admire the impecunious man gets magnified to a high power, as in the middle classes in an Age of luxury, by the fashion for display and smartness, it easily develops into a love of wealth as such. Hence the modern woman's inability to respect an impecunious father, or relative of any kind, and her corresponding inability to see any faults in a wealthy one. This explains why plutocratic Ages are generally feminist, and why the tendency to judge wholly according to money values prevails where women gain influence.

Gifts. Remember that nothing can be done with a stupid

1 This has been established in earlier chapters, and is confirmed by Stratz (D.S.W.K., p. 160).
2 A.R., p. 116. Men are cautioned against girls "dont les sourcils sont droits", other authorities have been given in former chapters.
3 This will be explained under Make-up.
4 WINTER'S TALE, IV, 4. "Prosperity's the very bond of love."


woman. The more gifted a girl is, the better. Considerable confusion prevails to-day, even among the cultivated, concerning knowledge and intelligence. People who ought to know better frequently describe a merely knowledgeable person as "clever" or "brainy". This is misleading. Many of the most knowledgeable people I have known have also been the stupidest, and two of the cleverest and most brainy were an old shepherd named Wooler, on the Sussex Downs, who was quite illiterate, and my own mother, who left school at 13.

Academic diplomas are, therefore, no proof of intelligence. At most they are a proof of memory. Do not aim, therefore, at the much-diploma'd girl. A clever girl, without academic training, is much more likely to be a good practical wife, 1 and she will certainly not need to be over twenty, while the diploma'd girl will.

My own wife, a Girton girl, had to unlearn and forget all she had learnt at Girton, from the standard of food preparation there to the standard of knowledge of humanity, and now despises the academic form of learning with an inside knowledge of it.

A woman's most valuable gifts are, adaptibility, receptivity, supple intelligence, penetration, a deep concern about humanity — even to the point of "scandal-mongering", and a taste for domestic and maternal duties. As compared with such gifts, academic knowledge is so much trash.

Hair. Almost all essentials have already been discussed. After stating that the normal woman has hair only in the armpits, above the genital cleft, and the front surfaces of the lower leg, "and this latter strongly developed only in brunettes", Dr. Bauer goes on to say: "If we find hair in other parts of the body, e.g., on the thighs, arms, etc., we can be quite certain that such women will show a tendency to grow hair on the upper lip, and these represent only some of the male attributes always found in women of this type." 2 This is more or less confirmed by Dr. Oskar Scheuer, who declares that the normal endocrine balance in the male promotes "the growth of hair on the body while arresting it on the head." 3 On the other hand. Dr. Scheuer also indicates an interesting correlation between sexual vigour and luxuriance of pate hair in woman. He says that of 964 seen by

1 "Il n'est aucun de nous," says Stendhal, "qui ne préférât, pour passer la vie avec elle, une servante â une femme savante." D.A., pp. 188–189.
2 W., pp. 58–59.
3 B.D.M., pp. 20–23. Also P.S.D., p. 18: "The development of the hairy system in women may be regarded as a regression." See pp. 223–224 above.


the gynæcologist, Dr. Heyn, 170 had very luxuriant, 560 a luxuriant, 207 sparse, and 27 very sparse growth of hair, and that Heyn was able statistically to demonstrate greater sexual vigour in those with the more luxuriant hair. 1

Choose a mate, therefore, whose pate hair is luxuriant, but whose body hair is restricted to the normal areas.

Hands. A large hand in a girl is more becoming than a small one. The bird-like, undersized claw of the women whom city life and idleness produce is hideous.

A woman's hand should also not be thin or bony, because this would be not only ugly but also indicative of asthenia.

Remember, too, that the suppleness of a girl's hand is a good index to the general suppleness of her body. A stiff, hard hand, as I have found, is not uncommonly associated with the type that has difficult confinements, and whose children are therefore either scarred, crippled (spastic hemi- or paraplegia), born dead, or victims of other forms of birth traumata.

Women with hard, stiff hands cannot be positive.

Head. As already shown, a woman's head should look smaller, relative to her body, than a man's does relative to his body. This is a specific feminine feature. Females with large heads should, therefore, be avoided, as having masculine elements. This is true also of the lower members of the mammalian order. In two books on cattle-breeding, the large-headed heifer is said to be a bad milker with male characters, such as small udders and teats, high back bones, and drawn-up bellies. 2 I have also found that the large-headed females among my cats are invariably bad mothers, leaving their kittens in the third or fourth week to seek the joys of fresh sexual congress.

A large head is, moreover, unbecoming in the female, and I have never yet seen a girl thus afflicted but she revealed other masculine features — a square jaw, a stern expression, straight eyebrows, etc.

Choose, therefore, the girl with the small head.

Health. See equivalent section in the previous chapter.

Make-up. The first questions that puzzle the thoughtful male are: (1) Why, since the war, have all young women and girls taken to make up their faces? (2) Whom is the practice supposed

1 B.D.M., p. 25.
2 Youatt's CATTLE, p. 244, and Wedge's CHESHIRE, p. 251. See also P.S.D., p. 16: "The masculine woman's head has somewhat similar measurements to the man's and is much larger than in [normal] woman." Other characteristics are "shoulders large and pelvis and breasts little developed."


to please? and (3) If the practice continues, who will be responsible for its continuance?

The answer to (1) is, no one can tell.

The answer to (2) is, presumably only the girls themselves, because no man I have ever met has said he likes it.

The answer to (3) is, the vested interests behind the sale of cosmetics, face washes, dyes, etc.

The universality of the practice, the fact that the women of ancient Egypt and Rome, of Japan and China and of Europe (certainly in the Middle Ages and the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries) 1 all used or use cosmetics, or plucked out their eyebrows, or adopted other means of supposed embellishment, does not justify it, for reasons which will be adduced.

In Europe, for instance, there was once a widespread and brutal practice of flattening out the breasts of adolescent girls. In China millions of women stunt the growth of their feet, and among savages, rings are inserted into lips, noses and ears, and teeth are blackened, knocked out, or filed down — all for the alleged purpose of embellishment.

Nobody, aware of the relativity of taste, would venture to argue that black teeth, or filed-down teeth, or plucked-out eyebrows, are actually ugly. This valuation is subject to the vagaries of human taste, and if you are used to seeing a girl's lip project a few inches, owing to an inserted ring, you would regard as ugly the girl whose lip did not thus project.

On the pure question of taste, therefore, one cannot argue that make-up is absolutely ugly or beautiful. I merely ask, whom does it please? And I reply, no man I have ever known.

Personally I prefer my partners in erotic pastimes to be "femmes nature", to use the French culinary jargon, and I find most men like me in this respect. The use of cosmetics would, therefore, appear to rest on a feminist assertion of female rights independent of male taste. And it is curious that, in Europe at least, the custom is often seen to prevail in feminist Ages.

Even old La Bruyère in the seventeenth century took much the same view as I do.

"Si les femmes," he says, "veulent seulement être belles à leurs propres yeux et se plaire à elles-mêmes, elles peuvent sans doute, dans la manière de s'embellir . . . suivre leur goût et leur caprice; mais

1 It was also customary among the ancient Jews. In TAL. (MOED QATAN 9b) we read: "A woman may employ beautifying measures. . . . She may paint her eyes, she may curl her hair, and she may put cosmetics on her face."


si c'est aux hommes qu'elles désirent de plaire, si c'est pour eux qu'elles se fardent ou qu'elles s'enluminent, j'ai recueilli les voix, et je leur prononce de la part de tous les hommes, ou de la plus grande partie . . . qu'ils haïssent autant à les voir avec de la céruse sur le visage qu'avec de fauses dents en la bouche, et des boules de cire dans les mâchoires." 1

According to my own and my male friends' view, it is an unsavoury habit, and therefore conflicts with one of the first prerequisites of beauty described above. 2 Excusable as it may be in middle-aged women (though when they are mothers it seems ridiculous in them too), it is inexcusable and an act of sheer vandalism in girls under twenty, and if such girls could appreciate how sadly it disfigures them, they would immediately drop it.

On the purely hygienic aspects of the practice, medical opinion is divided on some points and agreed on others.

Dr. R. M. B. McKenna condemns certain cold creams made from crude paraffin, owing to the latter's cancer-producing properties. He claims that glycerine is the deleterious factor in vanishing creams, because "it is absorbed by the skin, and being powerfully hygroscopic must upset the metabolism of the superficial cells of the epidermis. This action is intensified by the mildly astringent action of hamamelis." Moreover, he claims that "the fat blocks the sebaceous and sweat glands". He condemns "wrinkle removers", and "skin foods", calls the eyebrow pencil a "dirty, but innocent habit", opposes the use of metallic dyes in conjunction with pyrogallic, and also aniline dyes, as dangerous, but admits a pure henna dye is harmless.

For hair-bleaching he condones hydrogen peroxide and condemns potassium cyanide and oxalic acid. 3

Dr. Alice Carleton joins issue with him chiefly on the question of cold creams and vanishing creams. After experiments on a number of female collaborators, she concludes that these substances do not block the sebaceous and sweat glands, and do not lead to acne rosacea and acne vulgaris. She argues that cold cream is cleansing, that the fat in so-called "skin nourishing creams "is absorbed, and that vanishing cream does not produce dryness. If, however, cold and vanishing creams contain lead

1 L.C. Section: "Les Femmes", para. 6.
2 See B.M.J., 24.6.33, where Dr. R. M. B. McKenna says: "I still believe the definition 'clean . . free from foreign matter', and a skin is not clean which is wiped down with cold cream, massaged with vanishing cream, and then powdered, being left coated with a layer of grease to which dust, as well as toilet powder readily adhere."
3 B.M.J., 17.5.30, pp. 900–902.


or mercury as white precipitate of mercury, they may be harmful.

She denies that depilatories and wrinkle removers are harmful, except in the form of paraffin injections and painting with 65 per cent solution of phenol. She condemns henna because it makes the hair brittle, metallic dyes because they may be absorbed and cause chronic poisoning, compounds of metallic salts and pyrogallic acid because they are toxic and irritant, aniline derivatives because they cause severe and persistent dermatitis, possibly too gastro-intestinal and nervous symptoms (several fatal cases are recorded) and hydrogen peroxide as injurious to the hair shaft. As to hair lotions, she cautions women against quinine, salicylic acid and resorcin, as injurious if too strong. 1

If all this is true, however, we may be pardoned for asking how poor, ignorant girls can possibly apply the knowledge, even if they had it, in buying their cosmetics, especially the cheaper qualities.

Other experts report as follows:—

Dr. W. Bab condemns henna as a darkener for eyebrows and eyelashes. It led to purulent conjunctivities in his cases, sometimes followed by more alarming symptoms. 2 He says: "The ophthalmologist is frequently consulted for acute and chronic irritations of the eyes, which can be traced to cosmetic procedures." 3

Dr. Lester Hollander gives a long list of the causative factors which may be suspected in dermatitis, from hair tonics and dyes to depilatories, deodorants and perfumes. 4

Dr. Sigmund Grünbaum describes a case of dermatoconjunctivitis due to Lash Lure (an eyelash and eyebrow dye), and says: "Intolerance of the conjunctiva and eyelids to mascara [lamp black] is well-known, "but rarely produces more than itching or burning. But actual dying of the lashes is dangerous. 5

Drs. Samuel Ayres and Nelson Paul Anderson state they have found the parasitic organism Demodex folliculorum in the majority of their patients suffering from acne rosacea and the allied condition (pityriasis folliculorum), and their material consisted of 72 cases of both conditions. And they say: "It is felt that the excessive use of cold creams and powder and the substitution of cleansing

1 Ibid., 10.6.33, pp. 1000–1001.
2 Ibid., 21.10.33, p. 65.
3 J.A.M.A., 16.9.33, pp. 962–963.
4 Ibid., 22.7.33, pp. 259 et seq.
5 Ibid., 29.7.33, pp. 363–364. See also a case of dermato-ophthalmitis due to the same cause, reported by Dr. C. E. Horner and other similar cases. (Ibid., 11.11.33, pp. 1558–1561).


cream for soap and water favour the development and multiplication of these organisms. This may partially account for the recognized predominance of acne rosacea in women." 1
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Re: The Choice of a Mate, by Anthony M. Ludovici

Postby admin » Mon Jan 29, 2018 6:01 am

Part 3 of 3

This is independent confirmation of Dr. McKenna's views, and rather invalidates Dr. Alice Carleton's objections to them.

Regarding the lipstick habit, in addition to its "unsavouriness", cases appear to be known, in which lending a lipstick has proved dangerous. Drs. Buschke and A. Joseph report a case of syphilis contracted in this way; 2 but other ailments less grave, though also disagreeable might with equal ease be similarly conveyed.

There seems to be little doubt, therefore, that, on the whole, cosmetics are to be condemned on hygienic grounds. But by far the gravest charge to be advanced against them is that they work dysgenically by concealing in the prospective mate characters such as complexion, pigmentation, form, colour and luxuriance of eyebrows, which may be important indications of health and constitution.

Hypertrichosis which, as I have shown, is an important tell-tale character in the female, is now also being removed by electrolysis; 3 but who can doubt that such a procedure is in more than one sense a barefaced fraud? For if by electrolysis a reader of this book, trying to apply his knowledge, is deceived and marries a girl who really has hypertrichosis, a fraud is perpetrated which certainly has more serious results than a financial crime of the same nature.

I have already drawn attention to the dysgenic effect of plastic and cosmetic surgery; but is not the danger of cosmetics and electrolysis equally serious?

Take such a significant feature as the eyebrow, of which I have already spoken in detail. If it is imperfect and reaches only half-way across the supra-orbital arch, it indicates a condition most serious for the future of the girl concerned and for her children — namely, hypothyroidism.

This "eyebrow sign" or "signe du sourcil" as Hertoghe called it, "consists in a rarification, amounting sometimes to complete absence of the hair in the outer two-thirds of the eyebrow." 4 And, seeing that the thyroid gland is most important in gestation and lactation, for "lactation is dependent upon a due supply of thyroid secretion", 5 the consequences of obliterating this eye-

1 Ibid., 4.3.33, pp. 645–647.
2 Ibid., 1.12.28, p. 1417.
3 Ibid., 29.7.33, p. 391.
4 Dr. L. Williams (op. cit., p. 266).
5 Ibid., p. 253. For other symptoms and consequences of hypothryoidism, see relevant section above.


brow sign either by eyebrow painting, eyebrow plucking, or both, can hardly be exaggerated.

But to-day we have both practices in full swing. Not only are the hairs extracted to produce a curve where there was a straight line, or to remove the eyebrow entirely and leave a blank for the pencilling of an artificial one, but we also have eyebrow painting.

Stratz says: "Eyebrows that are long and end in a point are beautiful, but those that join up at the root of the nose are ugly", and he adds: "a satisfactory reason for this cannot be found." 1 If, however, he had studied Kretschmer's schizophrene, 2 he would have had at least a biological, if not an æsthetic, reason for condemning eyebrows that grow together.

It is no reply to the arguments advanced here to point to the great civilizations of the near and distant past in which female make-up and eyebrow plucking has been practised, 3 because it is only comparatively recently that Natural Selection has been seriously interfered with by scientific medicine and surgery. When, owing to the elementary state of the latter, natural processes eliminate the abnormal, it does not matter whether tell-tale morphological signs are tampered with or not; because, in the end, if sound values prevail, the sound will be the selected survivors and will determine the mature of posterity.

When, however, we find, as we do to-day, that thanks to countless artificial aids, it is possible to breed from the unsound, it becomes of paramount importance that all robust individuals, who cherish ideals of human desirability, should be able, in spite of the sick and morbid values of the Age, to select a mate who will not defeat their eugenic aims, and their will to do well by their children. But how can they do this unless there is absolute honesty, and no suppression, by either cosmetic surgery or applied cosmetics, of self-revelatory features?

Apart from the injury cosmetics may inflict on those who use them, and from the distaste they arouse in most men, we may, therefore, claim that we are not healthy enough at present to put up with any gerrymandering with our prospective mate's morphological characters. Consequently, cosmetic surgery and products do but add more pitfalls to a path sufficiently strewn

1 D.S.W.K., p. 183.
2 See pp. 277 and 280–281 supra.
3 Apart from evidence about other cultures, Capt. F. Brinkley tells us that eyebrow plucking, in females and males, was a common practice during the military period in Japan. (JAPAN, ITS HISTORY, ARTS AND LITERATURE, London, 1903, II, pp. 91 and 104). We also know it was practised during the Renaissance in Europe (Dr. G. Groddeck: DER MENSCH ALS SYMBOL, Vienna, 1933, p. 48).


with them for those men and women who wish to see, and co-operate in, an ascent to the line of human evolution, and who, to put it less grandiloquently, at least wish to safeguard their offspring.

If a man deliberately selects a girl with the "eyebrow sign", he may, if he chooses, encourage her subsequently to paint over, or disguise, the stigma. And, if a girl deliberately chooses a man with hideous prognathism or hare-lip, she may, if she likes, urge him, after marriage, to have his disfigurement surgically attenuated. But both would have acted with their eyes open and would have only themselves to blame for any distressing results.

The fact, however, that to-day, owing to cosmetic surgery and cosmetics, an innocent party may be led blindly into marriage with a partner whose natural stigmata, uninterfered with, would have revealed some congenital trouble, is a public scandal which only an Age of Socratic degenerates would put up with.

All men should, therefore, make a stand against cosmetics and manifest their preference for the girls who do not use make-up, by favouring them in every possible way.

Manners. See the equivalent section in the previous chapter.

Muscular Development. The cultivation of muscular strength in a woman as an end in itself amounts to athleticism, and concerning the female athlete the following facts should be considered.

(1) That there is probably a relation between her athletic tastes and her constitution, and, if so, she may be suspected of male elements.

(2) That if her tastes are not athletic, and athleticism has been forced upon her by (a) a school curriculum, (b) a desire to emulate friends, or to be fashionable, or (c) inferiority feelings which, in a society whose standards discredit the specifically feminine, lead her to seek compensations by a strenuous cultivation of masculine pastimes, then the pursuit of athleticism cannot leave her undamaged, even though it be opposed to her taste.

Let me consider (1) first.

Drs. E. Düntzer and M. Hellendall examined the physique of 1500 female participants in a gymnastic contest, whose ages ranged from 15 to 38. The muscular type prevailed among them, and pelvimetry revealed that the majority had comparatively small pelves. But the investigators state that this was not due to the bodily exercise, but to the fact "that women who are interested in athletics are usually not of the type that have a large pelvis." 1

Dr. Stephen Westmann, after a study of the data up to 1930, thinks that the majority of female sports enthusiasts are congenitally masculine. "I am of the opinion," he says, "that the women observed by me as a gynæcologist, and by Bach and others as anthropometrists, were of a kind who, on the whole, were congenitally of a male type, and on the basis of other observations I have come to the conclusion that, with few exceptions, all women, as Franzmeyer has already shown, who are conspicuous in competitive sports, belong to this type." He claims further that this has been proved by the records of the German Central Sports and Games Board, in the tests applied for the female honours candidates in German gymnastics and sports contests; for it was the women with slim and slender proportions and narrow pelves who more or less easily passed these severe tests, closely approximating to the male standard of achievement. 2

He asks whether it is desirable to multiply this type. If, however, he had seen the facts advanced in Chapter III, Part II, above, he would have known that in Europe we have been aiming at this type, off and on, for almost 2500 years. And, taking these facts in conjunction with what he and others I have just quoted now say, the conclusion seems justified that a correlation exists between athletic tastes in woman and congenital masculinism of form. 3

Now to the second point — the extent to which the steady pursuit of athletics may develop masculine characters even in girls whose morphology and tastes are not originally athletic, and who have gone in for sport, gymnastics and violent outdoor games for the reasons stated.

In a former work, I suggested that "in young girls Nature makes an effort to compensate the excessive demands made by violent sports in the muscles and bony structure of the legs and pelvis, by proceeding to a premature stiffening of the fleshy and

1 J.A.M.A., 4.1.30.
2 F.F., p. 15.
3 An interesting light is shed on this conclusion by the recent doubts expressed by Mr. B. C. Sims, Manager of the South African Games Team, regarding the sex of certain foreign female competitors in the Women's World Games at the White City, Shepherd's Bush, in August, 1934. He declared that "some of the foreigners gave an impression of masculinity", and added that "some of the British girls spoke to him about it". Miss Eileen Crockart, who represented South Africa in the field events in London, endorsed Mr. Sims' views. She said: "We often thought they were men athletes when we saw them on the track. There was no doubt, however, that they were women." (See Daily Press, 21.9.34.)


a premature ossification of the bony parts." 1 We know that in sailors "the circumference of the hips is less than in soldiers," 2 a fact indicating that even in males, the earlier intensive use of the thighs in exercise accelerates ossification and arrests full development.

Dr. Stephan Westmann, apparently unaware of this difference between sailors and soldiers, says: "The female infant's pelvis has the tendency to grow normally by developing in width. The muscles attached to the pelvic bones, particularly those round the pelvis which, originating at the rump, attach themselves to the thigh bones, may — and this possibility cannot be dismissed off-hand — act constrictively and formatively like a corset on the developing pelvis, if they have been excessively strengthened and hardened by much physical exercise." And he adds, "this perhaps explains why the pelvimetric records of an investigator like Bach, for instance, revealed a preponderance of narrow pelves among female gymnasts and sportswomen who have engaged in prize-contests." 3

This would suggest that such women would be bad mothers, i.e. physically ill-adapted for parturition. G. J. Engelmann, the American gynæcologist, believed this, and as a result of a study of English and American gymnastic teachers, circus artists, etc., he found that "excessive development of the muscular system is certainly unfavourable to maternity, for it would seem to be a fact that women who exercise all their muscles excessively meet with increased difficulties in parturition." 4

Dr. Strassman takes a wider view and says that his experience and that of every doctor practising midwifery, proves that "women who go in for athletics, and artistes who perform in variety shows, are the very type who often have very difficult confinements." 5 Düntzer and Hellendall, on the other hand, did not find confinements difficult in their material, except in one case, 6 though the consensus of expert opinion is on Westmann's side.

Mr. Meyrick Booth has collected an impressive number of data and arguments 7 to the effect that in athletic women a general stiffening and constriction of the pelvic area probably occurs, and

1 W.V., p. 114.
2 D.O.M., p. 32.
3 F.F., p. 14.
4 T.O.S. . p. 44.
5 F.F., p. 26. Dr. Westmann advances a mass of evidence. His whole book should be read, and an English translation is badly needed.
6 J.A.M.A., 4.1.30.
7 See WOMAN AND SOCIETY (London, 1929, Chap. III), also YOUTH AND SEX (London, 1932, p. 160 et seq.).


quotes maternal mortality figures in Anglo-Saxon countries to support his argument. Dr. Adolphe Abrahams also deprecates "violent and competitive exercise for women." 1

We may also ask, if the pelvic development is interfered with by athletics, as seems probable, are the sexual functions also? An investigation recently carried out by Dr. Augusta Hoffmann seems to show that menstruation certainly is. She observed 87 students training to be teachers of athletics and 127 students training as laboratory technicians, photographers and metallographers. Only one-third of the latter group took some form of gymnastic exercise twice a week or more, but the amount taken was in any case less than that taken by the group of 87. Before the training began, the girls of Group I, who are said to have been of "a better physical type" [readers of this book may well wonder what is meant by this nowadays], showed irregularities in the menstrual cycle to the extent of only 5.6 per cent of their number, whereas in Group II the percentage was 15.7 and the girls entirely free from complaints was 74.7 per cent in Group I and 34.6 per cent in Group II. In the course of the training, however, "the picture changed". Of the students training for technical occupations only five developed irregularities in menstruation, in one of whom the change followed gymnastic activity. Leucorrhea developed in three, in two of them in connexion with athletic activities.

Of the athletic girls (Group I) 25 developed menstrual irregularities and interruptions of up to nine weeks occurred, particularly during intensive training. Painful menstruation was reported by 28 of the students, and leucorrhea developed in 14. 2 These findings are confirmed by an inquiry recently carried out in Japan, whither female athleticism, together with the other Western miasmas, including Christianity and Hellenism, has of course spread in the last half century.

Professor M. Iwata, of the Nohon Medical College, examined 418 girls who had won championships in sports and games. 86.9 per cent began athletics before 14, and 86.7 per cent before the menarche. And whereas cases of menstrual irregularities in schoolgirls in general averaged 32.6 to 37.9 per cent, those of the female athletes were 50.6 per cent. Pain with menstruation

1 MED. PRESS, 27.6.27. Also P.P.M., pp. 51–53, for Heape's view against violent exercise for women. Dr. Arabella Kenealy (op. cit., Book 1, Chap. V, and Book II, Chap. III) also has much to say on the evil results of athleticism in women.
2 J.A.M.A., 8.7.33, pp. 178–179.


occurred in the former in 38.09 to 48.39 per cent of cases, in the latter in 56.33 per cent of cases. And certain wise steps have accordingly been taken by the Japanese authorities. 1

Drs. Dünzter and Hellendall found in their material of 1500 female gymnasts, that "the majority of women who reported unfavourable effects [in menstruation] stated that the harmful effects could be traced to strenuous exertion." 2

These findings are confirmed by Dr. Stephan Westmann, who gives many more facts than I have quoted, in support of them; 3 so that there seems to be little doubt that as might have been expected, function as well as morphology is affected by athleticism in females.

Dr. J. H. Paton also adduces many facts and arguments in support of this view. He shows that in the school from which his figures are drawn, of 78 girls questioned at the age of 17, only 43 experienced regular menstruation, that intermittent amenorrhea was the type of irregularity present, and that, on inquiry, "it is commonly found that a normal period occurs during the holidays in girls who are amenorrhœic during the school term." He adds: "In my opinion, the cause of this defect is to be looked for in the long hours of continuous effort, mental and physical, in posed upon the adolescent girl by the modern school curriculum." Earlier in the paper he questions the validity of the claim that the continuance of active games during menstruation leads to no harm. 4

The conclusion from the above data is that, in addition to the small-hipped, masculoid girls who, in any event, would drift by taste and proclivity to gymnastic and violent sports, there is a large contingent of normal girls whom the athletic pastimes themselves probably render masculoid, and this surmise is supported, in addition to the other evidence I have adduced, by the very interesting suggestion of Dr. Riddle, quoted above, 5 to the effect that the increased metabolism induced in the female by athletic pursuits is unfavourable to her normal development and reproductive functions.

When confronted by a girl whose hard muscles and athletic proficiency are manifest, the reader would therefore seem to be entitled to infer either that her tastes and morphology were

1 Ibid., 26.8.33, p. 723.
2 Ibid., 4.1.30.
3 F.F., pp. 16–20.
4 B.M.J., 10.9.27 (op. cit., pp. 444–445).
5 Pp. 287–288 and note 2, p. 374 supra.


congenitally masculoid, or that they have been made so by a routine enforced by the masculine curriculum of her schools, or by other causes already enumerated. In either case she is an undesirable mate from the standpoint of maternity.

Nationality. Same as self.

Occupation. Regarding the list of occupations and the health of those who follow them, given in the equivalent section to this in the previous chapter, Professor G. Dreyer and G. F. Hanson say: "The same kind of grouping may apply to females, though a relatively larger number of women will be found to belong to Class C." 1

As to the general question whether one's wife should after marriage continue an occupation outside the home, the whole object of marriage, as it has been defined in this book, is surely inconsistent with any such arrangement.

It is difficult to give statistical proof of the claim that conjugal happiness is marred by a wife's work outside the home. But one careful investigator certainly found that this was so. "Of the 922 women [in Miss K. B. Davis's material) who answered the question as to gainful occupation after marriage, 239, or 25 per cent., were so engaged . . . the largest in any one occupation were teachers," And Miss Davis says: "We feel safe . . . in saying that as to the groups studied, occupation outside the home during married life is not conducive to married happiness." 2 And again: "Demonstrably significant and apparently militating against the happiness of married life are spooning, sex intercourse before marriage, and occupation outside the home after marriage." 3

This is scant support of my contention; but it confirms an a priori and rather obvious conclusion which, on rational grounds, seems to me to be unassailable.

Pigmentation. See the equivalent section in the previous chapter, and apply the conclusion to the opposite sex.

Proportions. The ground has already been covered fairly exhaustively in Chapter III, Part II, and in the equivalent section of the previous chapter. In any case, I need hardly refer again to the head, or to the trunk-leg and shoulder-pelvis ratios, 4 and,

1 A.P.F., p. 17, foot-note.
2 F.I.L.T., pp. 6, 7, and 44.
3 Ibid., p. 59.
4 Interesting tables lately confirmatory of my own findings on these questions are given by Hirschfeld (G.K., I, p. 401), as follows:—
Trunk-leg Ratio
In the normally heterosexual man / 100 : 95
In the normally heterosexual woman 100 : 91
In the man with deficient sexual glands / 100 : 125
In the woman with deficient sexual glands / 100 : 127
In the homosexual man / 100 : 107
In the homosexual woman/ 100 : 106
Shoulder-pelvis Ratio
In the normally heterosexual man / 100 : 81
In the normally heterosexual woman / 100 : 97
In the man with deficient sexual glands / 100 : 86
In the woman with deficient sexual glands / 100 : 92
In the homosexual man / 100 : 85
In the homosexual woman / 100 : 94


if we bear in mind the female's functions and their requirements, we cannot depart seriously from the traditional ideal of female proportions in so far as it has survived in spite of morbid Greek influence.

In the words of Walter Heape, the female "requires rounded limbs and full hips and breasts, not lean flanks and flat chest," 1 i.e. in contemplating the female figure, we should be able to note at once its specific differences from our own. The head should be relatively smaller, the trunk relatively larger, the legs relatively shorter, the shoulders narrower and the pelvis larger than they are in us. Finally, we should find the characteristic knock-kneed appearance caused by the broad base of the pelvis from which the thigh bones descend.

"The nether limbs," says Dr. Heilborn, "reveal a distinct massiveness and shortness of the thighs, this condition being perhaps accentuated in appearance by the greater width of the pelvis. Together with this essentially different form in comparison with man, the lower limbs are not straight, but incline inwards above the knee . . . so that you have unmistakable X-legs, or, as in popular language, knock-knees." 2

All this is not only true but, in regard to the desirable woman, admirably described. Unfortunately, Dr. Heilborn ruins the effect of his analysis of the sex-differences in bodily proportion by the following ridiculous outburst:—

"The natural" knock-knees of the woman are, æsthetically, the greatest blemish in the figure of the small 'narrow-shouldered, wide-hipped and short-legged sex'." 3

What does this absurd and confused remark mean? Havelock Ellis, the shrewdest and ablest of the feminists, who always

1 P.F.M., p. 51.
2 T.O.S., p. 13. Also S.P.W., p. 154. "In woman the pelvis is wider and the upper ends of the thigh-bones are consequently farther apart. Then since the femora must come together at the knees they have a greater obliquity in women."
3 T.O.S., p. 14.


contrives to conceal his feminist bias beneath an elaborate display of scientific objectivity, is guilty of the same absurdity. He says: "This obliquity of the legs is the most conspicuous æsthetic defect of the feminine form in the erect posture, while it unfits women for attitudes of energy, and compels them to run by alternate semi-circular rotation of the legs." 1

On what scientific grounds do Heilborn and Havelock Ellis then speak of this female leg as if it broke some well-established canon? — None whatever! There is no æsthetic canon, according to which a straight human leg is more beautiful than one that comes down obliquely to the knee and then turns out again.

The back legs of a dog, a lion, a kangaroo, and a cow are not straight. Are they, therefore, any the less beautiful? What is behind this talk about an alleged æsthetic canon that condemns the normal female leg?

The reader ought surely to be able to guess.

These people — Goethe, Schopenhauer, Heilborn and Havelock Ellis (and millions more I cannot name) — are all unconsciously dupes either of the male-homosexual ideal of the Greeks, which saw beauty only in the male form, or else of the typically feminist attitude of male-worship which aims as far as possible at assimilating the female to the male in all things. And, in view of Havelock Ellis's feminist leanings, it would seem as if, in his case at least, the latter alternative suggested were probably correct.

I say, and I am probably the first to say, and shall therefore get no thanks for it, that these people who, parrot-like, repeat the Hellenic condemnation of the female's shape and proportions as being unæsthetic, do not know what they are talking about.

Once and for all, there is absolutely nothing in æsthetics or the theory of beauty to justify this supposed inferiority of woman's normal form in the hierarchy of æsthetic desirability. On a sane heterosexual basis, one might just as plausibly argue that the respective beauty of the two sexes is equal, or that that of woman is greater, 2 as argue that that of man necessarily sets the standard. For, if we are to have a unisexual standard, why

1 M.W., p. 50. Havelock Ellis nevertheless maintains accurately elsewhere (S.P.S., IV, pp. 164–165) that "amongst most people of Europe, Asia and Africa, the chief continents of the world, the large hips and buttocks of women are commonly regarded as an "important feature of beauty", and "broad hips, which involve a large pelvis, are necessarily a characteristic of the highest human races, because the races with the largest heads must be endowed also with the largest pelves to enable their large heads to enter the world".
2 Finck, foolishly, actually does this. R.L.P.M., II, p. 127: "From eighteen to twenty-five woman is more beautiful than man."


should we not take the female leg, and condemn the male straight leg accordingly?

A woman's functions demand a broader pelvis than man's. But is suitability to function to be a ground for a charge of æsthetic defect? Is the cart-horse ugly because the race-horse is beautiful?

Woman's legs start from a broader base than man's, but another specific feature in her, which adds to the breadth of her hips and to the obliquity of her legs, is the peculiar construction of the head of her thigh-bone.

As is well known, a lateral neck projects from the top end of the human thigh-bone, and this has a globular head, or condyle, which fits into a socket in the pelvis. Now, in the male, this neck is said by many to be at an obtuse angle to the shaft, but in the female to be almost at a right angle. 1 This would naturally accentuate the effects described.

But whether this is so or not, a woman normally has a broader pelvic area than a man, and her legs descend in a way that gives them a knock-kneed appearance. To call this ugly and to try to modify it in the direction of male standards, is, I humbly suggest, Hellenic and modern stupidity. 2

"We will have her with good hippes, I mean,
For she will bear good sons, to mine intent." 3

Thus spoke the rhyming chronicler, Hardyng, of the Bishop of Hereford's mission to Flanders to choose a wife for Edward III, and thus every man would speak whose taste has not been tainted by the morbid tradition of Hellenism, or by feminist doctrine.

What we chiefly need to-day, therefore, is an æsthetic cult freed from unconscious Hellenic bias, and sufficiently enlightened not

1 Langer disputes this (op. cit., p. 229). and says the angle of the neck of the femur has nothing to do with sex. Stratz suggests that an approach to the right angle at this point may occur in either sex owing to the weight of the body bearing on rachitic bones (D.S.W.K., p. 315).
2 As a proof of the benighted application of masculine standards to girls, I quote the following case. A perfectly normally formed girl of my acquaintance was made, on the advice of her gymnastic master, to stand for a certain time every day with a dumbbell between her knees, with the object of trying to push them out, the ignorant fellow having assured her parents that, as she could not stand with her heels together without her knees overlapping, she was knock-kneed, a defect he tried to correct by the method described. As, in view of the monstrous nature of this fact, the reader may conceivably question its authenticity, the girl in question, now an adult, has promised me to confirm the story personally if asked to do so.
3 CHAUCER AND HIS ENGLAND, by G. G. Coulton (London, 1921, p. 183).


to judge a piano from the standpoint of a clock, not to condemn all dogs except greyhounds, because of the "æsthetic defects" which the greyhound does not reveal, and all women except the eunuchoid or gynandromorphic female, because of "æsthetic defects" which are not displayed in the male.

We require, in fact, a canon that will enable us to admire normal female beauty as such, and to banish from our minds the pernicious nonsense which, rooted in ancient Greece, has descended to the present day to blossom forth in pseudo-scientific treatises. 1

The reader should not, therefore, shun the young woman of normal proportions so unfashionable to-day. On the contrary, remembering that morphology and psychology are not to be separated, he should learn to admire her specific beauty, and select her for his mate.

Another important point to bear in mind is that endocrine disturbances leading to virilism, eunuchoidism, infantilism, etc., are by no means the only causes of skeletal abnormalities which may prevent a girl from turning out a normally functioning mother. A woman may appeal perfectly normal, and there may be nothing wrong with her endocrine balance, and yet her pelvis may be deformed in such a way as to render child-birth difficult for her. In such cases, the pelvis is usually rachitic — that is to say, at some stage in her development she has had "rickets", and this has left its mark upon her, although it may require some acuteness to detect the condition of "rickets successfully overcome" in her limbs. She will not necessarily be bow-legged, for that would make the condition obvious, and of such a woman it could not be said that she "appeared perfectly normal". Stratz, however, maintains that in women with "rickets overcome" who superficially appear normal, certain signs are, nevertheless, apparent; and my own observation supports him in this. He says that if we examine the legs and arms of such women, we shall notice a thickening of the joints and odd curves above the ankles and the wrists, which are the traces of the former ailment. This is perfectly true, and I have verified this

1 Bloch is a notable exception. He says: "The observation of the physical differences between man and woman also teaches us the futility of the old disputes as to whether man's body or woman's was the more beautiful. The different tasks which lie before the male and female bodies respectively give rise to different development of individual parts. If the development is complete in its kind, the body is beautiful. . . . Masculine and feminine beauty are different. There can be no question regarding the superiority of one or the other." (S.L.O.T., pp. 64, 65.)


statement frequently. 1 I only suggest to Stratz that the detection of these self-revelatory curves requires a doctor's or a draughtsman's eye; hence the need of expert advice in a doubtful case.

Osteomalachia and osteomyelitis are other causes of the same condition, but rickets is the commonest, and Stratz says it occurs in 30 per cent of human beings. 2

Regarding the sitting-height-weight and chest ratio of the female, I shall now give Professor Dreyer's and G. F. Hanson's normal proportions, which, like the equivalent ratios for the male, I have found very helpful. The chest circumference should be taken just below the breasts. Their findings are as follows:—

Head and trunk in inches. / Weight in stones lbs. and ozs. / Chest measurement in inches.

30 / 6, 3, 4 / 26-3/8
30 ½ / 6, 8, 4 / 26-3/4
31 / 6, 13, 3 / 27-3/16
31 ½ / 7, 4, 4 / 27-11/16
32 / 7, 9, 8 / 27-15/16
32 ½ / 8, 1, 0 / 38-3/8
33 / 8, 6, 10 / 28-3/4
33 ½ / 8, 12, 8 / 29-1/8
34 / 9, 4, 8 / 29-1/2
34 ½ / 9, 10, 12 / 29-15/16
35 / 10, 3, 3 / 30-15/16
35 ½ / 10, 9, 13 / 30-11/16
36 / 11, 2, 11 / 31-1/8
36 ½ / 11, 9, 12 / 31-1/2 3


Stratz gives detailed proportions for the normal female figure, which are also worth quoting. He says the body height should equal 10 masks, or 9 hands, or 8 heads, or 7 foot-lengths. The brow should equal the height of mask. The arms should be three heads long, the legs four heads, and the shoulders two heads broad. And he suggests a formula for finding a woman's proper weight as follows: chest-circumference (cm.) x body-height (cm.) / 240 = weight in kilograms, or the body height (cm.) – 105 = weight in kilograms. 4 Since the legs are, as we have seen, a variable feature, however, these formulæ seem less reliable than Professor Dreyer's standards above. Stratz, however, affirms that both formulæ are reliable.

1 D.S.W.K., pp. 113–123, and 299, 316. See particularly figure 76, p. 122.
2 D.S.W.K., p. 130.
3 A.P.F., pp. 88–89 and 93–94.
4 D.S.W.K., pp. 103 and 459 (circumference in this case should be measured over the most prominent points of breasts.


Regarding the face or mask, he suggests the following equations: "Height of forehead = length of nose = length of mouth and chin =length of ear."

"The palpebral fissure : width of mouth : face or mask = 2:3:5."

"The width of the mouth should be to the palpebral fissure as 3:2."

"The eyes should be one eye-width apart, so that the width between the outer corners of the eyes should be twice the width of the mouth." 1

"The wrists should be on a line with the pubes, and the elbows on a line with the narrowest point of the waist." 2 Finally, Stratz found that in 25 well-built women, the average proportions were:—

Height: 162.5 cm., or 5 ft. 4 ins.
Shoulder breadth: 37.5 cm., or 14.7 ins.
Hip breadth: 33.5 cm., or 13.1 ins. 3


Regarding the size of the breasts, it is curious to note that in mediæval Europe and sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Spain, probably owing to the asceticism of Christianity, the women tried to prevent the development of their breasts. In Spain they achieved this end "by pressing plates of lead on the swelling breasts of young girls". . . who "were more ashamed of a developing breast than of any other physical deformity." 4

In recent times the absence of breasts among the girls of the Bregenzerwald appears to be due to a similar practice, except that their "mothers tie wooden plates on their daughters if they show a tendency to become conspicuous on account of prominent breasts."

Apparently this practice is also common among the Ossetes, a Caucasian people, and has spread all over the Tyrol. 5

Fortunately now, however, we have, in western Europe, at least (whatever the unfortunate savage may still have to suffer through missionaries), sufficiently humiliated the official representatives of Christianity for them no longer to dare to dictate to us what we shall do with our bodies, and to-day there is (except occasionally, i.e. among women of the masculoid or infantile type, or among women suffering acutely from the

1 Ibid., p. 191.
2 Ibid., p. 297.
3 Ibid., p. 148.
4 W., pp. 62–63. See also S.P.S., IV, pp. 170–172. D.S.W.K., p. 245, and R.L.P.B., II, p. 211.
5 W., p. 63. Also T.O.S., pp. 19–20.


castration complex) in both sexes a frank admiration of the female bosom, which no asceticism can daunt.

Nevertheless, over-development of the breast in a young English woman, is not beautiful, and pendulous breasts, the sign of motherhood, maturity 1 or adiposity, are unbecoming in a girl, whose breasts should be round, firm, resilient, and the right pointing right and the left pointing left. 2 Buffon was probably right when he said that lines drawn from the nipples to the hollow of the neck and to each other, should form an equilateral triangle, 3 which could not be if the breasts were pendulous. 4 Nor should it be supposed that the heavily-developed breast, as Schopenhauer imagined, is necessarily the best for motherhood. The normal breast, as described, is not heavy, and is usually the more efficient in lactation. 5

Race. Same as self.

Religion. If it is considered important, same as self. In any case, a man should have enough intellectual ascendancy over the girl of his choice to make his religion hers.

Stature. Everything essential has been said in the corresponding section of the previous chapter. Dr. I. Bloch confirms most of it. He says: "The mean stature of woman is somewhat less than that of man", and he sets the European difference at 4 3/4 ins. Among the savage races of Brazil, he says the average difference was found to be 4.14 ins. 6 The reader should, moreover, remember what was said in Chapter III, Part II. Unless she come from a normally tall stock, a tall girl, especially if she have a male trunk-leg ratio, is to be suspected of masculine elements, eunuchoidism, or genital hypoplasia.

1 Stratz insists, however, that no deformation of a fine breast need necessarily follow motherhood. (D.S.W.K., pp. 256–260.)
2 M.W., p. 44.
3 DAS SEXUELLE PROBLEM (Edit. by Dr. E. Mertens, Munich, 1910, pp. 106, 107).
4 Magian says (S.P.W., p. 47): "The breasts are firm and elastic in consistency, and should stand out without drooping unless they are unusually large, or the girl is either very stunted or thin." On this question Stratz is helpful. He confirms most of above, and I have based my remarks largely on him (D.S.W.K., pp. 251–26l).
5 Stratz (D.S.W.K., p. 259) says: "The most vigorous breasts, which preserve their original beauty longest are the small, not too prominent ones that are set high in the chest, are beautifully rounded and have firm and strongly developed muscles. These are the breasts most highly prized by midwives for their yield, and they are given the name of 'fleshy' breasts [presumably as opposed to fat breasts); for experience has told them that breasts of this kind (consisting chiefly of glandular tissue) are richer in milk than the large soft fatty breasts." (See also D.S.W.K., pp. 90 and 98.)
6 S.L.O.T., p. 61.


Stock and Family. Apply to the female all that has been said of the male in the corresponding section above. It should be the duty of a man's female relatives to do for him in this respect all that he can do for his sister in regard to her prospective mate.

Temperament. Most essentials have been discussed under Erotic Disposition. The reader should look out sharply for possible forms of sublimation (this, of course, applies only to women out of their teens) indulged in by a prospective mate, and I do not think that excessive dancing should be overlooked. Balzac, a notable sex-psychologist, said of dancing, that it is one of the causes of frigidity, 1 and he was probably right. In a virgin of over 21, a passionate attachment to dancing is fairly certain to be a form of compensation.

Few people seem to appreciate that dancing is essentially a vestibular occupation. It is a preliminary to that closer acquaintance which terminates in love; it is to some extent the play of secondary sexual characteristics. If, therefore, it does not ultimately lead to consummation, as it does not in the majority of cases in modern society, it constitutes a process of stimulation and excitation undergone as an end in itself. Thus it may, if made a habit, become a fixed though inadequate means of satisfaction, because there is no other.

Innocuous and even healthy and stimulating as it may be in a young virgin, in an older spinster it is more likely to have become a sublimating expedient, which, by diverting some of her libido from normal sex expression may render her frigid towards the heterosexual appeal if such should come along.

The reader should also be warned against the frigid woman, discussed in Chapter III, Part II. Wieth-Knudsen gives, some interesting data, which is largely confirmatory of what is there said about the frequency of this frigid woman in our midst.

He claims that in every 100 women —

20 per cent are Frigidissimæ, or cold women with total sexual anæsthesia.
25 per cent are Frigidæ, or indifferent women with partial sexual anæsthesia.
30 per cent are Frigidæ, or compliant women with partial sexual anæsthesia.
15 per cent are Warm.
10 per cent are Passionate. 2

Voice. I have not yet known a woman with a rough, deep

1 P.M., p. 177.
2 F., p. 104.


voice, who had not undesirable male elements in her constitution. The associated feature, a discernable "Adam's apple," is, according to Dr. Maranon, a sign of sexual intermediateness in the female. 1 Select, therefore, a girl whose voice is free from any baritone notes, however rare.

Widows. The desirability of widows as mates turns on the answer to various questions, the chief of which is, Is telegony a fact? And by telegony is meant an influence exercised by the psycho-physical characters of a woman's first mate upon the psycho-physical characters of her offspring by a second or third mate.

An animated controversy has raged about this question for generations, and although official science has decided that telegony is a myth, and, therefore, that to marry a widow who is a mother is, from the standpoint of one's future children, of no consequence, the man who is race-conscious and anxious to have children who owe their characters only to his own and his wife's stocks, may like to hear what can now be said on both sides.

The old belief may be given in the words of Edward Hartmann, who, in 1886, said: "A mother has to live for some time in an interchange of blood with a second body, whose composition is only half-conditioned by qualities inherited from the mother, the other half being contributed by paternally inherited characteristics. She has, therefore, partly nourished her system with blood, owing half its nature to her husband, and in this way has assimilated some of the peculiarities of the latter. . . . The husband of a widow does not, therefore, find a clean page, but one written over by his predecessor, with whose hereditary tendencies his own must enter into conflict." 2

In other words, the belief was that a woman was infected by her first mate, and that the infection modified subsequent children by another mate.

The case, however, is not as simple as Hartmann states; for there is no direct communication between the blood of the mother and that of the growing fœtus. Dr. Otto Grosser says: "Maternal blood can never be directly introduced into the fœtus; the circulatory channels can never directly anostomose. . . . The first reason is the impossibility for the embryonal vessels to sustain maternal blood pressure, at least in the beginning of the development." The second is, "we know that the structure of

1 Op. cit. p. 58.
2 THE SEXES COMPARED (trans. by A. Kenner, M.A., London, 1895, pp. 12–13).


the most complex organic substances, the proteins, is very manifold, varying from organ to organ, but also from species to species. . . . So it is even between mother and embryo. . . . It is the chemical individuality of each of them, as well as the morphological one, that has to be guaranteed by a persistent separating wall between the blood streams. But the deeper reason for the necessity of this division is bisexual reproduction; if the union were too intimate the influence of the mother would be an overwhelming one." 1 Hence the human placenta.

Darwin, who referred to one or two well-attested instances of telegony in horses, pigs, dogs and sheep, did not think the effects noticed could be due to any strong influence on the imagination of the mother, or to "the close attachment and freely intercommunicating bloodvessels between the modified embryo and and mother"; but, from the analogy of "the action of foreign pollen on the ovarium, seedcoats and other parts of the mother plant", thought that with animals "the male clement acts directly on the female, and not through the crossed embryo." 2

Dr. James Cossar Ewart, however, who set to work to test the truth of the theory based on the historical cases of alleged telegony, came to the conclusion that there was no evidence, at least in the animals he used, to indicate that a female could be infected by one mate to the extent of transmitting the latter's characters to her offspring by a subsequent mate.

Elaborate experiments were carried out with a richly striped Burchell zebra and a number of mares, and with zebra mares and horses. I cannot describe here what was actually done, but suffice it to say that, as far as it went, the work led to the conclusion that the apparent and alleged cases of telegony were really examples of reversion, and that a female cannot be infected in the way that Darwin, Herbert Spencer, W. B. Carpenter and G. J. Romanes supposed. 3 Dr. Ewart further claims that this rule is true also of dogs, cats, rabbits, mice, sheep and cattle, fowls and pigeons. 4

In spite of the Penycuik experiments, some modern scientific men, however, still seem to believe in telegony, as this passage from Dr. Van de Velde shows: "By reason of the close associ-

1 HUMAN AND COMPARATIVE PLACENTATION (LANCET, 13.5.33, p. 999).
2 V.A.P.U.D., I., pp. 435–437. Also II, p. 361.
3 THE PENYCUIK EXPERIMENTS (London, 1899). The book gives a summary of the views of experts like Weissmann, Herbert Spencer, and Romanes on the subject.
4 R.B., 11th Ed., Art.: "Telegony", p. 510.


ation between mother and fœtus, and the continuous interchange of materials between the mother and the embryonic organism, the woman is impregnated with substances . . . which come from the fœtus . . . originating partly from the man who has impregnated her . . . a process which leaves traces behind it for a considerable period." 1

Professor J. Orth also appears to believe in some such influence, at least in animals and man, although he gives only one remarkable instance of it in man. He says: "A man with an abnormality of the genital organ, which had already shown itself in three generations, married a woman of a healthy family, and not related to him, who bore him three children, all of whom inherited the same malformation, transmitting it in part eventually to their descendants. The same woman, though not hereditarily affected, married subsequently another man, who was also healthy and not hereditarily affected, and bore him four children, every one. of whom exhibited the malformation of her first husband." Orth explains the phenomenon, not as due to the woman's mental impressions, but to the effect on her of the first husband's seed, "which never reached any ova", and dissolved itself "in the woman's body and became part and parcel other." 2

Dr. Hirschfeld, who does not mention Dr. Ewart, also thinks telegony a possibility in animals, but believes that, where it seems to appear in man, it is due to woman's tendency to accept as a second mate a man who resembles her first love — hence the children's apparent resemblance to the latter. 3 Professor Karl Pearson, on the other hand, points out that if telegony were a fact, the younger children of the same sire would show an increased tendency to resemble him, whereas this is not the case. 4 And Dr. Otto Grosser says definitely that the theory of telegony "has been proved to be erroneous". 5

The consensus of authoritative opinion to-day is certainly against the theory of telegony. If, however, we enter deeply into the data and experiments on which a section of this scientific view is founded, we shall find many difficulties.

(1) There is the omission of the clement of nervous impressions (particularly in Man), to which Dr. Rohleder seems the only scientist to call attention. 6

1 S.H.I.M., p. 91.
2 M.D., p. 37.
3 G.K., I, p. 413. Cf. Bourget (P.A.M., p. 70): "Chaque femme n'aime jamais qu'un seul et même homme."
4 G.S., pp. 461–462.
5 Op. cit., p. 999.
6 O.K., I, p. 413.


(2) There is the probability of a difference, from the standpoint of the alleged telegenic influence, between marrying a widow who has had only one child, and one who has had several children.

(3) Professor Karl Pearson's observations appear to have been directed only to stature, which we know is most variable from numerous causes not directly traceable to parental stature. Would not other characters perhaps reveal an increasing resemblance to the sire in the younger children?

(4) It seems as if Professor Otto Grosser overestimates the efficacy of the placenta as a separation between the fœtus and the mother. We are certainly not confronted in this structure by a hermetically sealed partition, and does not Parasitology teach us that certain parasites — and the fœtus is a parasite on the mother — affect their host by their secretions, although less intimately connected with it?

On these grounds I think it possible that fresh light may yet be thrown on the theory of telegony, and that its dismissal by modern science has perhaps been a little hasty.

I deplore the re-marriage of widows further for the following reasons:—

(1) On the general grounds that they are usually well beyond their teens, that the most dramatic and unforgettable episode in a woman's life has in them already been stamped with the image of another man — in short, that their pristine impressionability has already been appropriated — and also that unless their charms are so superlative as to make them unique, it amounts to an absurd exaggeration of an individual woman's differences from other women, to select a widow rather than a nubile spinster who has not the former's disadvantages.

(2) It is the male's privilege to be the initiator in sexual congress, and this he forfeits with a widow. If the reluctance to act as initiator is a factor in making him choose a widow, as it undoubtedly is in many modern men, then what he needs most is not marriage but sex-education.

Nevertheless, the following figures, culled from the Registrar-General's Statistical Reviews, show what an unduly large proportion of marriages in this country still take place with widows, and I should require a great deal of convincing that even as much as 10 per cent of them were due to the women in the case having been so superlatively seductive that no nubile virgin could have competed with them.

There is a steady and almost proportionate rise of widow-marriages from 1850 to 1912. Starting from 1850, if I give the figures only at each decade, the reader will appreciate the position for himself:—

Year / Total Marriages. / Bachelors and Widows. / Widowers and Widows.

1850 / 152,738 / 6,575 / 7,583
1860 / 176,156 / 7,098 / 8,260
1870 / 181,655 / 8,134 / 9,307
1880 / 191,965 / 8,187 / 10,026
1892 1 / 227,135 / 8,520 / 10,094
1900 / 257,480 / 8,415 / 9,103
1910 / 267,712 / 8,500 / 8,067
1912 / 283,834 / 9,079 / 8,392


Then, if we take the years from 1914, we shall note the enormous and disproportionate rise, and the fall again after 1924:—

Year / Total Marriages. / Bachelors and Widows. / Widowers and Widows.

1915 / 360,855 / 13,711 / 10,032
1917 / 285,855 / 14,898 / 10,891
1918 / 287,163 / 18,278 / 12,191
1920 / 379,982 / 25,803 / 14,426
1921 / 320,852 / 17,968 / 11,173
1922 / 299,524 / 14,028 / 9,750
1923 / 292,408 / 11,551 / 9,246
1924 / 296,416 / 10,730 / 9,282
1925 / 295, 689 / 9,437 / 9,137
1926 / 279,860 / 8,556 / 8,372
1927 / 308,370 / 8,765 / 9,157
1928 / 303,228 / 8,344 / 8,820
1929 / 313,316 / 7,996 / 8,943
1930 / 315,109 / 7,815 / 8,379
1931 / 311,847 / 7,428 / 8,120
1932 / 307,184 / 6,802 / 7,688


It will be seen that, after 1925, there is a rapid and disproportionate decline in widow-marriages, to a point in 1932 at which they are less than in 1860, although the total number of marriages was more than half as much again as it was then. I wish I could boast that this has been due to my active propaganda against widow-marriages; but I cannot. And, still dissatisfied, I think, in view of the number of surplus spinsters in England and Wales, the proportion continues to be much too high, and should be lowered to vanishing point.

1 I could not get the figures for 1890.


It follows from the above that the nubile virgin is the female mate advocated in this book. There are serious reasons for this, not the least cogent being that:

(a) Since the bearing of a child is the only possible completion of the normal female's sexual cycle, any sterile "sexual experience" a girl may have before marriage, must be incomplete, non-satisfying, and therefore disturbing to her balance — hence the absurdity of so-called "sexual freedom" for girls.

(b) If she has had a child out of wedlock, she is psycho-physically no better than a widowed mother, and perhaps not even as good; for her unmarried motherhood may have been due to a lack of character, or of self-respect, or of a sense of responsibility.

(c) The experience of physical union through love is such a dramatic one in the normal girl's life, that it is best for her to have it first with the man who is to remain her life-partner.

(d) Since woman's complete sexual cycle involves gestation, parturition and lactation, and any sterile concentration on the orgasm tends to cultivate the recessive maleness in her sexual equipment, the normal girl, who has had pre-nuptial "sexual experience," coupled with infertility, must have been marred by appreciable masculinization. (See pp. 35–35, 452 and 464–465 supra.)

* * * * * * *

Finally, let the reader suppose me adapting to one of his sex what I said at the end of the last chapter, and adding that, while I hope the present work will enable him to exercise his individual taste with confidence and safety, I should like him to appreciate why I have avoided anything in the nature of a too rigid formulation of rules and directions.

I am well aware of the predilection shown by many people in favour of hard and fast, fool-proof rules — a predilection unscrupulously pandered to in popular treatises. But, at the risk of seeming less certain, because less dogmatic, I have preferred to keep within the bounds of scientific caution, and by placing as many facts as possible before the reader, to enable him to draw his own conclusions, in conformity with his own morphology and psychology, and with as much knowledge as would remove the worst perils and pitfalls from the undertaking.

The End
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