The History of Hindostan (1812), by Alexander Dow

That's French for "the ancient system," as in the ancient system of feudal privileges and the exercise of autocratic power over the peasants. The ancien regime never goes away, like vampires and dinosaur bones they are always hidden in the earth, exercising a mysterious influence. It is not paranoia to believe that the elites scheme against the common man. Inform yourself about their schemes here.

Re: The History of Hindostan, by Alexander Dow

Postby admin » Thu Dec 03, 2020 10:35 am

Part 1 of 15

Mahommedan Conquerors of India.

SHOULD we judge of the truth of a religion from the success of those who profess it, the pretended revelation of Mahommed might be justly thought divine. By annexing judiciously a martial spirit to the enthusiasm which he inspired by his religious tenets, he laid a solid foundation for that greatness at which his followers soon after arrived. The passive humility inculcated by Christianity, is much more fit for philosophical retirement than for those active and daring enterprizss, which animate individuals, and render a nation powerful and glorious. We accordingly find that the spirit and power, and, we may say, even the virtue of the Romans, declined with the introduction of a new religion among them; whilst the Arabians, in the space of a few years after the promulgation of the faith of Mahommed, rose to the summit of all human greatness.

The state of the neighbouring nations, it must be acknowledged, was extremely favourable to conquest, when the invasions of the Arabians 'happened. That part of the Roman empire, which survived the deluge of Barbarians that overspread the west, subsisted in the Lesser Asia, Syria, and Egypt, more from the want of foreign enemies than by the bravery or wise conduct of its Emperor Humanity never appeared in a more degrading light, than in the history of those execrable princes who ruled the Eastern empire. Mean, cruel, and cowardly, they were enthusiasts, without religion; assassins, without boldness; averse to war, though unfit for the arts of peace. The character of the people took the colour of that of their Emperors; vice and immorality increased under the cloak of enthusiasm, all manly spirit was extinguished by despotism, and excess of villainy was the only proof given of parts.

The empire of Persia was upon the decline, in its internal vigour and strength, for two ages before the Arabian invasion, after the death of Mahommed. The splendid figure it made under Noshirwan, was the effect of the extraordinary abilities of that great man, and not of any spirit remaining in the nation. The successors of Noshirwan were generally men of weak parts; the governors of provinces, during public distractions, assumed the independence, though not the name of princes, and little more than the imperial title remained to the unfortunate Yesdegert, who sat upon the throne of Persia, when the arms of the Arabs penetrated into that country.

It being the design of this Dissertation to give a succinct account of the manner in which the empire of Ghizni, which afterwards extended itself to India, was formed, it is foreign to our purpose to follow the Arabs through the progress of their conquests in Syria and Persia. It is sufficient to observe, that the extensive province of Chorassan, which comprehended the greatest part of the original dominions of the imperial family of Ghizni, was conquered in the thirty-first year of the Higerah, by Abdulla the son of Amir, one of the generals of Osman, who then was Calipha, or Emperor of the Arabians. Abdulla, being governor of Bussora, on the Gulph of Persia, by the command of Osman, marched an army through Kirman, into Chorassan, and made a complete conquest of that country, which had been scarcely visited before by the arms of the Arabs. Chorassan is bounded, on the south, by a desert, which separates it from Pharis [Pharis is the name from which Persia is derived. It is also called Pharistan, or the Country of Horses.], or Persia, properly so called; on the north by Maver-ul-nere, or the ancient Transoxiana; on the east by Seistan and India; and it terminates on the west, in a sandy desert towards the confines of Georgia. It is the most fruitful and populous, as well as the most extensive province in Persia, and comprehends the whole of the Bactria of the ancients. It forms a square of almost four hundred miles every way [The climate of Chorassan is excellent, and the most temperate of all Persia. Nothing can equal the fruitfulness of its soil. All sorts of exquisite fruits, cattle, corn, wine, and silk, thrive there to a miracle; neither are there wanting mines of silver, gold, and precious stones. The province of Chorassan, in short, abounds with every thing that can contribute to make a country rich and agreeable. It was formerly amazingly populous. The whole face of the country was almost covered with great cities, when it was invaded and ruined by Zingis Chan.].

The immense territory of Maver-ul-nere [Maver-ul-nere is little more than a translation of the Trans-oxiana of the ancients. It signifies the country beyond the river. It is now more generally known by the name of Great Bucharia. Its situation is between the 34 and 44 degrees of latitude, and the 92 and 107 degrees of longitude, reckoning from Faro. The country of the Calmacs bounds it now, on the north; Little Bucharia, or kingdom of Casgar, on the east; the dominions of India and Persia, on the south; and Charizm on the west. This extensive country is nearly 600 miles every way.], distinguished in ancient times by the name of Transoxiana, though it was invaded by Abdulla, the son of the famous Zeiâd, governor of Bussora, by the command of the Calipha, Mavia, in the fifty-third of the Higera, was not completely conquered by the Arabs, till the 88th year of that æra, when Katiba took the great cities of Bochara and Samercand. After the reduction of Bochara, the Arabian governor of Maver-ul-nere resided in that city. During the dynasty of the imperial family of Mavia, the Arabian empire remained in full vigour; and it even seemed to increase in strength, stability, and extent, under several sovereigns of the house of Abbassi, who acceded to the Caliphat, in the 132d of the Higera, or 749th of the Christian æra.

After the death of the great Haroun Al Reshîd, the temporal power of the Caliphas began gradually to decline. Most of the governments of provinces, by the neglect or weakness of the imperial family, became hereditary; and the viceroys of the empire assumed every thing but the name of Kings. The revenues were retained, under a pretence of keeping a force to defend the provinces against foreign enemies, when they were actually designed to strengthen the hereditary governors against their lawful sovereign. When Al Radi mounted the throne, little more remained to the Calipha, beside Bagdad and its dependencies, and he was considered supreme only in matters of religion. The governors, however, who gradually grew into princes, retained a nominal respect for the empire, and the Calipha's name was inserted in all public writings.

The most powerful of those princes, that became in- dependent, under the Caliphat, was Ismael Samani, governor of Maver-ul-nere and Chorassan, who assumed royal titles, in the 263d of the Higera. He was the first of the dynasty of the Samanians, who reigned in Bochara, over Maver-ul-nere, Chorassan, and a great part of the Persian empire, with great reputation for justice and humanity. Their dominions also comprehended Candahar, Zabulistan, Cabul, the mountainous countries of the Afgans or Patans, who afterwards established a great empire in India.

The Mahommedan government, which subsisted in India more than three centuries before the invasion of that country by Timur, was called the Patan or Afgan empire, on account of its being governed by princes, descended of the mountaineers of that name, who possessed the confines of India and Persia. The Afgans, from the nature of the country they possessed, became divided into distinct tribes. Mountains intersected with a few valleys did not admit either of general cultivation or communication; yet mindful of their common origin, and united by a natural, though rude, policy, they, by their bravery, became extremely formidable to their neighbours. We shall have occasion to see, in the sequel, that they not only conquered, but retained the empire of India for several centuries, and though the valour and conduct of the posterity of Timur wrested the government from them, they continued formidable, from the ferocity and hardiness peculiar to Mountaineers. As late as the beginning of the eighteenth century, they, under one of their chiefs, conquered Persia; and they now possess not only a great part of that empire by their bravery, but also bid fair to establish another dynasty of Kings in Hindostan.

The power as well as conduct of the race of Samania, who reigned in Bochara, subjected a great part of the Afgans to their empire. They were governed in chief by the viceroy of Chorassan, who generally had a substitute in the city of Ghizni [Ghizni is known in Europe by the name of Gazna. It lies in the mountains between India and Persia, and was a considerable city even before it was made the imperial residence by the family of Subuctagi.], the capital of Zabulistan, to command the regions of the hills. It however appears, that those who possessed the most inaccessible mountains towards India, remained independent, till they were reduced by Mahmood, the second prince of the imperial family of Ghizni.

The family of Samania enjoyed their extensive empire for ninety years, in tranquillity, accompanied with that renown, which naturally arises from a just and equitable administration. Abdul Malleck Noo, the fourth of that race, dying at Bochara [The city of Bochara is situated in 39° 30' of lat. and is still a very considerable place, and the residence of the great Chan of Bucharia.] in the three hundred and fiftieth year of the Higera, left a son, a very young man, called Munsur. The great men about court were divided in their opinion about the succession, some favouring the brother of the late Emperor, and others declaring themselves for Munsur. To end the dispute, it was agreed to refer the whole to Abistagi, who governed for the empire, with great reputation, the extensive province of Chorassan. Abistagi returned for answer, that, Munsur being as yet but a child, it was prudent for the friends of the family of Samania to chuse his uncle king. Before Abistagi's messengers arrived at Bochara, the contending factions had settled matters together, and jointly raised Munsur to the throne: that young monarch, offended. with Abistagi's advice, recalled him immediately to Bochara.

The great abilities of Abistagi, and the reputation he had acquired in his government, created to him many enemies at the court of Bochara, and he was unwilling to trust his person in the hands of a young prince, who, in his present rage, might be easily instigated to his ruin. He sent an excuse to Munsur, and, says our Persian author, resolved to stand behind his disobedience with thirty thousand men. He marched, next year, from Nessapoor, the capital of Chorassan, to Ghizni; settled the affairs of that country, and assumed the ensigns of royalty.

The young Emperor, Munsur, finding that Abistagi had, in a manner, left Chorassan totally destitute of troops, ordered one of his generals, named Hassen, to march an army into that province. Abistagi, apprized of Hassen's march, left Ġhizni suddenly, encountered the imperial army, and gave them two signal defeats. These victories secured to Abistagi the peaceable and independent possession of the provinces of Chorassan and Zabulistan, over which he reigned in tranquillity fifteen years. He, in the mean time, employed his army, under his general Subuċtagi, in successful expeditions to India, by which he acquired great spoil.

Abistagi dying in the 363 of the Higera, his son Abu Isaac succeeded him in the kingdoms of Chorassan and Ghizni. This young prince, by the advice of his experienced general Subuctagi, invaded the dominions of Bochara, in order to force the family of Samania to relinquish their title to Chorassan. The Emperor, Munsur, being accordingly worsted in some engagements, by the valour and conduct of Subuctagi, agreed to a peace, by which it was stipulated that Isaac, under the tuition of Subuctagi, should enjoy his dominions as a nominal tenure from the empire. Isaac did not long survive this pacification, for, being too much addicted to pleasure, he ruined his constitution, and died two years after the demise of his father Abistagi. The army, who were much attached to Subuctagi, proclaimed him their king; and he mounted the throne of Ghizni in the 365th year of the Higera, which agrees with the 977th of the Christian era.

[Section II. The Reign of Nasir ul-dien Subuctagi, the Founder of the Empire of Ghizni.]

SUBUCTAGI.

SUBUCTAGI, who, upon his accession to the throne, assumed the title of Nazir-ul-dien, was a Tartar by extraction, and was educated in the family, and brought up to arms under the command, of Abistagi, governor of Chorassan, for the house of Samania. His merit soon raised him to the first posts in the army, which he commanded in chief during the latter years of Abistagi, and under his son Isaac, who succeeded him in the government. When he became king, he married the daughter of his patron, Abistagi, and applied himself assiduously to an equal distribution of justice, which soon gained him the hearts of all his subjects. The court of Bochara perceiving, perhaps, that it was in vain to attempt to oppose Subuctagi, approved of his elevation, and he received letters of confirmation from the Emperor, Munsur Al Samania.

Soon after Subuctagi had assumed the ensigns of royalty, he was very near being taken off by one Tigga, an independent chief, on the confines of the province of Ghizni. Subuctagi had restored Tigga to his estate, from which he had been expelled by one of his neighbours, upon condition that he should hold it of the crown of Ghizni. Tigga broke his promise, and, soon after, making a circuit of his dominions, Subuctagi came to the territory of Tigga. He invited that chieftain to the chace, and when they were alone, he upbraided him for his breach of faith. Tigga, who was a daring and impetuous man, put his hand to his sword; the King drew his; a combat ensued, and Subuctagi was wounded in the hand. The royal attendants interfered; the adherents of Tigga engaged them, but were defeated. The citadel of Bust [Bust, which is at present the capital of Zabulistan, is a considerable and well-built city; the country round it is very pleasant and fertile; and by being situated in the confines of India and Persia, Bust drives a considerable trade. It lies in latitude 32.], whither Tigga fled, was taken, but he himself made his escape.

In the fort of Bust the king found the famous Abul-Fatti, who, in the art of writing and in the knowledge. of the sciences, had no equal in those days. He had been secretary to the chief, whom Subuctagi had expelled in favour of the ungrateful Tigga; and after the defeat of his patron, he had lived retired to enjoy his studies. The King called him into his presence, made him his own secretary, and dignified him with titles of honour. Abul Fatti continued in his office at Ghizni, till the accession of Mamood, when he retired in disgust to Turkestan.

Subuctagi, after taking the fortress of Bust, turned towards the neighbouring district of Cusdâr, and annexing it to his dominions, conferred the government upon one Actas. Towards the close of the first year of his reign, the King, having resolved upon a war with the idolaters of India, marched that way, and, having ravaged the provinces of Cabul and Punjâb, which last lies about the conflux of the five rivers which form the Indus, he returned with considerable spoil to Ghizni.

Jeipal, the son of Hispal, of the Brahmin race, reigned at that time over the country, extending, in length, from the mouth of the Indus to Limgan, and in breadth, from the kingdom of Cashmire to Moultan. This Prince, finding, by the reiterated invasions of the Mahommedans, that he was not likely to enjoy any tranquillity, levied a great army, with a design to invade them in their own country. Subuctagi, upon receiving intelligence of Jeipal's motions, marched towards India, and the armies came in sight of each other on the confines of Limgan. Some skirmishes ensued, and Mamood, the son of Subuctagi, though then but a boy, gave signal proofs of his valour and conduct.

Historians, whose credulity exceeded their wisdom, have told us, that, on this occasion, a certain person informed Subuctagi, that in the camp of Jeipal there was a spring, into which if a small quantity of a certain drug, called Casurat, should be thrown, the sky would immediately be overcast, and a dreadful storm of hail and wind arise. Subuctagi having accordingly ordered this to be done, the effects became visible, for immediately the sky loured, and thunder, lightning, wind, and hail began, turning the day into darkness, and spreading horror and desolation around; insomuch that a great part of the cavalry were killed, and some thousands of both armies perished: but the troops of Ghizni, being more hardy than those of Hindostan, suffered not so much upon this occasion. Jeipal in the morning found his army in such weakness and dejection, by the effects of this storm, which was rather natural than the work of magic, that fearing Subuctagi would take advantage of his condition, he sent heralds to treat of a peace: he offered to the King of Ghizni a certain tribute, and a considerable present in elephants and gold.

Subuctagi was not displeased with these terms, but his son, Mamood, who was an ambitious young man, fearing this would put an end to his expedition, prevailed with his father to reject the proposal, Jeipal, upon this, told him, that the customs of the Indian soldiers were of such a nature, that if he persisted in distressing them, it must make him, in the end, pay very dear for his victories. Upon such occasions, and when reduced to extremity, said Jeipal, they murder their wives and children, set fire to their houses, set loose their hair, and rushing in despair among the enemy, drown themselves in the crimson torrent of revenge. Subuctagi hearing of this custom, he was afraid to reduce them to despair, and consented to let them retreat upon their paying a million of Dirms, and presenting him with fifty elephants. Jeipal not being able to discharge the whole of this sum in camp, he desired that some persons of trust, on the part of Subuctagi, should accompany him to Lahore, to receive the balance; for whose safety, Subuctagi took hostages.

Jeipal having arrived at Lahore, and finding Subuctagi had returned home, imprisoned his messengers, and refused to pay the money. It was then customary among the Rajas, in affairs of moment, to assemble the double council, which consisted of an equal number of the most respectable Brahmins, who sat on the right side of the throne; and of the noblest Kittries, who sat on the left. When they saw that Jeipal proceeded to such an impolitic measure, they entreated the King, saying, that the consequence of this step would bring ruin and distress upon the country; the troops, said they, have not yet forgot the terror of their enemy's arms; and Jeipal may rest assured, that a conqueror will never brook such an indignity: it was, therefore, the opinion of the double council, to comply strictly with the terms of the peace, that the people might enjoy the blessings of tranquillity; but the King was obstinate, and would not hearken to their advice.

Intelligence of what was done, soon reached the ears of Subuctagi; like a foaming torrent he hastened towards Hindostan with a numerous army, to take revenge upon Jeipal for his treacherous behaviour: Jeipal also collected his forces, and marched forth to meet him; for the neighbouring Rajas, considering themselves interested in his success, supplied him with troops and money. The Kings of Delhi, Ajmere, Callinger, and Kinnoge, were now bound in his alliance, and Jeipal found himself at the head of an army of a hundred thousand horse, and two hundred thousand foot; with which he marched with full assurance of victory.

When the moving armies approached each other, Subuctagi ascended a hill, to view the forces of Jeipal, which he beheld like a shoreless sea, and in number like the ants or the locusts; but he looked upon himself as a wolf among a flock of goats: calling therefore together his chiefs, he encouraged them to glory, and honoured them distinctly with his commands. His troops, though few in number, he divided into squadrons of five hundred each, which he ordered, one after another, to the attack in a circle, so that a continual round of fresh troops harassed the Indian army.

The Hindoos, being worse mounted than the cavalry of Subuctagi, could effect nothing against them; so that wearied out with this manner of fighting, confusion became visible amongst them. Subuctagi, perceiving their disorder, sounded a general charge; so that they fell like corn before the hands of the reaper; and were repulsed with great slaughter to the banks of the river Nilab [The blue river: the ancient Hydaspes.], one of the branches of the Indus; where many, who had escaped the edge of the sword, perished by their fear in the waters.

Subuctagi acquired in this action much glory and wealth; for, besides the rich plunder of the Indian camp, he raised great contributions in the countries of Limgan and Peshawir, and annexed them to his own dominions, joined them to his titles, and stamped their names, as was customary, upon his coins. One of his Omrahs, with three thousand horse, was appointed to the government of Peshawir; and the Afghans, who resided among the mountains, having promised allegiance, he entertained some thousands of them in his army, and returned victorious to Ghizni.

Munsur, Emperor of Bochara, being dead, his son, Noo, the sixth of the house of Samania, sat upon the throne. Being at this time hard pressed by the rebel Faeck, he sent one Pharsi to Subuctagi, to beg his assistance. Subuctagi was moved by gratitude to the family of Bochara, and hastened with his army towards Maver-ul-nere, while Noo advanced to the country of Sirchush to meet him. Subuctagi, being not well in his health, sent a messenger to Noo, to excuse his lighting from his horse; but when he advanced and recognized the features of his royal house, in the face of the young prince, he could not suppress the emotions of his heart. He leaped from his horse and run to kiss his stirrup, which the young King perceiving, prevented him, by dismounting and receiving him in his embrace. At this happy interview the flower of joy bloomed in every face, and such a knot of friendship was bound as can hardly be paralleled in any age.

As the season was now too far advanced for action, it was agreed, that Subuctagi should return, during the winter, to Ghizni, and prepare his forces to act in conjunction with those of the Emperor in the spring. But when Sumjure, who had seized part of Chorassan, at whose court Faeck was then in treaty, heard of the alliance formed between Noo and Subuctagi, he began to fear the consequence of his engagement with Faeck. He asked his council, where he should take protection, in case fortune, which was seldom to be depended upon, should desert his standards in war. They replied, that the situation of affairs required he should endeavour to gain the alliance of Fuchier ul Dowla, prince of Jirja [A small province to the north-east of Chorassan.]. Jaffier was accordingly appointed ambassador to the court of Jirja, with presents of every thing that was valuable and curious: and in a short time a treaty of friendship and alliance was settled between the two powers.

Subuctagi in the mean time put his troops in motion, and marched towards Balich [An ancient and great city near the Oxus or Amu, situated at the end of great Bucharia, in latitude 37° 10' and 92° 20' east of Faro.], where Noo joined him with his forces from Bochara. The rebels Faeck and Sumjure hearing of this junction, with consent of Dara, the general of Fuchir ul Dowla, marched out of Herat in great pomp and magnificence. Subuctagi pitched his camp in an extensive plain, where he waited for the enemy. They soon appeared in his front, he drew out his army in order of battle, and took post in the centre, with his son Mamood and the young Emperor.

In the first charge the troops of the enemy came forward with great violence and bravery, and pressed so hard upon the flanks of Subuctagi, that both wings began to give ground, and the whole army was upon the point of being defeated. But Dara, the general of Fuchir ul Dowla, charging the centre where Subuctagi in person led on his troops with great bravery, as soon as he had got near, threw his shield upon his back, which was a signal of friendship, and riding up to the King, begged he would accept of his services. He then returned with the few who had accompanied him, and immediately brought over his troops to the side of Subuctagi, facing round on his deserted friends, who were astonished at this unexpected treachery. Subuctagi took immediate advantage of their confusion, charged them home, and soon put their whole army to flight, pursuing them with great slaughter, and taking many prisoners.

Thus the unfortunate man, who had exalted the spear of enmity against his sovereign, lost his honour, and his wealth, a tenth of which might have maintained him and his family in splendor and happiness.

Faeck and Sumjure took in their flight the way of Neshapoor [Neshapoor is still a very considerable city, well peopled, and drives a great trade in all sorts of silks, stuffs, and carpets.], the capital of Chorassan, with the scattered remains of their army. Noo and Subuctagi entered forthwith the city of Herat, where they remained a few days to refresh their troops and divide the spoil. Subuctagi after this signal victory received the title of Nasir ul Dien, or the Supporter of the Faith; and his son Mamood was dignified with that of Seif al Dowla, or the Sword of Fortune, by the Emperor, who was still acknowledged, though his power was greatly diminished.

Noo, after these transactions, directed his march to Bochara, and Subuctagi, and his son Mamood, turned their faces towards Neshapoor; the Emperor having confirmed the King of Ghizni in the government of Chorassan. Faeck and Sumjure fled into Jirja, and took protection with Fuchir ul Dowla. The country being thus cleared of the enemy, Subuctagi returned to Ghizni, while his son Mamood remained at Neshapoor with a small force. Faeck and Sumjure, seizing upon this opportunity, collected all their forces, marched towards Mamood, and before he could receive any assistance from the Emperor, or his father, he was compelled to an engagement, in which he was defeated, and lost all his baggage.

Subuctagi hearing of the situation of his son, hastened towards. Neshapoor, and in the districts of Toos, meeting with the rebels, engaged them without delay. In the heat of the action a great dust was seen to rise in the rear of Sumjure, which proved to be the Prince Mamood; and Faeck and Sumjure, finding they would soon be attacked on both sides, made a resolute charge against Subuctagi, which was so well received that they were obliged to give ground. Mamood arriving at that instant attacked them like an angry lion, and they, unable to support the contest, turned their face to flight, and took refuge in the fort of Killat.

Subuctagi, after this victory, resided at Balich, in peace and tranquillity. In less than a year after the defeat of the rebels, he fell into a languishing distemper, which would not yield to the power of medicine. He resolved to try whether a change of air would not relieve him, and he accordingly resolved upon a journey to Ghizni. He was so weak when he came to the town of Turmuz, not far from Balich, that he was obliged to stop at that place. He expired in the month of Shabãn of the year 387, and his remains were carried to Ghizni.

Subuctagi was certainly a prince of great bravery, conduct, probity, and justice; and he governed his subjects with uncommon prudence, equity, and moderation, for twenty years. He died in the fifty-sixth year of his age. Fourteen Kings of his race reigned at Ghizni and Lahore. His Vizier was Abul Abas Fazil, a great minister in the management of both civil and military affairs. The author of Jam ul Hickaiat relates, that Subuctagi was at first a private horseman in the service of Abistagi, and being of a vigorous and active disposition, used to hunt every day in the forest. It happened one time as he employed himself in this amusement, that he saw a deer grazing with her young fawn, upon which, spurring his horse, he seized the fawn, and binding his legs, laid him across his saddle, and turned his face towards his home. When he had rode a little way, he looked behind and beheld the mother of the fawn following him, and exhibiting every mark of extreme affliction. The soul of Subuctagi melted within him into pity, he untied the feet of the fawn, and generously restored him to his liberty. The happy mother turned her face to the wilderness, but often looked back upon Subuctagi, and the tears dropped fast from her eyes.

Subuctagi is said to have seen that night a figure or apparition in his dream, who said to him, That generosity and compassion which you have this day shown to a distressed animal, has been approved of in the presence of God: therefore, in the records of Providence, the kingdom of Ghizni is marked as a reward against thy name. But let not greatness destroy your virtue, but thus continue your benevolence to men.

It is said in the Masir ul Maluck, that Mamood his son having built a pleasure-house in an elegant garden near the city of Ghizni, he invited his father, when it was finished, to a magnificent entertainment which he had prepared for him. The son, in the joy of his heart, desired the opinion of Subuctagi concerning the house and garden, which were esteemed admirable in taste and structure. The King, to the great disappointment of Mamood, told him, that he looked upon the whole as a bauble, which any of his subjects might have raised by the means of wealth: but that it was the business of a prince to erect the more durable structure of good fame, which might stand for ever, to be imitated, but never to be equalled, by posterity. The great poet Nizami makes upon this saying the following reflection: Of all the magnificent palaces which we are told Mamood built, we now find not one stone upon another; but the edifice of his fame, as he was told by his father, still triumphs over time, and seems established on a lasting foundation.

Altay, the son of Al Moti, kept up the name of Emperor at Bagdad, without any real power, during the greatest part of the reign of Subuctagi. Altay was deposed in the 381 of the Higera, and Al Kader Billa raised to the Caliphat. The provinces of the Arabian Empire, in the Western Persia, remained in the same condition as before, under the hereditary governors, who had assumed independence. Chorassan, and Zabulistan, Cabul, the provinces upon the Indus, and in general all the countries from the Oxus or Amu to Persia proper, and from the Caspian to the Indus, were secured to the house of Subuctagi. The power of the house of Samania was even declined in the province of Maver-ul-nere; and the middle and Eastern Tartary were subject to their native princes.
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Re: The History of Hindostan, by Alexander Dow

Postby admin » Thu Dec 03, 2020 10:36 am

Part 2 of 15

[Section III. The Reign of Amir Ismaiel ben Nasir ul dien Subuctagi.]

ISMAIEL.

SUBUCTAGI dying suddenly, and his eldest son, Mamood, being at Neshapoor, the capital of Chorassan, which was a considerable distance from the place of the King's decease, his second son, Ismaiel, prevailed with his father, in his last moments, to appoint him to succeed till the return of his brother. The reason assigned for this demand, was to prevent other usurpations, which were then feared in the government. Ismaiel therefore, immediately upon the demise of his father, was crowned with great solemnity at Balich. To gain popularity, he opened the treasury, and distributed the greatest part of his father's wealth in presents to the nobility, and in expensive shows and entertainments to the people. He also augmented the pay of the troops, and rewarded small services with the hand of prodigality.

This policy being overacted, had not the desired effect. The nobility, perceiving that all this generosity proceeded from the fear of his brother, ungenerously increased their demands, while the troops, puffed up with pride by his indulgences, begun to be mutinous, disorderly, and debauched.

When intelligence was brought to Mamood of the death of his father, and the accession of his younger brother, he wrote to Ismaiel by the hand of Abul Hassen. In this letter he said thus, That since the death of his royal father, he held none upon earth so dear as his beloved brother, the noble Ismaiel, whom he would oblige to the full extent of his power: but that the art of government required years, experience, wisdom and knowledge, in the affairs of state, which Ismaiel could not possibly pretend to possess, though Subuctagi had appointed him to succeed to the throne in the absence of Mamood. He therefore advised Ismaiel seriously to consider the matter, to distinguish propriety from impropriety, and to give up his title to government without further dispute, which would restore him to the love and generosity of Mamood; for that it was his original intention to confer upon Ismaiel the governments of the extensive provinces of Balich and Chorassan.

Ismaiel shut his ears against all the proposals of his brother, and prepared for his own security, turning the edge of the sword of enmity against him. Mamood saw no remedy but in war, and attaching his uncle Bujerâc, and his brother Nisir, to his interest, advanced with his standards towards Ghizni, while Ismaiel hastened also from Balich to oppose him. When the two armies approached towards one another, Mamood took great pains to avoid coming to extremities, and in vain tried to reconcile matters in an amicable manner. He was therefore forced to form his troops in order of battle, while Ismaiel also extended the lines of war, which he supported by a chain of elephants. Both armies engaging with great violence, the action became extremely bloody, and the victory doubtful. Mamood at length charged the centre of the enemy with such fury, that they trembled as with an earthquake, and turned their faces to fight, taking refuge in the citadel of Ghizni. Thither the conqueror pursued them, and immediately invested the place. Such a prodigious number of the runaways had crowded into Ghizni, that for want of provisions Ismaiel was reduced to the necessity of treating about a surrender. Having therefore received promises of personal safety, he submitted himself, and delivered up the keys of the garrison and the treasury to his brother Mamood.

Mamood having appointed a new ministry, and regulated the government of the country, proceeded with his army towards Balich. It is said, that a few days after the submission of Ismaiel, he was asked by his brother, What he intended to have done with him had his better fortune prevailed? To which Ismaiel replied, That he intended to have imprisoned him for life in some castle, and to indulge him with every pleasure but his liberty. Upon which Mamood made no reflections at that time, but soon after confined Ismaiel in the fort of Georghan, in the manner that he himself had intimated, where he remained till his death, which happened not long after his being deposed.

[Section IV. The History of the Reign of Amin ul Muluc, Emin ul Dowla, Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi, from his Accession to the Year 403.]

MAMOOD I.

We are told by historians, that Mamood [His titles at length, are Amin ul Muluck, Emin ul Dowla, Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.] was a King who conferred happiness upon the world, and reflected glory upon the faith of Mahomed; that the day of his accession illuminated the earth with the bright torch of justice, and cherished it with the beams of beneficence. Others inform us, that in his disposition, the sordid vice of avarice found place, which however could not darken the other bright qualities of his mind. A certain poet says, that his wealth was like a pearl in the shell; but as poets hunt after wit rather than truth, we must judge of Mamood by his actions, from which it appears, that he was a prince of great economy, but that he never withheld his generosity upon a just and proper occasion. We have the testimony of the Fatti Bilad, wrote by Abu Nisir Muscati, and of the famous Abul Fazil, that no King had ever more learned men at his court, kept a finer army, or displayed more magnificence, than Mamood. All these things could not be done without expence; so that the stigma of avarice must have been owing to particular circumstances of his life, which ought by no means to have stamped his general character with that sordid vice.

It may not be improper to mention one circumstance in the conduct of Mamood, which argued that too great love of money had taken possession of the soul of that mighty prince. Having a great propensity to poetry, in which he made some tolerable progress himself, he promised to the celebrated Phirdoci a golden mher [A mher is about fourteen rupees: this coin was called mher from having a sun stampt upon it. Mher signifies the sun, in the Persian.] for every verse of an heroic poem which he was desirous to patronize. Under the protection of this promise, that divine poet wrote the unparalleled poem called the Shaw Namma, which consisted of sixty thousand couplets. When it was presented, Mamood repented of his promise, telling Phirdoci, that he thought sixty thousand rupees might satisfy him for a work which he seemed to have performed with so much ease and expedition. Phirdoci, justly offended at this indignity, could never be brought to accept of any reward, though the Emperor would, after reflection, have gladly paid him the sum originally stipulated; the poet, however, took ample revenge in a satire of seven hundred couplets, which he wrote upon that occasion.

Mamood, who it is reported was defective in external appearance, said one day, observing himself in a glass, “The sight of a King should brighten the eyes of the beholders, but nature has been so capricious to me, that my aspect seems the picture of misfortune.” The Vizier replied, " It is not one of ten thousand who are blessed with a sight of your majesty's countenance, but your virtues are diffused over all.” But to proceed with our history.

We have already observed, that Mamood was the eldest son of Subuctagi. His mother was a princess of the house of Zabulistan, for which reason she is known by the name of Zabuli. He was born in the year 357 of the Higera, and, as the astrologers say, with many happy omens expressed in the horoscope of his fate. Subuctagi, being asleep at the time of his birth, dreamed, that he beheld a green tree springing forth from his chimney, which threw its shadow over the face of the earth, and screened from the storms of heaven the whole animal creation. This indeed was verified by the justice of Mamood; for, if we can believe the poet, in his reign the wolf and the sheep drank together at the same brook. In the first month of his reign, a vein of gold, resembling a tree of three cubits in circumference, was found in Seistan, which yielded pure gold till the reign of Musaood, when it was lost in consequence of an earthquake.

When Mamood had settled his dispute with his brother, he hastened to Balich, from whence he sent an ambassador to Munsur, Emperor of Bochara, to whom the family of Ghizni still pretended to owe allegiance, complaining of the indignity which he met with in the appointment of Buctusin to the government of Chorassan, a country so long in possession of his father: it was returned to him for answer, that he was already in possession of the territories of Balich, Turmuz, and Herat [Herat is situated in the southern part of the province of Chorassan, in the 34th degree of latitude. It was always a great city, and is very much increased in splendor, since the ruin of the city of Meshed by the Usbecs: it is become the capital of Chorassan. It is the chief staple of all the commerce carried on between India and Persia.], which held of the empire; and that there was a necessity to divide the favours of Bochara among her friends. Buctusin, it was also insinuated, had been a faithful and good servant; which seemed to throw a reflection upon the family of Ghizni, who had rendered themselves independent in the governments they held of the royal house of Samania.

Mamood, not discouraged by this answer, sent Hassen Jemmavi with rich presents to the court of Bochara, and a letter in the following terms: “That he hoped the pure spring of friendship, which had flowed in the time of his father, should not now be polluted with the ashes of indignity, nor Mamood be reduced to the necessity of divesting himself of that obedience, which he had hitherto paid to the imperial family of Samania.”

When Hassen delivered his embassy, his capacity and elocution appeared so great to the Emperor, that, desirous to gain him over to his interest by any means, he bribed him at last with the honours of the Vizarit [The office of Vizier.], but never returned an answer to Mamood. That prince having received information of this transaction, through necessity turned his face towards Neshapoor; and Buctusin, advised of his intention, abandoned the city, and sent the Emperor intelligence of his situation. Munsur, upon this, exalted the imperial standard, and, in the rashness of inexperienced youth, hastened towards Chorassan, and halted not till he arrived at Sirchus. Mamood, though he well knew that the Emperor was in no condition to oppose him, yet gratitude to the imperial family of Samania wrought so much upon his mind, that, ashamed of measuring spears with his Lord, he evacuated the district of Neshapoor, and marched to Murghab. Buctusin in the mean time treacherously entered into a confederacy with Faech, and forming a conspiracy in the camp of Munsur, seized upon the person of that prince, and cruelly put out his eyes. Abdul, the younger brother of Munsur, who was but a boy, was advanced by the traitors to the throne. Being however afraid of the resentment of Mamood, the conspirators hastened to Murve [Murve, or Meru, stands in a very sandy plain, in 37 degrees of latitude, and 88 degrees east from Faro. It was formerly one of the richest and most beautiful towns of Persia; but since the grand invasion of the Tartars into the Southern Asia, it has suffered so much, that, at present, it is but the shadow of its former magnificence.], whither they were pursued by the King with great expedition. Finding themselves, upon their march, hard pressed in the rear by Mamood, they halted and gave him battle. But the sin of ingratitude had darkened the face of their fortune, so that the gales of victory blew upon the standards of the King of Ghizni. Faeck carried off the young King, and fled to Bochara, and Buctusin was not heard of for some time, but at length he found his way to his fellow in iniquity, and begun to collect his scattered troops. Faeck in the mean time fell sick, and soon after vanished in the regions of death. Elich, the Usbec King, seizing upon the opportunity offered him by that event, marched with an army from Kashgar [Little Bucharia. This kingdom extends from 38° 30' of latitude to the 44° 30', and from 105° to the 120° of longitude. It is populous and fertile, but, on account of its great elevation, it is much colder than one would expect from its advantageous situation.] to Bochara, and rooted Abdul Malleck and his adherents out of the empire and the soil of life. Thus the prosperity of the house of Samania, which had continued for the space of one hundred and twenty-seven years to illuminate the firmament of empire, set for ever in the shadows of death.

The Emperor of Ghizni, at this juncture, employed himself in settling the government of the provinces of Balich and Chorassan, which he regulated in such a manner, as to exalt the voice of his fame so high, that it reached the ears of the Calipha of Bagdat, the illustrious Al Kadir Billa, of the noble house of Abbassi. The Calipha sent him a rich honorary dress, such as he had never before bestowed on any King, and dignified Mamood with the titles of The Protector of the State, and Treasurer of Fortune.

In the end of the month Zicada, in the year three hundred and ninety, Mamood hastened from the city of Balich to Herat, and from Herat to Seistan, where he defeated Chiliph, the son of Amid, the governor of that province on the part of the extinguished family of Bochara, and returned to Ghizni. He then turned his face to India, took many forts and provinces; in which having settled his own governors, he again returned to his dominions, where he spread the carpet of justice so smoothly upon the face of the earth, that the love of him, and loyalty gained place in every heart. Having at the same time set a treaty on foot with Elich the Usbec, he had the province of Maver-ul-nere [Transoxiana.] ceded to him, for which he made an ample return in presents of great value; and the strictest friendship, and greatest familiarity, for a long time, subsisted between the Kings.

Mamood, having made a vow to Heaven, that if ever he should be blessed with tranquillity in his own dominions, he would turn his arms against the idolaters of Hindostan, marched in the year three hundred and ninety-one from Ghizni, with ten thousand of his chosen horse, and came to Peshawir, where Jeipal the Indian prince of Lahore, with twelve thousand horse and thirty thousand foot supported by three hundred chain-elephants, opposed him on Saturday the eighth of Mohirrim, in the three hundred and ninety-second of the Higera. An obstinate battle ensued, in which the Emperor was victorious; Jeipal, with fifteen of his principal friends, was taken prisoner, and five thousand of his troops lay dead upon the field. Mamood in this action acquired great fame and wealth, for round the neck of Jeipal were found sixteen strings of jewels, each of which was valued at one hundred and eighty thousand rupees [About 320,000l, of our money.].

After this victory, the Emperor marched from Peshawir, and investing the fort of Bitindi, reduced it, and releasing his prisoners upon the payment of a large ransom and a stipulation of an annual tribute, returned to Ghizni. It was in those ages a custom of the Hindoos, that whatever Raja was twice worsted by the Mussulmen, should be, by that disgrace, rendered unfit for further command. Jeipal in compliance to this custom, having raised his son to the government, ordered a funeral pile to be prepared, upon which he sacrificed himself to his Gods.

In the Mohirrim of the year three hundred and ninety-three, Mamood again marched into Seistan [A maritime province of Persia, lying between Kirman, or the ancient Carmania, and the mouths of the Indus.], and brought Chiliph, who had misbehaved in his government, prisoner to Ghizni. Finding that the tribute from Hindostan had not been paid, in the year three hundred ninety-five he directed his march towards the city of Battea; and leaving the boundaries of Moultan, arrived at Tahera, which was fortified with an exceeding high wall and a deep broad ditch. Tahera was at that time governed by a prince called Bachera, who had, in the pride of power and wealth, greatly molested the Mahommedan governors, whom the Emperor had established in Hindostan. Bachera had also refused to pay his proportion of the tribute to Annindpal, the son of Jeipal, of whom he held his authority.

When Mamood entered the territories of Bachera, that prince drew out his troops to receive him, and taking possession of strong posts, continued to engage the Mahommedans for the space of three days; in which time they suffered so much, that they were on the point of abandoning the attack: but on the fourth day, Mamood spoke at the head of his troops, and encouraged them to glory. He concluded with telling them, that this day he had devoted himself to conquest or to death. Bachera, on his part, invoked the Gods at the temple, and prepared with his former resolution to repel the enemy. The Mussulmen advanced with great impetuosity, but were repulsed with slaughter; yet returning with fresh courage, and redoubled rage, the attack was continued till the evening, when Mamood turning his face to the holy Caba [The temple of Mecca.], invoked the aid of the prophet in the presence of his army. -- "Advance, advance, cried then the King, our prayers have found favour with God.”—Immediately a great shout arose among the host, and the Mussulmen pressing forward, as if they thirsted after death, obliged the enemy to give ground, and pursued them to the gates of the town.

The Emperor having next morning invested the place, gave orders to make preparations for filling up the ditch; which in a few days was nearly compleated. Bachera, finding he could not long maintain the town, determined to leave only a small garrison for its defence; and accordingly one night, marched out with the rest of his troops, and took post in a wood on the banks of the Indus. Mamood being informed of his retreat, detached part of his army to pursue him. Bachera by this time was deserted by his fortune, and consequently by the most of his friends; he found himself surrounded by the Mussulmen, and he attempted, in vain, to force through them his way: being just upon the point of being taken prisoner, he turned his sword against his breast, and the most of his adherents were slaughtered in attempting revenge. Mamood had in the mean time taken Tahera by assault. He found there one hundred and twenty elephants, many slaves, and rich plunder, and annexing the town and its dependencies to his own dominions, he returned victorious to Ghizni.

In the year three hundred and ninety-six, he formed the design of re-conquering Moultan, which had revolted from his obedience. Amid Lodi, the regent of Moultan, had formerly paid Mamood allegiance, and after him his grandson Daood, till the expedition against Bachera, when he withdrew his loyalty.

The King marched in the beginning of the spring, with a great army from Ghizni, and was met by Annindpal, the son of Jeipal prince of Lahore, in the hills of Peshawir, whom he defeated, and obliged to fly into Cashmire [The kingdom of Cashmire may be reckoned a terrestrial paradise. It is entirely enclosed with high mountains, which separate India from Tartary; insomuch that there is no entrance, on any side, but over rocks of a prodigious height. It consists, in a manner, of one valley of surprising fertility and beauty. The air is temperate and charming; it is neither visited with scorching heat, nor the vicissitude of extreme cold. A thousand little springs, which issue, on all sides, from the mountains, form there a fine river, which, after watering the plains of this delightful country, falls down rocks of an astonishing height into the great river Indus. The inhabitants are astonishingly handsome, and the women especially enchantingly beautiful. The Cashmirians, moreover, are extremely ingenious, and carry the arts of civil life to high perfection. Their beauty, in short, says a Persian author, makes them appear to be of divine race, and their charming country furnishes them with the life of Gods.]. Annindpal had entered into an alliance with Daood, and as there were two passes only by which the Mahommedans could enter Moultan, Annindpal had taken upon himself to secure that by the way of Peshawir, which Mamood chanced to take. The Sultan returning from the pursuit, entered Moultan, by the way of Betinda, which was his first intention. When Daood received intelligence of the fate of Annindpal, thinking himself too weak to keep the field, he shut himself up in his fortified places, and submissively solicited forgiveness for his faults, promised to pay a great tribute, and for the future to obey implicitly the Sultan's commands. Mamood received him again as a subject, and prepared to return to Ghizni, when news was brought to him from Arsilla, who commanded at Herat, that Elich, the King of Casgar had invaded his government with an army. The King hastened to settle the affairs of Hindostan, which he put into the hands of Shockpal, an Hindoo prince, who had resided with Abu Ali, governor of Peshawir, and had turned Mussulman by the name of Zab Sais.

The particulars of the war of Mamood with Elich are these: We have already mentioned that an uncommon friendship had subsisted between this Elich the Usbec King of Kashgar, a kingdom in Tartary, and Mamood. The Emperor himself was married to the daughter of Elich, but some factious men about the two courts, by misrepresentations of the princes to one another, changed their former friendship into enmity. When Mamood therefore marched to Hindostan, and had left the fields of Chorassan almost destitute of troops, Elich took that opportunity, and resolved to appropriate that province to himself. To accomplish his design, he ordered his chief general Sipistagi, with a great force, to enter Chorassan; and Jaffier Tighi, at the same time, was appointed to command in the territory of Balich. Arsilla, the governor of Herat, being informed of these motions, hastened to Ghizni, that he might secure the capital. In the mean time, the chiefs of Chorassan finding themselves deserted, and being in no condition to oppose the enemy, submitted themselves to Sipistagi, the general of Elich.

But Mamood having by great marches reached Ghizni, he poured onward like a torrent, with his army towards Balich. Tighi, who had by this time possessed himself of the place, fled towards Turmuz at his approach. The Emperor then detached Arsilla with a great part of his army, to drive Sipistagi out of Chorassan; and he also, upon the approach of the troops of Ghizni, abandoned Herat, and marched towards Mavir-ul-nere.

The King of Kashgar, seeing the bad state of his affairs, solicited the aid of Kudir King of Chuton, a province of Tartary, on the confines of China, and that prince marched to join him with fifty thousand horse. Strengthened by this alliance, he crossed, with the confederate armies, the river Gion [The Oxus.], which was five pharsangs from Balich, and opposed himself to the camp of Mamood. That monarch immediately drew up his army in order of battle, giving the command of the centre to his brother the noble Nisir, supported by Abu Nisir, governor of Gorgan, and by Abdulla, à chief, of reputation in arms. The right wing he committed to the care of Alta Sash, an old experienced officer, while the left was the charge of the valiant Arsilla, a chief of the Afgans. The front of his line he strengthened with five hundred chain-elephants, with intervals behind them, to facilitate their retreat, in case of a defeat.

The King of Kashgar posted himself in the centre, the noble Kudir led the right, and Tighi the left. The armies advanced to the charge. The shouts of warriors, the neighing of horses, and the clashing of arms, reached the broad arch of heaven, while dust obscured the face of day. The flame of war might be said to have been blown up to its height, and the clay of the field to be tempered with blood.

Elich advancing with some chosen squadrons, threw disorder into the centre of Mamood's army, and was busy in the affairs of death. Mamood perceived the enemy's progress, leaped from his horse, and kissing the ground, invoked the aid of the Almighty. He instantly mounted an elephant of war, encouraged his troops, and made a violent assault upon Elich. The elephant seizing the standard-bearer of the enemy, folded round him his trunk, and tossed him aloft into the sky. He then pressed forward like a mountain removed from its place by an eartlıquake, and trod the enemy like locusts under his feet.

When the troops of Ghizni saw their king forcing thus his way alone through the enemy's ranks, they rushed on with headlong impetuosity, and drove the enemy with great slaughter before them. Elich, abandoned by fortune and his army, turned his face to flight. He crossed the river with a few of his surviving friends, never afterwards appearing in the field to dispute glory with Mamood.

The King after this victory proposed to pursue the enemy, which was thought unadvisable by his generals, on account of the inclemency of the season, it being then winter, and the troops hardly capable of motion: but the King was positive in his resolution, and marched two days after the runaways. On the third night, a great storm of wind and snow overtook the Ghiznian army in the desert. The King's tents were with much difficulty pitched, while the army was obliged to lie in the snow. Mamood having ordered great fires to be kindled around his tents, they became so warm, that many of the courtiers began to turn off their upper garments; when a facetious chief, whose name was Dilk, came in shivering with cold. The King observing him, said, “Go out, Dilk, and tell the Winter that he may burst his cheeks with blustering, for here we value not his resentment.” Dilk went out accordingly, and returning in a short time, kissed the ground, and thus presented his address: “I have delivered the King's message to Winter, but the surly season replies, that if his hands cannot tear the skirts of royalty and hurt the attendants of the King, yet he will so execute his power to-night on his army, that in the morning Mamood will be obliged to saddle his own horses.”

The King smiled at this reply, but it presently rendered him thoughtful, and he determined to proceed no further. In the morning some hundreds of men and horses were found to have perished with the cold. Mamood at the same time received advice from India, that Zab Sais, the renegado Hindoo, had thrown off his allegiance, and, returning to his former religion, expelled all the officers, who had been appointed by the King, from their respective departments. The King immediately determined to punish this revolt, and with great expedition advanced towards India. He detached some part of his cavalry in front, who coming unexpectedly upon Zab Sais, defeated him, and brought him prisoner to the King. The rebel was fined in four lacks of rupees, of which Mamood made a present to his treasurer, and kept Zab Sais a prisoner for life.

Mamood, having thus settled his affairs in India, returned in autumn to Ghizni, where he remained for the winter in peace. But in the spring of the year three hundred and ninety-nine, Annindpal, sovereign of Lahore, began to raise disturbances in Moultan, so that the King was obliged to undertake another expedition into those parts, with a great army, to correct the Indians. Annindpal hearing of his intentions, sent ambassadors every where to request the assistance of the other princes of Hindostan; who considered the extirpation of the Mussulmen from India, as a meritorious and political, as well as a religious action.

Accordingly the princes of Ugeïn, Gualiar, Callinger, Kinnoge, Delhi, and Ajmere, entered into a confederacy, and collecting their forces, advanced towards the heads of the Indus, with the greatest army that had been for some hundreds of years seen upon the field in India. The two armies came in sight of one another in a great plain near the confines of the provinces of Peshawir. They remained there encamped forty days without action: but the troops of the idolaters daily increased in number. They were joined by the Gickers and other tribes with numerous armies, and surrounded the Mussulmen, who fearing a general assault were obliged to entrench themselves.

The King having thus secured himself, ordered a thousand archers to his front, to endeavour to provoke the enemy to advance to the entrenchments. The archers accordingly were attacked by the Gickers, who, notwithstanding all the King could do, pursued the runaways within the trenches, where a dreadful scene of slaughter ensued on both sides, in which five thousand Mussulmen in a few minutes were slain. The enemy at length being cut off as fast as they advanced, the attack became fainter and fainter, when on a sudden the elephant upon which the prince of Lahore, who commanded the Indians in chief, rode, .took fright at the report of a gun [According to our accounts there were no guns at this time, but many Eastern authors mention them, ascribing the invention to one Lockman.], and turned his face to flight. This circumstance struck the Hindoos with a panic, for, thinking they were deserted by their general, they immediately followed the example. Abdulla, with six thousand Arabian horse, and Arsilla, with ten thousand Turks, Afghans, and Chilligis, pursued the enemy for two days and nights; so that twenty thousand Hindoos were killed in their flight, together with the great-multitude that fell on the field of battle.

Thirty elephants with much rich plunder were brought to the King, who, to establish the faith, marched against the Hindoos of Nagracot, breaking down their idols and subverting their temples. There was at that time in the territory of Nagracot, a famous fort called Bimé, which Mamood invested, after having destroyed the country round with fire and sword. Bimé was built by a prince of the same name, on the top of a steep mountain, and here the Hindoos, on account of its strength, had deposited the wealth consecrated to their idols in all the neighbouring kingdoms; so that in this fort there was a greater quantity of gold, silver, precious stones and pearls, than had been ever collected into the royal treasury of any prince on earth. Mamood invested the place with such expedition, that the Hindoos had not time to throw troops into it for its defence, the greatest part of the garrison being before carried into the field. Those within consisted for the most part of priests, a race of men who, having little inclination to the bloody business of war, in a few days solicited to be permitted to capitulate. Their request being granted by Mamood, they opened the gates, and fell upon their faces before him; and, with a few of his officers and attendants, he immediately entered the place.

In Bimé were found seven hundred thousand golden dinars, seven hundred maunds [The least maund in India is about thirty-seven pounds avoir-dupoise. of gold and silver plate, forty maunds of pure gold in ingots, two thousand maunds of silver bullion, and twenty maunds of various jewels set, which had been collecting from the time of Bimé. With this immense treasure the King returned to Ghizni, and in the year 400 prepared a magnificent festival, where he displayed to the people his wealth in golden thrones, and in other rich ornaments, in a great plain without the city of Ghizni; and after the feast every individual received a princely present.

In the following year, Mamood led his army towards Ghor. The native prince of that country, Mahommed of the Soor Tribe of Afgans, a principality in the mountains famous for giving birth to the Ghorian Dynasty, who succeeded to the throne after the extirpation of the royal house of Ghizni, with ten thousand troops, opposed him. From morning to noon the fire of war flamed, and justice was done to valour on both sides. The King, finding that the troops of Ghor defended themselves in their intrenchments with such obstinacy, commanded his army to make a feint of retreating, to allure the enemy out of their fortified camp, which accordingly succeeded. The Ghorians being deceived, pursued the army of Ghizni to the plain, where the King, facing round with his troops, attacked them with great impetuosity and slaughter. Mahommed was taken prisoner and brought to the King; but in his despair he had taken poison, which he always kept under his ring, and died in a few hours. His country was annexed to the dominions of Ghizni.

Some historians affirm, that neither the sovereigns of Ghor, nor its inhabitants, were Mussulmen, till after this victory; whilst others of good credit assure us, that they were converted many years before, even so early as the time of the famous Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet.

Mamood, in the same year, was under the necessity of marching again to Moultan, which had revolted; but having soon reduced it, and cut off a great number of the chiefs, he brought Daood, the son of Nazir, the rebellious governor, prisoner to Ghizni, and confined him in the fort of Gorci for life.

In the year 402, the passion of war fermenting in the mind of Mamood, he resolved upon the conquest of Tannasar [A city thirty miles to the west of Delhi.], in the kingdom of Hindostan. It had reached the ears of the King, that Tannasar was held in the same veneration by idolators as Mecca was by the Mussulmen; that there they had set up a whole tribe of rich idols, the principal of whom they called Jug Soom; that this Jug Soom, they pretended to say, existed when as yet the world existed not. When the King reached the country about the five branches of the Indus, he wanted that, according to the treaty that subsisted between him and Annindpal, he should not be disturbed in his march through that country. He accordingly sent an embassy to Annindpal, advising him of his intentions, and desiring him to send guards for the protection of his towns and villages, which he would take care should not be molested by the followers of his camp.

Annindpal agreed to this proposal, and prepared an entertainment for the reception of the King, issuing out an order for all his subjects to supply the royal camp with every necessary of life. He, in the mean time, sent his brother with two thousand horse to meet the King, and deliver this embassy to those who approached the throne: “That he was the subject and slave of the King; but that he begged permission to acquaint his majesty, that Tannasar was the principal place of worship of the inhabitants of that country; that if it was a virtue required by the religion of Mamood to destroy the religion of others, he had already acquitted himself of that duty to his God, in the destruction of the temple of Nagracot: but if he should be pleased to alter his resolution against Tannasar, Annindpal would undertake that the amount of the revenues of that country should be annually paid to Mamood, to reimburse the expence of his expedition: that besides, he, on his own part, would present him with fifty elephants, and jewels to a considerable amount.”

The King replied, “That in the Mussulman religion it was an established tenet, that the more the glory of the prophet was exalted, and the more his followers exerted themselves in the subversion of idolatry, the greater would be their reward in heaven: that therefore, it was his firm resolution, with the assistance of God, to root out the abominable worship of idols from the face of the country of India. Why then should he spare Tannasar?”

When this news reached the Indian king of Delhi, he prepared to oppose the invaders, sending messengers all over Hindostan to acquaint the Rajas that Mamood, without any reason or provocation, was marching with an innumerable army to destroy Tannasar, which was under his immediate protection: that if a mound was not expeditiously raised against this roaring torrent, the country of Hindostan would be soon overwhelmed in ruin, and the tree of prosperity rooted up: that therefore it was adviseable for them to join their forces at Tannasar, to oppose with united strength the impending danger.

But Mamood reached Tannasar before they could take any measures for its defence, plundered the city, and broke down the idols, sending Jug Soom to Ghizni, where he was soon stripped of his ornaments. He then ordered his head to be struck off, and his body to be thrown on the highway. According to the account of the historian Hago Mahommed of Kandahar, there was a ruby found in one of the temples which weighed four hundred and fifty miskal [A miskal is thirty-six rutty, and a rutty seven-eighths of a carat, so that the size of this ruby is too improbable to deserve any credit.].

Mamood, after these transactions at Tannasar, proceeded to Delhi, which he also took, and wanted much to annex it to his dominions. But his nobles told him, that it was impossible to keep the Rajaship of Delhi, till he had entirely subjected Moultan under the Mussulman government, and exterminated the power and family of Annindpal prince of Lahore, who lay between Delhi and the northern dominions of Mamood. The King approved of this counsel, and he immediately determined to proceed no farther against that country, till he had accomplished the reduction of Moultan and Annindpal. But that prince behaved with so much policy and hospitality, that he changed the purpose of the King, who returned to Ghizni. He brought to Ghizni forty thousand captives and much wealth, so that that city could now be hardly distinguished in riches from India itself.

[Section V. The History of the Reign of Sultan Mamood, from the Year 403, to his Death in the Year 419.]

In the 403d year of the Higera, the next in com- mand to the famous Arsilla, governor of Herat, reduced the province of Girgistan, and brought Nisir, the prince of that province, prisoner to Ghizni. Mamood at this time wrote to the Calipha of Bagdad, Al Kadir Billa, of the noble house of Abassi, "That the greatest part of the kingdom of Chorassan was under his jurisdiction, and that he hoped he would order his governors to give up the remainder.” The Calipha, fearing his great power, which might fall upon his other dominions, consented to this demand.

The King, in the year 404, drew his army against the fort of Nindoona, which is situated upon the mountains of Belnat, and was in the possession of the Indian prince of Lahore. Annindpal by this time was dead, and his son had acceded to his government. When Pitterugepal, for that was the young prince's name, saw that he could not stand against the King in the field, he drew off his army towards Cashmire, leaving a good garrison for the defence of the place. Mamood immediately invested it, and, with mining, and other arts of attack, assiduously employed himself; so that, in a few weeks, the governor seeing his walls in ruins, was under the necessity of begging to capitulate. The King granted his request, took every thing of value out of the place, appointed a governor, and set out without delay for Cashmire, upon which Pitterugepal abandoned that province, and fled to the hills. Mamood plundered Cashmire of all its great wealth, and having forced the inhabitants to acknowledge the Prophet, returned with the spoil to his capital of Ghizni.

Mamood, in the year 406, returned with an army to Cashmire, to punish some revolted chiefs, and to be. siege some forts which he had not reduced in his former expedition. The first of those forts was Lokote, very famous for its height and strength, which entirely defeated the King's utmost efforts; for not being able to reduce it all the summer season, he was obliged, on the approach of winter, to abandon his enterprise, and return to Ghizni. On his way home, he was led astray by his guides, and fell into an extensive morass covered with water, from which he, for several days, could not extricate his army, so that many of his troops perished upon that occasion.

Abul Abas, king of Charizm, in the course of the same year, wrote to Mamood, to ask his sister in marriage. The King agreed to the match, and sent her to Charizm, according to the desire of Abas. In the year 407; a tribe: of plunderers rising against Abul Abas, and defeating him, he fell into their hands, and was put to death. Mamood having had advice of this disaster, marched to Balich, and from thence to Charizm, and when he arrived at Hisserbund, on the frontiers of that country, he ordered his general, Mahommed Taï, to advance before him with a detachment. When the Mussulmen were at prayers in their camp, Himar Tash, the general of the Charizmians, rushed upon this detachment from a neighbouring wood, and making a great slaughter, put them to flight. Mamood, having received intelligence of this affair, supported them with several squadrons of his best horse. The runaways deriving courage from this reinforcement, returned to the charge, routed the enemy, and took their chief prisoner, whom they carried before the King.

Mamood advancing to the fort of Hazar Asp, perceived that the troops of Charizm were prepared to receive him in the field before it: but they were soon defeated, their general, Abistagi, a native of Bochara, taken prisoner, and the murderer of Abul Abas met the just vengeance due to his crime. Mamood spent some time in regulating the government, which he bestowed upon the noble Hajib, with the title of King of Charizm: he annexed also to his government the province of Orgunge [The famous city of Urgens, capital of Turkestan.]. Returning to Balich, Mamood gave the government of Herat to his son the prince Musaood, appointing Abu Sul his vizier; and the government of Gurgan he conferred upon his younger son, the Noble Mahommed, under the care of Abu Bicker. After the final settlement of the affairs of Charizm, the Ghiznian army were cantoned, for the winter, at Balich.

In the beginning of the year 409, as soon as the sun began to awake the children of the spring, Mamood, with a hundred thousand chosen horse and thirty thousand foot, raised in the countries of Turkistan, Maver-ul-nere, Chorassan, and the adjacent provinces, undertook an expedition against Kinnoge, which, from the time of Gustasp [Hystaspes, the father of the first Darius, king of Persia.], the father of Darab, to this period, had not been visited by any foreign enemy. Kinnoge was distant from Ghizni three months' march, and seven great rivers [These were the principal branches of which the Indus is composed.] rushed across the way. When Mamood reached the confines of Cashmire, the prince, whom he had established in that country, sent him presents of every thing curious and valuable in his kingdom, and waited to have the honour of expressing his loyalty. When the King, with much difficulty, had conducted his army through the mountains, he entered the plains of Hindostan, drove all opposition before him, and advanced to Kinnoge [Mamood's route lay through the mountains behind Cashmire; and he must have entered Hindostan by the way of Tibet.].

He there saw a city which raised its head to the skies, and which, in strength and structure, might justly boast to have no equal. The Indian prince of this rich city, whose name was Korra, and who affected great pomp and splendor, being thus unexpectedly invaded, had not had time to put himself in a posture of defence, or to collect his troops together. Terrified by the great force and warlike appearance of the King, he, in his embarrassment, resolved to sue for peace, and accordingly went out, with his family, to the camp, where he submitted himself to the mercy of Mamood. Some authors relate, that he even turned a true believer.

The King of Ghizni tarried in Kinnoge only three nights, and then turned his face towards Merat, the prince of which place, by name Hirdit, retreated with his army, leaving only a garrison, which was obliged to capitulate in a few days. The terms were two hundred and fifty thousand rupees and fifty elephants, to be paid by the Raja, besides the plunder of the city. The Sultan marched from thence to invest the fort of Mavin, upon the banks of the river Gihon, now called the Jumna. The Prince of Mavin coming forth to make his submission, at the head of his troops, a quarrel accidentally ensued between some soldiers, and immediately the action became general. Calchunder, for that was the prince's name, and most of his troops, being driven into the river, he drew his sword against his own wife and children, and, having dispatched them, turned it in despair upon himself. The fort immediately surrendered, where the conqueror found much treasure and rich spoil, among which were seventy elephants of war.
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Re: The History of Hindostan, by Alexander Dow

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Part 3 of 15

When Mamood had here refreshed his troops, he was given to understand, that, at some distance, there was a rich city, called Muttra [Muttra stands upon the Jumna 36 miles above Agra, and is still a very considerable city.], consecrated to Kissen Basdeo, which in buildings and extent yielded to none in Hindostan. The King directed his march towards the place, and entering it with very little opposition from the troops of the prince of Delhi, to whom it belonged, gave it up to plunder. He broke down or burnt all the idols, and amassed an immense quantity of gold and silver, of which these figures were mostly made. He intended to destroy the temples, but he found that the labour exceeded his capacity; while some say that he was turned from his purpose, by the admirable beauty and structure of those edifices. He, it is certain, extravagantly extolled the magnificent beauty of the buildings and city, in a letter to the nobles of Ghizni, after this conquest.

It is said, that Mamood found in Muttra five great idols of pure gold, with eyes of rubies, each of which eyes were worth fifty thousands dinars. Upon another idol he found a sapphire, weighing four hundred miskal; and the image being melted down, produced ninety-eight thousand three hundred miskal of pure gold. Besides these, there were above a hundred idols of silver, which loaded a hundred camels with bullion. The King, having tarried here twenty days, in which time the city suffered greatly from fire, besides what it suffered from the hand of ravage and desolation, he marched against the other fortified places in these districts, some of which he took himself, while others fell into the hands of his chiefs.

One of those forts, called Munge, held out twenty-five days, being full of Rajaputs; but when they found the place no longer tenable, some rushed through the breaches among the enemy, and met that death which they no longer endeavoured to avoid. Some threw themselves headlong from the walls, and were dashed to pieces, while others burnt themselves in their houses, with their wives and children; so that not one of the garrison survived this fatal catastrophe.

The Sultan having secured what was valuable, invested the fort of Chundpal. But Chundpal, for that also was the prince's name, had sent off all his treasure to the mountains, and, at the approach of the King, evacuated the place. There however still remained much spoil and provisions, which Mamood divided among his troops.

Mamood immediately marched against a proud and imperious Raja, whose name was Jundroy. This prince, after some skirmishes, finding himself unable to cope with the King, sent off his treasure and other valuable effects, and fled also to the mountains. Jundroy had an elephant of a most uncommon size, such as had never before been seen in Hindostan; nor was he more remarkable for his enormous bulk, than for his docility and courage. Mamood having heard much of this elephant, sent to the Raja, offering him advantageous terms of peace, and a great sum of money, for this animal. But the obstinacy of Jundroy would never listen to any terms with the Mussulmen, so that Mamood, with regret, was obliged to desist. The elephant however happened one night to break loose from his keepers, and went into the Ghiznian camp, where he permitted himself to be mounted and brought before the King, who received him with great joy, and named him, The gift of God, because he came, by accident, into his hands.

Mamood, loaded with spoil and encumbered with captives, returned to Ghizni; where he enumerated the articles of his plunder. It consisted of twenty millions of dirms, fifty-three thousand captives, three hundred and fifty elephants, besides jewels, pearls, and precious effects, which could not be properly estimated. Nor was the private spoil of the army less than that which came into the public treasury.

The King, upon his return to Ghizni, ordered a magnificent mosque to be built of marble and granite, of such beauty and structure as struck every beholder with astonishment and pleasure. This mosque he afterwards adorned with such beautiful carpets, chandeliers, and other ornaments of silver and gold, that it became known by the name of the Celestial Bride. In the neighbourhood of this mosque, he founded an university, which he furnished with a vast collection of curious books, in various languages, and with natural and artificial curiosities. He appropriated a sufficient fund for the maintenance of the students, and learned men, who were appointed to instruct the youth in the sciences.

When the nobility of Ghizni saw that the taste of their King began to run upon architecture, they also endeavoured to outvie each other in the magnificence. of their private palaces, as well as in public buildings, which they raised for the embellishment of the city. Thus, in a short space of time, the capital was ornamented with mosques, porches, fountains, reservoirs, aqueducts, and cisterns, in a degree superior to any city at that time in the east. Some authors affirm, that, among the curiosities which the Sultan possessed, there was a bird of the size of a cuckoo, which was possessed of this particular instinct or quality, that whenever poison was brought, however secretly, into the apartment in which he hung, he was affected with the smell in such a manner, as to fly distractedly about his cage, while the tears streamed involuntarily from his eyes. This bird, with other curiosities, was sent as a present to the Calipha of Bagdat, Al Kadir Billa, of the noble house of Abassi. We, however, believe that this story rose from the policy of Mamood, and the credulity of mankind, rather than that it actually had any foundation in truth. Other authors mention a stone which he brought from Hindostan, as a great curiosity. This stone being dipped in water, and applied to a wound, proved a powerful and efficacious remedy.

The Sultan, in the year 410, ordered a writing of victories [This was an account of Mamood's wars in verse.] to be made out, which he sent to the Calipha, who ordered it to be read to the people of Bagdat, making a great festival upon the occasion, to express his joy for the propagation of the faith, which now began to be spread over the whole face of the earth.

In the year 412, Mamood was presented with a petition from his subjects, setting forth, that some tribes of the wild Arabs had, for many years, shut up the roads to Mecca, so that for fear of them, and on account of the weakness of the Calipha, who neglected to expel them, and whose power had long since declined, they had not been able to pay their devotions at the shrine of the prophet. The King immediately appointed Abu Mahommed, his chief justice, with a considerable force, to protect the caffila [The Caravan of Pilgrims.]. But lest the enemy should be too strong for him, he sent thirty thousand dirms, to procure a safe journey to the pilgrims. Accordingly many thousands of all degrees prepared to go to Mecca.

When they had reached the desert of Achmid, they beheld a great camp of Arabs pitched in their way. The banditti drew up in order to receive them. Abu Mahommed, being desirous of treating with the Arabs, sent a message to their chief, offering him five thousand dirms. The chief, instead of accepting the proposal, resented it so much, that, without delay, he advanced with intention to rob the Caffila. Mahommed, in the mean time, drew out his troops to receive the robbers, when fortunately, in the very beginning of the action, a Turkish slave, in the Caffila, who was master of the art of archery, lodged an arrow in the brain of Himad the son of Ali, the chief of the Arabs. The banditti immediately upon the fall of their chief turned their face to flight; and the Caffila, without further molestation, proceeded to Mecca; and having paid their devotions, returned the same way, and arrived safe at Ghizni.

The Sultan received, this year, advices from India, that the neighbouring princes had, in his absence, fallen upon Korra, the Raja of Kinnoge, for having entered into an alliance, and for putting himself under the protection of the King. Mamood immediately marched to the aid of his vassal; but before he could arrive, Nunda, prince of Callinger, had drawn his army upon Kinnoge, and had slain Korra, with a great many of his principal chiefs. Mamood arriving at the river Jumna, encamped on the bank opposite to the enemy.

Seven officers in his army, without orders, swam across the river, and entering the enemy's camp in the morning by surprise, struck such a panic in their troops, that they all betook themselves to flight. The King, notwithstanding their success, was greatly enraged, but passing with the remainder of his army, he immediately commenced the pursuit.

When Nunda came to the frontiers of his own dominions, he halted with his army, and prepared to receive Mamood with thirty-six thousand horse, forty-five thousand foot, and six hundred and fifty elephants. The King of Ghizni, after having reconnoitred the strength of the enemy and their situation, from a rising ground, prostrated himself before God, and prayed that the standard of Islamism might be exalted with glory and triumph. The day being far advanced, he determined to wait for the morning, which, in the event, disappointed his hopes and ambition, for Nunda decamped in the night with the utmost disorder, leaving his tents, equipage and baggage, behind him.

Mamood, having next morning reconnoitred the woods and hollow grounds around, ordered his army to march into the enemy's camp, and to lengthen their hands upon the spoil, which proved to be very considerable, besides five hundred and eighty elephants, which were found in the neighbouring wood. He then laid waste, with fire and sword, the country, and returned to Ghizni, without prosecuting the war any further.

He had not remained there many days, before he heard that the inhabitants of Kiberat and Nardien, countries upon the boundaries of Hindostan, would not acknowledge the Mussulman faith, but continued the worship of Lions [The Divinity is worshipped under the figure of a Lion by some of the Hindoos: that animal being, in their opinion, a proper emblem of almighty power and strength.]. Mamood resolved to compel them, and accordingly marched towards their country, taking with him a great number of masons, carpenters, smiths, and labourers, that he might there build a fort, to overawe them after his departure.

The Lord of the country of Kiberat, finding he could not pretend to oppose the King, submitted himself, acknowledging the faith of the Prophet. The Ghiznian general Ali was sent, with a division of the army, to reduce the dominion of Nardien, which he soon accomplished, pillaging the country, and carrying away many of the people captives.

There was a temple in Nardien which Ali destroyed, and brought from thence a stone, upon which there was a curious inscription, that bore that it was forty thousand years old.

The Sultan ordered a fort to be built in that place, and left it under the care of Ali, the son of Kudur. He himself, in the mean time, returned by the way of Lahore, and in his march invested the strong hold of Locote, in the province of Cashmire. He besieged the place for a whole month, but, finding it impregnable, he decamped, and proceeding to Lahore, entered that city without much opposition, giving it up to be sacked by his troops. Here wealth, and precious effects, be- yond the power of estimation, fell into their hands.

Patturugepal, the prince of Lahore, unable to contend with so powerful an adversary, fled to Ajmere for protection; and Mamood immediately appointed one of his Omrahs to the government of Lahore, and sent other commanders to various districts in the territories of Hindostan. Mamood himself returned in the spring to Ghizni.

The martial disposition of Mamood could not rest long in peace. He marched again by the way of Lahore, in the 414th year of the Higera, against Nunda, the prince of Callinger, with a great army. Passing by the fort of Gaulier, he ordered it to be besieged; but the prince of the province prevailed upon him to remove from before that place in a few days, by the means of rich presents and thirty-five elephants: the King immediately directed his march to Callinger, invested that city, and Nunda offered him three hundred elephants and other presents for peace.

The King agreed to the terms proposed; and the Raja, to try the bravery of the Sultan's troops, intoxicated the elephants with certain drugs, and let them loose without riders into the camp; Mamood seeing the animals advancing, perceived the trick, by the wildness of their motions, and immediately ordered a party of his best horse to seize, kill, and drive them from the camp: some of the Turks, emulous to display their bravery in the presence of their King, and of both armies, mounted the greatest part of the elephants, and drove the rest into an adjacent wood, where they were soon reduced to obedience.

The enemy, upon seeing the resolution of the Ghiznians, were much intimidated, and Nunda, taking advantage of one of the foibles of Mamood, sent to him a panegyric, in the Indian tongue. The King was much pleased with this elegant piece of flattery; for the poetry was much admired by the learned men of India, Arabia, and Persia, who were at his court. To make a return for this compliment, Mamood conferred the government of fifteen forts upon Nunda, with many curious presents; but the peace was principally ratified by means of many valuable presents in jewels and gold, given on the part of Nunda. Mamood immediately returned to Ghizni.

Mamood, in the year 415, mustered all his forces. He found them, exclusive of his garrisons and those upon duty in various parts of his dominions, to consist of fifty-five thousand chosen horse, one thousand three hundred elephants, and one hundred thousand infantry. With this force, excepting a part of the infantry which he left at Ghizni, he marched to Balich to expel Tiggi from the government of Maver-ul-nere for oppressing the people, who complained of his tyranny to the King. When the chiefs of Maver-ul-nere heard that the King had crossed the Jagetay, they came with presents to meet him; Kudir, king of Turkistan, paid him, at the same time, the compliment of a visit, and was received with joy and friendship. Mamood prepared a great feast upon the occasion; and after having concluded a treaty, the monarchs took leave of each other, making an exchange of princely presents.

Tiggi, seizing this opportunity, betook himself to fight. But the King of Ghizni sending a party of horse after him, he was, after a long search, discovered and brought to camp, and confined for life in one of the forts of India.

Mamood understood, in the same year, that there was a famous temple called Sumnat, in the province of Guzerat, near the harbour of Deo [This place is now called Dieu, and is in the possession of the Portuguese.], very rich and greatly frequented by devotees from all parts of Hindostan. These infidels believed that souls, after death, went before Sumnat, who transferred them into other bodies or animals, according to their merits in their former state. The King was also informed, that the priests of this God gave out, that the sins of the people of Delhi and Kinnoge had incensed him so much, that he abandoned them to the vengeance of the Mussulmen, otherwise that, in the twinkling of an eye, he could have blasted the whole army of Mamood.

The King, rather irritated than intimidated by this report, was determined to put the power of the God to a trial. by personally treating him ill. He therefore marched from Ghizni, with a numerous army, in the month Shaban.

The temple of Sumnat, which also gave name to a great city, was situated upon the shore of the Ocean, and is at this time to be seen in the districts of the harbour of Deo, under the dominion of the idolaters of Europe [The Portuguese.]. Some historians affirm, that Sumnat was brought from Mecca, where he stood before the time of the Prophet. But the Brahmins deny this tale, and say, that it stood near the harbour of Deo since the time of Krishen, who was concealed in that place about four thousand years ago.

The King of Ghizni, about the middle of Ramzan, reached the city of Moultan, and as there was a great desert before him, he gave orders that all his troops should provide themselves with several days' water and provisions, as also with provender for their horses; he besides loaded twenty thousand camels with necessaries for the army. When he had passed that terrible desert, he arrived at the city of Ajmere, and finding that the Raja and inhabitants had abandoned the place, and that he could not prevail with them to come and submit themselves, he ordered the city to be sacked, and the adjacent country to be laid waste with fire and sword. But as the reduction of the citadel would take up too much time, he left it, and proceeding upon his expedition, reduced some small forts in the way by assault.

Having then arrived at Narwalla, a city of Guzerat, which was evacuated at his approach, another desert presented itself to the King beyond that place. Mamood, however, taking the same precautions as before, without any remarkable occurrence, reached Sumnat, which was a lofty castle, upon a narrow peninsula, washed on three sides by the sea.

Upon the battlements of the place there appeared an innumerable multitude of people in arms. They immediately made a signal for a Herald to approach, and told him, that their great idol, Sumnat, had drawn the Mussulmen thither, that he might blast them in a moment, and avenge the destruction of the Gods of India. The Sultan only smiled at this vain threat, and commanded, that as soon as the morning should appear, his army should be ready for an assault.

In the morning, the valiant troops of the sublime Mamood, advanced to the foot of the walls, and began the attack. The battlements were in a short time cleared, by the experience and valour of the archers, and the dastardly Hindoos, astonished and dispirited, crowded into the temple, and prostrating themselves in tears before the idol, prayed for assistance.

The Mussulmen seized the opportunity which the devotion of their enemies offered them, applied their scaling-ladders, and, mounting the wall, began to exclaim Alla Akber [God is greatest.]. The Hindoos now reduced to despair, found they must fight for themselves or die; they collected their force together, and made so violent an attack upon the assailants, that, from the time that the King of day dispelled the darkness, till the Moon, fair bride of night, illuminated the court of heaven with paler rays, the flames of war were not quenched with blood [The original in this place has some poetical merit, and it is therefore translated verbatim.]. The Mussulmen, wearied out with fatigue, were at length, obliged to abandon all their advantages, and retire to rest.

Next morning, the work of death was renewed, but as fast as they mounted the wall, so fast were they pushed headlong down by the spears of the defendants, who, weeping, had taken leave of their God, and now seemed wishing for death. And thus the labours of this day proved more unsuccessful than the first.

An army of idolaters, upon the third day, presented themselves in order of battle, in sight of the Ghiznian camp. Mamood immediately advanced, with an intention to raise the siege of Sumnat, and therefore ordered a party to amuse the besieged, while he himself prepared to engage the enemy in the field. He marched in order of battle towards the idolaters, who advanced with equal resolution. The battle began with great fury, and victory for some time seemed doubtful, till two Indian princes, Byramdeo and Dabiselima, in the middle of the action, joined the enemy with their troops, and inspired them with such fresh courage, that faintness became visible in Mamood's army.

Mamood, perceiving a languor spreading over his lines, leaped from his horse, and prostrating himself before God, implored his assistance. Then mounting with a noble assurance, he took Abul Hassen Chirkani, one of his generals, by the hand, and inspired him with hope and glory. He himself advanced upon the enemy, encouraging his troops with such determined resolution, that, ashamed to abandon their king, with whom they had so often trod the path of renown, they, with one accord, gave a shout of victory, and rushed forward as for a prize. They bore the enemy before them upon the points of their spears, laying five thousand of them dead at their feet.

When the garrison of Sumnat beheld this defeat, they were struck with confusion and fear. They withdrew their hands from the fight, and issuing out at a gate towards the sea, to the number of four thousand, embarked in boats, intending to proceed to the island of Sirindiep [Ceylon.]. But they did not escape the eyes of the King. He seized upon boats which were left in a neighbouring creek, and, manning them with rowers and some of his best troops, pursued the enemy, taking and sinking some of their boats, while others escaped.

Having then placed guards round the walls and at the gates, he entered Sumnat, with his son and a few of his nobles and principal attendants. When they advanced to the temple, they saw a great and antique structure, built of stone, within a spacious court. They immediately entered it, and discovered a great square hall, having its lofty roof supported by fifty-six pillars, curiously turned and set with precious stones. In the centre of the hall stood Sumnat, an idol of stone, five yards in height, two of which were sunk in the ground.

The King was enraged when he saw this idol, and raising his mace, struck off the nose from his face. He then ordered that two pieces of the image should be broke off, to be sent to Ghizni, there to be thrown at the threshold of the public Mosque, and in the court of his palace. Two more fragments he reserved to be sent to Mecca and Medina.

When Mamood was thus employed in breaking up Sumnat, a crowd of Brahmins petitioned his attendants, and offered some crores [Ten millions.] in gold, if the King should be pleased to proceed no further. The Omrahs endeavoured to persuade Mamood to accept of the money; for they said that breaking up the idol could not remove idolatry from the walls of Sumnat, that therefore it could serve no purpose to destroy the image, but that such a sum of money given in charity, among believers, would be a very meritorious action. The King acknowledged, that what they said was, in some measure, true; but should he consent to that bargain, he might justly be called a seller of idols; and that he looked upon a breaker of them as a more honourable title. He therefore ordered them to proceed.

The next blow having broke up the belly of Sumnat, which had been made hollow, they discovered that it was full of diamonds, rubies, and pearls, of a much greater value than the amount of what the Brahmins had offered, so that a zeal for religion was not the sole cause of their application to Mamood.

It is said, by some writers, that the name of this idol is a compound word of Sum and Nat; Sum being the name of the prince who erected it, and Nat the true name of the God; which, in the language of the Brahmins, signifies Creator. In the time of eclipses we are told, that there used to be forty or fifty thousand worshippers at this temple; and that the different princes of Hindostan had bestowed, in all, two thousand villages, with their territories, for the maintenance of its priests; besides the innumerable presents received from all parts of the empire. It was a custom among those idolaters, to wash Sumnat, every morning and evening, with fresh water from the Ganges, though that river is above one thousand miles distant.

Among the spoils of this temple was a chain of gold, weighing forty maunds, which hung from the top of the building by a ring. It supported a great bell, which warned the people to the worship of the God. Besides two thousand Brahmins, who officiated as priests, there belonged to the temple five hundred dancing girls, three hundred musicians, and three hundred barbers, to shave the devotees before they were admitted to the presence of Sumnat. The dancing girls were either remarkable for their beauty or their quality, the Rajas thinking it an honour to have their daughters admitted.

The King of Ghizni found, in this temple, a greater quantity of jewels and gold, than, it is thought, any royal treasury ever contained before. In the history of Eben Assur, it is related that there was no light in the temple, but one pendant lamp, which, being reflected from the jewels, spread a strong and refulgent light over the whole place. Besides the great idol above-mentioned, there were in the temple some thousands of small images, in gold and silver, of various shapes and dimensions.

The Emperor having secured the wealth of Sumnat, prepared to chastise the Indian prince Byram Deo, from whom the harbour of Deo takes its name, for having endeavoured to distress him during the siege, and having cut off above three thousand of the Mussulmen. Byram Deo, after the taking of Sumnat, had fled from Narwalla, the capital of Guzerat, and shut himself up in the fort of Gundia, which was forty pharsangs from Sumnat. The King, without opposition, arrived before the fort, and saw that it was surrounded on all sides by the sea, which, in every place, appeared impassable. He sent however to sound the depth of the water, and received intelligence, that at one place it was fordable at low water; but if he should be caught by the tide, in his passage, the troops must inevitably perish.

Mamood having ordered public prayers, and cast his fortune in the Koran, turned his horse into the sea, at the head of his troops, and reaching in safety the opposite shore, immediately made an assault upon the place. Byram Deo, looking upon life preferable to every other consideration, left his family and wealth, and, in the habit of a slave, stealing out of the fort, ran and concealed himself in a corner. The troops who defended the place, seeing themselves thus shamefully deserted, were also struck with fear; and quitted their posts upon the walls. The Mussulmen mounted their scaling-ladders, and commenced a dreadful havock among the unfortunate slaves, reserving the women and children for captivity. The wealth of the Byram was lodged in the treasury of the King.

Mamood being thus victorious, marched to Narwalla, the capital of all the peninsula of Guzerat. He found the soil of that place so fertile, the air so salubrious and pure, and the country so well cultivated and pleasant, that he proposed to take up his residence there for some years, and to make it his capital, conferring the government of Ghizni upon his son, the illustrious Musaood. Some historians relate, that, in that age, there were gold mines in Guzerat; which occasioned Mamood to incline to fix his residence in that country. But to this we cannot well give any credit, as there are now no traces of those mines; but it is acknowledged, that the country was, at all times, one of the richest in Hindostan. In support of their assertion, they however give many instances of the disappearance of gold mines, such as that in Seistan, which was swallowed up by an earthquake. There are other writers who pretend to say, that the King, having heard of gold and ruby mines upon the island of Sirendeip, and in the country of Pegu, intended to fit out a. fleet for the conquest of those parts, but that he was diverted by his council from this scheme, and also prevailed upon not to abandon his native kingdom and capital.

Mamood yielding to this latter advice, consented to return, and at the same time begged of his nobles, to recommend a fit person to him for the government of the kingdom of Guzerat. After consulting among themselves, they told the King, that on account of the great distance of this country from his other dominions, and the number of troops it would require for its defence, they thought it adviseable that some one of the natives should receive that honour. The King then enquired among the chiefs of the natives, and was informed that the family of Dabissalima was the noblest in those parts, and that then a man of parts and distinction, of that tribe, was in his camp, in the habit of a common Brahmin: that they knew no person fitter to be exalted to royalty than him, though he had been obliged to chuse that way of life, to conceal himself from the cruelty of a younger brother, who had usurped his inheritance.

Some authors, suspecting the probability of this story, have informed us, that Dabissalima was an unsubdued prince of a neighbouring country, famous as well for his policy and wisdom, as for his great knowledge in the sciences. To him the King sent a friendly message, inviting him to his presence, to receive his allegiance for the government of Guzerat, which he in-' tended to bestow upon him. But as we have many authentic proofs of the truth of our first relation, it must be acknowledged that the King, upon having settled an annual tribute, bestowed the kingdom of Guzerat upon Dabissalima, the poor Brahmin, and not upon the Raja of the same name, who lived at that period.

We find, that when the King had bestowed the regency upon the Brahmin, the latter petitioned him to leave some forces for his protection, for that the prince Dabissalima, as soon as Mamood should evacuate the country, would undoubtedly invade him before his power was thoroughly established, the consequence of which might be easily foreseen: but that, if the King would grant him his protection, he would annually give double the revenues of Cabulistan and Zabulistan.

These considerations prevailed with Mamood to form a design to reduce the prince Dabissalima before he left the country. He accordingly sent a part of his army into the dominions of the prince, which, in a short time, defeated him, and brought him prisoner to Mamood. He immediately delivered over the unfortunate Raja into the hands of his kinsman Dabissalima, the viceroy, to take away his life.

Dabissalima addressed himself to the King after this manner: That, in his religion, the murder of a king was unlawful; but that it was customary, when one king got possession of the person of another who was his enemy, to make a dark pit under his throne, where he should remain imprisoned for life, or till the death of his conqueror: that, for his own part, he esteemed such usage a cruelty of which he could not be guilty; but that, on the other hand, if the Raja should be confined by him in another prison, his adherents would, upon the King's departure, attempt to release him. He therefore earnestly begged that the King might carry him to Ghizni.

Mamood complied with this last request, and, after two years and six months' absence, turned homewards his victorious standards. But having received intelligence, that Byram Deo, and the prince of Ajmere, with others, had collected a great army to oppose him in the desert, he turned by the way of the Indus and Moultan. He there also met with deserts in his march, wherein his army greatly suffered by want of water, and his cavalry by want of grass; but in the year 417, he with much difficulty and toil reached Ghizni. During his march through the country on the banks of the Indus, he was led astray three days and nights, by one of his Hindoo guides, in a desert of dry sand, so that madness and thirst began intolerably to rage through his perishing troops.

Mamood, suspecting his guide, commanded him to be put to the torture, when he confessed that he was one of the priests of Sumnat, who, to revenge the injuries done to his God, had thus endeavoured to bring about the ruin of the Ghiznian army. The King then commanded him to be put to death; and it being towards evening, he fell prostrate before God, imploring a speedy deliverance. A meteor was immediately seen in the east, to which he directed his march, and, before morning, found himself upon the banks of a lake.

Dabissalima the devout, having established himself upon the throne of Guzerat, as deputy to the King of Ghizni, continued to send his revenues punctually to the King, and some years after desired the imprisoned Raja might be returned to him. But that prince had, by this time, gained upon the mind of the King, which made him unwilling to part with him. He however was over-persuaded by his counsellors, who were envious of the favour which the unfortunate Raja had acquired; and he was accordingly put into the hands of the person who brought the revenue to Ghizni.

When they reached the dominions of Guzerat, Dabissalima the devout gave orders to dig a hole under his own throne, in which he intended to confine the unhappy Raja, according to the barbarous custom of the Indians. To stretch his triumph still further, he advanced to some distance from his capital, to meet the prince, that the unfortunate man might run before his horse, with a bason on his head and an ewer in his hand.

The King of Guzerat, it is said, having overheated himself upon this occasion, lay down, much disordered, in a shade, drew a red handkerchief over his face, and ordered his attendants to withdraw. A vulture, which was hovering over that place, mistaking the red handkerchief for prey, soused down upon Dabissalima, and fixing her talons about his eyes, rendered him totally blind; and therefore incapable to reign, according to the laws of the country.

When the accident which befel the King became public, the whole camp and city were filled with confusion and uproar. The imprisoned prince, arriving at that very instant, was received with universal acclamations, and immediately elected King. He put the bason upon the head of Dabissalima, and placed the ewer in his hand, and drove him before him into the dungeon which he himself had prepared, where he spent the remainder of his life.

This barbarous action, however, showed that his successor was unworthy of what Providence had, so miraculously, bestowed upon him. The story is a striking instance of the just punishment of pride, and that he who digs a pit for another, will fall into it himself.

The author of the Jam ul Hikaiat has related, that, when Mamood was at Guzerat, he saw a small black idol under a circular arch, which, to all appearance, was suspended in the air without support. The King, amazed at this phenomenon, consulted the philosophers of his court concerning it. They told him that they believed the image to be iron, and the stones of the arch magnets. The King observed, that he thought the equilibrium of weight and attraction could not be so exactly found. He, however, by way of experiment, ordered a stone to be struck out of the arch; which was no sooner done, than the idol fell to the ground, and the stone was accordingly found to be a magnet; but philosophers of latter days are of the King's opinion; and this story may be ranked among the fabulous.

The Calipha of Bagdat being informed of the expedition of the King of Ghizni, wrote him a congratulatory letter, in which he styled him, The Guardian of Fortune, and the Faith of Mahommed. To his son, the illustrious Emir Musaood, he gave the title of The Light of Posterity, and the Beauty of Nations; and to his second son, the noble Eusoph, the appellation of The Strength of the Arm of Fortune, and Establisher of the State. He at the same time assured Mamood, that whoever he should appoint to the succession, he himself would confirm and support.

Mamood marched this year an army against the Jits, who had insulted him in his way from Sumnat. This people inhabited the country on the borders of Moultan, near the banks of the river that runs by the mountains of Jude. When he arrived at Moultan, finding that the country of the Jits was defended by great rivers, he ordered fifteen hundred boats to be built, each of which he armed with six iron spikes projecting from their prows and sides, to prevent their being boarded by the enemy, who were very expert in that kind of war. When he had launched this fleet, he ordered twenty archers into each boat, and five others, with fire-balls, to burn the craft of the Jits, and naphtha to set the whole river on fire. This force he commanded to extirpate the Jits, and remained with the remainder of his army at Moultan.

The Jits having intelligence of this armament, sent their wives and children, and most valuable effects, into an island, and launching, according to some, four thousand, or, according to others, eight thousand boats, manned and armed, prepared to receive the Ghiznians. They met, and a terrible conflict ensued; but the projected pikes from the imperial boats did such execution, when they ran against the craft of the Jits, that many of them were overset. The archers, at the same time, plied their bows to such good purpose, that many of the enemy plunged overboard to avoid their galling arrows. Some of the Jitsiad boats being, in the mean time, set on fire, communicated their flames to others; some were sunk, some boarded by the Ghiznians, and others endeavoured to make their escape. In this scene of confusion and terror, very few of the Jits could shun their hard fate. All those, therefore, who escaped death, met with the more severe misfortune of captivity.

The King, after this victory, returned in triumph to Ghizni, and in the 418th year of the Higera, ordered Amir Toos, one of his generals, to the government of the Persian district of Badwird, that he might chastise the Turkumans of Siljoki [These were the Tartar tribe who soon after conquered Persia, and whose prince, Togrul Bec, founded the dynasty of the Siljokides.], who had crossed the river Amavia, and invaded that province. But Amir Toos, being defeated in a very bloody action, wrote to the King, that without his presence and fortune nothing could be done against the enemy.

Mamood immediately put his army in motion, and having come up with them, gave them a total defeat, which entirely dispersed them, and cleared the country. Hearing, at this time, that one of his generals had conquered Irac [This is the province of Persia, distinguished by the name of Irac Agemi, by the Arabians.], he marched that way, and seized all the treasure that had been amassed by the race of Boia, who had possessed that country, and lived in the city of Rai [A great city, capital of Irac, before Ispahan.]. Having there enforced some laws respecting the religion of the inhabitants, who had adopted false tenets, he settled the government of Rai and Ispahan upon his son, the prince Musaood, and returned himself to Ghizni.

Mamood was soon after afflicted with the stone, which disorder daily increased. He went in this condition to Balich to settle some state affairs, and in the beginning of the spring he turned his face again to Ghizni; where, upon Friday the 23d of the second Ribbi, in the 419th of the Higera, and the sixty-third year of his age, this great conqueror, amidst the tears of his people, gave up his body to death, and his soul to immortality.

He reigned thirty-five years, and he was buried by torch-light, with great pomp and solemnity, in the palace of triumph at Ghizni. He was certainly a great man and an excellent prince, a good friend to his own people, a dreadful enemy to foreigners. Ambitious but seldom cruel; not religious but enthusiastic, he did many bad things from a good principle. His person was of the middle size, not handsome, but without deformity or blemish.

Two days before his death, he commanded that all the sacks of gold and caskets of precious stones, which were in the treasury, should be placed before him; when he beheld them as with regret, he wept, ordering them to be carried back to the treasury, without exhibiting his generosity at that time to any body, for which he has been accused of avarice. He ordered, the following day, a review of his army, his elephants, camels, horses and chariots, with which, having feasted his eyes for some time, from his travelling throne, he again burst into tears, and retired in grief to his palace.

It is said, that Mamood, upon hearing that a citizen of Neshapoor was possessed of immense wealth, commanded him to be called into his presence. The King began to reproach him for being an idolater and an apostate from the faith. The citizen replied, “O King, I am no idolater nor apostate, but it is true that I am possessed of much wealth; take it therefore, but do me not a double injustice, by robbing me of my money and my good name.” The King, for this insolence, as he termed it, ordered him to be punished, and confiscated his whole estate.

But Mamood was, in other instances, famous for justice. A person one day, thrusting himself into the presence, called loudly for justice. The King ordered him to explain his complaint, which he thus did: "That, unfortunately having a handsome wife, the King's nephew had conceived a passion for her, and came to his house every night with armed attendants, beating him and turning him into the street, till he had gratified his adulterous passion. That he had frequently complained to those who ought to have done him justice, but that the rank of the adulterer had shut their ears against him.”

The King, upon hearing this, was so much enraged, that tears of resentment and compassion started from his eyes; he reprimanded the poor man for not making sooner his complaint to him. The man replied, “That he often attempted it, but could not gain admittance." He was then commanded by the King, to return to his house, and to give him notice the first time that his nephew was guilty of the like violence; charging those who were present, upon pain of death, to let nothing of this complaint transpire, ordering the poor man to be admitted at any hour. Accordingly the man returned to his house, and, upon the third night following, the King's nephew, as usual, came, and having whipped the husband severely, turned him into the street. The poor man hastened to the King; but the captain of the guards would not give him admittance, saying, that his Majesty was in the Haram. The man immediately began to make a violent outcry, so that the porter fearing that the court might be disturbed, and that the noise might reach the King, he was under the necessity to conduct him to the Eunuchs of the bed-chamber, who immediately acquainted Mamood of the affair.

The King immediately rose, and drawing on a garment, followed the man to his house. He found his nephew and the man's wife sleeping together in one bed, with a candle standing on the carpet near them. Mamood, extinguishing the candle, drew his dagger, and severed his nephew's head from his body: then commanding the man to bring a light, he called out for some water, and having taken a deep draught, he told him, he might now go and sleep with safety, if he could trust his own wife.

The poor man fell down at the King's feet, in gratitude to his justice and condescension, but begged him to tell why he put out the candle, and afterwards called out so vehemently for water. The King replied, “that he put out the candle that pity might not arrest his hand in the execution of justice, on a youth whom he tenderly loved; and that he had made a vow to God, when he first heard the complaint, that he would neither eat nor drink till he had brought the criminal to justice, insomuch that he was upon the point of dying of thirst."

The learned men who lived at the court of Mamood were principally these: Ozaeri Rasi, a native of Rai in Persia, whose poetical performances as a panegyrist are esteemed very good, for one of which he received a present of 4000 dirms from Mamood. -- Assidi Toosi, a native of the province of Chorassan, a poet of great fame, whom the Sultan often entreated to undertake the Shaw Namma, but he excused himself on account of his age. He was the master of Phirdoci, who afterwards undertook that work; but Phirdoci falling sick, by too much application, before it was finished, he applied himself to his old master Assidi; telling him, that he was now at the point of death, and that his only regret for leaving this vain world was, that his poem was unfinished. The old man weeping replied, that, though he had often excused himself to the King from having any hand in the performance, yet, for the affection he bore to Phirdoci, he would undertake to finish his poem. The dying poet replied, that he was well assured no other man of the age had the genius to attempt it; but at the same time he was afraid, years and infirmities had damped the native fire of Assidi.

The old man, warmed with friendship and emulation, collecting the force of his mind, made the attempt, and brought into the chains of rhyme, in a few days, that part of the poem, between the Arabian conquest of the western Persia, to the end, which consists of four thousand couplets. He immediately brought it to Phirdoci, who was so rejoiced that he recovered from his disorder. The Shaw Namma is esteemed among the first of poetical productions, and Phirdoci the author, consequently among the first of poets.

Minuchere was a noble of Balich, and famous for his poetry and wit. But Ali Unsuri is esteemed to hold the first rank, as to genius in that age; for, besides being one of the best poets, he was a great philosopher, versed in all the known sciences and all the learned languages of those times. Four hundred poets and learned men, besides all the students of the university of Ghizni, acknowledged him for their master. He was therefore appointed by the King to superintend literature, and it was ordered, that no performance should be brought before Mamood, without being previously honoured with the approbation of Ali Unsuri.

Among the works of Unsuri there is an heroic poem, upon the actions of Mamood. The King having one night, in his cups, cut off the long tresses of his beloved [His favourite mistress.], he was much afflicted in the morning for what he had done. He sat, he rose, he walked by turns, and there was a terror round him, which kept the people at distance. Ali Unsuri accosted him with some extempore lines [The beauty of the lines consisted chiefly in a happy chime of words, which cannot possibly be imitated in a translation. The sense runs thus: “On this happy day, when the tresses of your beloved are cut off, what place is there for grief? Let it be rather crowned with mirth and wine, for the taper form of the cypress is best seen from the pruning of its branches."], which so pleased the King, that he ordered his mouth to be filled three times with jewels. Calling then for wine, he sat with the poet, and washed down his grief, seasoning society with wit.

Asjuddi was one of the scholars of Unsuri: he was a native of Hirvi, a poet blessed with the light of true genius, but his works are very scarce, and the greatest part of them lost. Firochi was also a pupil of Unsuri. He was of the ancient royal race of the kings of Seistan, but reduced by fortune so low, that he was obliged to hire himself to a farmer for the yearly wages of a hundred dirms. When he married, he found this small sum would not answer his expences, so he became desirous of having his wages increased. The farmer told him, he certainly deserved a great deal more, but that his capacity could not extend the allowance further. Firochi, in this state of dependence, waited on the Sultan's nephew, Abul Muziffir, with a poem, for which he honoured him with a handsome reward, with a horse and a dress. He was introduced to the King by Muziffir, who settled a pension upon him, which enabled him to ride with a retinue of twenty well-mounted slaves.

Al Kader Billa kept up the title of Calipha, without any power, excepting in the city of Bagdâd and its territory, during the whole reign of Mamood. Elich Chan, king of Kasgar, by the extinction of the imperial family of Samania, possessed himself of the city of Bochara, and became sovereign of all Maver-ul-nere or Transoxiana. Mamood added to the empire of Ghizni, to the west and north, Seistan, the Persian Iraac; Georgia, and, in general, all Persia, to the east of the small territory of the Caliphat. He dethroned and extinguished the family of Boia, who had held out for so many years their best provinces against the Caliphas of the house of Abas. On the side of India, he conquered and possessed all the provinces to the northwest of Delhi, all Sindia and Guzerat; and, by spreading his ravages further into that vast empire, rendered almost all its Rajas dependent upon his power. Mamood, in short, possessed a greater empire than any Mahommedan prince before his time in Asia. Almost all Persia was subject to him, the Oxus bounded his empire on the north-east side, and the mountains of Ajmere and Malava seem to have been on his frontiers on the south.
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Re: The History of Hindostan, by Alexander Dow

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Part 4 of 15

[Section V. The History of the Reign of Jellal ul Dowla, Jemmal ul Muluck Sultan Mahummud, ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.]

MAHOMMED I.

WHEN the hand of Mamood was shortened from worldly labour, his son Mahommed [His titles are, Jellal ul Dowla, Jemmal ul Muluc, Sultan Mahommed, ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.] was in the province of Gourgan, and the prince Musaood in Ispahan. Ali, the son of the famous Arsilla, the father-in-law of Mamood, called the prince Mahommed to Ghiżni, and according to the will of his father placed the crown upon his head. Mahommed, upon his accession, bestowed the dignity of captain-general upon his uncle Eusoph, the son of Subuctagi, and the honour of Vizier upon Abu Seil Ahummud; then opening the treasury, he gladdened his friends and the public with liberal donations; but the hearts of the soldiery and people run chiefly in favour of his brother Musaood.

About fifty days after the death of Mamood, one of the nobles, by name Abul Nigim, having, in confederacy with Ali Dia, gained over the slaves [By the slaves mentioned in this place, and the sequel of this history, are meant the captives and young children bought by kings, and educated for the offices of state. They were often adopted by the emperors, and very frequently succeeded to the empire. A whole dynasty of them possessed afterwards the throne in Hindostan. We must not therefore consider the word slave, which often occurs in this history, in the mean sense which it carries in our language.], they broke into the royal stables, and mounting the King's best horses, rode off towards Bust. The Emperor Mahommed informed of this, immediately dispatched Subundraï, an Indian chief in trust, with a numerous body of Hindoo cavalry, in pursuit of them. He came up with the slaves in a few days; a skirmish ensued, in which Subundraſ, with the greatest part of his troops, were killed, and not a few of the slaves. The surviving part of the rebels, with their two chiefs, pursued their journey to the prince Musaood, whom they met at Neshapoor, a city of the province of Chorassan. Musaood having heard of his father's decease at Hammedam in Persia [Hammedan is situated in the province of Irac, towards the frontiers of Curdustan. It is one of the principal cities of Persia, because it is in a manner the door by which every thing goes from Bagdad to Ispahan.], settled viceroys and governors of trust in the Persian provinces of Irac Agemi, and hastened towards Chorassan. From thence he wrote to his brother, that he had no inclination to take those countries from him, which his father, notwithstanding his preferable right, had been pleased to bequeath to the prince Mahommed. He moreover added, that the regions of the Hills, Tiberistan and Erac, which he had mostly acquired with his own sword, were ample enough dominions for him. He only insisted so far on his birthright, as to have his name first read in the Chutba [The genealogy and titles of their kings read from the pulpit on all public occasions of worship, after the praise of the prophet.], over all his dominions.

The Prince Musaood is allowed to have been very moderate in this case, for though he and Mahommed were twins, he was the elder by some hours, and consequently had the undoubted right of succession.

But enmity had subsisted between the brothers from their youth, and Mahommed returned his brother, upon this occasion, a very unfriendly answer, and began to prepare for war, in spite of all that his council could do to oppose so rash a measure. He accordingly put his army in motion, and leaving Ghizni, proceeded to meet Musaood: it is said, that at the feast, upon the conclusion of the Ramzan which Mahommed held at Tunganabad, his crown fell accidentally from his head when he sat in state. This was reckoned a very unfortunate omen, of which some disaffected chiefs taking advantage, estranged the minds of the soldiery from their prince. Accordingly upon the third night after, there was a confederacy formed by the noble Ali, Eusoph, the son of Subuctagi, uncle to the King, and Hassnic Mical, who sounding the trumpets to arms, put themselves at the head of the troops, surrounded the King's tents, and seizing upon his person, sent him prisoner to the fort of Chilligie. They immediately marched with the army to Herat, to meet the prince Musaood, to whom they swore allegiance.

Musaood directed immediately his march to Balich, where he ordered Hassnic to be executed, for having deserted him before, and fled to the King of Egypt. There was also, it is said, a private pique, which hastened the death of Hassnic, for he was in public heard to say, that if ever Musaood should be King, he would suffer himself to be hanged. The noble Ali had his head struck off for his ingratitude to his prince; and Eusoph, the son of the Emperor Subuctagi, the other conspirator, and the King's uncle, was imprisoned for life. The eyes of the unfortunate Mahommed were put out, and he himself confined; so that the reign of Mahommed scarcely lasted five months. But, as we shall hereafter see, he was, after nine years' imprisonment, blessed with one more bright ray of fortune.

[Section VI. The Reign of Shahab ul dowla Jemmal ul Muluck Sultan Musaood ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.]

MUSAOOD I.

Musaood [His titles were Shahab ul Dowla, Jemmal ul Muluck, Sultan Musaood, ben Sultan Mamood Ghiznavi.] was a man of a lofty spirit, and was honoured with the appellation of Rustum the second. His arrow could pierce the strongest mail, and sink into the body of an elephant, and his iron mace was so ponderous, that no man of his time could raise it with one hand. He was withal, of an obstinate and fierce disposition, contemptuous of all authority, and disdaining all obedience. This circumstance, in his youth, engaged him in many quarrels, and greatly disobliged his father; who, for that reason, fixed his affections upon his brother, the prince Mahommed, who was of a more mild and tractable disposition.

Abu Niser Muscati relates, that when the name of Mahommed was inserted before that of Musaood in the Chutba, and read in public for the first time, that he himself followed Musaood to the door of the mosque, and told him, that what he had heard gave him the utmost concern, for that his own, as well as the hearts of most of the nobles, burnt with affection for him. The prince replied with a smile, “Give yourselves no concern about it; the world is for the longest sword.”

One of the King's spies, hearing this conversation, immediately gave information of it to his father. Mamood immediately calling Abu Niser, asked him what had passed between him and the prince Musaood. Abu Niser, thinking that truth would be his best defence, related the particulars. Upon which the King said, that he had always a high opinion of the superior abilities of Musaood, who, he foresaw, would one day be King; but that the prince Mahommed had gained his heart, by filial duty and implicit obedience.

Musaood, upon his accession, released Ahummud, the son of Hassen Mumundi, who, by the orders of the Emperor Mamood, had been imprisoned in the fort of Callinger, and again made him Vizier. He called the noble Ahummud, the son of Mealtagi, the treasurer, to a strict account, and after having obliged him to refund a great sum for malpractices in his office, appointed him general of all his forces in Hindostan, and ordered him to proceed to Lahore. He, at the same time, released Willamï, who had also been imprisoned in one of the forts of Hindostan, and called him to his court.

The King, in the year 422, having left Balich, came to Ghizni, and sent an army to Kutch and Mackeran, the maritime provinces of Persia, and the coin of both provinces was struck in his name. The prince of those countries died about that time, and left two sons, Asakir and Isah. -- Isah, the younger brother, taking possession of the government, Asakir had recourse for aid, to regain his inheritance, to the Emperor Musaood, to whom the fugitive prince promised an annual tribute, and to hold his dominions, when recovered, of him. Musaood agreeing to this proposal, sent a great army with Asakir, with orders to his general, if possible, to reconcile the difference between the brothers, and to divide the country equally between them; but if this could not be done, to put the whole into the possession of Asakir.

Asakir arrived upon the frontiers, with this powerful army, but so obstinate was his brother, and so much devoted to his own ruin, that he would not be brought to listen to any accommodation; and though he was deserted by many of his friends, who joined his brother, he determined to decide the affair with his sword. He accordingly fought with great bravery, till he obtained that death he seemed so eagerly to pursue. The provinces fell into the hands of Asakir, who paid tribute and allegiance to the empire.

Musaood, in the same year, bestowed the viceroyship of Raï in Persia, of Hammedan, and of all the regions of the Hills, upon Mash, a man who, though he had raised himself from the lowest office in the camp, displayed uncommon abilities in reducing those provinces to obedience. After the departure of the King, the countries which we have just mentioned revolted in part, but Mash not only reduced them to their former dependence, but chastised Aliul Dowla, the Ghiznian governor of Chorassan, who had been tampering with the rebels.

Musaood, after having settled his affairs at Ghizni, intended to march to Ispahan [Ispahan is not only the capital of Irac, but of all Persia. It was, till the commotions after the death of Nadir Shaw in 1747, a very large town, surrounded with a brick wall, and drove a great trade in silks and other commodities. It suffered so much in the late troubles in Persia, that Kerim Chan, the present Emperor, has removed his court to Schiraz.] and Raï. But when he arrived at Herat, the people of Sirchus and Badawird complained to him of the ravages of the famous Tartar tribe of Siljoki Turkumans. The King, moved by the injuries done to his subjects, was incensed very much against the enemy, and therefore immediately ordered Abduse, the son of Adiz, a brave general, with a great force, to chastise them. This officer, however, was received by the Turkumans with so much bravery, that he could gain no advantages over them; and the King, for what reason is not known, returned to Ghizni.

In the year 423, the King dispatched Altasash, who governed Charizm, under the regal title of Viceroy, with a great army, to oppose Ali Tiggi, the Usbec Tartar, who had invaded and conquered Samarcand and Bochara. Altasash marched to Maver-ul-nere, or the country beyond the Amu [Transoxiana.], where fifteen thousand horse were ordered to join him from Ghizni. After this junction was effected, he crossed the river Amàvia, in the face of the enemy, and continued his rout to Bochara, which he reduced, and then proceeded to Samarcand. Ali Tiggi marched out of the city, and took possession of a strong post, having the river on one side and a high mountain on the other. When the battle begun, a party of Ali Tiggi's horse, having turned the mountain, attacked the army of Altasash in the rear. A great slaughter commenced, and the Ghiznian commander was wounded, in a part of the body in which he had formerly received a wound in taking one of the forts of Hindostan. He however concealed his blood from his army, and charged the enemy with such vigour, in his front and rear, that, after an obstinate and bloody conflict, they were at length put to flight.

When the battle was over, Altasash called a council of his principal officers, and showing his wound, told them his end was approaching, and that they must now manage affairs in the best manner they could, intimating at the same time, that he thought they could do nothing better than conclude a peace with the enemy. This motion being approved, a messenger was dispatched to them, that very night, with proposals, which were eagerly accepted. The conditions were, that Ali Tiggi should keep possession of Samarcand, and that Bochara should remain to Musaood. The two armies, immediately after this pacification, departed, the one for Samarcand, and the other for Chorassan. The brave Altasash died the second day after, but his death was concealed from the army, and the chiefs conducted the troops to Charizm: and when these accounts came to the King, he conferred the government upon Haro, the son of Altasash.

The Vizier, Ahmed, the son of Hassen Mumundi, dying this year, Musaood appointed Abu Niser Ahmid to succeed him in his office. In the 424th of the Higera, the King resolved upon an expedition into India. Taking the rout of Cashmire, he invested the fort of Sursutti, which commanded the passes. The garrison being intimidated, sent messengers to the King, promising valuable presents and an annual tribute, if he should desist from his enterprise. Musaood began to listen to the proposals, when his ears were stunned with a grievous complaint from the Mussulmen captives, who were then detained in the place. He immediately broke up the conference, and began to besiege the fort, ordering the ditch to be filled up with sugarcanes from the adjacent plantations. This being done, he ordered scaling-ladders to be applied to the walls, which, after a bloody contest, were mounted, and the garrison, without distinction of age or sex, barbarously put to the sword, excepting a few women and children, who were protected by the soldiers for slaves. The King commanded that what part of the spoil was saved from pillage, should be given to the Mussulmen who had been slaves in Sursutti, and who had formerly lost their effects.

This year was remarkable for a great drought and famine, in many parts of the world. The famine was succeeded by a calamitous pestilence, which swept many thousands from the face of the earth; for in less than one month forty thousand died in Ispahan alone. Nor did it rage with less violence in Hindostan, where whole countries were entirely depopulated.

The King of Ghizni, in the mean time, was obliged to march back to quell some disturbances in Tibiristan, one of the Persian provinces, now forming a part of the Ghiznian empire. The inhabitants of Amalisar opposed him in his progress, but they were dispersed by the imperial troops with little opposition, and Callingar, prince of Tibiristan, sent an ambassador, and subjected himself and his country to the King. He, at the same time, gave his son Bhamin, and his nephew Shirvi, as hostages, for his future good behaviour.

Musaood turned from thence his face towards Ghizni; and when he arrived at Neshapoor, the capital of Chorassan, the people of that place again complained of the incursions of the Tartar tribe of Siljoki, and he immediately dispatched Buctadi, and Hussein the son of Ali, with a great force to chastise them. When the Ghiznian army reached the village of Seindenfauk, a messenger came from the Turkumans with a letter, to the following purpose: “That they were the King's servants, and not at all desirous to disturb any body but his enemies, if they should be enabled, by any annual subsidy, to live at home without plunder, or led out to war, that they might exert their skill in what they reckoned their only profession.”

The answer of Buctadi was very haughty. “There is no peace,” says he, “between us, but the sword, unless you will give over your depredations, and submit yourselves implicitly to the laws and authority of the King." After the Tartars had heard this message from their ambassador, they advanced and made a violent assault upon the camp of Buctadi; but as they were conducted more by rage than conduct, they were repulsed, and obliged to turn their backs upon the honours of the field. Buctadi, pursuing them with great expedition, took all their baggage, and their wives and children.

But when Buctadi was returning from the pursuit, while yet many of his troops were dispersed and intent upon plunder, the Siljoki issued out from between two hills, and, rendered desperate by their former loss, made a dreadful slaughter among the troops, who could not be regularly brought up to the charge. The Ghiznians continued to fight and retreat for two days and nights, but Hussein, the son of Ali, could not be persuaded to quit the field, so that after the most of his men were killed, he himself fell a prisoner into the hands of the enemy. Buctadi fled, and carried advice of his own defeat to the King at Neshapoor.

Musaood was obliged for that time to restrain his resentment, upon account of some disturbances in India. He marched back to Ghizni, in the year 426; and thence sent an army under Ban, an Indian chief, against Ahmud, who had rebelled in his government. But, when the two armies met, Ban was defeated with great slaughter. Musaood, being informed of this disaster, sent Touluck, another Indian chief, who, coming to battle with Ahmud, gave him a total overthrow. He fled in great haste towards Munsura, Tatta, and the country near the mouth of the Indus. Touluck pursued him so close, that many thousands of the runaways fell into his hands, whom he treated in the most inhuman manner, cutting off their noses and ears. When Ahmud reached the banks of the Indus, he found himself, if possible, in greater distress than before; for collecting all the boats, which the pressure of the enemy would permit, he endeavoured to cross the river. But the soldiers, afraid of being abandoned, hurried into the boats with such violence, and in such numbers, that most of them were either overset or sunk. A sudden storm, and an inundation of the river, added to the confusion of the vanquished; so that very few of them escaped. The body of their chief was soon after found by the enemy, and his head sent to Ghizni.

A new palace being finished in the year 427 at Ghizni, a golden throne, studded with jewels, was erected in a magnificent hall, and a crown of gold, weighing seventy maunds [The least maund in India is that of Surat, which weighs thirty-seven pound five ounces and seven drachms avoirdupoise; by which we may conjecture, that the value of this crown was immense.], darting lustre from its precious stones, suspended by a golden chain over it, by way of canopy, under which the King sat in state, and gave public audience. He in the same year conferred the ensigns and drums of royalty upon his son the prince Modood, and sent him to the government of Balich, whilst he himself marched with an army to India to reduce the strong city of Hassi.

This city was the capital of Sewalic, a country towards the head of the Ganges, and was, by the Hindoos, reckoned impregnable; for they were taught to believe, by some of their prophets, that it should never fall into the hands of the Mussulmen. But the Indian prophets, like those of other nations, deceived their followers; for the King, in the space of six days, though with a very considerable loss on his side, scaled the place and took it. He found immense treasures in Hassi; and having put it into the hands of a trusty servant, he marched towards the fort of Sunput. Deipal, the governor of Sunput, evacuated the place, and fled into the woods; but he had no time to carry off his treasure, which fell into the conqueror's hands. Musaood ordered all the temples to be laid in ruins, and all the idols to be broke down.

Musaood proceeded from thence in pursuit of Deipal, who began to show himself in the field; but he was surprised by the King, and all his army taken prisoners, while he himself escaped in the habit of a slave. Musaood marched from thence towards Ram, another prince of those parts, who, upon receiving intelligence of the King's intentions, sent immense presents of gold and elephants, excusing himself, on account of his age, from personally attending upon Musaood. The King received his presents and excuse, and withheld his hand from giving him any farther molestation: then leaving a trusty chief at Sunput [Forty miles from Delhi, on the road to Lahore.], he took possession of all the countries in his rear, intending to return to Ghizni. When he reached Lahore, he left there his son Mugdood, on whom he conferred the government of that famous city and province, and the drums and ensigns of state, with Eur, his favourite, to be his counsellor in matters of importance.

Image
Mahommed Ali Cawn, Nabob of the Carnatic. Published by Verner & Hood, Poultry; Feb. 16th, 1803.

In the year 428 Musaood again marched to Balich, to quell the tumults raised by the restless tribe of Siljoki Tartars, who, upon hearing of the King's approach, evacuated that country. The inhabitants of that province addressed Musaood, and acquainted him that Tiggi the Tartar, after his departure, had made divers incursions into their territories, and crossing the river, had lengthened his hands upon the lives and effects of his subjects. The King determined therefore to chastise him that winter, and, in the beginning of the spring, to bring the other Siljoki to a better understanding. The Omrahs of his court, with one accord, advised him to march first against the Siljoki, because they had, for two years, gained an ascendency over the inhabitants of Chorassan, and were daily acquiring strength. Musaood, at that time, received also a letter from one of the nobles of that province, acquainting him, that his enemies, who were once but Ants, were now become little Snakes, and, if they were not soon destroyed, they might grow in a short time to Serpents.

But the star of the King's fortune had now reached the house of adversity, and he would not by any means hearken to their advice. In hopes to conquer the country before him, he laid a bridge over the Gion [The Oxus.], and crossing his army without opposition, took possession of the whole province of Maver-ul-nere [Transoxiana.]. But, during that winter, such a quantity of snow fell, that it was with the greatest difficulty he marched back and exhibiting such acts of gigantic force and valour, as never king had before displayed. A few of his friends, roused by his words and actions, and that innate honour which inspires the brave, seconded their lord so well, that whithersoever he turned his fatal sword, the enemy were 'mowed down, or retreated before him. But now, when victory seemed to blow on his standard, misfortune was active behind it; for when he looked round he beheld almost his whole army, excepting that body he commanded in person, devouring the paths of flight. The King, seeing himself thus shamefully deserted, and that no hope from his single arm remained, turned his steed, and trampling down the enemy, opened to himself a clear passage with his own sword. When he reached the river near Murve, he met with a few of the fugitives, who now began to collect themselves from all quarters. He took from thence the way of Ghor, and proceeded to Ghizni. There he seized upon the generals who had so ingloriously deserted him. He ordered Ali Daia, Buctadi, and Sab Sinai, to be "conveyed to Hindostan, and confined in a certain fort for life.

The King, finding himself, at this period, unable to withstand the enemy, resolved to withdraw to India, till he could collect his forces, and make another effort to retrieve his affairs. He left his son Modood and his Vizier, with four thousand horse, to defend Balich, and ordered his other son, the prince Mugdood, who had come from Lahore with two thousand horse, to secure Moultan. In the mean time Erid, another of his sons, was sent with a detachment to awe the mountain Afghans, near Ghizni, who were in arms. He then collected all his wealth from the different strong holds to Ghizni, and laying it upon camels, bent his way to Lahore, sending for his brother Mahommed, who had been dethroned and blinded from his confinement.

When Musaood arrived upon the banks of the Gelum, the water of which, on account of its purity, is called the water of Paradise, the slaves, who, were very numerous in his camp, entered into a confederacy with the camel-keepers, and began to divide the treasure among them. The troops observing this, they were determined to partake of the spoil, so that in a moment nothing was to be seen but drawn swords, ravage, and confusion. Every one plundered his neighbour; some gained much wealth, while others, more weak, or unfortunate, were robbed of all upon which they had laid their hands, and stripped of their own besides. The army, for this tumult, fearing the resentment of the King, and not choosing to refund the plunder, hastened in a mob to Mahommed the blind, who had been before king, and, exalting him upon their shoulders, proclaimed him Emperor.

Musaood was, during this time, collecting what friends he could to suppress the mutiny; but no sooner was it known that his brother was proclaimed King, than he found himself entirely deserted. The mob pressing round him, he was obliged to give himself up into their hands, and he was carried before the new King. Mahommed told him, he had no design to take his life, and desired he might pitch upon some fort, whither he might retire with his family into confinement. Musaood, in this extremity, chose the fort of Kurri, but was even in distress for money to pay his few menial attendants. This obliged him to send a person to his brother to request him for some. Mahommed accordingly ordered the pitiful sum of five hundred dirms to be sent him; upon which Musaood, when it was brought him, exclaimed after the following manner: “O wonderful cast of Providence! O cruel reverse of fate! Yesterday was I not a mighty prince; three thousand camels bending under my treasure? To-day I am forced to beg, and to receive but the mere mockery of my wants." With that he borrowed a thousand dirms from his servants, and bestowed it in a present upon his brother's messenger, who had brought the five hundred dirms, which he desired he might again carry back to his master.

Mahommed, upon his accession, advanced his son Ahmed to the government, reserving for himself only the name, though Ahmed was, by many, supposed to have a tincture of madness in his disposition. The first thing he did was, without consulting his father, in conjunction with his cousin Soliman the son of Eusoph, and the son of Ali Cheshawind, to go to the castle of Kurri, and assassinate Musaood, in the year 433. But some affirm, that he buried him alive in a well. The reign of Musaood was nine years and nine months, He was a prince of uncommon strength and bravery; affable, of easy access, and generous to prodigality; particularly to learned men, of whose company he was excessively fond, which drew many from all parts to his court.

Among the first of the learned in the court of Musaaood, we must reckon Abu Keihan of Charism, a great philosopher and astrologer, who wrote one of the best treatises upon astronomy, called Canoon Musaoodi, for which he was presented with an elephant made of silver, the size of which we are not told. Abu Mahoma med Nasahi was also a man of much reputation in this age. He wrote a book called Musaoodi, in support of the doctrine of Abu Hanifa, which he presented to the King. The author of the Rosit ul Suffa tells us, that so extensive was the King's charity, that some days, in the month of Ramzan, he bestowed often a lack of dirms upon the poor. In the beginning of his reign, he built many noble mosques, and endowed many colleges and schools, which he erected in different cities of his dominions.

Musaood was far from being so fortunate as his father Mamood. Al Kader Billa reigned with the title of Calipha in Bagdad and its territory: a branch of the family of Boia were sovereigns of Persia Proper, Kerman or the ancient Caramania, Mesopotamia, and the Arabian Irac. The Siljoki Tartars, having, in a course of depredatory expeditions, ravaged and conquered the vast country of Maver-ul-nere or Transoxiana, passed the Oxus in the reign of Musaood, defeated him in many battles, and stripping him of Chorassan and all the Persian conquests of his father, founded, under their chief, Trogrilbeg, the famous dynasty of the Siljokies. The dominions of Ghizni became very much contracted to the north, consisting only of the provinces of Seistan, Zabulistan, and Cabul, to the north-west of the Hydaspes. The boundaries of the empire, on the side of India, suffered no change in this reign.

[Section VII. The Reign of Abul Fatte, Chutub ul Muluck Shahab ul Dowla Amir Modood ben Musaood ben Mamood Ghiznavi.]

MODOOD.

WHEN the news of the murder of Musaood came to Mahommed the blind, he wept bitterly, and severely reproached the assassins. He, at the same time, wrote to the prince Modood, who was then at Balich, that such and such people had killed his father; calling God to witness, that his hands were clear of the wicked deed. To this Modood [His titles are, Abul Fatte, Cuttub ul Muluc, Shahab ul Muluc, Shahab ul Dowla, Amir Modood ben Musaood, ben Mamood Ghiznavi; the son of the Victorious, the Pole-star of the Empire, the Light of Fortune, the Lord Modood son of Musaood, the son of Mamood of Ghizni.] replied, sarcastically: May God lengthen the days of so good and so merciful a King, and grant that his mad son, Ahmed, may gain glory in the practice of regicide, till his reward be obtained from our hands.

Modood was for marching immediately, to revenge the death of his father; but he was persuaded by his council, to go first to Ghizni; where the citizens, upon his approach, thronged out to meet him, and expressed their joy in acclamations and congratulations upon his accession.

In the year 433, he marched from Ghizni; while Mahommed the blind, appointing his younger son Nami, governor of Peshawir and Moultan, marched in person to the banks of the Indus to receive Modood, who was moving that way, and the two armies meeting in the forest of Diner, between the uncle and nephew, the flames of contention began to arise. The gales of victory, at length, began to fan the standards of Modood, while Mahommed, with his sons, and Ali Che-shawind, and Soliman the son of Eusoph, were taken prisoners. They were all put to death, except Abdul Rahim, the son of Mahommed, whom Modood pardoned for this reason; that during the time that his father Musaood was prisoner, Abdul Rahim went with his brother Reiman to see him. When, upon this occasion, the latter insultingly threw off Musaood's royal cap, Rahim took it up, and put it upon the King's head with much respect, chastising his brother for his mean and barbarous behaviour.

Modood having thus revenged his father's murder, built a town on the spot upon which he had obtained the victory, and called it the victorious city [Fatte-Abad.]. He carried the remains of his father and family to be interred at Ghizni; whither he returned, and appointed Ahmed his Vizier. But he soon after discharged that chief from his high office, and conferred the dignity upon Chaja Tahir. He sent, at the same time, Ahmed with a force to Moultan, against Nami, the son of his uncle Mahommed, whom he slew, reducing the country under the obedience of Modood. The King had now nothing to fear but from his own brother, who was in possession of Lahore and its dependencies. This brother, upon the murder of his father, marched from Moultan, and by the counsel of Eas, possessed himself of all the country lying between the Indus, Hassi and Tannasar.

Modood finding that his brother refused to pay him allegiance, ordered an army against him. Mugdood being apprised of this expedition, marched from Hassi, where he then resided, with his whole force, to oppose the imperial troops. He came up with them before they reached Lahore, with an army so numerous, that the forces of Modood were upon the point of flying at their appearance, several of the chiefs deserting their colours, and enlisting themselves under the banners of Mugdood. But fortune here, or treachery, befriended Modood. In the morning of the ide of sacrifice, Mugdood was found dead in his bed, without any previous complaint, or apparent cause of his decease. But what seemed to discover the hand of traitors, was, that next day, his counsellor and friend Eas was found dead in the same manner. Mugdood's army marched under the banners of Modood, so that the southern countries submitted in peace.

Nor was Modood less fortunate towards the north. The province of Maver-ul-nere, which had for some time asserted its independence, submitted. But the Siljokies, notwithstanding the King had taken one of the daughters of their chief in marriage, began to make incursions anew into his territories.

In the year 435, the prince of Delhi, in alliance with others, raising an army, took Hassi, Tannasar, and their dependencies, from the governors to whom Modood had entrusted them. The Hindoos from thence marched towards the fort of Nagracut, which they besieged for four month's, and the garrison being distressed for provisions, and no succours coming from Lahore, were under the necessity of capitulating. The Hindoos, according to the ancient form, erected new idols, and recommenced the rites of idolatry.

We are told that the prince of Delhi, observing a weakness in the empire of Ghizni, pretended to have seen a vision, in which the great idol of Nagracut told him, that having now revenged himself upon Ghizni, he would meet him at Nagracut in his former temple. This story being propagated by the Brahmins, who probably were in the secret, it gained faith among the superstitious, by which means the Raja was joined by zealots from all parts, and soon saw himself at the head of a very numerous army. With this army, as we have already mentioned, he besieged Nagracut, and when the place surrendered, he took care to have an idol, of the same shape and size with the former, which he had caused to be made at Delhi, introduced, in the night, into a garden in the centre of the place. This image being discovered in the morning, there was a prodigious rejoicing among his deluded votaries, who exclaimed, that their God was returned from Ghizni. The Raja, and the Brahmins, taking the advantage of the credulity of the populace, with great pomp and festivity, carried him into the temple, where he received the worship and congratulations of his people.

This story raised so much the fame of the idol, that thousands came daily to worship from all parts of Hindostan, as also to consult him as an oracle, upon all important occasions. The manner of consultation was this: The persons who came to inquire into futurity, slept on the floor of the temple before him, after drinking a dose of something which the Brahmins prescribed, to create dreams, from which they predicted their fortune, in the morning, according to their own fancy.

The success of the prince of Delhi gave such confidence to the Indian chiefs of Punjaab, or the province about the five branches of the Indus, and other places, that though before, like foxes, they durst hardly creep from their holes, for fear of the Mussulman arms, yet now they put on the aspect of lions, and openly set their masters at defiance. Three of those Rajas, with ten thousand horse, and an innumerable army of foot, advanced to Lahore, and invested it.

The Mussulmen, in defence of their laws, families, and effects, exerted all imaginable valour upon this occasion, during the space of seven months, defending the town, street by street; for the walls being bad, were soon laid in ruins. Finding, however, that, in the end, they must be rooted out by this defensive war, unless they had speedy succours, they bound themselves by oath, to devote their lives to victory or martyrdom, and making a sally out of the city, presented themselves, in order of battle, before the enemy's camp. The Hindoos, either struck with their unexpected appearance, or intimidated by their resolution, betook themselves instantly to flight, and were pursued with great slaughter.

In the year preceding this event, the King sent Artagi Hajib, with an army, to Tiberistan, against the ever-restless Siljoki. When he reached that place, he heard that the son of Daood had advanced to Arkin; but when the two armies drew up in order against one another, the chief of the Siljoki, who was a young man, without either experience or courage, showed such pusillanimity in arranging his troops, that the enemy had begun the charge before they were properly formed, which occasioned an immediate confusion, so that they abandoned the field, and were pursued with great slaughter. Artagi, having returned from the pursuit, marched directly to Balich, which the Siljoki had taken, and recovered that city out of their hands.

Not long after, the Siljoki advanced again with a powerful force, and invested the same place. As it was not very defensible, and Artagi was too weak to engage the enemy in the field, he wrote to Modood for succours. The succours not arriving, and the general finding his difficulties daily increasing, and his force diminishing, determined to evacuate the place, which he accordingly did, and fled to Ghizni, with a few of his attendants. But the popular outcry was so great against the unfortunate Artagi, that Modood was obliged, in some measure, to silence the clamour by the death of his servant. About this time, another tribe of the Turkumans of Ghizizi made an incursion into the Ghiznian territories, by the way of Bust, against whom Modood sent an army, which gave them a signal defeat.

In the year 436, Tahir the vizier was deposed, and Abdul Rysaac was exalted to that dignity; and, in the same year, Tughril was sent, with a force, towards Bust, from whence he proceeded to Seistan, and brought his own brother, and Ringi, who had rebelled against the King, prisoners to Ghizni. The Siljoki, in the year following, collected all their forces, and directed their march towards Ghizni, plundering the palace of Bust. Tughril was ordered against them, with the troops of Ghizni, and he defeated them with great slaughter, and pursued them out of the country. After this victory Tughril marched immediately against the Turkumans of Candahar, whom they called red-caps, and defeating them also, took many prisoners, whom he brought to Ghizni.

In the 438th year, Tughril was again ordered to Bust, with a numerous army; but when he came to Tiggiabad, he began to hatch treason against his sovereign. News of his revolt having reached Modood, he sent some persons to endeavour to reclaim him to his duty, with promises of pardon, and a removal of all the disgusts which he might have entertained. To this Tughril replied, that the reason of this step was to secure himself: that he had an information of a plot formed against his life, by those sycophants, whose only business was to stand by the throne, and to amuse the too easy ears of the King with lies and flattery: that being once forced to disobedience, he had, for a subject, gone too far to retreat. The King's emissaries however, though they had no effect upon Tughril, found that the most part of the chiefs were still loyal to the King, and brought over others, who had changed, rather out of a desire of innovation, than disaffection to their sovereign. Upon this they returned, and having told the King in what manner things were concerted with the other chiefs, he immediately ordered Ali the son of Ribbi, one of his generals, with two thousand horse, to favour the insurrection; so that Tughril, finding himself deserted by the army, upon the appearance of Ali, betook himself to flight, with a few of his adherents.

Tiggi, another Omrah, was in the same year sent to Ghor, to the assistance of Willidingi, who joining him with his force, they both marched against Abu Ali, prince of Ghor, and having driven him into a fort, he was there besieged, and taken prisoner. This place was reckoned so strong, that, for seven hundred years before, the reduction of it had not been attempted by any body. When Tiggi found himself master of the fort, he treacherously laid hands upon Willidingi, whose right he came to support, and carried him in chains, with Abu Ali, to Ghizni, where the King settled their dispute, by cutting off both their heads.

Tiggi was sent, soon after, against Byram Neal, general of the Siljoki. He met the enemy in the districts of Bust, and engaged them, gaining, at length, the long-disputed field. He was again, in the year 439, sent against Kisdar, who refused to pay his tribute, whom he subdued, and obliged to comply with the King's commands, and returned with his army to Ghizni the year following.

Modood, the following year, in one day, conferred the royal dress, drums, and colours, upon his two eldest sons, Mamood, whom he sent to Lahore, and upon Munsur, whom he sent to the province of Peshawir. At the same time Ali, chief magistrate of Ghizni, was sent to command the other imperial conquests in India. Ali first marched to Peshawir, and took the fort of Mahitila, from Ahin, who had rebelled against the King's authority, then sent a letter of invitation to Higgi Rai, a general of the Hindoos, who had done much service in the time of Mamood, but, upon account of some political matters, had fled from the court, and had taken up his abode in the mountains of Cashmire. The invitation being complied with, the King desired his attendance at Ghizni.

While Ali was settling the countries about the Indus, some malicious chiefs in his camp forwarded many complaints against him to the King. He was called to Ghizni, and imprisoned, under the care of one Mirik the son of Hassen. This man, out of former enmity, and with a design to extort money from him, put him to the torture, and soon after to death itself. Fearing, however, that the King might some day enquire for the prisoner, and order him to be produced, he himself, being then a great favourite, endeavoured to divert Modood's mind to some important .affairs, till he should be able to frame some excuse for the death of Ali. He at length prevailed upon the Sultan to form an expedition against Chorassan, by the way of Cabul. When they reached Lowgur, they besieged the fort of Sancoot, where there was a considerable treasure lodged. But there the King was seized with a disorder in his liver, which daily gaining ground, he was obliged to proceed to Ghizni in a litter; while his vizier, Abul Rysac, with the army, marched back into Seistan, to oppose the Siljokies, who had invaded that country.

When the King arrived at Ghizni, he ordered Mirik to bring his prisoner Ali before him, in order to be discharged from confinement. Mirik, by plausible excuses, delayed the time for a week, before the expiration of which, the King took leave of the world, in the year four hundred and forty-one, having reigned nine years, with ability, some clemency, and great reputation.

The state of affairs in Asia suffered very little change during the reign of Modood. Al Kayem succeeded Al Kadir in the Caliphat, and Togril Beg, king of the Siljoki Tartars, who was now in possession of all Persia and Transoxiana, paid a nominal allegiance to the Calipha, by the acceptance of the title of Captain-general of the forces. Modood kept possession of all the territories left to him by his father Musaood in the north, and there was very little alteration on the side of India.

[Section VIII. The Reign of Abu Jaffier Musaood ben Modood.]

MUSAOOD II.

WHEN Modood had taken his journey to the other world, Ali the son of Ribbi, who was then in great power, had formed a design to usurp the throne; but concealing his intentions, he raised Musaood, the son of Modood, who was then a child of four years, to the Musnud. Tiggi, the next in power to Ali, not being made a partner in his measures, was highly offended, and drew off, with half the army, who were in his interest. The troops were thus split into two factions, and came to action; in which Ali being worsted, the faction of Tiggi took Abul Hassen Ali, one of the sons of the Emperor Musaood, who had escaped the resentment of Ali the son of Ribbi, and proclaimed him King, deposing Musaood, after a nominal reign of six days.

[Section IX. The Reign of Sultan Abul Hassen Ali ben Musaood.]

ALI.

UPON Friday, the first of Shaban, in the year four hundred and forty-one, Ali [Abul Hassen Ali.] ascended the throne of Ghizni, and took the wife of his brother Modood, the former King, in marriage. In the mean time, Ali the son of Ribbi, in association with Mirik, broke open the treasury, and taking out a vast quantity of gold and jewels, fled, with a company of the royal slaves, and some of the chiefs, whom they had brought over to their interest, to Peshawir. At Peshawir they were joined by the natives, raised a great army, and reduced Moultan, and the countries near the mouth of the Indus, to their obedience, making a great slaughter of the Afghans or Patans, who had taken advantage of the public disturbances, to plunder those provinces.

In the year four hundred and forty-three, Ali called his brothers, Murda Shaw and Ezid Ear, from the fort of Naáláma, where they had been imprisoned, and treated them with affection and respect. But, at this time, Abdul Reshid, the son of the Emperor Mamood, began to form a faction in his own favour. To crush Reshid, the King opened his treasury, and entertained a great army; notwithstanding which, his power began daily visibly to decline. Reshid advanced in the mean time with his army to Ghizni, and, gaining a compleat victory, ascended the throne.

[Section X. The Reign of Zein ul Muluck, Sultan Abdul Reshid.]

RESHID.

ABDUL RESHID [His titles at length are, Zein-ul-Muluck, Sultan Abdul Reshid.], as we have already mentioned, was the son of the Emperor Mamood, and was, by the order of Modood, imprisoned in a castle near Bust. When the Vizier, Abdul Rysac, about the time of the death of Modood, marched with an army to settle the country of Seistan; he, upon hearing of the King's death, in confederacy with Abul Fazil, Resid the son of the famous Altasash, and Noshtagi Hajib, in the year 443, released Reshid from his confinement, and, asserting his cause with vigour, raised him, as we have seen, to the throne. His predecessor Ali was seized by some of the Zemindars, in the country into which he had fled, brought prisoner before Reshid, and confined in the fort of Didi.

The King, by various means, prevailed upon Ali the son of Ribbi, who had usurped the Ghiznian conquests in India, to submit to his allegiance, and return to Ghizni. He appointed Noshtagi Hajib to the command of those provinces, created him an Omrah, and sent him with a fine army to Lahore. Noshtagi, upon his way, turning to Nagracut, laid siege to that place, and, on the sixth day, scaling the walls, took it by assault.

Tughril, whom we have already mentioned, was. notwithstanding his treachery to his former master, now again intrusted with the government of Seistan, which he soon brought under proper regulations. Being stirred up by the spirit of treachery and ambition, he conceived hopes of assuming royalty; and raising a great army, marched towards Ghizni; where Reshid, being almost destitute of troops, was forced to shut himself up; but the place being very extensive, it was impossible for him to defend it long, which he however did to the last extremity. Ghizni was taken at length, and the King, with nine of the blood royal, were inhumanly put to death by the usurper, who now ascended the throne. But Tughril did not long enjoy the fruits of his villainy; having wrote to Noshtagi, endeavouring to bring him over by fair means to acknowledge him, that chief answered him with the contempt he deserved.

Noshtagi, at the same time, wrote private letters to the daughter of the Emperor Musaood, whom the tyrant had compelled to marry him, as also to all the Omrahs who he knew had retained their loyalty for the imperial family, spiriting them up to conspire against the usurper's life. They were so far excited to resentment, that a conspiracy was forthwith formed amongst them, and put in execution on new year's day, when Tughril was stepping up to the throne to give public audience. Thus the usurper, at the end of forty days, arrived at his tragical end.

After this important transaction, Noshtagi arrived at Ghizni with his army, and calling a council of state, enquired whether any yet remained of the royal race of Subuctagi. He was informed, that there were still imprisoned in a certain fort, Firoch Zaad, Ibrahim, and Suja. These he ordered to be called, and it being agreed that fortune should decide it by lot who should reign; she favoured Feroch-Zaad, who was accordingly placed upon the throne, and received the allegiance of the court: the reign of Reshid comprehended only one year.

A certain author tells us, that Tughril, being one day asked by one of his intimate friends, -- what induced him to think of aspiring to the empire, replied, that when the Emperor Reshid dispatched him to take the government of Seistan, he found that his hand trembled, from which circumstance he concluded, that he was destitute of that resolution and fortitude which are necessary accomplishments of a king.

[Section XI. The Reign of Jemmal ul Dowla Feroch Zaad, ben Sultan Musaood Ghiznavi.]

FEROCH-ZAAD.

When Feroch-Zaad [Jemmal ul Dowla Feroch-Zaad, ben Musaood Ghiznavi.], the son of the Emperor Musaood, placed the crown of fortune upon his head, he gave the reins of administration into the hands of Noshtagi, who had called him from obscurity. Daood [Brother of the famous Togril Bed, the first of the dynasty of the Siljokides of Persia.], the chief of the Siljoki Turkumans, hearing of the commotions in the empire, seized upon that favourable opportunity to invade Ghizni. He advanced with a numerous army, while Noshtagi, collecting all his forces, went forth to meet him. When the armies engaged, the battle was obstinate and bloody; for, from the rising to the setting of the sun, the victory was extremely doubtful; and, though thousands fell, the troops seemed insensible of their own mortality. Victory at length declared for Noshtagi, while his enemies betook themselves to fight, leaving all their camp-equipage and baggage on the field to the conquerors, who immediately returned victorious to Ghizni.

This victory served to establish Feroch-Zaad without fear upon the throne. He now exalted the standard of triumph, and inclined it towards Chorassan, where, on the part of the Siljoki, he was met by Callisarick, one of their principal Omrahs, with a numerous army. The action was extremely violent and bloody; at length victory declared for the King of Ghizni, and Callisarick and several other persons of note were taken prisoners.

Intelligence of this defeat coming to Daood prince of the Siljoki, he collected all his forces, which he submitted to the command of his son Arsilla, a youth of great expectations. Arsilla advanced to oppose the King, and having engaged him with great resolution, recovered the honour of the Siljoki, and took many of the Omrahs of Ghizni prisoners in the pursuit. But he did not think proper, at that time, to make further use of his fortune, and he therefore returned with his victorious army.

When Feroch-Zaad arrived at Ghizni, he called Callisarick and all the prisoners of the Siljoki into his presence, bestowed upon each of them the honour of a dress, and gave them their liberty. The Siljoki returning home, represented in so strong a light the humanity of the King, that Daood, ashamed to be outdone in a virtuous action, ordered the prisoners of Ghizni to be also released.

Feroch-Zaad, who, according to the best authorities, was the son of Musaood, though some say that the Emperor Reshid was his father, having extended his reign to six years, mostly in peace, in the year four hundred and fifty, turned his face to the regions of futurity. The year before his death, his slaves, having been instigated to a conspiracy against his life, made an attempt to assassinate him in the bath. Feroch-Zaad, having wrested a sword out of the hand of one of them, killed many, and defended himself against the rest, till his guards, hearing the noise, came in to his assistance; upon which all the slaves were put to instant death. His first vizier was Hassen the son of Mora, and, in the latter part of his reign, Abu Beker Sali.

He was a good, though not a splendid, prince. He was possessed of humanity, and not destitute of bravery.

Very little change happened in the political state of Asia, during the short reigns of Musaood the second, Ali, Reshid, and Feroch-Zaad. Al Kayam still sat upon the throne of the Caliphat, supported in his spiritualities by Togril Beg, the temporal Emperor of Persia. The brother of Togril failed in an attempt upon the empire of Ghizni, and the reigning family possessed, in all their extent, the territories left to them by Modopd.
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Re: The History of Hindostan, by Alexander Dow

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Part 5 of 15

[Section XII. The Reign of Zahir ul Dowla Sultan Ibrahim, ben Musaood Ghiznavi.]

IBRAHIM I.

When Feroch-Zaad became the inhabitant of another world, his brother. Ibrahim [Zehir ul Dowla, Sultan Ibrahim, ben Musaood Ghiznavi.] ascended the throne of empire: a King remarkable for morality and devotion, having in the flower of his youth, amidst a paradise of pleasure, conquered all the sensual appetites, and added two months more to the feast of Ramzan, which he kept with the strictest severity. He, at the same time, gave proper attention to government and the due administration of justice, and opened the hand of charity to the poor. This prince excelled in the art of fine writing, and in the libraries of Mecca and Medina there are two copies of the Koran wrote with his own hand, which were sent as presents to the Calipha. -- In the first year of his reign, he concluded a treaty of peace with the Siljoki, ceding to them all the countries they had seized, upon condition that they would not lengthen the hand of violence any further upon his do-minions. He married, at the same time, his son Musaood to the daughter of their king, Malleck Shaw, which opened the door of friendship and intercourse between the two nations.

We are told, that before this peace was concluded, Malleck had collected a great army, with an intention to invade Ghizni, which greatly intimidated Ibrahim, as he was not then in a condition to oppose him. But knowing that policy is sometimes a good substitute for strength, he wrote letters to the principal Omrahs of Malleck's army, which he dispatched by a messenger, who had received his instructions how to proceed. The purport of those letters was to importune the Omrahs, to whom they were directed, to hasten the King's march to Ghizni, lest their scheme should be prematurely discovered; and that they might depend upon his fulfilling his engagements to their satisfaction.

The messenger accordingly took an opportunity one day, when Malleck was hunting, upon the road to Ghizni, to come running towards him; but upon discovering the King, he stole slowly away, which creating suspicion, he was pursued by some horsemen, and brought before the King. He was immediately searched, and the packet was found upon him; though he had previously suffered himself to be severely bastinadoed, without confessing any thing. The King having read these letters, the power of the supposed conspirators was such, that there was great danger in accusing them; but it raised such a diffidence in his mind, that he, from that time, was desirous of peace, and gave over all thoughts of his expedition.

When the mind of Ibrahim was quieted from any apprehensions from that quarter, he sent an army towards India, and conquered many places in that country, which before had not been visited by the Mussulman arms. In the year 472, he marched in person towards that country, and extended his conquests to the fort of Ajodin, called now Palanshukurgunge. This place being taken, he turned to another fort called Rupal, which was built upon the summit of a steep hill; a river enclosed it on three sides, and a small peninsula joined it to the other hills, which were entirely covered with an impervious wood, and much infested by venomous serpents. This, however, did not discourage the King from his attempt. He ordered some thousand hatchet-men to clear the wood, which they effected in spite of all opposition; and the rock being soft, the miners forced their way in a short time under the walls, which were brought down in ruins. The place was immediately taken, and the garrison made prisoners.

He marched from thence to another town in the neighbourhood, the inhabitants of which came originally from Chorassan, and were banished thither, with their families, by Afransiab [A name common to a long race of Persian kings.], for frequent rebellions. Here they formed themselves into a small independent state, being encircled by impassable mountains; and had preserved their ancient customs and rites, without intermarrying with any other people. The King having, with infinite labour, cleared a road for his army over the mountains, advanced towards the town, which was well fortified. He was overtaken by the rainy season, and his army was greatly distressed; during three months he was obliged to remain idle before it. But when the rains began to abate, and the country to dry up, he summoned the town to surrender and acknowledge the faith.

Ibrahim's proposals being rejected, he commenced the siege, which continued some weeks, with great slaughter on both sides. The town at length was taken by assault, and the Mussulmen found much wealth in it, and one hundred thousand unfortunate persons, whom they carried bound to Ghizni. Some time after, the King accidentally saw one of those unhappy men carrying a heavy stone, with great difficulty and labour, to a palace which was then building. This awakened his pity; he commanded him to throw it down, and gave him his liberty.

This stone happened to lie upon the public road, and proved troublesome to passengers; but as the King's rigid adherence to his commands was universally known, none would attempt to remove it. A courtier one day having stumbled with his horse over this stone, took occasion to mention it to the King; insinuating, that he thought, if his Majesty pleased, that it was adviseable to have it removed. To which the King replied: “I have commanded it to be thrown there, and there it must remain; as a memorial of the misfortunes of war, and my own pity: for it is better for a King to be obstinate, even in his inadvertencies, than to break his royal word.” The stone was accordingly permitted to remain, where it is shewn as a curiosity to this day.

The want of materials must render our history of the reign of Ibrahim extremely short. After his expedition to India, and the pacification with the Siljoki Tartars, he seems to have few foreign affairs to mind. His ad ministration of domestic justice was sudden, equitable, and decisive. The lower people were happy, and his chiefs loved and obeyed him. Profound peace furnishes few materials for history; a well-regulated monarchy gives birth to no extraordinary events, except in expedition and foreign war.

Ibrahim had thirty-six sons and forty daughters by a variety of women. The latter he gave in marriage to learned and religious men. In the year 492, he left this mortal state, after having reigned in tranquillity and happiness forty-two years. In his time flourished Abul Farrhe, the famous writer, who was a native of Seistan, according to some, but as others affirm, of Ghizni. He is esteemed a master in poetry; and the famous Ansuri was one of his disciples.

When Ibrahim acceded to the throne of Ghizni, Togril Beg, the first of the dynasty of the Siljokides, sat upon that of Persia and the Western Tartary. Togril was succeeded by his nephew Alp-Arslan, in the 465th of the Higera. Malleck Shaw, the son of Alp- Arslan, possessed the empire, after the death of his father, and Barkiaroc, the son of Malleck Shaw, reigned in Persia at the death of Ibrahim. Marriages between the family of Ghizni and that of the Siljoki contributed to that tranquillity which Ibrahimn enjoyed during a very long reign; and the passiveness of the Indians permitted the empire to retain its former bounds on the side of Hindostan.

[Section XIII. The Reign of Alla ul Dowla Musaood, ben Ibrahim ben Musaood Ghiznavi.]

MUSAOOD III.

MUSAOOD [Alla ul Dowla Musaood, ben Ibrahim.], the son of Ibrahim, mounted the throne upon the demise of his father. He was endowed with a benevolent and generous disposition: nor was he less famous for his justice and sound policy. He revised the ancient laws and regulations of the state, and, abrogating such as were thought unreasonable, substituted others in their place, founded upon better principles. He took the daughter of Sinjer, King of the Siljoki, whose name was Mehid of Persia, in marriage, which cemented the peace between them.

Peace blessed the reign of Musaood, and his history must, therefore, be succinct.

Under him Tigha Tiggi was honoured with the command of a great expedition, which he formed against Hindostan. Crossing the Ganges he carried his conquests further than any Mussulman, except the Emperor Mamood; and, having plundered many rich cities and temples of their wealth, returned in triumph to Lahore, which now became, in some measure, to be reckoned the capital of the empire; especially as the Siljoki had stripped the Ghiznian family of most of their Persian and Tartar provinces.

After Musaood had reigned sixteen years, without domestic troubles or foreign wars, he entered his eternal abode, in the latter end of the year five hundred and eight. We are told, that after his death his son Shere placed his foot upon the imperial throne. He enjoyed it only one year, being assassinated by the hand of his own brother Arsilla, who assumed the diadem.

Barkiaroc, the fourth of the dynasty of the Siljokides, sat on the throne of Persia at the accession of Musaood; and Mahommed, the fifth Sultan of the race of Seljuk, died the same year with the King of Ghizni. Sinjer, governor of Chorassan, succeeded his brother Mahommed as King of Persia, and we shall find in the sequel, that he interfered in the succession of the sons of Musaood, who were his nephews. The Indian provinces, conquered by his ancestors, remained in tranquillity to Musaood.

[Section XIV. The Reign of Sultan ul Dowla Arsilla Shaw ben Musaood.]

ARSILLA.

When Arsilla [Sultan ul Dowla, Arsilla Shaw, ben Musaood.], the son of Musaood, by means of assassination, became King of Ghizni, he seized upon all his brothers, excepting one who escaped, and confined them. Byram, who was so fortunate as to get out of the King's hands, fled for protection to Sinjer, who then, on the part of his brother Mahommed, king of Persia, ruled the province of Chorassan. Sinjer, who was uncle to Arsilla, having demanded the releasement of the other brothers, which was not complied with, made the cause of Byram a pretence for invading the kingdom of Ghizni; and he accordingly advanced the standard of hostility towards that city.

Arsilla, hearing of the intended invasion, wrote letters of complaint to Sinjer's elder brother, the Emperor Mahommed, that he might command him back; and that monarch pretended to be inclinable to make peace between them. But Sinjer was found to continue his march, which convinced Arsilla that he could have no dependence upon any thing but his sword. But his mother, Mehid, princess of Persia, being offended with him for the murder of his brother Musaood, and his inhuman treatment of her other children, with well-dissembled affection, prevailed upon him to send her to negotiate a peace, with a great sum of money, sufficient to reimburse her brother Sinjer for the expence of his expedition. When she arrived in the camp, she, according to her design, excited Byram her son, and her brother Sinjer, to prosecute the war with all expedition.

Sinjer immediately marched with thirty thousand horse, and fifty thousand foot, from Bust in Chorassan, where he then lay, and, without opposition, advanced within one pharsang of Ghizni, where he beheld the army of Arsilla drawn out in order of battle to receive him. He therefore instantly ordered the line to be formed, dividing his horse into squadrons, and placing battalions of spear-men in the intervals, with elephants in the rear, to be ready to advance upon occasion. Encouraging then his troops, he advanced slowly toward the enemy, who stood firm to receive the charge. The shock was so violent upon both sides, that order and command yielded to rage and confusion. The gleam of arms that illuminated the field, was soon quenched in blood, and darkened by clouds of dust, that took away all distinction. At length, by the uncommon bravery of Abul Fazil, governor of Seistan, the troops of Ghizni were put to flight, and Arsilla, unable to renew the combat, fled with the remains of his army towards Hindostan.

Sinjer entered Ghizni in triumph, where he remained forty days, giving the kingdom to his nephew Byram, and then returning to his own country. When Arsilla had heard of the departure of Sinjer, he collected all his troops in the Ghiznian provinces of Hindostan, and returned to recover his capital. Byram, unable to oppose him, shut himself up in the fort of Bamia, till he could be succoured by his uncle, Sinjer. Sinjer again took the field, and drove Arsilla a second time back to Hindostan. But he was so closely pursued, that his army was dispersed, while a few of his Omrahs, who remained, laid hands upon him, and brought him to Byram, to procure their own pardon. Arsilla suffered a violent death in the 27th year of his age, after he had reigned three years. In this reign historians report, that, among other prodigies, there fell a storm of fire upon the city of Ghizni, which consumed a great part of its buildings.

He was a weak and wicked prince, as unworthy of empire, as his father and grandfather were deserving of a throne.

[Section XV. The Reign of Moaz ul dowla Byram Shaw, ben Musaood.]

BYRAM.

BYRAM [Moaz ul Dowla, Byram Shaw, ben Musaood.], the son of Musaood the third, was blessed with a noble and generous disposition. He had an uncommon thirst after knowledge; he was a great promoter of literature, and a liberal patron of learned men. Many men of letters resorted to his court, particularly Shech Nizami, and Seid Hassen, both poets and philosophers of great fame. Many books were, in this reign, translated from various languages into the Persian tongue; among the most famous of which was an Indian book, called the Killila Dumna, a fabulous story, pregnant with sound morality, policy, and entertainment.

This book was sent formerly before the dissolution of the Hindoo empire of India, by the King of that country, accompanied with a Chess table, to Noshirwan, surnamed The Just, King of Persia. Buzurg Chimere his vizier, surnamed The Wise, was so well versed in all the known languages, that in a few days he translated the Killila Dumna into Phelevi, or ancient Persic, to the astonishment of the ambassador, who imagined the Sanscrita language was entirely unknown in those parts. But he could form no conception of the chess-board, as that game was, at that time, unknown in Persia. He therefore had recourse to the ambassador, who was esteemed the best player in Hindostan, to have this matter explained to him, who having accordingly discovered to him the principles, Buzurg sat down with him to play. The first game he obliged the ambassador to draw; the second he chased his King solitary; and the third he gave him check-mate. The ambassador was so mad to be foiled at his own weapons, that he would play no more. Buzurg then invented the game of backgammon, returning a set of those tables by the ambassador, who having related his adventure with Buzurg, and given an account of the genius and government of Noshirwan, his master gave up all thoughts of an invasion, which he had been meditating against that King.

The present of the chess-board was intended as an experiment upon the genius of the minister, and to indicate that, in the great game of state, attention and capacity were better friends than fortune. While the book, in its whole tenor, strongly inculcated that wise maxim, that true wisdom and policy is always an over-match for strength. The backgammon-table, which was returned, signified, that attention and capacity alone cannot always insure success, but that we must play the game of life according to the casts of fortune.

But to return to our history. Byram, in the days of his prosperity, went twice into Hindostan, chastising his refractory subjects and collectors of the imperial revenue. The first time he went to reduce Balin, who had possession of the government of Lahore, on the part of his brother the Emperor Arsilla, whom he defeated and took, the 27th of Ramzan, in the year 512; but having pardoned him, upon swearing allegiance, he was again reinstated in his government, and the King returned to Ghizni. In the mean time, Balin built the fort of Nagore, in the country of Sewalic, whither he conveyed all his wealth, family, and effects; then raising an army, composed chiefly of Arabs, Persians, Afghans, and Chilligies, he committed great devastations upon the Indian independent princes, which success so puffed him up, that he aspired at length to the empire.

Byram, being apprised of the intentions of Balin, collected his army, and a second time marched towards Hindostan. Balin, with his ten sons, who had each the command of a province, advanced to meet the King, as far as Moultan, with a powerful army. A dreadful battle ensued; but the curse of ingratitude was poured, in a storm, upon the head of the perfidious rebel, who, in his flight, with his ten sons and attendants, fell headlong into a deep quagmire, where they were totally overwhelmed, and every one of them perished.

The King, after this complete victory, settled the affairs of the Indian provinces, and, appointing Hussein to the chief command of the conquered part of India, returned himself to Ghizni. He soon after publicly executed Mahommed prince of Ghor, who was son-in- law to the rebel Balin. This, in its consequences, proved the ruin of the family of Ghizni. Seif ul dien, surnamed Souri, prince of Ghor [A province of the Ghiznian empire, the princes of which had been reduced into a dependence upon the family of Subuctagi, by the Emperor Mamood.], brother to the deceased, raised a great army to revenge his death. He marched directly to Ghizni, which Byram, unable to oppose him, evacuated, and fled to a place called Kirma, upon the borders of India. This Kirma had been built by the Afghans to guard a pass in the mountains.

The prince of Ghor, without further opposition, entered the capital, where he established himself, by the consent of the people, sending Alla, his brother, to rule his native principality of Ghor. Notwithstanding all he could do to render himself popular at Ghizni, the people, from an attachment to the imperial family, began to dislike his government, and secretly wished the reestablishment of their former King. Some of the Omrahs, who were of the same principles, laying hold of this favourable disposition, informed Byram of their ripeness for an insurrection, if he could by any means favour it.

It was now winter, and most of the followers of the prince of Ghor had returned, upon leave, to their families, when Byram, unexpectedly, appeared before Ghizni, with a great army. Seif ul Dien being then in no condition to engage him with his own troops, and having little dependence upon those of Ghizni, was preparing to retreat to Ghor, when the Ghiznians intreated him to engage Byram, and that they would exert themselves to the utmost in his service. This was only a trick for an opportunity to put their design in execution. As the unfortunate prince was advancing to engage Byram, he was surrounded by the troops of Ghizni, and taken prisoner, while Byram in person put the forces of Ghor to flight.

The unhappy captive was inhumanly ordered to have his forehead made black, and then to be put astride a sorry bullock, with his face turned towards the tail. He, in that manner, was led round the whole city, insulted and hooted by the mob. He was then put to the torture, and his head sent to Sinjer, king of Persia, while his vizier, Seid Mujud, was impaled alive.

When this news was carried to the ears of his brother Alla, he burnt with rage, and, resolving upon revenge, with all his united powers, invaded Ghizni. Byram, hearing of his coming, prepared himself to receive him. He wrote him a letter, and endeavoured to intimidate him with the superiority of his troops, advising him not to plunge the whole family of Ghor into the same abyss of misfortune. Alla replied, “That his threats were as impotent as his arms: that it was no new thing for Kings to make war upon their neighbours; but that barbarity like his was unknown to the brave, and what he had never heard to have been exercised upon Princes. That he might be assured that God had forsaken Byram, and ordained Alla to be the instrument of that just vengeance which was denounced against him, for putting to death the representative of the long-independent and very ancient family of Ghor.”

All hopes of accommodation being past, Byram advanced with a numerous army, to give Ana battle. The offer was gladly accepted by his adversary, and the bloody conflict commenced with great fury on both sides. At first the troops of Ghizni, by their superior numbers, bore down those of Ghor; till Alla, seeing his affairs almost desperate, called out to two gigantic brothers, whose name was Chirmil, the greater and the lesser, whom he saw in the front, like two rocks bearing against the torrent. He forced on his elephant towards Byram, these two heroes clearing all before him. Byram, observing him, stood off: but his son Dowlat, accepting the challenge, advanced to oppose Alla. The elder of the heroic Chirmils intervening, ripped up the belly of Dowlat's elephant, and was himself killed by his fall. Alla, in the mean time, nailed the brave prince, with his spear, to the ground. The other Chirmil attacked the elephant of Byram, and, after many wounds, brought the enormous animal to the ground; but while he was rising from under the elephant's side, being much bruised by the fall, Byram escaped with his life, and instantly mounting a horse, joined the flight of his army, which was now repulsed on all sides. The troops of Ghor emulating the bravery of their leader, had made such a violent attack as to be no longer resistible.

Byram fled, with the scattered remains of his army, towards Hindostan; but he was overwhelmed with his misfortunes, and sunk under the hand of death, in the year five hundred and forty-seven, after a reign of thirty-five years.

He was, upon the whole, a good and virtuous prince; though his too precipitate severity, in the case of the prince of Ghor, cannot be reconciled to humanity or sound policy.

The long reign of Byram was peaceable, but inglorious; the empire had been long upon the decline, and though he was a virtuous prince, he had not sufficient abilities to retrieve its vigour. Sinjer, his uncle by the mother, the sixth Emperor of Persia, of the Siljokan race, was upon the throne, in full possession of the empire conquered by his ancestors, when Byram became king of Ghizni. -- Sinjer reigned over Persia more than forty years. The Indian provinces subject to Ghizni, remained entire to Byram.

[Section XVI. The Reign of Zehiri ul dowla Chusero Shaw ben Byram Shaw Ghiznavi.]

CHUSERO I.

CHUSERO [Zehiri ul Dowla, Chusero Shaw, ben Byram Shaw Ghiznavi.], the son of the Emperor Byram, upon the death of his father, continued his march to Lahore, leaving the kingdom of Ghizni to his enemies, and was there saluted King, by the unanimous voice of his people.

In the mean time, the conqueror entered Ghizni with little opposition, and that noble city was given up to flame, slaughter, rapine, and devastation. The massacre continued for the space of seven days, in which time pity seemed to have fled the earth, and the fiery spirits of demons to actuate the bodies of men. For which inhuman cruelty the barbarous Alla was justly denominated Allum Soze, or the incendiary of the world. But, insatiable of revenge, he carried a number of the most venerable priests, learned men, and citizens, in chains to Ghor, to adorn his triumph. There,—we shudder to relate it! he ordered their throats to be cut, tempering earth with their blood, with which he plaistered the walls of his city.

After the return of Alla to Ghor, Chusero, hoping to recover the lost kingdom of Ghizni, and depending upon the assistance of Sinjer, king of Persia, collected all his forces, and marched from Lahore. But when he had arrived upon the borders of Ghizni, he received intelligence that Sinjer had been defeated and taken prisoner by the Turks of Ghiza, who were then marching down with a great army to Ghizni, to appropriate that kingdom to themselves. This obliged him to retreat again to Lahore, being in no condition to oppose them. He governed the Indian provinces in peace, with the common justice of virtuous kings.

The Turks of Ghiza, in the mean time, drove out the troops of Ghor, and kept possession of Ghizni for two years. But they were expelled in their turn by the Ghorians, who did not long enjoy it for that time, being vanquished by Assumud, general to Chusero, the second of that name, who, for a short space, recovered and held that kingdom.

Chusero the first died at Lahore, in the year five hundred and fifty-five, after he had reigned seven years, with no great splendor; but he deserved and attained the character of a good and peaceable prince.

[Section XVII. The Reign of Chusero Malleck, ben Chusero Shaw.]

CHUSERO II.

WHEN Chusero the first departed from this house of grief, towards the mansions of joy and immortality, his son Chusero [Chusero Malleck, ben Chusero Shaw.], the second of that name, ascended the throne, which he adorned with benevolence and justice, extending his dominions to all the provinces formerly possessed by the Emperors Ibrahim and Byram.

But Mahommed, brother to the prince of Ghor, invaded the kingdom of Ghizni, which he reduced, and not satisfied with that, marched an army into India, overrunning the provinces of Peshawir, Afghanistan, Moultan, and the Indus. He advanced at length to Lahore, and, in the year 576, invested the Emperor Chusero in his capital, but not being able to take the place, there was a kind of treaty concluded between them. Mahommed evacuated the country, carrying Chusero, the son of the Emperor, a child of four years of age, hostage for the performance of the treaty.

But the terms not being kept properly by Chusero, Mahommed, in the year 580, returned to Lahore, and besieged it to no purpose. He however subjected the open country to fire and sword. He then built the fort of Salcot, where he left a strong garrison, and then returned to Ghizni. In his absence, the Emperor Chusero, in alliance with the Gickers, besieged the fort of Salcot, but their enterprise proving unsuccessful, they were obliged to desist.

Some time after these transactions, Mahommed collected all his forces, and the third time resolved to reduce the city of Lahore, which he effected by treachery, in the following manner. While he was preparing for the expedition, he gave out, that it was intended against the Siljokies, writing, at the same time, to Chusero, that he was desirous of accommodating all their differences, by a treaty of peace. To convince him of the sincerity of his intentions, he now returned his son Chusero, with a splendid retinue; who had orders to make short marches, while the Emperor, his father, impatient to see him, advanced a part of the way to meet him. In the mean time, Mahommed, with twenty thousand horse, with incredible expedition, marched by another way, round the mountains, and cut off Chusero from Lahore, having surrounded his small camp in the night. The Emperor, having waked in the morning from his dream of negligence, saw no hope of escape left, which obliged him to throw himself upon the mercy of his adversary. He demanded possession of the capital for the King's release, accordingly the gates of that city were thrown open to receive him; and thus the empire passed from the house of Ghizni to that of Ghor, as we shall see more fully in the history of that race.

The year in which the family of Ghizni was extinguished, proved also fatal to the elder branch of the royal family of the Siljokides in Persia. Disputes about the succession, and the weakness of the princes who reigned after Sinjer, seemed to conspire in the ruin of an empire, which fell as suddenly as it rose, The governors of the provinces, no uncommon thing in Asia, assumed independence, with great facility, when their masters had not abilities of mind to counteract the power which the crown vested in its viceroys. Some governments, in the distractions of the empire, became hereditary, and many ambitious Omrahs rendered themselves independent, in the debilitated reign of the second Togril. Tacash, viceroy of Charizm, a part of the ancient Transoxiana, not only assumed the ensigns of royalty in his government, but being invited into the western Persia, annexed that country to his new kingdom, by the defeat and death of Togril.
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Re: The History of Hindostan, by Alexander Dow

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Part 6 of 15

[Section XVIII. Of the Dynasty of Ghor.]

MAHOMMED GHORI.

Mor Chan, the historian, tells us, that about the time when Feredoon, an ancient king of Persia, subdued Zohac Tazi, two brothers of the royal family, Souri and Sam, were taken into favour by the conqueror; but having by some means incurred his displeasure, they fled with a party of their friends to Hawind, in the mountains between India and Persia, where they took up their abode, possessing themselves of a small territory. Souri took the government of this district, appointing his brother to the command of his small army, and gave his daughter in marriage to his son Suja.

Suja, after his father's decease, enjoyed his place. But some private enemies, having traduced him to his uncle, inspired him with jealousy and enmity to such a degree, that he wanted to take his daughter away from him. When Suja found this, he was determined to seek his fortune elsewhere. He accordingly, in the night, with ten horsemen and a few camels, laden with , his effects, set out with his wife and children, to the mountains of Ghor, where he built a house, and called it Romijandish, or the careless habitation. Here he was gradually joined by many of his friends, who built a strong fort, which he held out against the troops of Feredoon for some time, but at length he was obliged to submit and pay tribute.

Thus the race of Zohac, one after another, succeeded to this government, which began to gain strength by degrees, till the time of the prophet, when it was ruled by Shinsub, who, some say, was converted to the faith by the great Ali, the son-in-law of Mahommed, who confirmed him in his kingdom. The genealogy of the kings of Ghor, according to the most authentic historians, could be traced up, by the names, for three and twenty generations, and downwards nine generations, from Ali to Mamood, the son of Subuctagi, Emperor of Ghizni, who gave it to Ali the vanquished prince's son, to hold it of the Empire. But Ali endeavouring to throw off the yoke of Mamood, he was deposed, and the country given to Abas his nephew, in whose reign there were seven years' drought in Ghor, so that the earth was burnt up, and thousands of men and animals perished with heat and famine. Abas, desirous of rendering himself independent, commenced a war against the Emperor Ibrahim, by whom he was defeated and taken prisoner; the kingdom being conferred upon his son Mahommed, who swore allegiance to the empire of Ghizni. He was succeeded by his son Hussein, who was killed by an arrow in the eye, in attacking a certain fort, when he rebelled against Ghizni.

Upon the death of Hussein, his son Sham was obliged to fly to India, where he followed the business of a merchant; and having acquired much wealth, he returned up the Indus to his native country. But unfortunately he was wrecked, narrowly escaping with his life upon a plank, with his son Hussein, after driving with the tide for three days. When they got foot on shore, they made towards a town that appeared in sight; but, it being late before they arrived, they could find no lodgings, and were obliged to creep in under a balcony, where they might sleep out of the rain. The watch going the rounds perceived them, and without further examination, concluding they were thieves, carried them to prison. They were condemned to slavery for seven years, during which time the son died. When Sham obtained his liberty, he proceeded towards Ghizni, on the way to which he was met by a gang of robbers, that had for a long time infested the roads. When they saw him, a man of great strength and of a bold appearance, they insisted upon enrolling him in the gang, to which he was obliged to consent; but unfortunately that very night, a party of the troops of the Emperor Ibrahim surrounded them, and carried them all in chains to the royal presence, and the King immediately condemned them to death.

When the executioner was binding up the eyes of Sham, he raised a grievous complaint, protesting, and calling God to witness, that he was innocent, which softened the steely heart of the executioner to pity. He desired him to relate what he had to say in his own defence, which he did in such a circumstantial and probable manner, that the magistrate who attended, believing him innocent, petitioned the King to give him a hearing. This being accordingly granted, he acquitted himself with such modesty and eloquence, that the King commanded him to be released, and admitted him into his particular friendship and favour. Ibrahim, some time after, created Sham an Omrah, and appointed him master of requests, in which station he acquitted himself so honourably, that he rose daily in rank and honours, till the Emperor Musaood, the son of Ibrahim, put him in possession of his hereditary kingdom. He then married a princess of the house of Ghizni, by whom he had seven sons, denominated the seven stars.

After the death of Sham, his sons became divided into two factions; one headed by the governor of Taristan and Hiatilla, whose name was Musaood, the eldest son: and the other by the fourth son, Mahommed, who took possession of Ghor. The second son, Cuttub, took possession of the hills, and founded the city of Firose Ko, which he made his capital; and raising himself in a few years to great power, he meditated an attempt upon the empire of Ghizni, collecting soldiers of fortune from all parts. But Byram the Emperor, being privately acquainted of his intentions, treacherously invited him in friendship to Ghizni, where, contrary to all the laws of honour and hospitality, he ordered poison to be administered to him, which proved the fatal cause of the war between the houses of Ghor and Ghizni.

Sief ul dien the fifth son, who had accompanied his brother, escaped the snare, and fled to Firose Ko. He there placed himself at the head of his brother's army, and marched towards Ghizni to revenge his death, as we have seen in the history of that kingdom. He took Ghizni, and Byram fled to India. But Byram returning again in the winter, when the troops of Sief ul dien were mostly gone to Firose Ko and Ghor, from whence they could not easily return, on account of the roads and deep snow, Sief ul dien, as before related, was treacherously delivered up to him, and, with his vizier, put to a most ignominious death. The consequence of this impolitic cruelty was, that Sham, the sixth brother, prepared to invade Byram, with an army from Firose Ko and Ghor; but dying in the interim, the command devolved upon the seventh brother, Alla the incendiary, who took and destroyed Ghizni. He carried his ravages so far as to destroy every monument and tomb of the Ghiznian Kings, excepting those of the Emperors Mamood, Musaood, and Ibrahim, throwing fire into their very graves, and defacing their inscriptions upon all public edifices. When he returned to Ghor, he appointed his nephews, Yeas ul dien and Mahommed Sham, to the government of a province of Ghor called Sinjia. But when they found the revenues of that province could not support the figure which they endeavoured to make, by their unbounded generosity and liberality to military men, whom they began to collect from all parts; they began to extend their limits. This having reached the ears of Alla, he sent a force against them, and seizing them both, confined them in the fort of Goristan.

Alla then turned the hostile spear against the brother of the King of Persia and governor of Chorassan, Sinjer, to whom his father had paid tribute. He overrun the provinces of Balich and Herat; but coming to an engagement with Sinjer, he was defeated and taken prisoner. Notwithstanding all which, Sinjer had compassion upon him, and again confirmed him in the kingdom of Ghor, where he died in the year five hundred and fifty-one. Alla was succeeded by his son Mahommed, who upon his accession released his two cousins from their confinement at Goristan, and bestowed again the government of Sinjia upon them. In little more than a year, he commenced a war with the tribe of Turkumans called Ghiza, and in the day of battle was killed by one of his own men.

He was succeeded by his eldest cousin, Yeas ul dien, who appointed his brother, Mahommed Ghori, his general. This illustrious hero, under the name of his brother, subdued Chorassan, and a great part of India; and Yeas annexed the titles of those countries to his own. His death happened, as shall afterwards appear, in the year 599 of the Higera.

[Section XIX. The Reign of Shaw Chursied Ahtiesham Sultan Moaz ul Dien; known in Hindostan by the name of Shab Ul Dien Mahummud Ghori.]

Mahommed Ghori was left by his brother, when he acceded to the throne of Ghor, to command in Tunganabad, in the province of Chorassan. He continued from thence to make incursions upon Ghizni, as we have observed in the history of that kingdom.

In the year 567, Yeas ul dien marched in person against the Omrahs of Chusero, the last of the imperial house of Ghizni, and entirely reduced them. He gave the government of Ghizni to his brother Mahommed, who, according to the imperial orders, in the year 572, led an army towards Moultan, which he entirely subdued. He inarched from thence to Adja. The prince of that place shut himself up in a strong fort. Mahommed began to besiege the place; but finding it would be a difficult task to reduce it, he sent a private message to the Raja's wife, promising to marry her if she would make away with her husband.

The base woman returned for answer, that she was rather too old herself to think of matrimony, but that she had a beautiful young daughter, whom if he would promise to espouse, and leave her in free possession of the country and its wealth, she would in a few days remove the Raja. Mahommed basely accepted of the proposal, and the wicked woman accordingly, in a few days, found means to assassinate her husband, and to open the gates to the enemy.

Mahommed confirmed his promise, by marrying the daughter, upon acknowledging the true faith; but he made no scruple to deviate from what respected the mother; for, instead of trusting her with the country, he sent her off to Ghizni, where she soon died of grief and resentment. Nor did the daughter relish her situation better; for, in the space of two years, she also fell a victim to grief.

Mahommed having conferred the government of Moultan and Adja upon one Ali, returned to Ghizni; from whence, in the year 574, he again marched to Adja and Moultan, and from those places continued his course through the sandy desert, to Guzerat. The prince Bim Deo advanced thither with a great army, to give him battle, in which the Mussulmen were defeated, with great slaughter, and suffered many hardships in their retreat, till they arrived at Ghizni.

In the year following, Mahommed marched his recruited army towards Peshawir, which he in a short time brought under subjection. He proceeded in the course of the next year, towards Lahore, where he invested Chusero, the last of the Ghiznian race, who had been so weakened at that time, by wars with the Indian princes and the Afghans, that he could not oppose him in the field. But Mahommed, finding he could not reduce the place, intimated a desire of treating with Chusero, who, glad to get rid of him, made him some presents, and gave his son as an hostage for the performance of the rest of the agreement between them.

Mahommed upon this returned to Ghizni, but he could not rest long in peace. He, the very next year, drew his army towards Dewil, in the province near the mouth of the Indus, and subdued all the country to the sea coast, returning loaded with rich spoil.

In the year 580, he returned again to Lahore, where Chusero shut himself up as before, sustaining a long siege, which at length Mahommed was obliged to raise. He, in this expedition, built the fort of Salcot, in which he left a garrison to command the countries between the rivers Ravi and Chinab, under the government of Hussein Churmili, while he himself returned to Ghizni. This fort, as we have before related, was effectually besieged by Chusero, in the absence of Mahommed, which occasioned that prince's third expedition towards Lahore, which he took in the year 582, by the perfidious stratagem mentioned in the conclusion of the history of Ghizni. He sent Chusero and his family, prisoners to his brother at Firose Ko, who confined them in a fort in Ghirgistan, where they were some time afterwards put to death, on account of something the astrologers had predicted concerning them.

When Mahommed had settled the provinces of Lahore, he left the government of that place in the hands of Ali governor of Moultan, and retired to Ghizni. In the year 587, he marched again towards Hindostan, and proceeding to Ajmere, took the capital of Tiberhind, where he left Malleck Zea, with above a thousand chosen horse, and some foot, to garrison the place. He himself was upon his way back, when he heard that Pittu Ra, the prince of Ajmere, with his brother Candi Ra, king of Delhi, in alliance with some other Indian princes, were marching towards Tiberhind, with two hundred thousand horse, and three thousand elephants. Mahommed determined to return to the relief of the garrison. He met the enemy at the village of Sirauri, upon the banks of the Sirsutti, fourteen miles from Tannassar, and eighty from Delhi, and gave them battle.

Upon the first onset his right and left wings retired, being outflanked by the enemy, till, joining in the rear, his army was formed into a circle. Mahommed, who was in person in the centre of the line when first formed, was told that his right and left wings were defeated, and advised to provide for his own safety. Enraged at this counsel, he smote the imprudent adviser, and rushed on towards the enemy, among whom he commenced, with a few followers, a great slaughter.

The eyes of Candi Ra, king of Delhi, fell upon him. He drove the elephant, upon which he was mounted, directly against him. Mahommed rising from his horse, threw his lance with such force at the elephant, that he drove out three of his back teeth. In the mean time the King of Delhi, from above, pierced the Sultan through the right arm, and had almost thrown him to the ground, when some of his chiefs advanced to his rescue. This gave an opportunity to one of his faithful servants, to leap behind as he was sinking from his horse, and supporting him in his arms, he carried him from the field, which, by this time, was deserted almost by his whole army. The enemy pursued them near forty miles.

After this defeat, and when he had recovered of his wound at Lahore, he appointed governors to the different provinces he possessed in India, and returned in person to Ghor with his army. At Ghor he disgraced all those Omrahs who had deserted him in battle. He obliged them to walk round the city, with their horses' mouth-bags, filled with barley, hanging about their necks; at the same time forcing them to eat, or have their heads struck off; the former of which they chiefly chose to do.

We are told by Eben Asire, contrary to all other authority, that when Mahommed was wounded, he fell from his horse, and lay upon the field among the dead, till night; and that, in the dark, a party of his own horse returned to search for his body, and carried him off to his own camp.

Upon the retreat of Mahommed Ghori, the allied Rajas continued their march to Tiberhind, which they besieged for one year and one month, and at last were obliged to give favourable terms of capitulation. Mahommed remained a few months with his brother at Ghor, who still kept the imperial title, and then returning to Ghizni, spent the ensuing year in indolence and festivity. But ambition again fermenting in his mind, he recruited a noble army, consisting of one hundred thousand chosen horse, Turks, Persians, and Afghans, many of whom had their helmets ornamented with jewels, and their armour inlaid with silver and gold. With these he marched in martial splendor, from Ghizni towards India, without disclosing to his friends. any part of his intentions.

When his victorious spears had advanced as far as Peshawir, an old sage of Ghor, prostrating himself before him, said, “O King, we trust in thy conduct and wisdom; but as yet thy design has been a subject of much dispute and speculation among us.” Mahommed replied, “Know, old man, that since the time of my defeat in Hindostan, notwithstanding external appearances, I have never slumbered in ease, or waked but in sorrow and anxiety. I have therefore determined, with this army, to recover my lost honour from those idolaters, or die in the noble attempt.” The sage, kissing the ground, said, “Victory and triumph be thy attendants, and fortune be the guide of thy paths. But, O King, let the petition of thy slave find favour, and let those Omrahs you have so justly disgraced, be permitted to take this glorious opportunity of wiping away their dishonourable stains.”

The Prince listened to his request, and sent an order to Ghizni to release the disgraced Omrahs from their confinement, and that such of them as were desirous of recovering their honour, might now attend his stirrup. They accordingly obeyed the order, and were each honoured with a chelat, according to their rank. The next day the royal standard was put in motion, and the army advanced to Moultan, where Mahommed conferred titles and employments upon all who had been firm to his interest. He then proceeded to Lahore, from whence he dispatched Humza, one of his principal Omrahs, ambassador to Ajmere, with a declaration of war, should the Indians reject the true faith.

Pittu Rai, King of Ajmere, gave a disrespectful answer to the embassy, and immediately wrote for succours to all the neighbouring Princes. Nor did his allies delay their coming, and therefore he soon advanced to meet Mahommed, with an army consisting, according to the lowest and most moderate account, of three hundred thousand horse; besides above three thousand elephants, and a great body of infantry. The Hindoos again waited to see Mahommed upon the former field of battle. The two armies incamped in sight of each other, with the river Sursutti between them.

The Indian princes, of whom there were one hundred and fifty, in this enormous camp, having assembled, rubbed tica upon their foreheads, and swore by the water of the Ganges, that they would conquer their enemies, or die martyrs to their faith. They then wrote a letter to Mahommed, in these haughty terms: “To the bravery of our troops we imagined you were no stranger; and to our great superiority in number, which daily increases, your eyes will bear testimony of the truth. If you are wearied of your own existence, yet have pity upon your troops, who may still think it a happiness to live. It were better then you should repent in time, of the foolish resolution you have taken, and we shall permit you to retreat in safety. But if you have determined to force your evil destiny, we have sworn by our Gods to advance upon you with our rank-breaking elephants, war-treading horses, and blood-thirsting soldiers, early in the morning, to crush the unfortunate army which your ambition has led to ruin.”

Mahommed returned them this politic answer: -- “That he had drawn his army into India, by the command of his brother, whose general he only was, and that honour and duty bound him to exert the utmost of his capacity in his service. That therefore he could not retreat without his leave, but would be glad to obtain a truce, till he informed him of the situation of affairs, and received his answer.”

This letter produced the intended effect, for the enemy imagined that Mahommed was intimidated, and they spent the night in riot and revelry, while he was preparing for a surprise. He accordingly forded the river a little before the dawn of the morning, drew up his army on the sands, and had entered part of the Indian camp before the alarm was spread. Notwithstanding the confusion that naturally reigned on this occasion among the Hindoos, their camp was of such an amazing extent, that the greater part had sufficient time to form the line which served to cover the route, so that now they began to advance with great resolution and some order, in four lines.

Mahommed, upon seeing this, ordered his troops to halt, and his army, which had been divided into four parts, were commanded to renew the attack by turns, wheeling off to the rear after they had discharged their bows a certain number of times upon the enemy, giving ground gradually as they advanced with their elephants. In this manner he retreated and fought, till the sun was approaching the west, when thinking he had sufficiently wearied the enemy, and deluded the, with a security of victory, he put himself at the head of twelve thousand of his best horse, whose riders were covered with steel, and giving orders to his generals to second him, he made a resolute charge, and carried death and confusion among the Hindoo ranks. The disorder increased every where, till at length it became general. The Mussulman troops, as if now only serious in fight, made such a dreadful slaughter, that this prodigious army once shaken, like a great building, was lost in its own ruins. The enemy recoiled, like a troubled torrent, from the bloody plain.

Candi King of Delhi, and many other princes, were slain in the field, while Pittu Rai King of Ajmere was taken in the pursuit, and afterwards put to death. The spoil of the camp, which was immensely rich, fell into the hands of the conquerors, and the forts of Sursutti, Samana, Koram and Hassi, surrendered after the victory. Mahommed in person went to Ajmere, and took possession of it, after having barbarously put some thousands of the unfortunate inhabitants to the sword, reserving the rest for slavery. But, upon a promise of a punctual payment of a large tribute, he gave up the country to Gola the son of Pittu Rai. He then turned his standards towards Delhi, but he was prevailed upon by the new King, with great presents, to abandon that enterprise. He left his faithful slave and friend Cuttub in the town of Koram, with a considerable detachment, and marched himself, with the body of his army, towards the mountains of Sewalic, which lie to the north of India, destroying and plundering all the countries in his way to Ghizni.

After the return of Mahommed, his general Cuttub, who had been formerly a slave, raised an army, and took the fort of Merat, and the city of Delhi, from the family of Candi Rai. It was from this circumstance that foreign ntions say, that the empire of Delhi was founded by a slave. In the year 589, he also took the fort of Kole, and making Delhi the seat of his government, there established himself in security, obliging all the districts round to acknowledge the Mussulman faith.

Mahommed, in the mean time, marched from Ghizni towards Kinnoge, and engaged Rai Joy, who was prince of Kinnoge and Benaris, and who commanded a very numerous army of horse, besides four hundred elephants. This prince led his forces into the field between Chundwar and Atava, where he received a total defeat from the vanguard of the Ghiznian army, led by Cuttub, and all his baggage and elephants were taken. Mahommed then marched to the fort of Assi, where Rai Joy had laid up his treasure, which in a few days he took, and found there gold, silver, and precious stones, to a great amount. He marched from thence to Benaris, and broke down the idols in above one thousand temples, which he purified and consecrated to the true God. He also found immense plunder. He returned then to the fort of Kole, where he again confirmed Cuttub in the viceroyship of India, and from thence, laden with treasure, he took the route of Ghizni.

In the mean time, one of the relations of Pittu Rai, late king of Ajmere, whose name was Himrage, invaded Gola the son of Pittu Rai, and drove him out of Ajmere. Gola immediately had recourse for assistance to Cuttub. Cuttub accordingly marched, in the year 591, from Delhi against Himrage, who, having collected a great army, gave the Mussulmen battle, in which he lost the victory and his life. Cuttub, after this victory, appointed a governor of his own faith to superintend the Raja, then led his army to Narwalla, the capital of the province of Guzerat, and defeating Bim Deo, took ample revenge for the overthrow given to his Lord. He plundered that rich country; but he was soon recalled, by orders from Ghizni, and commanded to proceed immediately to Delhi.

In the year following, Mahommed formed again a resolution of returning to Hindostan, and proceeding to Biana. He took it, and conferred the government upon Tughril; and leaving with him the body of his army, he commanded him to besiege Gaulier, and returned himself to settle some affairs at Ghizni. In the mean time, the strong fort of Gaulier was taken, after a long siege. Tughril, ambitious of extending his conquests further, led his army against the Rajaputs of the south. But he received a terrible defeat, and was obliged to take the protection of his forts.

In the year 593, Cuttub marched again from Delhi, and reduced Narwalla of Guzerat, with all its dependencies. He, after his return, took the forts of Callinger, Calpee and Budaoon.

Mahommed was in the mean time engaged in an expedition to Toos and Sirchus towards Persia. News was then brought to him of the death of his brother Yeas ul dien, who retained nothing of the empire but the name. Mahommed, upon this, acceded to the empire. He turned by the way of Badyeish, and subdued the country of Chorassan, recovering it out of the hands of the Siljoki, and he divided it among the family of Sam, giving the government of Firose Ko and Ghor to Malleck Zea, who was son-in-law to his brother Yeas ul dien, the deceased Emperor. Bust, Ferra, and Isphorar, he gave to Mamood, his brother's son; and the government of Herat and its districts to Nasir, his nephew by a sister.

Mahommed, after these transactions, returned to Ghizni, where, according to the will of the deceased Emperor, he was crowned in form; and mounted the imperial throne. In the same year, he heard of the death of Zireck, prince of Murve, and in the beginning of the next, marched to the conquest of that country, advancing by the way of Charizm, and Tacash the King of that country, not able to oppose him in the field, shut himself up in the city. The King pitched his camp on the banks of the great canal, which the Chilligies had formerly dug to the westward of that city. He forthwith attacked the place, and in a few days lost many brave nobles in the pursuit of glory. In the meantime, news arrived, that Aibeck, the general of the King of Chitta, in Tartary, and Osman King of Samarcand, were advancing with great armies, to the relief of Charizm. Mahommed was so unwilling to abandon his hopes of taking the city, that he delayed till the allied armies advanced so near, that he was under a necessity of burning all his baggage, and to retreat with the utmost expedition towards Chorassan. But an army from the city pressed so close upon his heels, that he was obliged to give them battle. He was totally defeated, losing all his elephants and treasure.

In the mean time, the confederate Kings, who had taken a circuit, to cut off Mahommed's retreat, met him full in the face, as he was flying from the King of Charizm. Under a fatal necessity, he was obliged to rally his army, who now saw no safety in flight. Surrounded thus by the enemy, he commenced a desperate carnage. But valour was overpowered by numbers in the end, and of his late mighty army, there now remained scarce a hundred men, who still defended their King, and, in spite of innumerable foes, hewed him out a passage, and conducted him safe to the fort of Hindohood, which was at a small distance from the field. Mahommed was besieged here by the enemy, but upon paying a great ransom to Osman, King of Samarcand, and giving up the place, he was permitted to return in sorrow to his own dominions.

When the Emperor was defeated, one of his officers of state, named Birka, escaped from the field, and imagining the King was slain, with very great expedition made his way to Moultan, without mentioning the affair to any body. He waited immediately upon Hassen, governor of that province, and told him that he had a private message from the King. Hassen retired with him into his closet, where the villain, whispering in his ear, drew out a dagger, and stabbed him to the heart. He ran instantly to the court yard, where he proclaimed aloud, that he had killed the traitor, Hassen, in obedience to the King's command. Producing then a false order and commission, to take the government into his own hands, he was acknowledged by the army and the people.

The chief of the tribe of mountaineers, called Gickers, at this time, hearing that the King was certainly slain, aspired to the empire, and raising a great army, advanced towards Lahore; kindling the war between the rivers Gelum and Sodra. When Mahommed, from the fort of Hindohood, had arrived at Ghizni, his own slave Ildecuz having seized upon the supreme authority in the city, presented himself to oppose his entrance, which obliged the King to continue his route to Moultan. There Birka also rebelled against him; but Mahommed, being by this time joined by many of his friends, gave him battle, and obtaining a complete victory, took the traitor prisoner. He then, with all the troops of the borders of India, who now joined his standard, marched to Ghizni, and the citizens, presenting him with the head of the rebellious slave, obtained their pardon.

Mahommed, at this time, concluded a treaty of peace with the King of Charizm; and then, in order to chastise the Gickers, drew his army towards India. Cuttub attacked them on the other side with his army from Delhi, and the Gickers being defeated and dispersed, the King parted, at Lahore, with Cuttub, who returned to his government of Delhi.

During the residence of Mahommed at Lahore, the Gickers, who inhabited the country from that branch of the Indus which is called the Nilab, up to the fort of the mountains of Sewalic, began to exercise unheard of cruelties upon the Mussulmen; so that the communication between the provinces of Peshawir and Moultan was entirely cut off. These Gickers were a race of wild barbarians, without either religion or morality. It was a custom among them, as soon as a female child was born, to carry her to the market-place, and there proclaim aloud, holding the child in one hand, and a knife in the other, that any person who wanted a wife might now take her, otherwise she was immediately put to death. By this means, they had more men than women, which occasioned the custom of several husbands to one wife. When this wife was visited by one of her husbands, she set up a mark at the door, which being observed by any of the other, who might be coming on the same errand, he immediately withdrew, till the signal was taken away.

This barbarous people continued to make incursions upon the Mahommedans, till, in the latter end of the Emperor's reign, their chieftain was converted to the Mussulman faith, by one of his captives. He, upon this change of principles, addressed the King, who advised him to endeavour to convert his people; and at the same time honoured him with a title and dress, and confirmed him in the command of the mountains. A great part of these mountaineers, being very indifferent about religion, followed the opinions of their chief, and acknowledged the true faith. At the same time, about four hundred thousand of the inhabitants of Teraiba, who inhabited the mountains between Ghizni and the Indus, were converted, some by force and others by inclination.

Mahommed having settled the affairs of India in peace, marched, in the year 602, from Lahore to Ghizni. He conferred the government of Bamia upon his relation Baka-ul-dien, with orders, that when he himself should move towards Turkestan, to take satisfaction for his former defeat, to march at an appointed time, with all the forces of those parts, and encamp on the banks of the Amu, where he would receive further orders, and at the same time to throw a bridge over the river.

The Emperor, upon the second of Shaban, having reached the banks of the Nilab, one of the five capital branches of the Indus, at a place called Rimeik, twenty Gickers, who had lost some of their relations in their wars against Mahommed, entered into a conspiracy against his life, and sought an opportunity to put their wicked purpose in execution. The weather being close and sultry, the King ordered the Canats, or the screens, which surround, in the form of a large square, the imperial tents, to be struck, to give free admission to the air. This gave them an opportunity of seeing the King's sleeping-tent. They cut their way through the screens in the night, and hid themselves in a corner, while one of them advanced to the door; but being there stopt by one of the guards, who was going to seize him, he buried his dagger in his breast. The groans of the dying man being heard within, alarmed the rest of the guards in the outer tent, who running out to see what was the matter, the other assassins took that opportunity of cutting their way through the King's tent behind. They found him asleep, with two slaves fanning him, who stood petrified with terror, when they beheld the assassins advancing towards the Emperor. They at once plunged all their daggers in his body. He was afterwards found to have been pierced with no less than forty wounds.

Thus tragically fell that great king and conqueror Mahommed Ghori in the year 602, after a reign of thirty-two years from the commencement of his government over Ghizni, and three from his accession to the empire, the honours and titles of which he permitted his elder brother to retain during his life. One daughter only remained of his race. He was certainly one of the greatest men that ever sat upon the throne of India; and though he was, in some instances, cruel, he was not altogether an unvirtuous prince.

The Vizier, Chaja ul Muluck, took some of the assassins, and put them to a cruel death. He then called the chiefs together, and having obtained their promise of fidelity, in protecting the King's treasure, which was loaded on four thousand camels, he prevented the army and the slaves, who had proposed to plunder it, from putting their scheme in execution. He carried the body in mournful pomp towards Ghizni. But when they reached Peshawir, a great contest arose about the succession. The Omrahs of Ghor insisting upon Baha-ul-dien, the King's cousin, governor of Bamia, and one of the seven sons of Hussein; and the Vizier, and the officers of the Turkish mercenaries, on Mamood, son of the former Emperor, the brother of Mahommed Ghori.

The Vizier therefore wanted to go by the way of Kirma, where he knew that the governor Ildecuz was in the interest of Mamood, hoping, by his assistance, to secure, at least, the treasure for his own party. The Omrahs of Ghor were equally desirous of proceeding by that road which lay nearest to Bamia, that they might be the sooner supported by Baha-ul-dien. At length, being upon the eve of open hostility, the point was given up to the Vizier.

When they arrived near Kirma, after having suffered greatly by the mountaineers, Ildecuz came out to meet the Vizier and the King's hearse; upon sight of which he tore off his armour, threw dust upon his head, and expressed all the variety of sorrow. He attended the funeral to Ghizni, where the Emperor was buried in a new tomb which he had built for his daughter.

The sorrow of Ildecuz was the more extraordinary, that, in the King's misfortunes, he had shown such disrespect to him, as to be accessary to the shutting of the gates of his capital against him. It will, however, hereafter appear, that Ildecuz's grief was political.

The treasure Mahommed left behind him is almost incredible: we shall only mention, as an instance of his wealth, that he had, in diamonds of various sizes alone, five hundred maunds [The smallest maund is twenty-five pounds avoirdupoise.]; for he had made nine expeditions into Hindostan; returning every time, excepting twice, laden with wealth.

Though Tacash, King of Charizm, had, by the death of Toghril, the last of the Siljokides of Persia, rendered himself independent, and annexed the greatest part of the Persian empire to his government of Maver-ul-nere, the distractions which arose from the revolution furnished an opportunity to Mahommed Ghori to seize upon the extensive province of Chorassan, and to become so powerful in the north, as to block up the King of Charizm in his capital. The defeat, which ensued, not only weakened the power of Mahommed, but encreased that of Tacash so much, that he was enabled to extend his dominion over all Persia and the Western Tartary. His son Mahommed succeeded Tacash in his vast empire, and the family of Ghor were obliged to confine themselves to the ancient dominions of the house of Ghizni.
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Re: The History of Hindostan, by Alexander Dow

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Part 7 of 15

[Part III. The History of the Empire of Delhi, from the Accession of Cuttub to the Throne, to the Invasion of Timur.

Section I. The Reign of Sultan Cuttub ul Dien Abiek.]


CUTTUB.

The death of Mahommed Ghori may, in some degree, be said to have put an end to the empire of Ghizni. The unambitious character of the surviving princes of Ghor, gave an opportunity to two of the imperial slaves, to divide among them the empire, which Mahommed had been at so much pains to acquire. Ildecuz, or, as he is sometimes called, Eldoze, kept possession of Ghizni and the northern provinces, and Cuttub, the favourite friend and faithful servant of the late Emperor, was already viceroy of the empire, over the conquests in India. As it was from Cuttub the Mahommedan empire of the Patans, or Afgans, in India commenced, we shall begin with his history.

Cuttub [His titles at full length were Cuttub-ul dien, Abiek.] was of a brave and virtuous disposition, open and liberal to his friends, and courteous and affable to strangers. In the art of war and government he was inferior to none, nor was he a mean proficient in literature.

In his childhood he was brought from Turkestan to Nishapoor, and there sold by a merchant, to Casi the son of Abu, who, finding that Heaven had endued him with a great genius, sent him to school, where he made a wonderful progress in the Persian and Arabic languages, and in all the polite arts and sciences. But his patron and master dying suddenly, he was sold as part of his estate, by his relations, and bought by a rich merchant, for a great sum of money, and presented for sale to the Emperor, Mahommed Ghori. That monarch purchased him, and called him by the familiar name of Abiek, from having his little finger broke. He behaved himself in such a becoming and assiduous manner, that he soon attracted the notice of his prince, and daily gained confidence and favour. One night Mahommed kept a magnificent festival at court, and ordered a liberal distribution of presents and money to be made among his servants. Abiek partook largely of his munificence, but had no sooner retired, than he divided his share among his companions. The King having heard of this circumstance, asked him the cause, and Abiek, kissing the earth, replied: “That all his wants were amply supplied by his Majesty's bounty. He had therefore no desire of burthening himself with superfluities, his favour being a certain independence.” This answer so pleased the King, that he immediately gave him an office near his person, and, in a little time, was so satisfied with his diligence and capacity, that he appointed him master of the horse.

In one of the expeditions of Mahommed against the King of Charizm, in order to expel that prince from Chorassan, Abiek went out with a detachment to forage on the banks of the Murgaab. He was there surrounded by a numerous party of the enemy. But though he did the utmost justice to valour, he was, after the loss of most of his men, taken prisoner, and carried to the king of Charizm, who put him in chains. But that monarch being defeated, Abiek was left in this manner, sitting upon a camel in the field, and carried to his victorious master; who pitying his condition, received him with great kindness.

In the year 588, when Mahommed took revenge of his enemies, the Hindoos, for the defeat they had given him, he, upon his return, appointed Abiek, who was then dignified with the title of Cuttub-ul-dien [The Pole-star of religion.], to the chief command of the army left to protect his conquests. In discharge of this duty, Cuttub took possession of many districts around, and reduced the fort of Merat. He also drew his army towards Delhi, and invested it. But the garrison, finding that their own numbers triply exceeded the besiegers, marched out of the place, and drew up in order of battle, which was gladly accepted by Cuttub. When the slaughter became great on both sides, and the river Jumna was discoloured with blood, the Rajaputs were at length put to flight, taking protection within their walls. The garrison, after a desperate siege, were at last obliged to capitulate.

In the year 589, the Jits, who were subject to the prince of Narwalla, in Guzerat, advanced with an army to besiege Hassi. Cuttub marched with his forces to protect it, and obliging them to raise the siege, pursued them to their own frontiers. In the year following, he crossed the Jumna, and took the fort of Kole by assault. He found there a thousand fine horses, and much spoil, and being informed of Mahommed's expedition towards Kinnoge, he thought proper to proceed as far as Peshawir to meet him, presenting him with a hundred fine horses, and two great elephants, one of which carried a chain of gold and the other a chain of silver. He mustered there, before the King, fifty thousand horse, and was honoured with an honorary dress, and with the command of the van of the royal army.

With the van he defeated the prince of Benaris, who, upon seeing his army retreat, pushed forward his elephant, in despair, against his enemy; but Cuttub, who excelled in archery, sunk an arrow in the ball of his eye, which brought him down from his elephant to the ground. It is said, that the number of slain was so great, that the body of the Raja for a long time could not be found by his friends, who were permitted to search for it. But, at last, he was discovered by his artificial teeth, which were fixed in by golden wedges and wires.

The Emperor Mahommed, following with the body of the army, entered the city of Benaris, and took possession of the country, as far as the boundaries of Bengal, without opposition. He broke down all the idols, and loaded four thousand camels with the most valuable spoils.

Cuttub presented the King with above three hundred elephants, taken from the Raja of Benaris. The riders had a signal given them to make the elephants fall upon their knees to the King at once, which they all did, except one white elephant. This animal was esteemed an inestimable curiosity; but upon this occasion, though extremely tractable at other times, had almost killed his rider, when he endeavoured to force him to pay his obedience.

The King, when he was setting out for Ghizni, sent the white elephant back, in a present to Cuttub, and adopted him his son in his letter. Cuttub, ever afterwards till his death, rode the white elephant; and when he died, the affectionate animal pined away with visible sorrow, and expired the third day after. This was the only white elephant of which we have ever heard in Hindostan; but it is said, that the King of Pegu keeps always two white elephants, and that, when one of them dies, he issues out an order over all his dominions, to search the woods for another to supply his place. Cuttub, after the departure of the King, remained some days at Assi, where the Raja's treasure was found. He then returned to Delhi, and there received advice that Himrage, the cousin of the discomfited prince of Ajmere, was marching down from the mountains of Abugur, and had driven Gola, the reigning prince, towards Rintimpore, and that Himrage's general was marching, with another army, towards Delhi, before which he soon arrived, and began to destroy the country. Cuttub marched out to chastise him, and separating twenty thousand horse from the rest of his army, he set out in front, and engaging the enemy, put them to flight. The enemy, some days after, rallying their defeated army, retreated towards Ajmere, and were pursued all the way by the conqueror. Himrage being joined by his general, in confidence of his superior numbers, formed his army in order of battle. When they came to blows, he distinguished himself by his bravery, as well as by his conduct; but, being slain, his army took the way of infamy before them. Thus Ajmere was restored to the Mahommedan government, and was afterwards ruled by its laws.

In the year 590, Cuttub turned his arms towards Narwalla, of Guzerat, and Setwan, the general of Bimdeo, who was encamped under the walls, fled upon his approach. But being pursued, he drew up his army, and fought till he lost his life, and then his army resumed their flight. Bimdeo, upon intelligence of this defeat, fled from his dominions, and Cuttub ravaged the country at leisure, and found much spoil. He marched from thence to the fort of Hassi, which he repaired, then having visited Koram, returned to Delhi.

He in the mean time received advice, from the governor of the districts near Rintimpore, that the brother of Gola, prince of Ajmere, who lived in the hills, was marching down with an army to invade him. This obliged Cuttub to move immediately to his relief. The enemy, upon hearing this, fled; and Cuttub paid a visit to Gola, who entertained him magnificently, and, at his departure, presented him with some fine jewels, and two melons of gold. When he had settled the country, he again returned to Delhi, from whence he wrote to the King a particular account of his conquests, which so pleased Mahommed, that he ordered his attendance at Ghizni, for which place he set out, and was received with every demonstration of joy and respect.

Cuttub, some time after, obtained leave to return to his government, and, on his way, married the daughter of Tagi, governor of Persian Kirman [The ancient Carmania.], making a magnificent rejoicing upon the occasion, when he returned to Delhi. He soon after marched his army to the siege of the fort of Biana, and, when he was on his way, he heard that the Emperor Mahommed, his master and patron, had taken the route of Hindostan. To show his respect for the King, Cuttub returned back as far as Hassi to meet him. Both returned to Biana, besieged and took the place, which Mahommed submitted to the command of Tugril, one of his particular and trusty slaves. They then took the route of Gualier, where the prince of that country agreed to pay tribute, and bought peace with a great sum of ready money, and with jewels. The King, immediately after these transactions, returned to Ghizni, leaving Cuttub viceroy of all the conquered provinces of India.

About this time, news arrived that many Indian independent princes had entered into an alliance with the king of Narwalla, and had formed a design to recover Ajmere from the Mahommedans. The troops of Cuttub being dispersed over the provinces, he was forced to march against the Indians, with what small part of the army lay in Delhi, to prevent their junction with the forces of Narwalla; but he was defeated, received six wounds, and was often dismounted; yet he fought like a man who had made death his companion. Forced at last, by his own friends, to abandon the field, he was carried in a litter to Ajmere.

Tittura, chief of the Indians, rejoicing at this victory, joined the forces of Narwalla and Guzerat, and sat down before Ajmere. Intelligence of this unfortunate event coming to the Emperor Mahommed, he sent a great force from Ghizni, to the relief of Cuttub. Ajmere held out till the arrival of the Ghiznians, who obliged the enemy to raise the siege. Cuttub pursued them to Narwalla, in the year 593, taking, in his way, the forts of Tilli and Buzule. He there received advice that Walin and Darapariss, in alliance with the king of Narwalla, were encamped near the fort of Abugur, to guard the passes into Guzerat. Cuttub, notwithstanding the difficulties of the road, and disadvantages of ground, resolved to attack them, which he did with such bravery and conduct, that, having trodden down their ranks, above fifty thousand of the enemy, with their blood, tempered the dust of the field. Twenty thousand were taken prisoners, and an immense spoil fell into his hands.

When he had given his army some respite from slaughter and fatigue, he pursued his route into Guzerat, and ravaged that country without further opposition, taking the city of Narwalla, where an Omrah with a strong garrison was left. He then returned to Delhi, by the way of Ajmere, and sent a great quantity of jewels and gold, and also many slaves, to Mahommed, at Ghizni, and divided the remainder among his trusty partners in the glories of the field.

In the year 599, he mustered his forces, and marched to the siege of Calinger, where he was met by Gola, the tributary prince of that country, whom he defeated; and dismounting his cavalry, began to besiege him in his fort. Gola, seeing himself hard pressed, offered Cuttub the same tribute and presents which his ancestors had formerly paid to the Emperor Mamood. The proposal was accepted, but the vizier, who wanted to hold out without coming to any terms, found means to make away with the Raja, while the presents were preparing to be sent. The flag of hostility was again hoisted upon the fort, and the siege recommenced. The place, however, was in a short time reduced, on account of the drying up of a spring upon that hill whereon the fort stood, and which supplied the garrison with water. There is a tradition among the natives of the place, that the above fountain always dries up upon the discharging the artillery of the place. This story may possibly, from a natural cause, have some foundation. But we are rather tempted to believe, that the present drying up of this spring was owing to the increase of inhabitants, and the thirst occasioned by hard duty; for, besides the garrison, Cuttub found there fifty thousand male and female.

The plunder of this city was very great, in gold, jewels, and precious effects. Cuttub then marched to the city of Mhoba, the capital of the principality of Calpee. He also took that place, together with Budaso, between the rivers Jumna and Ganges. Mahommed Chilligi, who had been appointed governor of Behar by the Emperor, but had, for some time back, been refractory to the imperial commands, came at this time to pay him a visit, laying rich presents at his feet, and Cuttub having entertained him magnificently, returned to Delhi.

When Mahommed Ghori, after his defeat in Turkestan, returned to India, he was joined by Cuttub, by whose valour and fidelity he defeated the Gickers in several actions, and recovered his fallen glory. When matters were peaceably settled in this quarter, he returned to his government; and the Emperor, upon his way to Ghizni, was inhumanly assassinated by the Gickers. Mahommed's nephew, Mamood, assumed the imperial titles at Ghor, and upon his accession, sent all the ensigns of royalty, a throne, an umbrella, standards, drums, and the title of King, to Cuttub, desirous of retaining him in his interest, as he was by no means able to oppose his power.

Cuttub received those dignities with a proper respect, at Lahore, where he ascended the throne in the year 602, upon the 18th of Zicada; returning from thence in a few days to Delhi. In the mean time, Ildecuz, or Eldoze, marched an army from Ghizni, with an intention to take Lahore, which he effected by the treachery of the governor, whom he afterwards turned out. Cuttub marched to dispute the point with Eldoze, as soon as he received intelligence at Delhi of this transaction. In the year 603 the flames of war began to ascend between them, while bravery, on both sides, became apparent. Eldoze at length was beat out of the city, and obliged to fly towards Kirman. Cuttub pursued him as far as Ghizni, in which city he was again crowned, taking that kingdom into his own hands.

Cuttub, after this, unaccountably gave himself up to wine and pleasure, till the citizens of Ghizni, disgusted with his luxury and indolence, sent privately to Eldoze, acquainting him of the King's negligence, and entreating his return. Eldoze, upon this, recruiting an army with all secrecy and expedition, advanced towards Ghizni, and in a manner surprised Cuttub, who had no intelligence of his design till the day before his arrival. It was now too late to put himself in a proper state of defence, and he was obliged to abandon the kingdom, and retire to Lahore. He then became sensible of his own weakness, repented of his evil habits, and exercised himself in the practice of justice, temperance, and morality. He regulated his kingdoms according to the best laws of policy and wisdom till his death, in the year 607, which happened by a fall from his horse in a match at ball, which adverse parties endeavoured to carry off on the point of their spears.

His reign, properly speaking, was only four years, though he enjoyed all the state and dignities of a king for upwards of twenty, if we reckon from his taking of Delhi, when he may be said to have become King of India; though he assumed only the title of commander- in-chief for his patron Mahommed. He was certainly an accomplished warrior, and had nearly equalled the greatest heroes in fame, had not his loss of the kingdom of Ghizni tarnished his glory. He was famous for his great generosity all over the east, for which he got the surname of Bestower of Lacks. When a man is praised for generosity in India, they say to this day, “He is as generous as Cuttub-ul-dien."

Mahommed, the son of Tacash, reigned over Charizm and all Persia, during the short reign of Cuttub. He invaded the small provinces in possession of the Patan empire, to the north of the Indus; and, taking Ghizni, reduced all Zabulistan beneath his command.

[Section II. The Reign of Taje Ul Dien Eldoze.]

ELDOZE.

MAHOMMED GHORI, during his reign, having no children of his own excepting one daughter, had taken a particular pleasure in educating Turkish slaves, whom he afterwards adopted as his children. Four of those slaves, besides Cuttub, became great princes, of whom the present Eldoze was one. The King, having observed him to be a youth of genius, advanced him gradually, till at last he bestowed upon him the government of Kirma and Shinoran, which lay between Ghizni and India. His situation gave him an opportunity of frequently entertaining his prince, upon his expeditions to and from that country, which he always did with great magnificence and festivity, making presents to all the King's attendants.

Mahommed, in his last expedition, favoured Eldoze so much, that he bestowed upon him the black standard of the kingdom of Ghizni, by this intimating his will, that he should succeed to that throne. But, upon the death of that monarch, the Turkish Omrahs were desirous that Mamood, the son of the former Emperor, should come from Ghor and reign at Ghizni. Mamood, being a man of an indolent disposition, declined it; and said, that he was content with the throne of his ancestors. He, however, assumed the imperial title, proclaimed Eldoze king of Ghizni, and was content to maintain the appearance of that power which he would not, or rather durst not, enforce.

The first thing Eldoze did after his accession, was to cross the Indus, and invade Punjab and Lahore, as we have seen in the former reign. He was defeated by Cuttub, and in consequence lost his own kingdom; which, however, he soon after recovered. He afterwards, in conjunction with the Emperor Mamood of Ghor, sent an army to Herat, which they conquered, as also a great part of Seistan, but making peace with the prince of that country, they returned. On the way, making war upon the great Mahommed, king of Charizm, they were both defeated, and the conqueror pursuing his fortune, took Ghizni, while Eldoze retired to Kirma, his former government, on the northern borders of India.

Eldoze, finding the northern troops too hard for him, recruited an army, and marched some time after the death of Cuttub, with a view to conquer India. But, after reducing some of the northern provinces, he was defeated near Delhi, by the Emperor Altumsh, and being taken, died in confinement. The time of his reign was nine years.

As we have already given the history of two of Mahommed Ghori's adopted slaves who arrived at the imperial dignity, it may not be improper here to say something of Tughril, who raised himself from the same low situation.

Tughril was a chief of some repute in the service of Mahommed; brave, and of a. virtuous disposition. They relate, that when Mahommed took the fort of Biana, he gave the command of it to Tughril, and proceeded himself to Gualier, as we have seen before. But after he left Hindostan, Tughril continued to infest the country about Gualier; the King having told him at his departure, that if he conquered the place, he would confirm him in the government of it. When he found that this manner of war had no effect, as they always found some opportunity of supplying the place, he ordered small forts to be built all round, which he garrisoned, and by this means the fort was effectually blockaded. Yet it held out for near a whole year, when, being distressed for provisions, they sent an embassy privately to Cuttub to come and take possession of the place, for they had conceived an implacable resentment against Tughril. Cuttub accordingly sent his troops to seize upon Gualier; upon which, war had almost ensued between him and Tughril. Death however interfering, put an end to the dispute; for, at this juncture, Tughril suddenly expired. The actions of the other two princes, formerly slaves to Mahommed, will be seen in the history of Sind and Punjab, to which they more properly belong.
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Re: The History of Hindostan, by Alexander Dow

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Part 8 of 15

[Section III. The Reign of Sultan Aram Shaw, ben Sultan Cuttub ul dien Abiek.]

ARAM.

AFTER the death of Cuttub, his son Aram [Sultan Aram Shaw.] mounted the throne of Delhi; but was no ways equal to the government of so great an empire.

Nasir, one of the adopted slaves of Mahommed Ghori, marched with an army towards Sind, which he conquered, as also Moultan, Otch, Shinoran, and other places. Another slave, Mahommed of Chilligi, possessed himself of the kingdom of Bengal, and asserted his own independence. At the same time, several dependent princes blew up the flames of rebellion in many parts of the empire.

Upon these misfortunes, Ali Ismaiel, Daood Delhi, and all the Omrahs, became discontented, sending a person to call Altumsh, who was son-in-law and adopted son of Cuttub, and then governor of Budaoon [The country beyond the Ganges, N. E, from Delhi, now possessed by the Rohillas.], to ascend the throne. Altumsh accordingly marched with his army to Delhi, and by the assistance of the faction within, easily reduced it. Aram, afraid of trusting himself in his capital, had previously withdrawn into the country, recruited a fine army, and advanced to give Altumsh battle. A warm engagement ensued in the sight of the city. Aram lost the victory and his empire, which he had enjoyed scarce one year.

[Section IV. The Reign of Shumse Ul Dien Altumsh.]

ALTUMSH.

We are told that Altumsh [Shumse ul dien Altumsh.] was descended of a noble family in the Tartarian Chitta, and that his father's name was Elim, a great and famous general. But in his youth, being the favourite of his father, he was envied by the rest of his brothers. They therefore determined to get rid of him, and as they were out one day hunting, they stript him, and sold him to a company of travelling merchants for a slave. The merchants carried him to Bochara, and sold him to one of the relations of Jehan, prince of that country, from whom he received a liberal education.

Upon the death of his master he was again exposed to sale, and bought by a merchant, who sold him to another, who carried him to Ghizni. The Emperor Mahommed heard at Ghizni of Altumsh's beauty and talents, but could not agree with the merchant about his price. He was therefore carried back to Bochara, as none durst buy him, on account of the King's displeasure, till Cuttub, obtaining his leave, made that purchase at Delhi, whither he had invited the merchant, for fifty thousand pieces of silver. Cuttub, at the same time, bought another slave, whom he called Taga, and appointed him afterwards governor of Tibberhind, where he was slain in the battle between Cuttub and Eldoze.

Altumsh, in the mean time, was made master of the chace, and afterwards rose to such favour that he became the adopted son of his patron, Cuttub, and was advanced to the government of Gualier and Birren, and from thence to the viceroyship of Budaoon. He accompanied Cuttub in his war against the Gickers, and greatly distinguished himself in bravery and zeal for the service. He killed in one action, with the troops of Budaoon, upwards of ten thousand of the enemy. This behaviour so pleased Cuttub, that he declared him free, and made him many honorary presents.

Thus by degrees, Altumsh rose, till he was created captain-general of the empire; and married the daughter of Cuttub, and upon his death, as we have before related, he advanced against the capital, and, expelling Aram from the throne in the year 607, declared himself Emperor by the title of Shumse ul dien Altumsh.

Upon his accession he was acknowledged by many chiefs and princes; but some of his generals taking disgust, went off with the greater part of his Turkish horse, which were the flower of his army. They joined themselves with other malcontents, and advanced with à great force towards Delhi. They were met before the city by Altumsh, and defeated, their chief general Firoch being killed, and the rest so closely pursued, that in a short time they were all either killed or taken, which for that time established Altumsh in peace. But soon after, the governor of the fort of Gollore rebelled, and refused to pay the revenues of that country. This obliged the King to march and reduce him to obedience. Eldoze, King of Ghizni, at this time, sent him the ensigns of royalty, pretending to confirm Altumsh in the empire of Hindostan. But soon after, when Eldoze himself was defeated by the troops of Charizm, and re- tired to Kirma and Shenoran, he turned his views towards the conquest of Hindostan. Eldoze seized upon the country of Punjaab and the city of Tannasar in the year 612, and endeavoured, by his emissaries in the court of Delhi, to raise a faction in his own favour. Altumsh, in the mean time, drew together his forces, and advancing towards him, they fought on the confines of Tirowri, about one hundred and fifty miles from Delhi. Eldoze was defeated, as before related, and, with many of his Omrahs, taken and imprisoned in Budaoon, where he died a natural death, according to some; but, according to others, was poisoned.

In the year 614, Altumsh engaged Nasir, who was also son-in-law to Cuttub, upon the banks of the Chinaab, where Altumsh proved victorious. The governor of Chilligi, in the mountains, the year following, being defeated by Nasir, fled for protection to Altumsh, who, taking part in his quarrel, marched against Nasir, and a second time overthrew him, recovering the countries lost by the Viceroy of Chilligi, upon which he himself returned to Delhi.

In the year 618, the famous but unfortunate Jellal ul dien, King of Charizm, being defeated in the north, by the great conqueror Zingis Chan, retreated towards Lahore, where Altumsh opposed him with all his forces. This obliged the brave though unfortunate Jellal to retreat towards the Indus, where he was opposed by Nasir, who defeated him, and pursued him, by the way of Kutch and Muckeran, the maritime provinces of Persia.

In the year 622, Altumsh led his army towards Behar and Bengal, where he obliged Yeas ul dien, of Chilligi, then prince of Bengal, whose history we shall see in its proper place [The historian alludes to another work which he wrote concerning the transactions of the principalities of Hindostan.], to pay him tribute and allegiance. He struck the currency in his own name, and appointing his own son Nasir to the government of Bengal, he left Yeas ul dien in the government of Behar, and then returned to Delhi. But soon after, war broke out between Nasir, prince of Bengal, and Yeas ul dien of Behar. The latter was defeated and slain; Nasir taking possession of his principality and treasure, out of which he sent ample presents to his friends at Delhi.

In the mean time, Altumsh led out his forces against Cabaja, who possessed the provinces on the Indus, and, unable to oppose him in the field, left a strong garrison in Dutch, and returned himself to Backar. The Emperor detached Nizam Jinaidi with half the army in pursuit of Cabaja, while, with the other half, he himself laid siege to Outch, which he took in two months and twenty days. When the news of the fall of Outch reached Cabaja, he sent his son Alla to entreat the Emperor for peace. The terms were not settled when news was brought, that Nasir, already mentioned, had been obliged by Nizam to attempt to cross the river, and that he was unhappily drowned. The whole country submitted to the imperial power. Altumsh then drew his forces towards the fort of Rintimpore, which he besieged and took.

In the year 624, he marched towards the fort of Mendu, which he reduced with all the country of Sewalic. At this time, the noble Ruhani, the most learned and most famous poet and philosopher of that age, fled from Bochara, that city being taken by the great Zingis, and took protection at Delhi, where he wrote many excellent pieces. The Emperor, at the same time, had an embassy from the Arabian Princes, with the royal robes of the Caliphat, which he assumed with joy, making a great festival, and distributing rich presents.

In the same year, he received intelligence of the death of Nasir, his eldest son, prince of Bengal, which threw him into mourning and sorrow. He soon after conferred the title upon his younger son, whom he carried with him to that province in the year 627, to invest him with the government, which had run into confusion after the death of the former prince. Having entirely settled this country in peace, he left Eaz ul Muluck to superintend the kingdom, and returned with his son to Delhi.

Altumsh formed a design, in the year 629, to reduce the fort of Gualier, which had, during the reign of his predecessor Aram, fallen into the hands of the Hindoos. He accordingly besieged it for a whole year, when the garrison being reduced to great straits, the governor made his escape in the night, and the troops capitulated; but about three hundred of them, for treacherous behaviour, were punished.

After the reduction of this place, he marched his army towards Malaya, and reducing the fort of Belsay, took the city of Ugeïn, where he destroyed the magnificent and rich temple of Makal [Ma signifies Great, in the Indian language; and Kal Time, or sometimes Death.], formed upon the same plan with that of Sumnat, which had been building three hundred years, and was surrounded by a wall one hundred cubits in height. The image of Bicker-magit, who had been formerly prince of this country, and so renowned that the people of Hindostan date their time from his death, as also that of Makal, both of stone, with many other figures of brass, he ordered to be carried to Delhi, and broken at the door of the great mosque.

After his return from this expedition, he drew his army again towards Moultan, to settle the affairs of that province; but this enterprise proved unsuccessful on account of his health. He fell sick on his march, which obliged him to return to Delhi, where he died on the 20th of Shaban, in the year 633. His vizier, towards the latter end of his reign, was Assami, who had been formerly vizier of the Calipha of Bagdat for thirty years. He was renowned for wisdom and learning, but had left that court on account of some disgust, and travelled to Delhi, where he was deemed a great acquisition, and honoured with the vizarit. The most famous for letters in this reign, was Mahommed Ufi, who wrote the Jame ul Hickaiat, a valuable collection of histories, and other books. The reign of Altumsh was twenty-six years. He was an enterprising, able, and good prince.

In the 13th year of the reign of Altumsh, Zingis Chan, the great conqueror of Asia, marched against Mahommed, King of Charizm and all Persia. The state of Asia, just preceding the revolution, brought about by the arms of Zingis, was as follows: China was divided into two empires, that called the Song Kingdom in the south, and Kitay in the north. The greatest part of Tartary was subject to Zingis, after the defeat and death of Aunac, the Grand Chan; the Western Tartary and all Persia were comprehended in the empire of Charizm, under Mahommed; the three Arabias, the Arabian Iraac, Mesopotamia, and a small territory on the side of Persia, owned the authority of the Calipha, Nasser, of the noble house of Abassi: the successors of the famous Jellal ul dien, corruptedly called Saladin, possessed Syria and Egypt; and a younger branch of the Siljokides of Persia reigned in the lesser Asia, under the title of Sultans of Ikonium. All Hindostan, except the Decan, was subject to the Afgan or Patan empire, under Altumsh. From the thinteenth to the twenty-sixth year of Altumsh, which was the last of his reign, the face of affairs in Asia became totally changed. Zingis conquered that immense continent, from the sea of China to Syria, and from the Indus to the Arctic circle. That great prince being bent upon the complete conquest of China, India escaped an invasion, which, in all human probability, would have forced it to share the same fate with the rest of Asia.

[Section V. The Reign of Ruckun ul dien Ferose Shaw ben Sultan Shumse ul dien Altumsh.]

FEROSE I.

The prince Ferose [Ruckun ul dien, Ferose Shaw.] succeeded his father Altumsh in the throne of Delhi. In the year 625, his father appointed him governor of Budaoon, and, after the reduction of Gualier, conferred upon him the viceroyship of Lahore. He chanced, at the Emperor's death, to be at Delhi on a visit, and immediately ascended the throne. The Omrahs made their offerings, and swore allegiance; while the poets of the age vied with one another in his praise, for which they received liberal donations.

But, when he acquired the imperial dignity, he spread the flowery carpets of luxury, and withdrew his hand from the toils of state. He expended his father's treasure upon dancing-women, comedians, and musicians, and left the affairs of government to the management of his mother. This woman had been a Turkish slave, and now became a monster of cruelty, murdering all the women of Altumsh's haram, to gratify her inhuman hatred to them, as also the youngest of that Emperor's sons.

The minds of the people began to be filled with disgust, and Mahommed, the younger brother of the King, and governor of Oud, intercepted the revenues from Bengal, and began to assert independence. At the same time, Mahommed, Suba of Budaoon, Chani, governor of Lahore, Cabire, viceroy of Moultan, and Kugi, governor of Hassi, entering into a confederacy, exalted their standards of hostility against the Emperor. Ferose collected a vast army, and marched to Kilogurry, where he was deserted by his vizier Junedi, with part of his army. The vizier went towards Kole, where he joined some of the insurgents. They from thence proceeded to Lahore, where they were joined by the nobles of these provinces.

The Emperor, in the mean time, continued his march towards them, and when he reached Munsurpoor, seven of his principal chiefs deserted him, and retired with their troops to Delhi. There they advanced Sultana Rizia, the eldest daughter of Altumsh, to the throne, and imprisoned the Emperor's mother.

When this news reached the Emperor, he hastened back with his army towards Delhi, and having reached Kilogurry, Rizia, on the 18th of Ribbi ul Awil, in the year 634, advanced against him. He was delivered up into her hands, and died in confinement some time after; so that he reigned only six months and twenty-eight days.

[Section VI. The Reign of Malleke Doran Sultana Rizia.]

SULTANA RIZIA

SULTANA RIZIA [Malleke Doran, Sultana Rizia.] was adorned with every qualification necessary in the ablest kings; and the strictest scrutineers of her actions could find in her no fault but that she was a woman. In the time of her father, she entered deeply into the affairs of government, which disposition he encouraged, finding she had a remarkable talent in politics. In that year in which he took the fort of Gualier, he appointed her regent in his absence. When he was asked by the Omrahs, why he appointed his daughter to such an office, in preference to so many of his sons, he replied, “that he saw his sons gave themselves up to wine, women, gaming, and the worship of the wind [Flattery.]; that therefore he thought the government too weighty for their shoulders to bear; and that Rizia, though a woman, had a man's head and heart, and was better than twenty such sons."

Rizia, upon her accession, changing her apparel, assumed the imperial robes, and every day gave public audience from the throne, revising and confirming the laws of her father, which had been abrogated in the last reign, and distributing justice with an equal hand. In the mean time, the vizier Junedi, and the confederate Omrahs, who had met at Lahore, advanced with their armies to Delhi, and encamping without the city, commenced hostilities. They, at the same time, sent circular letters to all the Omrahs of the empire, to draw them from their allegiance. This news reaching the Suba of Oud, he collected his forces, and hastened to the relief of the Empress; but when he had crossed the Ganges, he was engaged by the confederates, defeated, and taken prisoner, in which condition he soon died.

The Empress found means, in her own policy, to sow dissension among the confederates; till, finding themselves in a dangerous situation, they retreated each to his own country, while some of them, being pursued by the Empress, were taken and put to death, the vizier escaping to the hills of Sirmore, where he died.

The prosperity of the Sultana daily gaining ground, she gave the vizarit to Chaja Ghiznavi, who had been deputy to the former vizier, with the title of Nizam, and the chief command of her forces to Abiek, with the title of Kilic Chan. Kabirc, having subjected himself to her authority, was confirmed in the government of Lahore, while the countries of Bengal, and the northern provinces, were also confirmed to their respective viceroys, on their promise of future obedience.

In the mean time, Kilic Chan, general of the Sultana's armies, died, and Hassen, being appointed to succeed him, was sent with a force to raise the siege of Rintimpore, which was then invested by the independent Indian princes. But, at the approach of the imperial forces, they raised the siege, and retreated. After Hassen's departure from Rintimpore, Tiggi was advanced to the dignity of lord of the privacy, and master of requests. Jammal gaining great favour with the Empress, was also appointed Master of the Horse, from which station he was presently advanced to that of Captain General of the Empire.

The nobles were greatly disgusted at this promotion, as the favourite was originally an Abassinian slave. The first who began openly to express his discontent, was the viceroy of Lahore, in the year 637, who threw off his allegiance, and began to recruit his army. The Empress, collecting also her forces, marched out against him, and the viceroy, being disappointed by some of his confederates, was obliged to make every concession to obtain pardon. This he effected with so much art, that the Empress, upon her departure, either believing him to be her friend, or desirous of binding him over to her interest by gratitude, continued him in his viceroyship, and added to it that of Moultan, which had been governed by Kirakus.

In the same year, Altunia, the imperial governor of Tiberhind, exalted the hostile standard against the Empress, on account of her imprudent partiality to the Abassinian. The Empress, upon this intelligence, marched with her army towards Tiberhind, but, about half-way, all the Turkish chiefs in her army mutinied with their forces. A tumultuous conflict ensued, in which her Abassinian general was killed, and she herself seized and sent to the fort of Tiberhind, to Altunia. The army then returned to Delhi, where the Turkish Omrahs set up her brother Byram, the son of the Emperor Altumsh.

In the mean time, Altunia, governor of Tiberhind, having married the Empress, in a short time, by her influence, raised a great army of Gickers, Jits, and other nations, near the banks of the Indus, with many Omrahs of distinction, and marched with her towards Delhi. Byram, the new Emperor, upon this, sent Balin, son-in-law to Altumsh, with his forces to oppose her. The two armies meeting near Delhi, an obstinate: engagement ensued, in which the unfortunate Empress. being defeated, fled to Tiberhind.

She some time after collected her scattered forces, and was soon in a condition to make another bold effort for the empire. She advanced with a numerous army towards Delhi, but her forces being composed of the troops of India, were no ways a match for the mercenaries of Tartary, which chiefly composed the Emperor's army. Balin, who was again sent to oppose her, gave her another defeat at Keitel, the 4th of the first Ribbi, in the same year. She and her husband being taken in the pursuit, were inhumanly put to immediate death; while others relate, with less probability, that they were both carried bound to Byram, who ordered them to be assassinated in prison. Thus died the Empress Rizia, deserving a better fate, after a reign. of three years six months and six days.

[Section VII. The Reign of Sultan Moaz ul dien Byram Shaw ben Sultan Shumse ul dien Altumsh.]

BYRAM II.

When the Empress Rizia was prisoner in the fort of Tiberhind, Byram [Moaz ul dien, Byram Shaw.], the son of the late Emperor Altumsh, upon Monday the 27th of Ramsan, in the year 637, by consent of the Omrahs, ascended the throne of Delhi, and confirmed all the laws and customs then in force. Tiggi, in conjunction with the vizier, by degrees took the whole government of the empire upon himself, taking the sister of the Emperor to wife, and mounting an elephant upon guard, at his gate, which was an honour peculiar to royalty.

This circumstance raised disgust and jealousy in the Emperor's mind. He therefore ordered two Turkish slaves to put on the appearance of drunkenness, and endeavour to assassinate Tiggi and the vizier. Accordingly, upon a certain day, these two Turks, when the King gave public audience, pressed among the crowd, and began to be very troublesome. Tiggi, who stood first in the rank of Omrahs, went to turn them out. They drew their daggers, and plunged them into his breast, then, running to the vizier, they gave him two wounds; but he escaped through the crowd. The slaves were immediately seized, and thrown into chains, but in a few days after they were pardoned.

The vizier kept his bed for some days, on account of his wounds, but, as soon as he recovered, he appeared again at court, and officiated in his employ. Sunkir Rumi, who was then Master of the requests, formed a scheme to supersede him. He, for this purpose, placed himself at the head of a powerful faction at court, and collecting the Omrahs together, and among the rest the vizier, at the house of the chief justice of the empire, he began to concert with them a plan to bring about a revolution. The chief justice was secretly averse to the measure, and fearing that what was nominally meant against the vizier, should actually turn upon his master, he sent to the Emperor, and informed him of the whole affair. The messenger brought back with him a faithful servant of the King, in the habit of a fool, to overhear the conversation with the vizier. The vizier, though he actually entered into the measures of the meeting, excused himself from attendance at that time.

The story of the chief justice being confirmed by the person whom the Emperor sent to overhear the Omrahs, a body of cavalry were immediately dispatched to seize them; but they having had previous intelligence, dispersed themselves before the horse arrived. The next day, Sunkir Rumi, who was one of the principal conspirators, was sent to be governor of Budaoon, while Casi Jellal was turned out of his office. In a few months after, Rumi and Muza were assassinated at Budaoon by the Emperor's emissaries, while Casi Jellal was trod under foot by elephants.

These proceedings raised fear and apprehension in the bosom of every body, which being improved by the faction, there was a general mutiny among the troops. In the mean time news arrived, that the Moguls of the great Zingis had invested Lahore upon the 16th of the first Jemmad, in the year 639; that Malleck, the viceroy of that place, finding his troops mutinous, had been obliged to fly in the night, and was actually on his way to Delhi; and that Lahore was plundered by the enemy, and the miserable inhabitants carried away prisoners.

The King, upon this urgent occasion, called a general council of state, in which it was determined to send the vizier, and Hassen Ghori, chief secretary of the empire, with other Omrahs, to oppose the Moguls at Lahore, with an army. When the imperial army advanced as far as the river Bea, where the town of Sultanpoor now stands, the vizier, who was privately an enemy to the Emperor, began to depreciate his government to the nobles, and to sow the seeds of sedition in their minds. But that he might completely effect his purpose, he wrote a private letter to the Emperor, accusing them of disaffection, and begging he would either take the field himself, or send other Omrahs and more forces, for that those now with the army could not be depended upon, and that therefore nothing could be done against the enemy.

The Emperor, though he had been forewarned of the treachery of his vizier in the late conspiracy, yet the artful man had so well extricated himself, and gained such confidence, that Byram, who was not blessed with much discernment, gave entire credit to this accusation, and sent him an order, importing, that they deserved death; at the same time recommending to him to keep them quiet till he should find the means of bringing them to condign punishment. This was what the crafty vizier wanted. He immediately produced the King's order, which kindled the Omrahs at once into rage, while he misled them with respect to the accuser. He even pretended to be apprehensive for himself, and began to consult with them about the means of general security; and they all promised to support him.

This news having reached the Emperor, he began to open his eyes when too late, and in great perturbation hastened to the house of Islaam, a venerable and learned Omrah, requesting him to set out for the camp, and endeavour, by proper representations, to bring over the disaffected chiefs to their duty. Islaam accordingly set out in private, but not being able to effect any thing, returned to Delhi. The vizier, in the mean time, advanced with the army to the capital, which he besieged for three months and a half. Rebellion spreading at last among the citizens, the place was taken on the eighth of Zicada, in the year 639. Byram was thrown into prison, where, in a few days, he came to a very tragical end, after a reign of two years one month and fifteen days.

The Moguls, in the mean time, plundered the provinces on the banks of the five branches of the Indus, and returned to Ghizni.

[Section VIII. The Reign of Sultan Alla Ul Dien Musaood Shaw, the son of Ruckun ul dien Firoze Shaw.]

MUSAOOD IV.

When Byram had drunk the cup of fate, Balin the elder raised a faction, and forcing his way into the palace, mounted the throne, and ordered himself to be proclaimed throughout the city. But the greater part of the princes and nobility, dissatisfied with his advancement, immediately took out Musaood [Alla-ul-dien, Musaood Shaw.] the son of Ferose, the late Emperor, from his confinement in the white castle, and deposing the usurper, placed him upon the throne the same day in which Balin had seized it. Hassin was made vakeel of the empire [This office of vakeel sultanit, or vakeel mutuluck, was the first in the empire; his business was to issue all orders from the closet to the vizier or other officers of state, who were to take measures for executing them.
]; Nizam, vizier; and the late governor of Lahore, lord of requests.

The vizier, who was a politic and ambitious man, still maintained an absolute power in the empire; but being of a haughty and oppressive disposition, he bore it with too high a hand among the nobles. They consequently began to combine against him, and in the month of the first Ribbi, in the year 640, found means to assassinate him one day when he was hunting. The vizarit was conferred upon the chief justice of the empire, and the younger Balin was made lord of the requests. Even Balin the elder was appointed viceroy of Nagore, Sind, and Ajmere. The subaship of Budaoon was given at the same time to Taggi; and other provinces fell to various chiefs, according to their rank and interest at court; and, in general, peace and content seemed to diffuse themselves over the kingdom.

The Emperor, about this time, released his two uncles Mamood and Jellal, who had been imprisoned by the Emperor Byram. He conferred upon the former the government of Barage, and to the latter he gave that of Kinnoge. Tiggi was appointed governor of Bengal.

In the year 642, an army of Mogul Tartars made an incursion into Bengal, by the way of Chitta and Tibet. Musaood sent towards Bengal, Timur, to the aid of Tiggi, governor of that province, with a great army. The Moguls received a total defeat; but jealousy arising between Timur and Tiggi, they proceeded to open hostilities; and the Emperor ordered Tiggi to resign the government to Timur, and to return to Delhi.

In the following year, intelligence arrived that another army of Moguls had crossed the Indus, and invested Outch. The King immediately ordered forces to be mustered, and putting himself at their head, directed the imperial standard towards the Tartars. When he had reached the banks of the river Bea, they raised the siege, and began to retreat; and Musaood, hearing that they had totally evacuated the country, returned to Delhi.

Musaood soon after gave himself up to wine and women, and exercised various modes of cruelty, injustice, and oppression, despising all counsel, and placing the way of ruin before him. The princes and Omrahs at length bound up their loins to hostility, having first privately sent for Mamood, the King's uncle, from Barage. Mamood advanced with all the forces he could raise towards the capital. The Emperor was thrown into prison, by the Omrahs, where he remained for life. He reigned four years one month and one day; a weak and foolish prince, a slave to his pleasures, and without firmness of mind to entertain any one commendable virtue.

Oktay, the son of Zingis, sat upon the imperial throne of Tartary, during the short reigns of Ferose, Rizia, Byram, and Musaood. Little alteration happened in the conquests of Zingis, and his posterity were employed in extending the Tartar empire in the two extremities of Asia. The dominions left by Altumsh remained entire when his son Musaood was deposed.

[Section IX. The Reign of Sultan Nasir Ul Dien Mamood ben Sultan Shumse ul dien Altumsh.]

MAMOOD II.

We have already observed, that when the eldest son of the Emperor Altumsh died in Bengal, he conferred the title and government of that principality upon his younger son Mamood [ ]. But this was a nominal honour, Mamood being at that time too young for such a charge. Upon his father's death he was confined by the cruel Empress, and remained in prison till he was released by the Emperor Musaood, who gave him the government of Barage. During the time of his government, he waged successful wars with the neighbouring independent princes, and rendered his province happy and flourishing. The fame of his justice and policy became to be noised abroad, which made the Omrahs turn their eyes towards him in the late revolution. He was then placed upon the throne of his father, which, even laying aside his birth, his bravery, wisdom, and learning, his other good qualities very much deserved to possess.

During the time of his imprisonment, he wrote for his livelihood, despising the Emperor's allowance. He often said, in the days of his misfortune, that he who could not work for his bread did not deserve it. When he ascended the throne, he was the patron of learning, the protector of the people, and the friend of the poor. The poets of that age vied with one another for the prize at his coronation, which was gained by Minage, for his poem upon that occasion. This writer is also particularly famous for his valuable history called the Tibcaat Nazari.

The office of vizier was now conferred upon Balin the younger, who formerly defeated the Sultana; and all the executive power was put into his hands. Shere, the Emperor's nephew, was appointed to the government of Lahore, Moultan, Batenize, and Tiberhind, where he was ordered to keep a great standing army, to watch the motions of the Moguls, who now had possessed themselves of the provinces beyond the Indus.

It is said, that when Mamood appointed young Balin vizier, that he told him, he trusted his own glory to his loyalty and conduct; therefore, to do nothing for which he could not answer to God, or that would stain his name with injustice towards his people, or ingratitude towards his King. The vizier faithfully promised his best, and exerting himself with such unwearied diligence in his office, regulated so well the business of the state, that nothing escaped his eye, or passed his particular inspection.

In the month of Regib, the King took the field, and turned his arms towards Moultan. He encamped for some time upon the banks of the Sodra; and making his vizier captain-general, he sent him towards the mountains of Jehud, and the territories near the Indus. Those countries were reduced, and the Emperor avenged himself upon the Gickers for their continual incursions, and for guiding the Moguls through their country into Hindostan. These offences were too great to be pardoned, and therefore he carried some thousands of every age and sex into captivity.

Some ancient Omrahs, who had estates conferred on them in the provinces near the Indus, had, for some time past, refused to supply their quotas to the army, for the maintenance of which they held these estates. By the advice of the vizier, they were arrested and carried prisoners to Delhi. The King, however, gave their estates to their sons or relations, upon the old military tenure. The country of Punjaab and Moultan were by these means effectually settled, and the King's authority firmly established. The behaviour of Mamood, upon this occasion, puts us in mind of a story of a singular kind.

Some authors inform us, that when Secunder [Alexander the Great.] was on his way to India, some of his old generals, unwilling to proceed farther, began to draw their feet out of the circle of his obedience. The hero upon this, was thrown into great perplexity, not knowing how to proceed with them. In this dilemma, he sent a messenger to Greece to advise with his old master Aristotalise [Aristotle, the Philosopher.], who, by reason of his age and infirmities, had not accompanied him. When the sage read the letter, he carried the messenger into the garden, where he gave orders to the gardener to root up all the old plants, and set young shoots in their places. Without saying more, or writing any answer, he told the messenger to return in haste to his master.

When the messenger arrived, he fell upon his face before the King, and told him he could obtain no reply. Secunder was somewhat surprised, and enquired into the particulars of the interview. Hearing the above relation, he smiled, and told the messenger he had brought him an excellent answer. He accordingly put some old mutinous officers to death, and cashiered others; supplying their places with young men, who became more obedient to command; and thus re-established his authority in the army.

In the month of Shaban 645, the Emperor Mamood returned with his troops through the country which lies between the two rivers Ganges and Jumna, and, after an obstinate siege, the fort of Tilsinda yielded to his arms. He then continued his march towards Kurrah, Balin commanding the van guard. He was met at Kurrah by the Indian princes Dilleki and Millecki, whom he defeated, plundering their country, and taking many of both their families prisoners. These two Rajas had seized upon all the country to the south of the Jumna, destroyed the King's garrisons from Malava to Kurrah, and held their chief residence at Callinger. After these exploits the Emperor returned to Delhi.

In the following year, he sent the vizier with an army towards Rintimpore and the mountains of Merwar, to chastise the rebellious inhabitants of these countries, which he effectually did, and returned to Delhi. The vizier's brother Abiek Cushli was promoted to the dignity of lord of the petitions, and Zinjani to be chief secretary to the empire.

In the same year, the Emperor's brother Jellal was called from his government of Kinnoge to Delhi. But, fearing that the King had some intentions against his life, he fled to the hills of Sitnoor, with all his adherents. The Emperor pursued him, but finding, after eight months' labour, that he could not lay hands upon him, he returned to Delhi. Mamood, in the year 647, married the daughter of his vizier, Balin, and upon the occasion made great rejoicings. He drew, in the year following, his army towards Moultan, and, upon the banks of the Bea, he was joined by his nephew Shere, governor of the northern provinces, with twenty thousand chosen horse. The King continued his march to Moultan, where he remained for some days. Having placed the elder Balin in the government of Nagore and Outch, and settled some other matters, he returned to his capital.

The elder Balin, in the year 649, threw off his allegiance, and stirred up a rebellion in those provinces. This obliged Mamood to put the imperial standard in motion towards Nagore. He put the rebel to flight; but such was the strange policy of the times, that he promised him his pardon, upon his submission; and afterwards actually continued him in his government. The Emperor, after returning from this expedition, remained only a few days at Delhi, before he proceeded to the siege of Narvar. He was met at Narvar by the Indian prince Sahir Deo, who had just built that fortress on a steep rock, with five thousand horse, and two hundred thousand foot. This immense host were defeated with great slaughter, and the place, being invested, was reduced, after a few months' siege. The Emperor from thence continued his march to Chinderi and Malava, and having settled those countries, and appointed a suba to govern them, returned to Delhi. The vizier gained, in this expedition, great reputation for his conduct and personal valour.

In the mean time, the Emperor's nephew Shere, viceroy of Lahore and Moultan, who was at that time reckoned a prodigy of wisdom, valour, and every royal virtue, had raised and disciplined a body of horse, with which he drove the Moguls out of the kingdom of Ghizni, and annexed it once more to the empire. He struck the currency in the name of Mamood, and proclaimed him through all the provinces. The King, for these services, added the government of Outch to his viceroyship, which, contrary to expectation, was quietly delivered up by the elder Balin, who returned to Delhi, and received the Jagier of Budaoon.

Mamood, in the year 650, marched by the way of Lahore, into Moultan, and was joined by the governor of Budaoon, by the way of Sevan and Cushlu, with fine armies. In the beginning of the following year, Zingani, chief secretary of the empire, who had rose to that dignity through the interest of the vizier, began to envy the fame and influence of that able minister. He took every opportunity to traduce his benefactor to the King in private. The Monarch's affections for the vizier began to cool visibly, and he was even prevailed upon at last to discharge that great man from his office, when he only conferred upon him, in lieu of it, the small government of Hassi, for his subsistence, where his enemy sought an opportunity to take his life.

Zingani now became absolute in the King's favour, and began his authority by turning out every person from their offices and governments, who had been appointed by the former vizier. He removed all Balin's friends and relations from the royal presence, constituting Mahommed, who resided at Delhi, vizier of the empire, and Cutchlew, lord of requests. When he returned to Delhi with the King, he every where disturbed the public peace, and overset the fundamental laws of the country.

The Emperor again mustered his army, and began his march towards the river Bea, for Shere had unfortunately, at this time, been defeated by the rebels of the province of Sind, and lost several forts in Moultan. This furnished the favourite with an opportunity of disgracing him with the King, who turned him out of his viceroyship, which he conferred upon Arsilla, and then returned to his capital. In the mean time, the governor of Keital and Coram was assassinated by the zemindars, which prevailed on the Sultan to march his army to revenge his death, from which expedition he very soon returned again to Delhi.

The government of the chief secretary became by this time so invidious to the whole empire, that almost all the governors of provinces entered into an association, and sent an embassy to Balin, the former vizier, informing him, that the government of the country was quite subverted, and that the oppression and arrogance of Zingani was beyond expression; that they were therefore desirous he should proceed to Delhi, and take the empire, as formerly, under his wise conduct and direction. Balin consented, and, according to appointment, all the Omrahs met, with their forces, in one day, at Koram.

Mamood and his chief secretary Zingani, upon receiving this intelligence, marched with the imperial forces to disperse the insurgents; but when the royal army advanced as far as Hassi, Balin, and the rest of the Omrahs, sent an address to the King, to the following purpose: “That they were his loyal subjects, and were satisfied to kiss the foot of his throne, so be he would banish Zingani from his presence.” The Emperor was under the necessity of either consenting to this request, or to lose his empire. He therefore dismissed the obnoxious favourite from his presence, and sent him to Budaoon. The Omrahs presented their offerings, and were honoured with royal dresses. Chani was appointed to command at Lahore, and Shere was confirmed in his former governments, and other districts adjacent. Mamood returned peaceably to Delhi, and expressed great joy at seeing his old vizier, while the flower of desire blossomed in the hearts of the subjects.

In the year 653, the Emperor conferred the government of Oud upon Cuttulich, of which, however, he wanted to deprive him in a few months for that of Barage, which was neither so lucrative nor so honourable. Cuttulich, upon this account, swerved from his allegiance, and, having brought over some other Omrahs to his party, raised a great army, which obliged Mamood to send the vizier against him. A general was dispatched at the same time against Zingani, who had begun a diversion about Budaoon. He was however soon defeated, taken prisoner, and put to death. Cuttulich was also routed by the vizier, and fled to Sitnoor. The vizier destroyed the place, but not being able to lay hold of the rebel, he returned to Delhi.

Diepal, the Indian prince of Sitnoor, in the year 655, entered into an alliance with the rebel Cuttulich, and raising a great army, advanced to meet the suba of Sind, who was in the same confederacy. All three joining their forces near Koram, became very formidable, to the empire. The King again ordered his vizier, with a great army, to take the field. When the two armies approached one another, a mutiny was stirred up in the vizier's camp, by some Omrahs, who wrote private letters to the enemy, projecting the means of their taking the city, in which they had also set a faction on foot to favour them. The vizier having received good intelligence of this treasonable correspondence, acquainted the King of the particulars, who ordered them all to be confined. In the mean time, the enemy, according to the scheme projected, marched with a body of chosen cavalry two hundred miles, in two days, advancing to the gates of Delhi, where the traitors had promised to meet them that day with their forces; but finding themselves disappointed, and the imperial troops marching out against them, they entirely dispersed, the governor of Sind retreating to his government, but Cuttulich was never heard of afterwards.

Towards the latter end of this year, a Mogul army crossed the Indus, which obliged Mamood to point his hostile spears towards that quarter; but the Moguls fled upon his approach; so that, without further trouble, he returned to his capital, giving the country of Punjaab to his nephew Shere, and sending Chani to the government of Bengal.

In the year 656, Mamood marched his army towards Kurrah and Manickpoor, to chastise Arsilla and Calliche, who had not joined their forces in obedience to his orders, when he marched the year before to Punjaab. These subas, however, found means at court to mollify the King's resentment, and Arsilla found even interest to obtain the government of Bengal, which had been so lately disposed of to Chani, while the other obtained some districts by the foot of the mountains.

Cutchlew, the vizier's brother, was, in the year 657, appointed to the government of Kole, Jellasore, Gualier, and Biana. Nothing else remarkable happened this season, but the death of the rebellious governor of Sind. The vizier, by the King's commands, led, next year, an army towards Sewalic and Rintimpore, where the Indians had begun to raise great disturbances, having collected a very numerous body of horse and foot, at the head of which they plundered and burnt the country. Upon the vizier's approach, they retired into strong posts and passes among the mountains, where, however, he routed them, and continued to ravage their country four months with fire and sword, setting a price upon their heads.

The princes of those Rajaputs, rendered at length desperate, collected all their forces, and rushed down from the mountains to be revenged of the Mahommedans. The vizier saw the storm descending, and had time to draw up his army in order of battle to receive them. The attack of the enemy was violent and terrible, being actuated by rage, revenge, and despair. It was with much difficulty that the vizier could keep the imperial troops in the field, but the enemy overheating themselves towards mid-day, they became hourly more languid and faint. The imperial general inspiring his troops with fresh courage, for, till then, they had acted upon the defensive, began to charge in his turn, and, before evening, pursued the enemy, with great slaughter, back to the hills. The vizier's loss was very considerable in this action, and many brave Omrahs drank the cup of martyrdom. Of the enemy above ten thousand were slain, and ninety of their chiefs made prisoners, besides a great number of common soldiers. The vizier having, by this action, relieved the fort of Rintimpore, which had been besieged by some other tribes, he returned victorious to Delhi. The captive chiefs were cruelly ordered to be put to death, and their unfortunate soldiers condemned to perpetual slavery.

In the month of the first Ribbi of this year, an ambassador arrived at Delhi, on the part of Hallaću, the grandson of Zingis, and king of Persia. The vizier went out to meet the ambassador with fifty thousand foreign horse, in the imperial service, two hundred thousand infantry in arms, two thousand chain-elephants of war, and three thousand carriages of fireworks. He drew up in order of battle, formed in columns of twenty deep, with the artillery and cavalry properly disposed. Having then exhibited some feats of horsemanship, in mock battles, and fully displayed his pomp to the ambassador, he conducted him into the city and royal palace. There the court was very splendid, every thing being set out in the most gorgeous and magnificent manner. All the Omrahs, officers of state, judges, priests, and great men of the city, were present, besides five princes of Persian Ayrac, Chorassan, and Maver-ul-nere, with their retinues, who had taken protection at Delhi, from the arms of Zingis, who, a little before that time, had overrun most part of Asia. Many Indian princes, subject to the empire, were there, and stood next the throne.

This ceremony being concluded with great pomp, nothing particular occurred at Delhi, till the year 663, when the Emperor fell sick, and, having lingered some months on the bed of affliction, died on the 11th of the first Jemmad, in the year 664, much lamented by his people.

Mamood was very singular in his private character, for, contrary to the custom of all princes, he kept no concubines. He had but one wife, whom he obliged to do every homely part of housewifery: and when she complained one day, that she had burnt her fingers in baking his bread, desiring he might allow her a maid to assist her, he rejected her request, with saying, that he was only a trustee for the state, and that he was determined not to burthen it with needless expences. He therefore exhorted her to persevere in her duty with patience, and God would reward her in the end.

As the Emperor of India never eats in public, his table was rather that of a hermit, than suitable to a great King. He also continued the whimsical notion of living by his pen. One day, as an Omrah was inspecting a Coran of the Emperor's writing before him, he pointed out a word, which he said was wrong. The King, looking at it, smiled, and drew a circle round it. But when the critic was gone, he began to erase the circle, and restore the word. This being observed by one of his old attendants, he begged to know his Majesty's reason for so doing; to which he replied, “That he knew the word was originally right; but he thought it better to erase from a paper, than tocuh the heart of a poor man, by bringing him to shame.” These might, indeed, be virtues in private life, but were certainly none in a sovereign; for, notwithstanding the praises conferred upon him by historians, we must look upon him rather as the representation than the real substance of a great monarch.

Kajuc, and after him, Mengo Chan, sat on the throne of Tartary, during the reign of Mamood. The conquest of the southern China goes on, and Hallacu, the grandson of Zingis, extends his victories in the west of Asia, and, having taken Bagdat, puts an end to the Caliphat, by the extirpation of the race of Abbas, who enjoyed it 523 years.
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Re: The History of Hindostan, by Alexander Dow

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Part 9 of 15

[Section X. The Reign of Sultan Yeas Ul Dien Balin.]

BALIN.

MAMOOD leaving no sons behind him, his vizier Balin [Yeas ul dieu Balin.], who was of the same family, mounted, by the universal desire of the nobles, the throne of Delhi. Balin was originally a Turk of Chitta, of the tribe of Alberi, a relation of the Emperor Altumsh. In his youth he was carried prisoner by the Moguls, who conquered that country, and sold to a merchant, who conveyed him to Bagdat. His father was a chief of great power, and commanded ten thousand horse in that unfortunate war in which our young hero was taken. He was bought at Bagdat in the year 630, by Jemmal of Bussorah, who was then famous for his piety and learning. His patron having learned that he was a relation of the Emperor Altumsh, proceeded with him immediately to Delhi, and presented him to that monarch, who rewarded him so handsomely, that he returned independent to Bagdat.

Altumsh employed him first in the office of chief manager of falconry, in which he was very expert. He rose from that station, both by the influence of his brother, who happened to be then a noble, and in great favour at the court of Delhi, and by his own merit. He ascended gradually, from one preferment to another, till he became an Omrah of the empire, and a man in great esteem. In the reign of Ferose, when he commanded in Punjaab, hearing his enemies at court had enraged the King against him, he refused to obey his orders to return, and kept for some time possession of that country. But having advanced to Delhi, with the confederate Omrahs who came to depose the Empress Rizia, he was taken prisoner in their flight, and remained there some time in confinement. He however made his escape, and joined the party of the Emperor Byram: against the Empress, whom he twice defeated, as we have seen in that reign. This gained him great reputation; and he had the government of Hassi and Raberi conferred upon him; in which office he distinguished himself in several actions against the rebels of Mewat.

In the reign of Musaood, he was advanced to the dignity of lord of requests, in which he gained great reputation; and in that of Mamood, he was raised to the vizarit, which high office he managed in such a manner as to leave the King but the mere title of royalty. He therefore, upon the death of his sovereign, mounted the throne, not only without opposition, but even by the general voice of the nobility and people.

In the reign of Altumsh, forty of his Turkish slaves, who were in great favour, entered into a solemn association to support one another, and, upon the King's death, to divide the empire among themselves. But jealousies and dissensions having arose afterwards among them, prevented this project from being executed. The Emperor Balin was of their number; and, as several of them had raised themselves to great power in the kingdom, the first thing he did after his: accession, was to rid himself of all who remained of that association, either by sword or poison; among whom was a nephew of his own, Shere, a man of great bravery and reputation.

His fears, after these assassinations, were entirely dispelled, and he became so famous for his justice and wise government, that his alliance was courted by all the Kings of Persia and Tartary. He took particular care that none but men of merit and family should be admitted to any office in his government; and for this purpose he endeavoured to make himself acquainted with the particular talents and connections of every person in his court. As he was very assiduous in rewarding merit, he was no less so in punishing vice; for whoever misbehaved in their station, were certain of being immediately disgraced.

He expelled all flatterers, usurers, pimps, and players, from his court; and being one day told, that an Omrah, an old servant of the crown, who had acquired a vast fortune by usury and monopoly in the Bazar, or market, would present him with some lacks of rupees, if he would honour him with one word from the throne; he rejected the proposal with great disdain, and said, “What must his subjects think of a King who should condescend to hold discourse with a wretch so infamous?"

Balin was so famous for his generosity, that all the princes of the East, who had been overthrown by the arms of Zingis, sought protection at his court. There came upwards of twenty of those unfortunate sovereigns from Turkestan, Mavir-ul-nere, Chorassan, Persian Iraac, Azurbaejan, Persia Proper, Room [The lesser Asia, so called from being long a part of the Roman empire.], and Syria. They had a princely allowance, and palaces for their residence allotted them; and they were, upon public occasions, ranked before his throne, according to their dignity; all standing to the right and left, except two princes of the race of the Caliphas, who were permitted to sit on either side of the Musnud. The palaces in which the royal fugitives resided in Delhi, took their names from their respective possessors.

In the retinue of those princes, were the most famous men for learning, war, arts, and sciences, that Asia at that time produced. The court of India was therefore, in the days of Balin, reckoned the most polite and magnificent in the world. All the philosophers, poets, and divines, formed a society every night, at the house of the prince Shehîd, the heir apparent to the empire; and the noble Chusero the poet presided at those meetings. Another society of musicians, dancers, mimics, players, buffoons, and story-tellers, was constantly convened at the house of the Emperor's second son Kera, or Bagera, who was given to pleasure and levity. The Omrahs followed the example of their superiors, so that various societies and clubs were formed in every quarter of the city. The Emperor himself, having a great passion for splendor and magnificence in his palaces, equipages, and liveries, he was imitated by the court. A new city seemed to lift up its head, and arts to arise from the bosoms of luxury and expence.

Such was the pomp and grandeur of the royal presence, that none could approach the throne without terror. The ceremonies of introduction were conducted with so much reverence and solemnity, and every thing disposed so as to strike awe and astonishment into the beholders. Nor was Balin less magnificent in his cavalcades. His state elephants were caparisoned in purple and gold. His horse-guards, consisting of a thousand noble Tartars in splendid armour, were mounted upon the finest Persian steeds, with bridles of silver, and saddles of rich embroidery. Five hundred chosen men in rich livery, with their drawn swords upon their shoulders, ran proclaiming his approach, and clearing the way before him. All the Omrahs followed according to their rank, with their various equipages and attendants. The Monarch, in short, seldom went out with less than one hundred thousand men; which he used to say, was not to gratify any vanity in himself, but to exalt him in the eyes of the people.

The festivals of Norose and Ide, as also the anniversary of his own birth, were held with wonderful pomp and splendor, But amidst all this glare of royalty, he never forgot that he was the guardian of the laws, and protector of his meanest subjects. It was before Balin's time a custom in Hindostan, in cases of murder, to satisfy the relations by a certain fine, if they consented to accept of it. He abolished this custom, which has been since revived, and ordered the Subah of Budaoon, Malleck, to be put to death, upon the complaint of a poor woman for killing her son.

When Balin was only an Omrah, he gave into the then courtly vices of wine, women, and play. But, upon his accession, he became a great enemy to all those luxuries; prohibiting wine upon the severest penalties to be drank in his dominions; laying great restrictions upon women of pleasure, and banishing all gamesters from his court.

So zealous was Balin to support his authority, that, for the disobedience of one man, he would order a force to the remotest parts of the empire to bring him to punishment. In cases of insurrection or rebellion against his government, he was not content, as had formerly been the custom, to chastise the leaders, but he extended the capital punishment of high treason to the meanest of their vassals and adherents. This severity rendered it necessary for the Subas to have the King's mandate for every expedition or hostilities they were about to commence.

That his army might be kept in constant exercise, he led them out twice every week to hunt, for forty or fifty miles round the city, and established laws for the preservation of the game. In the year 664, he was advised by his council, to undertake an expedition to reduce the kingdoms of Guzerat and Malava, which had been annexed to the empire by Cuttub, but were afterwards permitted to shake off the yoke. To this advice the Emperor would by no means consent, saying, that the Mogul Tartars were become so powerful in the north, having conquered all the Mussulmen princes, that he thought it would be much wiser to secure what he possessed against those invaders, than to weaken himself, and leave his country unguarded, by foreign wars.

Mahommed Tatar, the son of Arsilla, who had begun to assert independence in Bengal, was, this year, however, reduced, and obliged to send his usual tribute to Delhi. A great rejoicing was made upon this occasion, at which the King was present, and gave public audience.

Balin ordered, in the course of the same year, an army to extirpate a certain tribe of banditti called Mewats, who had possessed themselves of an extensive wilderness about eighty miles south-east of the city towards the hills; from whence they used, in former reigns, to make incursions, to the number of fifty thousand, even to the gates of Delhi. It is said, that, in this expedition, above one hundred thousand of these wretches were put to the sword; and the army being supplied with hatchets and other implements, cleared away the woods for above the circumference of one hundred miles. The cleared space afterwards proved excellent lands, and was well inhabited, as the people were protected by a line of forts along the foot of the mountains.

In the 665th year of the Higera, Balin sent an army down between the Ganges and Jumna, to suppress some insurrections in those parts, with orders to punish the offenders without mercy. The Emperor soon after marched in person towards Kattal, Pattiali, and Bhogepoor, whose inhabitants had begun to stop all intercourse with Bengal, by the way of Jionpoor and Benaris. He put some thousands of them to death, establishing justice and public security in those parts. He ordered forts to be built, which he garrisoned with Pattans, to crush any future disturbance, and then returned towards Delhi. Soon after his arrival, he received intelligence of an insurrection in Budaoon and Kuttur, whither he hastened with five thousand chosen horse, and ordered a general massacre among the unfortunate insurgents, and some thousands of every age and sex fell by the sword.

If such cruelties can be any where excused, it must be in a government like that of Hindostan, where rebellions were in those days so common, that, without the most vigorous measures, the peace and royal authority could not be at all established.

Balin, after these transactions, marched his army towards the mountains of Jehud, where he employed them for the space of two years, in taking forts, and reducing the wild inhabitants to obedience. This country was famous for breeding horses, many thousands of which were carried by Balin to Delhi. Wherever the King marched, there was an order for the Subas, Zemindars, Fogedars, and magistrates of the provinces, to meet him on their own frontiers, with their offerings, which was afterwards distributed among the poor. Balin, some time after, made a journey to Lahore, which city, having greatly suffered from the Moguls, he ordered to be put in a proper state of defence and repair; and, after having erected some public buildings, he returned to Delhi.

About this time, Balin was told by one of his Omrahs, that a great number of veterans, who had served in the preceding reigns, were now become invalids, and incapable of attending their duty. The Emperor, upon this, ordered a list of their names to be taken, and settling half-pay upon them for life, discharged them from further service. The old men, however, were dissatisfied with this provision, and some of the principals of them were deputed by the rest, to go to Malleck, chief magistrate of Delhi, with presents, to represent their case to the King.

This venerable magistrate, being in great favour with Balin, rejected their presents, but told them, he would use his endeavour to get them continued upon full pay. He accordingly went next day to court, and while he stood in the presence, put on the appearance of sorrow, which being observed by the King, he enquired about the cause of his grief. The old man replied, “I was just thinking, that if, in the presence of God, all the old men were rejected, what would become of me.” The King was struck with the reproof, and after some pensive silence, ordered the veterans to be continued in their usual pay.

In the fourth year of the reign of Balin, Shere, the nephew of the late Emperor, who had, from the time of Mamood, governed the provinces upon the banks of the five branches of the Indus, and other districts, died; some say, by poison from the King; but this is not now believed, though reported by some malicious people in those days. He was esteemed a man of great genius, and an intrepid warrior; having defended his country from the incursions of the Moguls, who now became the terror of the East. Balin, upon the demise of Shere, gave Sunnam and Semana to the noble Timur, and the other countries were divided among other Omrahs of his court. The Moguls, encouraged by the death of Shere, began again their depredations in those provinces. The mutual jealousies and dissensions among the Subas, prevented them from doing any thing effectual for the public good.

The Emperor, therefore, was obliged to appoint his eldest son Mahommed, at that time bearing the title of the noble Malleck, afterwards famous by the name of Shehid, viceroy of all those frontier provinces. Mahommed was immediately dispatched to his government with a fine army, and some of the wisest and best generals in the empire. The Prince himself was blest with a bright and comprehensive genius, taking great delight in learning and the company of learned men. He, with his own hand, made a choice collection of the beauties of poetry, selected from the most famous in that art. The work consisted of twenty thousand couplets, and was esteemed the criterion of taste. Among the learned men in the Prince's court, the noble Chusero and Hassen bore the first rank in genius and in his esteem. These, with many more of his philosophical society, accompanied him on this expedition to Lahore.

Mahommed was visited at Lahore by Osman Marindi, who was esteemed the greatest man of that age. But no presents or entreaty could prevail upon him to remain out of his own country; so that after a short stay he returned. We are told, that as he was one day reading one of his poems in Arabic before the Prince, all the poets who were present were transported into a fit of dancing. But the piece affected the Prince, to all appearance, in a quite contrary manner; for the tears began to flow fast down his cheeks. This might indeed be occasioned by excess of pleasure, though it was, at that time, attributed to that noble emulation which grieves for that excellence which it cannot attain.

The fame of the enlightened Sadi of Schiraz, the celebrated poet, being great at that time, Mahommed invited him twice to his court; but that renowned sage excused himself on account of his years, and, with much difficulty, was brought to accept of some presents. Sadi, in return, sent to Mahommed a copy of his works, and did honour to the abilities of the noble Chusero, the Prince's favourite, and president of his learned society.

The Prince, every year, made a journey to see his father at Delhi, to whom he always behaved with the greatest filial affection and duty. Balin gave his younger son Kera, entitled Nasir ul dien, a Jagier of Sammana and Sunnam, whither the prince set out to reside. His father, at his departure, advised hiin to recruit and discipline a good army, to watch the motions of the Moguls; and that if he ever should hear of his giving himself up to wine and his former debaucheries, he would certainly withdraw him from that Subaship, and never put confidence in him again. The Prince took the advice of his father to heart, and en- tirely reforming his manners, gave great proofs of his natural abilities, though his mind had taken a wrong bias in his youth. A place of rendezvous was appointed, in case of an invasion from the north, on the river Bea, near Lahore, where the two Princes were to join the imperial army from Delhi.

Every thing seemed now in perfect peace and security throughout the empire, when Tughril, who was intrusted with the government of Bengal, began to appear in arms. In the year 678, this bold and enterprising man led an army against the Indian princes towards Jagenagur, whom he defeated, carrying off some hundreds of elephants and much wealth, out of which he made no acknowledgment to the King. Balin happened at that time to be very sick, insomuch that the news of his death was spread abroad. This intelligence having reached the ears of Tughril, he assumed the red umbrella with all the royal dignities, and declared himself King of Bengal. Balin hearing of this, wrote him an order to return immediately to his allegiance, which having produced no effect, he commanded Tiggi, governor of Oud, to raise his forces, and declaring him Suba of Bengal, sent Timur, Malleck Jemmal, and other generals, to his assistance, with an army from Delhi, to reduce the traitor to obedience.

When Tiggi was joined by this force, he crossed the Sirju, now the Gagra or Deo, and proceeded towards Bengal, whence Tughril advanced with his forces to meet him. Tughril employed his money so well among the troops of Tiggi, that he drew many of the Turkish chiefs over to his party, and then engaging the imperial army, he gave them a total defeat. The King hearing this news, bit his own flesh with indignation. He ordered Tiggi to be hanged at the gate of Oud; and dispatched Turmutti, a Turkish general, with another army, against the rebel. Nor was the fate of Turmutti more fortunate than that of his predecessor. He was totally routed, and lost all his baggage and the public treasure.

Balin, having intelligence of this second disgrace to his arms, was in great affliction, and prepared to take the field in person. He gave orders to build a large fleet of boats, with all expedition, to carry his baggage down the river. He, in the mean time, under pretence of going upon a hunting party, went to Sunnam and Samana, the Subaship of his younger son, whom he brought with his army with him to Delhi, leaving one Malleck in the government. Having collected the imperial army, he appointed the chief magistrate of the city, regent during his own absence.

The Emperor crossing the Ganges, without waiting for the dry season, proceeded to Bengal by forced marches. But having met with great delay, on account of the roads and numerous rivers, Tughril heard of his approach, and had time to collect his army, and with all his elephants, treasure, and effects, took the route of Jagenagur [A town in Orissa, near Cattack.], with intention to remain there till the King should return to Delhi. The Sultan having arrived in Bengal, remained there only a few days. He appointed Hissam governor of the province, and proceeded himself, with his army, towards Jagenagur. At Sunnarguam, the zemindar of that place joined him with his troops, and promised to guard the river against Tughril, if he should endeavour to escape that way.

Balin continued his march with great expedition, but he could gain no intelligence of the enemy. He therefore ordered Malleck, with seven thousand chosen horse, to advance twenty miles, in front of the army, and, by all means, to endeavour to gain intelligence of the rebels; but, in spite of all enquiry, no satisfactory accounts could for several days be obtained. One day, however, Mahommed Shir, governor of Kole, being out from the advanced guard with forty horse, reconnoitring the country, beheld some bullocks with pack-saddles, and having seized the drivers, began to enquire about the enemy. They obstinately pretended ignorance; but the head of one of them being struck off, the rest fell upon their faces, and confessed that they had just left the enemy's camp, which was about four. miles in front, that they had halted for that day, and intended to advance to Jagenagur.

Mahommed sent the drivers to Malleck, who commanded the vanguard, that he might examine them, and proceeded himself, as directed, to reconnoitre the enemy's camp. He saw, from a rising ground, the whole encampment, extended over a great plain, with the elephants and cavalry picqueted, and every thing in rest and security. Having fixed his eye upon the rebels' tents, which were pitched in the centre of the army, he determined to execute one of the boldest enterprises perhaps ever attempted. He advanced on full speed, with his forty attendants, whom he fired with the glory of the undertaking, towards the camp, which he was permitted to enter, being taken for one of their own parties. He continued his course to the usurper's tents, and then ordered his men to draw; and rushing into the great tent of audience, which was crowded with men of distinction, put all they met to the sword, crying, “Victory to Sultan Balin!”

Tughril, who imagined he was surprised by the imperial army, started from his throne in confusion, and cut his way through the tent behind. He mounted a horse without a saddle, and the cry having now spread through the camp, he was confirmed in his fears, and fled towards the river, with an intention to cross it, that he might make his escape to Jagenagur. In the mean time, Malleck, the brother of the gallant Mahommed, having seen the rebel as he fled, pursued him to the river, and shot him with an arrow as he was crossing. Tughril immediately fell from his horse, and Malleck, plunging into the stream, dragged him out by the hair, and cut off his head. At that very instant, seeing some of the enemy coming that way, he hid the head in the sand, and sending the body down the stream, begun to bathe himself in the river. The party questioned him about their King, and then went off without suspicion.

Mahommed's party, in the mean time, having dispatched every body they found in the royal tents, dispersed themselves in such a manner among the enemy, who were now in the greatest confusion, that most of them escaped in the crowd. Tughril being no where to be found, and the panic having run through the whole army, the flight became general, and none thought about any thing but personal safety. Those who remained alive of the forty heroes, loitered in the rear, till the enemy were quite gone off the field. They then returned to the deserted camp, where they chanced to meet Malleck. He related the King's death to his brother, who instantly sent the head to Balin. He at the same time dispatched an express to the vanguard, which came up that night, and took possession of the camp.

The Sultan arrived the next day with the imperial army. He called to him the two gallant brothers, and commanded them to relate the particulars of this astonishing exploit. He heard it with surprise; but instead of praising them, as they expected, he told them, that the rashness of their behaviour was inconsistent with their duty and prudence, and much more to the same purpose. But he, in a few days, took them into favour, and conferred great titles and honours upon them.

Balin, finding the enemy had entirely dispersed, returned to Bengal, and put every one of the rebel's family, and principal adherents, to death. He did not even spare his innocent women and children; and he carried his cruelty so far, as to massacre a hundred Fakiers, and their chief Collinder, for having been in great favour with the rebel, who had given him a present of three maunds of gold to support the society. Balin appointed his son Kera, King of Bengal, bestowing upon him all the ensigns of royalty, and the spoils of Tughril, except the elephants and treasure, while he himself returned with his army towards Delhi.

Balin was absent upon this expedition three years. Upon his arrival, he conferred dignities upon Malleck, who had ruled Delhi with great wisdom. He then visited the learned men at their own houses, made them princely presents, and, at their instigation, published an act of grace to all insolvent debtors who were in confinement, striking off, at the same time, all old balances of revenues due to the crown. Notwithstanding this appearance of humanity, either the policy or natural cruelty of his disposition rendered him unmerciful to all rebels. He ordered spits to be erected in the market-place, for the execution of all the prisoners taken in the late expedition; and it was with the utmost difficulty, that the Casies, Mufties, and learned men, in a body petitioning their pardon, could obtain it. This venerable body at last softened Balin into mercy, and he drew the pen of forgiveness over their crimes.

His eldest son, having heard of his father's arrival, proceeded to Delhi to visit him, and was received with the greatest affection and joy. He had not remained at the capital three months, during which his father and he were inseparable, when news was brought that the Moguls had invaded Moultan Mahommed hastened his departure to oppose them; but, before he had taken his leave, his father called him into a private apartment, and addressed him in the following manner:

He told him, “That he himself had spent a long life in the administration and government of kingdoms; that, by study and experience, he had acquired some knowledge, which might be of service to Mahommed after his death, which, in the course of nature, now hastened apace. That therefore he desired he would lend him the ear of attention, and treasure up his maxims in his mind.

“When you shall ascend the throne, look upon yourself as the deputy of God. Have a just sense of the importance of your charge. Permit not any meanness of behaviour in yourself, to sully the lustre of your exalted station, nor let avaricious and low-minded men share your esteem, or bear any part in your administration.

“Let your passions be governed by reason, and beware of giving way to your rage. Anger is dangerous in all men; but in Kings it is the weapon of death.

“Let the public treasure be expended in the service of the state, with that prudent economy, yet benevolent liberality, which reason will dictate to a mind always intent on doing good.

“Let the worship of God be inculcated by your example, and never permit vice and infidelity, unpunished, to hold up their face to the day.

“Be ever attentive to the business of the state, that you may avoid the imposition of designing ministers. Make it your study to see them execute your commands without the least deviation or neglect; for it is by them you must govern your people.

“Let your judges and magistrates be men of capacity, religion, and virtue, that the light of justice may illuminate your realms. Let no light behaviour, in public or private, detract from that important majesty which exalts the idea of a King; and let every thing around you be so regulated, as to inspire that reverence and awe which will render your person sacred, and contribute to enforce your commands.

“Spare no pains to find men of genius, learning, and courage. You must cherish them by your beneficence, that they may prove the soul of your council, and the sword of your power.

"Throw not down a great man to the ground for a small crime, nor entirely overlook his offence. Raise not a low man too hastily to a high station, lest he forget himself, and be an eyesore to men of superior merit.

“Never attempt any thing, unless it is through necessity, but what you are sure to accomplish; and having once determined upon a measure, let your perseverance be never shaken by doubt, nor your eye ever deviate from the object. For it is better for a King to be obstinate than pusillanimous, as in the first case he may chance to be right, in the latter he is always sure to be wrong. Nothing more certainly indicates the weakness of a prince, than a fluctuating mind."

Balin, having ended his instructions, embraced his son tenderly, and parted with him in tears. The Prince immediately marched against the enemy, and having defeated and slain the noble Mahommed, chief of the Moguls, he recovered all the territories of which they had possessed themselves in the empire.

The throne of Persia was at this time filled by Argunu, the son of Eback and grandson of Hallaku, who had conquered that empire about the year 656. Timur of the family of Zingis, who was then a prince of mighty renown in the empire, and of the race of the conqueror of Asia, governed all the eastern provinces of Persia, from Chorassan to the Indus, and invaded Hindostan with twenty thousand chosen horse, to revenge the death of his friend Mahommed, who had been killed the former year. Having ravaged all the country about Debalpoor and Lahore, he turned towards Moultan. The Prince Mahommed, who was then in Moultan, hearing of his designs, hastened to the banks of the river of Lahore, which runs through part of Moultan, and prepared to oppose him. When Timur advanced to the river, he saw the army of Hindostan on the opposite bank. But the Prince, desirous of engaging so great a chief upon equal terms, permitted Timur to pass the river unmolested.

Both armies then drew up in order of battle, and engaged with great fury, for the space of three hours, in which both commanders eminently distinguished their valour and conduct. The Moguls were at last put to flight, and the nobles of India pursued them with imprudent disorder. Mahommed, fatigued by the pursuit, halted by a large pond of water, with five hundred attendants, to drink. He there fell prostrate upon the ground, to return God thanks for his victory.

In the mean time one of the Mogul chiefs, who had hid himself, with two thousand horse, in a neighbouring wood, rushed out upon Mahommed, and began a dreadful slaughter. The Prince had just time to mount his horse, and, collecting his small party, and encouraging them by his example, fell upon his enemies. He was at last overpowered by numbers, after having thrice obliged them to give ground, and he unfortunately received a fatal arrow in his breast, by which he fell to the ground, and in a few minutes expired. A body of the troops of India appearing at that instant, the Moguls took to flight. Very few of the unfortunate Mahommed's party escaped from this conflict. Among the fortunate few, was the noble Chusero the poet, who relates this event at large, in his book called Chizer Chani.

When the army returned from the pursuit of Timur, and beheld their prince in his blood, the shouts of victory were changed to the wailings of woe. No dry eye was to be seen, from the meanest soldier to the Omrah of high command. The fatal news reached the old King, who was now in his eightieth year. The fountains of his tears were exhausted, and life became obnoxious to his sight. However, bearing himself up against the stream of misfortune, he sent Kei Chusero his grandson, and the son of the deceased, to supply the place of his father. Kei Chusero, upon his arrival at Moultan, took the command of the army, and pouring the balm of benevolence and kindness upon the wounds of his afflicted people, began to adjust his government, and provide for the defence of the frontiers.

When the King found grief and infirmities began to conquer his vital strength, he sent for his son Kera, from Bengal, and appointed him his successor, at the same time insisting, that he should continue with him at Delhi till his death, and appoint a deputy for his government of Bengal. To this Kera consented; but finding his father's illness was not likely to come soon to a crisis, he set out for Bengal without acquainting him of his departure. This undutiful behaviour in his son, threw the old man into the deepest affliction, so that death began now to press hard upon him.

He in the mean time sent for his grandson Kei Chusero, from Moultan: the prince hastened to his presence, and a council of all the Omrahs being called, the succession was changed in his favour, all of them promising to enforce Balin's last will, in favour of this young prince. Balin in a few days expired, in the year 685, after a reign of twenty-two years.

Immediately, upon the death of the Emperor, Malleck, chief magistrate of Delhi, having assembled the Omrahs, and being always in enmity with the father of Chusero, harangued them upon the present posture of affairs. He assured them that Chusero was a young man of a very violent and untractable disposition, and therefore, in his opinion, unfit to reign; besides, that the power of the prince Kera was so great in the empire, that a civil war was to be feared if the succession should not be continued in his family. That therefore, as the father was absent, it would be most prudent for the Omrahs to elect his son Kei Kobad, who was a prince of a mild disposition, and then present in Delhi. So great was the influence of the minister, that he procured the throne for Kei Kobad; and Chusero, glad to escape with life, returned to his former government of Lahore.

In the glorious reign of Balin, flourished at Delhi, besides the great men we have already mentioned, the renowned and learned Musaood Shukurgunge, the enlightened Zeckeria, the flower of genius Arif, Budder a great philosopher, the high-learned Buchtiar Kaki, the unblemished Mola, and many more, eminent in all branches of science and literature.

[Section XI. The Reign of Sultan Moaz Ul Dien Kei Kubad, ben Bughera Chan, ben Sultan Yeas ul dien Balin.]

KEI KOBAD.

WHEN Balin was numbered with the dead, Kei Kobad [Moaz-ul-dien, Kei Kobâd.] his grandson, in his eighteenth year, ascended the throne, and assumed all the imperial titles. He was a prince remarkably handsome in his person, and of an affable and mild disposition. He had a talent for literature, and his knowledge that way was pretty extensive. His mother was a beautiful princess, daughter to the Emperor Altumsh; and if purity of blood royal is of any real worth, Kei Kobad had that to boast, for a series of generations.

As he had been bred up with great strictness under the wings of his father, when he became master of his own actions, he began to give a loose to pleasure without restraint. He delighted in love, and in the soft society of silver-bodied damsels with musky tresses, spent great part of his time. When it was publicly known that the King was a man of pleasure, it became immediately fashionable at court; and in short, in a few days, luxury and vice so prevailed, that every shade was filled with ladies of pleasure, and every street rung with music and mirth. Even the magistrates were seen drunk in public, and riot was heard in every house.

The King fitted up a palace at Kilogurry, upon the banks of the river Jumna, and retired thither to enjoy his pleasures undisturbed; admitting no company but singers, players, musicians, and buffoons. Nizam ul dien, who was nephew and son-in-law to the chief magistrate of Delhi, to whom Kei Kobad owed his elevation, was raised to the dignity of chief secretary of the empire, and got the reins of government in his hands; and Ellaka, who was the greatest man for learning in that age, was appointed his deputy.

Nizam, seeing that the King was quite swallowed up in his pleasures, began to form schemes to clear his own way to the empire. The first object of his attention was Chusero, who was now gone to Ghizni, to endeavour to bring that noble and royal Tartar, the son of the prince Mahommed, the King's cousin-german, Timur, over to his party, in order to recover the throne of Delhi; to which he claimed a title from his father's right of primogeniture, as well as from the will of the late Emperor. But in this scheme Chusero did not succeed, and he was obliged to return from Ghizni in great disgust.

In the mean time, Nizam endeavoured to make him as obnoxious as possible to the King, who was at length prevailed upon to entice Chusero to Delhi. Nizam hired assassins to murder the unfortunate prince on the way, which they accomplished at the village of Hicke. The villainies of Nizam did not stop here. He forged a correspondence between Chaja the vizier, and Chusero, and thus effected that minister's disgrace and banishment. He also privately assassinated all the old servants of Balin, insomuch that a general consternation was spread through the city, though none as yet suspected Nizam as the cause. The more he succeeded in his villainies, he became less secret in the execution; and though he began to be detested by all ranks, his. power and influence was so great with the King, that he was the terror of every man.

While things were in this situation, advices arrived of another invasion of Moguls into the districts of Lahore. Barbeck and Jehan were sent with an army against them. The Moguls were defeated near Lahore, and a number of prisoners brought to Delhi. The next step the traitor took, was to inspire the King with jealousy of his Mogul troops, who, as soldiers of fortune, had enlisted in great numbers in his service. He pretended that, in case of a Mogul invasion, they would certainly join their countrymen against him, insinuating, at the same time, that he believed there was already some treachery intended.

The weak prince listened to those villainous intimations, and, calling their chiefs one day together, he ordered them to be set upon by his guards and massacred; confiscating, at the same time, all their goods and wealth. He seized upon all the Omrahs who had any connections with the Moguls, and sent them prisoners to distant garrisons in the remotest parts of the empire. So blind was Kei Kobad to his own ruin, and so infatuated by this deceitful minister, that when any of his father's friends, or well-wishers to himself and the state, made any complaints against the traitor, he immediately called for Nizam himself, and, smiling, told him, that such a person had been doing him such and such ill offices, with an intention to alienate his affections from him. The person who preferred the complaint became, by this means, a sacrifice, while fear prevented others from falling martyrs to virtue and honesty.

When Nizam thus carried all before him in the presence, his wife was no less busy in the Haram. She had all the ladies at her devotion; and, by way of particular respect, was called the King's mother. The old chief magistrate of Delhi, Malleck, who had now reached his ninetieth year, perceived the design of the treacherous minister, and called him to his house, and, by various arguments, endeavoured to suppress his ambitious schemes, and to lay the deformity of such behaviour fully open to his view. The minister allowed the justice of his reasoning, and affirmed that he had no further intentions than to secure himself in the King's favour. That having, unfortunately, disobliged so many people, it was dangerous for him to permit his authority to decline.

In the mean time, prince Kera, the Emperor's father, who had contented himself with the kingdom of Bengal, having heard how matters went on at the court of Delhi, penetrated into the designs of the minister, and wrote a long letter to his son, forewarning him of his danger, and advising him how to proceed. But his advice, like that of others, was of no weight with that vicious, luxurious, and infatuated prince. When Kera found that his instructions were slighted, and that things would soon be brought to a disagreeable issue, he collected a great army, and directed his standards towards Delhi, about two years after the death of lalin. Kei Kobad, hearing that his father had advanced as far as Behar, drew out his forces, and marched down to meet him, encamping his army upon the banks of the Gagera. Kera lay upon the Sirve, and both armies remained some days in hourly expectation of an action. The old man, finding s army much inferior to that of his son, began to despair of reducing him by force, and accordingly began to treat of peace.

The young prince, upon this, became more haughty, and by the advice of his favourite prepared for battle. In the mean time, a letter came from his father, written in the most tender and affectionate terms, begging he might be blessed with one sight of him before matters were carried to extremities. This letter awakened nature, which had slumbered so long in Kei Kobad's breast, and he gave orders to prepare his retinue, that he might visit his father. The favourite attempted all in his power to prevent this interview, but finding the prince, for once, obstinate, he prevailed upon him to insist, as Emperor of Delhi, upon the first visit, hoping, by this means, to break off the conference. His design, however, did not succeed, for Kera, seeing what a headstrong boy he had to deal with, consented to come to the imperial camp, and ordered the astrologers to determine upon a lucky hour, and crossing the river, proceeded towards his son's camp.

The young Monarch, having prepared every thing for his father's reception in the most pompous and ceremonious manner, mounted his throne, and arrogantly gave orders, that his father, upon his approach, should three times kiss the ground. The old man accordingly, when he arrived at the first door, was ordered to dismount, and after he had come in sight of the throne, he was commanded to pay his obeisance in three different places as he advanced; the Emperor's mace-bearer crying out, according to custom, The noble Kera to the King of the world sends health.

The old man was so much shocked at this indignity, that he burst out into a flood of tears; which being observed by the son, he could no longer support his unnatural insolence, but, leaping from the throne, fell on his face at his father's feet, imploring his forgiveness for his offence. The good old man melted into compassion, and, raising him in his arms, embraced him, and hung weeping upon his neck. The scene in short was so affecting on both sides, that the whole court began to wipe the tears from their eyes.

These transports being over, the young King helped his father to mount the throne, and paying him his respects, took his place at his right hand, ordering a charger full of golden suns to be waved three times over his father's head, and afterwards to be given among the people. All the Omrahs also presented to him their presents.

Public business being then talked over, every thing was settled in peace and friendship, and Kera returned to his own camp. A friendly intercourse commenced immediately between the two armies, for the space of twenty days, in which time the father and son alternately visited one another, and the time was spent in festivity and mirth. The principal terms settled between the two Kings were, that they should respectively retain their former dominions; and then Kei Kobad prepared to return to Delhi, and his father to Bengal.

Before they had taken leave, Kera called his son, the favourite minister, and his deputy, into a private apartment, and gave them a long lecture of advice on the art of government. He then embraced Kei Kobad, and whispered in his ear, to rid himself of Nizam as soon as possible. They both parted in tears, and returned to their respective capitals. Kera was much affected upon this occasion, and told his friends, at his return to his own camp, “That he had that day parted with his son and the empire,” still apprehensive of the minister, and the wayward disposition of the young man.

When Kei Kobad arrived at Delhi, the advice of his father for a few days seemed to take root in his mind. But his reformation was not the interest of the minister. He therefore soon brought back his prince to the paths of pleasure. He, for this purpose, collected together all the most beautiful women, most graceful dancers, and sweetest singers, from all parts of the empire; and these allurements to vice were occasionally introduced to his view.

One day, as he was riding out, he was accosted by a beautiful lady, mounted upon a fine Arabian horse, with a crown of jewels upon her head, a thin white robe with golden flowers flowing loosely over her snowy shoulders, and a sparkling girdle of gems around her slender waist. This fair one advancing before the royal umbrella, with a thousand charms and smiles began to sing a love song. Then, stopping short, she begged pardon for her intrusion, and would not, without much entreaty, proceed. The King was struck with the beauty of this enchantress, and immediately dismounting, ordered his camp to be pitched, and employed the evening in the pleasures of love. This damsel was no less remarkable for her wit than for her beauty. The King, while she was dancing, having broke out in rapturous verses upon those charms which she displayed, she answered every time extempore, in the same measure, with such propriety and elegance as astonished and silenced the greatest wits of the court.

In short, the King continued in this course of pleasure, till wine, and intemperance in his other passions, had ruined his health. He fell sick, and then began to recollect the advices of his father, and to consider Nizam as the cause of all his distress. He immediately began to form schemes in his mind to rid himself of that wicked minister. He for this purpose ordered him to the government of Moultan; but Nizam, perceiving his drift, contrived many delays, that he might get a favourable opportunity to accomplish his villainous intentions. His designs, however, in the mean time, reverted upon his own head. The Omrahs dispatched him by poison, some say without the King's knowledge, while others affirm that it was by his authority.

Malleck Ferose, the son of Malleck chief of the Afghan tribe, called Chilligi, who was deputy governor of Sammana, came, by the King's orders, to court, and was honoured with the title of Shaista Chan, and made lord of requests, as also suba of Birren. Chigen was promoted to a high office at court, and Surcha was made chief secretary of the empire. These three divided the whole power of the government amongst them, while the King by this time became afflicted with a palsy, by which he lost the use of one side, and had his mouth distorted.

Every Omrah of popularity or power, began now to intrigue for the empire, which obliged the friends of the royal family to take Keiomourse, a child of three years, son to the reigning Emperor, out of the Haram, and to set him upon the throne. The army, upon this, split into two factions, who encamped on opposite sides of the city. The Tartars [They were mercenaries in the imperial army.] espoused the cause of the young King, and the Chilligies, a powerful tribe of Afghans, joined Ferose, who usurped the throne. Upon the first disturbance, those Tartars who had set up the young prince, jealous of the power of the Chilligies, assembled themselves, and proscribed all the principal Chilligian officers.

Ferose, being the first in the bloody list, immediately rebelled. Chigen had been deputed by the Tartar party, to invite Ferose to a conference with the sick King, and a plot was formed for his assassination. Ferose discovering his designs, drew upon the traitor, who came to invite him, and killed him at the door of his tent.

The sons of Ferose, who were renowned for their valour, immediately put themselves at the head of five hundred chosen horse, and making an assault upon the camp of the Tartars, cut their way to the royal tents, which were pitched in the centre of the army, and seizing the infant King, carried him, and the son of Malleck ul Omrah, off, in spite of all opposition, to their father. They killed Surcha, who pursued them, with many other men of distinction.

When this exploit began to be noised abroad in the city, the mob flew immediately to arms. They marched out in thousands, and encamping at the Budaoon gate, prepared to go against Ferose, and rescue the infant King, for they greatly dreaded the power of the Chilligies, who were a fierce and savage race. Malleck ul Omrah, the old minister, so often mentioned, considering that this step would occasion the assassination of the young King, and of his own son, who was in their hands, exerted his great influence and authority among the people, and at length prevailed with them to disperse.

Ferose, in the mean time, sent an assassin to cut off the Emperor Kei Kobad, who lay sick at Kilogurry. The villain found this unfortunate prince dying upon his bed, deserted by all his attendants. He beat out the poor remains of life with a cudgel; then rolling him up in his bedclothes, threw him over the window into the river. This assassin was a Tartar of some family, whose father had been unjustly put to death by Kei Kobad, and he now had a complete revenge.

When this horrid deed was perpetrated, Ferose ascended the throne, and assumed the title of Jellal ul dien, having put an end to the dynasty of Ghor, and commenced that of Chilligi. Chidju, nephew to the Emperor Balin, and who was now esteemed the just heir to the empire, was immediately appointed governor of Kurrah, and sent off to his government. Ferose marched into the palace, and was proclaimed with great solemnity in the city; and to complete his cruel policy he made away with the young prince, that he might reign with the greater security.

This great revolution happened in the year six hundred and eighty-seven, the reign of Kei Kobad being something more than three years; a time long and disastrous, if we look upon the villainies of Nizam, and the consequent overthrow of the family of Balin.

During the reign of Balin, and his grandson Kei Kobad, Cubla, the grandson of Zingis, sat on the Tartar throne, and completed the conquest of China. Hallacu, and after him his son Abâca, surnamed Ilkan; reigned over the empire of Persia and Syria, in subordination to Cubla. Zagatay, the son of Zingis, and his posterity, were in possession of Maver-ul-nere, or Transoxiana, and the provinces to the north-west of the Indus, which had formerly composed the empire of Ghizni.
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Re: The History of Hindostan, by Alexander Dow

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Part 10 of 15

[Section XII. The Reign of Sultan Jellal Ul Dien Firose of Chillige.]

FEROSE II.

NIZAM AHMUD says, in his history, that the tribe of Chilligi, of whom Ferose [Jellal ul dien Ferose, Chilligi.] was descended, derived their origin from Calidge Chan. Calidge, continues that writer, having quarrelled with his wife, who was an imperious and vindictive woman, and fearing she would draw the resentment of her brother Zingis upon him, deserted his army as he was passing the mountains of Ghor and Ghirgistan, in his return from the conquest of Persia. Three thousand of his friends followed Calidge, and took possession of those mountains, where they were afterwards joined by many of their country- men, and even by some of the family of Zingis.

Other historians, with equal improbability, affirm, that we ought to look for the origin of the Chilligies, as far back as Eaphs, the son of Noo [Japhet, the son of Noah.], who, say they, had eleven sons, one of whom was called Chilligi. But we have reason to think that neither of the accounts is authentic, the one being too modern, and the other too ancient, to merit our faith. We hear of this tribe of Chilligi in the reigns of Subuctagi, and Mamood of Ghizni, which entirely destroys the former supposition; and we have great doubts concerning the existence of Chilligi the son of Eaphs, being persuaded that this idle story took its rise from the natural vanity of nations, in tracing themselves back to remote antiquity.

This tribe, however, as we have already observed, inhabited the mountains of Ghor and Ghirgistan, in the confines of Persia, and were a brave and hardy, though barbarous race. They made a business of war, and always served as mercenaries any power that chose to employ them. The father of that Ferose, who mounted the throne of Delhi, was Malleck. He was one of those soldiers of fortune who subsist by the sword; and raised himself to some rank, in the army of the Emperor Balin. His son Ferose, being a man of genius, was appointed to the government of Sammana. He was called from thence, as before related, and usurped the empire. He reserved, for some months, the young prince Keiomourse, as a cloak to his usurpation; and having established himself upon the throne, he ordered him to be put to death. He was seventy years of age when he mounted the Musnud. He, by way of plainness, changed the royal umbrella from red to white; laid entirely aside his cruelty, after the death of the young prince; and became remarkable for his humanity and benevolence.

He had no great confidence in the loyalty of the people of Delhi, and therefore resided always at Kilogurry, which he strengthened with works, and adorned with fine gardens, and beautiful walks by the side of the river. The Omrahs, following the Emperor's example, built palaces around, so that Kilogurry became known by the name of the new city.

Egherish, the Emperor's brother, was appointed receiver-general of all petitions to the throne; and the Emperor's eldest son was dignified with the title of first of the nobles: the second son, with the title of Arkali; and the third with that of Kuder Chan. They had all governments conferred upon them, and maintained separate households. Chaja Chatire was appointed vizier, and the old chief magistrate of the city, Malleck, was continued in his office.

The citizens of Delhi, perceiving the wisdom, lenity, and justice of the King, were gradually weaned from their attachment to the old family, and became friends and supporters of the new government. Ferose himself was at much pains to cultivate popularity, and, for that purpose, he gave great encouragement to the learned of that age, who, in return, offered the incense of flattery at the altar of his fame. In the second year of Ferose, Chidju, nephew to Balin, and Nabob of Kurrah, in alliance with Halim, Nabob of Oud, assumed the ensigns of royalty, and struck the currency of the country in his own name, which he changed to that of Moghiz ul dien. He brought over to his party all the Rajas and Jagierdars of those parts, and, raising a great army, advanced towards Delhi.

Advice of this insurrection arriving in the capital, Ferose collected his forces, and marched out to meet the rebels. He sent the Chilligian cavalry, who excelled at the bow, a few miles in his front, under the command of Arkilli his own son. Arkilli, encountering the enemy about twenty-five miles from the city, after an obstinate engagement, defeated them. He took several Omrahs prisoners in the pursuit, whom he mounted upon camels, with branches hung round their necks; and in that plight sent them to his father. When Ferose saw them in this distress, he immediately ordered them to be unbound, to have a change of linen given them, and an elegant entertainment to be provided. He called them before him, and repeated a verse to this purpose, “That evil for evil was easily returned, but he only was great who could return good for evil.” He then ordered them to retire, in full assurance of his forgiveness.

Chidju, some days after, was taken by the zemindars, and sent prisoner to the King. Instead of condemning him to death, as was expected, Ferose gave him a free pardon, and sent him to Moultan, where he had a handsome appointment for life, as prisoner at large. This lenity of the King gave great umbrage to the Omrahs of Chilligi, who addressed him upon the occasion, and advised him to pursue the policy of Balin, who never pardoned a traitor. They desired, that, at least, a needle should be passed through the eyes of Chidju, to be an example to others. If that was not done, they averred, that treason would soon raise its head in every quarter of the empire; and, should the Tartars once gain the superiority, they would not leave the name of Chilligi in Hindostan. The King answered, “That what they said was certainly according to the true policy of government; but, my friends," says he, “I am now an old man, and I wish to go down to the grave without shedding blood.”

This behaviour of the Emperor, it must be acknowledged, had soon the effect which the Chilligian chiefs foresaw. Clemency is a virtue which descends from God, but the degenerate children of India did not deserve it. There was no security to be found in any place. The streets, the highways, were infested by banditti. Housebreaking, robbery, murder, and every other species of villainy, became a business all over the empire. Insurrections were heard of in every province, numerous gangs of robbers stopt all commerce and intercourse, and the Nabobs refused or neglected to send any account of their revenues or administration.

The Omrahs of Chilligi were greatly alarmed at these proceedings, and began to lengthen the tongue of reproach against their Sovereign. They even began to consult about deposing him, and to raise their kinsman Kugi, who was a man of influence, courage, and resolution, to the throne. For this purpose they met one day, at an entertainment in his house; but having intoxicated themselves with wine, they began openly to talk of assassinating the Emperor, quarrelling about which of them should have the honour of that undertaking. While they were in this situation, one of the company privately withdrew, and, running to Ferose, repeated very circumstantially every particular of what he had heard. The Emperor immediately ordered a guard to surround the house, who, having seized the. Omrahs, brought them all before him. He upbraided them with their treason, he drew his sword, and throwing it down upon the ground, challenged the boldest of them to wield it against him. But they fell upon their faces, and remained silent and confounded. One of them, however, whose name was Malleck Nuserit, was gifted with more impudence than the rest, and told the King, that "the words of drunkenness were but wind: where can we ever find so good and gracious a King, if you should be no more? or where can the King get so faithful servants, were he to condemn us for a little unguarded folly?”

The unguarded Prince was pleased with this, and, smiling, called for wine, and gave him another cup with his own hand. He then upbraided the rest for their conduct, advised them to behave better for the future, and dismissed them all with his pardon.

The execution of a Dirvesh is one of the most remarkable events in this reign. The name of the Dirvesh was Seid Molah, and the whole affair has been thus delivered down in history.

Malleck, the Cutwal, or chief magistrate of Delhi, dying about this time, alí the great men, who, by his interest, held estates, and places at court, were deprived of them, and reduced to want. Among other dependants of the venerable Cutwal, that became destitute by his death, were twelve thousand readers of the Coran [Each of these were obliged to read the Coran over once a day.], and some thousands of his Sipais and servants. All these turned their face towards Seid Molah for their maintenance.

Molah was a venerable sage, in a mendicant dress, who travelled from Girjan, in Persia, towards the east, where he visited various countries, and men famous for piety and knowledge. He then turned his face towards Hindostan, to visit Sech Ferid of Shucker-gunge, a famous poet and philosopher of that age, with whom he resided, some time, in great friendship. But, in the reign of Balin, having an inclination to see Delhi, he took leave of his friend, who advised him to cultivate no intimacy with the great men of the court, otherwise it would prove fatal to him in the end.

Molah arriving at Delhi, set up a great academy and house of entertainment for travellers, fakiers, and the poor of all denominations, turning none away from his door. Though he was very religious, and brought up in the Mahommedan faith, yet he followed some particular tenets of his own, so that he never attended public worship. He kept no women nor slaves for himself, and lived upon rice only; yet his expences in charity were so great, that, as he never accepted of any presents, men were astonished whence his finances were supplied, and actually believed that he possessed the art of transmuting other metals into gold. Upon the death of Balin he launched out more and more in bestowing great sums in charity, and expended a princely revenue in his entertainments, which were now frequented by all the great men of the city; for he made nothing of throwing three or four thousand pieces of gold into the bosom of a noble family in distress. In short, he displayed more magnificence in his feasts than any of the princes of the empire. His charity was so unbounded, that he expended daily, upon the poor, about thirty thousand pounds of flour, fifteen thousand of meat, two thousand of sugar, besides rice, oil, butter, and other necessaries in proportion. The mob, at length, crowded his gates in such numbers, that it was almost impossible to pass that way. In the mean time, the sons of the Emperor and all the princes of the court resorted to him with their retinues, and spent whole days and nights in innocent festivity and philosophical conversation.

After the death of the chief magistrate of Delhi, the Dirvesh stretched forth his hand to his numerous dependants, and supported them in plenty and ease.

In the mean time, Jellal, a man of an intriguing turbulent disposition, wrought himself into the favour and confidence of Seid Molah, and being endued with art and plausibility of tongue, began to inspire the philosopher with ambitious views. He told him, that the people looked upon him as sent from God to deliver the kingdom from the tyranny and oppression of the Chilligies, and to bless Hindostan with a wise and just government.

The philosopher, in short, suffered his imagination to be deluded by the splendid ideas of royalty, and privately began to bestow titles and offices upon his disciples, and to take other measures to execute his designs. He engaged Cutwal and Palwan, two of his particular friends, to join in the King's retinue on Friday, as he went to the public mosque, and to assassinate him; while he himself prepared about ten thousand of his adherents to support his usurpation. But one of his followers, understanding that some others of less merit than himself were appointed to be his superiors, became disgusted, went privately to the King, and disclosed to him every particular of the conspiracy.

The King ordered Seid Molah and Jellal to be immediately seized and brought before him for examination. But they persisted in their innocence, and no other witness appeared against them, which rendering the accusation doubtful, Ferose ordered a great fire to be prepared in the field of Bahapoor, that they might be put to the ordeal trial. He himself marched out of the city to see the ceremony performed, and ordered a ring to be made round the pile. The fire being kindled, Ferose commanded Seid Molah and the two assassins to be brought, that they might walk through the flames to prove their innocence. Having said their prayers, they were just going to plunge into the fire, when the Emperor stopped them short, and, turning to his ministers, said, "That the nature of fire was to consume, paying no respect to the righteous more than to the wicked. Besides," said he, “it is contrary to the Mahommedan law to practise this heathenish superstition.”

He therefore ordered Jellal to Budaoon, and Seid Molah to be thrown into chains in a vault under the palace, and the two men who were to perpetrate the assassination to be put to death. He, at the same time, banished a number of those who were suspected of the conspiracy. When they were carrying Seid Molah through the court to his prison, the King pointed him out to some Collinders who stood near him, and said, “Behold the man who was projecting such an evil against us! I therefore leave him to be judged by you, according to his deserts.”

At the word, a Collinder, whose name was Beri, started forth, and running towards the prisoner began to cut him with a razor. The unfortunate Molah told him to be more expeditious in sending him to God. He then addressed himself to the King, who was looking over the balcony, and said, “I am rejoiced that you have thought of putting a period to my life; yet to distress the pious and the innocent is an evil, and be assured that my curse will lie heavy upon you and your unfortunate posterity.” The King, hearing these words, became pensive and perplexed. His son, the prince Arkilli, who hated Seid Molah for the great intimacy between him and his elder brother, seeing the Emperor's irresolution, beckoned to an elephant-rider, who stood in the court mounted, to advance, which accordingly he did, and commanded his elephant to tread Seid Molah to death.

Birni, in his history of Ferose, informs us that he himself was at that time in Delhi, and that immediately upon the death of Seid Molah, a black whirlwind arose, which, for the space of half an hour, changed day into night, drove the people in the streets against one an- other, so that they could scarce grope their way to their own habitations. The same author relates, that no rain fell in these provinces during that year, and the consequence was a most terrible famine, by which thousands daily died in the streets and highways; while whole families drowned themselves in the river. But these were the throes of nature, and not the rage of the elements, for Seid Molah. This event happened in the year 690, and the loss of the Dirvesh was much regretted; for many believed him entirely innocent of the charge.

The prosperity of the King began visibly to decline, for every day new factions and disputes arose, which greatly disturbed his administration. Private misfortunes pressed hard upon him at the same time; among the number of which was the madness of his eldest son, heir apparent of the empire. No medicines could cure that prince, and the distemper, hourly gaining ground, soon terminated in his death.

The King, after the decease of his son, marched his army towards Rintimpore to quell an insurrection in those parts. He left his son Arkilli to manage affairs in his absence. The enemy having retired into the fort of Rintimpore, and the King having reconnoitred the place, despaired of reducing it. He marched towards a small fort called Jain, which he took; then breaking down the temples of Malava, plundered them of some wealth, and again returned to Rintimpore. He summoned the fort a second time to surrender, but finding the rebels paid no attention to his threats, he gave orders to undermine the walls. He however changed his resolution, and decamped, saying, That he found the place could not be taken without the loss of many lives, and therefore he would lay aside his designs against it. Amed Chip, who was one of the pillars of the empire, replied, That Kings, in the time of war, should make no account of those things, when compelled to it by justice and the necessity of supporting their authority, which was now plainly the case. The King, in wrath, asked him, How he came to think that these were not his sentiments; “but I have often," said he, "told you, that now being on the brink of the grave, I am unwilling to entail the curse of widows and orphans upon the reign of a few days.” He therefore continued his march to Delhi.

In the year 691, one of the kinsmen of Hallacu, grandson of the great Zingis, and King of Persia, in subordination to his cousin, the Emperor of Tartary, invaded Hindostan with ten tomans [A toman consisted of 10,000 men.] of Moguls. Ferose, having received advices of the approach of the enemy, collected his army, and moved forward to oppose them. When he reached the frontiers of Biram, he saw the Moguls in front beyond a small river. Both armies encamped for the space of five days upon either side of this stream, during which time their advanced posts skirmished frequently, and many were killed.

The armies at last, by mutual consent, pitched upon an extensive plain where they might have room to contend for the victory. Accordingly, on the sixth morning, they drew up in order of battle, and closed up the dreadful interval of war. The Moguls, after an obstinate contest, were overthrown, many of their chiefs killed, and about a thousand men taken prisoners. Among the latter were two Omrahs and several officers of rank. The Emperor, notwithstanding this victory, was afraid to pursue it, and offered them peace, upon condition of their evacuating his dominions. They accordingly gladly accepted those terms, and presents were exchanged between them. When the Moguls were retreating, Allaghu, grandson to the great Zingis, joined Ferose with three thousand men. They all became Mussulmen, and their chief was honoured with one of Ferose's daughters in marriage.

The King, about this time, appointed his son Arkilli viceroy of Lahore, Moultan, and Sind, with whom he left a strong force, and returned himself to his capital. To Allaghu, and the rest of the Moguls who had now become true believers, was allotted a certain district near the city, where they built for themselves houses, and raised a considerable town, known by the name of Mogulpurra.

In the year 692, the Emperor was under the necessity of marching his army again to quell an insurrection about Mindu, which fort he took, and put the enemy to flight. In the mean time, Alla-ul-dien, the King's nephew, and governor of Kurrah, requested to be permitted to march against the Hindoos of Belsa, who infested his province. Having obtained leave, he marched the same year to Belsa, which he took, and, having pillaged the country, returned with much spoil, part of which was sent as a present to the Emperor; among other things there was a large brazen idol, which was thrown down, by the Budaoon gate. Ferose was greatly pleased with the success and behaviour of his nephew upon this expedition, for which he rewarded him with princely presents, and annexed the subadary of Oud to his former government of Kurrah.

Alla, upon this preferment, acquainted the King, that there were some princes of great wealth towards Chinderi, whom, if the King should give him permission, he would reduce to his obedience, and send their spoils to the royal treasury. The King, through covetousness, consented to this proposal, to which Alla was moved by the violent temper of his wife Malleke Jehan, the King's daughter, who threatened his life. To avoid therefore her resentment and that of her father, he looked round for some remote country which might afford him an asylum. Accordingly, in the year 693, he took leave of the King at Delhi, and, proceeding towards Kurrah, took many chiefs of distinction into his service. He marched with eight thousand chosen horse, by the nearest road, against Ramdeo, prince of the Decan, who possessed the wealth of a long line of Kings.

Alla, arriving upon the frontiers of the Decàn, pressed forward against the capital of Ramdeo's dominions, which, not being fortified, he was in hopes of surprising. Though this attempt seemed too bold to be attended with success, yet he persisted in his resolution, and by surprising marches reached Elichpoor, where he made a short halt to refresh his small army. He marched from thence with equal expedition towards Deogire, the capital. Intelligence of Alla's progress coming to the prince, who, with his son, had been absent upon some service in a distant part of his dominions, he returned with great expedition to intercept the enemy with a numerous army. He accordingly threw himself between Alla and the city, engaged him with consummate bravery, but in the end he was defeated with great loss.

This expedition is otherwise recorded by the author of the Tibcat Nasiri. Alla, says that writer, left Kurrah on pretence of hunting, and having passed through the territories of many petty Rajas, avoided all hostilities, giving out that he had left the Emperor in disgust, and was going to offer his services to the Raja of the Tillingana, who was the most powerful King in the Decan. Accordingly, after two months' march, he arrived without any remarkable opposition at Elichpoor, from whence, at once changing his course, he decamped in the night, and in two days surprised the city of Deogire, the capital of Ramdeo. The Raja himself was in the city, but his wife and his eldest son had gone to worship at a certain temple without the walls.

Ramdeo, upon the approach of Alla, was in the greatest consternation. He however collected three or four thousand citizens and domestics, engaged Alla at one of the gates of the city, but, being defeated, retired into the citadel. This fort having no ditch, and not being stored with provisions, he had no hopes of defending it long. Alla immediately invested the place. In the mean time he gave out, that he was only the vanguard of the Emperor's army, who were in full march to the place. This struck universal terror into all the Rajas round, who, instead of joining for the general safety, began to secure themselves. Alla having pillaged the city and seized upon the merchants, brahmins, and principal inhabitants, tortured them for their wealth; while he at the same time carried on the siege of the citadel.

Ramdeo seeing he must soon be obliged to yield, and imagining that the Emperor intended to make a general conquest of the Decan, endeavoured to procure a peace before any other forces arrived. He therefore wrote after this manner to Alla:

“Your invasion of this country was certainly impolitic and rash, but fortunately for you, having found the city unguarded, you have been permitted to range at large. It is however possible that the Rajas of the Decan, who command innumerable armies, may yet surround you, and not permit one of your people to escape from our dominions alive. Supposing even that you should be able to retreat from hence undisturbed, are not the princes of Malava, Candez and Gundwarra in your way, who have each armies of forty or fifty thousand men? Do you hope they will permit you to escape unmolested, after this perfidious attack on their brethren, in religion and Gods? It is therefore advisable for you to retire in time, by accepting a small reward, and what spoil you have already got, to indemnify you for your expence and labour.”

Alla was very glad to accept of those proposals, and having received fifty maunds of gold, a large quantity of pearls and jewels, fifty elephants, and some thousand horses, which were taken in the Raja's stables, he released his prisoners, and promised to abandon the place in the morning of the fifteenth day from his first entrance.

But when Alla was preparing to retreat. Ramdeo's eldest son, who had fled with his mother, on the first appearance of the imperial troops, to collect forces, advanced with a numerous army, within a few miles of the city. Ramdeo sent a message to his son. informing him, that peace was concluded, and whatever was done, was done. He therefore ordered him not to open again the door of disturbance, for that he perceived the Tartars were a warlike race, whose peace was better than their war. The young Prince, however, understanding that his army was thrice the number of the enemy, and hourly expecting to be joined by other princes, with numerous forces, listened not to the commands of his father, but wrote to Alla. in these terms:

“If you have any love for life, and desire safety, rush out of this horrible whirlpool, into which you have plunged yourself. Whatever you have plundered and received, you must return, and take your way homeward, rejoicing in your happy escape.”

Alla, upon reading this insolent letter, kindled the fire of rage, and blackening the face of the messenger, hooted him out of the city. He left Malleck Nuserit to invest the citadel with a thousand horse, and immediately marched with the rest of his army to attack the Raja's son, and drew up in the front of his camp.

The Indian did not decline the offered battle. He drew forth his numerous squadrons, and the battle commenced with such violence, that the stout heart of Alla began to quake for the victory. His troops began to fall back on all sides. In the mean time Malleck Nuserit, having learned by his scouts the situation of affairs, left the citadel without orders, and galloping up to the field of battle, with his thousand horse, changed the fortune of the day. The dust having prevented the enemy from discovering the force of Nuserit, some person cried out, that the Tartar army, of whom they had been told, was arrived. This spread instantly a panic through the Indian ranks, and they at once turned their face to flight. Alla did not think proper to pursue them far, but immediately returned into the city, and invested the citadel.

A scene of cruelty and horror now commenced. The Tartars, enraged at the perfidy of the Hindoos, for their breach of the treaty, began to spread fire and sword through the city; from which no discipline could restrain them. Several of the Raja's kindred, who had been taken prisoners, were in chains, thrown down in sight of the enemy. Ramdeo, in the mean time, sent express upon express, to hasten the succours which he expected from the Kings of Kilbirga, Tillingana, Malava, and Candez: but was informed that there remained no provisions in the place, for that a great number of bags, in which they had reckoned upon rice, had been found, upon examination, to be salt.

Ramdeo was greatly perplexed; he commanded that this should be concealed from the troops, and began a second time to propose a treaty with Alla.

“It must be known to you," said the Prince, “O my lord, that. your well-wisher, Ramdeo, had no hand in the late quarrel. If my son, in the way of folly and the pride of youth, exalted the spear of valour and hostility, let not your resentment be kindled against me for his rashness.”

Ramdeo told the messenger privately, that there were no provisions in the place, and that if the enemy should persist a few days, they must be informed of their distress, which would inevitably bring on the ruin of the whole. For, said the Prince, supposing we should be able to hold out the place against the assaults of the enemy, yet famine cannot be withstood; and there is now scarce six days' provision left. Use then art, and take any means to persuade the army of Islam [That is, the Mahommedans.] to evacuate the country.

But Alla, from the behaviour of Ramdeo, perceived the true cause of his proposals, and therefore started every day some new difficulty to retard the treaty, till the garrison was in the utmost distress. But at length it was concluded, according to our author, upon the following almost incredible terms; that Alla should receive, upon consideration of evacuating the country, six hundred maunds of pure gold, according to the weights of the Decan [The maund of the Decan is 25 lb. avoirdupuise.], seven maunds of pearl, two maunds of diamonds, rubies, emeralds, and sapphires, one thousand maunds of silver, four thousand pieces of silk, and a long list of other precious commodities that surpass all belief. This ransom was not only required, but also the cession of Elichpoor, and its dependencies, where Alla might leave a small garrison, which should remain there unmolested, to collect the revenues.

Alla having settled affairs to his satisfaction, released all his prisoners, and marched in triumph out of the city with his plunder, and proceeded on his way homeward, on the twenty-fifth day after his taking the city. He conducted his retreat with such surprising address, that he opened his way through extensive and powerful kingdoms; through Malava, Conduana, Candez, and others, though he was surrounded by numerous armies, who, admiring his order and resolution, made but faint and irresolute attacks, which served only to adorn his triumph. We may here justly remark, that, in the long volumes of history, there is scarcely any thing to be compared to this exploit, whether we regard the resolution in forming the plan, the boldness of the execution of it, or the fortune which attended the attempt. We cannot help to lament, that a man formed for such great exploits, should not be actuated by better motives than rapine, violence, and the thirst of gain.

When Alla marched to Deogire, all communication with Kurrah being stopt, no news was heard of him for some months. The person, whom he left his deputy, to make the King easy, wrote, that he had accounts of his being busy in the conquest of Chinderi, and . amused him every day with false intelligence. But as the King, for the space of six months, had received no letters from under his own hand, he began to suspect treason; and in the year 695, under a pretence of hunting, ordered out his retinue, and proceeded towards Gualier, where he encamped, and built a Choultry, inscribing a verse to this purpose, over the door. -- "I who press with my foot the celestial pavement, what fame can I acquire by a heap of stones and mortar? No! I have joined these broken stones together, that perhaps, under their shade, the weary traveller, or broken-hearted, may find repose.”

In the mean time Ferose received private intelligence, that Alla had conquered Deogire, and had acquired there such wealth as had never been possessed by an Emperor of Delhi, and that he was now upon his march towards Kurrah. The King was greatly pleased with this intelligence, and reckoned upon the spoil, as if already in his own treasury. But men of more wisdom thought otherwise, and justly concluded, that it was not to fill the royal coffers that Alla, without the King's authority, had undertaken such a daring expedition. They however waited to see the event, without informing the King of their suspicions. The King having one day assembled his council, and told them, that Alla was now on his march to Kurrah with immense plunder, requested their advice, whether it was most prudent to remain where he was, and command Alla to his presence, to march towards him, or to return to Delhi.

Ahmed Chip, who was renowned for his wisdom and penetration, expressed his suspicions to the King, in a rational and plausible manner. He advised Ferose, at the same time, to advance with his army towards Chinderi, and to encamp in the way between Alla and Kurrah. “This," said he, “ will discover Alla's intentions, before he has time to augment his army." Ahmed added further, "That upon the appearance of the imperial army, it was highly probable, that the troops of Alla, being laden with spoil, and within their own country, would not care to hazard the loss of it by an action; but would rather endeavour to secure their wealth among the mountains. That, by this means, Alla would be deserted by the greatest part of his small army, which would oblige him to think of nothing but peace, and to lay all his wealth at the foot of the throne. That the King, in that case, might take all the gold,' jewels, and elephants, permitting him to retain the remainder for himself, and either leave him his government, or carry him to Delhi, according to the royal pleasure.”

Kudgi, chief magistrate of Delhi, though he was sensible of the prudence of this advice, yet turning his eyes upon the Emperor, he perceived he did not at all approve of it; and therefore began to this effect: “The news of Alla's return, the amount of his plunder, and the truth of his conquest, has not yet been confirmed but by flying reports, which we all know are often vague and extravagant. Supposing even that this account is true, is it not natural to imagine, that when he shall hear of the approach of the imperial army, that the fear of false accusation, or evil designs against him, will prevail on him to retreat among the mountains? From whence, as the rainy season is at hand, it will be impossible to dislodge him. Let us not therefore cast off our shoes, before we reach the river, but wait till Alla shall arrive at Kurrah. If then it shall appear, that he cherishes his treasonable views, one assault of the imperial army will crush his ambition.”

Ahmed, having heard this perfidious advice, was kindled into generous resentment, and replied: “The time passes. -- As soon as Alla shall have escaped us, will he not proceed by the way of Oud to Bengal, where his treasure will soon enable him to raise such an army as neither you nor I will be able to oppose? O shame! that men should know better, yet not have the honesty to give salutary advice.”

Ferose was displeased with those words, and spoke thus to the Omrahs who stood near him. “Ahmed does always ill offices to Alla. He endeavours to raise my suspicion and resentment against my nephew; but such private rancour shall have no weight with the King: I am so well assured of the loyalty of Alla, whom I have nursed in my bosom, that I should sooner believe treason in my son than in him.”

Ahmed, upon this, shut the door of argument, and, rising with some emotion, walked out, striking one hand upon the other, and repeating a verse to this purpose: “When the sun of prosperity is eclipsed, no advice can enlighten the mind." The King, bestowing great commendations on Kudgi, marched back with his army to Delhi.

Not many days after the King's arrival at the capital, the address of Alla was brought to him, setting forth, that “he was the King's slave, and that all his wealth was consecrated to him; that being wearied with tedious march, he begged for some repose at Kurrah. That he intended to kiss the footstool of the throne, but that, knowing he had some enemies at court, who might have, in his absence, defamed him, and deprived him of his majesty's favour, he, and the chiefs who had accompanied him in the expedition, in which he was sensible he had exceeded his orders, were apprehensive that some punishment might be inflicted upon them. That he therefore requested to have a letter of grace, to assure him and his followers of perfect safety, under the royal protection.” The King, having received this address, expressed great joy, and entirely laid aside all suspicions of Alla. He ordered a letter full of kindness, and the most solemn assurances of protection, to be wrote to him, and dispatched by the hands of two messengers of distinction.

In the mean time Alla was preparing to retreat to Bengal. He was now joined by all the Zemindars of the neighbouring districts, who enlisted themselves under his fortunate banners. The messengers perceived plainly his intentions, but they were detained, and watched so strictly, that they could send no advices to the King. Almass, who was also son-in-law and nephew to Ferose, in the mean time received advices from his brother Alla, “That it was now become public at Kurrah, that the King intended certainly to take his life, for proceeding to Deogire contrary to his orders: that he repented the occasion, and had taken his majesty's displeasure, which to him was worse than death, so much to heart, that he was afraid excess of sorrow would put an end to his melancholy life: he therefore requested, that his brother should inform him before the King put his design in execution, that he might either take poison, or look out for a place of security.”

Letters to the same purpose were, day after day, wrote to his brother, Almass, who, being in the plot, was constantly at court, and shewed them to the King, seemingly distracted, lest his brother should lay violent hands upon himself, or fly his country. He used a thousand delusive arts to inveigle the King to Kurrah, who no less feared the loss of the treasure than his nephew's life. The old man at last took the golden bait, and embarked, with a thousand horse and a small retinue, on the Ganges, ordering Ahmed Chip to follow with the army by land.

Alla, hearing of the departure of Ferose from Delhi, crossed the Ganges with his army, and encamped near Mannickpoor, upon the opposite bank. When, upon the seventeenth of Ramzan, the imperial umbrella appeared in sight, Alla drew out his army, on pretence of doing honour to the Emperor, and sent his brother Almass, who had come on before, to concert measures to introduce Ferose into the camp. This artful traitor represented to Ferose, that if he should take the thousand horse with him, Alla might be alarmed; for that some bad people had confirmed him so strongly in his fears, that all he could say to him was not sufficient entirely to expel his suspicions.

The weak old King, suspecting nothing of this horrid treachery from a man whom he had cherished from his infancy in his bosom, gave into this proposal. He ordered a few of his select friends into his own boat, and commanded the fleet to remain some distance behind. When they came near the camp, Almass again opened the mouth of delusion, and told the King, that his brother, seeing so many men in complete armour, might possibly be startled; that therefore, as he had taken such ridiculous notions into his head, which nobody could remove, it were better to avoid the least appearances to favour them. The King might have seen that this was overdoing the matter, but perhaps he thought it now too late to reveal his suspicions, being near the skirts of the camp, and that an open confidence might be his best security. He therefore ordered all his attendants to unbuckle their armour, and lay their weapons aside. Charram, chief secretary of the empire, opposed this step with great vehemence, for he plainly saw into the bottom of their perfidy. But the traitor had such a soft and plausible tongue, that at last he yielded, though with great reluctance.

They had now reached the landing-place, and Alla appeared upon the bank with his attendants, whom he ordered to halt. He himself advancing alone met the Emperor just after he had landed upon the beach, and fell down prostrate at his feet. The old man in a familiar manner tapped him on the cheek, and raising him up, embraced him, saying, “I who have brought you up from your infancy, and cherished you with a fatherly affection, holding you dearer in my sight, if possible, than my own offspring, and who have not yet washed the odours of your infant smiles from my garments, how could you imagine I should entertain a thought to your prejudice?” Then taking him by the hand, he was leading him back into the royal barge, when the hard-hearted villain made a signal to his assassins who stood behind. Mamood, the son of Salim, rushing immediately forward, wounded the King with his sword in the shoulder. The unfortunate Monarch ran forward to gain the barge, crying, “Ah! villain Alla, what dost thou ?" but before he had reached the boat, another of the assassins, whose name was Achtiar Hoor, coming up, seized the old man, and throwing him on the ground, barbarously cut off his head, just as the sun sunk in the west as if to avoid the horrid sight [He reigned seven years and some months.].

All his attendants were then murdered. They fixed the venerable head of their lord upon the point of a spear, and carried it through the camp and city, as a bloody spectacle to the gazing rabble. But the rabble were shocked at the sight, and were heard to cry: “Behold the reward of him who fixeth his mind upon this perfidious world: who nourisheth his relations with the blood of his liver, in the arms of kindness, and to their gratitude confideth his strength.”

Alla immediately exalted the white umbrella over his own head; but the vengeance of heaven soon after fell heavy on all who were concerned in the assassination of Ferose. They relate, that when Alla visited a reverend sage, named Shech Karrick, who is buried at Kurrah, and whose tomb is held sacred to this day, he rose from his pillow, and repeated an extempore verse, to the following purpose: “He cometh, but his head shall fall in the boat, and his body shall be thrown into the Ganges;" which, they say, was explained a few hours after, by the death of the unfortunate King, whose head was thrown into the boat upon that occasion. Mamood, the son of Salim, one of the assassins, about a year after, died of a horrid leprosy, which dissolved the flesh, piece by piece, from his bones. Achtiar Hoor, the other assassin, fared no better, for he became mad, crying out incessantly, that Ferose was cutting off his head. Thus the wretch suffered a thou- sand deaths, in imagination, before he expired. Almass, the brother of Alla, and others who planned this horrid tragedy, in hopes of great advancement, fell into such a scene of misfortunes, that, in the space of four years, there was no remembrance of them, but their villainies, upon the face of the earth.
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