History of Hindostan (1768), by Alexander Dow

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Section VI. The reign of Sultan MAHUMMUD SHAW BEN FERID CHAN BEN CHIZER CHAN.

ACCORDING to the custom of the world, which cannot subsist without rule, the same day that Sultan Mubarick Shaw was sent to eternity, Mahummud Shaw was established upon the throne. The ungrateful assassin, Surûr ul Malleck, received the title of Chan Jehan, and seized upon the king's treasure, regalia, and other effects, discharging all the old omrahs from office, and appointing new ones, who might, in time, serve his ambitious views.

Kummal ul Malleck, and other omrahs, who were in the camp, having consulted among themselves, upon hearing of the king's death, resolved, rather than kindle a civil war in the country, to bear with the times, to pay allegiance to the new king, and to wait a more proper and more certain opportunity of taking revenge upon the conspirators. They came into the city and paid their compliments to Mahummud Shaw. The first preferments, which the vizier gave away to facilitate his future schemes, was to appoint the two Hindoo conspirators to the governments of Biana, Amrohi, Narnoul, and Coram; and Miran Sidder, with the title of Moain ul Malleck, was presented with a very considerable jagier. The son of Seid Salem was dignified with the title of Chan Azim Seid Chan, and the government of several countries were conferred upon him. But the omrahs, and dependants of Mubarick Shaw, were, by tricks and false accusations, killed, imprisoned, banished, robbed, or turned out of office.

A slave of Surûr ul Malleck, whose name was Rana Shech, was sent collector of the revenues to Biana, but Eusoph Chan Lodi fought and slew him near that place. At the same time some of the omrahs of Mubarick Shaw and of Chizer Chan, who saw that there was a design on foot to deprive them of their jagiers, particularly Malleck Chimun, governor of Budaoon, Malleck Alleh Daad Lodi, who commanded at Simbol, Meer Ali of Guzerat, and Amir Shech, the Turk, erected the spear of rebellion, upon which the vizier, deceived by the behaviour of Kummal ul Malleck, gave him the command of the army, and sent Chan Azim Sidarin, and his own son Eusoph, along with him, to suppress the rebels. But when they came to the village of Birren, Kummal ul Malleck intended to take revenge on Sidarin and Eusoph, for the murder of the king. He therefore acquainted Malleck Allah Daad Lodi of his resolutions, who, for that reason, made no motion towards them. This design being, however, discovered to the vizier, he sent Malleck Hoshiar, his own slave, with a great army, under pretence of succours, with private instructions, to prevent the effects of the plot. Kummal ul Malleck, however, had, at Ahare, joined his forces with Malleck Alla Daad Lodi, before the reinforcement, under the vizier's slave, arrived. Hoshiar, hearing of this junction, thought that there was no safety for him, and he, therefore, fled, with Eusoph and Sidarin, to Delhi. Kummal ul Malleck immediately sent to call the disaffected omrahs, who joined him without delay, so that, upon the last of Ramzan, he moved, with a great army, towards Delhi.

The vizier shut himself up in the citadel of Seri, which he held out three months; but as the party of Kummal ul Malleck daily gained strength and reputation, he was driven to great distress. Sultan Mahummud Shaw, perceiving that his own affairs would be ruined, if he should adhere to the vizier, endeavoured to conciliate matters with the besiegers, and, at the same time, sought an opportunity of making his escape, or cutting off the vizier.

The vizier discovering this plot, designed to be beforehand with the sultan; accordingly, upon the eighth of Mohirrim, with the sons of Miran Sidder, and with some of his own adherents, he broke into the king's apartment. But Mahummud, having suspected him of such intentions, had privately a guard at hand, who, on a signal given, rushed upon the conspirators. They immediately betook themselves to flight; but the vizier was cut to pieces, as he was rushing out of the door, and thus met the fate which he designed for his lord. The sons of Miran Sidder, and the rest of the assassins, were taken, and put to death, while Malleck Hoshiar and Malleck Mubarick, who were parties concerned, were publickly executed. The Kittries, and other adherents of Surûr ul Malleck, afraid of themselves, rose up in arms. The king was obliged to shut himself up, ordering the Bagdat-gate to be thrown open to the besiegers, who, rushing in accordingly, began a dreadful massacre among the rebels, till they entirely subdued them. Such as remained alive were bound and sacrificed at the tomb of Sultan Mubarick Shaw.

Kummal ul Malleck, and the other omrahs, swore allegiance the next day, for the second time, to Mahummud Shaw; Malleck having the title of Kummal Chan, with the vizarit conferred upon him, Malleck Chimun being dignified with the title of Ghazi Malleck, and a jagier. The other omrahs were confirmed in their former offices, governments, and estates.

When matters were completely settled at Delhi, the king, by the advice of his counsellors, made a campaign towards Moultan, and encamping near Mubarickpoor, gave orders to draw together his army from all the provinces. Many of the omrahs, being intimidated, delayed to repair to the imperial standard till Ameid ul Muluck arrived from Moultan, adding power to enforce the royal commands, by a numerous army, which he brought with him. All the other provincial omrahs hastened to the camp, and were honored with dresses, and other marks of favor and distinction. The sultan moved towards Moultan, to make a parade with his army, and, having visited the tombs of the saints, returned to his capital.

In the year eight hundred and forty, he marched towards Sammana, and detached a part of his army against Jisserit, the Gicker, who was raising disturbances. The country of Jisserit was plundered, and the king returned to Delhi, where he gave himself up entirely to pleasure, neglecting all the cares and necessary affairs of government. The accounts of the sultan's luxurious indolence soon affected the state. Dissatisfaction began to appear first in Moultan, where a tribe of Patans, called Linga, rose in rebellion. At the same time, Malleck Beloli Lodi, who, after the death of his uncle, Islam Chan, became governor of Sirhind, without any orders, possessed himself of the city and districts of Lahore and Debalpoor, with all the country back to Panniput.

The sultan receiving intelligence of this revolt, sent his whole army against him, who drove him back to the hills. In the retreat many chiefs of distinction were put to the sword, but Malleck Beloli recruited his army, and, when the sultan's forces were withdrawn, he again possessed himself of all the countries from which they had driven him. The sultan, this time, sent Hissam Chan, the vizier's deputy, against him, who was defeated, and beat back to Delhi; upon which, Malleck Beloli wrote to the sultan, that if he would put Hissam Chan to death, who, by his intrigues, had been the occasion of this rebellion, he would lay down his arms.

The sultan was weak enough to listen to this arrogant proposal, and accordingly gave orders for the death of Hissam Chan. He also deprived Kummal Chan of the vizarit, and conferred it upon Hamid Chan, appointing another person deputy, with the title of Hissam Chan. The governors of the provinces observing this pusillanimous and impolitic behaviour of the king, predicted his destruction, and endeavoured to secure their own independency; while the subjects and zemindars, foreseeing the convulsions that must have insued in the state, with-held their rents, in hopes that they might be passed over, in the general confusion.

Sultan Ibrahim Shirki possessed himself of several districts adjoining to his dominions, and Sultan Mahmood Chillegi, king of Malava, made an attempt on the capital; and, in the year eight hundred and forty four, advanced within two crores of the city. Mahummud Shaw, struck with terror in this urgent situation of affairs, imprudently sent an embassy to Malleck Beloli Lodi, to beg his assistance. Beloli accordingly, with twenty thousand Persian horse, came to Delhi; Mahummud Shaw, though his army was greatly superior to the enemy, was afraid to take the field by himself, but committed the charge of the whole to his omrahs, and reposed himself in the Haram. The omrahs, according to orders, advanced with the army against the enemy, Malleck Beloli leading the van.

When Sultan Mahmood Chilligi was given to understand, that the king of Delhi was not present, he thought it was meant as an affront to him; and, to be on a footing with Mahummud, he committed the charge of his army to his sons Yeaz ul Dien and Kuddir Chan. The two armies having engaged, the troops of Delhi gave way, and left Malleck Beloli alone to dispute the field, which he maintained with invincible resolution, till the fugitives, ashamed of their behaviour, returned to the action. Night, however, coming on, the victory was left undecided. Sultan Mahmood Chilligi being greatly frightened by a dream that night, and having heard, in the morning, that Sultan Ahmed, of Guzerat, was advanced as far as Mundo, he was more and more intimidated, and began to be desirous of making peace: but shame prevented him from expressing his wishes. At the same time, Sultan Mahummud, with less reason, and contrary to the advice of all his counsellors, gave himself up to base fear, and sent ambassadors with presents to his rival to beg peace.

Sultan Mahmood Chilligi was overjoyed at these proposals, which saved the appearance of his reputation, and immediately accepting them, marched from the field. Malleck Beloli, who now began justly to despise them both, and to aspire to the empire, marched out of the city with his own troops, and pursuing Sultan Mahmood Chilligi, attacked him upon his march, defeated him, and took all his baggage. The weak sultan, who did not hitherto see through his palpable intentions, gave him the title of Chan Chanan, and adopted him for his son.

In the year eight hundred and forty five, the sultan marched to Sammana, giving the governments of Lahore and Debalpoor to Malleck Beloli, and ordering him to expel Jisserit. He himself returned to his capital. Malleck Beloli, by this means, became extremely powerful, and recruited a great army of Afghans; but, instead of fighting Jisserit, he brought him over to his party, and began to seize upon several districts, without any orders from the king. At length, without any apparent reason, but his ambition, he drew his army against Delhi, which he besieged for some months, but, in in the end, was obliged to abandon his enterprize.

The king's power was greatly weakened, and began to decay very rapidly. The zemindars of Biana put themselves under the government of Sultan Mahmood Chilligi. In the mean time, Sultan Mahummud fell sick and died, in the year eight hundred and forty nine, leaving behind him the character of a weak, dissolute, and unwarlike prince; owing to the ambition of others a throne, upon which he could not sit with dignity himself. He reigned twelve years and some months, and his son Alla ul Dien succeeded him in the empire.

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Section VII. The reign of Sultan ALLA UL DIEN BEN MAHUMMUD SHAW.

WHEN Sultan Alla ul Dien had placed his foot upon the musnud of Delhi, all the omrahs, excepting Malleck Beloli Lodi, came and swore allegiance to him. This contempt of Beloli, the new sultan was in no condition to chastise. But having collected an army, in the beginning of the year eight hundred and fifty, he marched to recover Biana. When he was upon the way, there was a rumor propagated, that the king of Jionpoor was advancing towards Delhi, which, though false, brought back the sultan to his capital; though he was told by Hissam Chan, the vizier, how ridiculous it would appear in a king to be guided by a vague report. This reprimand brought upon the vizier the sultan's displeasure.

This step, however, proved ruinous to the sultan's reputation, and the meanest of the people feared not to say publickly, that he was a weaker man, and a greater fool, than his father. He marched in the following year to Budaoon, where he remained some time, laying out gardens, building pleasure-houses, and making entertainments, and then returned to Delhi. Pretending that the air of Budaoon agreed better with his health, he expressed an inclination of making that city his residence, to divert him from which, the vizier took much pains, but only incurred more and more his displeasure.

All Hindostan was, at this time, divided into separate states; for in the Decan, Guzerat, Malava, Jionpoor, and Bengal, there were princes who assumed the stile and dignity of kings; while Punjaab, Debalpoor, and Sirhind, even to Panniput, was possessed by Malleck Beloli Lodi. Merowli, and all the country to the Serai of Lado, within seven crores of Delhi, were in the hands of Ahmed Chan of Mewat; Simbol, close to the walls of the city, was possessed by Deria Chan Lodi; Kole, by Isah Chan; Rabari, by Cuttub Chan, the Afghan; Cumpela and Pattiali, by Rai Partab; Biana was subject to Daood Chan Odi; so that the city of Delhi, and a few small districts, remained only to the king.

Malleck Beloli made, about this time, another attempt upon the city, but was not more successful than he was before. The sultan, relieved from this danger, began to consult the means to recover part of his lost empire, advising with Cuttub Chan, Isa•… Chan, and Rai Partab. These chiefs, desirous to weaken him still more, told him, that the omrahs were all disgusted with his vizier; that, should he be turned out of office, and imprisoned, they were ready to pay him due allegiance, and made no doubt but the affairs of the empire would put on a more favorable aspect. The weak Alla became the dupe of those traitors, and accordingly imprisoned and disgraced his vizier. He immediately ordered preparations to be made for removing his court to Budaoon, from which not all the remonstrances of his best friends could restrain him; though they represented, in a strong light, how impolitic it would be, at such a juncture, to change his capital.

Alla accordingly, in the year eight hundred and fifty two, set out for Budaoon, leaving Hissam Chan in the government of Delhi. When the sultan arrived at this new capital, Cuttub Chan and Rai Partab waited upon him, and told him, that as long as the vizier was alive, the omrahs could not be brought to trust themselves at court. The weak king was prevailed upon to command him to be put to death; but the vizier's brother having notice given him of this bloody purpose, found means, with the assistance of some of his friends, to release him, and to escape to Delhi. He there took immediate possession of all the sultan's effects, and turned his haram out of the city.

The sultan put off the time by ridiculous procrastinations, and vain excuses of the weather, and unlucky times, till the vizier had called Malleck Beloli to take upon him the empire. Beloli, glad of the opportunity, amused the sultan, by writing to him, that he was coming to chastise the vizier, till he arrived and took possession of the city, taking upon himself the title of Sultan Beloli. He, however, gave place to the name of Sultan Alla ul Dien, in the Chutba, in the year eight hundred and fifty four.

He gave the city in charge to his son, Chaja Baezid, marched in person to Debalpoor, and collected together a great army of Afghans. He wrote, at the same time, to Sultan Alla ul Dien, that, upon his account, he had expelled the vizier; and he received for answer, from that weak prince, that as his father had adopted Beloli as his son, he would esteem him his brother; he moreover promised to cede to him the empire, upon condition that he would permit him to live quietly in the possession of Budaoon.

Sultan Beloli threw immediately the name of Alla out of the Chutba, and spread the umbrella of empire over his own head. Sultan Alla ul Dien remained at Budaoon till his death, which happened in the year eight hundred and eighty three; his reign in Delhi being seven years, and his government of Budacon near twenty eight.

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Section VIII. The reign of Sultan BELOLI LODI.

BELOLI LODI was an Afghan, of the tribe of Lodi, which people, forming themselves into a commercial society, carried on a trade between Persia and Hindostan. In the time of Sultan Firose Shaw, Malleck Ibrahim, the grandfather of Beloli, being possessed of wealth, made his way at the court of Delhi, and raised himself to the government of Moultan. Malleck Ibrahim had five sons, Malleck Sultan Shech, Malleck Culla, Malleck Firose, Malleck Mahummud, and Malleck Chaja, who, on the death of their father remained in Moultan.

When Chizer Chan was appointed to that government, Sultan Shech received the command of all his Afghan troops. In the action which Chizer Chan had with Eckbal Chan, Sultan Shech had the good fortune to kill Eckbal, by which means he became a great favorite with Chizer Chan. He was accordingly appointed by that prince governor of Sirhind, with the title of Islam Chan, while his brothers partook of his fortune. One of whom, Malleck Calla, the father of Sultan Beloli, had a district bestowed upon him by his brother. The wife of Calla, who was his own cousin, being smothered by the fall of a house, when with child, the father instantly ripped up her belly, and saved the life of the infant, who afterwards held the empire, by the title of Sultan Beloli.

Calla being killed in an action with the Afghans of Neaz, Beloli went to his uncle, Islam Chan, at Sirhind, and upon his distinguishing himself in a battle, his uncle gave him his own daughter in marriage. Islam Chan was, at this time, so powerful, that he retained twelve thousand Afghans, mostly of his own tribe, in his service.

Islam Chan, at his death, though he had children of his own come to maturity, recommended Beloli to succeed him. The troops upon this divided into three parties, one of which adhered to Beloli, one to Malleck Firose, brother to Islam Chan, who had been made an omrah by the king of Delhi, and the other to Cuttub Chan, the son of Islam Chan. But Malleck Beloli, who was the most artful of the three, found means to weaken his rivals, and encrease his own power.

Cuttub Chan repaired to Delhi, and acquainted Sultan Mahummud Shaw, that the Afghans of Sirhind were establishing a power, which, unless it was soon prevented, would shake the empire. The sultan immediately dispatched Secunder Topha, with a powerful army, to bring the chiefs of the Afghans to court, and if they disobeyed, to expel them from Sirhind.

Jisserit was also instigated to take arms against them, by which means they were, in the end, driven to the hills; but upon a promise of peace, and of their future good behaviour, Malleck Firose left his son Shai Chan and Malleck Beloli with his army, and, with some attendants, went to Jisserit and Malleck Secunder Topha. They, notwithstanding their promise, by the advice of Cuttub Chan, imprisoned him and slew all his attendants. They also dispatched part of their army to reduce Beloli, but he retreated to a place of safety, with the women and children. Before he could join Shai Chan, he was attacked and defeated, and a great part of his army slain.

When Jisserit had retired to Punjaab, Beloli collected the remains of his tribe, and began to raise contributions, or plunder wherever he could, and as he was extremely generous in dividing the spoil among his followers, he soon became very powerful. Some time after Malleck Firose fled from Delhi, and joined him; and Cuttub Chan, repenting of his former behaviour, found means to be reconciled to Beloli. Beloli soon after invaded Sirhind, and possessed himself of that province. Upon receiving intelligence of these transactions, Sultan Mahummud Shaw sent Hissam Chan, his vizier, with a great army against him. Malleck Beloli took the field, and giving the vizier battle, defeated him, by which his power and reputation greatly encreased.

We are told, that when Beloli was yet a youth in his uncle's service, one day he was permitted to pay his respects to a famous Dirvesh of Sammana, whose name was Sheidai. When he sat in a respectful posture before him, the Dirvesh cried out, in an enthusiastick manner, "Who will give two thousand rupees for the empire of Delhi?" Upon which Malleck Beloli told him, he had only one thousand six hundred rupees in the world, which he ordered his servant to bring immediately and present to the Dirvesh. The Dirvesh accepted the money, and, laying his hand upon the head of Beloli, saluted him king.

The companions of Beloli ridiculed him very much for this action; but he replied, "That, if the thing came to pass, he had made a cheap purchase; if not, the blessing of a holy man could do him no harm."

Upon a mind naturally ambitious, and in an age of superstition, this prediction of the Dirvesh might have great effect, in promoting its own end; for when a man's mind is once bent upon the attainment of one object, the greatest difficulties will be often surmounted, by a steady perseverance. But to return from this digression.

After Beloli had defeated the vizier, he wrote to the sultan, as before related, laying the whole blame of his rebellion upon the vizier's conduct towards him. When the sultan basely complied with his desire of cutting off the vizier, Beloli, according to his promise, waited upon the king, that he might be better able to carry on his intrigues at court. He managed his affairs at Delhi so well, that he got the government of Sirhind, and other districts near it, confirmed to him in jagier; which were the means that enabled him to mount the musnud, as we have already seen, in the former reign.

He had, at the time of his accession, nine sons, Chaja Baezid, Nizam Chan, who was afterwards Sultan Secunder; Barba Shaw, Mubarick Chan, Sultan Alla ul Dien, Jemmâl Chan, Miah Jacob, Miah Musah, and Jellâl Chan; and of omrahs of renown, who were related to him, there were thirty six in the empire.

As Hamid Chan, the vizier, who conferred the empire upon him, had great influence still in the state, he treated him for some time with honor and respect. Being one day in Hamid Chan's house, at an entertainment, he ordered the companions whom he carried with him, to make themselves appear as foolish and ridiculous as possible, that the vizier might consider them as silly fellows; that so he might be less upon his guard against them. When they accordingly came into company, some tied their shoes to their girdles, and others put them up in the niches of the apartment.

Hamid Chan asked them the reason of that extraordinary custom. They replied, that they were afraid of thieves. When they had taken their seats upon the carpet, one of them began to praise the flowers, and brightness of the colours, saying, He would be extremely glad to have such a carpet, to send home to his own country, to make caps for his boys. Hamid Chan laughed, and told him, he would give him velvet or brocade for that purpose. When the plates and boxes of perfumes were laid before them, some began to rub the finest otter of roses all over them, others to drink it, and others to devour whole festoons of flowers, while the beetle stood no chance, but was eat up, cover and all; some, who had eat large pieces of chunam, by having their mouths burnt, made a terrible outcry; and, in this kind of foolery every one was endeavouring to outdo another, while the king and the vizier were almost bursting with laughter.

The vizier, imagining that this behaviour proceeded from the king's humour, who had a mind to make merry in his house, was extremely pleased, and had no suspicion of men given to so much mirth. The next visit the king paid to Hamid Chan, a greater number of his attendants were admitted; but as Hamid Chan had still a greater number of his own friends within the court, it was necessary to gain admission for some more of the king's people, who were stopped without by the guards. The king having before instructed them how to proceed in this case, they began loudly to wrangle with the guard, and threw out bitter invectives against the king, for permitting them to be so unworthily treated. They even swore that they respected the vizier, and would see him.

The vizier hearing this, ordered the doors to be thrown open, and as many to be admitted as the court could contain. This point being gained, the king gave the signal, and all his people drawing at once, told Hamid Chan's servants to remain quiet, and they should come to no harm. Upon which two or three seized the vizier, and bound him. The king then told him, that gratitude was a security for his life, but that it was necessary he should retire from business, and spend the rest of his days in the cares of a future state. After this the king ruled without fear or controul.

The same year, the eight hundred and fifty fifth of the Higera, he left Delhi, under the charge of his eldest son, Chaja Baezid, and marched towards Moultan to recruit his army, and to regulate all these western provinces. Some of his omrahs being dissatisfied at this time, left him, and joined Sultan Mahmood Shirki, of Jionpoor, who, during the absence of Beloli, in the beginning of the year eight hundred and fifty six, advanced with a great army, and said siege to Delhi. Sultan Beloli hastened from Debalpoor, march by march, nor halted till he reached Perah, within thirty miles of Delhi.

Sultan Mahmood send thirty thousand horse, and thirty elephants, under the command of Fatti Chan Herevi against him. When the action began, Cuttub Chan, who excelled in archery, having sunk an arrow in the forehead of one of Fatti Chan's elephants, the animal became outrageous, and broke the lines. Cuttub Chan, in the mean time, advancing against Diria Chan Lodi, one of the disaffected omrahs, who had joined Sultan Mahmood, cried out—"For shame! Diria Chan, where is your honor, thus to wage war against your own kindred, and to invest your wife and family in the city of Delhi, when you ought rather to defend them against your natural enemies?" "Pursue me not," said Diria Chan, "and I am gone;" and he immediately wheeled off, followed by all the Patans, or Afghans, in Fatti Chan's army.

The other troops being thus deserted, gave way, and Fatti Chan was taken prisoner; but having, with his own hand, just killed the brother of Rai Kirren, that omrah, in revenge, struck off his head, and sent it to the sultan. Upon receiving the news of this defeat, Sultan Mahmood raised the siege of Delhi, and retreated with great precipitation to Jionpoor.

The sultanit of Beloli became firmly established, and he began to turn his thoughts upon new acquisitions. His first movement was towards Mewat, where Hamid Chan submitted himself to his authority. The sultan took seven pergunnahs from him, and permitted him to hold the remainder in fee. Beloli from thence marched to Birren, and Diria Chan Lodi, governor of Simbol, presented him with seven more pergunnahs, and submitted in like manner. He then took the rout of Koli, and confirmed Isah Chan in that government. He continued his progress to Barhanabad, and gave that province to Mubarick Chan, while Bowgaw was delivered over to Rai Partab. But when he advanced to Raberi, Cuttub Chan Ben Hassin Chan shut himself up in the fort, but the sultan took it in a few days by capitulation, and again settled him in the same government. Beloli marching from thence to Attava, he regulated that government, and confirmed the former Suba.

Jonah Chan quitted, about this time, the court in disgust, and joined Sultan Mahmood Shirki, from whom he received the government of Shumseabad. Jonah instigated Sultan Mahmood to make another attempt upon Delhi, who, for that purpose, took the route of Attava, where he met Sultan Beloli. The armies, the first day of their appearance in sight, on both sides sent out parties to skirmish, but nothing remarkable was done, and, the next day, they began to treat, when it was agreed, that Sultan Beloli should keep possession of all the countries possessed by Mubarick Shaw, and that Sultan Mahmood should hold all that was in the possession of Sultan Ibrahim, of Jionpoor; that the former should give up all the elephants taken in the engagement with Fatti Chan, and the latter turn Jonah Chan out of his government.

Sultan Mahmood, immediately after this pacification, returned to Jionpoor, and Sultan Beloli went to Shumseabad to take possession of it. This latter expedition of Beloli greatly offended Sultan Mahmood, and he immediately returned to Shumseabad, where Cuttub Chan and Diria Chan Lodi surprized his camp in the night. But during the attack, the horse of Cuttub Chan having trod upon a tent-pin, threw him, and he was taken by the enemy, and his party retreated to their own camp. Sultan Beloli drew out his army in the morning, but received advice that Sultan Mahmood had just expired, and that the omrahs had set up his son Mahummud Shaw; and, by the mediation of Bibi Raja, the young king's mother, who probably had received previous assurances, a peace was immediately concluded. Mahummud Shaw returned to Jionpoor, and Sultan Beloli took the rout of Delhi.

Before the sultan arrived at the capital, he received a letter from Shumsh Chatoon, the sister of Cuttub Chan, conjuring him, in the most tender manner, not to suffer her brother to remain in captivity. This prevailed upon Beloli to break up the peace he had just concluded, and to march towards Jionpoor. Mahummud Shaw met him near Sirsutti. The younger brother of Mahummud Shaw, Hassen Chan, fearing his brother's resentment for some trespass, took this opportunity of marching off, with all his adherents, to Kinnoge. Sittal Chan, his other brother, soon followed him, but the detachment which Sultan Beloli had sent after Hassen Chan, met Sittal Chan on the way, and took him prisoner. The sultan determined to keep him as a ransom for Cuttub Chan.

In the mean time, the omrahs conspired against Mahummud Shaw, and having assassinated him, advanced Hassen Chan, who had fled to Kinnoge, to the throne. Sultan Beloli, for what reason we know not, took no advantages of these disorders, but now entered into a truce with Sultan Hassen Chan for the space of four years; Cuttub Chan and Sittab Chan being interchangeably released.

Beloli returned towards Shumseabab, whither Bir-Singh, the son of Rai Partab, came to pay his compliments. But as his father had taken a standard and a pair of drums formerly from Deria Chan in an action, that base man thought to wipe off that dishonour by assassinating Bir-Singhi. Cuttub Chan, the son of Hassen Chan, Mubariz Chan, and Rai Partab, differing with the cruel traitor about this murder, were obliged to fly to Sultan Hassein. Beloli, after these transactions, returned to Delhi.

But, upon account of the rebellion of the viceroy of Moultan, and the disorders in Punjaab, he marched towards that quarter. Upon his way, he heard that Sultan Hassein Shirki was advancing, in his absence, with a great army, to take Delhi. He therefore, through necessity, returned, and leaving Delhi in charge of Cuttub Chan and Chan Jehan, he went out to meet the enemy. The two armies having met at the village of Chundwar, hostilities continued without intermission for seven days. A peace was at length patched up for the term of three years.

At the expiration of this truce, Sultan Hassein invested Attava, took it, and drew over Ahmed Chan of Mewat, and Rustum Chan of Koli, to his interest, while Ahmed Chan of Selwan, the governor of Biana, struck money, and read the chutba in his name. Hassein, with one hundred thousand horse and a thousand elephants, marched from Attava towards Delhi; and Sultan Beloli, no ways intimidated by that great force, marched out boldly to meet him. The two armies having advanced to Battevara, encamped for some time in sight of each other, and after some skirmishes, in which there was no superiority of advantage on either side, they again struck up a peace.

But this pacification was not permanent. Sultan Hassein advanced again towards Delhi some months after, and was opposed at the village of Sinkar, and obliged to depart upon peaceable terms.

Much about this time, the mother of Sultan Hassein, Bibi Raja, died at Attava, and the Raja of Gualier and Cuttub Chan Lodi, went to console him upon that occasion. When in discourse, Cuttub Chan perceived that Hassein Chan was a bitter enemy of Beloli, he began to flatter him after this manner:—Beloli is one of your dependants, and cannot think of contending long with you. If I do not put you in possession of Delhi, look on my word as nothing. He then, with much art, got leave to depart from Hassein's court, and returned to Delhi, and there he told to Sultan Beloli that he had escaped with a great deal of difficulty from the hands of Sultan Hassein, who was meditating a fresh war against him.

About this time Sultan Alla ul Dien [The abdicated emperor.] died at Budaoon, upon which Sultan Hassein went to settle matters at Budaoon, and, after the funeral ceremonies were over, he took that country from the children of Alla. Marching from thence to Simbol, he imprisoned Mubarick Chan, governor of that province, then marching towards Delhi, in the year eight hundred and eighty three, he crossed the river Jumna near Gutteruitch. Sultan Beloli, who was at Sirhind, upon receiving intelligence of this invasion, returned with all expedition to save his capital. Several slight actions ensued, in which Sultan Hassein had, in general, the advantage.

Cuttub Chan dispatched a person to Hassein, informing him, that Sultan Beloli was ready to relinquish all the countries beyond the Ganges, upon condition he should leave him in possession of all the provinces on this side of that river. These terms being accepted, they reversed their hostile spears, and Sultan Hassein marched homeward. But Sultan Beloli, in a perfidious manner, broke the peace, and pursuing Hassein, attacked him upon his march, killing a great number, and taking forty omrahs prisoners, besides part of his treasure and equipage. Beloli pursued his victory, and took several districts belonging to Sultan Hassein, such as Campul, Pattiali, Shumseabad, Sickite, Marhera, Sittali, and Koli, appointing agents to manage them under him. But when he had pursued Hassein as far as Arumbidger, the latter stood his ground, and engaged Beloli. The victory being dubious, a peace was patched up between them, the village of Doupamou being settled as the boundary between the empires. After this pacification, Sultan Hassein proceeded to Raberi, and Sultan Beloli returned to Delhi.

Sultan Hassein could not, however, forget the perfidy of Beloli. He recruited his army, and some time after marched against him, and met him at the village of Sinhar, when an obstinate battle ensued, in which Sultan Hassein was defeated, and lost all his treasure and baggage; which, together with an addition of reputation, greatly promoted the affairs of Beloli. Sultan Hassein having retreated to Raberi, he was followed thither by Beloli, and upon standing a second engagement, he was again totally defeated. After the battle, he retreated towards Gualier; the raja of Gualier brought him some lacks of rupees, elephants, horses, camels, and a fine set of camp equipage, and accompanied him to Calpie.

Sultan Beloli went, in the mean time, to Attava, where he besieged Ibrahim Chan, the brother of Sultan Hassein, and took the place by capitulation. He, however, generously made him a present of the fort, and proceeded to Calpie; Sultan Hassein met him upon the banks of the river, where they remained for some months. But Rai Muluck Chand of Buxar, coming over to Sultan Beloli, shewed him a passable ford in the river, by which he crossed, and attacking Sultan Hassein, defeated him, and drove him to Jionpoor, upon which Sultan Beloli turned off to the left towards Kinnoge. Sultan Hassein again met him near that city, but he was once more defeated with great slaughter. His regalia and equipage were taken, and also the chief lady of his seraglio, Bibi Conzah, the daughter of Sultan Alla ul Dien, who was treated with great respect. Sultan Beloli returned, after this victory, to Delhi.

Having recruited and regulated his army, he advanced the spear of hostility again towards Jionpoor. He conquered that country, and gave it to Mubarick Chan Lohani, leaving Cuttub Chan Lodi, Chan Jehan, and other omrahs, at Migouli, to secure his conquests. He himself went to Budaoon, where he soon after heard of Cuttub Chan's death. Chan Jehan, Mubarick Chan, and other omrahs, though they kept up the appearance of fidelity, were, after the death of Cuttub, concerning measures to throw off the sultan's yoke.

Beloli being apprized of their intentions, marched towards Jionpoor, and drove away Hassein, who had made an attempt to recover it, and placed Barbee Shaw, one of his own sons, upon the throne of Jionpoor. He himself returned to Calpie, which he took, and gave to his grandson, Azim Hamaioon Ben Baizied. He directed then his march to Dolepore, raising a tribute upon the raja of that place, who began to rank himself among Beloli's subjects. The sultan went from thence to a place in the districts of Rintimpore, which he plundered, and soon after returned to Delhi.

Beloli being now extremely old, and infirmities beginning daily to increase upon him, he divided his dominions among his sons, giving Jionpoor to Barbeck Shaw; Kurrah and Manikpore, to Mubarick Chan; Byrage, to his nephew Shech Mahummud, famous by the name of Kalla Par, or the Black Mountain; Lucknore and Calpee, to Azim Humaioon, whose father, Baezid, was assassinated a little before by his own servant; Budaoon to Chan Jehan, one of his old omrahs, and a relation; and Delhi, with several countries between the two rivers, to his son Nizam Chan, known afterwards by the name of Sultan Secunder, whom he appointed his successor in the imperial dignity.

Some time after this division the sultan proceeded to Gualier, and raising a tribute of eighty lacks of rupees from the raja of that place, came to Attava, from whence he expelled Sickit Sing, and then turned his face towards Delhi. Falling sick upon his march, many of the omrahs were desirous that he should alter his former will, with respect to the succession, which, they said, was the undoubted right of Azim Humaioon, his grandson. The sultana, upon this, wrote to her son, Nizam Chan, who, having heard of his father's illness, was setting out from Delhi, by no means to come, otherwise he might be imprisoned by the omrahs: At the same time the sultan, by the advice of some omrahs, ordered public letters to be sent him, to hasten him to camp, that he might see him before his death. Nizam Chan was greatly perplexed how to act upon this nice occasion. He, at length, was advised by Cuttuluk Chan, the vizier of Sultan Hassein Shirki, who was then prisoner at Delhi, to pitch his tents without the city, and to advance by very slow marches. In the mean time, the king's disease overcame him, and he died at Malauli, in the pergunnah of Sikite, in the year eight hundred and ninety four, having reigned thirty eight years, eight months, and seven days.

Beloli was, for those days, esteemed a virtuous and mild prince, executing justice to the utmost of his knowledge, and treating his courtiers rather as his companions than his subjects. When he came to the empire, he divided the treasure among his friends, and could be seldom prevailed upon to mount the throne, saying, "That it was enough for him, that the world knew he was king, without his making a vain parade of royalty." He was extremely temperate in his diet, and seldom eat at home. Though a man of no great literature himself, he was fond of the company of learned men, whom he rewarded according to their merit. He had given so many proofs of personal bravery, that none could doubt it; at the same time, he was often cautious to excess, never chusing to trust much to chance, and delighting greatly in negotiation.

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Section IX. The reign of Sultan SECUNDER BEN SULTAN BELOLI.

THE omrahs, immediately upon the death of Beloli, formed themselves into a council, in which some appeared to be attached to the interest of Azim Humaioon, some to Barbeck, the eldest son of the sultan then living, and some to Secunder, in consequence of his father's will. When they were debating, the mother of Secunder, whose name was Rana, originally a goldsmith's daughter, but raised to the sultan's bed, by the same of her beauty, came behind the curtain, in the great tent, and made a speech to the omrahs, in favor of her son. Upon which Isah Chan, the nephew of Beloli, answered her, in a disrespectful manner, and concluded with saying, that a goldsmith's offspring was not qualified to hold the empire.

Chan Chanan Firmilli, a stout daring man, took him up, and told him, That the sultan was yet scarce cold in his hearse, and that the man who threw such ungenerous aspersions upon his family ought to be despised. Isah Chan replied, That silence would better become him, who was only a servant of the state. Upon which the other rose up, in a rage, and told him, he was, indeed, a servant of Sultan Secunder, and would maintain his right against all who durst oppose it. He rushed out of the council, followed by all his party, and carried off the body of the deceased king to Jellali, where he was met by Sultan Secunder, who there ascended his father's throne.

Secunder sending the corpse of his father to Delhi, marched against Isah Chan, and having defeated him, afterwards forgave his offence. Returning then to Delhi, he, in the manner of his father, conferred favors upon all his kindred.

Secunder had, at this time, six sons, Ibrahim Chan, Jellâl Chan, Ishmaiel Chan, Hassein Chan, Mahmood Chan, and Shech Azim Humaioon; and likewise fifty three omrahs of distinction in his service.

Some time after his accession, Secunder marched towards Raberi, and besieged his own brother, Allum Chan, in the fort of Chundwar, for some days. Allum evacuated the place, and fled to Isah Chan Lodi, at Pattiali. Sultan Secunder gave Raberi to Chan Chanan, went, in person, to Attava, and calling Allum Chan, his brother, to court, gave him possession of that country. He then advanced to Pattiali, engaged Isah Chan, wounded, and defeated him; after which Isah Chan threw himself upon Secunder's mercy, was pardoned, and soon after died of his wound.

Sultan Secunder, about that time, sent a trusty person to Barbeck Shaw, his brother, king of Jionpoor, desiring he would do him homage, and order his name to be read first in the chutba all over his dominions. Barbeck rejected these proposals, and Secunder marched against him. Barbeck Shaw and Calla Par came out in order of battle to meet him. An action ensued, in which Calla Par, charging too far among the troops of Delhi, was taken prisoner. Sultan Secunder, upon seeing him, alighted from his horse, and embraced him, saying, that he esteemed him as his father, and begged he would look upon him as his son.

Calla Par, confounded at this honor done him, replied, that, except his life, he had nothing to make a recompence for such kindness, desiring to get a horse, that he might show himself not wholly unworthy of his favor. He was accordingly mounted, and he perfidiously sold his honor for a compliment, turning his sword against Barbeck Shaw; which circumstance, in some measure, contributed to the success of Secunder. The troops of Barbeck seeing Calla Par charging them, imagined that all his forces were also gone over to the enemy, and betook themselves to flight. Barbeck Shaw did all that bravery could perform, but finding himself deserted, he fled to Budaoon, while Mubarick Chan, his son, was taken prisoner.

Sultan Secunder pursuing him close, invested Barbeck Shaw in Budaoon, who, soon driven to distress, capitulated, and was received with great kindness and respect. The sultan carried Barbeck with him to Jionpoor; but as Sultan Hassein Shirki was still a powerful prince in Behar, he thought Barbeck would be the properest person to check him, and accordingly confirmed him as before in the government of Jionpoor; leaving, however, some trusty friends at his court, upon whom he bestowed jagiers and pergunnahs, to keep them firm in his own interest.

Secunder returning to Calpie, took the place from Azim Humaioon, and gave it to Mahmood Chan Lodi. He marched from thence to Kurrah, and the governor, Talar Chan, paying him homage, he confirmed him in his office, and turning towards the fort of Gualier, he sent Chaja Mahummud with an honorary dress to Raja Maan, who dispatched his nephew with presents to accompany the king to Biana.

Sultan Sherrif met the emperor, upon friendly terms, at Biana. The king ordered him to give up Biana, and he would appoint him governor of Tellasar, Chandwar, Marrara, and Sekite. Sherrif took Omar Chan Serwani with him to put him in possession of the sort, but when he had got within the walls, he shut the gates upon Omar Chan, and prepared to defend himself.

The sultan despairing of reducing the place, went to Agra, where Hybut Chan Serwani, who held that fort for Sultan Sherrif, shut the gates against him, contrary to his expectation. This insult enraged the sultan to that degree, that he determined, let the event be what it would, to reduce Sultan Sherrif to his obedience. He accordingly, leaving part of his army to besiege Agra, returned himself, with the utmost expedition, towards Biana, which he immediately besieged. The siege proved long and bloody; however, Sultan Sherrif, in the end, was obliged to capitulate, in the year eight hundred and ninety seven, when that government was given to Chan Chanan Firmilli.

The fort of Agra falling, about the same time, into the sultan's hands, he returned to Delhi, where, in a few days, he received advices of an insurrection at Jionpoor, among the zemindars, to the number of one hundred thousand horse and soot; and that they had already slain Sheri Chan, the brother of Mubarick Chan. Mubarick Chan himself being driven from Kurrah, was taken prisoner by Rai Bhede, of Batrea, and Barbeck Shaw obliged to go to Barage, to sollicit the assistance of Calla Par; so that the sultan, after twenty two days respite at Delhi, was under the necessity of marching towards Jionpoor. When he arrived at Dilmow, he was joined by Barbeck Shaw; and Rai Bhede hearing of the sultan's approach, released Mubarick Chan, and the zemindars dispersed themselves. The sultan carried Barbeck Shaw to Jionpoor, and having left him there to punish the offenders, he spent a month in hunting about Oud.

At Oud intelligence was brought to Secunder, that the zemindars had risen again, and besieged Barbeck Shaw, in Jionpoor. He ordered immediately that Calla Par and Azim Humaioon Serwani, and Chan Chanan Lowani, by the way of Oud, and Mubarick Chan, by the way of Kurrah, should march against them, and send Barbeck Shaw prisoner to the presence. His orders were accordingly executed, and Barbeck was given in charge to Hybut Chan and Omar Chan Serwani, being esteemed an improper person for the government, and too dangerous to be trusted with his liberty.

The sultan, after these transactions, marched towards Chinar, which was held for Sultan Hassein Shirki; upon his approach, the garrison made a sally, and were driven back into the fort; but the sultan, upon reconnoitring the place, looked upon it as almost impregnable, and immediately left it, marching his army towards Battea. Rai Bhede came out of Battea, and paid him homage, upon which the king confirmed him in his dominions, and returned to Areil, ordering Rai Bhede to accompany him; but Rai Bhede suspecting some design against himself, left all his retinue, and deserted the camp alone. The sultan sent him back his effects. He, however, permitted his troops to plunder the country of Areil, and crossing the river, by the way of Kurrah, went to Dilmow, where he married the widow of Sheri Chan.

From Dilmow the sultan marched to Shumseabad, where he remained six months, and then went to Simbol; but returning from thence, in a few days, to Shumseabad, he plundered the town of Mudeo-makil, where a band of banditti resided. Secunder spent the rainy season at Shumseabad.

In the year nine hundred, the sultan made another campaign towards Battea, defeating Bir Singh, the son of Rai Bhede, at Carrangatti, who fled to Battea; but, upon the sultan's approach, Rai Bhede took the route of Sirkutch, and died upon his march. The sultan, after this victory, proceeded to Sezdewar; but provisions growing scarce in his camp, he was obliged to return to Jionpoor, having, in this expedition, lost a great part of his cavalry by fatigue, bad roads, and the want of forage.

Lickim Chund, the son of Rai Bhede, and other zemindars, wrote to Sultan Hassein, of Bekâr, that the cavalry of Secunder was now in a wretched condition, and that it was an excellent opportunity for him to take satisfaction for his former defeats. This induced Sultan Hassein to put his army in motion, and march directly against Sultan Secunder. Secunder hearing of his intentions, put his army upon the best footing possible, and crossed the Ganges to meet him, which he did eighteen crores from Benaris: An obstinate battle was fought, in which Sultan Hassein was defeated, and fled to Battea.

Sultan Secunder leaving his camp with a proper guard, pursued the fugitives for three days, with a party of horse; but hearing Sultan Hassem was gone to Behar, he stopped, and upon the ninth day returned to his camp. He then marched with his whole army towards Behar, but upon his approach, Sultan Hassein lest Malleck Cundu to guard the city, and fled himself to Calgaw, in the dominions of Lucknouti [ ]. Sultan Alla ul Dien, king of Bengal, called Hassein to his court, and treated him with the greatest respect during the remainder of his days, which he passed with him; so that with Hassein the royal line of Jionpoor was extinguished.

Sultan Secunder, from his camp at Deopar, sent a division of his army against Malleck Cundu, who evacuated the city and fled, leaving the whole country open to the enemy. The sultan left Mohabut Chan with a force in Behar, and marched towards Turhat, the raja of which submitted himself to his clemency, and laying down a large sum, agreed to pay an annual tribute. To collect the tribute, the sultan left Mubarick Chan, and returned to Derveshpoor, and from thence went to visit the tomb of Shech Sherrif at Behar, and distributed presents to the dirveshes who lived there upon the charity of pilgrims.

Secunder having regulated his army, marched towards Bengal, but when he had reached Cuttlishpoor, Sultan Alla ul Dien sent Danial his son to oppose him. Sultan Secunder detached Zere Zichme, one of his generals, to acquaint him, that he had no intention to subdue the country, but as their dominions now bordered upon each other, it became necessary to know upon what footing he must esteem Alla, before he left that country. The king of Bengal gladly accepted of a peace, wherein it was stipulated, that neither monarch should permit any of their governors to invade each other's dominions, and that neither of them should give protection to the other's enemies.

The sultan returned to Dirveshpoor. Mubarick Chan at that time dying, the care of Turhat was given to Azim Humaioon, the son of Chan Jehan, and Behar was bestowed upon Deria Chan, the son of Mubarick. There happened, at this time, a great dearth in the country, but all duties being taken off by the sultan's order, that calamity was in a great measure mitigated. Secunder, in the mean time, reducing the districts of Sarin, which were then in the hands of some zemindars, gave the lands in jagiers to some of his omrahs; then returning by the way of Movilligur to Jionpoor, he resided there six months.

The sultan having asked the daughter of Sal Bahin, Raja of Battea, in marriage, the father refused to comply with his request. Secunder, to revenge this affront, put his army in motion against the Raja, in the year nine hundred and four, and marching to Battea, sacked it. After having ravaged the country round Bandugur, he returned to Jionpoor, where he spent some time, in the civil regulations of the empire.

About this time, the accounts of Mubarick Chan Lodi being inspected for the time of his administration in Jionpoor, and a great ballance being found due to the royal revenue, the king ordered it to be levied upon him. This severity greatly disgusted the omrahs, among whom Mubarick Chan was very much esteemed. A faction accordingly arose in the army, which first discovered itself by private quarrels. For, one day, as the sultan and his court were playing a party at club and ball, on horseback, the club of Hybut Chan, by accident, or design, fractured the scull of one Soliman. Chizer, the brother of Soliman, came up, and returned the compliment to Hybut Chan; so that, in a few minutes, the parties on either side, joined in the quarrel, and the whole field was in one uproar and confusion.

The sultan, fearing a conspiracy, fled to the palace, but nothing of that kind transpiring, he made another party at the same game, some days thereafter, and a quarrel of the same nature ensued, for which Shumse Chan, who begun it, was disgraced, and bastinadoed. But the sultan would not be satisfied but that there was some plot in agitation, and therefore ordered his guards to be selected, and to keep upon the watch.

The king's jealousies were not groundless; for at that time, Hybut Chan, and two other chiefs, had proposed to Fatti Chan, the king's brother, to cut off the sultan, who, they said, was now disliked by the generality of the omrahs, and to place Fatti upon the throne. Fatti Chan desiring some time to consider of it, disclosed the secret to Shech Cabuli, and to his own mother, who advised him against so horrid an action; and, lest the affair should, by any other means, transpire, she desired him to acquaint the sultan of their proposal. This he did accordingly, and the conspirators were detached upon different services, where they were put to death by the sultan's orders.

Secunder, in the year nine hundred and five, marched to Simbol, where he spent four years in pleasure, and in transacting civil affairs. But hearing of some bad administration of Asghir, the governor of Delhi, he sent an order to Chawass Chan, governor of Matchiwarri, to march to Delhi, and send Asghir prisoner to court. The governor receiving advice of this order, left Delhi, and threw himself at the sultan's feet, but not being able to form any excuse for his bad practices, he was ordered into confinement.

At this time there happened a remarkable instance of religious zeal and persecution. A Brahmin, whose name was Bhodin, upon being abused by a Mahommedan, for his idolatry, happened to make a very moderate, but what proved to him a fatal reply. The reply was this: "That he esteemed the same God to be the object of all worship, and, therefore, believed the Mahomedan and Hindoo religions to be equally good." The bigotted Mahommedan, for what he thought the impiety of this answer, summoned the Brahmin immediately before the easy. The affair making some noise, by the various opinions of the public, the king called together all the Mahommedan doctors of fame in the empire, to decide the cause. After many long disputes, the doctors brought in their verdict, that the Brahmin should be forced to turn Mahommedan, or be put to death. The Brahmin, however charitable he might have been to all opinions upon religion, refused to apostatize, and accordingly died a martyr to his faith, which reflects no small dishonor upon the sultan and his inquisitors.

When Chawass Chan entered Delhi, he found an order from the emperor to proceed immediately to court, with which he instantly complied. At the same time, Seid Chan Sirwani came from Lahore, who was a man of a very factious disposition, and commenced some treasonable projects, for which he, Tattar Chan, and Mahummud Shaw, were banished to Guzerat.

In the nine hundred and seventh of the Higera, Rai Man Sing, of Gualier, sent Nehal to the king with rich presents; but as this embassador talked in too high a strain, the emperor ordered him to depart, and declared war against his master. But he was prevented from the execution of his purpose, for some time, by the death of Chan Chanan Firmilli, governor of Biana, and by those disturbances in that province, which succeeded his death. The government of Biana having devolved upon Ameid Soliman, the son of Chan Chanan, who was yet too young and unexperienced for such a charge, the king gave that appointment to Chawass Chan. Sifdir Chan was sent with a force to reduce Agra, which belonged to the province of Biana, and had then revolted; another detachment being sent, at the same time, to reduce the fort of Dolipoor, which was in the possession of Raja Benaecdeo, who had begun to make warlike preparations. Here Chaja Bein, a warrior of great fame, fell by the sword, which so irritated the sultan, who had a great esteem for him, that he marched himself against that place. Upon his approach Rai Benaecdeo left some friends in the fort, and fled towards Gualier, but the garrison, the next night, evacuated the place, and left the sultan to take possession of it.

He tarried there about a month, and then marched to Gualier. The raja of which place, changing his haughty stile, now humbly sued for peace, sending him Seid Chan, Baboo Chan, Rai Ginish, and others, who had, at different times, fled from the sultan, and taken protection under him. At the same time, he sent his own son, Bickermagit, with presents, who had the address to procure peace.

The sultan returned to Dolipoor, which he again bestowed upon Rai Benaecdeo; then marching to Agra, he, for the first time, made that city imperial, by fixing his residence there, and abandoning the city of Delhi. Here he remained during the rains, and, in the year nine hundred and ten, marched towards Munderael, which he took, and destroyed the Hindoo temples, ordering mosques to be built in their stead. Secunder returning to Dolipoor, removed the raja from his office, and gave it to Shech Kimir ul Dien. He passed from thence to Agra, giving his omrahs leave to return to their respective estates.

In the following year, upon Sunday the third of Siffer, there was a violent earthquake in Agra, so that the mountains shook on their broad bases, and every lofty building was levelled with the ground, some thousands being buried in the ruins. The sultan, in the same year, moved towards Gualier, and stopped by the way some time at Dolipoor, where he left his family, and, with an unincumbered army of horse, proceeded to the hills, to plunder some Hindoo rajas, from whom he took great spoils, and ravaged their peaceful habitations. Just as the sultan was passing by the town of Javer, in the dominions of the raja of Gualier, he was attacked by a resolute body of men, who had laid in ambush for him; but, by the bravery of Awid Chan and Ahmed Chan, the sons of Chan Jehan, the Hindoos were defeated, and a great number of rajaputs put to the sword.

The sultan returned to Agra; and, in the year nine hundred and twelve, he went towards the fort of Awintgur; and, as he had despaired of reducing Gualier, he bent his whole strength to the reduction of this place. It was accordingly, in a short time, taken, and all the rajaput garrison put to the sword, the temples destroyed, and mosques ordered to be built in their places. This government was conferred upon Bickin, the son of Mujahid Chan, when some envious persons gave the king information that Mujahid Chan had taken a bribe from the raja of Awintgur, when they were marching against him, in order to divert the king from that resolution. This being proved, Mujahid Chan was imprisoned at Dolipoor; after which the king, returning towards Agra, on the way lost eight hundred men, in one day, for want of water.

The sultan, eyeing from his march the ruins of Agra, moved towards Narvar, a strong fort, in the district of Malava, then in the possession of the Hindoos. He ordered Jellal Chan, governor of Calpie, to advance before him, and invest the place, which was accordingly done. When the sultan arrived before Narvar, Jellal Chan drew up his army, out of respect, that the king might review them as he passed. This circumstance proved very hurtful to Jellal, for, from that time, the king became jealous of his power, and determined to ruin him.

The sultan surrounded the place, which was eight crores in circumference, and began to carry on the siege. The siege was now protracted eight months, when the sultan received intelligence, that a treasonable correspondence was carried on between some of his omrahs and the garrison, for which Jellal Chan and Sheri Chan were imprisoned in the fort of Awintgur. The garrison, soon after, was obliged to capitulate, for want of provisions, and the king remained, for the space of six months, at Narvar, breaking down temples, and building mosques. He there also established a kind of monastery, which he filled with divines and learned men.

Shab ul Dien, the son of Nasir ul Dien, king of Malava, being at this time discontented with his father, proposed to meet Secunder. The sultan immediately sent him a dress, and promised to support him in the government of Chinderi, against the power of his father. But circumstances so fell out, that it became unnecessary to take that unnatural step.

The sultan, in the month of Shuban, nine hundred and fourteen, marched from Narvar; but after he had advanced to the river, he began to consider that it would be proper to surround that fortress with another wall. He therefore ordered that work to be immediately begun, and then he himself took the rout of Lohar. At that place he bestowed Calpie, in jagier, upon Niamut Chatoon, the wife of Cuttub Chan Lodi, and daughter of the prince Jellâl Chan. He then directed his march towards the capital, and arriving at Hitgat, sent a detachment against some rebels in that country, and destroyed all their habitations, placing small garrisons at proper distances to overawe them. About this time he received advices, that Ahmed Chan, the son of Mubarick Chan Lodi, governor of Lucknore, had turned idolater; upon which orders were dispatched to send him prisoner to court, and that his second brother, Sud Chan, should take the administration of affairs in his stead.

In the year nine hundred and fifteen, the king marched to Dolipoor, and ordered caravanseras to be built at every stage. Mahummud Chan Nagori having defeated Ali Chan and Abu Bicker, who had conspired against him, they fled to the sultan for protection. Mahummud Chan, fearing they would bring the sultan against him, sent presents by way of prevention, and ordered the chutba to be read in Secunder's name. The sultan, pleased with his submission, sent him a dress of confirmation, and returned to Agra.

He spent some months there in building, making spacious gardens, and in hunting, then returned to Dolipoor, ordering Miah Soliman, the son of Chan Chanan, to succour Hussen Chan. Soliman very imprudently told the king, that he could not prevail upon himself to leave the presence. This expression threw the sultan into a violent rage, and he forthwith ordered him from his service and camp by next morning at day-light, or that otherwise all his effects should be given to the soldiers as public plunder.

Much about this time, Bogit Chan, governor of Chinderi, who held that place of the king of Malava, seeing the weakness of his own prince, turned his face to Sultan Secunder. That monarch sent Amad ul Muluck to support Bogit in his rebellion. He soon after returned to Agra, and issued a proclamation bearing the submission of Bogit Chan, and his own consequent right to that country. He sent more troops and omrahs to Chinderi, who entirely settled it as an appendage of the empire. Bogit Chan found matters carried on in his government in such a manner, that he was constrained to resign his office, and come to court.

After this, we find no transactions worthy of memory in the empire, till the year nine hundred and twenty two. Ali Chan Nagori, suba of Suisuper, in that year prevailed upon Dowlat Chan, governor of Rintimpore, which he then held of Malava, to deliver the fort to Sultan Secunder, if that monarch should come in person to take possession of it. The sultan, with great joy, closed with the proposal, and set out towards Biana, to which place the governor of Rintimpore came to meet him, and was graciously received. But Ali Chan, who had been disappointed in some favors which he expected for bringing this matter to bear, resolved still to prevent the accomplishment of it. He had so much influence upon the governor, that he made him retract his promise about giving up the fort, though he had put himself in the sultan's power. The sultan having found out the cause of this change, disgraced Ali Chan, and deprived him of his government, but was obliged to return to Agra without succeeding in his design upon Rintimpore, setting the governor at liberty, notwithstanding he had so egregiously deceived him.

To Agra the sultan summoned all the distant omrahs together, with an intention to reduce Gualier. But he was, in the midst of his preparations, in the year nine hundred and twenty three, taken ill of a quinsey, of which he died, having reigned, with great reputation and ability, twenty eight years and five months.

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Section X. The reign of SULTAN IBRAHIM BEN SULTAN SECUNDER.

SULTAN Secunder dying at Agra, his son Ibrahim immediately succeeded him in the throne. This prince, contrary to the manners and policy of his father and grandfather, behaved himself with insupportable pride and arrogance to his friends and family. One foolish expression of his was, that king's had no relations, but that every body should be the slaves of royalty. The omrahs, who were always before honored with a seat in the presence, were now constrained to stand by the throne, with their hands crossed before them. They were so much disgusted with this insolence, that they privately became his enemies.

A conspiracy therefore was formed, in which it was agreed to leave Ibrahim in possession of Delhi, and a few dependent provinces, and to place the prince Jellal Chan, his brother, upon the throne of Jionpoor. Jellal Chan marched from Calpie, by the aid and advice of the disaffected omrahs, and mounted the throne of Jionpoor. He appointed Fatte Chan his visier, who brought over all the omrahs of these parts to his interest.

Chan Jehan Lohani came at that time from Beri, to congratulate Sultan Ibrahim upon his accession, and, in a very high strain, began to blame the omrahs for dividing the empire, which, he said, would be attended with many evil consequences. The omrahs, sensible of the impropriety of their conduct, determined, as Jellal Chan could not yet be well established, to call him back, and so divest him of his new-assumed royalty. They accordingly sent Hybut Chan, with deceptious letters, to recal him, saying, that there was a scheme for him in agitation, and that it was necessary he should speedily come to support it.

But Hybut Chan having over-acted his part, by flattery and importunity, Jellal Chan suspected a plot against himself, and wrote them a genteel excuse. They, however, not discovering his jealousy, sent Shah Zadda Mahummud Firmilli, Malleck Ismaiel Selwani, Casi Mudgeid ul Dien Hadjib, and Sissil Hadjib, to enforce the request of Hybut Chan; but Jellal took no notice of their sollicitations or intrigues.

Sultan Ibrahim, and his omrahs, finding that these baits would not take with Jellal, issued a proclamation, declaring all the omrahs, who should join him, traitors to the state; at the same time sending presents and envoys to all the principal officers in those parts. These means had the desired effect, and the omrahs, on the side of Jellal, were brought over from his interest, by degrees.

The affairs of Jellal Chan declining in this manner, he saw that nothing but a resolute attempt could retrieve them. He accordingly marching to Calpie, secured his family in that fort; and, collecting all his strength, assumed the title of Sultan Jellal ul Dien, and was determined to try his fortune in the field. He sent, at the same time, a trusty ambassador to Azim Humaioon, who hold Callinger for Sultan Ibrahim, and had a great army in pay, to beg his assistance. Azim was prevailed upon to join him; and a resolution was formed, first to settle the countries about Jionpoor, and afterwards to think of affairs of still greater moment. They accordingly marched, with all expedition, against Mubarick Chan Lodi, suba of Oud, whom they drove to Lucknore.

Sultan Ibrahim hearing of these transactions, marched his army to that quarter, sending his other brothers, in confinement, to Hassi, where he pensioned them for life. Upon his march towards Oud, he was informed that Azim Humaioon had deserted Jellal ul Dien, and was now upon his way to meet him, which gave him great joy. He sent some omrahs to escort him to his camp, where he was very favorably received. A number of other omrahs, of those parts, joined Ibrahim; and he dispatched the greatest part of his army, under the command of Azim Humaioon Lodi, against Jellal ul Dien. But before Azim could come up with Jellal, he threw a garrison into Calpie, and, with thirty thousand horse, gave him the slip, and marched directly towards Agra; while Azim Humaioon laid siege to Calpie.

Jellal ul Dien had it now in his power either to take possession of, or to plunder, the treasury. But he seems to have been perfectly infatuated. Malleck Adam, who was in the city with a small garrison, not only prevailed upon him to relinquish that advantage, but amused him with hopes of his brother's favor, till he sent him all his ensigns of royalty. Adam went so far as to promise to Jellal the government of Calpie, and other advantages, without having any powers of treating from the king.

Malleck Adam sent the whole to Ibrahim, and acquainted him of every particular. But the sultan having now taken Calpie, and the treaty being concluded without his authority, he took no notice of it, but marched against Jellal ul Dien, who, now deserted by his army for his pusillanimity, was obliged to fly to Gualier, and solicit the protection of the raja of that place. Ibrahim came to Agra, where he remained to regulate the affairs of the government, which, since the death of Secunder, had fallen into great confusion. Karim Daad Twa was sent to take charge of Delhi, and Shah Zadda Mungu to Chunderi.

About this time, the king, without any apparent reason, conceived a disgust at Miah Boah, who was formerly visier to Secunder, and put him in chains, conferring at the same time great honours upon his son. He then formed a resolution of reducing Gualier, ordering Azim Humaioon to march from Kurrah against it, with thirty thousand horse, and three hundred elephants. Seven other omrahs, with armies, were sent to reinforce Azim.

Jellal Chan, who had taken refuge in Gualier, being intimidated, fled to the king of Malava. The imperial army arriving before Gualier, invested the place, and in a few days Raja Maan Singh, who was a prince of great valour and capacity, died, and his son Bickermagit succeeded him in the rajaship. After the siege had been carried on some months, the army of Ibrahim at length possessed themselves of an outwork at the foot of the hill, upon which the sort, called Badilgur, stood. They found in that place a Brazen Bull, which had been a long time worshiped there, and sent it to Agra; from whence it was afterwards conveyed to Delhi, and placed at the gate of Bagdat.

The unfortunate Jellal, who had gone over to Sultan Mahmood of Malava, not being well received there, fled to the raja of Kurykatka, but was seized upon by the way, and sent prisoner to Ibrahim's camp. Ibrahim pretended to send him prisoner to Hassi, but gave private orders to assassinate him upon the way, which was accordingly done.—What are those charms in power, which could induce a man to shed the blood of a brother?

Nor was Ibrahim satisfied with the death of Jellal; he imbrued his hands in the blood of several omrahs of great distinction. He called Azim Humaioon Sirwani from Gualier, when just upon the point of taking the place, imprisoned him and his son Fatte Chan, turning out his other son Islam Chan from the subaship of Kurrah. But when Islam had heard of his father's and brother's imprisonment, and of his own disgrace, he erected the standard of rebellion, defeating Ahmed Chan who was sent to take his government.

The sultan having received advices of the reduction of Gualier, which had been for a hundred years in the hands of the Hindoos, he had leisure to turn all his power to suppress the rebellion at Kurrah. Azim Humaioon Lodi and Seid Chan, after the reduction of the place, were permitted to go to their jagiers at Lucknore; where, joining the interest of Islam Chan, they stirred up more disturbances.

Ibrahim placing very little dependence upon the fidelity of the troops which he had near him, issued orders for those of the distant provinces to repair to his standards. He, in the mean time, conferred great favours upon Ahmed Chan, the brother of Azim Humaioon Lodi, and giving him the command of the army, sent him against Islam Chan. Ahmed having arrived in the environs of Kinnoge, Eckbal Chan, a dependent of Azim Humaioon Sirwani, rushed out from an ambush with five thousand horse, and having cut off a number of the imperial troops, made good his retreat.

The sultan was greatly exasperated against Ahmed, upon receiving intelligence of this defeat. He wrote to him not to expect his favor, if he did not quickly exterminate the rebels; at the same time, by way of precaution, sending another army to support him.

The rebels were now about forty thousand strong in cavalry, besides five hundred elephants, and a great body of infantry. When Ahmed Chan had received the reinforcement which we have mentioned, and the two armies came in sight of each other, Shech Raja Bochari, who was esteemed the first man for parts in that age, was desirous of bringing affairs to an amicable accommodation. Overtures being made, the rebels consented to dismiss their army, upon condition that Azim Humaioon should be set at liberty. Ibrahim would not hearken to these terms. He sent orders to Diria Chan Lohani, suba of Behar, to Nisir Chan Lohani, and Shech Zadda Mahummud Firmilli, to advance from that quarter, against the rebels. The insurgents foolishly permitted themselves to be amused till the armies from Behar joined. The treaty being then broke off, they were reduced either to fly or fight upon equal terms.

They resolved upon the latter, and accordingly drew up in order of battle. Urged on by despair and resentment, they did justice to valor, and were upon the point of defeating the imperialists, when Islam Chan was killed, and Seid Chan dismounted and taken. These unfortunate accidents discouraging the troops, they stopped short, and soon after turned their face to flight. Their dominions, treasure, and baggage fell at once into the hands of the king.

Ibrahim now gave full scope to his hatred and resentment against the omrahs of Secunder, and many of them were barbarously put to death. Azim Humaioon Sirwani, Miah Boah, and others, who were in confinement, were, at the same time, assassinated, and fear and terror took possession of every heart. These cruelties and assassinations gave rise to another rebellion. Diria Chan Lohani, suba of Behar, Chan Jehan Lodi, and Miah Hassen Firmilli, turned their heads from the yoke of obedience. The sultan having received intelligence of this defection, sent a private order to the shechs of Chunderi, to take off Miah Hassen Firmilli, suba of that country, and these holy persons accordingly assassinated him in his bed. This fresh instance of Ibrahim's baseness and tyranny served only to create him more enemies.

Diria Chan, suba of Beria, died about this time, and his son of the same name, assumed the title of Sultan Mahummud, with all the ensigns of royalty. He was joined by all the discontented omrahs, and found himself at the head of a hundred thousand horse, with which he took possession of all the countries as far as Simbol, defeating the sultan's troops in repeated engagements.

Ghazi Chan Lodi came about this time with the army from Lahore, by the sultan's orders. But having heard of his tyrannies, by the way, he was apprehensive of danger to himself, and returned to his father, Dowlat Chan, at Lahore. Dowlat, seeing no safety but in extremes, revolted from the sultan, and sollicited Baber, who then reigned in Cabul, to come to the conquest of Hindostan. The first thing, however, that Dowlat did, was to obtain from Sultan Baber, Alla ul Dien, the brother of Ibrahim, now in the service of Cabul. Supporting him, as a cover to his measures, with his whole force, he reduced the country as far as Delhi. Alla was joined by the omrahs of those parts, so that his army now consisted of upward of forty thousand horse, with which he invested Delhi.

Ibrahim resolved to march against him, but when he came within six crore of Alla ul Dien's army, he was surprized by that prince in the night. A confused and tumultuous fight was maintained to day-light, when Ibrahim found that he was deserted by some of his omrahs, who had joined Sultan Alla ul Dien. Sultan Ibrahim observing, in the morning, that the troops of Alla ul Dien were dispersed, in plundering his camp, rallied a number of his troops, and the greatest part of his elephants, returned to the attack, and drove him off the field, with great slaughter. Ibrahim entered Delhi in triumph, and Alla ul Dien, seeing no hopes of reducing it, retreated to Punjaab.

In the year nine hundred and thirty two, Zehir ul Dien Mahummud Baber drew his army against Ibrahim, as will be hereafter related at large, overthrew him in the field of Panniput, deprived him of his life and kingdom, and transferred the empire to the family of Timur. Sultan Ibrahim reigned twenty years.

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Section XI. The history of ZEHIR UL DIEN MAHUMMUD BABER, before his invasion of Hindostan.

ABU SEID MIRZA dying in Ayrack [One of the provinces of Persia.], left eleven sons, Mirza Sultan Ahmed, Mirza Sultan Mahmood, Mirza Sultan Mahummud, Mirza Sharoch, Mirza Aligh Beg, Mirza Amer Shech, Mirza Aba Bekir, Mirza Sultan Murad, Mirza Sultan Chilili, Mirza Sultan Willid, and Mirza Sultan Amer. Four of the sons of Mirza arrived to the dignity of kings; Mirza Aligh Beg to the throne of Cabul; Mirza Sultan Ahmed to the kingdom of Samarcand; Mirza Amer Shech to the united thrones of Indija and Firghana; and Mirza Sultan Mahmood to those of Kundiz and Buduchshan.

Eunus Chan, king of Mogulstan, gave to each of those four kings one of his daughters in marriage, excepting to Aligh Beg. Mirza Amer Shech, by Catlick Negar, the daughter of Eunus Chan, had a son, whom he named Baber, born in the year eight hundred and eighty eight. The relation between Timur [Tamerlane.] and Abu Seid, the grandfather of Baber, is this: Sultan Abu Seid was the son of Sultan Mahummud, the son of Miran Shaw, the son of Timur, Lord of Ages.

Mirza Baber, when as yet but twelve years old, discovered a capacity so uncommon at that age, that Mirza Amer gave him the kingdom of Indija; and, when his father, upon Monday, the fourth of Ramzan, in the eight hundred and ninety ninth of the Higera, fell from the roof of a pigeon-house, and was killed, Mirza Baber was advanced to the throne, and assumed the title of Zehire ul Dien.

Mirza Sultan Ahmed, and Sultan Mahmood, his uncles, led their armies against him, to be revenged of him, in his nonage, for the war of his father against them, hoping by the advantage which the accession of a child might afford, to appropriate his kingdoms to themselves. But an accident defeated their ambitions designs. After besieging him in the capital of Indija, there happened so great a mortality among their troops and cavalry, that they were glad to enter into treaty, and to raise the siege. Sultan Ahmed died upon his way to Samarcand.

The kings of Cashgar and Chutun soon after drew a great army towards the borders of Orgund, and made war upon Baber; but he obliged them to retreat. He, at this time, appointed Hassen Jacoob governor of Indija, who was not faithful to his trust. He rebelled in the year nine hundred, but Baber marched against him, and obliged him to fly towards Samarcand. In the same year, Ibrahim Sarid, the governor of Ashira, rebelled, and read the chutba in the name of Baifinker. Baber marched against him, and besieged him in Ashira, which he reduced in the space of forty days; and the rebel was obliged to come forth with a sword and coffin before him. Baber, however, forgave him, and marched to Chojind, and from thence to Sharuchia, to meet Sultan Mahmood, with whom he remained a few days, and returned to Indija.

Baisinker, king of Samarcand, having possessed himself of Artaba, which was a long time the property of Omar Shech, Baber resolved to retake the place, and marched accordingly with his army against it, the very next season. Shech Zulnoon, who held it on the part of the king of Samarcand, made a resolute defence, till the approach of winter obliged Baber to raise the siege, and return to to Indija.

Baber, in the year following, drew his army towards Samarcand, being in alliance with Sultan Alli, the brother of Baisinker Mirza, and king of Bochara; for the former endeavoured to recover from the latter the kingdom of Samarcand. The confederate kings not being able to reduce Samarcand that year, they returned home for the winter season, and made great preparations for another campaign.

Both the kings, accordingly, in the year nine hundred and two, in the beginning of the spring, took the route of Samarcand. Sultan Alli reached Samarcand first, and Mirza Baisinker advanced without the city, and encamped before him; but, upon Baber's arrival, he retreated within his walls in the night. Eulu Chaja, who was going the rounds of Baber's camp, discovered the retreat of Baisinker, and falling upon his rear, put a great number to the sword. Baber laid siege to a fort, called Ashira, at a small distance from the city, and took it. The confederates, after this success, attacked Samarcand, which was defended with great bravery, till winter obliged them to raise the siege, and retire to quarters, till the ensuing season.

Sultan Alli returned to Bochara, and Baber to a place called Chajadidar. Shubiani Chan, upon his march from Turkistan, to join the king of Samarcand, came before Baber, but he thought proper to make the best of his way for Samarcand. Shubiani and Baisinkir quarrelled soon after, and the former returned to his own country. This circumstance so much distressed Baisinkir, that, with a small retinue, he went in person to beg the assistance of Chusero Shaw, king of Kunduz, while Baber, seizing this opportunity, hastened to Samarcand, and, in the year nine hundred and three, entered the city without opposition, and mounted the throne, being acknowledged by the greatest part of the omrahs.

But as Baber had taken the place by capitulation, and forbad all manner of plunder, the army, to whom he was greatly in arrears, and who served him only for the hopes of booty, began to disperse. The Moguls, who were commanded by Ibrahim Chan Begehuck, went off in a body, and were followed by several other chiefs, with their whole dependents, to Achsi, where Jehangire, the brother of Baber, commanded. Jehangire, by the aid of the deserters, and that of a prince, called Ozin Hassen, declared himself king of Indija. He wrote, by way of sneer to his brother, that as Baber had subdued the kingdom of Samarcand, he begged to be indulged with that of Indija.

Baber having received this message, gave way to his passion, and, in blaming the persidy of those chiefs who had deserted him, imprudently threw some reflections upon those who remained. The omrahs resented this behaviour, by abandoning him, and joining his brother. Baber, in the utmost distress, sent Eulu Chaja to endeavor to reconcile the omrahs to him again, but they sent a party to way-lay the embassador, and cut him to pieces.

Ali Doost and Molana Casi, in the mean time, threw a garrison into the fort of Indija, and continued to hold it out for Baber. The faithful omrahs sent advice to Baber of their situation; but, unfortunately at this time, he was taken so extremely ill, that, not able to swallow any thing, he barely existed by having moistened cotton applied to his lips. When he had recovered his health, and found the pressing situation of his affairs in Indija, he determined to run the risque of losing Samarcand, rather than his paternal dominions, and accordingly directed his march homewards. But Ali Doost, and his friends in Indija, having heard that Baber was certainly dead, had capitulated, and given up the place to Jehangire. This traitor assassinated Molana, and, mounting the throne, read the chutba in his own name.

This disagreeable intelligence, and other advices, that the Samacandians had revolted, were, at once, brought to Baber, upon his march, which threw him into the utmost distress, having now lost both kingdoms. He sent, as his last resource, Amir Casim Cudgi to Tashcund, to entreat the assistance of Mahmood. That sultan hastened to Jilka, where he and Baber met; but an emissary, at the same time, came to Mahmood, from Jehangire, who managed matters so well, that Sultan Mahmood left his two nephews to settle their own differences, and returned to Tashcund. This unexpected blow had such an effect upon the affairs of Baber, that they now appeared so desperate, that of all his army, in a few days, only forty horsemen remained with him, to conquer two kingdoms.

In this forlorn situation he retreated to Chojind. He wrote from thence to Mahummud Hassein Gorgan Doghelat, at Artaba, acquainting him, that the place in which he was then could not protect him from the fury of his enemies; he therefore earnestly solicited him to permit him to pass the winter at Bishaer. Mahummud Hassein consented to this request; and Baber accordingly took up his quarters there. He began to recruit a new army, writing to all the friends he could think of, to join him.

After a few were gathered round his standard, he considered that his future fortune depended entirely upon the reputation of his arms, and resolved to employ them against his enemies. He, therefore, hastened to Barnilack, where he took some forts by assault, and some by stratagem. But these petty exploits were of little service to him, for his affairs bore still a very ruinous aspect, which threw him into great perplexity. He received, in the mean time, agreeable tidings from Alli Doost Tighai, begging his forgiveness, and informing him, that he was in possession of the garrison of Marinaan, and if Baber should come to take possession of it, he would number himself among his slaves.

Baber did not hesitate to accept this offer, and arriving at the place, he met Alli Doost at the gate, who put him into possession of the sort, and supplied his finances. Baber immediately sent Amer Cassim Codgi towards the mountains of Indija, and Ibrahim Sara and Viss Laghiri towards Achsi, to endeavor to bring over friends to his party. This measure had the desired effect, for the mountaineers of Indija were gained to the interest of Baber, while Ibrahim Sara and Viss Laghiri settled matters with the governor of the sort of Baab, and two or three more, who declared for Baber. The negotiations of that prince succeeded, at the same time, at the court of his uncle, Sultan Mahmood Chan, of Bochara, who marched to join him.

Jehangire, having received intelligence of the proceedings at Marinaan, and of the efforts of Baber to raise an army, marched with his forces towards that place, and sat down before it. He detached, at the same time, part of his army towards Achsi, who, falling in with Mahmood Chan, were defeated, with great slaughter. When Jehangire and Ozin Hassen received these advices, they were struck with embarrassment, and retreated to Indija. But Nasirbeg, the son-in-law of Ozin Hassen, who had now the government of that city, seeing the favorable aspect of Baber's affairs, by the junction of Sultan Mahmood, and several parties of Usbecks, determined not to admit Jehangire, and immediately sent a messenger to hasten Baber to take possession of the place. This check ruined the affairs of Jehangire, for immediately his army began to disperse, while he himself took the way to Ost, and Ozin Hassen that of Achsi.

Baber, by this time, advanced to Indija, and took possession of that city, conferring honors upon his friends; and thus the capital of Firghana was, in the year nine hundred and four, restored to its former administration. Upon the fourth day after the arrival of Baber, he set out for Achsi, where Ozin Hassen capitulated, and was permitted to retire to Hissaar, Casim Ogib being appointed governor of the place. The king returned to Indija, with the greatest part of Ozin Hassen's troops, who inlisted themselves under his victorious banners. But the forces of Hassen having, upon a former occasion, plundered several persons, then in the king's army, of their effects, a complaint was made to Baber, and orders were issued to restore the plunder to the proper owners. The Moguls, unwilling to comply with this order, mounted their horses, and, to a man, set out for Orgund, where they joined Mirza Jehangire and Ahmed Timbul, by which they were again in a condition to march against Indija. The king sent Casim Cougi to oppose them, who was defeated with great slaughter, many of the king's principal omrahs being slain, and several taken prisoners.

The enemy advanced with all expedition, and laid siege to Indija for the space of thirty days, but as they could effect nothing against it, they marched towards Ouse. The king having recruited his army, marched, in the year nine hundred and five, towards Ouse, while the enemy, by another road, made a push towards Indija. Baber, however, trusting to his friends in that city, and the strength of the place, marched to Badwerd, a strong fort in the possession of Chilili, brother to Ahmed Timbul. Chilili defended the place with great resolution, but at length was forced to a capitulation, by the terms of which, he was exchanged for the king's friends, who had fallen into the enemy's hands.

Ahmed Timbul, in the mean time, made an attempt to scale the walls of Indija in the night, but was repulsed with great loss. Baber, by this time, returning to that place, took a strong post by the banks of the river. He encamped before the enemy for the space of forty days, and then determined to attack their camp, though with great disadvantage. After an obstinate and bloody resistance, the rebels were driven out of their trenches, and dispersed. The king, after the victory, entered the city in triumph.

Baber was informed in Indija, that six thousand horse from Mahmood Chan, whose policy it was to weaken both parties, had come to the assistance of Jehangire, and had sat down before Cashan: The king, though it was now the middle of winter, in severe frost and snow, marched that way, upon which the allies retreated to their own country. Ahmed Timbul, who was upon his march to join the rebels, fell in accidentally with the king, in a situation where he could not escape, had not the night favored his retreat; by which means he went off with little loss. The king pursued him under the walls of Bishare, and encamped in sight.

Upon the fourth day, Ali Doost and Cumber Alli, prevailed upon the king to make proposals of accommodation. The terms were immediately agreed upon; that Mirza Jehangire should keep possession of all the country between the river Chajand and Achsi; and that the kingdom of Indija, and the districts of Orgund, should remain to Baber; that if the latter should ever recover the kingdom of Samarcand, he should give up Indija to Jehangire.

After these terms of pacification were solemnly ratified by mutual oaths, the brothers had an interview, and the prisoners upon both sides were set at liberty. The king returned to Indija, where Alli Doost, who was a man of great wealth and power, had began to exert unbounded authority. He banished some, and imprisoned others, without the king's permission; while his son, Mahummud Doost, took a princely state upon himself. The king, upon account of his great influence, and the numerous enemies which environed his dominions, was constrained to dissemble his resentment.

In the mean time, Mahummud Mazidlir Chan, an omrah of Sultan Alli Mirza of Samarcand, apprehensive of danger from his master, joined Bijaan Mirza, the son of Sultan Mahmood, and carried him against Samarcand. Bijaan Mirza was defeated, returned, and sent an embassador to Baber, inviting him to the conquest of that kingdom. Baber embraced the proposal, and drew his army towards Samarcand. Mahummud Mazidlir Chan having joined Baber upon his march, it was resolved in council to send a person to sound Chaja Cuttub ul Dien Eiah, who had almost the whole power of Samarcand in his hands. He returned them for answer, that they might march towards the city, and whatever was found then most adviseable, should be done.

In the mean time, Sultan Mahmood Dildai, who commanded a tribe in Baber's camp, left his post without any apparent reason, fled to Samarcand, and acquainted the enemy of the correspondence with Chaja Eiah, which disconcerted their measures. His veteran troops crowded to the king's standard, making complaints against Alli Doost. Baber, therefore, determined to dismiss him from his presence, so that he and his son went over to Ahmed Timbul, but in a few days he died.

At this time Shabiani Chan had taken Bochara, and was upon full march to conquer Samarcand, which Sultan Alli Mirza was advised to relinquish to him. Baber, upon hearing this news, went to Kish, and from thence to Hissar, where Mahummud Masidlir Chan, and the omrahs of Samarcand, despairing of taking that city, left him, and went to Chasero Shaw. Baber, after this desertion, was obliged to take the way to Sirtack, over rocks, stones, and rugged paths, by which his army suffered exceedingly, having lost most part of his camels and horses. This circumstance dispirited his troops to such a degree, that they all deserted him by the time he reached Barnilack, except two hundred and forty men.

Any man but Baber would have now despaired of success in his designs; but though he had left a kingdom to which he might have still returned, his ambition prompted him to run the risque of a young adventurer for another. He accordingly marched directly for Samarcand, with this small retinue, with an intention to get into that city, without being discovered. His hopes were, that he could raise a faction among his friends, while yet the city was in disorder. He entered Samarcand in the dusk of the evening, and went to Eurit Chan's house, but in a few minutes his arrival was whispered about, and the whole city began to be in an uproar. Baber, as his scheme was not ripe for execution, thought it high time to make his escape, which he did accordingly, without any loss.

After he had got clear of the city, he looked back and repented of his precipitate flight. He immediately stopped in a grove, where, being wearied with the fatigue of the day, he laid himself down upon the ground to sleep, as did the greatest part of his retinue. In about an hour he awaked from a dream, in which he imagined he saw Nasir ul Dien Abdalla, a dirvesh of great repute, coming towards his house. He thought that he invited the dirvesh to sit down, upon which his steward spread a table cloth before him, at which the dirvesh seemed greatly offended [The Orientals never eat abroad without a formal invitation; besides, these independent dirveshes live upon rice and water, and will not condescend to be entertained by princes.], and rose to go away. The king begged he would excuse him, as the offence was committed by a servant. The dirvesh, upon this, took him by the arm, and held him up towards the sky, upon which he awoke, and calling up his attendants, related his dream, and determined to make an attempt immediately upon Samarcand.

Baber's small party having mounted their horses, returned and reached the bridge about midnight. He detached eighty of his men before to a low part of the wall, near the Lover's Cave, which they scaled by the help of a hook-rope, and coming round to the gate and falling upon the guard commanded by Casiter Chan, killed and dispersed them. They immediately set open the gate, and admitted the king and his small party. The city was alarmed; but the party proclaiming the name of Baber as they passed through the streets, all who were his friends flocked to him, while his enemies, not knowing his strength, ran distracted from place to place to join their leaders.

In a short time the alarm reached the house of Chaja Cuttub ul Dien Eiah, where seven thousand Usbecks were quartered. They rushed out and joined Shubiani Chan, who, with eight thousand Ushecks, lay in the citadel of Didar. Shubiani, with one hundred and fifty men, commanding the rest to wait for orders, set out for the iron gate, but seeing he could do nothing with that handful, he retreated. Baber, in the mean time, attended by some thousands, who rent the sky with acclamations, followed him so close, that Shubiani Chan could not, either by words or example, make one of the Usbecks stand his ground He therefore followed them out at the opposite gate, and fled towards Bochara, and Samarcand immediately submitted to Baber.

This action, if we consider the strength of the place, the troops it contained, the alarm that had been spread in the evening, the small number who attempted it, the uncertainty of being joined by the citizens, and many other difficulties, we must esteem it equal to the boldest enterprize in history. The authors who relate it, very justly give it the preference to any of the exploits of Timur.

Mahummud Musidter Chan took this opportunity of wresting the forts of Kirshi and Heraz from the Usbecks; while Abul Hassen Mirza, from Muracuss, came and took Kole. Sultan Baber sent ambassadors to Sultan Hassein Mirza, and other neighbouring princes, his relations, to request their alliance, to drive Shubiani Chan out of Maver ul Nere. They either paid no regard to Baber's ambassy, or sent such pitiful supplies, as served no purpose. Shubiani, by this means, recovered strength during the winter, taking Karacole, and other districts.

Sultan Baber, in the month of Shawal, nine hundred and six, collected his whole force, and marched out of Samarcand, to engage Shubiani. He came up with him in the environs of Caridzin, and fought him. Baber exhibited, upon this occasion, all the good qualities of the general and brave soldier, but he was deserted by his allies, and soon after by his own troops. Only fifteen brave friends remained at last by his side, with whom, seeing it in vain to contend any longer with fortune, he made good his retreat to Samarcand. He lost in this action his principal omrahs, Ibrahim Tirchan, Ibrahim Saar, Abul Assim Ko, Hyder Cassim, Amir Kiam Cudgi, Choda Birdi, Chilili, the brother of Ahmed Timbol, and other princes of note.

Shubiani advanced, and laid siege to the city; the king taking up his quarters at the college of Aligh Beg, as being the most centrical place for sending orders, or assistance. The siege was continued with great obstinacy for many days, numbers being killed on both sides; during which time, Kutch Beg, Loma Kokultass, and Kelnizer Taghai, gave extraordinary examples of bravery. Four months had now passed in attacking and repulsing, when a dreadful famine began to rage in the city. The inhabitants eat their horses, and even the most unclean animals, while those who could not procure other provisions, subsisted upon the bark of trees.

Though the king, at the commencement of the siege, had sent ambassadors to the kings of Cho•rassan, Kundez, Buckolan, and Mogulistan, all princes of the house of Timur, for succours, he received no hopes of their aid. He was, therefore, under the cruel necessity of abandoning his capital and kingdom, with about one hundred friends, in a dark night, in the beginning of the year nine hundred and seven. He escaped to Tashcund, whither his brother, Mirza Jehangire, came to pay him his respects. His uncle, Sultan Mahmood, comforted him in his distress, entertained him in a princely manner, and gave him the city of Artaba to reside in during the winter.

But in the beginning of the spring, he was again attacked by Shubiani Chan, who, not being able to effect any thing against the city, plundered the country, and retreated to Samarcand. In this manner, the sultan, unable to raise his head from his misfortunes, lived for some time, Ahmed Timbol having taken possession of the kingdom of Indija, which Baber had resigned to his brother Jehangire, upon his taking Samarcand.

Sultan Mahmood Chan, and his brother, Sultan Ahmed Chan, were at length prevailed upon to support Baber in an attempt to recover the kingdom of Indija from Ahmed Timbol. When the confederates had reached the boundaries of Ferghana, Ahmed Timbol marched out to oppose them. It was agreed, that Sultan Baber, with a small detachment of Moguls, should march towards Osh, to raise a party there, whilst his uncles opposed Ahmed Timbol. Baber accordingly took Osh, and was joined by some of the inhabitants of Orgun and Marinan, who expelled the garrisons of Ahmed Timbol. The king immediately marched towards Indija; and Ahmed Timbol decamped from before the confederate princes, and hastened back to cover Indija.

Timbol happened, by accident, to fall in with Baber's camp, when the troops were out foraging, and defeated him. The king escaped, wounded, to Osh, while Ahmed Timbol threw himself into Indija, and prepared for a defence. The next day, the allied army of Sultan Mahmood and Sultan Ahmed appeared in sight, and sat down before the place, where they were joined soon after by Sultan Baber. Some time after, the inhabitants of Achsi called the king, and put him in possession of that place; but the allied princes, not being able to reduce Indija, raised the siege.

In the mean time, Shubiani Chan, fearing the success of Baber, advanced from Samarcand with a very great army, towards Achsi. Baber immediately joined his allies, and they prepared to receive him. But in this action, which was very obstinate and bloody, the fortune of Shubiani Chan prevailed, and both the uncles of Baber were taken prisoners. The King escaped to Mogulistan, and the kingdom of Tashcund fell into the hands of Shubiani Chan, which greatly augmented his power.

Shubiani, some time after, released the two brothers, but Sultan Mahmood retired, and fell into a deep melancholy. When one of his friends told him, that Shubiani Chan had poisoned him, and begged to supply him with some famous Theriac of Chitta, as a powerful antidote against poisons; the prince replied, "Yes! Shubiani Chan has poisoned me, indeed! he has taken my kingdom, which is not in the power of your Theriac to restore."

Sultan Baber left Mogulistan, and came to Shudma, and from thence proceeded to Turmuz, where Amir Mahummud Backer, prince of that place, who was uneasy at the great power of the Usbecks, glad of Baber's alliance, who still had the command of an army, received him with great kindness and respect, and gave him large presents. Baber said to him, upon this occasion. That being a long time the foot-ball of fortune, and like a piece of wood on a chess-board, moved from place to place, vagrant as the moon in the sky, and restless as a stone upon the beach, he would therefore be glad of his friendly advice, as he had been so unsuccessful in his own resolves. Meer Mahummud Backer replied, That, however incapable he was to advise him, he would not withold his opinion, which was, that, as Shubiani Chan was now in full possession of Baber's kingdom, and many others, which rendered him extremely powerful, it would be more adviseable for him to pursue his fortune elsewhere, particularly in Cabulistan, which was now in a state of anarchy.

The king followed this advice, and, in the year nine hundred and ten, marched towards Cabul. Passing, in his way, through the dominions of Chusero Shaw of Kunduz, he was entertained by him with great hospitality, for which, we are sorry to relate, our hero made a very bad return. During the time that Baber resided there, he stirred up a faction in Chusero's court, and gained over seven thousand of his troops to his own interest. This plot being discovered, Chusero, with a few servants, was obliged to abandon his capital and fly to Biddiulzeman Mirza, leaving his troops, his treasure, and every thing in the possession of Baber.

Baber did not fail to avail himself of these advantages. He marched immediately towards Cabul, which had been in possession of Mirza Abdul Rysaac, the son of Mirza Aligh Beg, Baber's uncle, who was then in his minority. One Zicca, exerting too much authority in the country at that time, disgusted the other omrahs, who assassinated him in the month of Zihidge. This circumstance occasioned great convulsions in the kingdom; for Mahummud Mokîm, the son of Amir Zulnôn, Prince of Garrimsere, took advantage of the intestine divisions of the Cabulians, and invaded them, forcing Mirza Abdul Rysac to take shelter among the Afghâns: he himself took possession of that country, and married the sister of the former prince.

Affairs being in this situation, Sultan Baber arrived upon the borders of Cabul, and driving Mahummud Mokîm out of the field, forced him to take refuge in his capital, which Baber besieged and took. He then applied himself to regulate and improve that country, as dominions belonging to himself.

In the year nine hundred and eleven, Cabulistan was thrown into great consternation by dreadful earthquakes which laid most of the cities in ruins. Baber endeavoured to alleviate this public calamity in such a manner, by his unwearied care and extensive benevolence, that he gained the love and fidelity of all his new subjects.

The restless genius of Baber could not lie quiet. His aspiring disposition began to extend his views to conquest. He accordingly led an army against the Argôns of Kandahar, and deprived them of the strong sort of Kiliát, establishing an alliance with Mirza Baddiulzemân of Herât. He marched in the same year to Kussluckát, which he brought into subjection, and gave the government of Ghizni, which, from a great empire, was diminished into an inconsiderable province, to his brother Jehangire.

In the year nine hundred and twelve, Baber marched towards Chorrasân to join Sultan Hussein Mirza, who, ashamed of his former behavior, and irritated, by fresh injuries from Shubiani Chan, now proposed to Baber, that they should join in alliance against him. But when Baber had reached Nîmrosa, he heard of Sultan Hussein's death. He proceeded, however, to Chorrassân, and endeavored to stir up the princes and omrahs against the Usbecks. He was not able to effect his purpose, and he therefore returned, by the way of Herât, towards Cabul. The snows were, at that time, very deep, and prevented his passage over the hills, which obliged him to cantoon his troops in Hazara.

When Baber was thus constrained to remain at Hazara, Mahummud Hassein Gurgan, Birlass, and other Mogul omrahs, joining with Chan Mirza his cousin, raised him to the throne of Cabul, by promoting false intelligence of the sultan's death. But when the news of his return reached the people, they rebelled against the new government, and as soon as the season permitted his approach, flocked to his standard, put all the garrisons into his hands except the capital, where Chan Mirza and his adherents sustained a short siege, and then capitulated. The principal persons concerned in the revolt, were expelled the country. About this time Nasir Mirza, the sultan's youngest brother, who held the government of Baduchshan, being defeated, by one of the generals of Shubiani Chan, took refuge at Cabul, and, as Mirza Jehangire had killed himself by hard drinking, his government of Ghizni was now conferred upon Nasir Mirza.

In the year nine hundred and thirteen, Baber marched against the Afghans of Ghalingi, who infested his country, and took from them one hundred thousand sheep, and some thousands of other cattle, and returned. The omrahs of the house of Argôn, being greatly oppressed by the Usbecks, wrote to Baber, at this time, that if he would march that way, they would put him in possession of Candahar. The sultan did not hesitate to comply with their request. He immediately set out, and, as he was passing Kilât, Chan Mirza begged the favor of being admitted into his presence, and, receiving his pardon, accompanied him. When he had reached the borders of Candahâr, he wrote to Shaw Beg and Mahummud Mokêm, that he was so far upon his way, according to their desire, and that, therefore, he expected to see them in his camp.

Since the time of their writing to Baber, some alterations in their politicks, had made them repent of the application they had made, so that instead of receiving the sultan in a friendly manner, they prepared for war, and desired he would return home. But the sultan determined not to suffer such an indignity with impunity. He marched forward, and engaged them at the village of Gillishack, near the city of Candahar, defeated them with great slaughter, and cutting off their retreat from the city, Shaw Beg fled to Saul, and Mahummud Mokîm towards Dawir. Baber immediately laid siege to the city, and took it, with all the wealth of the family of Zulnôn, which he divided, by weight, amongst his officers and troops, according to their respective stations. He left Nasir Mirza in the government of Candahar and Dawir, and then returned in triumph to Cabul.

Mahummud Mokîm having, this very year, complained to Shubiani Chan, prevailed upon him to engage in his behalf, and to march towards Candahar. Nasir Mirza, upon receiving this intelligence, shut himself up in the town, and sent expresses to his brother for assistance. Baber wrote him to defend the place as long as he could, but if he should be driven to great distress, to capitulate, and come to him at Cabul; for that, at this time, he was in no condition to dispute the field with Shubiani Chan, whose forces and finances were greatly superior; besides, that a defeat might ruin him for ever, and overset all the projects he had formed of raising himself a kingdom in Hindostan. Nasir Mirza, according to these instructions, after he could hold out no longer with propriety, capitulated, and came to the sultan at Cabul. Shubiani Chan, after taking the place, gave it back to the sons of Zulnôn, and marched with his army towards Chorrassân. But no sooner had Shubiani evacuated Candahar, than the Arguniahs made an incursion, and possessed themselves of the place. This was an agreeable piece of news to Sultan Baber, as they formed a barrier between him and the Usbecks.

This year, upon the fourth of Zicât, Sultan Baber had a son born to him, in Cabul, whom he named Humaioon, who afterwards became emperor of Hindostan. The sultan, in the following year, took the field against the Memind Afghans, and, during his absence, the Mogals of Chusero Shaw, who had been left to defend Cabul, revolted, and set up Abdul Rysac, the son of Aligh Beg, upon the throne. The sultan was immediately deserted by the greatest part of his army, for hearing of the rebellion in Cabul, they hastened home, to protect their families, insomuch that out of upwards of ten thousand horse, which he carried to the field, Baber had now scarce five hundred remaining in his camp.

Notwithstanding of these misfortunes, Baber boldly resolved to advance towards Cabul, with the few trusty friends he had left. Abdul Rysaac, upon the sultan's approach, came out of the city with an army ten or twelve thousand strong. The sultan, with his small troop, advanced towards them, and when he came near, ordered them to halt. He himself rode close up to the rebel-army, and challenged Adbul Rysaac to fight; but, as he seemed to decline the combat, five omrahs, one after another, engaged him, and fell by his hand. The names of the omrahs were Alli Shubcore, Alli Seistani, Niser Bahadur Usbeck, Jacoob Tez Jung, and Usbeck Bahadar.

This heroic behavior struck the rebels with so much admiration and astonishment, that they refused to sight, by which means the usurper was taken. But so great was the sultan's clemency, that he pardoned him; but soon after, beginning to raise more disturbance, he suffered the just reward of a traitor.

The country of Chusero Shaw having fallen into the hands of the Usbecks, who took no proper means of keeping it in subjection, a number of independent chiefs sprung up in Buduchshan, of whom the principal was Zeiper. Chan Mirza, upon this, by the advice of his mother, Sha Begum, who traced her genealogy to the great Secunder [Alexander the Great.], began to entertain hopes, and to take measures to raise himself to that kingdom. Having previously obtained leave of the sultan, he this year left Cabul; and, having raised a small army, advanced towards the borders of Buduchshan. But his mother, who came up in the rear, was attacked by a body of Kashgars, and carried off prisoner, while Chan Mirza himself was defeated, and obliged to give himself up to Zeiper, who kept him under guard. Eusoph Alli Kockultash, who had been an old servant of Mirza, formed a conspiracy against Zeiper, and assassinated him, and Chan Mirza was raised to the throne by the people.

In the year nine hundred and sixteen, Shaw Ismaiel Suffavi, king of Iran, wrote to Shubiani Chan to withdraw his troops from some of the skirts of his dominions, upon which he had begun to encroach, to root up the tree of contention, which produced bitter fruits, and to plant that of friendship, whose blossoms shed the most grateful perfume. Shubiani Chan replied, That it was only for those who were descended from kings to entertain thoughts of empire; that it was true, that Shaw Ismaiel, though the son of a Turkuman Fakier, had raised himself to a kingdom, when there was no lord of seven nations around him, to oppose him; that therefore, it would be now adviseable for him to retire to his former obscurity, and that, for that purpose, he sent him a staff and a beggar's dish for his inheritance; for that Shubiani only was worthy of possessing the bride of royalty, who durst kiss her through opposing swords.

Ismaiel Suffavi answered, That if empire was an inheritance, by what means was it so often violated, till it sell to his lot? for his own part, he had always considered the right of kings as sounded upon power, and that the longest sword was the best title. That, with the latter, he was, at all times, ready to dispute with Shubiani; and that, though he himself had no opinion of contemptuous ostentation, yet in return for Shubiani's present, he had sent him a gridiron and spinning-wheel for his amusement. As for the rest, that Ismaiel would be his own messenger.

Having dispatched this message, Ismaiel immediately collected his army, and, marching eastward, subdued Chorrassân, and advanced to Murve, before Shubiani Chan could make the least opposition. Shubiani not being then prepared to engage Ismaiel, in the field, he shut himself up in Murve. But being severely reproached by Shaw Ishmaiel, he marched out and gave him battle, in which he was defeated. In his flight he had the misfortune to get into a park, with about five hundred princes and principal officers, from whence he could find no outlet. He was attacked there by Shaw Ishmaiel, and seeing no hope of escape left, he and his followers fought, refusing quarter, till every man of them was laid dead on the field.

Chan Mirza immediately dispatched this important news from Buduchshan to Sultan Baber, and went himself to Kunduz; informing him, that now was the time for recovering his former dominions. Baber accordingly, in the year nine hundred and seventeen, marched, with all expedition, towards Hissar, crossing the Amu [The Oxus. ] with Chan Mirza. But a great army of Usbecks being encamped near that city, they were obliged to retreat to Kunduz.

Shaw Ishmaiel, at this time, sent Chan Zad Begum, the sultan's sister, who had been taken in Samarcand, by Shubiani Chan, and afterwards married by him, with all her effects, to Kunduz; where she gave so favorable an account of the generous behavior of Shaw Ishmaiel, that Baber was induced to hope for his assistance in reinstating him in his hereditary kingdom. He, for this purpose, sent him an ambassador, with proper presents. In the mean time, in order to keep up the spirit of enterprize, he marched towards Hissar, where he still found the Usbecks greatly superior in force to him. He therefore declined to attack them, till he should recruit more forces. This being done, he advanced to their encampment, and offered them battle, which they accepted, and Baber obtained a complete victory, to which the bravery of Chan Mirza greatly contributed.

He was, in a few days after, joined by Ahmed Sultan Suffi, Alli Chan Ostagelo, Sharock Chan Afshar, and a fine body of cavalry on the part of Shaw Ishmaiel, by which his army amounted to sixty thousand horse. With this reinforcement he marched towards Bochara, and, after several successful actions with Abdulla Chan, and Jani Beg Sultan, possessed himself of that kingdom. Upon the fifteenth of Regib of the same year, he marched from Bochara to Samarcand, which city surrendered to him the third time, and acknowledged him sovereign.

Baber fixed his residence at Samarcand, and appointed Nasir Mirza, his brother, to the government of Cabul, giving leave to the troops of Shaw Ishmaiel to return home. But he had not possessed this throne above nine months, before the Usbecks, who had fled to Turkestan, advanced, under Timur Sultan, who had succeeded to Shubiani Chan, Jani Beg Sultan, and Abdulla Chan, who had divided Bochara between them. Upon receiving these advices, the sultan marched to defend Bochara, where he engaged these consederate princes, but being defeated, was obliged to shut himself up within the walls. He was, in the end, forced to abandon the city, and to retreat to Samarcand. Here he was again besieged, and obliged to fly to Shadman.

About this time, Nigim Jani, of Ispahan, general of the Kissilbaches of Iran, advanced with an intention to possess himself of Balich. Baber, ever watchful to grasp at every thing favorable to the ruling passion of his soul, formed an alliance with him for the recovery of his dominions. Nigim Sani having taken the fort of Kirish from the Usbecks, put the garrison, consisting of fifteen thousand, to the sword. He then laid siege to Gudgdewan, in conjunction with the sultan, whither the princes of the Usbecks advanced against them, from Bochara, with a great army; and fortune being still the adversary of Baber, Nigim Sani, with a great part of his army, was slain, and the sultan obliged to fly to Shadman, with a few attendants.

Nor did the misfortunes of Baber rise from the enemy alone. His attendants conspired against his life, for having blamed some of them for bad behavior. They rushed, in the night, into his tent, but being alarmed by the noise, he made his escape, naked, and reached the fort of Arick before morning, without one attendant; and the conspirators plundered his camp, and dispersed themselves. In this situation of affairs, the sultan saw no further hope in those northern regions, and therefore set out for Cabul with a small retinue, and upon his arrival appointed Nasir Mirza to the government of Ghizni.

In the year nine hundred and twenty four, he marched towards Sawad and Bejoar, possessed by the Afghans of Eusoph Zehi, who had been infesting his country. Having defeated those mountaineers, and carried some thousands of them into captivity, he gave the government of that country to Chaja Kallan.

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Section XII. The history of SULTAN BABER, from the year nine hundred and twenty four, to his decisive victory over SULTAN IBRAHIM LODI.

WHEN Sultan Secunder, the king of Hindostan, died, he was succeeded, as we have already related, by Sultan Ibrahim, in whose reign the Patan omrahs became so factious, that they totally broke the power of that empire. Sultan Baber reckoned this a good opportunity to establish himself in Hindostan, the conquest of which he had long meditated, though he was always embroiled in other affairs.

Baber accordingly, in the year nine hundred and twenty five, marched his army as far as the Nilaab, or Sind. He subdued all the countries in his way, and crossing the river, advanced to Berah in Punjaab, raising heavy contributions for with-holding his troops from plunder. He sent from Berah, Moulana Murshid with an embassy to Sultan Ibrahim, acquainting him, that as that country had been for many years in the possession of the house of Timur, it was proper he should now relinquish his pretensions to it, and so prevent the war from being carried further into his country.

At this place Baber received advice of the birth of another son, whom he named Hindal Mirza. He appointed Hassen Beg, governor of the conquered countries as far as Chinaab, and marched in person against the Gickers, and besieged the fort of Pirhala, whither Hati their chief had retired. The Gickers were, one day, tempted to take the field, and were defeated by Doost Beg, the sultan's general, while he himself cut off their retreat to the fort, and obliged them to fly to the mountains. The fort, in which there was a considerable treasure, fell by this means into his hands, which satisfied Baber for this expedition, and he returned to Cabul.

In the latter end of the same year, Baber returned again to Hindostan, with an intention to take Lahore, and in his way chastised some Patans of the tribe of Eusoph Zehi, who disturbed his march. He built a fort at Peshawir, and then advanced to the Sind. He there received intelligence, that Sultan Seid, Chan of Kashgar, was marching into Buduchshân, which obliged him to return, leaving Mirza Mahummud Sultan, one of the descendents of Timur, with four thousand horse, to support his authority in that country. He had not, however, reached Cabul, before he heard that Sultan Seid Chan had been obliged to retreat. Baber, therefore, turned his face towards the Afghans, of the tribe of Chizer Cheil, who began to make depredations upon Cabulistan in his absence, and severely chastised them for their insolence, spoiled their country, and returned to Cabul.

Baber, in the year nine hundred and twenty six, marched a third time towards Hindostan, chastising the Patans in his way, till he reached Salcot, the inhabitants of which country submitted, and saved their possessions. But the people of Seidpoor, erecting the standard of defence, were, in the end, put all to the sword, their wealth given up to depredation, and their children and wives carried away captive. Baber was here alarmed, by intelligence from Cabul, that obliged him to return, for the Kandharians had invaded his country. He marched against them, drove them out of the field, and invested their capital.

He, in the mean time, received advice of the death of Chan Mirza, in Buduchshan, and appointed his son Humaioon to that government. Shaw Beg, the prince of Candahar, held out with great bravery against Baber for the space of three years, during which time the siege lasted. But in the year nine hundred and twenty eight, Baber, who was obstinate in his resolution, at length reduced it, and all the country of Garrumsere, appointing prince Camirân to the government.

Soon after the surrender of Candahar, Dowlat Chan Lodi, apprehensive of Sultan Ibrahim, sent a deputation to Sultan Baber, at Cabul, begging his protection. Baber, in the year nine hundred and thirty, augmented his army, and advanced within six crores of Lahore, where Par Chan Lodi, Mubarick Chan Lodi, and Bicken Chan Lohani, who were powerful omrahs of Punjaab, joined their forces, and opposed him; but they were defeated with great slaughter. Baber, in person, marched to Lahore, and took it, setting fire to the Bazar, according to a superstitious custom of the Moguls.

The king remained four days only in Lahore, and then advanced against Debalpoor. He summoned the place to surrender, but as the garrison forced him to risque an assault, in which he was successful, he put them all to the sword. Dowlat Chan Lodi, with Alli Chan, Ghazi Chan, and Delawir Chan, his three sons, joined him at Debalpoor, and the father was appointed to the government of Jallender, Sultanpoor, and other districts of Punjaab, which rendered him very powerful.

This Dowlat Chan Lodi was a descendant of the race of that name who heretofore reigned at Delhi. He gave to Sultan Baber information, that Ismaiel Jelwani, Mai Jelwani, and other Afghans, were collected at Kharah; that it would, therefore, be adviseable to dispatch a force against them. The sultan agreed to this proposal, and prepared to send a detachment that way. In the mean time, Delawir Chan, the youngest son of Dowlat Chan, acquainted Baber, with whom he was a great favorite, that his father and brother wanted to divide his troops, to put some plan which they themselves had concerted, in execution. The sultan, after being convinced of the truth of this information, ordered Dowlat Chan Lodi, and his son Ghazi Chan, into confinement. He then crossed the Suttuluz, advanced to Sirhind, and there released the prisoners, and gave them jagiers. But when they had reached Sultanpoor, they deserted the camp, and fled to the hills. The sultan, upon this, gave to Delawir Chan the title of Chan Chanan, and both their jagiers; but as the father and son's desertion greatly affected Baber's interest in Hindostan, he thought it no ways adviseable to proceed to Delhi this year. He, accordingly, returned to Lahore, and, having appointed governors to the different countries in his possession in Hindostan, set out for Cabul.

During Baber's absence, Dowlat Chan Lodi found means to seize his son, Chan Chanan, who had betrayed him, and put him in chains; then marching with a formidable army to Debalpoor, fought Sultan Alla ul Dien and Baba Kiska, and defeating them, subdued that country. Sultan Alla ul Dien fled to Cabul, and Baba Kiska to Lahore. Dowlat Chan sent five thousand Sirwani Afghans against Salcot, but Mir Abdul Aziz, of Lahore, immediately marched, with what forces he had, to the assistance of Kokiltash, who held the government of Salcot, and meeting with this detachment of Afghans, defeated them, and returned to Lahore.

Much about this time, an army, on the part of Sultan Ibrahim, of Delhi, marched against Dowlat Chan and his son. Dowlat turned his army to give them battle, and, having met them at Bidjwarrah, found means to stir up a faction in his own favor in the imperial camp, insomuch that such as were not disaffected were obliged to fly the camp, and return to Ibrahim.

Sultan Alla ul Dien, who had lost his government of Debalpoor, and had fled to Cabul, now arrived in Lahore, with orders from Baber to all his omrahs of those parts, to join him with all their forces, and march towards Delhi, and that he would support them in person as soon as his affairs at home would permit. Dowlat Chan and Ghazi Chan Lodi, hearing of this order, wrote to the Mogul omrahs, that they were glad to find that Sultan Baber espoused the cause of Alla ul Dien, who was the very person they themselves would chuse to raise to the throne of Delhi; that if they would, therefore, send him to them, they would undertake to place him upon the Musnud.

The omrahs, having first obtained a grant for Sultan Baber, of all the countries beyond the Sind, permitted Alla ul Dien to join the Lodis himself, without complying further with the sultan's orders. When accordingly he arrived in their camp, Dowlat Chan and his son supplied him with the greatest part of their force, with which he marched towards Delhi, and invested it, as before related, with forty thousand horse. In the mean time, Sultan Ibrahim advanced against him from Agra, and was surprized, in the night, when he had reached near the city; but, by the irregular behavior of Sultan Alla ul Dien's army, who, in the morning, dispersed themselves to plunder, they were fallen upon by Sultan Ibrahim, and defeated in their turn, which obliged Alla to retreat, in great distress, to Punjaab. When Sultan Baber heard of the defeat of Alla ul Dien, he awoke from the dream of indolence and luxury, which he had indulged for some time in Cabul, and, in the beginning of the spring, of the year nine hundred and thirty two, marched the fifth time towards Hindostan. He was joined by his son Humaioon, with a good force, from Buduchshan, and Chaja Callan, with the troops from Ghizni. He took the rout of Lahore, and in the way used to hunt rhinoceroses, with which that country abounded, and so had an opportunity of putting the personal bravery of most of his omrahs to trial, as that was a dangerous and warlike exercise. Many of those animals were killed, and some taken alive in toils.

Upon the first of Rubbi ul Awil, Baber crossed the Sind, and upon the banks of that river, mustered his army, which consisted of only ten thousand choice horse. Crossing then the Behat, he advanced to Salcot, where Sultan Alla ul Dien met him, and likewise Mahummud Alli Jung-jung, governor of Cullanore, and Chaja Hassin, the dewan for those provinces.

Dowlat Chan and Ghazi Chan, who reckoned themselves publickly in the service of Alla ul Dien, now lay upon the banks of the Ravi, near Lahore, with an army of forty thousand men; but when Baber advanced towards them, they fled; Dowlat to the fort of Milwit, and Ghazi Chan to the skirts of the hills. Sultan Baber invested Milwit, and Dowlat Chan, after a few days, capitulated. It seems, that some days before, he put on two swords, and boasted what he would do to Sultan Baber. Baber now ordered those two swords to be hung round his neck, and in that manner Dowlat was brought to his presence; but notwithstanding his behaviour, the sultan forgave all his crimes, and took him into favor.

When the gates of the fort were opened, the troops pressed in in an irregular manner, and began to plunder. Baber, upon this, mounted his horse, and entering, was under the necessity of using violence, to prevent their outrages. He killed, upon this occasion, a principal officer of his son Humaioon's retinue, with an arrow, for which he was extremely grieved, as it happened by mistake. The sultan, by this means, saved the honor of Dowlat Chan's family, who were all in the place, and preserved a noble library which he had collected, Dowlat Chan being a poet and a man of learning. Baber marched from thence the next day, and pursued Ghazi Chan, when Chan Chanan, Ghazi Chan's brother, found means to escape to him, and was honorably received. Chapihoon Chan, who was detached in front, having fallen in with Ghazi, defeated him, and pursued him so close, that he was obliged to fly to Sultan Ibrahim Chan, at Delhi. Dowlat Chan died upon this march.

Baber having, in several actions, perceived the inferiority of the Patan troops to his own, determined to delay no longer his final attempt upon the empire. He accordingly marched towards Delhi, having some letters of encouragement, at the same time, from a few of the malcontents at the court of Sultan Ibrahim. When he had reached the banks of the Giger, he heard that Hamid Chan, governor of Firosa, was waiting to oppose him in front, with the troops of those parts. Baber, therefore, sent Humaioon, Kallan Beg, Sultan Duldi, Jehan Beg, Chusero Beg, Hindo Beg, Abdul Aziz, and Mahummud Alli Jung-jung, to drive Hamid from his post, which they effected, and returned victorious to the army. As this was the first battle in which prince Humaioon commanded, his father was greatly rejoiced, and gave him the countries of Firosa and Jallender. Two days after, Meian, an omrah of the party of Ibrahim, appeared in fight, and desired to join Baber's colours, with three thousand Patan horse, and was accordingly entertained in his service.

Baber having arrived within two stages of Shawabad, received intelligence that Sultan Ibrahim, with a great army, had marched out of Delhi to oppose him, and that Daood Chan and Hatim Chan, formed his vanguard with twenty seven thousand horse. The sultan immediately detached Chin Timur Sultan, Muedi Chaja, Mahummud Sultan Mirza, Adil Sultan Mirza, with all the troops of the left wing, and the squadrons of Sultan Juneid Birlass, and Shaw Hassein Birlass, against this advanced post. They accordingly fell in with them the next morning at sun-rise, and after an obstinate conflict, put Daood Chan and Hatim Chan to slight, but the latter sell in the pursuit. The victors took seven elephants, and a great number of prisoners, with whom they returned to Baber; but he, we are sorry to relate such barbarity, put them to death, by way of striking terror into his enemies.

Baber advancing to the field of battle, encamped there six days, ordering chains to be made to link the carriages of his guns together, to prevent the horse breaking through them. The army of Sultan Ibrahim, by this time, consisted of one hundred thousand horse, and a thousand elephants; that of Sultan Baber, of thirteen thousand only. When Sultan Ibrahim had advanced near, Baber ordered five thousand horse to storm his camp in the night; but finding the enemy upon their guard, this detachment returned without attempting any thing.

This retreat hastened Sultan Ibrahim to action, and accordingly he marched next morning to Panniput. Baber, at the same time, advanced within six crores of Ibrahim's encampment. Upon the day after, being the seventh of Rigib, the two armies came in sight of each other. Baber divided his troops into two lines, and four grand divisions, with a body of reserve in the rear of each, and a few light horse to skirmish in front. The first division on the right was commanded by Prince Humaioon, with the squadron of Chaja Cullan Beg, Sultan Mahummud Dewilde, Hindo Beg, Willi Beg Chazin, and Pier Kulli Seistani. The first on the left was under the orders of Mirza Mahummud Sultan, with the squadrons of Meridi Chaja, Ghazi Sultan, Sultan Suneid Birlass, and Shaw Hassein Birlass. The second, on the right towards the center, was commanded by Chin Timur Sultan, Mirza Mahummud Kokultash, and Shaw Munsoor. The second, to the left towards the center, by Meer Chalifa, Tirdi Beg, and Mihib Alli Chalifa. Chusero Kokultash, Mahummud Alli Jungjung, and Mirza Soliman, were appointed to command the light horse, or herawils, in the front. Abdul Aziz and Bar Tirrah, in the rear of the right, and Kirrah Keri Bahadur and Willi Kizil, in the rear of the left. Besides which, there was a reserve in the rear of both lines, that on the right commanded by Malleck Casim, and that on the left by Alli Bahadur. The king himself took his post in the centre of the first line, after having personally given orders to his generals.

The emperor Ibrahim, ignorant of the art of war, observed no regular order of battle, but drew up his army in one great line, or column, of unequal depth, and ordered them to charge the Mogul army, vainly imagining that he could bear them down by numbers. But he found himself soon fatally deceived. So formidable were the Moguls to the Patans, from their known courage and steady order, that the emperor's unweildy column began to break and turn thin, before they came up to the charge, which was directed at the center of the Mogul army. Those who advanced were repulsed with great bravery, but when they sought to retreat, they found themselves surrounded; for the two bodies of reserve, in the rear of the Mogul line, had wheeled round their flanks, and meeting in the center, fell upon the rear of those who had advanced to the charge, by which means the Afghans were almost all cut to pieces. The reserve having performed this service, retired to their post in the rear, and the Mogul lines advanced, sustaining various irregular charges from the Indian army, whom they repulsed with great slaughter.

Sultan Ibrahim, at last roused with shame and indignation, advanced in person, followed by the flower of his army, and gave such a violent shock to the Mogul line, as threw it into disorder. Nothing now but personal bravery was left to decide the day; but in this, and the compact form in which the Moguls whole force was wedged, they were still superior to the Indians. Five thousand fell with Sultan Ibrahim in one small spot of ground. The Patan army, when their king was slain, recoiled like surges from a rocky shore, and the torrent of flight rolled towards the banks of the Jumna, dying the course of that river with blood; for so far did Sultan Baber continue the pursuit; but being wearied with slaughter, he gave hope to fear, and respite to death.

According to the most moderate accounts there were sixteen thousand Afghans killed in this action, though most of the Indian authors say fifty thousand. Of the loss of Baber we have no information; conquerors having it always in their power to conceal the number of their slain. We may date from this battle, the fall of the Patan empire, though that race, afterwards made many efforts, and recovered it, for a few years, as we shall see in the life of Humaioon.

Sultan Baber did not fail to make the best use of his victory. He immediately after the battle detached Humaioon, and three of his principal omrahs, to Agra, before they could have time to recover from their consternation, or to remove their wealth. He also sent Mahummud Sultan, and three other omrahs, to Delhi, to take possession of that capital, while he himself came up in the rear, and, on the twelfth of Rigib, entered that city. The chutba was read in his name, by Zein Sidder; and, after having surveyed the city, and visited the tombs of the saints and heroes, he set out for Agra, where he arrived the twenty fifth of the same month, and immediately invested the fort, which was in possession of the former government, garrisoned by the troops of Raja Bickermagit, of Gualier, who had been killed in the action. But so much had the terror of his arms now taken possession of every mind, that they immediately desired to capitulate, and sent him, by way of ransom, a perfect diamond weighing two hundred and twenty four ruttys [A rutty is seven eighths of a carat.], which was formerly the property of Sultan Alla ul Dien Chilligi. Sultan Baber presented it to his son Humaioon. Thus, upon the fifth day after his arrival, he was put in possession of the place, in which he found the mother of Sultan Ibrahim, who was treated with becoming respect, and permitted to carry away all her wealth.

This conquest of Hindostan, as Baber himself writes in his Commentaries [The Commentaries of Baber are still extant, and reckoned one of the best performances of the kind in the East.], was certainly superior to that of any former conqueror. Sultan Mahmood of Ghizni was not only a powerful emperor, but the country was, at that time, divided into a number of kingdoms, which greatly facilitated his enterprizes. Shab ul Dien Ghori brought an army of one hundred and twenty thousand men with him, when the kingdom was not so powerful. The like may be said of Timur, who ravaged Hindostan when it was torn to pieces by civil commotions. But the army of Sultan Baber was but a handful in proportion to that of Sultan Ibrahim, who possessed all the countries between the Sind and Behar, and could bring five hundred thousand men to the field; while Baber only possessed the poor countries of Cabul, Buduchshan, and Candahar, the revenues of which were very inconsiderable.

To what then can we attribute this extraordinary conquest, in a natural light, but to the great abilities and experience of Baber, the bravery of his few hardy troops, trained up to war, for their subsistance, and now fired with the hopes of glory and gain? But what contributed most to weigh down the scale of conquest, was the degeneracy of the Patans, effeminated by luxury and wealth, and dead to all principles of virtue and honor, which their corrupt factions and civil discords had totally effaced; it being now no shame to fly, no infamy to betray, no breach of honor to murther, and no scandal to change parties. When, therefore, the fear of shame and the love of fame were gone, it was no wonder that a herd, without unanimity, order, or discipline, should fall into the hands of a few brave men. This is the general tendency of wealth in all governments, if the reins are not held fast, the laws punctually executed, and the progress of corruption checked both by private and public oeconomy.

Upon the twentieth of Rigib, Baber went into the treasury, which was very rich. He reserved not a single dinar for himself, but divided it among his omrahs and troops; the share of the former coming to two lacks of rupees each; and those of others were proportionable to their rank and stations. A part was sent to Cabul, to be divided among Baber's subjects, which yielded to each a silver sharoch [A silver sharoch is in value about a shilling sterling.], besides presents, which he sent to Samarcand, Chorrassan, Kashgur, Ayrac, Mecca, Medina, Kirbilla, Negif, Mushad, and other holy places, in charity. This generosity, which bordered upon prodigality, got Baber the name of a Collinder, whose custom it is to keep nothing for to-morrow.

As the Patans were in great terror of the Moguls, and had a natural antipathy to their government, they still refused to submit, and appeared every where in arms, strengthening their forts, and erecting the standard of defiance in their different provinces; Cazim, in Simbol; Alli Chan Formalli, in Mewat; Mahummud Zeitôn, in Dolepoor; Tatar Chan, in Gualiêr; Hussein Chan Lohani, in Rhaberi; Cuttub Chan, in Atava; Allum Chan, in Calpee; Nizim Chan, in Biana; besides Nasir Chan Lohani, and Maroof Furmalli, on the other side of the Ganges. All these omrahs refused to acknowledge Baber's authority. But as it was necessary to form an alliance for their mutual defence, they unanimously appointed Par Chan, the son of Diria Chan Lodi, their general, or, rather, king, by the title of Sultan Mahummud; and, rendezvousing at Kinnoge, advanced towards Agra. At the same time, Mai, the Afghan chief, who had joined Baber, now deserted him, with all his adherents: even the inhabitants of the country round Agra, cut off his foraging parties, and rendered it very difficult for him to support his cavalry, or supply his troops with provisions: Add to this, the intolerable heat of the weather, by which a great many Moguls, not being accustomed to such a climate, died.

In this situation of affairs, Baber received an address from all his omrahs, advising him to return to Cabul; to which he replied, That a kingdom which had cost him so much pains in taking, was not to be wrested from him but by death alone. He, at the same time, issued a proclamation, that he was determined to abide his fate in Hindostan; but if any person was desirous of returning to Cabul, preferring safety to glory, and ignoble ease to the manly toils and dangers of war, they might retire in peace, and leave him only those whose valor would reflect honour on themselves, and glory on their king and country.

The omrahs hearing this, were ashamed of their former behavior, and, striking their breasts, swore they would never forsake him; all, except Chaja Callân, whose bravery was too well established to be disputed, though he was advised, being at the point of death, to retire to recover his health. He was appointed governor of Cabul and Ghizni, for the great services which he had rendered to the king. When it was known that Baber had determined not to leave Hindostan, as his ancestor Timur had done, some omrahs, who were willing to be first in favor, began to come over to him; first, Shech Gurin, with three thousand horse, from between the rivers, offered his service, which was accepted. The next was Alli Chan Formalli, from Mewat, to redeem his sons who had been taken in the battle; then Firose Chan and Shech Baizid Chirmali, with their whole dependents.

Much about this time, an address was received from Casim, of Simbol, that Bein, an Afghan, was besieging him in his fort, and that if the sultan would send him succours, he would list himself among his servants. The king sent Kokultash, with a detachment, that way, who engaged Bein, the Afghan, and defeated him, after which Casim put the Moguls in possession of the fort. The king then sent his son Humaioon, with the greatest part of his army, against the confederate omrahs, whose forces amounted to fifty thousand horse; but, upon Humaioon's approach, they retreated from Kinnoge to Jionpoor. Humaioon having prevailed upon Fatie Chan, the former emperor's vizier, to join him, sent him to the king at Agra, who treated him with the utmost respect and favor, which induced several other Afghan chiefs to come over to his interest.

Nizam Chan, governor of Biana, though he was now hard pressed by Rana Sinka, who wanted to make himself master of that province, still refused to submit to the king's authority, which obliged Baber to send Baba Kuli against him with a detachment, which was defeated. But Rana Sinka soon after reduced Nizam to such extremities, that he sent a deputation to Sultan Baber, begging pardon for his offence, and requesting he would support him, for which he was ready to pay him due allegiance. The king, glad of the opportunity, made no hesitation to embrace the offer, and, sending a force to drive off Rana, Nizam was put in possession of the place, which was settled upon him, with all its dependencies, for the annual payment of twenty lacks of rupees.

Tatar Chan and Saring Chan, who were in possession of the fort of Gualiêr, being besieged by Muckit Roy, raja of that country, in the same manner addressed the king for succours. Baber dispatched Rehim Daad and Shech Gurin, with a detachment, which defeated the raja, but Saring Chan recalled his promise, and refused to deliver up the place. There was in the fort, at that time, a philosopher whose name was Shech Mahummud Gose, who had a great number of students under him, and who wrote to Rehim Daad, to endeavour to get permission to come himself into the fort, and that he would find means of accomplishing the rest of his desires.

Rehim Daad, for this purpose, begged leave, as he had enemies all around him, to bring his troops under protection of the garrison, for fear of a night assault, and that he might be permitted the honor of paying the philosopher a visit in the garrison. This being agreed to, Rehim Daad was received into the sort with a few attendants. He, from time to time, pretended occasion to send frequent messages in and out; till the officer of the guard troubled the governor so often for leave, that he desired Rehim Daad to send one of his own servants, to point out such necessary people as he might want to have free ingress and egress.

The officer of the guard, who was a disciple of the philosopher, and who had been let into the plot, availed himself of this order, and permitted every body Rehim Daad's servant pointed out, to pass, by which means all the chosen men of the detachment were within the garrison before the entertainment was ended. Saring Chan was told to give up the place, and threatened with instant death, in case of refusal; so having satisfied himself of the circumstances, he made a virtue of necessity, and replied, That had he not intended giving up the place to the king, he would never have been so unguarded as to permit his party to take this advantage, and accordingly submitted without resistance, going in person to Agra, and entered into the king's service. Mahummud Zeiton, at the same time, arrived from Dolepoor, and had a command conferred upon him.

Not long after these transactions, Hamid Chan, Saring Chan, and other Afghans, raised, by a family quarrel, a great disturbance in the castle of Firosa. The king sent Chin Timur Sultan, Abul Fatte Turkuman, and others, against them, who chastised both parties.

In the year nine hundred and thirty three, Chajagi Assid, who had gone ambassador from Cabul to Shaw Tamas of Irack, returned, accompanied by Solimân, and brought various curiosities. But that which pleased the king most, was two beautiful female slaves, just come to maturity, of whom he became greatly enamoured. The mother of Sultan Ibrahim, who had been before the greatest favorite in the seraglio, incensed at this change in the sultan's affections, conspired with the taster and cook to poison him. The poison was accordingly administred in some hare-soup; but the king, after eating a few spoonfuls, nauseated the taste, and immediately vomited, which saved his life. After proper enquiry had been made, the taster and cook denying their knowledge of any such thing, the king ordered a dog to be brought, who having eat of the soup, was soon seized with convulsions, and died. Two of the under cooks being also brought to the trial, expired in the same manner: upon which the taster and head cook, with several of their assistants, were put to the torture. The plot was discovered, and the mother of Sultan Ibrahim cast into prison, and all her wealth confiscated. One of Sultan Ibrahim's sons was sent, at the same time, to Cabul, where he remained in banishment.

Prince Humaioon, having defeated the omrahs at Jionpoor, left Sultan Sumeid Birlass to keep those provinces in awe, and returned himself to court, having, upon his way, conciliated matters with Allum Chan, governor of Calpee, who now accompanied him, and was received with great respect.

The king was, at this time, suddenly alarmed by advices that Rana Sinka, Hassen Chan Mewati, Raw Dedive of Backeri, Medini Raw of Chunderi, Mahmood Chan, the son of Sultan Secunder Lodi, and other omrahs and rajas in alliance, whose force exceeded one hundred thousand horse, were preparing to attack him. Baber, having no dependence on the Patan omrahs, who had joined him, detached them to defend different provinces, and with his own Moguls, hastened towards the enemy. His van guard falling in with their's, upon the frontiers of Biana, after a sharp conflict, were repulsed by the enemy with great loss, which struck unusual terror into the sultan's small army. Hybat Chan Neazi sled to Simbol, Hassen Chan joined the enemy, and every day brought disagreeable intelligence from all quarters. Nor did the predictions of Mahummud Sherif a little add to the general consternation. This pretended wizard averred, that Brisput [The planet Mars.] was in the east, and consequently, that whoever marched from the west should be overthrown.

The king perceiving this panic, called, immediately, a council of war. The greatest part of the officers gave it, as their opinion, that, as the superiority of the enemy was evident, it was adviseable to leave a strong garrison in Agra, and to retreat with the bulk of the army to Punjaab.

Baber, with a discontented aspect, fixed his eyes, in silence, upon the ground. He, at length, sternly asked the omrahs, What would the world say of a monarch, whom the fear of death should oblige to abandon such a kingdom? "The voice of glory," said he, "is loud in my ear, and forbids me to disgrace my name, by giving up what my arms have, with so much difficulty, acquired. But, as death is at last unavoidable, let us rather meet him with honor, face to face, than shrink back, to gain a few years of a miserable and ignominious existence; for what can we inherit but fame, beyond the limits of the grave." The whole assembly, as if inspired by one soul, cried out, at once, "War! War!"

The sultan, having been formerly much addicted to wine, made a vow never to drink any more, should he, upon this occasion, prove victorious. Orders were immediately issued to prohibit the sale of wine in the camp: not so much from superstition, as to keep the mind cool for action.

Upon the ninth of Jimmad ul Sani, of the year nine hundred and thirty three, which happened to be Norose [New-Year's Day.], Baber formed his line of battle, with his guns and rockets in his front. In that order he moved towards the enemy, who lay at the distance of three crores. But after he had advanced one crore he halted, and encamped his army. Several young warriors, fond of distinguishing themselves, issued out, under the command of Mahummud Casim, to skirmish with the enemy's scouts and advanced guards, among whom they did great execution.

The sultan, next day, advanced another crore, and marked out his camp at the village of Kava, but his tents were scarcely pitched, when he perceived the enemy advancing upon him. He formed his line with great expedition, in the manner which he had practised for some days before, and, in a few minutes, was able to receive the shock of battle. The army was chiefly drawn up by Nizam ul Dien Chalipha, whom Baber reckoned his ablest general; and this order of battle being, on account of circumstances, different from the former, we shall relate it at large in this place.

The line which, upon this occasion was single, consisted of six brigades, exclusive of the king's life guards in the center, where Baber posted himself. Before each of the brigades, a few paces in front, the sultan placed a squadron of light horse, which formed another kind of line with great intervals. In front of the whole, the artillery and rocket-waggons were drawn up in three divisions, the right, left, and center. The guns were chained together, so that there was a kind of fortification formed against the enemy's cavalry.

The brigade immediately to the right of the center, was commanded by Chin Timur Sultan, consisting of his own tribe, and the troops of Soliman Shaw, Shaw Munsur Birlas, Durvesh Mahummud Sarban, Abdulla Kitabdar, and Dost Aisheck Aka. The brigade to the left of the center was under the immediate orders of Allum Chan, the son of Sultan Beloli, and composed of his own troops, and those of Sheick Zein Chani Siddir, Mahummud Ali Tirdi-Beg, Shere Afgan, Araish Chan, and Chaja Hassein. The two brigades of the right wing were commanded in chief by Prince Humaioon, and of these the right hand brigade consisted of the troops of Casim Hassein Sultan, Ahmed Eusoph, Hindo Beg Cochin, Chusero Cokultash, Mallec Casim, Kawam Beg, Awird Shaw, Willi Chazin, Mirza Combuzli, Peer Kulli Seistani, Chaja Pulwan Buduchshi, Abdu Shukur, Soliman Aka, the ambassador of Irack, and Hassen, the envoy of Seistan. The left hand battalion of Prince Humaioon's division was made up of the troops of Seid Meer Shech, Mahummud Kokultash, Chajagi Assid, Chan Chanan, the son of Dowlat Chan Lodi, Malleck Daood Kirrani, and Shech Gurin.

The two brigades of the left wing were commanded by Seid Chaja; the left hand battalion of whose division was composed of the troops of Mahummud Sultan Mirza, Adil Sultan Adbul Aziz, Mahummud Alli Jung-jung, and Kuttulack Kaddim. The right hand brigade was made up of the troops of Amir Angi Mogul, Jan Beg Atka, Sittal Chan, Kumal Chan, of the race of Alla ul Dien, Sultan Alli Chan, Shech Zadda Chermilli, and Nizim Chan Biana. The light horse of the left wing were commanded by Tirdi Beg, Mumin Atka, and Rustum Turkuman; and those of the left wing by Mahmood Casim, Jisserat Chan, and Chan Bahadur. Sultan Mahummud, Buchshi [Captain-General.], took post before the king, with all his yessawils [Aids de Camp.], and a choice body of horse.

About ten o'clock in the forenoon the action was commenced by the artillery. The left of the enemy, charging the right of the Moguls, soon fell in hand to hand, with the battalions of Kokultash and Malleck Casim, and made them give ground. But Chin Timur, by the sultan's orders, inclining to the right with his brigade, took up their ground, and falling upon the assailants with great fury, put them to flight, the light horse pursuing them with great slaughter, quite through their own line. The enemy, in the mean time, being so numerous, extended their flanks far beyond the wings of the sultan, and came down upon him from all sides. Baber ordered his right and left wing to fall back, by which means his army was thrown into a circle. In this position he resisted the repeated assaults of the Patans till three o'clock, Alla Kuli Rumi, who commanded the artillery, making great slaughter among them.

Baber finding the enemy fatigued by their repeated assaults, determined to act offensively, to drive them quite out of the field. He therefore put himself at the head of the brigades of Chin Timur and Allum Chan, and charging them like a lion rushing from his forest, after an obstinate resistance put their whole army to flight. Hassen Chan, of Mewat, was killed with a cannon shot, and Raw Luddive Rai, Chunder Ban Chohan, Mannuk Chand Chohan, Kirim Sing, all powerful princes of the enemy, were numbered among the dead.

The sultan, immediately after the victory, assumed the title of Ghazi [Ghazi signifies a warrior.]; and, as a monument to perpetuate the memory of the battle, he ordered a pyramid to be built upon an eminence near the field, which, according to the custom of his age and nation, was stuck round with the heads of the slain. The astrologer, after being severely reprimanded for his false prediction, was presented with a lack of rupees, and banished from the kingdom.

Baber, from this fortunate field, marched towards Mavat, where Nihar Chan, the son of Hassen Chan, seeing no other means of safety, submitted himself and the country to the king. The government of Mavat was conferred upon Chin Timur Sultan.

After these transactions, Baber returned to Agra, from whence he sent his son Humaioon to Cabul, with orders to add Balich to that province, and to rule both in his own name. Mahummud Alli, Tirdi Beg, and Kotch Beg, were ordered against Hassein Chan and Diria Chan, who still kept possession of Chandwar and Raberi. But upon the approach of the Moguls, they fled, and Hassein Chan was drowned in crossing the Jumna, while Diria Chan escaped. Mahummud Sultan Mirza was detached at the same time to Kinnoge, against Bein Afghan, who fled from thence to Cheirabad.

Upon the twenty ninth of Zihidge, in the year nine hundred and thirty four, the king marched to hunt towards Kole and Simbol. Having diverted himself with the chace for some time, he returned to his capital, and was taken ill of a fever, of which however he soon recovered. He then marched towards Chinderi, where Medeni Rai had shut himself up with a strong garrison of Rajaputs. The place was invested, and the Rajaputs sallied out, and attacked the king, but they paid dear for their rashness, and lost six thousand men upon the field. Those who returned after this defeat into the fort, seeing no hopes of defending it longer against the enemy, according to their dreadful custom, murdered their wives and children in the following manner. They placed a sword in the hand of one of their chiefs, and he slew the unhappy victims, who, one after another, bent, of their own accord, their necks before him; they even contended among themselves about the honor of being first slain. The soldiers then threw a yellow powder upon their garments, as on a day of festivity, and throwing loose their hair, issued sorth with their swords and shields, and sought after that death, which they all obtained. The empty fort sell into the hands of the Moguls.

Advices were, about this time, received, that a detachment, which had been sent against the omrahs of the East, was defeated. The king, therefore, left Ahmed Shaw, the son of Mahummud Shaw, and grandson of Sultan Nasir ul Dien Malavi, who had now joined him, in the government of Chinderi, and marched in person towards Kinnogi. He met his defeated troops at Raberi, and arriving at the river, he threw over it a bridge of boats. Chin Timur was ordered to cross in the front, the enemy being then on the opposite shore. After a faint resistance, the Patans gave way; but Chin Timur pursuing them, took part of their baggage, and a great number of their women and children.

The king, after this victory, hunted, for a few days, upon the banks of the Gang, and then returned to Agra. He appointed Mahummud Zeman Mirza, the son of Budeli ul Zeman Mirza, of Balich, governor of the city, and, in the year nine hundred and thirty five, marched himself to survey the country. He first took the route of Gualiêr, and viewed there the fortifications, the stone elephant, and the palace of Raja Man Sing. He then visited the gardens of Rehim Daad, and ordered some flowers and plants, of an uncommon kind, to be transplanted to Agra. He went to worship in the great Musgid, built by Sultan Shumse ul Dien Altumsh, for whose soul he ordered prayers to be read, and returned, by another way, to Agra.

The sultan, soon after his return to Agra, was seized with an intermitting fever, which continued upon him for eight months. Some superstitious people advised him, during his sickness, to write a poem in praise of Chaja Abud Ahrar, one of the saints, to induce him to intercede with God for his health. Baber, though it is highly probable he did not give much credit to the power of the saint, actually wrote the poem, in the measure of Mowlani Jami, or Rimel Mussiddiss.

The king recovered from his disorder about the eighth of Ribbi ul Awil. He offered up public thanks to God for the restoration of his health, and made a great feast upon the occasion. He distributed magnificent presents among the omrahs and foreign ambassadors, and bestowed large sums to gladden the hearts of the poor. During this festival, Chandamire, the author of the Habib al Sier, Mowlana Shab Mammai, and Mirza Ibrahim Canooni, who came from Herât, and were esteemed the greatest geniusses of that age, were introduced to the king: He loaded them with his favors, and ordered them places near his own person.

Mirza Ashkari, who governed Moultan, was, this year, ordered to court, and having exhibited the tokens of obedience, he was commanded to go against Nuserit Shaw. Nuserit, hearing of the approach of the Moguls, sent an ambassador to the king, subjecting himself to the royal authority. Barhan Nizam Shaw Beri, prince of Ahmednagur, at the same time sent to congratulate Baber on his good fortune, and proffered obedience.

Baber, towards the close of this year, received advices that Sultan Mahmood, the son of Secunder Lodi, had possessed himself of the province of Behar, and that Bellocha had erected the standard of rebellion in Moultan. The king sent orders to his omrahs in the north-west, concerning the affairs of Moultan, and marched in person towards Behar. When he arrived at Kurrah, Sultan Jellal ul Dien Shirki prepared a royal entertainment for him, and was honored with his presence. Mahummud Zeman Mirza was detached from Kurrah to the conquest of Behar. He soon drove Sultan Mahmood out of the field.

But a few months after, the Afghans of Behar, collecting themselves together a second time, advanced to the Gang, opposite to Hideri. The king detached Ashkari Mirza with a division of the troops to oppose them, and next day followed that officer with the whole army. When he came to the banks of the river, and saw the enemy on the opposite bank, he was preparing boats to cross; but Chin Timur begged permission to go before. As soon as he made his landing good with eighty horse, Mirza Ashkari, who had crossed at another place, appeared in the enemies rear; and they immediately took to flight. The king, after this action, left Sultan Junied Birlass to prosecute the war in conjunction with Nuserit Shaw, and returned to pass the rainy season in Agra. He visited, upon his way, Shech Eiah, at Monier, the father of Shech Sherrif Moniri, and carried him to court.

Humaioon having left Mirza Hindal to govern in his absence, returned about this time from Cabul to visit his father. Sultan Seid Chan of Argund, took this opportunity of invading Buduchshan, and sent Mirza Hyder Dughelaff, to attack Minkilla. Hindal, upon the approach of the enemy, retreated into the fort of Ziffer, where he was besieged. Sultan Seid of Argund, finding that he could not reduce the place, and that the inhabitants would not join him, ravaged the country, and returned home. But as the news of his retreat had not reached Agra, the government of Buduchshan was bestowed upon Soliman Mirza, who set out immediately for that province with a letter from the king to Sultan Seid Chan, expressing his surprize at hostilities, for which he could not account, but by some misbehavior of Mirza Hindal; that, therefore, he had sent another person, who was allied to them both, to supply his place. When Soliman Mirza arrived, he found the country in perfect tranquillity, and took possession of the government, which his family have kept to this day. Mirza Hindal returned to Agra.

In the year nine hundred and thirty six, the sultan fell sick, and his disorder continued daily to gain strength, in spite of the power of medicine. Despairing at last of life, he recalled his son Humaioon, who was then besieging the fort of Callinger, and appointed him his successor. Upon Monday, the fifth of Jemmad ul Awil, in the year nine hundred and thirty seven, he resigned in peace that life which he had so often exposed in war. According to his will, his body was carried to Cabul, and interred in a holy sepulchre.

What shall we say of Baber, the wonder of the age in which he lived! He mounted a throne at twelve years of age, and, with various turns of fortune, reigned thirty eight. He was a prince of great humanity, and he carried his generosity to such excess, that it bordered upon prodigality. With respect to the first, he so often pardoned ingratitude and treason, that he seemed to make a principle of rendering good for evil. He thus disarmed vice, and made the wicked the worshipers of his virtue.

He was of the sect of the Hanifites, in whose doctrine and tenets he was perfectly versed; yielding more to the evidence of reason, than to the marvellous legends of superstitious antiquity. He was not, however, forgetful of that rational worship which is due to the great Creator, nor a despiser of those laws and ceremonies which are founded on found policy for the benefit of the superficial judges of things. He was a master in the arts of Poetry, Writing, and Music. He wrote his own Commentaries in the Mogul language, with such elegance and propriety, that they are universally admired. This work was translated, in the reign of Ackbar, by Chan Chanan, into the Persian language, and from it we have abridged the preceding history of the life of Baber.

In his person, he was something above the middle size, nervous, and well formed. His countenance was pleasant, and in disposition he was easy, facetious, and affable.

To establish his reputation for justice and honor, we shall relate one instance out of many. When he was prince of Ferghana, a rich caravan of Chitta and China, which was crossing the mountains of Indija, was buried in the snow. He ordered all the goods to be collected, and sent messengers to China to proclaim the accident, and bring the owners, or their heirs, to his court. Upon their arrival, at the end of two years, he entertained them hospitably, and returned them all their goods, not only refusing to accept a present, but even to be reimbursed for his expences.

Notwithstanding his great vigor in war, he was much addicted to wine and women, and all the fashionable pleasures of courts. He sometimes used, when he had an inclination to make merry, to fill a fountain with wine, upon which was inscribed a verse to this purpose: "Jovial days! Blooming springs! Old wine, and young maidens! Enjoy freely, O Baber, for life is not twice to be enjoyed!" He then would sit down in the midst of his friends, drink freely, and feast his eyes on the daughters of beauty who danced before him.

Whithersoever he marched, or rode, he always had the road measured after him. This custom obtains with the emperors of Hindostan to this day. He made a statute concerning the measurement of distances, which has hitherto remained in force. He appointed a hundred tinnabs to one crore, each tinnab being forty guz [A guz is not quite an English mile.].

With respect to his military character, he seems to have had few that could equal him. He rendered the most dangerous enterprizes easy, by his undaunted courage and perseverance, which rose above all difficulties, and made him much more the object of admiration in his adversity, than in the height of his prosperity. Nor did he forget himself in the latter, but always behaved with that moderation and equanimity which characterizes a great soul.

We have already traced Baber's descent from Timur; but as he was the founder of a great dynasty, it will be proper to follow his genealogy further back into antiquity. The great Chingez Chan, the son of Pissuka, the son of Pirna, had four sons of renown, who were all kings, and the fathers of nations. Their names were Oktai Chaân, Chigittai Chan, Judgi Chan, and Tooli Chan. Though Oktai Chaân was not the eldest son, yet he was, by his father, appointed his successor, and ruled in Kirrakerim and Kilwarân, which were the original territories of Chingez Chan. Oktai Chan died, by excess of wine, in the year six hundred and thirty nine.

Chigittai Chan, the second son, possessed the kingdoms of Maverulnere, Tarkistân, Balich, and Buduchshan, and became the greatest of the family. Kirrachar Nuain, who was the fifth ancestor of Timur, was one of his omrahs, and, at length, captain general of all his forces. The genealogy of Kirrachar runs thus: Timur, the son of Amir Jiraghai, the son of Amir Birkit, the son of Alingar Bahadur, the son of Abhil Luiân, the son of Kirrachar Nuian, the son of Sagungi, the son of Ibumgi Berlass, the son of Katchuli Badahur, the son of Jumnai Chan, the son of Bacsinker Chan, the son of Kidu Chan, who, by the mother's side, was descended from Basinger, a lady, from whom Chingez Chan derived his pedigree.

[admin]

The History of Hindostan.

Part V. The History of the Life of Humaioon, the Son of Baber.

Section I. The reign of HUMAIOON, till his expulsion from HINDOSTAN.

NASIR ul Dien Mahummud HUMAIOON, immediately after the death of Baber, mounted the throne of his father, in Hindostan. He was a great astronomer, and took much delight in judicial astrology. He sitted up seven houses of entertainment, and named them after the seven planets. In each he gave public audience, according to the ruling planet of the day, ordering all the furniture, paintings, and also the dresses of those who waited upon him, to bear something that was an emblem of the tutelar star of the house. He even endeavored to suit the people, who came to pay their respects, to the supposed influence of the planet, which presided over the time of their attendance. In the house of the Moon met foreign embassadors, travellers, and poets. Military men attended him in the house of Brisput [The planet Mars.], and judges, lawgivers, and secretaries, were received in that of the Recorder of Heaven [Mercury.].

But the urgency of important affairs did not permit Humaioon to follow long these innocent whims. Such only suited the days of peace, when the mind might enjoy her harmless follies. He scarcely had ascended the throne, when his brother, Mirza Camiran, who was then in Cabul, formed a design of making himself master of Punjaab. To conceal his intentions, he gave out, that he was going to Hindostan, to congratulate Humaioon upon his accession. The king being, however, apprized of Camiran's views, by his behavior in those countries through which he passed, and being extremely unwilling to make war upon his brother, consented to let him govern Punjaab, Pishawir, Lemghan, Cabul, Candahar, and Biana. This effectually stopped the progress of Mirza Camiran. The king, in the mean time, conferred the government of Mewat upon Mirza Hindal, his brother, and appointed Mirza Askari to that of Simbol, the other provinces being left in the possession of the former subas.

Humaioon, in the year nine hundred and thirty eight, led an army against the strong fortress of Callinger, and invested the place. While the king carried on the siege, Mahmood, the son of Sultan Secunder Lodi, in conjunction with Bein Afgan, took possession of Jionpoor, and kindled the flames of war in the east. Humaioon, having received intelligence of these commotions, decamped from before Callinger, marched to Jionpoor, in a pitched battle overthrew the Afghans, and reinstated Juneid Birlass in his former goment of that province.

The sultan, after this signal victory, returned to Agra, and bestowed chelats upon above twelve thousand of his courtiers. He, in the mean time, dispatched a herald to Shere Chan, and demanded possession of the fortress of Chinâr [Chinar is a very strong fortress in the province of Oud, within seven crores of Benaris; Both Shere Chan and Sultan Bahadur were governors under the former empire, and had, after the death of Ibrahim, assumed independence.], which being refused, the sultan marched his army that way. When Humaioon lay before Chinâr, he was informed, that Sultan Bahadur, of Guzerat, had turned towards him the points of his spears. This obliged him to patch up a kind of a peace with Shere Chan, and to return towards Agra. Cuttub Chan, the son of Shere Chan, whom the emperor had taken as an hostage, found means, on the way, to make his escape, and to return to his father at Chinâr.

Mahummud Ziman Mirza, the grandson of Sultan Hussein Mirza, aspired to the throne, and was supported in his pretensions by the omrahs of Chigittai. The plot was discovered, and the leader of the conspiracy pardoned: But Humaioon finding him, a second time, meditating treasonable practices, he ordered him to be confined in the fortress of Biana. Orders were given to put out the eyes of Mahummud Sultan and Nuherit Mirza, for being the principal abettors of the prince's ambitious designs; but the person to whom it was intrusted to inflict this punishment, saved the eyes of the former, while the latter found means to escape to Guzerat. Mahummud Sultan, by the aid of his sons Ali Mirza and Shaw Mirza, who formed a party, was carried away to Kinnoge, where he was joined by about six thousand Moguls, Afghans, and Rajaputs.

Humaioon sent to Bahadur, the governor of Kinnoge, and commanded him to deliver up Mahummud, but he rejected the orders in an insolent manner, which obliged the emperor to march against him. Bahadur had, about this time, resolved to wrest the fort of Chitor from Rana Bickermagit. Rana threw himself under the protection of Humaioon; but the emperor, for what reason is not known, having advanced as far as Gualier, encamped there for two months, and returned, without effecting any thing, to Agra. Rana Bickermagit, despairing of relief, sent a crown, and a considerable sum of money, to Bahadur, which induced him to raise the siege.

Sultan Bahadur, whose affairs were now in a very prosperous situation, by the reduction of Mendu, and other places, began to shew his contempt of Humaioon, by advancing the conspirator Mahummud to great honors. He also prompted Sultan Alla ul Dien, the son of the emperor Beloli Lodi, to attempt to possess himself of the throne of Delhi. He, for this purpose, made Tatar Chan, the son of Sultan Alla ul Dien, his general, and dispatched him, with forty thousand men, against Humaioon, with which he subdued Biana, and advanced to the environs of Agra.

This pressing danger awaked the king from his lethargy. He immediately sent Mirza Hindal, with a force, to oppose Tatar Chan. When the armies approached one another, there was so great a desertion from Tatar's troops, that, in the space of ten days, ten thousand horse scarce remained to him. He however resolved, with these, to stand his ground, and give battle to the imperial army, but he was totally overthrown, lost the most of his troops, three hundred officers of distinction, and his own life. Mirza Hindal, after this victory, retook Biana, and all the other places which had before fallen into the hands of the enemy, and returned in triumph to Agra.

Sultan Bahadur, in the year nine hundred and forty, marched, a second time, towards Chitor; and, in the mean time, Humaioon ordered a fort to be built in Delhi, on the banks of the Jumna, which he called Dien Panna. He, soon after, marched towards Saringpoor, which then held of Bahadur, as sultan of Guzerat, and wrote to him a punning couplet, unworthy of the dignity and majesty of a king. Chitor, in the Persian language, signifies, in what manner; and upon this was founded the miserable witticism contained in the verses. The words were, "O thou plunderer of the city of Chitor! in what manner canst thou conquer the idolaters? For when thou wouldst wish to conquer Chitor; thou know'st not in what manner the king comes to conquer thee."

Bahadur answered Humaioon in his own strain, and in the following words: "I, who am the plunderer of Chitor, will conquer the idolaters by valor; and he who dares not succour Chitor, shall see in what manner he himself shall be conquered." The wit is wretched on both sides; but he who began the pun is most to blame.

Sultan Bahadur, after sending the above billet to Humaioon, called a council of war. It was the opinion of the majority, that as Humaioon had all his force with him, it were better to raise the siege, and march against him, and thus to take up the war by the roots. Others urged, that Humaioon was so rigid in his religious principles, that he would not disturb them in their war with idolaters; that therefore it was most adviseable to finish the siege, which was now far advanced, and afterwards to think of other matters.

Bahadur himself favoured the latter opinion. The siege was accordingly continued; and Humaioon, piquing himself upon his religious principles, continued loitering at Saringpoor, till Sultan Bahadur had taken the fort. Bahadur, in the year nine hundred and forty one, marched with great expedition against Humaioon, who, hearing of his approach, marched forward to meet him. The two armies appeared in front of each other, near Munsoor. Sultan Bahadur, who had collected a great train of artillery, by advice of his engineer, Romi Chan, entrenched his army, and placed his cannon in redoubts, in his front. This prevented Humaioon from risquing an attack, and both armies continued in sight of one another for the space of two months. Daily skirmishes were, in the mean time, fought, with various success.

Humaioon, finding that he could not draw Bahadur out of his trenches, employed all his attention to cut off his supplies. He ordered his horse, in successive bodies of five or six thousand, to scour the rear of the enemy, by which means famine began soon to be severely felt in their camp; men, horses, elephants, and camels, perishing daily in great numbers.

Bahadur, instead of making one brave effort to relieve himself, permitted base fear and despair to seize upon him; and, with only five friends, left his camp in the night, and fled towards Mindu. This was no sooner known, than the flight became general; the chiefs dispersing themselves, with their adherents. Humaioon, in the morning, ordered the pursuit to commence, which was continued, as far as Mindu, with great slaughter of the unfortunate wretches, who had neither the power to escape, nor the means to defend themselves. Bahadur threw himself into Mindu, and the place was closely invested.

In a few days, three hundred Moguls scaled the walls of Mindu, in the night; and though the garrison consisted of many thousands, such was their panic, that they all betook themselves to flight. Bahadur escaped to Chapanier, which was then the capital of Guzerat, while Sidder Chan, his Amir ul Omrah, who was dangerously wounded, not able to proceed farther, shut himself up in the sort of Sunkar, where, being besieged, he capitulated the second day, and was, on account of his excellent character, received into great favor. Sidder Chan, during the pursuit, saved Sultan Bahadur, when almost taken by Humaioon, by throwing himself in between the kings, till his master had an opportunity of making his escape. But he himself was attacked with such violence by the king, in person, that, after receiving many wounds, he got off with great difficulty.

The king, three days after the taking of Mindu, renewed the pursuit after Sultan Bahadur, who, having taken all his treasure and jewels out of Mahummud Abad and Chapanier, fled towards Amudabad. The king, giving up the city of Chapanier to plunder, and committing the siege of the citadel, which still held out, to Dowlat Chaja Birlass, continued to pursue Bahadur. The unfortunate sultan, hearing of his approach, fled to Cambait, but Humaioon pursuing him thither, he retired to the island of Deo, Humaioon arriving in Cumbait, the very evening of the same day in which Bahadur forsook it.

Humaioon remained a few days in this place, but hearing that the sultan's wealth was mostly in the citadel of Chapanier, he returned to carry on that siege. Achtiar Chan, who commanded in the place, defended it with great bravery. But though he had some years provision in the fort, he was covetous of more, and took in daily supplies from a certain part of the citadel, which was covered by a thick wood.

The king, one day, reconnoitring the place, observed the proceedings of Achtiar Chan, with regard to the provisions. He immediately seized upon a party of country people who carried the supplies through the woods. He persuaded, or rather commanded them, to carry him, in disguise, to the place. They had admittance. The king made the necessary remarks, returned to his camp, and the same night ordered a parcel of iron spikes to be made.

He himself, with three hundred select men, went to the place, while feigned attacks were made upon every other quarter of the fort. As the access to this part of the fortress was extremely difficult, the attention of the enemy was entirely drawn towards the different assaults. This furnished the king with an opportunity of fixing his iron spikes in the wall, by which means thirty-nine officers mounted, and the king himself made the fortieth. Before sun-rise his whole detachment was within the walls, when he displayed a signal which had been previously settled with his troops. They accordingly made a violent assault upon all sides, and Humaioon, in the mean time, at the head of his detachment, cried out, Alla Akbar! [That is, God is greatest.] and forcing his way, sword in hand, through the enemy, possessed himself of one of the gates: he immediately opened it, and admitted his troops, and all, except Achtiar Chan and his family, who were in an outwork, were put to the sword. The governor defended himself so bravely, that he obtained a capitulation.

The great strength of this place, the numerous garrison, and the boldness of the attempt by which it fell, rendered this action of the king, equal, in the opinion of all mankind, to any thing of the like nature recorded in history. Here the treasure of Guzerat, which had been collected in the course of many years, was distributed among the troops. He gave to the officers and soldiers what wealth could be heaped upon their respective shields, proportioning the value of the things to their rank and merit. All the wealth of Room, Chitta, and Frîng [The Turkish Empire, China, and Europe.], which had been there collected, to a vast amount, was delivered over to plunder.

Sultan Bahadur having secured himself in Deo, sent Amad ul Muluck Chirkuss to Ahmedabad, to collect the revenues, and levy troops. He found himself soon at the head of fifty thousand men, and was daily gaining strength and reputation. Humaioon having intelligence of the transactions of Bahadur, appointed Tirdi Beg to command the fort of Chapanier, and the adjacent countries, and marched in person with his army towards Ahmedabad. Amad ul Muluck drew out his army to oppose him, and falling in with the vanguard of the imperialists, commanded by Mirza Ashkari, he was defeated before the rest of the army could be brought up to the engagement.

The king, for this signal service, appointed Mirza Ashkari governor of the splendid city of Ahmedabad. He divided then the provinces of Guzerat among his omrahs, and marched against Burhanpoor. Burhan Nizam Shaw, Amud ul Muluck, and the other princes of the Decan, apprehensive of his designs to reduce Chandez, wrote to him letters of submission and allegiance.

These letters had scarce arrived, when the news of the insurrection of Shere Chan came to the king. He, however, reduced all the countries about Burhanpoor, then marched round to Mindu. Amud ul Muluck, in the mean time, in conjunction with the omrahs of Guzerat, began again to acquire strength, and marched, with an army, towards Ahmedabad.

Humaioon, in the mean time, invested Chinar, and reduced it, after a siege of six months. Having then gained the passes, he entered Bengal. Shere Chan, in the mean time, carried away the treasure of the princes of Gour and Bengal, whom he had reduced, and fled to the mountains of Jarcund. The king continued his march to Gour, the capital of Bengal, took it, and commanded it to be called Ginnitabad [The paradisial city.]. Having resided in that city for the space of three months, he was obliged, on account of the moist air of that country, by which the greatest part of his army fell sick, as well as by the rebellion of Mirza Hindal at Agra, to return.

Mirza Hindal, the King's brother, was sent to suppress Mahummud Sultan Mirza, who, we have already observed, had escaped to Kinnoge. But instead of performing that service, he, as soon as he saw himself at the head of an army, began to aspire to the throne. He accordingly marched back to Agra, where he discovered his treasonable intentions, by putting some of the principal people, who rejected his authority, to death. He thus enforced obedience, and throwing away every disguise, ordered the chutba to be read in his own name, and, with all the ensigns of royalty, marched to Delhi, and besieged it.

The king, having heard of these proceedings, left Jehangire Beg and Ibrahim Beg to command in Bengal, and hastened towards Agra. When he was about half way, Mahummud Zeman Mirza, who had formerly joined Sultan Bahadur, returned from Sind, and, being promised a pardon, joined the king with a considerable party. In the mean time, Shere Chan, finding the king's army so much weakened by sickness and desertion, and his affairs further perplexed by the rebellion of Mirza Hindal, marched with his troops from Rotas, and came behind the king on the Jossa [Perhaps the Sone, or Carimnassa.]. Both armies lay three months inactive, at a time when the king ought to have run all hazards, being every day insulted, and more and more distressed by the enemy, who prevented his crossing the river.

To add still to Humaioon's misfortunes, his other brother, Mirza Camiran, instead of assisting him, ungenerously aspired to his throne, and marched, with ten thousand horse, from Lahore. When he arrived at Delhi, Mirza Hindal prevailed upon him, to join his forces with his own, after which they both continued the siege.

Fuchir ul Dien Alli, who commanded in the city, acquainted Mirza Camiran, that he could never think of betraying his trust, and rather than be so ungrateful to his prince, he was determined to hold out to the last drop of his blood; but, that, if he would first possess himself of the capital of Agra, and entirely subdue his brother, he would then, and not till then, give up the city of Delhi. When Mirza Camiran and his brother found him so determined, and that the siege would cost them much blood and time, they set out together for Agra.

When they had reached the environs of that city, the jealousy, which the brothers naturally entertained of each other, the eyes of both being turned towards the throne, broke out into open war. Mirza Hindal, being deserted by many of his party, fled to Alwir, with five thousand horse, and three hundred elephants; and Mirza Camiran, entering Agra, assumed all the imperial ensigns.

Sultan Humaioon endeavored, by every possible argument with his brothers, to bring about a coalition of interests against Shere Chan, telling them, that their family quarrels would certainly, in the end, lose them that mighty empire, which had cost their father so much pains to conquer, and involve the family of Chigittai in one common ruin; that it was, therefore, adviseable to join against the common enemy, and afterwards divide the empire amongst themselves. These arguments had no weight with his brothers, who were so blinded by ambition, that they were determined rather to lose all, than be contented with a part. They vainly hoping that after Shero Chan had defeated Sultan Humaioon, they should be able to subdue Shere Chan; and each had the folly to suppose, that he should be able to exclude the other, and so reign alone.

At this juncture, Shere Chan sent Shech Chelili, a dervish of great reputation, to Sultan Humaioon, to treat about a peace, which the king accepted, with gladness, upon the following conditions: That Shere Chan should content himself with Bengal and Behar, which he was to hold in the king's name, paying a small acknowledgment.

When the conditions were signed and ratified by mutual oaths, Humaioon, trusting too much to the faith of his enemy, permitted a free intercourse between both armies. This was what the perfidious Shere Chan aimed at by the peace. He accordingly, next morning, surprized the sultan's camp, before day-break, and totally defeated him. As the bridge of boats, which the sultan had been preparing, was not finished, there was no way of escape left, but by plunging into the river; all the boats being seized by a part of the enemy, who had turned the rear of the emperor's army. Humaioon, his nobles, and a great part of his army, were forced into the stream, where eight thousand Moguls, exclusive of Hindoos, were drowned, among whom was Mahummud Ziman Mirza. This terrible overthrow happened to Humaioon in the year nine hundred and forty six.

The king, by the assistance of a waterman, having with great difficulty swam across the river, with a few who had survived the slaughter of this dreadful day, fled to Agra. Mirza Camiran hearing of this defeat, hastened from Agra to Alwir, to consult with his brother, Mirza Hindal. Finding that now the Afghans were likely to prevail, they were ashamed of their behavior to their brother, and, when it was too late, thought proper to support him. In the mean time, all the Mogul omrahs who were dispersed in the provinces, seeing that the power of their nation had sustained such a violent shock, found it also necessary to unite their strength. They accordingly hastened from all quarters to Agra; Jehangire Beg, and Ibrahim Beg, having left Bengal, and even Mahummud Sultan Mirza, who had rebelled in Kinnoge, joined now in the general cause against the Afghans.

The three brothers having met at Agra, held daily consultations; but Mirza Camiran, who was not earnest in reconciling their different interests, brought all their councils to nothing, and proposed to return to Lahore, to which resolution he was very much instigated by Chaja Callan Beg. Sultan Humaioon used every argument to prevent his departure; but the ambitious Camiran was determined to be every thing himself, or to give no assistance to his brother.

These impolitic disputes had lasted six months, when Mirza Camiran was seized with a false appetite, which he too much indulged, and consequently became afflicted with a lientery, which he imputed to poison given him by his brothers. He immediately set out for Lahore, leaving a thousand horse with Secunder Sultan, under pretence of assisting his unfortunate brother. The inhabitants of Agra were greatly discouraged at Camiran's departure, so that many of them, fearing the issue of the war, accompanied him. Mirza Hyder, disgusted with this behavior, staid behind, and joined Humaioon, to whom he was of great service.

Shere Chan, who had remained quiet during these disputes, now advanced with an army to the banks of the Gang, and detaching his son Cuttub Chan over the river, possessed himself of the adjacent provinces.

Humaioon having received intelligence of these motions, ordered Cassim Hassein Sultan Usbeck, in conjunction with Eadgar Mirza and Secunder Sultan, against him, with a great army. They met the enemy near Calpie, where an obstinate engagement was fought, in which victory declaring for the Moguls, Cuttub Chan, with a great part of his army, was cut off, and his head sent to Agra. The generals, at the same time, invited the king to come and have the honor of conquering Shere Chan in person.

Humaioon accordingly marched with a hundred thousand horse, and crossing the Gang, near Kinnoge, sat down for the space of a month before the army of Shere Chan, which consisted of little more than half his number. In the mean time, Mahummud Sultan Mirza, and his sons, who were remarkable for their treachery and ingratitude, fled to the enemy, with all their adherents, drawing many more after them, which again plunged the sultan into distress; for his army being dispirited, began to desert by thousands. To complete his misfortunes, the rainy season now commenced, and his camp was quite overflowed with water, insomuch that the tents seemed afloat. The king therefore resolved to move his camp to higher ground.

On the tenth of Mohirrim, nine hundred and forty seven, he put his army in motion. He was attacked by Shere Chan on his march, and defeated with great slaughter. Having unfortunately, as in the former action, the river then close to his rear, the flight turned that way, and some thousands, to avoid the swords of the enemy, chose a more ignominious death in the water. A few only escaped with the king over the river, with whom he fled to Agra; the rest submitted themselves to the conquerors, or dispersed by various routs.

Shere Chan, immediately after this victory, advanced towards Agra. The king was forced to retreat to Lahore, and on the first of Rubbi ul Awil, of that year, joined the greatest part of his Mogul omrahs, who had been dispersed since the action. Shere Chan still continuing the pursuit, to make the best use of his victory, crossed the river of Jullanpoor, upon which the sultan, upon the first of Rigib, passed the river of Lahore, and retreated towards Tatta and Bicker. Mirza Camiran, now sensible of his ungenerous and impolitic behavior, was himself obliged to fly towards Cabul, and saw an empire wrested from his family, by the effects of that base envy, which could not behold even a brother's greatness without pain.

Humaioon having crossed the Sind, on his way to Bicker, halted at Lori, and sent an embassador, with a horse and dress to Mirza Shaw Hassein, governor of Tatta, to request his aid, that he might be able to possess himself of Guzerat. Mirza Shaw Hassein seeming to listen to his request, detained the king, by various artifices and excuses, for five months, by which means his small army, distressed for want of pay, daily diminished in numbers. Mirza Hindal, his brother, in the mean time, left him, and went to Candahar, being invited thither, by Kirrachi Chan, governor of that province. Mirza Eadgar Nasir proposed, at the same time, to quit Humaioon, but this unfortunate king, took great pains to keep him firm to his interest, giving him the government of Bicker. But he had no sooner taken possession of that place, than he began to strengthen himself, and to hatch treason.

Humaioon, in the mean time, had, with his little army, laid siege to Sewan, for seven months, without effect, when Shaw Hassein, desirous of getting the place into his own hands, advanced, with a great force, from Tatta, and surrounding both the garrison and the besiegers, prevented supplies from being carried to either. Humaioon's army were soon greatly distressed, as well as the garrison. The king, driven to extremities, requested Mirza Eadgar to join him, with what forces he had in Bicker; but this ungrateful man chose rather to be prevailed upon to join Mirza Shaw Hassein, who promised him his daughter, and to secure him in his government. He immediately deserted the king's interest, at this dangerous crisis, and Humaioon was obliged to retreat precipitately from before Sewan, towards Bicker. He could not even obtain, in that place, a few boats, from his own perfidious subjects, to waft his small army over the river. After a search of some days, and wandering along the banks, he discovered some boats that had been sunk, raised them, and transported his troops to the other side.

Notwithstanding this accumulation of misfortunes, Humaioon had strength enough left to strike terror in Eadgar Nasir Mirza, who, to avoid his resentment, came and made his submission. The necessity of the times obtained his pardon; but, in return for Humaioon's clemency, he began to raise sedition among his troops, and privately to draw them over to his own interest. This treason being communicated to the king, the traitor, upon being taxed with it, appeared at the head of his troops, in open rebellion. But the principal officers of the rebellious faction refused to attack their king, so that an action was prevented, when both parties were formed in order of battle.

The king being in no condition, at that juncture, to contend with the rebel, thought it high time to provide for his own safety elsewhere. He therefore marched, by the way of Jasselmere, to Raja Maldeo, then the most potent Hindoo prince in Hindostan, having before received an invitation from him. But as he was passing through the territories of Jasselmere, the raja of that country sent a force to oppose him. The king defeated them, and passed on to the boundaries of Maldeo, where he halted, and sent a messenger to the raja.

But few keep faith with a king, when he is under the cloud of misfortunes. Maldeo, seeing he had nothing to fear from Humaioon, sound in his own mind no principle to love him; he therefore resolved, if possible, to seize the king, and send him to Shere Shaw. One of Maldeo's servants, who had formerly lived under Humaioon, having intelligence of this design, immediately informed the king.

Humaioon mounted his horse, at midnight, and fled towards Amercot, which is about one hundred crores from Tatta. His horse, on the way, falling down dead with fatigue, he desired Tirdi Beg, who was well mounted, to let him have his; but so ungenerous was this man, and so low was royalty fallen, that he refused to comply with his request. The troops of the raja being close to his heels, he was necessitated to mount a camel, till one Nidim Koka, dismounting his own mother, gave the king her horse, and placing her on the camel, ran himself on foot by her side.

The country, through which they fled, being an entire sandy desart, the troops began to be in the utmost distress for water. Some ran mad, others fell down dead; nothing was heard but dreadful screams and lamentations. To add, if possible, to this calamity, news arrived of the enemy's near approach. Humaioon ordered all those who could fight to halt, and let the women and baggage move forward. The enemy not making their appearance, the king rode on in front, to see how it fared with his family.

Night, in the mean time, coming on, the rear lost their way, and in the morning were attacked by a party of the enemy. Shech Ali, with about twenty brave men, resolved to sell his life dear. Having repeated the creed of Martyrdom, he rushed upon the enemy, and the first arrow having reached the heart of the chief of the party, the rest were, by the valor of this handful, put to flight. The other Moguls joined in the pursuit, and took many of their camels and horses. They then continued their march, found the king sitting by a well, which he had fortunately found, and gave him an account of their adventure.

Marching forward, the next day, from this well, they were more distressed than before, there being no water for two days journey. On the fourth day of their retreat, they sell in with another well, which was so deep, that the only bucket they had, took a great deal of time in being wound up, and therefore a drum was beat to give notice to the caffilas when the bucket appeared, that they might repair by turns to drink. The people were so impatient for the water, that as soon as the first bucket appeared, ten or twelve of them threw themselves upon it, before it quite reached the brim of the well, by which means the rope broke, and the bucket was lost, and several fell headlong after it. When this fatal accident happened, the screams and lamentations of all became loud and dreadful. Some lolling out their tongues, rolled themselves, in agony, on the hot sand; while others, precipitating themselves into the well, met with an immediate, and consequently an easier death. What did not the unhappy king feel, when he saw this terrible situation of his few faithful friends!

The next day, though they reached water, was not less fatal than the former. The camels, who had not tasted water for several days, now drank so much, that the greatest part of them died. The people also, after drinking, complained of an oppression of the heart, and in about half an hour a great part of them expired.

A few, with the king, after this unheard of distress, reached Amercot. The raja being a humane man, took compassion on their misfortunes. He spared nothing that could alleviate their miseries, or express his fidelity to the king.

At Amercot, upon Sunday the fifth of Rigib, in the year nine hundred and forty nine, the prince Ackbar was brought forth, by Hamida Banu Begum. The king, after returning thanks to God, left his family under the protection of Raja Rana, and, by the aid of that prince, marched against Bicker. But a mutiny arising among the troops, they dispersed, so that nothing could be effected. Some of the king's own omrahs deserted him, and the gallant Shech Ali, one of his principal adherents, was killed in an action in which Humaioon was defeated. The king fled towards Kandahar, and was, on his way, joined by Byram Chan, from Guzerat. Mirza Camiran had, at that time, taken the fortress of Kandahar from his brother, Mirza Hindal; and Mirza Ashkari governed there by his appointment. Mirza Shaw Hassein wrote to Mirza Ashkari, that the king was in the utmost distress, and that if he would now favor him, so meritorious an action could not be forgot. Ashkari, instead of listening to this request, attacked the king when he approached, obliging him to leave behind him his son, and fly himself, with the Sultana Mariam Muckani, and only twenty-two horse, to Chorrassan. Mirza Ashkari expressed great sorrow at the king's escape, and plundering all his effects, carried the young prince Ackbar to Kandahar.

The king, by repeated trials, found that he could place no faith in his brothers. When he arrived upon the frontiers of Seistan, he was met by Ahmed Sultan Shamlu, who was there governor on the part of Shaw Tamasp ul Husseini, of Iran. He brought Humaioon to Seistan, and treated him with the greatest respect, presenting him with all the money he was worth, and furnishing the sultana with slaves. The king received just what supplied his occasions, and returned the rest. He from thence set out for Hêrat, and was, in that city, met by Sultan Mahummud, the king of Persia's eldest son. This prince forgot nothing of that generosity and politeness which so remarkably distinguished his character. He provided the unfortunate exile very effectually with all necessaries for his journey to court. In his progress towards the capital of Iran, all the governors of the provinces and great men paid him their compliments, and made magnificent entertainments for him. When he arrived at Kizvi, he dispatched Byram Chan to the Persian king, at Ispahan, and waited his answer. Let us now leave Humaioon, to give an account of the transactions in Hindostan, during his exile.

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Section II. History of SHERE SHAW, before his accession to the imperial throne.

THE original name of Shere Shaw was Ferîd. His father was Hassin, of the Soor tribe of the Afghans of Roh. When Sultan Beloli placed his foot on the musnud of empire, the grandfather of Shere Shaw, Ibrahim Soor, came to Delhi in quest of military service.

The original seat of the Afghans was Roh. This word, in their language, signifies a mountainous country. It extended, they say, in length, from Sewad and Bijore, to the town of Sui in the dominions of Buckurast, and in breadth, from Hussin Abdal to Rabul. This tract, in its fertile vallies, contained many separate tribes; among the number of these was that of Soor, who derive themselves from the princes of Ghor. One of the sons of the Ghorian family, whose name was Mahummud Soor, having left his native country, placed himself among the Afghans of Roh, and was the father of the tribe of Soor, which was esteemed the noblest among them.

Ibrahim Soor, arriving at Delhi, engaged himself in the service of an omrah of the court of Beloli. When the empire fell to Secunder, Jemmal Chan an omrah was appointed suba of Jionpoor, who took Hassen, the son of Ibrahim, in his retinue. He found him a youth of parts, and favored him so much, that, in a short time, he gave him the pergunnahs of Schsarâm and Chawasspoor Tanda, in jagier, for which he was to maintain five hundred horse. Hassen had eight sons; Ferîd and Nizâm of one mother, of a Patan family; the other sons were born of slaves.

Hassen had no great love for his wife, and he therefore neglected her sons. Ferîd, upon this, left his father's house, and enlisted himself a soldier in the service of Jemmal Chan. Hassen wrote to Jemmal Chan [Suba of Jionpoor.] upon this occasion, requesting him to send back his son, that he might be educated. But all that Jemmal Chan could say had no effect upon Ferîd. Jionpoor, he said, was a better place for instruction than Sehsaram; and he affirmed that he would attend to letters of his own accord. This he did to so much purpose, that he soon could repeat the works of Shech Sadi, and was, besides, a proficient in all the learning of the country. He, however, employed most of his time in history and poetry, being supported by the liberality of Jemmal Chan.

After three or four years had passed, Hassen came to Jionpoor, and, by the mediation of friends, the father and son were reconciled. Hassen gave Ferîd the charge of his jagier, and remained himself at Jionpoor. Ferîd, when he took leave of his father, said, "That the stability of government depended on justice, and that it would be his greatest care not to violate it, either by oppressing the weak, or permitting the strong to infringe the laws with impunity." When he arrived at his jagier, he actually put this resolution in practice, by rendering justice to the poor, and reducing to order such of his zemindars as opposed his authority. He, by this means, had his revenues punctually paid, and his country well cultivated. His reputation grew apace; for all his actions discovered uncommon genius and resolution.

Hassin coming to visit the pergunnahs, was extremely pleased with the management of his son, and therefore continued him in his office. But the father had a slave by whom he had three sons, Soliman, Ahmed, and Mudda, and the old man was extremely sond of her. She told him, that now her son Soliman was grown up, and that he ought to provide for him. She, day after day, continued to teaze Hassin for the superintendency of the pergunnahs for Soliman. This gave the old omrah great concern, knowing the superior abilities of Ferîd. The son, hearing that the domestic peace of his father was destroyed, by the importunities of his favorite, made a voluntary resignation of his trust, which was accordingly conferred upon Soliman.

Ferîd, and his brother Nizam, set out immediately for Agra, and entered into the service of Dowlat Chan, one of the principal omrahs of Sultan Ibrahim. Ferîd, by his good behavior, soon insinuated himself into his master's affection. Dowlat desired him, one day, to tell him what he was most desirous to obtain, and that he would use his interest with the sultan in his favor. Ferîd replied, That his father was now in his dotage, and wholly guided by an artful mistress, who had deprived both himself and his brother of their patrimonial inheritance, and had procured their jagier for her own spurious offspring. That if Dowlat would, therefore, by his interest at court, procure the jagier-sonnad in his name, he would promise to provide for his father, and maintain five hundred good horse for the service of the empire.

Dowlat Chan accordingly preferred this request to the sultan, who replied, That he must be a bad man indeed, who reviled and undermined his own father. Dowlat Chan retired in silence, and acquainted him of the answer he had received, but comforted Ferîd, by telling him that he would take another opportunity to urge his request. In the mean time, the father of Ferîd died, and Dowlat Chan obtained the emperor's grant, with which the two brothers set out to Sehsaram with a grand retinue.

Soliman, upon the arrival of his brothers, evacuating the country, went off to Mahummud Chan Soor, who held the purgunnah of Chond, and kept up a force of fifteen hundred horse, and complained of the behavior of Ferîd. Mahummud Chan told him, that Baber, having invaded Hindostan, a war between him and Sultan Ibrahim was unavoidable. That, therefore, if he should accompany him when called to the imperial army, he would endeavor to get him redress. Soliman was too impatient to wait so long in suspence. Mahummud Chan, therefore, sent a person to Ferîd, to treat about a reconciliation. Ferîd replied, That he was willing to give him a proper share of his father's inheritance, but that he must be excused from parting with any of his power; repeating, at the same time, the old adage, That two swords could never rest in one scabbard.

Soliman could not be satisfied with sharing the government, and therefore nothing was settled between the brothers. This irritated Mahummud Chan so much, that he resolved to compel him to the measures which he himself had proposed. Ferîd being informed of this resolution, began to provide for his own security; but news arriving of Sultan Ibrahim's death, the whole country was thrown into confusion. Ferîd resolved not to lie idle in the midst of the troubles which ensued. He joined Pâr Chan, the son of Diria Chan Lohani, who had subdued Behar, and assumed the royal dignity, under the name of Sultan Mahummud, or Mahmood. As the sultan was one day on a hunting party, he roused an enormous tiger; which Ferîd immediately attacked and killed with one blow of his fabre. For this bold action, which was done in the sultan's presence, he was honored with the title of Shere Chan [Shere signifies a lion.].

Shere Chan rose gradually to great influence and favor, in the sultan's service. He was even appointed tutor to the sultan's son, Jellal Chan. He, in the mean time, requested permission to go to his jagier, but he was detained there by business, till his leave of absence expired. Sultan Mahummud, dissatisfied with this behavior, reproached him, one day in public, with breach of promise; and Mahummud Chan, an omrah, being present, took that opportunity of accusing him of treasonable designs, and with favoring the interest of Sultan Mamood, the son of Sultan Secunder. The sultan was, by this means, so incensed against him, that he intimated, at the same time, a design to deprive him of his jagier, and to confer it upon his brother Soliman, as a just punishment for his offence, and the only thing that could bring him to a proper sense of his duty.

The sultan, however, having a great esteem for Shere Chan, against whom nothing was yet proved, laid aside the violent measure to which he was instigated by Mahummud. He, at the same time, by way of alarming him, gave orders to his accuser to enquire into his father's estate, and make an equal division of it among all the brothers. Mahummud Chan, glad of this order, sent one of his servants to Shere Chan to acquaint him, that his brothers, according to the sultan's commands, were to have their proportionable dividends of the estate which he had hitherto so unjustly with-held from them.

Shere Chan returned for answer, that Mahummud was very much mistaken in this matter. That there were no heritable estates in Hindostan, among Mahomedans, for that all lands belonged to the king, which he disposed of at pleasure. That as he himself had a personal grant of his jagier, his brethren were entirely out of the question. That he, however, had already consented to give to his brother Soliman a part of the money and moveables, according to law.

When the messenger returned with this answer to Mahummud Chan, who was then at Jiond, he was enraged at so flat a denial, and raising all his forces, sent them against Shere Chan, under the command of Shadi, his adopted slave, accompanied by Soliman and Ahmed. His orders were to take possession of the country, and to leave a force with Soliman, to protect him in the jagier.

This resolution being quickly taken, Shere Chan had not time to collect his people; but, upon the first alarm, he wrote to Malleck Sook, his deputy in the pergunnah of Chawasspoor Tandah, to harrass the enemy with what troops he had, but to avoid an action till he joined him in person. But Malleck Sook, desirous to distinguish himself, gave them battle, and lost his life and the victory.

This disaster weakened Shere Chan so much, that he was in no condition to oppose Mahummud; he therefore evacuated the country, and fled to Juneid Birlass, suba of Kurrah and Maneckpoor, on the part of Sultan Baber. He made the suba a handsome present, was taken into favor, and obtained a body of troops to recover his country. With these he defeated Mahummud, who fled to the mountains of Rhotas, so that he not only possessed himself of his own country, but added several other pergunnahs to his jagier, which he now held of Sultan Baber. Having rewarded the Moguls who had assisted him, he permitted them to return to their master. He, at the same time, levied troops, and was joined by his former friends, who had fled to the hills, which rendered him very formidable in those parts.

Shere Chan having thus established himself in his jagier, performed an act of generosity, which, if it was not intended to deceive the world, does him much honor. He recalled Mahummud Chan, who had fled, and put him in possession of his former jagier. This generous treatment converted his greatest enemy into one of his best friends.

Shere having settled his affairs, left his brother Nizam in charge of his country, and paid a visit to his benefactor Juneid Birlass, at Kurrah. Birlass was then going to Agra, and Shere resolved to accompany him thither. He was, upon this occasion, introduced to Sultan Baber, and attended that prince in his expedition to Chinderi.

After Shere had staid some time in the Mogul camp, and observed their manners and policy, he, one day, told a friend, that he thought it would be an easy matter to drive those foreigners out of Hindostan. His friend asked him, what reason he had to think so? Shere replied, "That the king himself, though a man of great parts, was but very little acquainted with the policy of Hindostan; and that the vizier, who held the reins of government, would be too much biassed in favor of his own interest, to mind that of the public. That therefore if the Patans, who were now at enmity among themselves, could be brought to mutual concord, the work was compleated; and should fortune ever favor him, he imagined himself equal to the task, however difficult it might, at present, appear." His friend burst out into a loud laugh, and began to ridicule this vain opinion.

Shere, a few days after, had, at the king's table, some solid dishes set before him, with only a spoon to eat them. He called for a knife, but the servants had orders not to supply him with one. Shere, not to lose his dinner, drew his dagger, without ceremony, and cutting up his meat, made a hearty meal, without minding those who diverted themselves at this odd behavior. When he had done, the king, who had been remarking his manner, turned to Amir Chalisa, and said, "This Afghan is not to be disconcerted by trifles, and is likely to be a great man."

Shere Chan perceiving, by these words, that the king had been informed of his private discourse to his friend, fled the camp that night, and went to his own jagier. He wrote from thence to Juneid Birlass, that as Mahummud Chan had prevailed on Sultan Mahmood Chan, of Behar, to send troops against his jagier, he had in haste left the king's camp, without waiting upon him for leave. He, by this means, amused Juneid Birlass from chastising him, and at the same time made up matters with Sultan Mahmood, with whom he became a greater favorite than before.

Sultan Mahmood dying a short time after, was succeeded by his son Jellal Chan, a minor. The young prince's mother, Sultana Dudu, acted as regent, and conferred the principal offices in the government upon Shere Chan. The sultana dying soon after, the administration fell wholly into his hands.

Muchdum Allum, the governor of Hadgeepoor, on the part of Sultan Mahmood, of Bengal, being guilty of some misdemeanor, threw himself under Shere Chan's protection. Sultan Mahmood, to revenge this insult, ordered Cuttub Chan, governor of Mongier, with a great force, against Behar. As the forces of Behar were inconsiderable, in comparison of those of Bengal, Shere Chan made many overtures for accommodating differences, but to no effect. Finding no arguments could prevail but the sword, he resolved to stand the unequal encounter, in which his superior skill and bravery acquired him a complete victory. Cuttub Chan was slain, and all his treasure, elephants, and camp equipage taken, which greatly advanced the designs of Shere Chan.

After this victory, the Patan tribe of Lohani, envying the fortune of Shere, formed a conspiracy, to take away his life. Shere discovered the plot, taxed Jellal Chan with it, who was privy to the conspiracy, being very jealous of the great influence of his minister. He told, on this occasion, to the young prince, that there was no necessity of taking such a base method of getting quit of him, for that if he should but once signify his inclination, Shere was ready to resign that government, which he lately so successfully protected. The prince, either suspecting his sincerity, or being equally suspicious of the other omrahs, would, by no means, consent to his resignation. This so much disgusted the conspirators, that they took every possible measure to make a breach between the prince and his minister.

Shere, finding that he had no security, but in maintaining his power, by the unlimited use he made of it, justly excited the prince's jealousy to such a pitch, that, one night, accompanied by his omrahs, he fled to Sultan Mahmood, of Bengal, and implored his aid to expel Shere Chan, who had usurped his throne.

Sultan Mahmood, joining his compassion for the young prince, to his personal hatred for Shere, sent Ibrahim Chan, the son of Cuttub Chan, with a considerable army against the usurper. The Bengalians besieged Shere in a mud fort, for a long time, without success; so that Ibrahim was obliged to send home for succours. Shere Chan, being informed of this circumstance, came out, offered battle, and, by means of a common stratagem, ordering his troops to fly at the first onset, to draw the enemy into an ambush, defeated them, and took all their guns and elephants. Ibrahim Chan was slain in the action, and the young prince fled in great distress to Bengal.

Shere, by this victory, became lord of all Behar, and grew daily more and more formidable. Taje Chan was, at this time, governor of the strong fort of Chinâr, which he had held for himself ever since the death of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi. His wife Lade Mallecke, who was barren, yet for whom he had a very great affection, being envied by his other wives, by whom he had children, they instigated their sons to make away with her. But one of the sons, who had undertaken the murder, missed his blow, and only inflicted a slight wound. Taje Chan, alarmed by her cries, came to her assistance, and drew his sword to kill his son. The son, seeing no means to escape, assaulted his father, and slew him. The sons of Taje Chan were yet too young to be entrusted with the government, and Lade Mallecke drew the reins into her own hands, by her address among the chiefs and zemindars. Shere Chan, informed of these transactions, set a treaty of marriage on foot with Lade Mallecke, which was soon concluded. Shere seized upon Chinâr and the dependant districts, which was a great acquisition to his power, there being a considerable treasure in the place.

Much about this time, Sultan Mahmood, the son of Sultan Secunder Lodi, having taken protection with Rana Sinka, by his assistance, and that of Hassen Chan Mewati, advanced against Sultan Baber, and were defeated, as we have already seen, at Janveh. Sultan Mahmood, flying to Chitor, was from thence invited by the omrahs of Lodi, who were gathered together at Patna, and by them proclaimed king. He made himself soon master of all Behar. Shere Chan perceiving that he could not draw the omrahs over from the sultan's interest, and that he had not sufficient force to oppose him, submitted to his authority, and, by that means, saved a part of Behar, which the sultan permitted him to retain. The sultan told him, at the same time, that if he should effectually assist him in recovering Jionpoor from the Moguls, he would return Behar to him; and a contract to that effect was drawn up and executed between them.  

Shere Chan, some time after, obtained leave to return to Shessaram, to levy troops, and Sultan Mahmood marching, with an army, against the Moguls, sent him orders to join. But as Shere delayed for some time, the sultan, persuaded by his omrahs that he was playing a loose game, marched his army through his jagier on his way to Jionpoor. Shere came out to meet him, had an elegant entertainment provided for his reception, and then marched with him to Jionpoor. The troops of Humaioon evacuated the province upon their approach, so that the Afghans took possession of the country as far as Lucknore.

Humaioon lay, at this time, before Callinger, and having heard of the progress of the Afghans, he marched against them. Mahmood having, on this occasion, given a superior command to Bein Baezîd, Shere Chan, who thought himself ill-used, betrayed his master, and wrote a private letter, the night before the action, to Hindoo Beg, one of the Mogul generals, acquainting him, "That he esteemed himself a servant of Baber's family, to whom he owed his advancement, and that he would be the cause of defeating the Afghans next day." He drew off his troops in the action, which occasioned Mahmood's defeat, for which service he was greatly favored by Humaioon. Sultan Mahmood, after this defeat, retreated to Patna, retired from the world, and, in the year nine hundred and forty nine, died in Orissa.

Humaioon, after his victory, returned to Agra, and sent Amir Hindoo Beg to Shere Chan, to take possession of the fort of Chinâr. Shere excused himself, and obliged Hindoo Beg to retreat. Humaioon returned immediately with his whole army to besiege Chinâr, and, having invested it, he received a letter from Shere Chan, acquainting him, "That he esteemed himself one of the servants of the house of Baber, from whom he first obtained a government; and that he had expressed his fidelity, by being the occasion of the late victory. That, therefore, if the king would permit him to retain the government of the fort, he was willing to pay him the proper revenues of the lands which he held, and would send his son, Cuttub Chan, with five hundred horse, to be maintained at his own expence, in the sultan's service."

As at this juncture the affairs of Guzerat, by the conquests of Sultan Bahadur, required the king's presence, and considering also the strength of Chinâr, Humaioon consented to these terms, and, accordingly, being joined by Cuttub Chan and Isey Chan Hajbil, with five hundred horse, he marched towards Sultan Bahadur. The king, however, had scarcely reached Guzerat, when Cuttub Chan deserted with his horse, and returned to his father. Shere immediately raised what forces he could, and reduced Behar. Not satisfied with this success, he pursued his fortune, and penetrated into the heart of Bengal, having fought with the omrahs of that country several sharp battles, before he could make himself master of the passes, which were defended a whole month.

Sultan Mahmood of Bengal shut himself up in Gour, which Shere Chan for a long time besieged. One of the zemindars of Behar having raised a disturbance, he left Chawass Chan to carry on the siege, and returned himself to Behar. Provisions becoming at length very scarce in Gour, Sultan Mahmood fled in a boat to Hadjepoor; and Shere Chan, having settled affairs in Behar, returned and pursued him. Mahmood being necessitated to give battle, was defeated, and being wounded in the engagement, fled his kingdom, which immediately fell into the hands of the conqueror.

Humaioon, returning from his expedition to Guzerat, thought it necessary to put a stop to the rising power of Shere Chan. He for that purpose turned towards the reduction of Chinâr. Jellal Chan, who commanded there, left the defence of the place to Ghazi Soor, and retired to the hills of Bercundah, from whence he very much annoyed the besiegers. The siege had been carried on six months, when Rumi Chan, who commanded the king's artillery, by some kind of a floating battery, which he sent down the river close to the wall, reduced the place.

Humaioon left two hundred soldiers in garrison there, and marched towards Bengal. Sultan Mahmood, who, as we have already observed, was wounded in the action with Shere Chan, threw himself under the protection of Humaioon. When the king had advanced to Gurhi, which is the frontier of Bengal, he found that Shere Chan had sent Jellal Chan, Chawass Chan, and a good detachment, to guard that pass. The king sent Jehangire Kulli Beg, and some other omrahs, to dislodge them; but they were repulsed in several attacks. Being, however, supported by more troops, and the whole army appearing in sight, a successful assault was made, and the Moguls became masters of the pass. Jellal Chan fled to his father Shere Chan at Gour, who, being in no condition to engage so superior a force, evacuated that capital, carried off all his wealth to the mountains of Jarcund, and begun to project a scheme for possessing himself of Rhotas, that he might there lodge his family and wealth in security.

To take Rhotas by open force was an impossible attempt. It was therefore necessary to devise some stratagem, by which success might be hoped. Shere, for this purpose, sent a message to Raja Berkiss, who was in possession of this impregnable fortress, and told him, "That as he himself was going to attempt the recovery of Bengal, he hoped, from their former friendship, that he would permit him to send his family and treasure into the place, with a few attendants." The raja at first rejected this request, but Shere Chan sent an artful embassador to the raja, a second time, with some handsome presents, acquainting him, "That it was only for his women and treasure he requested the raja's protection: That should he be fortunate enough to conquer Bengal, he would make proper acknowledgments for the favor on his return; but if he should lose his life in the contest, he rather chose that his family and wealth should fall into his hands, than into those of the Moguls, his inveterate enemies."

The raja, permitting himself to be deluded by his avarice, determined, when once in possession of the treasure, to keep it, and therefore consented to Shere's request. Shere Chan having provided covered doolies [ ], filled them all, except two or three, which were to go first, with armed men and arms. He, at the same time, filled five hundred money bags with ball, and appointed some of his best soldiers to carry them, in the disguise of slaves, with sticks in their hands, to help the treasure up the mountain. The men, who carried the doolies, were disguised in the same manner. This train accordingly set out, and the first and second dooly being examined at the gate, were found to contain only old women, so further examination was neglected. The raja was, in the mean time, busy in counting the bags, which he now reckoned part of his own fortune. When the doolies had reached the house which the raja had appointed, the wolves rushed out among the sheep, and begun to dye the fold with their blood. The porters used their staves, till they supplied themselves with arms from the doolies. They easily mastered the garrison, who were off their guard, and admitted Shere Chan, who was encamped at a small distance. The raja himself, with a few followers, found means to escape into the woods, by a private passage behind the fort.

Thus fell one of the most impregnable fortresses in the world into the hands of Shere Chan, together with much treasure, which had been accumulating there for ages. The merit of the invention of this stratagem is not due to Shere. The fort of Asere, in the Decan, was, long before, taken in the same manner by Nasir Chan Faroki, governor of Chandez.

Rhotas is built upon the level top of a mountain; the only entrance to it is a very narrow road, through a steep ascent of one crore, from the foot of the hill to the gates, which are three in number, one above another, defended by guns and rolling-stones. The square contents of the fortified table land, on the top of the mountain, is more than five crores. In this space are contained towns, villages, and corn fields, and water is found a few feet from the surface. On one side runs the river Sone, under an immense precipice, and another river, in the same manner, passes close to the other side, and both meeting a little below, form the hill into a triangular peninsula. There is a very deep valley on the third side, full of impervious woods, which spread all over the mountains, and render all access that way next to impossible.

Shere Chan had now a secure retreat for his family, and his friends began to acquire fresh spirits by this piece of success. Humaioon, in the mean time, spent three months in luxurious pleasures, at Gour, or Lucknouti. He there received advices that Mirza Hindal, his brother, had revolted in Agra and Mewat; that he had put Shech Phoul to death, and coined money in his own name. He therefore left Jehangire Kulli Beg, with five thousand horse, in Gour, and returned towards Agra.

By the excessive rains and bad roads, the king's cavalry and beasts of burthen perished in great numbers, on his march, by fatigue and want of forage. Shere Chan, who had now raised a numerous army, entrenched himself on the banks of the Jossa, in a place by which the king must of necessity pass, and, by treachery, defeated him with great slaughter, in the manner which we have already related. Shere did not immediately push forward to the capital. Anxious to leave no enemy behind him, he returned to Bengal, engaged Jehangire Kulli Beg in several battles, defeated him, and, at length, cut him and his army to pieces.

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Section III. The history of the reign of SHERE SHAW, the Afghan.

SHERE SHAW, immediately after the reduction of Bengal, assumed the imperial title, struck the coin, and read the chutba, in his own name. He marched, the next year, with a great army, towards Agra. The unfortunate Humaioon was, by this time, deserted by his brother Mirza Camiran, and hated by his Mogul omrahs, on account of his attention to his Turkuman mercenaries. He, however, crossed the river with one hundred thousand horse, and met Shere Chan, who had but fifty thousand. Shere, as we have already mentioned, defeated Humaioon, and pursued him to Agra, Lahore, and Choshâb; from which place the king retreated towards Sind.

Ismaiel Chan, Ghazi Chan, Fatti Chan, and Billoche Dudai, all omrahs of that country, joined Shere Shaw. The sultan, observing a hill, among the mountains of Balnat, proper for a fortress, ordered one to be built, which he named Rhotas. Chawass Chan, his faithful slave, to whose bravery and conduct he owned himself greatly indebted for his fortune, was now made Amir ul Omrah, with a pension of a tenth of the royal revenue.

Having left the Amir ul Omrah, and Hybut Chan Neazi, with a great army, in the north west, Shere Shaw returned towards Agra. He was in that city informed, that Chizer Chan Sirik, whom he left suba of Bengal, had married the daughter of Mahmood, the former sultan of that province, and held the state of a sovereign prince. Having experienced, in his own fortune, the danger of permitting such behavior to go unpunished, he marched immediately to Bengal. Chizer Chan being unexpectedly surprized, submitted without trouble, and was imprisoned. Shere Shaw very prudently divided the kingdom of Bengal among a number of omrahs, independent of one another, and appointed Kasi Fazilit, a native of Kurrah, famous for his learning and policy, to superintend the whole. He himself, after these transactions, retired to Agra.

In the year nine hundred and forty nine, Shere made a motion towards Malava. Having advanced as far as Gualier, Suja Chan Afghan, who had before inverted the place, on the part of Shere Shaw, found means to settle matters with Abul Casim Beg, governor of Gualier for Humaioon, and he delivered up that strong fortress into his hands.

Shere Shaw having entered Malava, Mullu Chan, governor of that province, submitted without a blow. Being, however, a few days after, alarmed by something, he fled from the king's camp, and Hadjee Chan was appointed to that government; Suja Chan had also a jagier conferred upon him in that country. Shere Shaw having marched from thence to Rintimpore, Mullee Chan fell upon the governor of Malava, and upon Suja Chan, but he was defeated. Suja Chan having acquired all the honor of the victory, Hadjee Chan was superseded and recalled, and the government conferred upon Suja.

Shere Shaw arriving before Rintimpore, had the address to get possession of that important fortress, from the governor, on the part of Sultan Mahmood Lodi, who had still kept it. The emperor, after taking Rintimpore, returned to Agra. He remained in that city a whole year, settling the internal police of the empire, and regulating his army. He, in the mean time, ordered Hybut Chan to wrest Moultan from the Bellochies. This Hybut soon effected by defeating Fatti Chan Bellochi, and entirely subduing that country. He had, on account of this exploit, the title of Azim Humaioon conferred upon him.

In the year nine hundred and fifty, Paran Mull, the son of Raja Suckdeo Parbia, having conquered some neighbouring pergunnahs, kept no less than two thousand concubines and dancing girls in his zinnana. The king, resenting this indignity, marched and invested him in the sort of Raisein. The siege being protracted for a long time, Paran Mull began to treat of a capitulation. This was granted to him upon the honorable terms of marching out, with all his arms, treasure, family, garrison, and effects. Paran accordingly marched out with four thousand rajaputs, and, trusting to the faith which had been pledged, encamped at a small distance.

But Shere Shaw, who never kept the faith of treaties, was easily persuaded, by his base ministers, particularly by Amir Ruffi ul Dien Suffvi, infamously to violate his honor. He surrounded the rajaputs, and ordered them all to be massacred. He, however, paid very dear for this horrid piece of cruelty and treachery The rajaputs, placing death in one eye and revenge in the other, sought till every man of them was laid dead on the plain, and above double their number of the assassins.

Shere Shaw, after this infamous transaction, returned to Agra. Having remained there a few months, to refresh and recruit his army, he marched towards Marwâr. During his march he intrenched himself every night, as well for security, as to exercise his troops, and make them expert in this necessary service. When he came to cross the sands, he formed redoubts all round him with gabions. In this manner he entered the country of the raja of Nagor and Todpoor, whose name was Maldeo, and esteemed the most powerful raja in Hindostan. He opposed the king, with fifty thousand rajaputs, and both armies lay thirty days in sight of one another.

Shere Shaw would now have been glad to retreat quietly. But the danger was too great, at the same time the enemy was so advantageously posted as to render an attack too hazardous. In the midst of this alarming situation, a successful stratagem suggested itself to the king. Raja Maldeo having conquered that country, to which he had no right by inheritance, Shere Shaw forged a letter, in the Hindoo language and character, in the name of the raja's generals, addressed to himself, setting forth, "That, being conquered by the raja, they had, through necessity, served him till then with fidelity; but that they were, in secret, very weary of his yoke. That if he would therefore, reinstate them in their former possessions, they were willing to make him a due acknowledgement for the favor." On this letter Shere superscribed, as usual, in Persian, That they should fear nothing, desiring them to persevere in their intentions, and that they might rest assured, that he would comply with their demand.

This letter was purposely thrown into the way of the raja, who, being always in dread of his omrahs, was easily deceived. He therefore declined the battle, which he intended to give that day. He was even more and more confirmed in his unjust suspicion, by the eagerness which they expressed to engage. Upon the fourth day he ordered a retreat; but Cunia, one of his principal omrahs, having found out in what manner the raja had been deceived by these forgeries, endeavoured to persuade him of his mistake. Having found that the raja's suspicions could not be removed, he told him, That the suspected treachery was unprecedented among true Rajaputs, and that he was determined to wipe off the stain which the raja had thrown upon their reputation, by his own blood, or the conquest of Shere Shaw, with his own tribe.

The raja continued to retreat, but the gallant Cunia, with a few other chiefs, and ten or twelve thousand men, turned back, with an intent to surprize Shere Shaw's camp. They, however, by some mistake, lost their way, and it was fair day light before they saw the enemy. Shere Shaw immediately formed, and came out against them. Though the king's army, by the smallest computation, consisted of eighty thousand fighting men, this handful of brave Rajaputs repulsed them repeatedly, and would have certainly defeated them, if Jellal Chan Selwani had not at that instant arrived with a fresh reinforcement, to join the imperial army. Shere falling upon the Rajaputs with renewed vigor, broke them; and the brave Cunia, with almost his whole army, were cut to pieces.

Shere Shaw, finding himself in possession of a victory of which he had at one time despaired, exclaimed, "That, for a handful of barley, he had almost given the Empire of Hindostan to the wind." This grain, it seems, was all the scanty produce of that sandy country, for which the inhabitants fought with so much obstinacy. Raja Maldeo having heard of this action, and the loss of so many brave men, fell into deep affliction; and being, for his pusillanimity, deserted by the greatest part of his army, he retreated among the mountains of Sodpoor.

Shere Shaw, after this bloody victory, turned his army towards the fort of Chitor, which was surrendered to him by capitulation. He then directed his march to Rintimpore, and gave that country in jagier to his son Adil Chan, who fixed his residence there. The sultan, in person, moved towards Callinger, which is esteemed one of the strongest forts in Hindostan. The raja of Callinger, on account of the king's treacherous behavior to Paran Mull, would make no submission, but prepared himself for hostilities. Shere Shaw, having drawn a line of circumvallation, begun to carry on his approaches to the place; he raised mounds of earth for his artillery, and sunk mines under the rock. The royal batteries were now advanced very near the walls, breaches were made, and a general assault ordered, when a live shell, which had been thrown against the fort by the imperialists, rebounded back into the battery in which the king stood. The shell burst in the midst of a quantity of powder, which had not been properly secured. Several gunners were blown up; the king, Shech Chalile, Mulla Nizam Danishmund, and Diria Chan Serwani, were burnt in so terrible a manner, that they were carried for dead to their tents.

In this dreadful condition the king began to breathe, in great agonies; he, however, encouraged the continuance of the attack, and gave orders, till in the evening news was brought him of the reduction of the place. He then cried out, "Thanks to the Almighty God," and expired. The death of Shere Shaw happened on the twelfth of Ribbi ul Awil, in the year nine hundred and fifty two. He spent fifteen years in a military life before he mounted the throne; and he sat upon the musnud five years, as emperor of Hindostan.

The character of Shere Shaw is almost equally divided between virtue and vice. Public justice prevailed in the kingdom, while private acts of treachery dishonored the hands of the king. He seemed to have made breach of faith a royal property, which he would by no means permit his subjects to share with him. We ought, perhaps, to ascribe this vice to the ambition of Shere. Had he been born to the musnud, he might have been just, as he was valiant and politic in war: Had he confined his mind to his jagier, he might merit the character of a virtuous omrah; but his great soul made him look up to the throne, and he cared not by what steps he was to ascend.

Shere Shaw left many monuments of his magnificence behind him. From Bengal and Sennargaum, to the Sind, or Nilab, which is fifteen hundred crores [About three thousand of our miles.], he built caravanserais at every stage, and dug a well at the end of every crore. Besides, he raised many magnificent mosques for the worship of God on the highway, wherein he appointed readers of the Koran and Imams. He ordered that at every serai, all travellers, without distinction of country or religion, should be entertained, according to their quality, at the public expence. He, at the same time, planted rows of fruit trees along the roads, to preserve travellers from the scorching heat of the sun, as well as to gratify their taste.

Horse-posts were placed at proper distances, for forwarding quick intelligence to government, and for the advantage of trade and correspondence. This establishment was new in Hindostan. Such was the public security during his reign, that travellers and merchants, throwing down their goods, went without fear to sleep on the highway.

It is said that Shere Shaw being told that his beard grew white, replied, It was true that he had obtained the empire towards the evening. He divided his time into four equal parts: One he appropriated to public justice, one to the regulations of his army, one to worship, and the remainder to rest and recreation. He was buried at Sessaram, in a magnificent sepulchre which he had built in the middle of a great tank, or reservoir of water.