History of Hindostan (1768), by Alexander Dow

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Section XII. The history of SULTAN BABER, from the year nine hundred and twenty four, to his decisive victory over SULTAN IBRAHIM LODI.

WHEN Sultan Secunder, the king of Hindostan, died, he was succeeded, as we have already related, by Sultan Ibrahim, in whose reign the Patan omrahs became so factious, that they totally broke the power of that empire. Sultan Baber reckoned this a good opportunity to establish himself in Hindostan, the conquest of which he had long meditated, though he was always embroiled in other affairs.

Baber accordingly, in the year nine hundred and twenty five, marched his army as far as the Nilaab, or Sind. He subdued all the countries in his way, and crossing the river, advanced to Berah in Punjaab, raising heavy contributions for with-holding his troops from plunder. He sent from Berah, Moulana Murshid with an embassy to Sultan Ibrahim, acquainting him, that as that country had been for many years in the possession of the house of Timur, it was proper he should now relinquish his pretensions to it, and so prevent the war from being carried further into his country.

At this place Baber received advice of the birth of another son, whom he named Hindal Mirza. He appointed Hassen Beg, governor of the conquered countries as far as Chinaab, and marched in person against the Gickers, and besieged the fort of Pirhala, whither Hati their chief had retired. The Gickers were, one day, tempted to take the field, and were defeated by Doost Beg, the sultan's general, while he himself cut off their retreat to the fort, and obliged them to fly to the mountains. The fort, in which there was a considerable treasure, fell by this means into his hands, which satisfied Baber for this expedition, and he returned to Cabul.

In the latter end of the same year, Baber returned again to Hindostan, with an intention to take Lahore, and in his way chastised some Patans of the tribe of Eusoph Zehi, who disturbed his march. He built a fort at Peshawir, and then advanced to the Sind. He there received intelligence, that Sultan Seid, Chan of Kashgar, was marching into Buduchshân, which obliged him to return, leaving Mirza Mahummud Sultan, one of the descendents of Timur, with four thousand horse, to support his authority in that country. He had not, however, reached Cabul, before he heard that Sultan Seid Chan had been obliged to retreat. Baber, therefore, turned his face towards the Afghans, of the tribe of Chizer Cheil, who began to make depredations upon Cabulistan in his absence, and severely chastised them for their insolence, spoiled their country, and returned to Cabul.

Baber, in the year nine hundred and twenty six, marched a third time towards Hindostan, chastising the Patans in his way, till he reached Salcot, the inhabitants of which country submitted, and saved their possessions. But the people of Seidpoor, erecting the standard of defence, were, in the end, put all to the sword, their wealth given up to depredation, and their children and wives carried away captive. Baber was here alarmed, by intelligence from Cabul, that obliged him to return, for the Kandharians had invaded his country. He marched against them, drove them out of the field, and invested their capital.

He, in the mean time, received advice of the death of Chan Mirza, in Buduchshan, and appointed his son Humaioon to that government. Shaw Beg, the prince of Candahar, held out with great bravery against Baber for the space of three years, during which time the siege lasted. But in the year nine hundred and twenty eight, Baber, who was obstinate in his resolution, at length reduced it, and all the country of Garrumsere, appointing prince Camirân to the government.

Soon after the surrender of Candahar, Dowlat Chan Lodi, apprehensive of Sultan Ibrahim, sent a deputation to Sultan Baber, at Cabul, begging his protection. Baber, in the year nine hundred and thirty, augmented his army, and advanced within six crores of Lahore, where Par Chan Lodi, Mubarick Chan Lodi, and Bicken Chan Lohani, who were powerful omrahs of Punjaab, joined their forces, and opposed him; but they were defeated with great slaughter. Baber, in person, marched to Lahore, and took it, setting fire to the Bazar, according to a superstitious custom of the Moguls.

The king remained four days only in Lahore, and then advanced against Debalpoor. He summoned the place to surrender, but as the garrison forced him to risque an assault, in which he was successful, he put them all to the sword. Dowlat Chan Lodi, with Alli Chan, Ghazi Chan, and Delawir Chan, his three sons, joined him at Debalpoor, and the father was appointed to the government of Jallender, Sultanpoor, and other districts of Punjaab, which rendered him very powerful.

This Dowlat Chan Lodi was a descendant of the race of that name who heretofore reigned at Delhi. He gave to Sultan Baber information, that Ismaiel Jelwani, Mai Jelwani, and other Afghans, were collected at Kharah; that it would, therefore, be adviseable to dispatch a force against them. The sultan agreed to this proposal, and prepared to send a detachment that way. In the mean time, Delawir Chan, the youngest son of Dowlat Chan, acquainted Baber, with whom he was a great favorite, that his father and brother wanted to divide his troops, to put some plan which they themselves had concerted, in execution. The sultan, after being convinced of the truth of this information, ordered Dowlat Chan Lodi, and his son Ghazi Chan, into confinement. He then crossed the Suttuluz, advanced to Sirhind, and there released the prisoners, and gave them jagiers. But when they had reached Sultanpoor, they deserted the camp, and fled to the hills. The sultan, upon this, gave to Delawir Chan the title of Chan Chanan, and both their jagiers; but as the father and son's desertion greatly affected Baber's interest in Hindostan, he thought it no ways adviseable to proceed to Delhi this year. He, accordingly, returned to Lahore, and, having appointed governors to the different countries in his possession in Hindostan, set out for Cabul.

During Baber's absence, Dowlat Chan Lodi found means to seize his son, Chan Chanan, who had betrayed him, and put him in chains; then marching with a formidable army to Debalpoor, fought Sultan Alla ul Dien and Baba Kiska, and defeating them, subdued that country. Sultan Alla ul Dien fled to Cabul, and Baba Kiska to Lahore. Dowlat Chan sent five thousand Sirwani Afghans against Salcot, but Mir Abdul Aziz, of Lahore, immediately marched, with what forces he had, to the assistance of Kokiltash, who held the government of Salcot, and meeting with this detachment of Afghans, defeated them, and returned to Lahore.

Much about this time, an army, on the part of Sultan Ibrahim, of Delhi, marched against Dowlat Chan and his son. Dowlat turned his army to give them battle, and, having met them at Bidjwarrah, found means to stir up a faction in his own favor in the imperial camp, insomuch that such as were not disaffected were obliged to fly the camp, and return to Ibrahim.

Sultan Alla ul Dien, who had lost his government of Debalpoor, and had fled to Cabul, now arrived in Lahore, with orders from Baber to all his omrahs of those parts, to join him with all their forces, and march towards Delhi, and that he would support them in person as soon as his affairs at home would permit. Dowlat Chan and Ghazi Chan Lodi, hearing of this order, wrote to the Mogul omrahs, that they were glad to find that Sultan Baber espoused the cause of Alla ul Dien, who was the very person they themselves would chuse to raise to the throne of Delhi; that if they would, therefore, send him to them, they would undertake to place him upon the Musnud.

The omrahs, having first obtained a grant for Sultan Baber, of all the countries beyond the Sind, permitted Alla ul Dien to join the Lodis himself, without complying further with the sultan's orders. When accordingly he arrived in their camp, Dowlat Chan and his son supplied him with the greatest part of their force, with which he marched towards Delhi, and invested it, as before related, with forty thousand horse. In the mean time, Sultan Ibrahim advanced against him from Agra, and was surprized, in the night, when he had reached near the city; but, by the irregular behavior of Sultan Alla ul Dien's army, who, in the morning, dispersed themselves to plunder, they were fallen upon by Sultan Ibrahim, and defeated in their turn, which obliged Alla to retreat, in great distress, to Punjaab. When Sultan Baber heard of the defeat of Alla ul Dien, he awoke from the dream of indolence and luxury, which he had indulged for some time in Cabul, and, in the beginning of the spring, of the year nine hundred and thirty two, marched the fifth time towards Hindostan. He was joined by his son Humaioon, with a good force, from Buduchshan, and Chaja Callan, with the troops from Ghizni. He took the rout of Lahore, and in the way used to hunt rhinoceroses, with which that country abounded, and so had an opportunity of putting the personal bravery of most of his omrahs to trial, as that was a dangerous and warlike exercise. Many of those animals were killed, and some taken alive in toils.

Upon the first of Rubbi ul Awil, Baber crossed the Sind, and upon the banks of that river, mustered his army, which consisted of only ten thousand choice horse. Crossing then the Behat, he advanced to Salcot, where Sultan Alla ul Dien met him, and likewise Mahummud Alli Jung-jung, governor of Cullanore, and Chaja Hassin, the dewan for those provinces.

Dowlat Chan and Ghazi Chan, who reckoned themselves publickly in the service of Alla ul Dien, now lay upon the banks of the Ravi, near Lahore, with an army of forty thousand men; but when Baber advanced towards them, they fled; Dowlat to the fort of Milwit, and Ghazi Chan to the skirts of the hills. Sultan Baber invested Milwit, and Dowlat Chan, after a few days, capitulated. It seems, that some days before, he put on two swords, and boasted what he would do to Sultan Baber. Baber now ordered those two swords to be hung round his neck, and in that manner Dowlat was brought to his presence; but notwithstanding his behaviour, the sultan forgave all his crimes, and took him into favor.

When the gates of the fort were opened, the troops pressed in in an irregular manner, and began to plunder. Baber, upon this, mounted his horse, and entering, was under the necessity of using violence, to prevent their outrages. He killed, upon this occasion, a principal officer of his son Humaioon's retinue, with an arrow, for which he was extremely grieved, as it happened by mistake. The sultan, by this means, saved the honor of Dowlat Chan's family, who were all in the place, and preserved a noble library which he had collected, Dowlat Chan being a poet and a man of learning. Baber marched from thence the next day, and pursued Ghazi Chan, when Chan Chanan, Ghazi Chan's brother, found means to escape to him, and was honorably received. Chapihoon Chan, who was detached in front, having fallen in with Ghazi, defeated him, and pursued him so close, that he was obliged to fly to Sultan Ibrahim Chan, at Delhi. Dowlat Chan died upon this march.

Baber having, in several actions, perceived the inferiority of the Patan troops to his own, determined to delay no longer his final attempt upon the empire. He accordingly marched towards Delhi, having some letters of encouragement, at the same time, from a few of the malcontents at the court of Sultan Ibrahim. When he had reached the banks of the Giger, he heard that Hamid Chan, governor of Firosa, was waiting to oppose him in front, with the troops of those parts. Baber, therefore, sent Humaioon, Kallan Beg, Sultan Duldi, Jehan Beg, Chusero Beg, Hindo Beg, Abdul Aziz, and Mahummud Alli Jung-jung, to drive Hamid from his post, which they effected, and returned victorious to the army. As this was the first battle in which prince Humaioon commanded, his father was greatly rejoiced, and gave him the countries of Firosa and Jallender. Two days after, Meian, an omrah of the party of Ibrahim, appeared in fight, and desired to join Baber's colours, with three thousand Patan horse, and was accordingly entertained in his service.

Baber having arrived within two stages of Shawabad, received intelligence that Sultan Ibrahim, with a great army, had marched out of Delhi to oppose him, and that Daood Chan and Hatim Chan, formed his vanguard with twenty seven thousand horse. The sultan immediately detached Chin Timur Sultan, Muedi Chaja, Mahummud Sultan Mirza, Adil Sultan Mirza, with all the troops of the left wing, and the squadrons of Sultan Juneid Birlass, and Shaw Hassein Birlass, against this advanced post. They accordingly fell in with them the next morning at sun-rise, and after an obstinate conflict, put Daood Chan and Hatim Chan to slight, but the latter sell in the pursuit. The victors took seven elephants, and a great number of prisoners, with whom they returned to Baber; but he, we are sorry to relate such barbarity, put them to death, by way of striking terror into his enemies.

Baber advancing to the field of battle, encamped there six days, ordering chains to be made to link the carriages of his guns together, to prevent the horse breaking through them. The army of Sultan Ibrahim, by this time, consisted of one hundred thousand horse, and a thousand elephants; that of Sultan Baber, of thirteen thousand only. When Sultan Ibrahim had advanced near, Baber ordered five thousand horse to storm his camp in the night; but finding the enemy upon their guard, this detachment returned without attempting any thing.

This retreat hastened Sultan Ibrahim to action, and accordingly he marched next morning to Panniput. Baber, at the same time, advanced within six crores of Ibrahim's encampment. Upon the day after, being the seventh of Rigib, the two armies came in sight of each other. Baber divided his troops into two lines, and four grand divisions, with a body of reserve in the rear of each, and a few light horse to skirmish in front. The first division on the right was commanded by Prince Humaioon, with the squadron of Chaja Cullan Beg, Sultan Mahummud Dewilde, Hindo Beg, Willi Beg Chazin, and Pier Kulli Seistani. The first on the left was under the orders of Mirza Mahummud Sultan, with the squadrons of Meridi Chaja, Ghazi Sultan, Sultan Suneid Birlass, and Shaw Hassein Birlass. The second, on the right towards the center, was commanded by Chin Timur Sultan, Mirza Mahummud Kokultash, and Shaw Munsoor. The second, to the left towards the center, by Meer Chalifa, Tirdi Beg, and Mihib Alli Chalifa. Chusero Kokultash, Mahummud Alli Jungjung, and Mirza Soliman, were appointed to command the light horse, or herawils, in the front. Abdul Aziz and Bar Tirrah, in the rear of the right, and Kirrah Keri Bahadur and Willi Kizil, in the rear of the left. Besides which, there was a reserve in the rear of both lines, that on the right commanded by Malleck Casim, and that on the left by Alli Bahadur. The king himself took his post in the centre of the first line, after having personally given orders to his generals.

The emperor Ibrahim, ignorant of the art of war, observed no regular order of battle, but drew up his army in one great line, or column, of unequal depth, and ordered them to charge the Mogul army, vainly imagining that he could bear them down by numbers. But he found himself soon fatally deceived. So formidable were the Moguls to the Patans, from their known courage and steady order, that the emperor's unweildy column began to break and turn thin, before they came up to the charge, which was directed at the center of the Mogul army. Those who advanced were repulsed with great bravery, but when they sought to retreat, they found themselves surrounded; for the two bodies of reserve, in the rear of the Mogul line, had wheeled round their flanks, and meeting in the center, fell upon the rear of those who had advanced to the charge, by which means the Afghans were almost all cut to pieces. The reserve having performed this service, retired to their post in the rear, and the Mogul lines advanced, sustaining various irregular charges from the Indian army, whom they repulsed with great slaughter.

Sultan Ibrahim, at last roused with shame and indignation, advanced in person, followed by the flower of his army, and gave such a violent shock to the Mogul line, as threw it into disorder. Nothing now but personal bravery was left to decide the day; but in this, and the compact form in which the Moguls whole force was wedged, they were still superior to the Indians. Five thousand fell with Sultan Ibrahim in one small spot of ground. The Patan army, when their king was slain, recoiled like surges from a rocky shore, and the torrent of flight rolled towards the banks of the Jumna, dying the course of that river with blood; for so far did Sultan Baber continue the pursuit; but being wearied with slaughter, he gave hope to fear, and respite to death.

According to the most moderate accounts there were sixteen thousand Afghans killed in this action, though most of the Indian authors say fifty thousand. Of the loss of Baber we have no information; conquerors having it always in their power to conceal the number of their slain. We may date from this battle, the fall of the Patan empire, though that race, afterwards made many efforts, and recovered it, for a few years, as we shall see in the life of Humaioon.

Sultan Baber did not fail to make the best use of his victory. He immediately after the battle detached Humaioon, and three of his principal omrahs, to Agra, before they could have time to recover from their consternation, or to remove their wealth. He also sent Mahummud Sultan, and three other omrahs, to Delhi, to take possession of that capital, while he himself came up in the rear, and, on the twelfth of Rigib, entered that city. The chutba was read in his name, by Zein Sidder; and, after having surveyed the city, and visited the tombs of the saints and heroes, he set out for Agra, where he arrived the twenty fifth of the same month, and immediately invested the fort, which was in possession of the former government, garrisoned by the troops of Raja Bickermagit, of Gualier, who had been killed in the action. But so much had the terror of his arms now taken possession of every mind, that they immediately desired to capitulate, and sent him, by way of ransom, a perfect diamond weighing two hundred and twenty four ruttys [A rutty is seven eighths of a carat.], which was formerly the property of Sultan Alla ul Dien Chilligi. Sultan Baber presented it to his son Humaioon. Thus, upon the fifth day after his arrival, he was put in possession of the place, in which he found the mother of Sultan Ibrahim, who was treated with becoming respect, and permitted to carry away all her wealth.

This conquest of Hindostan, as Baber himself writes in his Commentaries [The Commentaries of Baber are still extant, and reckoned one of the best performances of the kind in the East.], was certainly superior to that of any former conqueror. Sultan Mahmood of Ghizni was not only a powerful emperor, but the country was, at that time, divided into a number of kingdoms, which greatly facilitated his enterprizes. Shab ul Dien Ghori brought an army of one hundred and twenty thousand men with him, when the kingdom was not so powerful. The like may be said of Timur, who ravaged Hindostan when it was torn to pieces by civil commotions. But the army of Sultan Baber was but a handful in proportion to that of Sultan Ibrahim, who possessed all the countries between the Sind and Behar, and could bring five hundred thousand men to the field; while Baber only possessed the poor countries of Cabul, Buduchshan, and Candahar, the revenues of which were very inconsiderable.

To what then can we attribute this extraordinary conquest, in a natural light, but to the great abilities and experience of Baber, the bravery of his few hardy troops, trained up to war, for their subsistance, and now fired with the hopes of glory and gain? But what contributed most to weigh down the scale of conquest, was the degeneracy of the Patans, effeminated by luxury and wealth, and dead to all principles of virtue and honor, which their corrupt factions and civil discords had totally effaced; it being now no shame to fly, no infamy to betray, no breach of honor to murther, and no scandal to change parties. When, therefore, the fear of shame and the love of fame were gone, it was no wonder that a herd, without unanimity, order, or discipline, should fall into the hands of a few brave men. This is the general tendency of wealth in all governments, if the reins are not held fast, the laws punctually executed, and the progress of corruption checked both by private and public oeconomy.

Upon the twentieth of Rigib, Baber went into the treasury, which was very rich. He reserved not a single dinar for himself, but divided it among his omrahs and troops; the share of the former coming to two lacks of rupees each; and those of others were proportionable to their rank and stations. A part was sent to Cabul, to be divided among Baber's subjects, which yielded to each a silver sharoch [A silver sharoch is in value about a shilling sterling.], besides presents, which he sent to Samarcand, Chorrassan, Kashgur, Ayrac, Mecca, Medina, Kirbilla, Negif, Mushad, and other holy places, in charity. This generosity, which bordered upon prodigality, got Baber the name of a Collinder, whose custom it is to keep nothing for to-morrow.

As the Patans were in great terror of the Moguls, and had a natural antipathy to their government, they still refused to submit, and appeared every where in arms, strengthening their forts, and erecting the standard of defiance in their different provinces; Cazim, in Simbol; Alli Chan Formalli, in Mewat; Mahummud Zeitôn, in Dolepoor; Tatar Chan, in Gualiêr; Hussein Chan Lohani, in Rhaberi; Cuttub Chan, in Atava; Allum Chan, in Calpee; Nizim Chan, in Biana; besides Nasir Chan Lohani, and Maroof Furmalli, on the other side of the Ganges. All these omrahs refused to acknowledge Baber's authority. But as it was necessary to form an alliance for their mutual defence, they unanimously appointed Par Chan, the son of Diria Chan Lodi, their general, or, rather, king, by the title of Sultan Mahummud; and, rendezvousing at Kinnoge, advanced towards Agra. At the same time, Mai, the Afghan chief, who had joined Baber, now deserted him, with all his adherents: even the inhabitants of the country round Agra, cut off his foraging parties, and rendered it very difficult for him to support his cavalry, or supply his troops with provisions: Add to this, the intolerable heat of the weather, by which a great many Moguls, not being accustomed to such a climate, died.

In this situation of affairs, Baber received an address from all his omrahs, advising him to return to Cabul; to which he replied, That a kingdom which had cost him so much pains in taking, was not to be wrested from him but by death alone. He, at the same time, issued a proclamation, that he was determined to abide his fate in Hindostan; but if any person was desirous of returning to Cabul, preferring safety to glory, and ignoble ease to the manly toils and dangers of war, they might retire in peace, and leave him only those whose valor would reflect honour on themselves, and glory on their king and country.

The omrahs hearing this, were ashamed of their former behavior, and, striking their breasts, swore they would never forsake him; all, except Chaja Callân, whose bravery was too well established to be disputed, though he was advised, being at the point of death, to retire to recover his health. He was appointed governor of Cabul and Ghizni, for the great services which he had rendered to the king. When it was known that Baber had determined not to leave Hindostan, as his ancestor Timur had done, some omrahs, who were willing to be first in favor, began to come over to him; first, Shech Gurin, with three thousand horse, from between the rivers, offered his service, which was accepted. The next was Alli Chan Formalli, from Mewat, to redeem his sons who had been taken in the battle; then Firose Chan and Shech Baizid Chirmali, with their whole dependents.

Much about this time, an address was received from Casim, of Simbol, that Bein, an Afghan, was besieging him in his fort, and that if the sultan would send him succours, he would list himself among his servants. The king sent Kokultash, with a detachment, that way, who engaged Bein, the Afghan, and defeated him, after which Casim put the Moguls in possession of the fort. The king then sent his son Humaioon, with the greatest part of his army, against the confederate omrahs, whose forces amounted to fifty thousand horse; but, upon Humaioon's approach, they retreated from Kinnoge to Jionpoor. Humaioon having prevailed upon Fatie Chan, the former emperor's vizier, to join him, sent him to the king at Agra, who treated him with the utmost respect and favor, which induced several other Afghan chiefs to come over to his interest.

Nizam Chan, governor of Biana, though he was now hard pressed by Rana Sinka, who wanted to make himself master of that province, still refused to submit to the king's authority, which obliged Baber to send Baba Kuli against him with a detachment, which was defeated. But Rana Sinka soon after reduced Nizam to such extremities, that he sent a deputation to Sultan Baber, begging pardon for his offence, and requesting he would support him, for which he was ready to pay him due allegiance. The king, glad of the opportunity, made no hesitation to embrace the offer, and, sending a force to drive off Rana, Nizam was put in possession of the place, which was settled upon him, with all its dependencies, for the annual payment of twenty lacks of rupees.

Tatar Chan and Saring Chan, who were in possession of the fort of Gualiêr, being besieged by Muckit Roy, raja of that country, in the same manner addressed the king for succours. Baber dispatched Rehim Daad and Shech Gurin, with a detachment, which defeated the raja, but Saring Chan recalled his promise, and refused to deliver up the place. There was in the fort, at that time, a philosopher whose name was Shech Mahummud Gose, who had a great number of students under him, and who wrote to Rehim Daad, to endeavour to get permission to come himself into the fort, and that he would find means of accomplishing the rest of his desires.

Rehim Daad, for this purpose, begged leave, as he had enemies all around him, to bring his troops under protection of the garrison, for fear of a night assault, and that he might be permitted the honor of paying the philosopher a visit in the garrison. This being agreed to, Rehim Daad was received into the sort with a few attendants. He, from time to time, pretended occasion to send frequent messages in and out; till the officer of the guard troubled the governor so often for leave, that he desired Rehim Daad to send one of his own servants, to point out such necessary people as he might want to have free ingress and egress.

The officer of the guard, who was a disciple of the philosopher, and who had been let into the plot, availed himself of this order, and permitted every body Rehim Daad's servant pointed out, to pass, by which means all the chosen men of the detachment were within the garrison before the entertainment was ended. Saring Chan was told to give up the place, and threatened with instant death, in case of refusal; so having satisfied himself of the circumstances, he made a virtue of necessity, and replied, That had he not intended giving up the place to the king, he would never have been so unguarded as to permit his party to take this advantage, and accordingly submitted without resistance, going in person to Agra, and entered into the king's service. Mahummud Zeiton, at the same time, arrived from Dolepoor, and had a command conferred upon him.

Not long after these transactions, Hamid Chan, Saring Chan, and other Afghans, raised, by a family quarrel, a great disturbance in the castle of Firosa. The king sent Chin Timur Sultan, Abul Fatte Turkuman, and others, against them, who chastised both parties.

In the year nine hundred and thirty three, Chajagi Assid, who had gone ambassador from Cabul to Shaw Tamas of Irack, returned, accompanied by Solimân, and brought various curiosities. But that which pleased the king most, was two beautiful female slaves, just come to maturity, of whom he became greatly enamoured. The mother of Sultan Ibrahim, who had been before the greatest favorite in the seraglio, incensed at this change in the sultan's affections, conspired with the taster and cook to poison him. The poison was accordingly administred in some hare-soup; but the king, after eating a few spoonfuls, nauseated the taste, and immediately vomited, which saved his life. After proper enquiry had been made, the taster and cook denying their knowledge of any such thing, the king ordered a dog to be brought, who having eat of the soup, was soon seized with convulsions, and died. Two of the under cooks being also brought to the trial, expired in the same manner: upon which the taster and head cook, with several of their assistants, were put to the torture. The plot was discovered, and the mother of Sultan Ibrahim cast into prison, and all her wealth confiscated. One of Sultan Ibrahim's sons was sent, at the same time, to Cabul, where he remained in banishment.

Prince Humaioon, having defeated the omrahs at Jionpoor, left Sultan Sumeid Birlass to keep those provinces in awe, and returned himself to court, having, upon his way, conciliated matters with Allum Chan, governor of Calpee, who now accompanied him, and was received with great respect.

The king was, at this time, suddenly alarmed by advices that Rana Sinka, Hassen Chan Mewati, Raw Dedive of Backeri, Medini Raw of Chunderi, Mahmood Chan, the son of Sultan Secunder Lodi, and other omrahs and rajas in alliance, whose force exceeded one hundred thousand horse, were preparing to attack him. Baber, having no dependence on the Patan omrahs, who had joined him, detached them to defend different provinces, and with his own Moguls, hastened towards the enemy. His van guard falling in with their's, upon the frontiers of Biana, after a sharp conflict, were repulsed by the enemy with great loss, which struck unusual terror into the sultan's small army. Hybat Chan Neazi sled to Simbol, Hassen Chan joined the enemy, and every day brought disagreeable intelligence from all quarters. Nor did the predictions of Mahummud Sherif a little add to the general consternation. This pretended wizard averred, that Brisput [The planet Mars.] was in the east, and consequently, that whoever marched from the west should be overthrown.

The king perceiving this panic, called, immediately, a council of war. The greatest part of the officers gave it, as their opinion, that, as the superiority of the enemy was evident, it was adviseable to leave a strong garrison in Agra, and to retreat with the bulk of the army to Punjaab.

Baber, with a discontented aspect, fixed his eyes, in silence, upon the ground. He, at length, sternly asked the omrahs, What would the world say of a monarch, whom the fear of death should oblige to abandon such a kingdom? "The voice of glory," said he, "is loud in my ear, and forbids me to disgrace my name, by giving up what my arms have, with so much difficulty, acquired. But, as death is at last unavoidable, let us rather meet him with honor, face to face, than shrink back, to gain a few years of a miserable and ignominious existence; for what can we inherit but fame, beyond the limits of the grave." The whole assembly, as if inspired by one soul, cried out, at once, "War! War!"

The sultan, having been formerly much addicted to wine, made a vow never to drink any more, should he, upon this occasion, prove victorious. Orders were immediately issued to prohibit the sale of wine in the camp: not so much from superstition, as to keep the mind cool for action.

Upon the ninth of Jimmad ul Sani, of the year nine hundred and thirty three, which happened to be Norose [New-Year's Day.], Baber formed his line of battle, with his guns and rockets in his front. In that order he moved towards the enemy, who lay at the distance of three crores. But after he had advanced one crore he halted, and encamped his army. Several young warriors, fond of distinguishing themselves, issued out, under the command of Mahummud Casim, to skirmish with the enemy's scouts and advanced guards, among whom they did great execution.

The sultan, next day, advanced another crore, and marked out his camp at the village of Kava, but his tents were scarcely pitched, when he perceived the enemy advancing upon him. He formed his line with great expedition, in the manner which he had practised for some days before, and, in a few minutes, was able to receive the shock of battle. The army was chiefly drawn up by Nizam ul Dien Chalipha, whom Baber reckoned his ablest general; and this order of battle being, on account of circumstances, different from the former, we shall relate it at large in this place.

The line which, upon this occasion was single, consisted of six brigades, exclusive of the king's life guards in the center, where Baber posted himself. Before each of the brigades, a few paces in front, the sultan placed a squadron of light horse, which formed another kind of line with great intervals. In front of the whole, the artillery and rocket-waggons were drawn up in three divisions, the right, left, and center. The guns were chained together, so that there was a kind of fortification formed against the enemy's cavalry.

The brigade immediately to the right of the center, was commanded by Chin Timur Sultan, consisting of his own tribe, and the troops of Soliman Shaw, Shaw Munsur Birlas, Durvesh Mahummud Sarban, Abdulla Kitabdar, and Dost Aisheck Aka. The brigade to the left of the center was under the immediate orders of Allum Chan, the son of Sultan Beloli, and composed of his own troops, and those of Sheick Zein Chani Siddir, Mahummud Ali Tirdi-Beg, Shere Afgan, Araish Chan, and Chaja Hassein. The two brigades of the right wing were commanded in chief by Prince Humaioon, and of these the right hand brigade consisted of the troops of Casim Hassein Sultan, Ahmed Eusoph, Hindo Beg Cochin, Chusero Cokultash, Mallec Casim, Kawam Beg, Awird Shaw, Willi Chazin, Mirza Combuzli, Peer Kulli Seistani, Chaja Pulwan Buduchshi, Abdu Shukur, Soliman Aka, the ambassador of Irack, and Hassen, the envoy of Seistan. The left hand battalion of Prince Humaioon's division was made up of the troops of Seid Meer Shech, Mahummud Kokultash, Chajagi Assid, Chan Chanan, the son of Dowlat Chan Lodi, Malleck Daood Kirrani, and Shech Gurin.

The two brigades of the left wing were commanded by Seid Chaja; the left hand battalion of whose division was composed of the troops of Mahummud Sultan Mirza, Adil Sultan Adbul Aziz, Mahummud Alli Jung-jung, and Kuttulack Kaddim. The right hand brigade was made up of the troops of Amir Angi Mogul, Jan Beg Atka, Sittal Chan, Kumal Chan, of the race of Alla ul Dien, Sultan Alli Chan, Shech Zadda Chermilli, and Nizim Chan Biana. The light horse of the left wing were commanded by Tirdi Beg, Mumin Atka, and Rustum Turkuman; and those of the left wing by Mahmood Casim, Jisserat Chan, and Chan Bahadur. Sultan Mahummud, Buchshi [Captain-General.], took post before the king, with all his yessawils [Aids de Camp.], and a choice body of horse.

About ten o'clock in the forenoon the action was commenced by the artillery. The left of the enemy, charging the right of the Moguls, soon fell in hand to hand, with the battalions of Kokultash and Malleck Casim, and made them give ground. But Chin Timur, by the sultan's orders, inclining to the right with his brigade, took up their ground, and falling upon the assailants with great fury, put them to flight, the light horse pursuing them with great slaughter, quite through their own line. The enemy, in the mean time, being so numerous, extended their flanks far beyond the wings of the sultan, and came down upon him from all sides. Baber ordered his right and left wing to fall back, by which means his army was thrown into a circle. In this position he resisted the repeated assaults of the Patans till three o'clock, Alla Kuli Rumi, who commanded the artillery, making great slaughter among them.

Baber finding the enemy fatigued by their repeated assaults, determined to act offensively, to drive them quite out of the field. He therefore put himself at the head of the brigades of Chin Timur and Allum Chan, and charging them like a lion rushing from his forest, after an obstinate resistance put their whole army to flight. Hassen Chan, of Mewat, was killed with a cannon shot, and Raw Luddive Rai, Chunder Ban Chohan, Mannuk Chand Chohan, Kirim Sing, all powerful princes of the enemy, were numbered among the dead.

The sultan, immediately after the victory, assumed the title of Ghazi [Ghazi signifies a warrior.]; and, as a monument to perpetuate the memory of the battle, he ordered a pyramid to be built upon an eminence near the field, which, according to the custom of his age and nation, was stuck round with the heads of the slain. The astrologer, after being severely reprimanded for his false prediction, was presented with a lack of rupees, and banished from the kingdom.

Baber, from this fortunate field, marched towards Mavat, where Nihar Chan, the son of Hassen Chan, seeing no other means of safety, submitted himself and the country to the king. The government of Mavat was conferred upon Chin Timur Sultan.

After these transactions, Baber returned to Agra, from whence he sent his son Humaioon to Cabul, with orders to add Balich to that province, and to rule both in his own name. Mahummud Alli, Tirdi Beg, and Kotch Beg, were ordered against Hassein Chan and Diria Chan, who still kept possession of Chandwar and Raberi. But upon the approach of the Moguls, they fled, and Hassein Chan was drowned in crossing the Jumna, while Diria Chan escaped. Mahummud Sultan Mirza was detached at the same time to Kinnoge, against Bein Afghan, who fled from thence to Cheirabad.

Upon the twenty ninth of Zihidge, in the year nine hundred and thirty four, the king marched to hunt towards Kole and Simbol. Having diverted himself with the chace for some time, he returned to his capital, and was taken ill of a fever, of which however he soon recovered. He then marched towards Chinderi, where Medeni Rai had shut himself up with a strong garrison of Rajaputs. The place was invested, and the Rajaputs sallied out, and attacked the king, but they paid dear for their rashness, and lost six thousand men upon the field. Those who returned after this defeat into the fort, seeing no hopes of defending it longer against the enemy, according to their dreadful custom, murdered their wives and children in the following manner. They placed a sword in the hand of one of their chiefs, and he slew the unhappy victims, who, one after another, bent, of their own accord, their necks before him; they even contended among themselves about the honor of being first slain. The soldiers then threw a yellow powder upon their garments, as on a day of festivity, and throwing loose their hair, issued sorth with their swords and shields, and sought after that death, which they all obtained. The empty fort sell into the hands of the Moguls.

Advices were, about this time, received, that a detachment, which had been sent against the omrahs of the East, was defeated. The king, therefore, left Ahmed Shaw, the son of Mahummud Shaw, and grandson of Sultan Nasir ul Dien Malavi, who had now joined him, in the government of Chinderi, and marched in person towards Kinnogi. He met his defeated troops at Raberi, and arriving at the river, he threw over it a bridge of boats. Chin Timur was ordered to cross in the front, the enemy being then on the opposite shore. After a faint resistance, the Patans gave way; but Chin Timur pursuing them, took part of their baggage, and a great number of their women and children.

The king, after this victory, hunted, for a few days, upon the banks of the Gang, and then returned to Agra. He appointed Mahummud Zeman Mirza, the son of Budeli ul Zeman Mirza, of Balich, governor of the city, and, in the year nine hundred and thirty five, marched himself to survey the country. He first took the route of Gualiêr, and viewed there the fortifications, the stone elephant, and the palace of Raja Man Sing. He then visited the gardens of Rehim Daad, and ordered some flowers and plants, of an uncommon kind, to be transplanted to Agra. He went to worship in the great Musgid, built by Sultan Shumse ul Dien Altumsh, for whose soul he ordered prayers to be read, and returned, by another way, to Agra.

The sultan, soon after his return to Agra, was seized with an intermitting fever, which continued upon him for eight months. Some superstitious people advised him, during his sickness, to write a poem in praise of Chaja Abud Ahrar, one of the saints, to induce him to intercede with God for his health. Baber, though it is highly probable he did not give much credit to the power of the saint, actually wrote the poem, in the measure of Mowlani Jami, or Rimel Mussiddiss.

The king recovered from his disorder about the eighth of Ribbi ul Awil. He offered up public thanks to God for the restoration of his health, and made a great feast upon the occasion. He distributed magnificent presents among the omrahs and foreign ambassadors, and bestowed large sums to gladden the hearts of the poor. During this festival, Chandamire, the author of the Habib al Sier, Mowlana Shab Mammai, and Mirza Ibrahim Canooni, who came from Herât, and were esteemed the greatest geniusses of that age, were introduced to the king: He loaded them with his favors, and ordered them places near his own person.

Mirza Ashkari, who governed Moultan, was, this year, ordered to court, and having exhibited the tokens of obedience, he was commanded to go against Nuserit Shaw. Nuserit, hearing of the approach of the Moguls, sent an ambassador to the king, subjecting himself to the royal authority. Barhan Nizam Shaw Beri, prince of Ahmednagur, at the same time sent to congratulate Baber on his good fortune, and proffered obedience.

Baber, towards the close of this year, received advices that Sultan Mahmood, the son of Secunder Lodi, had possessed himself of the province of Behar, and that Bellocha had erected the standard of rebellion in Moultan. The king sent orders to his omrahs in the north-west, concerning the affairs of Moultan, and marched in person towards Behar. When he arrived at Kurrah, Sultan Jellal ul Dien Shirki prepared a royal entertainment for him, and was honored with his presence. Mahummud Zeman Mirza was detached from Kurrah to the conquest of Behar. He soon drove Sultan Mahmood out of the field.

But a few months after, the Afghans of Behar, collecting themselves together a second time, advanced to the Gang, opposite to Hideri. The king detached Ashkari Mirza with a division of the troops to oppose them, and next day followed that officer with the whole army. When he came to the banks of the river, and saw the enemy on the opposite bank, he was preparing boats to cross; but Chin Timur begged permission to go before. As soon as he made his landing good with eighty horse, Mirza Ashkari, who had crossed at another place, appeared in the enemies rear; and they immediately took to flight. The king, after this action, left Sultan Junied Birlass to prosecute the war in conjunction with Nuserit Shaw, and returned to pass the rainy season in Agra. He visited, upon his way, Shech Eiah, at Monier, the father of Shech Sherrif Moniri, and carried him to court.

Humaioon having left Mirza Hindal to govern in his absence, returned about this time from Cabul to visit his father. Sultan Seid Chan of Argund, took this opportunity of invading Buduchshan, and sent Mirza Hyder Dughelaff, to attack Minkilla. Hindal, upon the approach of the enemy, retreated into the fort of Ziffer, where he was besieged. Sultan Seid of Argund, finding that he could not reduce the place, and that the inhabitants would not join him, ravaged the country, and returned home. But as the news of his retreat had not reached Agra, the government of Buduchshan was bestowed upon Soliman Mirza, who set out immediately for that province with a letter from the king to Sultan Seid Chan, expressing his surprize at hostilities, for which he could not account, but by some misbehavior of Mirza Hindal; that, therefore, he had sent another person, who was allied to them both, to supply his place. When Soliman Mirza arrived, he found the country in perfect tranquillity, and took possession of the government, which his family have kept to this day. Mirza Hindal returned to Agra.

In the year nine hundred and thirty six, the sultan fell sick, and his disorder continued daily to gain strength, in spite of the power of medicine. Despairing at last of life, he recalled his son Humaioon, who was then besieging the fort of Callinger, and appointed him his successor. Upon Monday, the fifth of Jemmad ul Awil, in the year nine hundred and thirty seven, he resigned in peace that life which he had so often exposed in war. According to his will, his body was carried to Cabul, and interred in a holy sepulchre.

What shall we say of Baber, the wonder of the age in which he lived! He mounted a throne at twelve years of age, and, with various turns of fortune, reigned thirty eight. He was a prince of great humanity, and he carried his generosity to such excess, that it bordered upon prodigality. With respect to the first, he so often pardoned ingratitude and treason, that he seemed to make a principle of rendering good for evil. He thus disarmed vice, and made the wicked the worshipers of his virtue.

He was of the sect of the Hanifites, in whose doctrine and tenets he was perfectly versed; yielding more to the evidence of reason, than to the marvellous legends of superstitious antiquity. He was not, however, forgetful of that rational worship which is due to the great Creator, nor a despiser of those laws and ceremonies which are founded on found policy for the benefit of the superficial judges of things. He was a master in the arts of Poetry, Writing, and Music. He wrote his own Commentaries in the Mogul language, with such elegance and propriety, that they are universally admired. This work was translated, in the reign of Ackbar, by Chan Chanan, into the Persian language, and from it we have abridged the preceding history of the life of Baber.

In his person, he was something above the middle size, nervous, and well formed. His countenance was pleasant, and in disposition he was easy, facetious, and affable.

To establish his reputation for justice and honor, we shall relate one instance out of many. When he was prince of Ferghana, a rich caravan of Chitta and China, which was crossing the mountains of Indija, was buried in the snow. He ordered all the goods to be collected, and sent messengers to China to proclaim the accident, and bring the owners, or their heirs, to his court. Upon their arrival, at the end of two years, he entertained them hospitably, and returned them all their goods, not only refusing to accept a present, but even to be reimbursed for his expences.

Notwithstanding his great vigor in war, he was much addicted to wine and women, and all the fashionable pleasures of courts. He sometimes used, when he had an inclination to make merry, to fill a fountain with wine, upon which was inscribed a verse to this purpose: "Jovial days! Blooming springs! Old wine, and young maidens! Enjoy freely, O Baber, for life is not twice to be enjoyed!" He then would sit down in the midst of his friends, drink freely, and feast his eyes on the daughters of beauty who danced before him.

Whithersoever he marched, or rode, he always had the road measured after him. This custom obtains with the emperors of Hindostan to this day. He made a statute concerning the measurement of distances, which has hitherto remained in force. He appointed a hundred tinnabs to one crore, each tinnab being forty guz [A guz is not quite an English mile.].

With respect to his military character, he seems to have had few that could equal him. He rendered the most dangerous enterprizes easy, by his undaunted courage and perseverance, which rose above all difficulties, and made him much more the object of admiration in his adversity, than in the height of his prosperity. Nor did he forget himself in the latter, but always behaved with that moderation and equanimity which characterizes a great soul.

We have already traced Baber's descent from Timur; but as he was the founder of a great dynasty, it will be proper to follow his genealogy further back into antiquity. The great Chingez Chan, the son of Pissuka, the son of Pirna, had four sons of renown, who were all kings, and the fathers of nations. Their names were Oktai Chaân, Chigittai Chan, Judgi Chan, and Tooli Chan. Though Oktai Chaân was not the eldest son, yet he was, by his father, appointed his successor, and ruled in Kirrakerim and Kilwarân, which were the original territories of Chingez Chan. Oktai Chan died, by excess of wine, in the year six hundred and thirty nine.

Chigittai Chan, the second son, possessed the kingdoms of Maverulnere, Tarkistân, Balich, and Buduchshan, and became the greatest of the family. Kirrachar Nuain, who was the fifth ancestor of Timur, was one of his omrahs, and, at length, captain general of all his forces. The genealogy of Kirrachar runs thus: Timur, the son of Amir Jiraghai, the son of Amir Birkit, the son of Alingar Bahadur, the son of Abhil Luiân, the son of Kirrachar Nuian, the son of Sagungi, the son of Ibumgi Berlass, the son of Katchuli Badahur, the son of Jumnai Chan, the son of Bacsinker Chan, the son of Kidu Chan, who, by the mother's side, was descended from Basinger, a lady, from whom Chingez Chan derived his pedigree.

[admin]

The History of Hindostan.

Part V. The History of the Life of Humaioon, the Son of Baber.

Section I. The reign of HUMAIOON, till his expulsion from HINDOSTAN.

NASIR ul Dien Mahummud HUMAIOON, immediately after the death of Baber, mounted the throne of his father, in Hindostan. He was a great astronomer, and took much delight in judicial astrology. He sitted up seven houses of entertainment, and named them after the seven planets. In each he gave public audience, according to the ruling planet of the day, ordering all the furniture, paintings, and also the dresses of those who waited upon him, to bear something that was an emblem of the tutelar star of the house. He even endeavored to suit the people, who came to pay their respects, to the supposed influence of the planet, which presided over the time of their attendance. In the house of the Moon met foreign embassadors, travellers, and poets. Military men attended him in the house of Brisput [The planet Mars.], and judges, lawgivers, and secretaries, were received in that of the Recorder of Heaven [Mercury.].

But the urgency of important affairs did not permit Humaioon to follow long these innocent whims. Such only suited the days of peace, when the mind might enjoy her harmless follies. He scarcely had ascended the throne, when his brother, Mirza Camiran, who was then in Cabul, formed a design of making himself master of Punjaab. To conceal his intentions, he gave out, that he was going to Hindostan, to congratulate Humaioon upon his accession. The king being, however, apprized of Camiran's views, by his behavior in those countries through which he passed, and being extremely unwilling to make war upon his brother, consented to let him govern Punjaab, Pishawir, Lemghan, Cabul, Candahar, and Biana. This effectually stopped the progress of Mirza Camiran. The king, in the mean time, conferred the government of Mewat upon Mirza Hindal, his brother, and appointed Mirza Askari to that of Simbol, the other provinces being left in the possession of the former subas.

Humaioon, in the year nine hundred and thirty eight, led an army against the strong fortress of Callinger, and invested the place. While the king carried on the siege, Mahmood, the son of Sultan Secunder Lodi, in conjunction with Bein Afgan, took possession of Jionpoor, and kindled the flames of war in the east. Humaioon, having received intelligence of these commotions, decamped from before Callinger, marched to Jionpoor, in a pitched battle overthrew the Afghans, and reinstated Juneid Birlass in his former goment of that province.

The sultan, after this signal victory, returned to Agra, and bestowed chelats upon above twelve thousand of his courtiers. He, in the mean time, dispatched a herald to Shere Chan, and demanded possession of the fortress of Chinâr [Chinar is a very strong fortress in the province of Oud, within seven crores of Benaris; Both Shere Chan and Sultan Bahadur were governors under the former empire, and had, after the death of Ibrahim, assumed independence.], which being refused, the sultan marched his army that way. When Humaioon lay before Chinâr, he was informed, that Sultan Bahadur, of Guzerat, had turned towards him the points of his spears. This obliged him to patch up a kind of a peace with Shere Chan, and to return towards Agra. Cuttub Chan, the son of Shere Chan, whom the emperor had taken as an hostage, found means, on the way, to make his escape, and to return to his father at Chinâr.

Mahummud Ziman Mirza, the grandson of Sultan Hussein Mirza, aspired to the throne, and was supported in his pretensions by the omrahs of Chigittai. The plot was discovered, and the leader of the conspiracy pardoned: But Humaioon finding him, a second time, meditating treasonable practices, he ordered him to be confined in the fortress of Biana. Orders were given to put out the eyes of Mahummud Sultan and Nuherit Mirza, for being the principal abettors of the prince's ambitious designs; but the person to whom it was intrusted to inflict this punishment, saved the eyes of the former, while the latter found means to escape to Guzerat. Mahummud Sultan, by the aid of his sons Ali Mirza and Shaw Mirza, who formed a party, was carried away to Kinnoge, where he was joined by about six thousand Moguls, Afghans, and Rajaputs.

Humaioon sent to Bahadur, the governor of Kinnoge, and commanded him to deliver up Mahummud, but he rejected the orders in an insolent manner, which obliged the emperor to march against him. Bahadur had, about this time, resolved to wrest the fort of Chitor from Rana Bickermagit. Rana threw himself under the protection of Humaioon; but the emperor, for what reason is not known, having advanced as far as Gualier, encamped there for two months, and returned, without effecting any thing, to Agra. Rana Bickermagit, despairing of relief, sent a crown, and a considerable sum of money, to Bahadur, which induced him to raise the siege.

Sultan Bahadur, whose affairs were now in a very prosperous situation, by the reduction of Mendu, and other places, began to shew his contempt of Humaioon, by advancing the conspirator Mahummud to great honors. He also prompted Sultan Alla ul Dien, the son of the emperor Beloli Lodi, to attempt to possess himself of the throne of Delhi. He, for this purpose, made Tatar Chan, the son of Sultan Alla ul Dien, his general, and dispatched him, with forty thousand men, against Humaioon, with which he subdued Biana, and advanced to the environs of Agra.

This pressing danger awaked the king from his lethargy. He immediately sent Mirza Hindal, with a force, to oppose Tatar Chan. When the armies approached one another, there was so great a desertion from Tatar's troops, that, in the space of ten days, ten thousand horse scarce remained to him. He however resolved, with these, to stand his ground, and give battle to the imperial army, but he was totally overthrown, lost the most of his troops, three hundred officers of distinction, and his own life. Mirza Hindal, after this victory, retook Biana, and all the other places which had before fallen into the hands of the enemy, and returned in triumph to Agra.

Sultan Bahadur, in the year nine hundred and forty, marched, a second time, towards Chitor; and, in the mean time, Humaioon ordered a fort to be built in Delhi, on the banks of the Jumna, which he called Dien Panna. He, soon after, marched towards Saringpoor, which then held of Bahadur, as sultan of Guzerat, and wrote to him a punning couplet, unworthy of the dignity and majesty of a king. Chitor, in the Persian language, signifies, in what manner; and upon this was founded the miserable witticism contained in the verses. The words were, "O thou plunderer of the city of Chitor! in what manner canst thou conquer the idolaters? For when thou wouldst wish to conquer Chitor; thou know'st not in what manner the king comes to conquer thee."

Bahadur answered Humaioon in his own strain, and in the following words: "I, who am the plunderer of Chitor, will conquer the idolaters by valor; and he who dares not succour Chitor, shall see in what manner he himself shall be conquered." The wit is wretched on both sides; but he who began the pun is most to blame.

Sultan Bahadur, after sending the above billet to Humaioon, called a council of war. It was the opinion of the majority, that as Humaioon had all his force with him, it were better to raise the siege, and march against him, and thus to take up the war by the roots. Others urged, that Humaioon was so rigid in his religious principles, that he would not disturb them in their war with idolaters; that therefore it was most adviseable to finish the siege, which was now far advanced, and afterwards to think of other matters.

Bahadur himself favoured the latter opinion. The siege was accordingly continued; and Humaioon, piquing himself upon his religious principles, continued loitering at Saringpoor, till Sultan Bahadur had taken the fort. Bahadur, in the year nine hundred and forty one, marched with great expedition against Humaioon, who, hearing of his approach, marched forward to meet him. The two armies appeared in front of each other, near Munsoor. Sultan Bahadur, who had collected a great train of artillery, by advice of his engineer, Romi Chan, entrenched his army, and placed his cannon in redoubts, in his front. This prevented Humaioon from risquing an attack, and both armies continued in sight of one another for the space of two months. Daily skirmishes were, in the mean time, fought, with various success.

Humaioon, finding that he could not draw Bahadur out of his trenches, employed all his attention to cut off his supplies. He ordered his horse, in successive bodies of five or six thousand, to scour the rear of the enemy, by which means famine began soon to be severely felt in their camp; men, horses, elephants, and camels, perishing daily in great numbers.

Bahadur, instead of making one brave effort to relieve himself, permitted base fear and despair to seize upon him; and, with only five friends, left his camp in the night, and fled towards Mindu. This was no sooner known, than the flight became general; the chiefs dispersing themselves, with their adherents. Humaioon, in the morning, ordered the pursuit to commence, which was continued, as far as Mindu, with great slaughter of the unfortunate wretches, who had neither the power to escape, nor the means to defend themselves. Bahadur threw himself into Mindu, and the place was closely invested.

In a few days, three hundred Moguls scaled the walls of Mindu, in the night; and though the garrison consisted of many thousands, such was their panic, that they all betook themselves to flight. Bahadur escaped to Chapanier, which was then the capital of Guzerat, while Sidder Chan, his Amir ul Omrah, who was dangerously wounded, not able to proceed farther, shut himself up in the sort of Sunkar, where, being besieged, he capitulated the second day, and was, on account of his excellent character, received into great favor. Sidder Chan, during the pursuit, saved Sultan Bahadur, when almost taken by Humaioon, by throwing himself in between the kings, till his master had an opportunity of making his escape. But he himself was attacked with such violence by the king, in person, that, after receiving many wounds, he got off with great difficulty.

The king, three days after the taking of Mindu, renewed the pursuit after Sultan Bahadur, who, having taken all his treasure and jewels out of Mahummud Abad and Chapanier, fled towards Amudabad. The king, giving up the city of Chapanier to plunder, and committing the siege of the citadel, which still held out, to Dowlat Chaja Birlass, continued to pursue Bahadur. The unfortunate sultan, hearing of his approach, fled to Cambait, but Humaioon pursuing him thither, he retired to the island of Deo, Humaioon arriving in Cumbait, the very evening of the same day in which Bahadur forsook it.

Humaioon remained a few days in this place, but hearing that the sultan's wealth was mostly in the citadel of Chapanier, he returned to carry on that siege. Achtiar Chan, who commanded in the place, defended it with great bravery. But though he had some years provision in the fort, he was covetous of more, and took in daily supplies from a certain part of the citadel, which was covered by a thick wood.

The king, one day, reconnoitring the place, observed the proceedings of Achtiar Chan, with regard to the provisions. He immediately seized upon a party of country people who carried the supplies through the woods. He persuaded, or rather commanded them, to carry him, in disguise, to the place. They had admittance. The king made the necessary remarks, returned to his camp, and the same night ordered a parcel of iron spikes to be made.

He himself, with three hundred select men, went to the place, while feigned attacks were made upon every other quarter of the fort. As the access to this part of the fortress was extremely difficult, the attention of the enemy was entirely drawn towards the different assaults. This furnished the king with an opportunity of fixing his iron spikes in the wall, by which means thirty-nine officers mounted, and the king himself made the fortieth. Before sun-rise his whole detachment was within the walls, when he displayed a signal which had been previously settled with his troops. They accordingly made a violent assault upon all sides, and Humaioon, in the mean time, at the head of his detachment, cried out, Alla Akbar! [That is, God is greatest.] and forcing his way, sword in hand, through the enemy, possessed himself of one of the gates: he immediately opened it, and admitted his troops, and all, except Achtiar Chan and his family, who were in an outwork, were put to the sword. The governor defended himself so bravely, that he obtained a capitulation.

The great strength of this place, the numerous garrison, and the boldness of the attempt by which it fell, rendered this action of the king, equal, in the opinion of all mankind, to any thing of the like nature recorded in history. Here the treasure of Guzerat, which had been collected in the course of many years, was distributed among the troops. He gave to the officers and soldiers what wealth could be heaped upon their respective shields, proportioning the value of the things to their rank and merit. All the wealth of Room, Chitta, and Frîng [The Turkish Empire, China, and Europe.], which had been there collected, to a vast amount, was delivered over to plunder.

Sultan Bahadur having secured himself in Deo, sent Amad ul Muluck Chirkuss to Ahmedabad, to collect the revenues, and levy troops. He found himself soon at the head of fifty thousand men, and was daily gaining strength and reputation. Humaioon having intelligence of the transactions of Bahadur, appointed Tirdi Beg to command the fort of Chapanier, and the adjacent countries, and marched in person with his army towards Ahmedabad. Amad ul Muluck drew out his army to oppose him, and falling in with the vanguard of the imperialists, commanded by Mirza Ashkari, he was defeated before the rest of the army could be brought up to the engagement.

The king, for this signal service, appointed Mirza Ashkari governor of the splendid city of Ahmedabad. He divided then the provinces of Guzerat among his omrahs, and marched against Burhanpoor. Burhan Nizam Shaw, Amud ul Muluck, and the other princes of the Decan, apprehensive of his designs to reduce Chandez, wrote to him letters of submission and allegiance.

These letters had scarce arrived, when the news of the insurrection of Shere Chan came to the king. He, however, reduced all the countries about Burhanpoor, then marched round to Mindu. Amud ul Muluck, in the mean time, in conjunction with the omrahs of Guzerat, began again to acquire strength, and marched, with an army, towards Ahmedabad.

Humaioon, in the mean time, invested Chinar, and reduced it, after a siege of six months. Having then gained the passes, he entered Bengal. Shere Chan, in the mean time, carried away the treasure of the princes of Gour and Bengal, whom he had reduced, and fled to the mountains of Jarcund. The king continued his march to Gour, the capital of Bengal, took it, and commanded it to be called Ginnitabad [The paradisial city.]. Having resided in that city for the space of three months, he was obliged, on account of the moist air of that country, by which the greatest part of his army fell sick, as well as by the rebellion of Mirza Hindal at Agra, to return.

Mirza Hindal, the King's brother, was sent to suppress Mahummud Sultan Mirza, who, we have already observed, had escaped to Kinnoge. But instead of performing that service, he, as soon as he saw himself at the head of an army, began to aspire to the throne. He accordingly marched back to Agra, where he discovered his treasonable intentions, by putting some of the principal people, who rejected his authority, to death. He thus enforced obedience, and throwing away every disguise, ordered the chutba to be read in his own name, and, with all the ensigns of royalty, marched to Delhi, and besieged it.

The king, having heard of these proceedings, left Jehangire Beg and Ibrahim Beg to command in Bengal, and hastened towards Agra. When he was about half way, Mahummud Zeman Mirza, who had formerly joined Sultan Bahadur, returned from Sind, and, being promised a pardon, joined the king with a considerable party. In the mean time, Shere Chan, finding the king's army so much weakened by sickness and desertion, and his affairs further perplexed by the rebellion of Mirza Hindal, marched with his troops from Rotas, and came behind the king on the Jossa [Perhaps the Sone, or Carimnassa.]. Both armies lay three months inactive, at a time when the king ought to have run all hazards, being every day insulted, and more and more distressed by the enemy, who prevented his crossing the river.

To add still to Humaioon's misfortunes, his other brother, Mirza Camiran, instead of assisting him, ungenerously aspired to his throne, and marched, with ten thousand horse, from Lahore. When he arrived at Delhi, Mirza Hindal prevailed upon him, to join his forces with his own, after which they both continued the siege.

Fuchir ul Dien Alli, who commanded in the city, acquainted Mirza Camiran, that he could never think of betraying his trust, and rather than be so ungrateful to his prince, he was determined to hold out to the last drop of his blood; but, that, if he would first possess himself of the capital of Agra, and entirely subdue his brother, he would then, and not till then, give up the city of Delhi. When Mirza Camiran and his brother found him so determined, and that the siege would cost them much blood and time, they set out together for Agra.

When they had reached the environs of that city, the jealousy, which the brothers naturally entertained of each other, the eyes of both being turned towards the throne, broke out into open war. Mirza Hindal, being deserted by many of his party, fled to Alwir, with five thousand horse, and three hundred elephants; and Mirza Camiran, entering Agra, assumed all the imperial ensigns.

Sultan Humaioon endeavored, by every possible argument with his brothers, to bring about a coalition of interests against Shere Chan, telling them, that their family quarrels would certainly, in the end, lose them that mighty empire, which had cost their father so much pains to conquer, and involve the family of Chigittai in one common ruin; that it was, therefore, adviseable to join against the common enemy, and afterwards divide the empire amongst themselves. These arguments had no weight with his brothers, who were so blinded by ambition, that they were determined rather to lose all, than be contented with a part. They vainly hoping that after Shero Chan had defeated Sultan Humaioon, they should be able to subdue Shere Chan; and each had the folly to suppose, that he should be able to exclude the other, and so reign alone.

At this juncture, Shere Chan sent Shech Chelili, a dervish of great reputation, to Sultan Humaioon, to treat about a peace, which the king accepted, with gladness, upon the following conditions: That Shere Chan should content himself with Bengal and Behar, which he was to hold in the king's name, paying a small acknowledgment.

When the conditions were signed and ratified by mutual oaths, Humaioon, trusting too much to the faith of his enemy, permitted a free intercourse between both armies. This was what the perfidious Shere Chan aimed at by the peace. He accordingly, next morning, surprized the sultan's camp, before day-break, and totally defeated him. As the bridge of boats, which the sultan had been preparing, was not finished, there was no way of escape left, but by plunging into the river; all the boats being seized by a part of the enemy, who had turned the rear of the emperor's army. Humaioon, his nobles, and a great part of his army, were forced into the stream, where eight thousand Moguls, exclusive of Hindoos, were drowned, among whom was Mahummud Ziman Mirza. This terrible overthrow happened to Humaioon in the year nine hundred and forty six.

The king, by the assistance of a waterman, having with great difficulty swam across the river, with a few who had survived the slaughter of this dreadful day, fled to Agra. Mirza Camiran hearing of this defeat, hastened from Agra to Alwir, to consult with his brother, Mirza Hindal. Finding that now the Afghans were likely to prevail, they were ashamed of their behavior to their brother, and, when it was too late, thought proper to support him. In the mean time, all the Mogul omrahs who were dispersed in the provinces, seeing that the power of their nation had sustained such a violent shock, found it also necessary to unite their strength. They accordingly hastened from all quarters to Agra; Jehangire Beg, and Ibrahim Beg, having left Bengal, and even Mahummud Sultan Mirza, who had rebelled in Kinnoge, joined now in the general cause against the Afghans.

The three brothers having met at Agra, held daily consultations; but Mirza Camiran, who was not earnest in reconciling their different interests, brought all their councils to nothing, and proposed to return to Lahore, to which resolution he was very much instigated by Chaja Callan Beg. Sultan Humaioon used every argument to prevent his departure; but the ambitious Camiran was determined to be every thing himself, or to give no assistance to his brother.

These impolitic disputes had lasted six months, when Mirza Camiran was seized with a false appetite, which he too much indulged, and consequently became afflicted with a lientery, which he imputed to poison given him by his brothers. He immediately set out for Lahore, leaving a thousand horse with Secunder Sultan, under pretence of assisting his unfortunate brother. The inhabitants of Agra were greatly discouraged at Camiran's departure, so that many of them, fearing the issue of the war, accompanied him. Mirza Hyder, disgusted with this behavior, staid behind, and joined Humaioon, to whom he was of great service.

Shere Chan, who had remained quiet during these disputes, now advanced with an army to the banks of the Gang, and detaching his son Cuttub Chan over the river, possessed himself of the adjacent provinces.

Humaioon having received intelligence of these motions, ordered Cassim Hassein Sultan Usbeck, in conjunction with Eadgar Mirza and Secunder Sultan, against him, with a great army. They met the enemy near Calpie, where an obstinate engagement was fought, in which victory declaring for the Moguls, Cuttub Chan, with a great part of his army, was cut off, and his head sent to Agra. The generals, at the same time, invited the king to come and have the honor of conquering Shere Chan in person.

Humaioon accordingly marched with a hundred thousand horse, and crossing the Gang, near Kinnoge, sat down for the space of a month before the army of Shere Chan, which consisted of little more than half his number. In the mean time, Mahummud Sultan Mirza, and his sons, who were remarkable for their treachery and ingratitude, fled to the enemy, with all their adherents, drawing many more after them, which again plunged the sultan into distress; for his army being dispirited, began to desert by thousands. To complete his misfortunes, the rainy season now commenced, and his camp was quite overflowed with water, insomuch that the tents seemed afloat. The king therefore resolved to move his camp to higher ground.

On the tenth of Mohirrim, nine hundred and forty seven, he put his army in motion. He was attacked by Shere Chan on his march, and defeated with great slaughter. Having unfortunately, as in the former action, the river then close to his rear, the flight turned that way, and some thousands, to avoid the swords of the enemy, chose a more ignominious death in the water. A few only escaped with the king over the river, with whom he fled to Agra; the rest submitted themselves to the conquerors, or dispersed by various routs.

Shere Chan, immediately after this victory, advanced towards Agra. The king was forced to retreat to Lahore, and on the first of Rubbi ul Awil, of that year, joined the greatest part of his Mogul omrahs, who had been dispersed since the action. Shere Chan still continuing the pursuit, to make the best use of his victory, crossed the river of Jullanpoor, upon which the sultan, upon the first of Rigib, passed the river of Lahore, and retreated towards Tatta and Bicker. Mirza Camiran, now sensible of his ungenerous and impolitic behavior, was himself obliged to fly towards Cabul, and saw an empire wrested from his family, by the effects of that base envy, which could not behold even a brother's greatness without pain.

Humaioon having crossed the Sind, on his way to Bicker, halted at Lori, and sent an embassador, with a horse and dress to Mirza Shaw Hassein, governor of Tatta, to request his aid, that he might be able to possess himself of Guzerat. Mirza Shaw Hassein seeming to listen to his request, detained the king, by various artifices and excuses, for five months, by which means his small army, distressed for want of pay, daily diminished in numbers. Mirza Hindal, his brother, in the mean time, left him, and went to Candahar, being invited thither, by Kirrachi Chan, governor of that province. Mirza Eadgar Nasir proposed, at the same time, to quit Humaioon, but this unfortunate king, took great pains to keep him firm to his interest, giving him the government of Bicker. But he had no sooner taken possession of that place, than he began to strengthen himself, and to hatch treason.

Humaioon, in the mean time, had, with his little army, laid siege to Sewan, for seven months, without effect, when Shaw Hassein, desirous of getting the place into his own hands, advanced, with a great force, from Tatta, and surrounding both the garrison and the besiegers, prevented supplies from being carried to either. Humaioon's army were soon greatly distressed, as well as the garrison. The king, driven to extremities, requested Mirza Eadgar to join him, with what forces he had in Bicker; but this ungrateful man chose rather to be prevailed upon to join Mirza Shaw Hassein, who promised him his daughter, and to secure him in his government. He immediately deserted the king's interest, at this dangerous crisis, and Humaioon was obliged to retreat precipitately from before Sewan, towards Bicker. He could not even obtain, in that place, a few boats, from his own perfidious subjects, to waft his small army over the river. After a search of some days, and wandering along the banks, he discovered some boats that had been sunk, raised them, and transported his troops to the other side.

Notwithstanding this accumulation of misfortunes, Humaioon had strength enough left to strike terror in Eadgar Nasir Mirza, who, to avoid his resentment, came and made his submission. The necessity of the times obtained his pardon; but, in return for Humaioon's clemency, he began to raise sedition among his troops, and privately to draw them over to his own interest. This treason being communicated to the king, the traitor, upon being taxed with it, appeared at the head of his troops, in open rebellion. But the principal officers of the rebellious faction refused to attack their king, so that an action was prevented, when both parties were formed in order of battle.

The king being in no condition, at that juncture, to contend with the rebel, thought it high time to provide for his own safety elsewhere. He therefore marched, by the way of Jasselmere, to Raja Maldeo, then the most potent Hindoo prince in Hindostan, having before received an invitation from him. But as he was passing through the territories of Jasselmere, the raja of that country sent a force to oppose him. The king defeated them, and passed on to the boundaries of Maldeo, where he halted, and sent a messenger to the raja.

But few keep faith with a king, when he is under the cloud of misfortunes. Maldeo, seeing he had nothing to fear from Humaioon, sound in his own mind no principle to love him; he therefore resolved, if possible, to seize the king, and send him to Shere Shaw. One of Maldeo's servants, who had formerly lived under Humaioon, having intelligence of this design, immediately informed the king.

Humaioon mounted his horse, at midnight, and fled towards Amercot, which is about one hundred crores from Tatta. His horse, on the way, falling down dead with fatigue, he desired Tirdi Beg, who was well mounted, to let him have his; but so ungenerous was this man, and so low was royalty fallen, that he refused to comply with his request. The troops of the raja being close to his heels, he was necessitated to mount a camel, till one Nidim Koka, dismounting his own mother, gave the king her horse, and placing her on the camel, ran himself on foot by her side.

The country, through which they fled, being an entire sandy desart, the troops began to be in the utmost distress for water. Some ran mad, others fell down dead; nothing was heard but dreadful screams and lamentations. To add, if possible, to this calamity, news arrived of the enemy's near approach. Humaioon ordered all those who could fight to halt, and let the women and baggage move forward. The enemy not making their appearance, the king rode on in front, to see how it fared with his family.

Night, in the mean time, coming on, the rear lost their way, and in the morning were attacked by a party of the enemy. Shech Ali, with about twenty brave men, resolved to sell his life dear. Having repeated the creed of Martyrdom, he rushed upon the enemy, and the first arrow having reached the heart of the chief of the party, the rest were, by the valor of this handful, put to flight. The other Moguls joined in the pursuit, and took many of their camels and horses. They then continued their march, found the king sitting by a well, which he had fortunately found, and gave him an account of their adventure.

Marching forward, the next day, from this well, they were more distressed than before, there being no water for two days journey. On the fourth day of their retreat, they sell in with another well, which was so deep, that the only bucket they had, took a great deal of time in being wound up, and therefore a drum was beat to give notice to the caffilas when the bucket appeared, that they might repair by turns to drink. The people were so impatient for the water, that as soon as the first bucket appeared, ten or twelve of them threw themselves upon it, before it quite reached the brim of the well, by which means the rope broke, and the bucket was lost, and several fell headlong after it. When this fatal accident happened, the screams and lamentations of all became loud and dreadful. Some lolling out their tongues, rolled themselves, in agony, on the hot sand; while others, precipitating themselves into the well, met with an immediate, and consequently an easier death. What did not the unhappy king feel, when he saw this terrible situation of his few faithful friends!

The next day, though they reached water, was not less fatal than the former. The camels, who had not tasted water for several days, now drank so much, that the greatest part of them died. The people also, after drinking, complained of an oppression of the heart, and in about half an hour a great part of them expired.

A few, with the king, after this unheard of distress, reached Amercot. The raja being a humane man, took compassion on their misfortunes. He spared nothing that could alleviate their miseries, or express his fidelity to the king.

At Amercot, upon Sunday the fifth of Rigib, in the year nine hundred and forty nine, the prince Ackbar was brought forth, by Hamida Banu Begum. The king, after returning thanks to God, left his family under the protection of Raja Rana, and, by the aid of that prince, marched against Bicker. But a mutiny arising among the troops, they dispersed, so that nothing could be effected. Some of the king's own omrahs deserted him, and the gallant Shech Ali, one of his principal adherents, was killed in an action in which Humaioon was defeated. The king fled towards Kandahar, and was, on his way, joined by Byram Chan, from Guzerat. Mirza Camiran had, at that time, taken the fortress of Kandahar from his brother, Mirza Hindal; and Mirza Ashkari governed there by his appointment. Mirza Shaw Hassein wrote to Mirza Ashkari, that the king was in the utmost distress, and that if he would now favor him, so meritorious an action could not be forgot. Ashkari, instead of listening to this request, attacked the king when he approached, obliging him to leave behind him his son, and fly himself, with the Sultana Mariam Muckani, and only twenty-two horse, to Chorrassan. Mirza Ashkari expressed great sorrow at the king's escape, and plundering all his effects, carried the young prince Ackbar to Kandahar.

The king, by repeated trials, found that he could place no faith in his brothers. When he arrived upon the frontiers of Seistan, he was met by Ahmed Sultan Shamlu, who was there governor on the part of Shaw Tamasp ul Husseini, of Iran. He brought Humaioon to Seistan, and treated him with the greatest respect, presenting him with all the money he was worth, and furnishing the sultana with slaves. The king received just what supplied his occasions, and returned the rest. He from thence set out for Hêrat, and was, in that city, met by Sultan Mahummud, the king of Persia's eldest son. This prince forgot nothing of that generosity and politeness which so remarkably distinguished his character. He provided the unfortunate exile very effectually with all necessaries for his journey to court. In his progress towards the capital of Iran, all the governors of the provinces and great men paid him their compliments, and made magnificent entertainments for him. When he arrived at Kizvi, he dispatched Byram Chan to the Persian king, at Ispahan, and waited his answer. Let us now leave Humaioon, to give an account of the transactions in Hindostan, during his exile.

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Section II. History of SHERE SHAW, before his accession to the imperial throne.

THE original name of Shere Shaw was Ferîd. His father was Hassin, of the Soor tribe of the Afghans of Roh. When Sultan Beloli placed his foot on the musnud of empire, the grandfather of Shere Shaw, Ibrahim Soor, came to Delhi in quest of military service.

The original seat of the Afghans was Roh. This word, in their language, signifies a mountainous country. It extended, they say, in length, from Sewad and Bijore, to the town of Sui in the dominions of Buckurast, and in breadth, from Hussin Abdal to Rabul. This tract, in its fertile vallies, contained many separate tribes; among the number of these was that of Soor, who derive themselves from the princes of Ghor. One of the sons of the Ghorian family, whose name was Mahummud Soor, having left his native country, placed himself among the Afghans of Roh, and was the father of the tribe of Soor, which was esteemed the noblest among them.

Ibrahim Soor, arriving at Delhi, engaged himself in the service of an omrah of the court of Beloli. When the empire fell to Secunder, Jemmal Chan an omrah was appointed suba of Jionpoor, who took Hassen, the son of Ibrahim, in his retinue. He found him a youth of parts, and favored him so much, that, in a short time, he gave him the pergunnahs of Schsarâm and Chawasspoor Tanda, in jagier, for which he was to maintain five hundred horse. Hassen had eight sons; Ferîd and Nizâm of one mother, of a Patan family; the other sons were born of slaves.

Hassen had no great love for his wife, and he therefore neglected her sons. Ferîd, upon this, left his father's house, and enlisted himself a soldier in the service of Jemmal Chan. Hassen wrote to Jemmal Chan [Suba of Jionpoor.] upon this occasion, requesting him to send back his son, that he might be educated. But all that Jemmal Chan could say had no effect upon Ferîd. Jionpoor, he said, was a better place for instruction than Sehsaram; and he affirmed that he would attend to letters of his own accord. This he did to so much purpose, that he soon could repeat the works of Shech Sadi, and was, besides, a proficient in all the learning of the country. He, however, employed most of his time in history and poetry, being supported by the liberality of Jemmal Chan.

After three or four years had passed, Hassen came to Jionpoor, and, by the mediation of friends, the father and son were reconciled. Hassen gave Ferîd the charge of his jagier, and remained himself at Jionpoor. Ferîd, when he took leave of his father, said, "That the stability of government depended on justice, and that it would be his greatest care not to violate it, either by oppressing the weak, or permitting the strong to infringe the laws with impunity." When he arrived at his jagier, he actually put this resolution in practice, by rendering justice to the poor, and reducing to order such of his zemindars as opposed his authority. He, by this means, had his revenues punctually paid, and his country well cultivated. His reputation grew apace; for all his actions discovered uncommon genius and resolution.

Hassin coming to visit the pergunnahs, was extremely pleased with the management of his son, and therefore continued him in his office. But the father had a slave by whom he had three sons, Soliman, Ahmed, and Mudda, and the old man was extremely sond of her. She told him, that now her son Soliman was grown up, and that he ought to provide for him. She, day after day, continued to teaze Hassin for the superintendency of the pergunnahs for Soliman. This gave the old omrah great concern, knowing the superior abilities of Ferîd. The son, hearing that the domestic peace of his father was destroyed, by the importunities of his favorite, made a voluntary resignation of his trust, which was accordingly conferred upon Soliman.

Ferîd, and his brother Nizam, set out immediately for Agra, and entered into the service of Dowlat Chan, one of the principal omrahs of Sultan Ibrahim. Ferîd, by his good behavior, soon insinuated himself into his master's affection. Dowlat desired him, one day, to tell him what he was most desirous to obtain, and that he would use his interest with the sultan in his favor. Ferîd replied, That his father was now in his dotage, and wholly guided by an artful mistress, who had deprived both himself and his brother of their patrimonial inheritance, and had procured their jagier for her own spurious offspring. That if Dowlat would, therefore, by his interest at court, procure the jagier-sonnad in his name, he would promise to provide for his father, and maintain five hundred good horse for the service of the empire.

Dowlat Chan accordingly preferred this request to the sultan, who replied, That he must be a bad man indeed, who reviled and undermined his own father. Dowlat Chan retired in silence, and acquainted him of the answer he had received, but comforted Ferîd, by telling him that he would take another opportunity to urge his request. In the mean time, the father of Ferîd died, and Dowlat Chan obtained the emperor's grant, with which the two brothers set out to Sehsaram with a grand retinue.

Soliman, upon the arrival of his brothers, evacuating the country, went off to Mahummud Chan Soor, who held the purgunnah of Chond, and kept up a force of fifteen hundred horse, and complained of the behavior of Ferîd. Mahummud Chan told him, that Baber, having invaded Hindostan, a war between him and Sultan Ibrahim was unavoidable. That, therefore, if he should accompany him when called to the imperial army, he would endeavor to get him redress. Soliman was too impatient to wait so long in suspence. Mahummud Chan, therefore, sent a person to Ferîd, to treat about a reconciliation. Ferîd replied, That he was willing to give him a proper share of his father's inheritance, but that he must be excused from parting with any of his power; repeating, at the same time, the old adage, That two swords could never rest in one scabbard.

Soliman could not be satisfied with sharing the government, and therefore nothing was settled between the brothers. This irritated Mahummud Chan so much, that he resolved to compel him to the measures which he himself had proposed. Ferîd being informed of this resolution, began to provide for his own security; but news arriving of Sultan Ibrahim's death, the whole country was thrown into confusion. Ferîd resolved not to lie idle in the midst of the troubles which ensued. He joined Pâr Chan, the son of Diria Chan Lohani, who had subdued Behar, and assumed the royal dignity, under the name of Sultan Mahummud, or Mahmood. As the sultan was one day on a hunting party, he roused an enormous tiger; which Ferîd immediately attacked and killed with one blow of his fabre. For this bold action, which was done in the sultan's presence, he was honored with the title of Shere Chan [Shere signifies a lion.].

Shere Chan rose gradually to great influence and favor, in the sultan's service. He was even appointed tutor to the sultan's son, Jellal Chan. He, in the mean time, requested permission to go to his jagier, but he was detained there by business, till his leave of absence expired. Sultan Mahummud, dissatisfied with this behavior, reproached him, one day in public, with breach of promise; and Mahummud Chan, an omrah, being present, took that opportunity of accusing him of treasonable designs, and with favoring the interest of Sultan Mamood, the son of Sultan Secunder. The sultan was, by this means, so incensed against him, that he intimated, at the same time, a design to deprive him of his jagier, and to confer it upon his brother Soliman, as a just punishment for his offence, and the only thing that could bring him to a proper sense of his duty.

The sultan, however, having a great esteem for Shere Chan, against whom nothing was yet proved, laid aside the violent measure to which he was instigated by Mahummud. He, at the same time, by way of alarming him, gave orders to his accuser to enquire into his father's estate, and make an equal division of it among all the brothers. Mahummud Chan, glad of this order, sent one of his servants to Shere Chan to acquaint him, that his brothers, according to the sultan's commands, were to have their proportionable dividends of the estate which he had hitherto so unjustly with-held from them.

Shere Chan returned for answer, that Mahummud was very much mistaken in this matter. That there were no heritable estates in Hindostan, among Mahomedans, for that all lands belonged to the king, which he disposed of at pleasure. That as he himself had a personal grant of his jagier, his brethren were entirely out of the question. That he, however, had already consented to give to his brother Soliman a part of the money and moveables, according to law.

When the messenger returned with this answer to Mahummud Chan, who was then at Jiond, he was enraged at so flat a denial, and raising all his forces, sent them against Shere Chan, under the command of Shadi, his adopted slave, accompanied by Soliman and Ahmed. His orders were to take possession of the country, and to leave a force with Soliman, to protect him in the jagier.

This resolution being quickly taken, Shere Chan had not time to collect his people; but, upon the first alarm, he wrote to Malleck Sook, his deputy in the pergunnah of Chawasspoor Tandah, to harrass the enemy with what troops he had, but to avoid an action till he joined him in person. But Malleck Sook, desirous to distinguish himself, gave them battle, and lost his life and the victory.

This disaster weakened Shere Chan so much, that he was in no condition to oppose Mahummud; he therefore evacuated the country, and fled to Juneid Birlass, suba of Kurrah and Maneckpoor, on the part of Sultan Baber. He made the suba a handsome present, was taken into favor, and obtained a body of troops to recover his country. With these he defeated Mahummud, who fled to the mountains of Rhotas, so that he not only possessed himself of his own country, but added several other pergunnahs to his jagier, which he now held of Sultan Baber. Having rewarded the Moguls who had assisted him, he permitted them to return to their master. He, at the same time, levied troops, and was joined by his former friends, who had fled to the hills, which rendered him very formidable in those parts.

Shere Chan having thus established himself in his jagier, performed an act of generosity, which, if it was not intended to deceive the world, does him much honor. He recalled Mahummud Chan, who had fled, and put him in possession of his former jagier. This generous treatment converted his greatest enemy into one of his best friends.

Shere having settled his affairs, left his brother Nizam in charge of his country, and paid a visit to his benefactor Juneid Birlass, at Kurrah. Birlass was then going to Agra, and Shere resolved to accompany him thither. He was, upon this occasion, introduced to Sultan Baber, and attended that prince in his expedition to Chinderi.

After Shere had staid some time in the Mogul camp, and observed their manners and policy, he, one day, told a friend, that he thought it would be an easy matter to drive those foreigners out of Hindostan. His friend asked him, what reason he had to think so? Shere replied, "That the king himself, though a man of great parts, was but very little acquainted with the policy of Hindostan; and that the vizier, who held the reins of government, would be too much biassed in favor of his own interest, to mind that of the public. That therefore if the Patans, who were now at enmity among themselves, could be brought to mutual concord, the work was compleated; and should fortune ever favor him, he imagined himself equal to the task, however difficult it might, at present, appear." His friend burst out into a loud laugh, and began to ridicule this vain opinion.

Shere, a few days after, had, at the king's table, some solid dishes set before him, with only a spoon to eat them. He called for a knife, but the servants had orders not to supply him with one. Shere, not to lose his dinner, drew his dagger, without ceremony, and cutting up his meat, made a hearty meal, without minding those who diverted themselves at this odd behavior. When he had done, the king, who had been remarking his manner, turned to Amir Chalisa, and said, "This Afghan is not to be disconcerted by trifles, and is likely to be a great man."

Shere Chan perceiving, by these words, that the king had been informed of his private discourse to his friend, fled the camp that night, and went to his own jagier. He wrote from thence to Juneid Birlass, that as Mahummud Chan had prevailed on Sultan Mahmood Chan, of Behar, to send troops against his jagier, he had in haste left the king's camp, without waiting upon him for leave. He, by this means, amused Juneid Birlass from chastising him, and at the same time made up matters with Sultan Mahmood, with whom he became a greater favorite than before.

Sultan Mahmood dying a short time after, was succeeded by his son Jellal Chan, a minor. The young prince's mother, Sultana Dudu, acted as regent, and conferred the principal offices in the government upon Shere Chan. The sultana dying soon after, the administration fell wholly into his hands.

Muchdum Allum, the governor of Hadgeepoor, on the part of Sultan Mahmood, of Bengal, being guilty of some misdemeanor, threw himself under Shere Chan's protection. Sultan Mahmood, to revenge this insult, ordered Cuttub Chan, governor of Mongier, with a great force, against Behar. As the forces of Behar were inconsiderable, in comparison of those of Bengal, Shere Chan made many overtures for accommodating differences, but to no effect. Finding no arguments could prevail but the sword, he resolved to stand the unequal encounter, in which his superior skill and bravery acquired him a complete victory. Cuttub Chan was slain, and all his treasure, elephants, and camp equipage taken, which greatly advanced the designs of Shere Chan.

After this victory, the Patan tribe of Lohani, envying the fortune of Shere, formed a conspiracy, to take away his life. Shere discovered the plot, taxed Jellal Chan with it, who was privy to the conspiracy, being very jealous of the great influence of his minister. He told, on this occasion, to the young prince, that there was no necessity of taking such a base method of getting quit of him, for that if he should but once signify his inclination, Shere was ready to resign that government, which he lately so successfully protected. The prince, either suspecting his sincerity, or being equally suspicious of the other omrahs, would, by no means, consent to his resignation. This so much disgusted the conspirators, that they took every possible measure to make a breach between the prince and his minister.

Shere, finding that he had no security, but in maintaining his power, by the unlimited use he made of it, justly excited the prince's jealousy to such a pitch, that, one night, accompanied by his omrahs, he fled to Sultan Mahmood, of Bengal, and implored his aid to expel Shere Chan, who had usurped his throne.

Sultan Mahmood, joining his compassion for the young prince, to his personal hatred for Shere, sent Ibrahim Chan, the son of Cuttub Chan, with a considerable army against the usurper. The Bengalians besieged Shere in a mud fort, for a long time, without success; so that Ibrahim was obliged to send home for succours. Shere Chan, being informed of this circumstance, came out, offered battle, and, by means of a common stratagem, ordering his troops to fly at the first onset, to draw the enemy into an ambush, defeated them, and took all their guns and elephants. Ibrahim Chan was slain in the action, and the young prince fled in great distress to Bengal.

Shere, by this victory, became lord of all Behar, and grew daily more and more formidable. Taje Chan was, at this time, governor of the strong fort of Chinâr, which he had held for himself ever since the death of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi. His wife Lade Mallecke, who was barren, yet for whom he had a very great affection, being envied by his other wives, by whom he had children, they instigated their sons to make away with her. But one of the sons, who had undertaken the murder, missed his blow, and only inflicted a slight wound. Taje Chan, alarmed by her cries, came to her assistance, and drew his sword to kill his son. The son, seeing no means to escape, assaulted his father, and slew him. The sons of Taje Chan were yet too young to be entrusted with the government, and Lade Mallecke drew the reins into her own hands, by her address among the chiefs and zemindars. Shere Chan, informed of these transactions, set a treaty of marriage on foot with Lade Mallecke, which was soon concluded. Shere seized upon Chinâr and the dependant districts, which was a great acquisition to his power, there being a considerable treasure in the place.

Much about this time, Sultan Mahmood, the son of Sultan Secunder Lodi, having taken protection with Rana Sinka, by his assistance, and that of Hassen Chan Mewati, advanced against Sultan Baber, and were defeated, as we have already seen, at Janveh. Sultan Mahmood, flying to Chitor, was from thence invited by the omrahs of Lodi, who were gathered together at Patna, and by them proclaimed king. He made himself soon master of all Behar. Shere Chan perceiving that he could not draw the omrahs over from the sultan's interest, and that he had not sufficient force to oppose him, submitted to his authority, and, by that means, saved a part of Behar, which the sultan permitted him to retain. The sultan told him, at the same time, that if he should effectually assist him in recovering Jionpoor from the Moguls, he would return Behar to him; and a contract to that effect was drawn up and executed between them.  

Shere Chan, some time after, obtained leave to return to Shessaram, to levy troops, and Sultan Mahmood marching, with an army, against the Moguls, sent him orders to join. But as Shere delayed for some time, the sultan, persuaded by his omrahs that he was playing a loose game, marched his army through his jagier on his way to Jionpoor. Shere came out to meet him, had an elegant entertainment provided for his reception, and then marched with him to Jionpoor. The troops of Humaioon evacuated the province upon their approach, so that the Afghans took possession of the country as far as Lucknore.

Humaioon lay, at this time, before Callinger, and having heard of the progress of the Afghans, he marched against them. Mahmood having, on this occasion, given a superior command to Bein Baezîd, Shere Chan, who thought himself ill-used, betrayed his master, and wrote a private letter, the night before the action, to Hindoo Beg, one of the Mogul generals, acquainting him, "That he esteemed himself a servant of Baber's family, to whom he owed his advancement, and that he would be the cause of defeating the Afghans next day." He drew off his troops in the action, which occasioned Mahmood's defeat, for which service he was greatly favored by Humaioon. Sultan Mahmood, after this defeat, retreated to Patna, retired from the world, and, in the year nine hundred and forty nine, died in Orissa.

Humaioon, after his victory, returned to Agra, and sent Amir Hindoo Beg to Shere Chan, to take possession of the fort of Chinâr. Shere excused himself, and obliged Hindoo Beg to retreat. Humaioon returned immediately with his whole army to besiege Chinâr, and, having invested it, he received a letter from Shere Chan, acquainting him, "That he esteemed himself one of the servants of the house of Baber, from whom he first obtained a government; and that he had expressed his fidelity, by being the occasion of the late victory. That, therefore, if the king would permit him to retain the government of the fort, he was willing to pay him the proper revenues of the lands which he held, and would send his son, Cuttub Chan, with five hundred horse, to be maintained at his own expence, in the sultan's service."

As at this juncture the affairs of Guzerat, by the conquests of Sultan Bahadur, required the king's presence, and considering also the strength of Chinâr, Humaioon consented to these terms, and, accordingly, being joined by Cuttub Chan and Isey Chan Hajbil, with five hundred horse, he marched towards Sultan Bahadur. The king, however, had scarcely reached Guzerat, when Cuttub Chan deserted with his horse, and returned to his father. Shere immediately raised what forces he could, and reduced Behar. Not satisfied with this success, he pursued his fortune, and penetrated into the heart of Bengal, having fought with the omrahs of that country several sharp battles, before he could make himself master of the passes, which were defended a whole month.

Sultan Mahmood of Bengal shut himself up in Gour, which Shere Chan for a long time besieged. One of the zemindars of Behar having raised a disturbance, he left Chawass Chan to carry on the siege, and returned himself to Behar. Provisions becoming at length very scarce in Gour, Sultan Mahmood fled in a boat to Hadjepoor; and Shere Chan, having settled affairs in Behar, returned and pursued him. Mahmood being necessitated to give battle, was defeated, and being wounded in the engagement, fled his kingdom, which immediately fell into the hands of the conqueror.

Humaioon, returning from his expedition to Guzerat, thought it necessary to put a stop to the rising power of Shere Chan. He for that purpose turned towards the reduction of Chinâr. Jellal Chan, who commanded there, left the defence of the place to Ghazi Soor, and retired to the hills of Bercundah, from whence he very much annoyed the besiegers. The siege had been carried on six months, when Rumi Chan, who commanded the king's artillery, by some kind of a floating battery, which he sent down the river close to the wall, reduced the place.

Humaioon left two hundred soldiers in garrison there, and marched towards Bengal. Sultan Mahmood, who, as we have already observed, was wounded in the action with Shere Chan, threw himself under the protection of Humaioon. When the king had advanced to Gurhi, which is the frontier of Bengal, he found that Shere Chan had sent Jellal Chan, Chawass Chan, and a good detachment, to guard that pass. The king sent Jehangire Kulli Beg, and some other omrahs, to dislodge them; but they were repulsed in several attacks. Being, however, supported by more troops, and the whole army appearing in sight, a successful assault was made, and the Moguls became masters of the pass. Jellal Chan fled to his father Shere Chan at Gour, who, being in no condition to engage so superior a force, evacuated that capital, carried off all his wealth to the mountains of Jarcund, and begun to project a scheme for possessing himself of Rhotas, that he might there lodge his family and wealth in security.

To take Rhotas by open force was an impossible attempt. It was therefore necessary to devise some stratagem, by which success might be hoped. Shere, for this purpose, sent a message to Raja Berkiss, who was in possession of this impregnable fortress, and told him, "That as he himself was going to attempt the recovery of Bengal, he hoped, from their former friendship, that he would permit him to send his family and treasure into the place, with a few attendants." The raja at first rejected this request, but Shere Chan sent an artful embassador to the raja, a second time, with some handsome presents, acquainting him, "That it was only for his women and treasure he requested the raja's protection: That should he be fortunate enough to conquer Bengal, he would make proper acknowledgments for the favor on his return; but if he should lose his life in the contest, he rather chose that his family and wealth should fall into his hands, than into those of the Moguls, his inveterate enemies."

The raja, permitting himself to be deluded by his avarice, determined, when once in possession of the treasure, to keep it, and therefore consented to Shere's request. Shere Chan having provided covered doolies [ ], filled them all, except two or three, which were to go first, with armed men and arms. He, at the same time, filled five hundred money bags with ball, and appointed some of his best soldiers to carry them, in the disguise of slaves, with sticks in their hands, to help the treasure up the mountain. The men, who carried the doolies, were disguised in the same manner. This train accordingly set out, and the first and second dooly being examined at the gate, were found to contain only old women, so further examination was neglected. The raja was, in the mean time, busy in counting the bags, which he now reckoned part of his own fortune. When the doolies had reached the house which the raja had appointed, the wolves rushed out among the sheep, and begun to dye the fold with their blood. The porters used their staves, till they supplied themselves with arms from the doolies. They easily mastered the garrison, who were off their guard, and admitted Shere Chan, who was encamped at a small distance. The raja himself, with a few followers, found means to escape into the woods, by a private passage behind the fort.

Thus fell one of the most impregnable fortresses in the world into the hands of Shere Chan, together with much treasure, which had been accumulating there for ages. The merit of the invention of this stratagem is not due to Shere. The fort of Asere, in the Decan, was, long before, taken in the same manner by Nasir Chan Faroki, governor of Chandez.

Rhotas is built upon the level top of a mountain; the only entrance to it is a very narrow road, through a steep ascent of one crore, from the foot of the hill to the gates, which are three in number, one above another, defended by guns and rolling-stones. The square contents of the fortified table land, on the top of the mountain, is more than five crores. In this space are contained towns, villages, and corn fields, and water is found a few feet from the surface. On one side runs the river Sone, under an immense precipice, and another river, in the same manner, passes close to the other side, and both meeting a little below, form the hill into a triangular peninsula. There is a very deep valley on the third side, full of impervious woods, which spread all over the mountains, and render all access that way next to impossible.

Shere Chan had now a secure retreat for his family, and his friends began to acquire fresh spirits by this piece of success. Humaioon, in the mean time, spent three months in luxurious pleasures, at Gour, or Lucknouti. He there received advices that Mirza Hindal, his brother, had revolted in Agra and Mewat; that he had put Shech Phoul to death, and coined money in his own name. He therefore left Jehangire Kulli Beg, with five thousand horse, in Gour, and returned towards Agra.

By the excessive rains and bad roads, the king's cavalry and beasts of burthen perished in great numbers, on his march, by fatigue and want of forage. Shere Chan, who had now raised a numerous army, entrenched himself on the banks of the Jossa, in a place by which the king must of necessity pass, and, by treachery, defeated him with great slaughter, in the manner which we have already related. Shere did not immediately push forward to the capital. Anxious to leave no enemy behind him, he returned to Bengal, engaged Jehangire Kulli Beg in several battles, defeated him, and, at length, cut him and his army to pieces.

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Section III. The history of the reign of SHERE SHAW, the Afghan.

SHERE SHAW, immediately after the reduction of Bengal, assumed the imperial title, struck the coin, and read the chutba, in his own name. He marched, the next year, with a great army, towards Agra. The unfortunate Humaioon was, by this time, deserted by his brother Mirza Camiran, and hated by his Mogul omrahs, on account of his attention to his Turkuman mercenaries. He, however, crossed the river with one hundred thousand horse, and met Shere Chan, who had but fifty thousand. Shere, as we have already mentioned, defeated Humaioon, and pursued him to Agra, Lahore, and Choshâb; from which place the king retreated towards Sind.

Ismaiel Chan, Ghazi Chan, Fatti Chan, and Billoche Dudai, all omrahs of that country, joined Shere Shaw. The sultan, observing a hill, among the mountains of Balnat, proper for a fortress, ordered one to be built, which he named Rhotas. Chawass Chan, his faithful slave, to whose bravery and conduct he owned himself greatly indebted for his fortune, was now made Amir ul Omrah, with a pension of a tenth of the royal revenue.

Having left the Amir ul Omrah, and Hybut Chan Neazi, with a great army, in the north west, Shere Shaw returned towards Agra. He was in that city informed, that Chizer Chan Sirik, whom he left suba of Bengal, had married the daughter of Mahmood, the former sultan of that province, and held the state of a sovereign prince. Having experienced, in his own fortune, the danger of permitting such behavior to go unpunished, he marched immediately to Bengal. Chizer Chan being unexpectedly surprized, submitted without trouble, and was imprisoned. Shere Shaw very prudently divided the kingdom of Bengal among a number of omrahs, independent of one another, and appointed Kasi Fazilit, a native of Kurrah, famous for his learning and policy, to superintend the whole. He himself, after these transactions, retired to Agra.

In the year nine hundred and forty nine, Shere made a motion towards Malava. Having advanced as far as Gualier, Suja Chan Afghan, who had before inverted the place, on the part of Shere Shaw, found means to settle matters with Abul Casim Beg, governor of Gualier for Humaioon, and he delivered up that strong fortress into his hands.

Shere Shaw having entered Malava, Mullu Chan, governor of that province, submitted without a blow. Being, however, a few days after, alarmed by something, he fled from the king's camp, and Hadjee Chan was appointed to that government; Suja Chan had also a jagier conferred upon him in that country. Shere Shaw having marched from thence to Rintimpore, Mullee Chan fell upon the governor of Malava, and upon Suja Chan, but he was defeated. Suja Chan having acquired all the honor of the victory, Hadjee Chan was superseded and recalled, and the government conferred upon Suja.

Shere Shaw arriving before Rintimpore, had the address to get possession of that important fortress, from the governor, on the part of Sultan Mahmood Lodi, who had still kept it. The emperor, after taking Rintimpore, returned to Agra. He remained in that city a whole year, settling the internal police of the empire, and regulating his army. He, in the mean time, ordered Hybut Chan to wrest Moultan from the Bellochies. This Hybut soon effected by defeating Fatti Chan Bellochi, and entirely subduing that country. He had, on account of this exploit, the title of Azim Humaioon conferred upon him.

In the year nine hundred and fifty, Paran Mull, the son of Raja Suckdeo Parbia, having conquered some neighbouring pergunnahs, kept no less than two thousand concubines and dancing girls in his zinnana. The king, resenting this indignity, marched and invested him in the sort of Raisein. The siege being protracted for a long time, Paran Mull began to treat of a capitulation. This was granted to him upon the honorable terms of marching out, with all his arms, treasure, family, garrison, and effects. Paran accordingly marched out with four thousand rajaputs, and, trusting to the faith which had been pledged, encamped at a small distance.

But Shere Shaw, who never kept the faith of treaties, was easily persuaded, by his base ministers, particularly by Amir Ruffi ul Dien Suffvi, infamously to violate his honor. He surrounded the rajaputs, and ordered them all to be massacred. He, however, paid very dear for this horrid piece of cruelty and treachery The rajaputs, placing death in one eye and revenge in the other, sought till every man of them was laid dead on the plain, and above double their number of the assassins.

Shere Shaw, after this infamous transaction, returned to Agra. Having remained there a few months, to refresh and recruit his army, he marched towards Marwâr. During his march he intrenched himself every night, as well for security, as to exercise his troops, and make them expert in this necessary service. When he came to cross the sands, he formed redoubts all round him with gabions. In this manner he entered the country of the raja of Nagor and Todpoor, whose name was Maldeo, and esteemed the most powerful raja in Hindostan. He opposed the king, with fifty thousand rajaputs, and both armies lay thirty days in sight of one another.

Shere Shaw would now have been glad to retreat quietly. But the danger was too great, at the same time the enemy was so advantageously posted as to render an attack too hazardous. In the midst of this alarming situation, a successful stratagem suggested itself to the king. Raja Maldeo having conquered that country, to which he had no right by inheritance, Shere Shaw forged a letter, in the Hindoo language and character, in the name of the raja's generals, addressed to himself, setting forth, "That, being conquered by the raja, they had, through necessity, served him till then with fidelity; but that they were, in secret, very weary of his yoke. That if he would therefore, reinstate them in their former possessions, they were willing to make him a due acknowledgement for the favor." On this letter Shere superscribed, as usual, in Persian, That they should fear nothing, desiring them to persevere in their intentions, and that they might rest assured, that he would comply with their demand.

This letter was purposely thrown into the way of the raja, who, being always in dread of his omrahs, was easily deceived. He therefore declined the battle, which he intended to give that day. He was even more and more confirmed in his unjust suspicion, by the eagerness which they expressed to engage. Upon the fourth day he ordered a retreat; but Cunia, one of his principal omrahs, having found out in what manner the raja had been deceived by these forgeries, endeavoured to persuade him of his mistake. Having found that the raja's suspicions could not be removed, he told him, That the suspected treachery was unprecedented among true Rajaputs, and that he was determined to wipe off the stain which the raja had thrown upon their reputation, by his own blood, or the conquest of Shere Shaw, with his own tribe.

The raja continued to retreat, but the gallant Cunia, with a few other chiefs, and ten or twelve thousand men, turned back, with an intent to surprize Shere Shaw's camp. They, however, by some mistake, lost their way, and it was fair day light before they saw the enemy. Shere Shaw immediately formed, and came out against them. Though the king's army, by the smallest computation, consisted of eighty thousand fighting men, this handful of brave Rajaputs repulsed them repeatedly, and would have certainly defeated them, if Jellal Chan Selwani had not at that instant arrived with a fresh reinforcement, to join the imperial army. Shere falling upon the Rajaputs with renewed vigor, broke them; and the brave Cunia, with almost his whole army, were cut to pieces.

Shere Shaw, finding himself in possession of a victory of which he had at one time despaired, exclaimed, "That, for a handful of barley, he had almost given the Empire of Hindostan to the wind." This grain, it seems, was all the scanty produce of that sandy country, for which the inhabitants fought with so much obstinacy. Raja Maldeo having heard of this action, and the loss of so many brave men, fell into deep affliction; and being, for his pusillanimity, deserted by the greatest part of his army, he retreated among the mountains of Sodpoor.

Shere Shaw, after this bloody victory, turned his army towards the fort of Chitor, which was surrendered to him by capitulation. He then directed his march to Rintimpore, and gave that country in jagier to his son Adil Chan, who fixed his residence there. The sultan, in person, moved towards Callinger, which is esteemed one of the strongest forts in Hindostan. The raja of Callinger, on account of the king's treacherous behavior to Paran Mull, would make no submission, but prepared himself for hostilities. Shere Shaw, having drawn a line of circumvallation, begun to carry on his approaches to the place; he raised mounds of earth for his artillery, and sunk mines under the rock. The royal batteries were now advanced very near the walls, breaches were made, and a general assault ordered, when a live shell, which had been thrown against the fort by the imperialists, rebounded back into the battery in which the king stood. The shell burst in the midst of a quantity of powder, which had not been properly secured. Several gunners were blown up; the king, Shech Chalile, Mulla Nizam Danishmund, and Diria Chan Serwani, were burnt in so terrible a manner, that they were carried for dead to their tents.

In this dreadful condition the king began to breathe, in great agonies; he, however, encouraged the continuance of the attack, and gave orders, till in the evening news was brought him of the reduction of the place. He then cried out, "Thanks to the Almighty God," and expired. The death of Shere Shaw happened on the twelfth of Ribbi ul Awil, in the year nine hundred and fifty two. He spent fifteen years in a military life before he mounted the throne; and he sat upon the musnud five years, as emperor of Hindostan.

The character of Shere Shaw is almost equally divided between virtue and vice. Public justice prevailed in the kingdom, while private acts of treachery dishonored the hands of the king. He seemed to have made breach of faith a royal property, which he would by no means permit his subjects to share with him. We ought, perhaps, to ascribe this vice to the ambition of Shere. Had he been born to the musnud, he might have been just, as he was valiant and politic in war: Had he confined his mind to his jagier, he might merit the character of a virtuous omrah; but his great soul made him look up to the throne, and he cared not by what steps he was to ascend.

Shere Shaw left many monuments of his magnificence behind him. From Bengal and Sennargaum, to the Sind, or Nilab, which is fifteen hundred crores [About three thousand of our miles.], he built caravanserais at every stage, and dug a well at the end of every crore. Besides, he raised many magnificent mosques for the worship of God on the highway, wherein he appointed readers of the Koran and Imams. He ordered that at every serai, all travellers, without distinction of country or religion, should be entertained, according to their quality, at the public expence. He, at the same time, planted rows of fruit trees along the roads, to preserve travellers from the scorching heat of the sun, as well as to gratify their taste.

Horse-posts were placed at proper distances, for forwarding quick intelligence to government, and for the advantage of trade and correspondence. This establishment was new in Hindostan. Such was the public security during his reign, that travellers and merchants, throwing down their goods, went without fear to sleep on the highway.

It is said that Shere Shaw being told that his beard grew white, replied, It was true that he had obtained the empire towards the evening. He divided his time into four equal parts: One he appropriated to public justice, one to the regulations of his army, one to worship, and the remainder to rest and recreation. He was buried at Sessaram, in a magnificent sepulchre which he had built in the middle of a great tank, or reservoir of water.

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Section IV. The reign of SELIM SHAW, the Son of SHERE SHAW.

WHEN Shere Shaw was numbered with the dead, his eldest son, Adil Chan, whom he appointed his successor, was at Rintimpore, and his younger son, Jellal, in the village of Rewin, near Phetah. The omrahs, who favored Jellal more than his brother, then at so great a distance, prevended the necessity of filling the throne as soon as possible. They, for that purpose, dispatched expresses to Jellal Chan, who arrived in five days in the camp. Jellal, by the influence of Isah Chan Hugab, and his party, mounted the throne, in the fortress of Callinger, upon the seventeenth of Ribbi ul Awil, in the year nine hundred and fifty two, and assumed the title of Islam Shaw, which, by false pronunciation, was turned to that of Selim Shaw, by which name he is more generally known.

Selim Shaw, having taken upon him the imperial dignity, wrote to his elder brother, in the following words: "Adil being at so great a distance, and I so near, to prevent disturbance, I took upon me the command of the army till his return. But my intentions are only to forward my brother's interest, and to support his authority."

Jellal, after writing this letter, marched from Callinger towards Agra, and at Kurrah was met by Chawass Chan, who renewed the ceremonies of royalty, and placed Selim Shaw a second time on the throne, holding a magnificent festival upon that occasion. From Kurrah, Selim Shaw wrote another letter to his brother, begging in the most affectionate terms, that he would come and see him.

Adil Chan wrote to the omrahs of Selim Shaw, particularly to Cuttub Chan Naib, Isah Chan Neazi, Chawass Chan, and Jellal Chan Selwani, to know to what purpose he was invited, and what he was to hope from them. He, at the same time, returned to his brother for answer, "That, if he would send these four omrahs to him, with proper assurances, he would come." Selim Shaw sent accordingly the four omrahs to Adil Shaw, to assure him, in the most solemn manner, that he would permit him, if he pleased, to depart after the first interview: But that, as the omrahs had invested him with the imperial power, he could not be so ungrateful as to desert them. However, to make some compensation to Adil, for the empire, he was determined to give him his choice of any of the provinces in free jagier.

Adil Shaw, upon these assurances, proceeded to Agra. When he had reached the village of Sikri [Now Fattepoor.], Selim Shaw was out on a hunting party, near that place, and appointed carpets to be spread for their interview. Here the brothers dissembled the greatest affection for one another, and after some discourse set out for Agra. Selim Shaw, who wanted to seize his brother, gave private orders, that only a few of his retinue should be admitted into the citadel; but Adil Shaw had also given orders to his people to press in, at all hazards, which they accordingly did, in spite of all opposition.

Selim Shaw saw, that, without running a great risque, nothing could be effected against his brother, who was so much upon his guard. He, therefore, had recourse to flattery and dissimulation. He even proceeded so far, as to lay hold of Adil's hand, to place him upon the throne. Adil Shaw, who was naturally a timorous and indolent man, rejected this proposal, knowing how little he had to trust from the omrahs, and a deceitful, ambitious brother. Selim Shaw was well aware of all this, before he made this extraordinary offer.

Just as Selim expected, so it fell out; Adil Shaw, intimidated by the disturbance which had been made at the gate, made a voluntary resignation of his birthright, and placing Selim Shaw on the throne, saluted him emperor. This was instantly followed by all the court, who were waiting with impatience the issue of this extraordinary farce. They immediately advanced to the throne in succession, and, according to their rank, presented their nazirs [Offerings made upon public occasions to the emperor.], while others exhibited the ceremony of the isar [Isar, or Tessiduck, is a ceremony used upon the accession of a prince to the throne; the omrahs running three times round the king, waving an offering of money, in a charger, three times over the monarch's head. This money is afterwards delivered over to the royal almoner, to be distributed in charity, as indeed are all offerings made to the emperor.], crying out aloud, "We offer our lives and fortunes to the king."

The ceremonies being ended, Cuttub Chan, and the other omrahs, who had passed their words to Adil Shaw, requested, that, as he had pitched upon Biana for his jagier, he, according to promise, should be regularly invested with that province, and permitted to depart. Selim Shaw consented, and all matters being settled, he gave Adil leave to quit Agra, accompanied by Isah Chan and Chawass Chan.

But after two months, Selim gave to Ghazi Mahli, one of his eunuchs, a pair of golden fetters, to go and bring Adil Shaw prisoner. Adil Shaw, having timeous intelligence of this design against him, set out for Mewat, where Chawass Chan then resided. He acquainted that omrah, with tears, of his brother's baseness. Chawass Chan, whose honor was concerned in this affair, was rouzed with compassion for the unfortunate prince. He seized upon Ghazi Mahli, placed his fetters upon his own legs, and exalted the spear of rebellion against Selim Shaw.

The interest of Chawass was great among the omrahs. He wrote to them private letters, and brought many over to his party. A great army was soon raised, and Chawass, with Adil Shaw and Isah Chan, marched towards Agra. He, upon his way, received letters from Cuttub Chan and Jellal Chan, who thought themselves dishonored by the king's behavior, assuring him of their assistance.

When the confederate omrahs arrived before Agra, Selim Shaw, at this unexpected visit, was thrown into the utmost perplexity. He called Cuttub Chan and Jellal Chan to his presence, and reproached them for not dissuading him from that impolitic step which had drawn upon him such dangerous consequences. Cuttub Chan replied, "That the business was not yet irremediable; that he would undertake to settle every thing in an amicable manner." Selim Shaw not suspecting the fidelity of the two omrahs, immediately desired that they should go to Adil Shaw, and compromise affairs.

When they were gone, Selim Shaw discovered to his friends his intentions of flying to Chinâr, where the treasure was lodged, and there to raise an army to reduce his brother, whom he was not at present in a condition to oppose. Isah Chan Hujâb dissuaded him from this resolution. He told him, "That he had with him ten thousand Chermalli Patans, who had served him before he ascended the throne, whom he could not suspect of disaffection, besides many other faithful servants. That therefore, it was the heighth of folly, to trust the empire, which God had given him, to the future caprice of fortune, when he had it in his power to defend it instantly in the field. Do not, said Isah, throw away the friends whom you have acquired in your prosperity, with a vain hope to pick up others in the season of distress. The wisest course for you, continued the omrah, is to appear at the head of your troops, and to fix the foot of resolution on the field of war. This will secure your wavering troops, and intimidate the enemy."

Selim Shaw, encouraged by this bold advice, resolved to stand his ground. He immediately dispatched a message to Cuttub Chan, and the other omrahs, who had not yet set out, to accommodate matters with Adil, and commanded them to his presence. He told them, That having altered his mind, he was resolved not to trust his faithful omrahs in the hands of his enemies. He forthwith ordered his troops to their arms, marched out of the city, and formed his army on the plain.

The omrahs, who had promised to favor Adil Shaw, seeing their king in the field, ashamed to betray him, were necessitated to fight, which greatly disconcerted Chawass Chan, who, every minute, expected they would join him. He, however, sought with great bravery, but he was overthrown.

Adil Shaw, after this unfortunate battle, fled towards Patna, but he soon disappeared, and was never heard of afterwards. Chawass Chan and Isah Chan Neazi, fled to Mewât. Selim Shaw sent an army in pursuit of those omrahs, but they came off victorious, at Firospoor. The imperial army being soon after reinforced, the rebel chiefs were obliged to retreat among the mountains of Cumaoon. Selim sent Cuttub Chan in pursuit of them, and he plundered all the countries lying about the skirts of the hills, without effecting any thing against them.

Selim Shaw, after these transactions, marched to Chinâr. On the way, he was informed of the treasonable correspondence of Jellal Chan with Adil, before the late decisive battle, and ordered him to be put to death, together with his brother, who was concerned in the conspiracy. The king having arrived at Chinâr, he took out of that fortress all the treasure, sent it to Gualier, and returned himself to Agra.

Cuttub Chan, finding that Selim was no stranger to the part which he had acted in the late disturbances, was afraid to return to court. He fled, therefore, to Hybut Chan at Lahore, known by the title of Azim Humaioon, and claimed his protection. Selim Shaw sent orders to Lahore, that Cuttub should be sent to Agra, with which Azim Humaioon complied. The unfortunate Cuttub, upon his arrival, was sent prisoner to Gualier, with many other suspected persons, particularly Shebaz Chan Lohani, the king's brother-in-law, whose eyes were put out. Azim Humaioon and Suja Chan, suba of Malava, were, much about this time, called to court. The first excused himself, and the latter, obeying the summons, had the address to clear himself of what he was accused, and so was reinstated in his government.

The king, after these transactions, moved towards Rhotas, to bring the treasure, which his father had deposited in that place, to Agra. Seid Chan, the brother of Azim Humaioon, deserted him on the way, and fled to Lahore. The king, from this circumstance, concluded that a rebellion was in agitation, which determined him to return immediately to Agra. He soon assembled his forces from all quarters, and marched to Delhi, where he ordered the new city which Humaioon had built, to be walled in with stone. At Delhi, Suja Chan joined him with the army from Malava. The king remained only a few days in Delhi to regulate his army, and then took the rout of Lahore.

Azim Humaioon, Chawass Chan, and other disaffected chiefs, with double the king's forces, came out before Selim at Ambatta. Selim arriving within sight of the rebels, dismounted, and, with a few friends, ascended a rising ground for the purpose of reconnoitring; when he had for some time viewed their disposition, he said: "It is not consistent with my honor to have any patience with a rebellious army;" and, at these words, he ordered his line to be formed, and to advance against them.

It happened very fortunately for the affairs of Selim, that, upon the preceding night, there had arisen a dispute among the rebel generals, about the succession to the throne. Chawass Chan insisted that search should be made for Adil Shaw, and Azim Humaioon strenuously affirmed, "That the empire was no man's inheritance, but should always follow the fortune of the sword." This plainly pointed out his own views. On this head, animosity and faction arose, so that as soon as the rebels had formed the line, Chawass Chan retreated, with all his troops, without striking a blow. This circumstance so much discouraged the remaining part of the rebels, that their resistance was faint, and an unexpected victory fell to Selim.

But, in the midst of this tide of good fortune, the sultan narrowly escaped with his life, from a daring attempt of Seid Chan, the brother of Azim Humaioon. This gallant omrah, with ten of his friends in armor, mixed, without discovery, with the king's troops, and advanced towards him, as if they were about to congratulate him upon his victory. An elephant-driver, who stood near the king, observed and knew Seid, and struck him with his spear: Yet in spite of all the guards, and the army which stood round, Seid and his party cut their way through, sword in hand, and escaped.

The rebels, who called themselves the Neazies, being mostly of that family, retreated, after this defeat, to Dincot, near Rop, in the mountains, Selim Shaw pursuing them as far as the new fort of Rhotas, which his father had built. He, from thence, detached Chaja Weis Serwani, with a strong force after them, and returned himself to Agra, and from thence soon after proceeded to Gualier.

Suja Chan going one day up to the fort before the king, one Osmân, a person whom Suja had deprived of his right hand some time before, had concealed himself by the side of the road, with a desperate intention to be revenged upon that omrah. The assassin rushed out upon Suja, and inflicted a wound with his dagger. Suja, without enquiring into the matter, imagined that the whole was done by the instigation of the king, and therefore fled, with great precipitation, and made his way towards Malava, with all his forces. The king pursued him as far as Mundu, but hearing that he had fled to Banswalla, he returned, leaving Isah Chan Soor, with twenty thousand horse, at Ugein, to observe his motions. This happened in the year nine hundred and fifty four.

Caja Weis having been some time before left to carry on the war against the Neazi rebels, engaged them near Dincot, and was defeated by Azim Humaioon, who pursued him as far as Sirhind. Selim Shaw hearing of this defeat, assembled a great army, and dispatched it, under proper generals, against the rebels. Azim Humaioon was obliged to retreat in his turn to Dincot. The rebels turned upon the imperial army at Simbollo, but were overthrown with great slaughter. Azim Humaioon's mother, and all his family, were taken prisoners.

The Neazi rebels, after this defeat, threw themselves under the protection of the Gickers among the mountains bordering on Cashmire. Selim Shaw, finding that he could never rest in peace without effectually quashing this rebellion, marched in person towards Punjab, and, for the space of two years, carried on a war with the Gickers who supported the Neazies.

In this expedition a person concealed himself in the narrow path, by which the king, one day ascended the mountain of Mannickcot, and rushed upon him with a drawn sword. Selim, having time to draw, saved himself, and killed the assassin, and perceived that his sword was one that he himself had formerly presented to Ackbal Chan.

The Gickers being driven from one place to another, without being in a condition to face the king, Azim Humaioon, with his followers, went into Cashmire; but the king of that country, fearing Selim Shaw's resentment, opposed the rebels, and, having defeated them, sent the heads of Azim Humaioon, Seid Chan, and Shabass Chan to the king. Selim being now secured against further disturbance from that quarter, returned to Delhi. Mirza Camiran, much about this time, flying from his brother Sultan Humaioon, who was now on his way from Persia, took protection under Selim Shaw. But he was very ill received, and fled to the mountains of Sewalic, among the Gickers.

Selim Shaw, after returning from his expedition, had only remained a few days at Delhi, when he received advices, that Sultan Humaioon had reached the Nilâb. The king was at that instant drawing blood by cupping; he immediately started up, issued orders to march, and he himself encamped, that evening, three crores without the city. He there waited for his artillery, which was dragged by men, till the bullocks, which were grazing in the country, could be brought together. The artillery being very heavy, each gun required between one and two thousand men; yet, in this manner, he marched, with great expedition, to Lahore. But, in the mean time, Humaioon retreated, as we shall have occasion to mention in the sequel. Selim Shaw returned to Delhi, and from thence proceeded to Gualier, where he took up his residence.

Selim taking, one day, the diversion of the chace, near Atri, a body of banditti, who had been set on by some of the king's enemies, lay in ambush, to take his life. But he perceived them time enough to avoid the snare. When they were seized and examined, they impeached Baha ul Dien, Mahmood Mudda, and others, who were immediately executed, after which the king became extremely suspicious, and put many to death upon small presumptions.

Chawass Chan, a man justly renowned for personal courage, strict honor, great abilities in war, and extensive generosity, being long driven about from place to place, came to Taje Chan Kirrani, who had owed his preferment to him, and now governed Simbol. The ungrateful villain, in violation of his oath, and the laws of hospitality, to ingratiate himself with Selim Shaw, basely assassinated him. His body being carried to Delhi, was there interred. His tomb is frequented by the devout to this day, they numbering him among their saints.

Not long after this base assassination, in which Selim Shaw was concerned, he was seized with a fistula in ano, by which, in the year nine hundred and sixty, he bled to death, having reigned nine years. In the same year, Sultan Mahmood, of Guzerat, and Buran Nizam ul Muluck Bheri of the Decan died. Selim possessed not the abilities of his father, and consequently carried neither his virtues nor his vices to such extremes. He, in some measure, suited the times in which he lived; and was rather a necessary than a good prince. A man of an upright mind might stagger in the stream of corruption, which then prevailed, but Selim stood firm, by meeting the world in its own way. He possessed personal bravery, and was not unskilful in the field of war. Like Shere, he was magnificent, and studied the convenience of travellers. From Bengal to the Nilâb, he built an intermediate serai, between each of those which his father had erected; all who passed along the great road being entertained at the public expence.

In the reign of Selim, Shech Allai, a philosopher of Biana, made a great noise in the world, by introducing a new system of religion. He called himself Emam Mendi, whom we believe will be the last of the prophets, and will conquer the world. The impostor having raised great disturbances in the empire, converted some thousands by force and persuasion. After being twice banished by Selim, he returned, and kindled fresh troubles, and was, in the year nine hundred and fifty five, scourged to death at Agra, by order of the king. He remained firm to his doctrine in the agonies of death; but his religion was not long maintained by his disciples.

When Selim travelled the road of mortality, his son, Ferose Chan, was, at twelve years of age, raised to the throne, by the omrahs at Gualier. He had not reigned three days, when Mubariz Chan, the son of Nizam Chan Soor, nephew to the late Emperor Shere, brother of Selim Shaw's wife, and the uncle of Ferose, assassinated the young prince. Mubariz assumed the title of Mahummud Shaw Adil [Adil signifies the Just.], to which his infamous treason had no right, and usurped the empire. He perpetrated this barbarous deed with his own hand, in the Mahl. The villain's own sister, Bibi Bai, defended, for some time, her son in her arms, presenting her body to the dagger. In vain did she intreat and weep: the wretch was hardened against pity. He tore the young prince from her arms, and, in her presence, several his head from his body. This was the return which he made to the unfortunate Bibi Bai, for saving his life, repeated times, when Selim, foreseeing his villainies, would have put him to death.

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Section V. The reign of MAHUMMUD SHAW ADILI.

THE infamous Mahummud, having always given himself up to pleasure, neglected even the common accomplishment of reading and writing. He hated men of learning, and kept company with illiterate fellows like himself, whom he raised to the highest dignities in the empire, among whom one Himu, a Hindoo Bunnia [A shopkeeper.], whom Selim Shaw had raised to be Cutwal of the Bazar, was now entrusted with all the weight of the administration.

The king, in the mean time, heedless of what passed, spent his time in all the luxurious debaucheries of the Haram. Having heard much in praise of some of the former kings, particularly Ferose Shaw, for their great generosity, he mistook prodigality for that virtue, and to outdo them all, opened the treasury, and lavished it on good and bad, without distinction. When he rode out, he used to head his arrows with gold, which he shot among the multitude. This foolish extravagance soon made away with the great treasures of his predecessors; and all his reward from the people was the nickname of Andili; which, in the Hindoo language, signifies literally the Blind, and metaphorically, the Foolish.

When the low-born Himu found himself invested with the whole executive power of the empire, his pride and insolence exceeded all bounds. This naturally made all the Patan omrahs his enemies. They began to conspire for his destruction, and to revolt from his authority. The king became more and more despicable, every day, in the eyes of the people, while all order and government totally declined.

Mahummud Adil giving, one day, public audience, and distributing jagiers among his omrahs, he ordered the province of Kinnoge to be taken from Shaw Mahummud Firmalli, and given to Sermust Chan Sirbunna. Secunder Chan, the son of Firmalli, a brave young man, being present, said aloud to the emperor, "Is my fortune, then, to be conferred on a seller of dogs?" The young man's father, who was also present, endeavored to check the impetuosity of his son; but he only inflamed his passion the more: He charged the king, in plain terms, with a base design to extirpate his family.

Sermust Chan, who was a man of uncommon strength and stature, seeing this behaviour to the king, and being also personally affronted, seized Secunder Chan by the breast; Secunder drew his dagger, and killed him on the spot. He then flew at all those who endeavored to oppose him, killed several chiefs, and wounded many more. He then made directly for the king, who leapt from the throne, and ran into the Mahl; Secunder Chan pursuing him, had the door struck in his face, which stopped his course, till the king drew the bolt, and secured himself.

The desperate youth, finding himself disappointed in his design upon the sultan, resolved to revenge himself upon his base minions, and running back into the audience chamber, dealt death to all who opposed him. In the mean time, Ibrahim Chan Soor, the king's brother-in-law, attacked Secunder with some of his people, and cut him to pieces. Dowlat Chan Lohani killed, at the same time, the good old man, Shaw Mahummud, who could not have been blamed for his son's rashness.

The unfortunate Firmalli having met Taje Chan Kerrani, as he was going that day to the presence chamber, he asked that omrah whither he was going; to which the other replied, "That affairs had taken such an extraordinary turn, at court, that he was determined to push his own fortune, and would be glad that Firmalli would partake it with him." Firmalli answered, "That he aspired to no fortune but what he possessed by favor of the king, for which he was going to pay his compliments; but such as we have seen was his reward."

Taje Chan, as soon as he got out of the fort, took the way of Bengal, with all his dependants. Troops were dispatched to pursue him; they came up with him at Chuppera Mow, about forty crores from Agra, where he fought them, and made good his retreat to Chinâr. He, in his progress, seized the public money, and other effects belonging to the crown; and distributed one hundred elephants among his brothers, Amad, Solimân, Eliâs, and other relations, who had possessions in the province of Budgpoor. By their assistance he raised a formidable army, which obliged the king to take the field, and march towards Chinâr. The insurgents meeting him upon the banks of the Ganges, above Chinâr, they were defeated and dispersed.

The king, becoming jealous of the popularity of Ibrahim Chan Soor, gave private orders to seize him; but his wife, who was sister to the king, having heard of this design in the Mahl, told her husband of it. He fled from Chinâr to his father, Ghazi Chan, suba of Hindown Biana, and was pursued by Isah Chan Neazi, who coming up with him at Calpee, an engagement ensued, in which Isah Chan was defeated, and driven back from further pursuit.

Ibrahim Chan, soon after, raised a great army, and possessed himself of the city of Delhi, where he mounted the throne, assumed the ensigns of royalty, marched to Agra, and reduced the circumjacent provinces.

Adil Shaw marched from Chinâr to suppress this usurpation, and, on the way, received an embassy from Ibrahim Chan, promising that if he would send Hussein Chan, Par Chan Serwani, Azim Humaioon, and other omrahs, with assurances of forgiveness, he would submit. The king was weak enough to comply with his request. The omrahs went; and Ibrahim Chan, by presents, promises, and courteous behavior, soon drew them over to his own interest. Adil Shaw, finding himself in no condition to oppose so strong a confederacy, fled towards Chinâr, and contented himself with the eastern provinces. Ibrahim immediately erected the spear of empire in the west, by the title of Sultan Ibrahim.

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Section VI. The reign of SULTAN IBRAHIM.

SULTAN IBRAHIM had no sooner mounted the throne, than another competitor started up in Punjâb. His name was Ahmed Chan Soor, nephew to Shere Shaw, and also brother-in-law to Adil Shaw. Ahmed having attached Hybut Chan, Nisib Chan, Tatar Chan, and other omrahs of Selim Shaw, to his interest, assumed the title of Secunder Shaw, and marching with ten or twelve thousand horse towards Agra, encamped at Firrah, within two crores of that city. Sultan Ibrahim, with seventy thousand horse, came out to meet him, having, in this army, two hundred omrahs who pitched velvet tents, and possessed the dignities of the spear, drum, and colours.

Secunder, seeing this formidable army, began to repent of his invasion, and made overtures of peace. The only condition he asked, was the government of Punjâb. But Sultan Ibrahim, passed up with the pride of his own superiority, would grant him no terms, and therefore both armies drew up and engaged. Secunder Shaw committed all the ensigns of royalty to one of his omrahs, and, with a choice body of horse, took post among some trees, where he could not be discovered. Sultan Ibrahim, upon the first charge, broke through the army of Secunder; his troops quitted their ranks, and were intent upon nothing but plunder; when Secunder Shaw, rushing out upon them, struck a panic into the whole army; they immediately took to flight, and were pursued by those whom they had so easily discomfited before.

Sultan Ibrahim, after this defeat, abandoned his capital, and retreated to Simbol. Secunder Shaw took possession both of Agra and Delhi; but he had not long enjoyed his fortune, when he was obliged to march to Punjâb, to oppose Humaioon; for that monarch, having returned from a long exile, was now advancing to recover his dominions.

During the absence of Secunder, Sultan Ibrahim marched towards Calpee; and, at the same time, Adil Shaw dispatched Himu, his vizier, with a formidable army, well appointed in cavalry, elephants, and artillery, from Chinâr, with a view to recover his empire. Himu engaged Ibrahim at Calpee, and gave him a signal defeat. Ibrahim, flying to his father at Biana, was pursued by Himu, who besieged him in that city, for three months.

In the mean time, Mahummud Chan Gori, suba of Bengal, rebelled, and led an army against Adil Shaw. This circumstance obliged that prince to recall Himu from the siege of Biana; and Ibrahim, emboldened by the retreat of the enemy, pursued them, and coming up with Himu at Mindakir, near Agra, gave him battle; but he was again defeated, and obliged to fly back to his father, at Biana. The restless spirit of Ibrahim could not, however, be still: He marched towards Bhetah, and engaging Raja Ram Churid, of that country, was defeated and taken prisoner. He was used with the utmost respect, till the Patans of Miani obtained him from the raja, and appointed him their chief. Under him they commenced a war against Bage Bahadar, suba of Malava; but the bad fortune of Ibrahim still pursued him, he was beat, and fled to Orissa. That province being conquered in the year nine hundred and seventy five, by Solimân Kerrani, the unfortunate Ibrahim was taken and put to death.

To return from this digression; when Himu joined Adil Shaw at Chinâr, he received advices that Humaioon had defeated Secunder Shaw, and possessed himself of Delhi and Agra. Himu, however, marched against Mahummud Chan, suba of Bengal, who gave him the slip, by crossing the hills near Rhotas, and entering the country of Bandelcund. He was pursued thither by Himu: The two armies came to action at the village of Chircut, fifteen crores from Calpee, and Mahummud Chan was slain.

Adil Shaw, after this victory, instead of proceeding to Agra, returned to Chinâr, to assemble more troops for carrying on the war with Humaioon. But he was soon after informed of that monarch's death; which induced him to send Himu, with fifty thousand horse, and five hundred elephants, towards Agra, not daring to leave Chinâr himself, on account of the violent factions which then subsisted among the Patans.

Himu arriving before Agra, the Mogul omrahs who were there, being too weak to oppose him, fled to Delhi. Himu pursued them thither, and Tirdi Beg, governor of Delhi, giving him battle, was defeated, and fled to Punjaab, leaving Himu in possession of both the imperial cities [Delhi, and Agra.]. Himu meditated the conquest of Lahore; but Byram Chan, the Turkuman, viceroy for Akbar, sent Chan Zemân, a Mogul, with all expedition, towards Delhi. He himself followed, with the young king.

Himu marched out to meet Chan Zemân, drew up on the plains of Panniput, and charging the Moguls with great bravery, threw them into disorder. But the Afghans, always more mindful of plunder, than of securing victory, were again attacked by the Moguls, and defeated. Himu was surrounded, and taken prisoner, and being carried before the king, condemned to death.

After the death of the unfortunate Himu, who had certainly great abilities, notwithstanding his mean descent, the fortune of Adil Shaw declined apace. In the mean time, Chizer Chan, the son of Mahummud Chan Gori, to revenge the death of his father, raised an army, and assuming the title of Sultan Bahadar, possessed himself of a great part of the eastern provinces. He led his army against Adil Shaw, defeated, and slew him. The anarchy and confusions in Hindostan, at this period, rendered it impossible to continue the direct chain of our history in the order of time. We therefore must turn back to what we have omitted of the history of Secunder Shaw, and Humaioon.

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Section VII. The reign of SECUNDER SHAW SOOR, and the fall of the Patan Empire.

SECUNDER SHAW having ascended the throne of Agra, in the year nine hundred and sixty-two, he made a magnificent festival, and calling together all his omrahs, spoke to them to this effect: "I esteem myself as one of you, having thus far acted for the common weal. I claim no superiority. Sultan Beloli raised the tribe of Lodi to an uncommon height of glory and reputation; Shere Chan, by unparalleled conduct and resolution, rendered the tribe of Soor famous to all posterity; and now, Humaioon, heir to his father's conquests, is watching for an opportunity to destroy us all. If, therefore, you sincerely affect my government, and will throw aside private faction and animosities, our kingdom will be adorned with all the flowers of prosperity. But if you should think me incapable of that great charge, let an abler head, and a stronger arm, be elected from among you, that I also may swear allegiance to him; that with my life and fortune I may support him, and endeavor to keep the Empire of Hindostan in the hands of the Afghans, who have ruled it for so many ages by their valor."

The omrahs, after hearing this speech, answered with one accord, "We unanimously elect you, the nephew of Shere Shaw, for our lawful sovereign." Calling then for a Coran, all swore allegiance to the king, and to preserve unanimity among themselves. However, in a few days, they began to dispute about governments, honors, and places. The flames of enmity were kindled higher than ever, and every one reproached his fellow with perfidy, of which he himself was equally guilty.

Humaioon, in the mean time, marched towards Punjâb. Tatar Chan fled from the new fort of Rhotas, to Delhi, and the Moguls subdued all the country as far as Lahore. Secunder Shaw, upon receiving these advices, sent forty thousand horse, under the command of Tatar Chan and Hybut Chan, to expel the Moguls. But this army was defeated, lost all their elephants and baggage, never drawing bridle, till they arrived at Delhi. Secunder Shaw, though sensible of the disaffection and factious state of his army, marched with eighty thousand horse towards Punjâb, and engaging Byrâm Chan, the Turkuman, the tutor of prince Akbar, near Sirhind, was defeated, and fled towards the mountains of Sewalic. The empire of Hindostan, with this victory, fell again into the hands of the house of Baber, and flourished; while, in the mean time, Sultan Adil died in Bengal.

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Section VIII. The transactions of HUMAIOON, from his arrival in Persia, to his return to Hindostan.

WE have already seen that Humaioon, having arrived at Kizvi in Iran, dispatched Byram Chan to the Persian monarch at Ispahan. That omrah accordingly waited upon Shaw Tamasp at Nilack Kidar, between Abher and Sultania, and received an answer which testified the king's great desire to have an interview with Humaioon, The unfortunate sultan accepted, with joy, of the invitation, and in the month of Jemmad ul Awil, in the year nine hundred and fifty one, had a conference with Shaw Tamasp, the son of Shaw Ismaiel Suffvi, and was royally entertained. The king of Iran, one day, in conversation, asked Humaioon, By what means his weak enemy became so powerful? Humaioon replied, "By the enmity of my brothers." The Persian then told him, "The political manner of treating brothers is not such as they received from you." And being, at that time, at table, as soon as Shaw Tamasp was done eating, Byram Mirza, his brother, who attended him, as a servant, came with the bason and ewer for him to wash [To attend the sovereign in any menial office about his person, is the greatest honor that can be conferred upon a subject in the East.]. When this was done, Tamasp turned to Humaioon, and resuming the discourse, said, "In this manner you ought to have treated your brothers." Humaioon, out of compliment to the king, seemed to assent to what he said; which so much offended Byram Mirza, the king's brother, that he never after could forgive him, while he resided at court. He took every opportunity to calumniate Humaioon to the king, and was ever harping in his ears, how much against the interest of Persia it was, that a prince of the line of Timur should sit upon the throne of Hindostan. This maxim Byram Mirza took care to inculcate upon all who had the king's confidence. This circumstance greatly retarded the affairs of Humaioon, and, at length, wrought so visibly upon the king's disposition, that the unfortunate fugitive began to fear death or imprisonment.

In the mean time, Sultanum Begum, the king's sister, and Cusi Jehan of Kizvi, the high chancellor, in conjunction with Hakîm Noor ul Dien, one of the king's privy counsellors, taking compassion upon Humaioon's distressed situation, joined their interests to work a reconciliation, and to reinstate him in the favor of the king. The wit of Sultanum Begum had a great effect upon this occasion. She, one day, produced a stanza of verses to the king, of her own composition, in the name of Humaioon, extolling his devotion and happy turn of expression in the praise of Ali. This greatly pleased Tamasp, zealous for the sect of the Shiahs, who differ from the Sinnites, the sect whose tenets Humaioon followed. The Shiahs hold Ali to be the only assistant of Mahommed in his apostolic function, but the Sinnites believe in four, adding Osman, Omar, and Abubecker to Ali.

The king, in short, told his sister, That if Humaioon should become a Shiah, and enforce that doctrine in Hindostan, he would assist him to recover his empire. Sultanum Begum having acquainted Humaioon of these particulars, he was not so much wedded to a sect, as to lose a kingdom for an immaterial difference in a point of religion. He accordingly returned for answer, "That he had always privately favored the opinions of the Shiahs, which was partly the occasion of the animosity subsisting between him and his brothers."

Shaw Tamasp, soon after, had a private conference with Byram Chan, examined him concerning the policy and state of Hindostan; and when he had satisfied himself upon that head, he promised that his son Murad, who was then but an infant, with his general Biddai Chan Cadjar, should accompany Humaioon, with ten thousand horse, to chastise his brothers, and drive them out of Cabul, Candahar, and Buduchshan. Every thing accordingly was, in a short time, got in readiness, and Humaioon took leave of the Persian king. He told him, that he had long proposed to take a tour through Tibrez and Ardebiel, to visit the tomb of Shech Suffi, and then to proceed on his expedition. The king consented to this proposal, and issued orders to all governors through whose territories Humaioon was to pass, to supply him and his army with all necessaries, and treat him in a manner becoming his dignity.

Humaioon having visited and paid his devotions at the shrine of Suffi, marched with the young prince Murad, towards Candahar. He invested the fort of Garrimsere, took it, and read the chutba in his own name. Mirza Ashkari, who commanded at Candahar for Camiran, hearing of these proceedings, sent the young prince, the son of Humaioon, Mahummud Akbar, to his uncle at Cabul, and prepared the fort of Candahar for a siege.

Humaioon invested it upon the seventh of Mohirrim, in the year nine hundred and fifty two. The siege had been carried on for six months, when Humaioon sent Byrâm Chan with a message to Mirza Camiran, then at Cabul. A tribe of the Patans of Hazara, attacked Byrâm with great resolution, but they were defeated, and that omrah having obtained an audience of Mirza Camiran, according to his instructions made a demand of Candahar, and required a resignation of all those provinces which he had usurped from his brother Humaioon. But it was not to be expected that Mirza Camiran would as yet listen to such a demand, and so the ambassador departed without effecting any thing.

The Persian kisselbaches [Soldiers.] were now beginning to be discouraged by the length of the siege, and discontented at being commanded by Moguls. This circumstance might have obliged Humaioon to raise the siege, had he not been joined by Mahummud Sultan Mirza, Aligh Beg Mirza, Cusim Hussein Sultan, Mahummud Mirick, Shere Askun Beg, Fusil Beg, and other omrahs, who, disgusted with Mirza Camiran, had left his service. Some of the besieged deserted also, and joined the king. These favorable circumstances revived the sinking spirits of his army, and equally depressed those of the besieged. Mirza Ashkari desired to capitulate; his request was granted upon honorable terms; he gave up the place, and, much ashamed of his former behavior, waited upon the king.

The fort of Candahar, as had been stipulated with Shaw Tamasp, was given to his son Mirza Murad. The winter having now come on, the young prince Murad, Biddai Chan, Abul Fatte Sultan Afshâr, and Sufi Willi Sultan Aridmullu, took up their quarters in the fort, without admitting the Mogul omrahs. This so much disgusted them, that some, having no quarters, went off to Cabul, while Mirza Ashkari, with a view of raising more disturbance, also fled. Ashkari, however, was pursued, and brought back prisoner.

Humaioon, finding inaction more dangerous to his affairs than war, marched towards Cabul. On the way he heard of the death of the young prince Murâd, at Candahar, upon which he returned, with a view to retain that fort as a place of security, till he should make further conquests. Buddai Chan would not hearken to his proposal, which silenced the king, who could not, confident with gratitude, or his own promise, compel him to deliver up the place.

But the urgency of his affairs soon obliged Humaioon to depart from these punctilios of honor. He therefore tacitly permitted Byram Chan, Mirza Aligh Beg, and Hadgee Mahummud Chan, to take what means they could to render themselves masters of the place. These omrahs, accordingly, sent Hadgee Mahummud Chan, and a few enterprizing men, disguised like camel-drivers, among a string of camels, which was then bringing provisions into the fort. They fell upon the guards, and dispatched them, while Byram Chan, and Mirza Aligh Beg, rushed in with a chosen party of horse, and possessed themselves of the fort. Biddai Chan returned, by the king's permission, to Iran, and Byram Chan was appointed to the government of Candahar.

The king marched immediately towards Cabul. Mirza Eadgâr Nasir, the brother of Baber, flying, at this time, from Mirza Shaw Hussein Arghu, to Cabul, in conjunction with Mirza Hindal, the king's brother, joined Humaioon. The king, encamping in the environs of Cabul, before the army of his brother, was every day joined by some of Camiran's troops, who deserted his standards. Even Kipla Beg, one of Mirza Camiran's principal omrahs, came over, with all his adherents. This so much weakened Mirza's army, that he was necessitated to shut himself up in the city. Humaioon invested the place; but as it was only slightly fortified, Camiran evacuated it without fighting, and fled to Ghizni.

The king sent Mirza Hindal in pursuit of his brother, and, on the tenth of Ramzân, nine hundred and fifty two, entered Cabul, where he found his son Akbar, then four years old, with his mother Beguma, and, taking him in his arms, he repeated a verse to this purpose: "Joseph, by his envious brethren, was cast into a well; but he was exalted by Providence to the summit of glory."

The gates of Ghizni were shut against Mirza Camiran, and he was therefore obliged to take refuge at Dawir, among the Patans of Hazara. Being very ill received there, he went to Bicker, to Mirza Shaw Hassein, who gave him his daughter in marriage, and prepared to support him.

Humaioon, having left his son Akbar under the tuition of Mahummud Ali Tiggai, in Cabul, marched in person, in the year nine hundred and fifty three, to reduce Buduchshan. Mirza Eadgar Nasir having attempted to stir up a sedition in the royal army, was, upon conviction, sentenced to death, though he was uncle to the king.

Humaioon having passed Hinderkush and encamped at Neizikeran, Mirza Soliman, with the forces of Buduchshan, came before him, but they were defeated in the first charge. The king from thence turned towards Talichan, where he fell sick. He, however, recovered, at the end of two months, and all the factions which had begun to prevail in his army, soon subsided. Chaja Moazim, the brother of Chuli Begum [One of the sultans.], having had a quarrel at this time with Chaja Reshid, killed him, and fled to Cabul, where he was ordered to be imprisoned by the king.

Mirza Camiran having heard that his brother had marched to Buduchshan, made an excursion to Ghorebund. On the way he fell in with a caravan of merchants, whom he robbed of all their camels, horses, and goods; and, coming to Ghizni, raised a faction among the populace, and cut off the governor, Zatrid Beg. Making from thence forced marches towards Cabul, he arrived there as they were opening the gates in the morning, and took the place by surprize. He killed Mahummud Ali Tiggai, the governor, as he stood in the bath, and put out the eyes of Fasil Beg and Mheter Vakila. The young prince Akbar, and the ladies of the Haram, were given in charge to some eunuchs; Hisam ul Dien Alli, the son of Meer Chalisa, was put to death.

Intelligence of these transactions coming to Humaioon, that prince gave the government of Buduchshan to Mirza Soliman, and that of Kunduz to Mirza Hindal. He himself returned to Cabul, defeated the army of Camiran, which opposed him at Zohac Ghorebund, came to the town of the Afghans, called Deh Afghân, where Shere Afkun Beg, and all the army of Mirza Camiran had again assembled to oppose him. But the king overthrew them there also, and slew Shere Afkun Beg in the action. He proceeded from thence to Cabul, and sat down before that city, skirmishing every day with the enemy. Mirza Camiran, having received intelligence that a caravan was passing, wherein there was a great number of fine horses, sent Shere Alli, a bold enterprizing officer, with a strong detachment, to seize and bring it into the city. Humaioon marched round the walls, and cut off Shere Alli's retreat, so that, when he came to enter the city, he was attacked and defeated with great slaughter.

Mirza Soliman, from Buduchshan, Mirza Aligh Beg, and Casim Hassin Sultan, with several chiefs from Byram Chan, had now joined the king, while Kirrache Chan and Baboos Beg deserted from the city to his army. Mirza Camiran, in the rage of despair, basely murdered the three sons of Baboos Beg, and threw their mangled bodies over the wall. He, at the same time, bound the young prince and Kirrache Chan's son to a stake, and raised them up to view upon the battlements. But he was given to understand, that if he put them to death, every soul in the place should be massacred.

Camiran thought proper to desist from his intended cruelty, and that very night, making a breach in the wall, evacuated the place, and fled towards the skirts of the hills, leaving Humaioon a second time, in possession of Cabul. Mirza Camiran, in his retreat, was plundered, and even stript of his cloaths, by the Afghans of Hazara; but when they discovered him, they conducted him to his garrison at Ghorebund. He, however, did not think himself secure there, and therefore he hastened to Balich, where Pier Mahummud Chan, governor of that city, joined him, and assisted him in subduing Buduchshan. They drove Mirza Soliman and his son Mirza Ibrahim towards Kolâb.

Kirrache Chan, Baboos Beg, and some other omrahs, being, about this time, disgusted with the behavior of Chaja Ghazi, the vizier, wanted the king to disgrace him, and appoint Chaja Casim to his office. Humaioon, satisfied of the integrity of this minister, would by no means consent, which irritated them so much, that they left the king's service, and went over to Mirza Ashkari in Buduchshan. The king pursued them in their flight, but not being able to come up with them, returned to Cabul, and called to him Mirza Ibrahim and Mirza Hindal from their respective governments. The former having fallen in by accident with Timur Alli, one of those who had fled, cut him off, and brought his head to the king. Mirza Hindal having also met Shere Alli, brought him back prisoner.

Mirza Camiran having left Kirrache Chan at Kushum, went in person to Taleckân. Humaioon detached Mirza Hindal and Hadgee Mahummud Koka, with a considerable force, to drive Kirrache Chan from thence. That omrah having received intelligence of their coming, acquainted Mirza Camiran, who, with great expedition, returned to Kushum, and fell in with Mirza Hindal, in crossing the river of Talickân, when his troops were divided. He defeated Hindal, cut off a great part of his detachment, and seized upon all his baggage.

Humaioon, in a few days, advanced with the army from Cabul, which obliged Mirza Camiran to fly towards Talickân, and leave all his plunder, as well as his own baggage. He was, the day after his retreat, invested in the sort, and as he despaired of the assistance of the Usbecks, to whom he had applied, he requested leave of his brother Humaioon, to make a pilgrimage to Mecca. Humaioon, with a good-natured weakness, consented, and both the perfidious Camiran and Mirza Ashkari came out of the place, and proceeded about ten pharsangs on their way. When they found that Humaioon did not send troops to seize them, nor attempt to detain them, as they imagined, they were ashamed of their own behavior, and thought it more elegible to trust to his clemency, than turn mendicant pilgrims. With this resolution they returned.

The king having heard of their return, sent persons to congratulate them, and treated them with great respect. Humaioon, after these transactions, returned to Cabul. Pier Mahummud Chan, the Usbeck, having made some incursions into Humaioon's territories, in the year nine hundred and fifty six, the king determined to take, if possible, satisfaction for the affront. He, for that purpose, marched towards Balich. Mirza Camiran and Mirza Ashkari accompanied him, and begun again to hatch treason. The king perceived their treachery, but took no effectual steps to prevent its effect.

Humaioon arriving in the environs of Balich, Shaw Mahummud Sultan came before him with only three thousand Usbeck horse, and stopt his progress. The Usbeck chief was, on the second day, reinforced by Pier Mahummud Chan, Abdul Aziz Chan, and the princes of Hassar, and was thus enabled to march out with thirty thousand horse to give battle. Mirza Soliman, Mirza Hindal, and Hadgee Mahummud Sultan, defeated the advanced parties, and pressed so hard upon Pier Mahummud and Abdul Aziz Chan, that they thought proper to retreat within the city.

The king was desirous of pursuing the enemy. This resolution, had it been followed, would certainly have had a good affect, as the enemy were preparing to evacuate the place. But unfortunately the king suffered his own better judgment to be over-ruled by his omrahs, who suggested their apprehensions from Mirza Camiran, and advised the king to incamp somewhere near the city, which would fall into his hands in the course of things. This pernicious advice was accordingly followed. No ground proper for incamping being near, the king was obliged to retreat to a small distance. The troops being ordered to move back, apprehended that danger was near; when the enemy actually construed the retreat of Humaioon into a real flight. By this double mistake the Moguls were intimidated, and the Usbecks received fresh spirits. They immediately fell upon Mirza Soliman and Hussein Cooli Sultan, who brought up the rear, forced them upon the main body, where the king commanded in person. He gallantly opposed them hand to hand, and with his spear dismounted the officer who led on the attack. His brother Hindal, Tirdi Beg, and Tolick Chan Couchi supported Humaioon with great bravery; but they soon found themselves deserted by all their troops, and were obliged to save themselves by flight.

After this unfortunate action, the imperial army retreated towards Cabul. The king, on his way, was deserted by the perfidious Mirza Camiran and Mirza Ashkari, who had not joined in the action. The king, justly resenting their behavior, wrote to Alli Beg, one of Mirza Camiran's omrahs, and made him great promises if he would seize his master, and send him prisoner to court; dispatching, at the same time, sent Mirza Soliman and Hindal in pursuit of him.

Mirza Camiran, laying aside all his ensigns of state, attempted, by the way of Zohac and Bamia, to pass to Sind. The king, informed of his motions, sent a party to intercept him; but Kirrache Chan and Hasim Hussein Sultan, who had remained with Humaioon, wrote privately to Camiran, and acquainted him with all that past. These perfidious omrahs, being now ashamed of no villainy, told Camiran, that, as the greatest part of the king's troops were detached from his person, if he would return, they would join him in the action. Camiran did not let this favorable opportunity slip through his hands. He returned, by the way of Kipchach, whither, the king, having intelligence of him, advanced to meet him. The battle was no sooner begun, than Kirrache Chan, and his perfidious adherents, went over to him, and turned upon Humaioon, who, with a few faithful friends, fought with great resolution. Pier Mahummud Achtey, and Ahmed, the son of Mirza Kulli, being slain by the king's side, and he himself wounded in the head, as well as his horse, he was forced to abandon the field, and to fly to Bamia, and from thence to Buduchshan, leaving Camiran to possess himself, a third time, of Cabul.

Humaioon was now in great distress, for money to pay the few troops, who had continued faithful to his fortunes. He was obliged to borrow the horses, camels, and merchandize of some great caravans, with which he mounted and paid his troops. He privately sent Shaw Biddagh, Toglich Chan Kouchi, Mudgnow Chan, and others, to the number of ten persons, to support his interest at Cabul, and to send him intelligence of what passed in that city. But of all these, Toglick Chan alone remained true to his interest, which they now found was greatly declined. Mirza Soliman, Mirza Ibrahim, and his brother Hindal, returning with their detachments to join the king, he found himself again in a condition to make an attempt to recover his kingdom; and he accordingly marched towards Cabul.

Mirza Camiran, upon the approach of Humaioon, came out, and drew up on the banks of the Punger. Camiran was defeated with great slaughter, and in his flight he was obliged to shave his head and beard, to escape, in the disguise of a mendicant, to the mountains of Limgaan. Mirza Ashkari was taken prisoner, and the perfidious Kirrache Chan was killed in the engagement.

Humaioon now returned in triumph to Cabul; where he enjoyed a whole year in peace and festivity. Intelligence was brought to him, that the restless Mirza Camiran was again at the head of fifteen hundred horse, while Hadgee Mahummud Chan and Baba Kishka fled from the royal presence to Ghizni. The king marched against his brother, who fled towards the Nilab; so that Humaioon, without effecting any thing, returned to Cabul.

Mirza Camiran no sooner heard of his brother's retreat, than he returned again among the Afghans to raise up more disturbances. Humaioon was under the necessity of taking the field a second time. He wrote to Byram Chan, at Candahar, to march against Hadjee Mahummud Chan, who fled to Ghizni, and invited Mirza Camiran to join him at that place. Camiran, by the way of Peshawir, Bungish, and Curvez, was then on his march towards Ghizni: But before his arrival, Byram Chan had come to Ghizni, and carried Hadjee Mahummud Chan prisoner to Cabul. Mirza Camiran, disappointed of his ally, returned again to Peshawir, and the king directed his march to Cabul.

Before the arrival of Humaioon at his capital, Hadjee Mahummud found means to escape, a second time, to Ghizni, from whence he was persuaded to return; no doubt, upon the most sacred assurances of pardon. Mirza Ashkari having preferred a petition to the king, soliciting his releasement from prison, in order to perform a pilgrimage to Mecca, was now sent to Mirza Soliman, at Buduchshan, to proceed to Balich. Ashkari died in the year nine hundred and sixty one, in his way crossing the Arabian desarts.

Mirza Camiran was, in the mean time, levying troops among the Afghans, and carrying on a private correspondence with Hadjee Mahummud. The treason was discovered, and the old traitor condemned to death. Humaioon had, by this time, marched against Camiran; but he was surprized in his camp, near Chiber, the twenty first of Zicada, nine hundred and fifty eight, in the night; upon which occasion Mirza Hindal lost his life. Camiran, however, gained no advantage but the death of his brother, being overthrown by Humaioon, and obliged to take shelter again among the Patans. The king, after this victory, returned to Cabul, and in gratitude to the memory of Hindal, who had so well expiated his former disobedience, by his services and blood, he gave the daughter of that prince, Rickia Sultana Begum, to his son Akbar in marriage. He conferred, at the same time, upon the royal pair, all the wealth of Hindal; and appointed Akbar to the command of his uncle's troops, and to his government of Ghizni.

The Afghans, a few months after these transactions, rose in favor of Camiran. The king marched into their country, which he laid waste with fire and sword. Finding, at last, that they got nothing but mischief to themselves by adhering to Camiran, they with-held their aid, and expelled him from their country.

The desolate Camiran fled to Hindostan, and was reduced to solicit the protection of Selim Shaw, whom he beheld, by his own baseness, ruling his father's empire. But it was not expected that Selim would treat Camiran favorably. The unfortunate fugitive fled from the court of Delhi, and, like a poor vagabond, sought protection from the raja of Nagercot. Being from thence hunted by Selim Shaw, he fled among the Gickers.

Mirza Hyder, in the mean time, requested the assistance of Humaioon, to quell some disturbances in Cashmire. The king accordingly marched towards Hindostan, and crossed the Nilâb. Sultan Adam, the prince of the Gickers, fearing the king's resentment, for giving protection to Mirza Camiran, imprisoned the unhappy man, and acquainted the king, that he was ready to deliver him over to any body he should be pleased to send. The king dispatched Monim Chan to Sultan Adam, and Mirza Camiran was accordingly given up to him, and brought to the king.

The Chagittais, to a man, solicited that he should be put to death, that he might distress them no more; but the king would, by no means, consent to embrue his hands in the blood of his brother, however deserving he was of death. Humaioon, on account of his lenity, was threatened with a general sedition in his army, and every body openly complained of that merciful disposition in the king, by which his subjects were so often involved in misfortunes. He was, at last, though much against his will, necessitated to permit them to render Camiran blind, by means of antimony.

Some days after this sentence was executed upon the unfortunate prince, the king went to see him. Camiran immediately rose, and walked some steps forward to meet him, saying: "The glory of the king will not be diminished by visiting the unfortunate." Humaioon immediately bursting into tears, wept very bitterly: Mirza Camiran endeavored to comfort him, by confessing the justice of his own punishment, and, by way of expiating his crimes, requested leave to proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca. His request was granted, and he proceeded by the way of Sind. Having resided three years in Mecca, he died in that place, in the year nine hundred and sixty four. He left one son, Abul Carim, who was some time after his father's death assassinated, by the order of Akbar, in the fort of Gualier; Camiran had also three daughters.

Humaioon being now delivered from the restless spirit of Camiran, began to extend his dominions. He first turned his arms towards Cashmire. Selim Shaw having, at that time, advanced to Punjaab, his omrahs represented to Humaioon, that, if he should enter Cashmire, as there was but one pass through which he could return; that Selim Shaw might block up his rear, and reduce him to great distress. The king, however, would not listen to their representations; but marched towards Cashmire. Having advanced about half way, a mutiny arose in the army, and the greatest part of the omrahs refused to proceed; while others actually returned to Cabul. This obliged Humaioon to take a circuit, by the way of Sind, ordering a fort, called Bickeram, to be built in his rout. In Bickeram he left a garrison under Secunder Chan.

When the king arrived in Cabul, he sent his son Akbar to his government of Ghizni, under the charge of Jellal ul dien Mamood. In the year nine hundred and sixty-one, the king had another son born to him at Cabul, whom he named Mahummud Hakim.

In the course of this year, Humaioon was rendered jealous of Byram Chan, by the calumny of some of his courtiers, who pretended, that that great man was carrying on intrigues with the Persian government. The King marched towards Candahar, by the way of Ghizni. Byram Chan, who was quite innocent of the charge, when he heard of the King's approach, came out, with five or six friends only, to congratulate him upon his arrival, and to lay his offerings at his feet. The king soon plainly perceived that he had been abused, and satisfying Byram Chan with reasons for his coming, spent two months there in festivity. The calumniators of Byram Chan were disgraced, and he himself loaded with favors. Byram Chan was, however, afraid, that the repeated calumnies of his enemies might find way at last into the king's mind; he therefore earnestly requested, that the government should be bestowed on some other omrah, and that he might be permitted to attend his sovereign. But the king would by no means consent to a thing, which might have the appearance of a slur upon the conduct of his faithful servant. When they parted, Byram Chan obtained the district of Dawir for Bahadur Chan and Shubiani Chan, who remained with him.

Much about this time an address was received from the inhabitants of Delhi and Agra, acquainting Humaioon, that Selim Shaw was dead, and that all the tribes of the Patans were engaged in a civil war: That it was, therefore, a proper opportunity for the king to return and take possession of his empire. Humaioon was in no condition to raise a sufficient army for that enterprize, and he became extremely melancholy.

The king being one day upon a hunting party, told some of his omrahs, that he was very uneasy in his mind, about the execution of his designs upon Hindostan. Some of them, who were desirous to make the attempt, consulted among themselves, and hit upon a successful stratagem to bring the king to an immediate resolution. They therefore told him, that there was an old method of divination, by sending a person before, and asking the names of the three first persons he met, from which a conclusion, good or bad, might be formed, according to their meaning. The king, being naturally superstitious, ordered this to be done. He sent three horsemen in front, who were to come back and acquaint him of the answers they received. The first horseman who returned told the king, that he had met with a traveller whose name was Dowlat [Fortune or prosperity.]. The next brought advice, that he met a man who called himself Murâd [Desire or inclination.]. And the third, that he met with a villager, whose name was Sâdit [Happiness.].

The king discovered great joy upon this occasion, and though he could only collect fifteen thousand horse, determined to undertake an expedition into Hindostan. He left to Monim Chan the government of Cabul, and the tuition of his young son Mahummud Hakim, and in the month of Siffer, nine hundred and sixty-two, began his march from his capital. The king was joined at Peshawir by Byram Chan, with all his veterans from Candahar. When he had crossed the Nilab [The western branch of the Indas.], he appointed Byram Chan his captain general, and ordered him to lead the van with Chaja Chizer Chan, Tirdi Beg Chan, Secunder Sultan, and Alli Koli Shubiani.

Upon the approach of the king, Tatar Chan, who commanded the new fort of Rhotas, evacuated the place and fled to Delhi. Humaioon pursued Tatar to Lahore, which place was also evacuated by the Patans, and the king peaceably entered the city. From Lahore he dispatched Byram Chan to Sirhind, and that able general possessed himself of all the country as far as that place.

The king having received intelligence, that a body of Afghans, commanded by Shubas Chan and Nisir Chan, were assembled at Dibalpoor, he ordered Shaw Abul Mali, whom he used to honor with the name of son, with a strong detachment against them. Abul Mali having overthrown them, returned with the plunder of their camp to Lahore. The Emperor Secunder Shaw had, in the mean time, ordered Tatar Chan and Hybut Chan, with an army of thirty or forty thousand horse from Delhi, against Humaioon; but Byram Chan, notwithstanding their great superiority in number, was determined to risque a battle, crossed the Suttuluz, advanced boldly to meet them, and pitched his camp upon the banks of the river of Bidgwarrah. It being winter, the Patans kindled great fires of wood in their camp, which Byram Chan observing, he crossed the river with a thousand chosen horse, and advancing near their camp without being discovered, began to gall those who crouded round the fires with arrows, which raised an uproar in the camp. But the Patans, instead of extinguishing their fires, which prevented them from seeing the enemy, while the enemy had a fair view of them, by means of the light, threw on more wood. In the mean time, the whole of Byram Chan's army having crossed the river, fell upon the enemy from all sides, routed them, and took all their elephants, baggage, and a number of horses.

Byram Chan sent the elephants to the king, at Lahore, and encamped at Matchiwarrah. He dispersed detachments on all sides, and possessed himself of all the country, almost to the walls of Delhi. The king was greatly rejoiced when he heard of this victory, and conferred upon Byram Chan the title of Chan Chanan, Eâr Ossadar, Humdum Ghumgusar [These titles signify, the lord of lords, the grateful friend, and the grief-expelling companion.].

When the news arrived of the overthrow of Tatar Chan, Secunder Shaw exacted an oath of fidelity from his omrahs, and marched with eighty thousand horse, a great train of artillery, and a number of elephants, towards Punjaab. Byram Chan thought proper to shut himself up in Sirhind, and to provide against a siege, by laying in provisions, and throwing up new works. Secunder Shaw encamped before Sirhind, and Byram Chan sent continual letters to Lahore, to hasten the king to his relief. Humaioon accordingly marched, joined Byram, made repeated sallies from the city, and greatly distressed the enemy in their camp.

Upon the last day of Rigib, when the young prince Akbar was going the rounds of the camp, the Patans drew up their forces, and offered battle. This had the intended effect on the impetuous young prince, who could not bear to be insulted. He accordingly having obtained his father's permission, drew out the army. Humaioon gave the command of the right to Chan Chanan, and the left to Secunder Chan, which was composed of the troops of Abdulla Chan Usbeck, Shaw Abul Mali, Alla Kulla Chan Bahader, and Tirdi Beg Chan, who were to begin the action. He took post in person in the center, and advanced slowly towards the enemy, who waited the attack. The left wing having charged, according to the orders which they had received, the enemy were broke, and they never after recovered from the confusion into which they were thrown. The action, however, continued warm for some time; Humaioon and his gallant general Chan Chanan displayed great conduct, while the young prince Akbar distinguished himself with acts of personal valor. The Moguls were so animated by the behavior of that young hero, that they seemed even to forget that they were mortal men. The enemy, at last, were driven off the field, with very great slaughter, and Secunder Shaw fled, with precipitation, to the mountains of Sewalic.

This victory decided the fate of the empire, which fell for ever from the Patans. Secunder Chan, the Usbeck, and some other omrahs were detached to take possession of Delhi and Agra, which they effected without opposition. Humaioon conferred the government of the province of Punjaab upon Abul Mali, and ordered him to pursue Secunder Shaw.

In the month of Ramzan the king entered Delhi, in triumph, and became, a second time, Emperor of Hindostan. Byram Chan, to whose valor and conduct the king, in a great measure, owed his restoration, was now rewarded with the first offices in the state, and had princely jagiers assigned to him. Tirdi Beg Chan was appointed to the government of Delhi; the superintendency of Agra was given to Secunder Chan, and Alli Kulli Chan was made viceroy of Merat and Simbol; for which department he set out with a considerable force.

As Shaw Abul Mali, on account of disputes with the omrahs in his army, had permitted Secunder Shaw to become daily more formidable, the king dispatched his son Akbar, under the direction of Byram Chan, against him. Much about this time, a man of low birth, who became famous, under the name of Kumber Drivan, raised a rebellion in Simbol, and, collecting a great force, plundered the provinces between the rivers. He was, however, on the fifth of Ribbi ul Awil, nine hundred and sixty three, defeated and slain by Alli Kulli, and the insurrection totally quashed.

In the evening of the seventh of Ribbi ul Awil, Humaioon walked out upon the terrace of the library, and sat down there for some time to enjoy the fresh air. When the Emperor began to descend the steps of the stair from the terrace, the crier, according to custom, proclaimed the time of prayers. The king, conformable to the practice of religion, stood still upon this occasion, and repeated the Culma [The Creed.], then sat down upon the second step of the stair till the proclamation should be ended. When he was going to rise he supported himself upon a staff, which unfortunately slipt upon the marble, and the king fell headlong from the top to the bottom of the stair. He was taken up insensible, and laid upon his bed; he soon recovered his speech, and the physicians administered all their art: But in vain, for upon the eleventh, about sunset, his soul took her flight to Paradise. He was buried in the new city, upon the banks of the river; and a noble tomb was erected over him, some years after, by his son Akbar. Humaioon died at the age of fifty one, after a reign of twenty five years, both in Cabul and Hindostan.

The mildness and benevolence of Humaioon were excessive: If there can be any excess in virtues so noble as these. His affection to his brothers proved the source of all his misfortunes; but they rewarded him with ingratitude and contempt. He was learned, a lover of literature, and the generous patron of the men of genius, who flourished in his time. In battle he was valiant and enterprizing: But the clemency of his disposition hindered him from using his victories in a manner which suited the vices of the times. Had he been less mild and religious, he would have been a more successful prince: Had he been a worse man, he would have been a greater monarch.

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Part VI. The Reign of Shaw Jumja Abul Muziffer Gellal Ul Dien Mahummud Akbar Padshaw Ghazi.

Section I. The History of AKBAR, from his Accession to the Defeat and Death of HIMU.

SHECH ABUL FAZIL, the most elegant writer of Hindostan, has given to the world the history of the renowned Akbar, in three volumes, called Akbar namma. From that historian, we shall chiefly extract the transactions of this reign.

When Humaioon became insensible after his fall, the Omrahs sent Shech Chuli express to Punjab, to acquaint Akbar of the accident which had befallen his father. Not many days after, the news of his father's death came to the prince at Callanore. The Omrahs, who were present, after expressing their grief for the deceased, raised Akbar to the throne, on the second of Rubbi ul Sani, in the year 963, being then thirteen years and nine months old.

Byram Chan, on the accession of Akbar, became absolute regent, and had the whole civil and military power of the empire in his hands. The first orders issued from the throne, after dispatching the letters of proclamation, were, to prohibit the exaction of Peshcush money, from the farmers; to let all goods pass toll-free, and to prevent the injurious practice of pressing labourers to the war.

Not many days after the accession of Akbar, Shaw Abul Mali, who began to discover treasonable intentions, was seized and imprisoned in Lahore. He, however, found means, some time after, to escape; and Pulwan Gul, the Cutwal, to whose charge he was committed, killed himself.

The king led his army towards the hills, with a view to exterminate the party of Secunder Shaw: he defeated Secunder, and obliged him to fly farther among the mountains; whither the imperial army could not pursue him. Akbar, in the mean time, subdued the country of Nagracot; received the Raja of that province into favor; and the rains coming on, took up his quarters at Jallender.

In the mean time, Mirza Solimân, who had been left governor of Buduchshan, threw off his allegiance, set up for himself, and marched against Cabul. That city was defended by Monim Chan, the tutor of Mahammud Hakim, the king's brother. Intelligence of this rebellion being brought to Akbar, he immediately detached Mahummud Kulli Chan Burlass, Chan Azim, Chizer Chaja, and other Omrahs, to succour Monim Chan. Some of those Omrahs entered Cabul, while others encamped without, to harrass the besiegers; which they continued to do for the space of four months. The garrison, in the mean time, became to be distressed for provisions; which obliged Monim Chan, to consent, that the chutba, for the kingdom of Cabul, should be read in the name of Solimân. The rebel, after this submission, raised the siege, and returned to Buduchshan.

During these transactions at Cabul, Himu, the vizier of Mahummud Shaw Adili, of Bengal, advanced towards Agra, with thirty thousand horse and two thousand elephants. He obliged Secunder Chan, the governor of that city, to retreat to Delhi. Shadi Chan, an Afghan Omrah of Shaw Adili, in the mean time, raised an army, and advanced to the banks of the Rehib; where Alli Kulli Chan Seistani, entituled Chan Ziman, with three thousand horse, crossing the river, attacked him, but was defeated; and carried only two hundred of his army, alive, from the field; those who escaped the sword, being drowned in the river.

Himu having taken Agra, marched towards Delhi, where Tirdi Chan commanded. Tirdi sent expresses to all the Omrahs around, soliciting succours, and was joined by Abdulla Chan, Lal Sultan Buduchshi, Alli Kulli Inderani, Merick Chan Kullabi, and others; and then he thought himself in a condition to give the enemy battle, without waiting for Chan Ziman; who, with several other Omrahs, and a considerable reinforcement, was marching to his assistance. Himu, who was a very valiant man, selected three thousand chosen horse, and some of his best elephants, which he posted about his own person in the center; and with which he charged Tirdi Beg so violently, that he drove him quite off the field. Himu then fell, with great impetuosity, upon the right wing, which he routed so that the flight became general. This victory was so compleat, that in consequence of it, the city immediately surrendered; and Tirdi Beg, flying to Sirhind, left all the country open to the enemy. Chan Zimani, having received intelligence of this disaster, at Merat, hastened also to Sirhind.

The king, during these transactions, was at Jallender; and, finding all his dominions, except Punjab, wrested from him, was greatly affected with the news of Himu's success. He called to him Byram Chan, then distinguished by the name of Chan Chanan, and conferred upon him the honorable title of Chan Baba [Baba signifies father.]. He told that able man, that he reposed his whole trust in his prudence and good conduct, in this perilous situation of affairs, and desired that he might take whatever measures he thought most conducive to retrieve his affairs. He, at the same time, assured Byram, in the most solemn manner, that he would give no attention to any malicious insinuations which might be suggested to the royal ear by his enemies. The young prince having thus expressed the genuine sentiments of his soul to Byram, he made him swear, by the soul of his father Humaioon, and by the head of his own son, that he would be faithful to the great trust, which was now reposed in him.

A council of war was immediately called, in which Byram Chan presided. The majority of the Omrahs were of opinion, that as the enemy consisted of above a hundred thousand horse, while the royal army scarce amounted to twenty thousand, it would be most prudent to retreat to Cabul. Byram Chan strenuously opposed this measure, and was almost singular in his opinion, which was to give battle instantly to the enemy. The young king joined Byram's sentiments with so much warmth and gallant anxiety, that the Omrahs cried out, in rapture, that their lives and fortunes were at his service.

Immediate hostilities being resolved upon, Chaja Chizer Chan, who was married to the king's aunt, Gulbaddin Begum, was appointed governor of Lahore, to act against Secunder Shaw; while the king himself prepared, in person, to chastise Himu. He marched to Sirhind, and was there joined by his defeated Omrahs, who had assembled at that place.

The king being out, one day, at the diversion of hawking, Byram Chan, called Tirdi Beg to his tent, and ordered him to be beheaded for abandoning Delhi, where he might have defended himself, and for other unmilitary crimes, with which he was justly charged. When Akbar returned, Byram Chan waited upon him, and informed him of what he had done; he excused himself for not acquainting the king of his intentions, by insinuating, that he was certain his royal clemency was so great, that notwithstanding Tirdi's crimes, he would have forgiven him; which, at such a time, would be attended with very dangerous consequences, as the hopes of the Moguls rested upon every individual's strict performance of duty. He affirmed, that negligence was, in such a critical situation, as great a crime as treason, and ought to meet with an equal punishment. But that, on the other hand, desert should meet with reward: for a dangerous crisis, is the season of strict justice, in both respects. Without his reward, the soldier becomes languid and discontented; when he fears no punishment, he becomes negligent and insolent.

The king saw into the propriety of the measure, but he shuddered at the inhumanity of the punishment. He, however, thanked Byram for the service which he had done him; and, indeed, though the policy of that minister was severe, it had the intended effect among the Omrahs. They saw that they had nothing to hope, and every thing to fear from faction and bad behaviour; and therefore, they became very obedient to the orders of Byram Chan.

The king soon after marched from Sirhind towards Delhi, detaching Secunder Chan, Abdulla Chan, Alla Kulli Inderani, Lal Sultan, Mahummud Chan Jellaher, Mudjenu Chan Cashkal, and others, under the command of Chan Ziman, Amir ul Omrah [Captain-general.], some miles in his front. Himu, who had assumed the title of Raja Bickermajit, in Delhi, having attached Shadi Chan, and other Afghan Omrahs to his interest, marched out of that city with all his forces; which, by the lowest computation, exceeded a hundred thousand horse, besides elephants and infantry, with a great train of artillery. He detached, in front, a great body of Afgans, with some artillery, which falling in with Chan Ziman, were defeated by that general, with the loss of all their guns, which proved a signal advantage to the king. Himu having arrived at Panniput, heard that the king was advanced very near him. He divided his elephants, in which he greatly confided, among his principal officers.

In the morning of the second of Mohirrim, 964, Chan Ziman, who had been, by that time, joined by the whole army except a few, who remained to guard the king, drew up in order of battle, and waited the attack. Himu began the action with his elephants, in hopes of frightening the Mogul cavalry, who were not accustomed to those enormous animals. He, however, found that he was deceived. The Chigittai Omrahs, either from a fear of the fate of Tirdi Beg, or from a nobler cause, their own valor, attacked Himu, with such resolution, after he had penetrated the center of the Mogul army, where Ziman commanded, that the elephants, galled with lances, arrows and javelines, became quite outrageous, and submitting no longer to command, fell back and disordered the Afgan ranks.

Himu, who rode a prodigious elephant, still continued the action with great vigor, at the head of four thousand horse, in the very heart of the Moguls; being at last, pierced through the eye, with an arrow, the greatest part of his troops, fearing that his wound was mortal, forsook him. But that valiant man, drew the eye out of the socket, with the arrow; and, in that terrible condition, continued the fight with unequalled resolution and courage. He encouraged the few who remained by his side, and advanced through a bloody path which his weapons made; till Kulli Chan Mhiram stretched his spear to kill the driver of Himu's elephant: that timorous wretch, to save his own life, pointed to Himu, and addressing him, by name, said, he would carry him whithersoever he pleased. Kulli Chan, immediately surrounded him with a body of horse, and carried him prisoner to Akbar, whom Byram Chan, as upon him rested the hopes of all, detained in the rear.

When the unfortunate Himu was brought into the presence, almost expiring with his wounds, Byram Chan told the king, that it would be a meritorious action in him, to kill that brave infidel with his own hand. Akbar, in compliance to the advice of his tutor, drew his sword, but only gently touched the head of Himu, bursting into tears of compassion. Byram, looking sternly upon the king, insinuated, that the ill-timed clemency of his family, was the source of all their misfortunes, and with one stroke of the sabre, severed Himu's head from his body.

Akbar took, in this action, fifteen hundred elephants, and all the artillery of the enemy. He immediately marched from the field, and took possession of Delhi. From that city, he dispatched Mullu Pier Mahummud Shirwani, manager of the private affairs of Byram, towards Mewat, to seize the treasure of Himu, which was deposited in that place. This service was accomplished, with some loss on the side of the Moguls; and the empire, in some measure, returned to its former tranquillity.