by admin » Sat Nov 06, 2021 5:13 am
Extracts.
Zia-Barni, the author of this history, and an earnest well-wisher of the Muhammadans, declares that what he has written upon the life and actions of Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Balban he himself heard from his father and grandfather, and from men who held important offices under that sovereign.
Ghiyasu-d din Balban ascended the throne in 662 3 [Should be 664 H. (1265-6 A.D.)] H. He was one of the Shamsi slaves, and belonged to the band of Turk slaves which was known as "The Forty," *** Before he became king the glory of the State had greatly declined from what it had been in the days of Sultan Shamsu-d din, who was the equal of the Sultan of Egypt, and the compeer of the kings of 'Irak, Khurasan, and Khwarizm. For thirty years after him, during the reigns of his sons, the affairs of the country had fallen into confusion through the youth and sensuality (of his immediate successors), and through the mildness and humility of Sultan Nasiru-d din. The treasury was empty, and the royal court had but little in the way of wealth and horses. The Shamsi slaves had become Khans, and divided among them the wealth and power of the kingdom, so that the country was under their control.
During the ten years after the death of Sultan Shamsu-d din four of his children sat upon the throne. They were young and unequal to the duties of government. Their lives were passed in pleasure and neglect of their duties. The Turk slaves, called "The Forty,'' thus obtained power in the government of the country, and grew in strength and dignity. The free-born maliks and noble officials who had served the Shamsi throne with honour and renown were all removed.
After the lapse of ten years, during which three of Sultan Shamsu-d din's children reigned, his youngest son, Nasiru-d din (after whom the Tabakdt-i Nasiri is named), came to the throne. He was a mild, kind, and devout king, and passed much of his time in making copies of the Holy Book. During the twenty years of his reign Balban was Deputy of the State, and bore the title of Ulugh Khan. He, keeping Nasiru-d din as a puppet (namuna) carried on the government, and even while he was only a Khan used many of the insignia of royalty.
In the reign of Shamsu-d din the fear inspired by the slaughter and ravages of Changiz Khan, the accursed Mughal, caused many renowned maliks and amirs, who had long exercised authority, and many intelligent wazirs, to rally round the throne of Shamsu-d din. * * * His Court thus became the equal of that of Mahmud or of Sanjar, and the object of universal confidence. After the death of Shamsu-d din his Forty Turk slaves grew powerful. The sons of the late Sultan did not bear themselves like princes, and were unfitted for the duties of royalty, which, saving only those of the prophetic office, are the highest and most important in the world. Under the influence of these Turk Slaves all the great men, and the sons of those great men who had been maliks and wazirs, were upon some pretence or other set aside, and after their removal the Shamsi Slaves became the leading men of the State, and acquired the dignity of Khan. * * * These Shamsi slaves had been fellow slaves, and when they became all at once great and powerful, no one would give precedence or acknowledge inferiority to another. In possessions and display, in grandeur and dignity, they vied with each other, and in their proud vaunts and boasts every one exclaimed to the other, "What art thou that I am not, and what wilt thou be that I shall not be?" The incompetence of the sons of Shamsu-d din, and the arrogance of the Shamsi slaves, thus brought into contempt that throne which had been among the most dignified and exalted in the world.
Sultan Ghiyasu-d din Balban was a man of experience in matters of government. From being a malik be became a khan, and from being a khan he became king. When he attained the throne he imparted to it new lustre, he brought the administration into order, and restored to efficiency institutions whose power had been shaken or destroyed. The dignity and authority of government were restored, and his stringent rules and resolute determination caused all men, high and low, throughout his dominions, to submit to his authority. Fear and awe of him took possession of all men's hearts, but his justice and his consideration for his people won the favour of his subjects and made them zealous supporters of his throne. During the thirty years from the death of Shamsu-d din, the incompetency of that monarch's sons and the overweening power of the Shamsi slaves had produced a vacillating, disobedient, self-willed feeling among the people, which watched for and seized upon every opportunity. Fear of the governing power, which is the basis of all good government, and the source of the glory and splendour of states, had departed from the hearts of all men, and the country had fallen into a wretched condition. But from the very commencement of the reign of Balban the people became tractable, obedient, and submissive; self-assertion and self-will were thrown aside, and all refrained from insubordination and insolence.
In the first year after his accession, the ripe judgment and experience of Balban was directed in the first place to the organization of his army, for the army is the source and means of government. The cavalry and infantry, both old and new, were placed under the command of maliks of experience, of chiefs who held the first rank in their profession, and were brave, dignified, and faithful. * * * * In the first and second year he assumed great state, and made great display of his pomp and dignity. *** Musulmans and Hindus would come from distances of one or two hundred kos to see the splendour of his equipage, which filled them with amazement. *** No sovereign had ever before exhibited such pomp and grandeur in Dehli. *** For the twenty-two years that Balban reigned he maintained the dignity, honour, and majesty of the throne in a manner that could not be surpassed. Certain of his attendants who waited on him in private assured me that they never saw him otherwise than full-dressed. During the whole time that he was Khan and Sultan, extending over nearly forty years, he never conversed with persons of low origin or occupation, and never indulged in any familiarity, either with friends or strangers, by which the dignity of the Sovereign could be lowered. He never joked with any one, nor did he allow any one to joke in his presence; he never laughed aloud, nor did he permit any one in his Court to laugh. *** . As long as he lived no officer or acquaintance dared to recommend for employment any person of low position or extraction.
In the administration of justice he was inflexible, showing no favour to his brethren or children, to his associates or attendants; and if any of them committed an act of injustice, he never failed to give redress and comfort to the injured person. No man dared to be too severe to his slaves of handmaids, to his horsemen or his footmen. Malik Bak-bak, father of Malik Kira Beg, was a slave of Sultan Balban; he was Sar-janddar, and one of the privileged attendants at Court. He held a jagir of four thousand horse, and the fief of Badaun. In a fit of drunkenness, while at Badaun, he caused one of his domestic attendants to be beaten to death with scourges. Some time afterwards, the Sultan went to Badaun, and the man's widow complained to the Sultan. He immediately ordered that this Malik Bak-bak, chief of Badaun, should be scourged to death in the presence of the widow. The spies (barid) who had been stationed to watch the fief of Badaun, and had made no report, were hanged over the gate of the town. Haibat Khan, father of Malik Kiran 'Ala, was the slave and kara-beg of Sultan Balban. He also while intoxicated killed a man. The dead man's friends brought the matter before the Sultan, who ordered that Haibat Khan should receive five hundred lashes in his presence, and should then be given to the widow. Addressing the woman, he said, "This murderer was my slave, I give him to you: with your own hands stab him with a knife till you kill him." Haibat Khan employed some friends to intercede with the woman, and after much humiliation and weeping they succeeded in purchasing his release for 20,000 tankas. Haibat Khan never after went out of his house until the day of his death. ***
In his efforts to secure justice he appointed confidential spies (barids) in all the fiefs, and throughout his territories; he also appointed them for great cities, and for important and distant towns. And that they might discharge their duties with efficiency and honesty he did not give them too large a field of observation. He never failed to attend to what came to his knowledge through these spies, and had no respect for persons in administering justice. These spies were greatly feared by the nobles and officials, and neither they nor their sons or dependants dared to distress any innocent person. ***
Sultan Balban, while he was a Khan, was addicted to wine drinking, and was fond of giving entertainments: two or three times in a week he would give banquets and gamble with his guests. * * * But after he came to the throne he allowed himself no prohibited indulgences. He repented of all his former drunken bouts, gave up wine, and never mentioned the name of either wine or wine-drinkers. ***
The intimate friends of the Sultan, such as 'Adil Khan, Tabar Khan, and others of the old Skamsi Slaves, who, through the protection of the Sultan, still occupied exalted positions, often said to him — Sovereigns, like Kutbu-d din Aibak and Shamsu-d din, our former patrons, conquered Jhain,1 [The printed text always gives this name as ''Jahaban,'' but the MSS. have "Jhain," the name used by Firishta.] Malwa, Ujjain, Gujarat, and other distant countries, and carried off treasure and valuables, and elephants and horses from the Rais and Ranas. "How is it that with your well equipped and disciplined army you do not undertake any distant campaign, and never move out of your territory to conquer other regions?" The Sultan replied, ''The thoughts which you have expressed have also been very active in my mind, but you have not considered the hordes of Changiz Khan, and the evil they have brought upon the women and children, the flocks and herds of my frontiers. These Mughals have established themselves in Ghazni, in Turmuz, and in Mawarau-n Nahr. Hulaku, the grandson of Changiz Khan, with a vast horde, has subdued 'Irak and occupied Baghdad. These accursed wretches have heard of the wealth and prosperity of Hindustan, and have set their hearts upon conquering and plundering it. They have taken and plundered Lahor, within my territories, and no year passes that they do not come here and plunder the villages.2 ["Talwandihd" villages. See supra, p. 70.] They watch the opportunity of my departure on a distant campaign to enter my cities and ravage the whole Doab. They even talk about the conquest and sack of Dehli. I have devoted all the revenues of my kingdom to the equipment of my army, and I hold all my forces ready and prepared to receive them. I never leave my kingdom, nor will I go to any distance from it. In the reigns of my patrons and predecessors there was none of this difficulty of the Mughals; they could lead their armies where they pleased, subdue the dominions of the Hindus, and carry off gold and treasures, staying away from their capitals a year or two. If this anxiety, which admonishes me that I am the guardian and protector of Musulmans, were removed, then I would not stay one day in my capital, but would lead forth my army to capture treasures and valuables, elephants and horses, and would never allow the Rais and Ranas to repose in quiet at a distance. With the army that I possess I would take all the spirit out of the opponents and enemies of the Faith.'' ***
The Sultan frequently observed to his associates that elephants and horses were the strength of Hindustan, and that one elephant was worth five hundred horsemen. *** In the first year of the reign, sixty-three elephants were sent by Tatar Khan, son of Arslan Khan, from Lakhnauti to Dehli, which greatly pleased the people, and was the occasion of great public rejoicing. * * * He took great pleasure in hunting, and followed it with much zest during the winter. By his orders the country for twenty kos round Dehli was preserved, and no one was allowed to take game. *** He used to go out in the morning, and always returned at night, even if it were midnight. A thousand horsemen belonging to the palace guard, each man of whom was acquainted with his person, accompanied him; besides a thousand old and trusty footmen and archers. Reports of the hunting expeditions of the Sultan were carried to Hulaku, at Baghdad, and he said, "Balban is a shrewd ruler and has had much experience in government. He goes out apparently to hunt * * * but really to exercise his men and horses, so that they may not be wanting when times of danger and war arrive. ***
Towards the end of the first year of his reign he employed himself in harrying the jungles, and in routing out the Miwattis,1 [The printed text and the MSS. say "Miwdns," but Firshta has "Miwattis," and he is no doubt correct. The copyists must have misunderstood the name, or possibly they have modified the orthography.] whom no one had interfered with since the days of Shamsu-d din. *** The turbulence of the Miwattis had increased, and their strength had grown in the neighbourhood of Dehli, through the dissolute habits and negligence of the elder sons of Shamsu-d din, and the incapacity of the youngest, Nasiru-d din. At night they used to come prowling into the city, giving all kinds of trouble, depriving the people of their rest; and they plundered the country houses in the neighbourhood of the city. *** In the neighbourhood of Dehli there were large and dense jungles, through which many roads passed. The disaffected in the Doab, and the outlaws towards Hindustan grew bold and took to robbery on the highway, and they so beset the roads that caravans and merchants were unable to pass. The daring of the Miwattis in the neighbourhood of Dehli was carried to such an extent that the western gates2 [Darwdeahde simat-i Kiblah.] of the city were shut at afternoon prayer, and no one dared to go out of the city in that direction after that hour, whether he travelled as a pilgrim or with the display of a sovereign. At afternoon prayer the Miwattis would often come to the Sar-hauz, and assaulting the water-carriers and the girls who were fetching water, they would strip them and carry off their clothes. These daring acts of the Miwattis had caused a great ferment in Dehli.
In the year of his accession, the Sultan felt the repression of the Miwattis to be the first of his duties, and for a whole year he was occupied in overthrowing them and in scouring the jungles, which he effectually accomplished. Great numbers of Miwattis were put to the sword. The Sultan built a fort at Gopal-gir, and established several posts in the vicinity of the city, which he placed in the charge of Afghans, with assignments of land (for their maintenance). In this campaign one hundred thousand of the royal army3 [[x] Firishta says, with more probability, that he put a hundred thousand men (of the enemy) to the sword.] were slain by the Miwattis, and the Sultan with his sword delivered many servants of God from the assaults and violence of the enemy. From this time the city was delivered from the attacks of the Miwattis.
After the Sultan had thus routed out the Miwattis, and cleared away the jungle in the neighbourhood of the city, he gave the towns and country within the Doab to some distinguished chiefs, with directions to lay waste and destroy the villages of the marauders, to slay the men, to make prisoners of the women and children, to clear away the jungle, and to suppress all lawless proceedings. The noblemen set about the work with strong forces, and they soon put down the daring of the rebels. They scoured the jungles and drove out the rebels, and the ryots were brought into submission and obedience.
The Sultan afterwards marched out twice to open the roads to Hindustan, and proceeded to the neighbourhood of Kampil and Pattiali. There he remained five or six months, putting the rebels to the sword. The roads to Hindustan were thus cleared, so that caravans and merchants could pass, and great spoil in slaves, horses, and cattle was secured. Kampil, Pattiali, and Bhojpur, had been the strongholds of the robbers who had infested the roads to Hindustan, so the Sultan erected in these places three strong forts, in which he placed Afghan garrisons. He set apart cultivable lands for the garrisons, and under the protection of these forces robbery was suppressed, and the roads to Hindustan were made safe. Sixty years have passed since these events, but the roads have ever since been free from robbers. In this campaign he also repaired the fort of Jalali, which he garrisoned with Afghans, and appropriated the land of the place to its support. The den of the robbers was thus converted into a guard-house, and Musulmans and guardians of the way took the place of highway robbers. It remains standing to this day.
While the Sultan was engaged in these duties news arrived from Kateher1 [Variously spelt as [x] and [x].] that disturbances had broken out in that district, that the houses of the ryots had been plundered, and that the districts of Badaun and Amroha were also disturbed. The mutiny had grown so much and had acquired such strength that the chiefs of Badaun and Amroha were in great trouble and were unable to keep order. The Sultan immediately returned from Kampil and Pattiali to Dehli, where great rejoicings were made. [bb]His mind was bent upon suppressing the disturbances at Kateher, so he ordered the main body of his army (kalb) to be prepared for service, and he spread the report that he was going to the hills on a hunting excursion. He left the city with his army without the royal tent-equipage, and made all haste to the scene of operations. In two nights and three days he crossed the Ganges at Kateher, and sending forward a force of five thousand archers, he gave them orders to burn down Kateher and destroy it, to slay every man, and to spare none but women and children, not even boys who had reached the age of eight or nine years. He remained for some days at Kateher and directed the slaughter. The blood of the rioters ran in streams, heaps of slain were to be seen near every village and jungle, and the stench of the dead reached as far as the Ganges. This severity spread dismay among the rebels and many submitted. The whole district was ravaged, and so much plunder was made that the royal army was enriched, and the people of Badaun even were satisfied. Woodcutters were sent out to cut roads through the jungles, and the army passing along these brought the Hindus to submission.[/b] From that time unto the end of the glorious1 ["Jalali," meaning, perhaps, the reign of Jalalu-d din.] reign no rebellion made head in Kateher, and the countries of Badaun, Amroha, Sambal, and Kanwari continued safe from the violence and turbulence of the people of Kateher.
The Sultan having thus extirpated the outlaws, returned victorious to his capital, where he remained some time. After the suppression of the freebooters, and the construction of roads in every direction, by which all fear of highway robbers was removed, the Sultan resolved upon making a campaign in the Jud mountains. He accordingly marched thither with a suitable force, and inflicted chastisement upon the hills of Jud and the vicinity. The country was plundered, and a large number of horses fell into the hands of the soldiers, so that the price of a horse in the army came to be forty tankas. ***
Two years after the Sultan returned from his Jud expedition he marched to Lahor, and ordered the rebuilding of the fort which the Mughals had destroyed in the reigns of the sons of Shamsu-d din. The towns and villages of Lajor, which the Mughals had devastated and laid waste, he repeopled, and appointed architects and managers (to superintend their restoration.)
While on this campaign it was again brought to his notice that the old Shamsi military grantees of land were unfit for service, and never went out. *** On returning to Dehli he ordered the muster-master to make out a list of them, with full particulars, and to present it to the throne for instructions. It then appeared that about two thousand horsemen of the army of Shamsu-d din had received villages in the Doab by way of pay. * * * Thirty or forty years and even more had passed since the establishment of this body, many of the grantees were old and infirm, many more had died, and their sons had taken possession of the grants as an inheritance from their fathers, and had caused their names to be recorded in the records of the 'Ariz (Muster-master). Some who had no children sent their slaves as their representatives. All these holders of service lands called themselves proprietors, and professed to have received the lands in free gift from Sultan Shamsu-d din. * * * Some of them went leisurely to perform their military duties, but the greater part stayed at home making excuses, the acceptance of which they secured by presents and bribes of all sorts to the deputy muster-master and his officials.
When the list was brought to the Sultan, in the year of his return from Lahor, he divided the grantees into three classes. The first consisted of the old and worn-out, upon whom he settled pensions of forty or fifty tankas, and resumed their villages. 2nd. Those who were in the prime of life, or were young, on whom an allowance proportionate to their service was settled: their villages were not to be taken from them, but the surplus revenues were to be collected by the government revenue officers. 3rd. The children and orphans, who held villages, and sent deputies to perform their military service. The grants were to be taken from these orphans and widows, but a suitable allowance was to be made for their food and raiment.
These orders caused great dismay among the old Shamsi grantees, of whom there were many in the city, and a loud outcry arose in every quarter. A number of them assembled and went to the house of Maliku-l umara Fakhru-d din kotwal, weeping, and complaining that more than fifty years had elapsed since the reign of Shamsu-d din, and that they had regarded the lands granted to them by that sovereign as having been given in free-gift (in'am). *** The kotwal felt for them, *** and, going to the Court, he stood thoughtful and dejected before the Sultan, who, observing his state, inquired what was the matter. The kotwal replied, I have heard that the Muster-master is turning off all the old men, and that the officers of the exchequer are resuming the lands which support them. This has filled me with sorrow and fear, for I am an old man and feeble, and if old men are to be rejected in the Day of Judgment, and are to find no place in heaven, what will become of me? * * * The Sultan was moved with compassion, and sending for the revenue officers, he directed that the villages should be confirmed to the grantees, and that the orders passed respecting them should be treated as inoperative. I, the author, very well remember that many of these grantees lived and rendered service at the Court of Sultan Jalalu-d din, always invoking blessings on Sultan Balban and Malik Fakhru-d din.
Four or five years after the accession of the Sultan, Sher Khan, his cousin, a distinguished Khan, who had been a great barrier to the inroads of the Mughals, departed this life. I have heard from reliable sources that the Khan did not come to Dehli, and that the Sultan caused him to be poisoned. A grand tomb was erected to his memory at Bhatnir. He was one of the most distinguished and respected of the Forty Shamsi slaves, all of whom bore the title of Khan. He repaired the forts of Bhatinda and Bhatnir, and held charge of the districts of Sannam, Lahor, Dipalpur, and other territories exposed to the inroads of the Mughals. He maintained several thousand horse, and had many times utterly routed the Mughals. He had caused the khutba to be read in the name of the Sultan Nasiru-d din at Ghazni, and the terror of his name and the greatness of his power deterred the Mughals from assailing the frontiers of Hindustan. But notwithstanding his services, he felt a strong apprehension that there was an intention to get rid of all the old Shamsi slaves upon some pretext or other, so he kept away from Dehli. He did not even come there when Sultan Balban succeeded, and so the Sultan, although the Khan was his cousin, caused him to be poisoned. After his death the Sultan bestowed Samana and Sannam on Tamar Khan, who also was one of the Forty Shamsi slaves. The other possessions of the late Khan were given to other noblemen. Sher Khan had coerced and brought under his control the Jats, the Khokhars, the Bhattis, the Minas, the Mandahars, and other similar tribes; he had also shown himself able to give a good account of the Mughals. The nobles who succeeded him in his territories were unequal to these duties; the Mughals made head against them, and these frontier countries were exposed to their ravages. What the late Khan had effected in one decade, no one of his successors was able to accomplish.
When Sultan Balban had secured himself in his dominions, and had removed all his rivals and opponents, and when he had appointed his own followers to the possessions of Sher Khan, he gave a royal canopy to his eldest son, proclaimed him his heir apparent, and made him governor of all Sind and the other dependent frontier districts. He then sent him with a large body of nobles and officials to Multan. The prince was a young man possessed of many excellent qualities; he was known in those days by the name of Muhammad Sultan, but the Sultan, on giving him this appointment, bestowed on him the title of Ka'am-l Malk. He is commonly known as Khan-i shahid, "the Martyr Khan." In the early years of his father's reign he had held the territory of Kol and some districts dependent thereto. Here he exhibited many virtues and excellent qualities. Several of the old Shamsi slaves had given the name of Muhammad to their sons, and these all became famous. Thus there was Muhammad Kishli Khan, who had no rival in archery in Khurasan or Hindustan. * * * Among these Muhammads, the son of Sultan Balban, named Muhammad Sultan, was pre-eminently distinguished. His father loved him dearer than his life. The Court of the young prince was frequented by the most learned, excellent, and accomplished men of the time. His attendants used to read (to him) the Shah-namah, the Diwani-i Sanai, the Diwan-i Khakani, and the Khamsah of Shaikh Nizami . Learned men discussed the merits of these poets in his presence. Amir Khusru and Amir Hasan were servants at his Court, and attended upon him for five years at Multan, receiving from the prince allowances and grants of land. The Prince fully appreciated t he merits and excellencies of these two poets, and delighted to honour them above all his servants. I, the author of this work, have often heard from Amir Khusru and Amir Hasan that they had very rarely seen a prince so excellent and virtuous as the "Martyr Prince.'' * * At his entertainments they never heard him indulge in foolish dirty talk, whether wine was drunk or not; and if he drank wine he did so with moderation, so as not to become intoxicated and senseless. * * *
The Martyr Prince twice sent messengers to Shiraz for the express purpose of inviting Shaikh S'adi to Multan, and forwarded with them money to defray the expenses of the journey. His intention was to build a khankah (monastery) for him in Multan, and to endow it with villages for its maintenance. Khwaja S'adi, through the feebleness of old age, was unable to accept the invitations, but on both occasions he sent some verses in his own hand, and made his apologies also in writing. ***
Every year the Prince used to come to see his father, bringing treasure and presents, and after staying a few days at Court he returned to his government. On the last occasion of their meeting the Sultan addressed him in private, telling him that he had grown old, * * that he had made him his heir-apparent, and now intended making a will for his guidance. * * He called for pen and ink, and giving them into his son's hands, commanded attention to his dictation. * * * When the Sultan had finished his testament1 [An epitome of this Testament is given in Briggs's Firishta.] of counsel, he sent the Prince back to Multan.
In the same year that the Sultan made this testament he sent his younger son, Bughra Khan, also entitled Nasiru-d din, to Samana, having placed under his charge Samana, Sannam, and all their dependencies. This prince was a fine young man, but in qualities he was not to be compared with his elder brother. When the Sultan sent him to his government he commanded him to increase the allowances to the old soldiers, and to enlist twice as many more new men. He also ordered him to promote the industrious and faithful officials, and to give them grants of land. He further directed him to be particularly careful in appointing officers for his army, so that he might be ready to repel any advances of the Mughals.
Bughra Khan was inferior to his elder brother in intelligence; the Sultan therefore directed him not to be hasty in business, but to consult with his officers and trusty followers on all matters of importance concerning the army and country. All matters beyond his capacity were to be referred direct to the Sultan, and all orders upon such questions which the Sultan might pass were to be scrupulously enforced, without failure or excess. The Sultan forbad the use of wine to Bughra Khan. He observed that Samana was an important territory, and its army most useful; and he threatened him that if he indulged in wine and in unseemly practices, neglecting the interests of the army and the country under his charge, he would assuredly remove him, and give him no other employment. The Sultan also sent spies (barid) to watch over his proceedings, and took great pains to obtain information of his doings. The son accordingly conducted himself honourably and gave up improper indulgences.
At this time the Mughal horse crossed the Biyah, and the Sultan sent against them the Martyr Prince from Multan, Bughra Khan from Samana, and Malik Barbak Bektars1 [Firishta reads this name as "Birlas."] from Dehli. They marched to the Biyah, driving back the Mughals, and obtaining many victories over them, so that the enemy were unable to advance beyond the Biyah. In each of these three armies there were about seventeen or eighteen thousand horse.
Fifteen or sixteen years had passed since the accession of Balban, during which the country had been quiet, and no adversary or disaffected person had disturbed the peace. *** News at length reached Dehli that the perfidious Tughril had broken out in rebellion at Lakhnauti. Tughril was a Turk, and a very active, bold, courageous, and generous man. Sultan Balban had made him viceroy of Lakhnauti and Bengal. Shrewd and knowing people had given to Lakhnauti the name of Bulghakpur (the city of strife), for since the time when Sultan Mu'izzu-d din Muhammad Sam conquered Dehli, every governor that had been sent from thence to Lakhnauti took advantage of the distance, and of the difficulties of the road, to rebel. If they did not rebel themselves others rebelled against them, killed them, and seized the country. The people of this country had for many long years evinced a disposition to revolt, and the disaffected and evil disposed among them generally succeeded in alienating the loyalty of the governors.
Tughril Khan, on being appointed to Lakhnauti, was successful in several enterprises. He attacked Jajnagar2 [The printed text has Hajinagar, an obvious blunder. The MSS. correctly give "Jajnagar." Briggs, following Dow, Bays, "Jajnagar is on the banks of the Mahanuddi, and was the capital of Orissa," and there is still a town called Jajpur in Cnttack. But the Jajnagar here mentioned was evidently east of the Brahmaputra, and corresponds to Tippera. The Sonar-ganw, presently mentioned as on the road to Jajnagar, is described by Rennell as being once a large city and now a village on a branch of the Brahmaputra, 13 miles S.E. of Dacca. -- Firishta I. 260; Rennell's Memoir; Stewart's Bengal, 72.] and carried off great spoil in valuables and elephants. Traitors and rebels then made advances to him, and represented that the Sultan was old, and his two sons were engaged in guarding against the Mughals. That no year passed without the Mughals forcing their way into Hindustan and seizing upon different towns. The Court of Dehli had quite enough to do in repelling these attacks, and neither the Sultan nor his sons could leave this all important duty to come to Lakhnauti. The nobles of Hindustan had no leader, they were wanting in soldiers and retainers, in elephants and wealth, and they were quite incapable of marching to Lakhnauti and opposing Tughril. So they urged him to revolt and make himself king. Tughril listened to and was led astray by these evil advisers. He was young, self-willed, and daring; "ambition had long laid its egg in his head," and he was heedless of the royal revenge and chastisement. The spoil and elephants which he had captured at Jajnagar he kept for himself, and sent none to Dehli. He assumed royal insignia, and took the title of Sultan Mughisu-d din, which title was used in the khutba and on his coins. He was profuse in his liberality, so the people of the city and the environs were his friends. Money closed the eyes of the clear-sighted, and greed of gold kept the more politic in retirement. The army and the citizens lost all fear of the supreme power, and joined heart and soul with Tughril.
The rebellion of Tughril was a sore trouble to Balban, for the rebel had been one of his cherished slaves (banda). In his anger and sorrow he lost his rest and appetite; and as the news of Tughril's introducing his name into the khutba, his striking of coins, and his largesses reached Dehli, he became more and more incensed. He was so engrossed with this rebellion that no other business received any attention; night and day he was on the alert for further news about it. At first he sent against the rebel Abtagin, "the long haired," who was known as Amir Khan. This chief was an old slave of Balban; he had received his training among military men, and had for many years held the fief of Oudh. He was named Commander-in-chief, and along with him were sent Tamar Khan Shamsi, Malik Taju-d din, son of Katlagh Khan Shamsi, and other nobles of Hindustan.
Amir Khan, with the army of Hindustan, crossed the Sarau,1 [Here written Sarau, and afterwards Saru, meaning the Sarju or Gogrs.] and marched towards Lakhnauti; and Tughril, with a large force numbering many elephants, advanced to meet him. The two armies came in sight of each other, and a number of people assembled to support the traitor Tughril. His profuse liberality had induced many of the inhabitants of that country to assist him, and had won over also a large number of the troops sent from Dehli against him. He attacked Amir Khan and defeated him. The troops of Dehli fled, and were cruelly treated by the Hindus. The victorious troops of Tughril pursued, and many of the defeated force, being poor and greedy, and unmindful of the Sultan's chastisement, deserted the army of Amir Khan, and joined Tughril. When the news of this defeat reached the Sultan, his rage and shame increased a hundred-fold. All fear of the anger of God left his bosom, and he gave way to needless severity. He ordered Amir Khan to be hanged over the gate of Oudh. This condign punishment excited a strong feeling of opposition among the wise men of the day, who looked upon it as a token that the reign of Balban was drawing to an end.
Next year the Sultan sent another army against Lakhnauti, under a new commander. The defeat of Amir Khan had made Tughril bolder, and his power and state had greatly increased. He marched out of Lakhnauti, attacked the army of Dehli, and totally defeated it. Many of this force also deserted to Tughril, allured by his gold. The news of this second defeat overwhelmed the Sultan with shame and anger, his life was embittered, and he devoted all his attention and energy to effect the defeat of Tughril. He resolved to march against the rebel in person, and ordered a large number of boats to be collected on the Ganges and the Jumna. He then set forth, as if for a hunting excursion to Samana and Sannam (the fiefs of his son Bughra Khan), and, dividing these districts, he placed them under the charge of the chiefs and troops of those districts. Malik Sunj Sarjandar was made Naib of Samana, and commander of its forces. Bughra Khan was directed to collect his own forces, and to follow in the rear of his father's army. The Sultan then left Samana, and, proceeding into the Doab, he crossed the Ganges, and took his course to Lakhnauti. He wrote to his son at Multan, directing him to be careful of his country, and to give a good account of the Mughals, adding that he had placed the forces of Samana at his disposal. The Sultan wrote also to Maliku-l umara Kotwal of Dehli, one of his most trusty adherents, appointing him to act as his lieutenant at Dehli during his absence, and placing the whole business of the State and the various officials under his charge. In announcing this appointment the Sultan told him that he had marched against Tughril, and that he was fully resolved to pursue him, and never turn back until he had exacted vengeance.
The Sultan summoned all the forces of the neiorhbourhood where he was, and marched for Lakhnauti, his rage and shame causing him to disregard the rainy season. Proceeding into Oudh he ordered a general levy, and two lakhs of men of all classes were enrolled. An immense fleet of boats was collected, and in these he passed his array over the Sarau. The rains now came on, and although he had plenty of boats the passage through the low-lying country was difficult, and the army was delayed ten or twelve days, toiling through the water and mud, and the pouring rain. Meantime Tughril had received intelligence of the advance of the Sultan. He then said to his friends and supporters, "If any one besides the Sultan had come against me, I would have faced him, and fought it out. But as the Sultan has left his duties at Dehli, and has come against me in person, I cannot withstand him." When intelligence of the passage of the Sarau reached Tughril, he immediately prepared for flight, and as the Sultan's march was retarded by the rains he had plenty of time. Many people joined him through fear of the Sultan's vengeance; and he carried off with him treasure and elephants, a picked body of troops, his officers, relations, and adherents, with their wives and children. He also worked upon many people by holding out to them the terrors of the Sultan's vengeance, so that they collected their money and followed him. He took the road to Jajanagar, and halted at a dry place, one day's journey from Lakhuauti. Few persons of importance were left in the city, and the people were all well disposed to him, having the fear of the Sultan on the one hand, and the hope of Tughril's favour on the other. The Sultan was thirty or forty kos from Lakhnauti, and Tughril continued his march to Jajnagar. He deluded the people who accompanied him by telling them that he would stay for a time at Jajnagar, but that the Sultan would be unable to remain long at Lakhnauti. As soon as he should hear of the Sultan's departure they would plunder Jajnagar, and return rich and safe to Lakhnauti, for no one whom the Sultan could leave there would be able to oppose their return. On their approaching the place the Sultan's deputy would retire.
Several days were passed by the Sultan at Lakhnauti in arming and newly organizing his forces; but he set off with all possible speed towards Jajnagar in pursuit of the rebel. The author's maternal grandfather, Sipah-salar Hisamu-d din, wakildar of Malik Bar-bak, was made governor of Lakhnauti, with directions to send on to the army, three or four times every week, full particulars of the news which might arrive from Dehli. Balban marched with all speed, and in a few days arrived at Sunar-ganw. The Rai of that place, by name Danuj Rai, met the Sultan, and an agreement was made with him that he should guard against the escape of Tughril by water.
The Sultan many times publicly declared that he would never give up the pursuit of the rebel. They were playing for half the kingdom of Dehli; and if Tughril took to the water he would pursue him, and he would never return to Dehli, or even mention it, until the blood of the rebel and his followers had been poured out. The people of the army well knew the fierce temper and implacable resolution of the Sultan. They despaired of ever returning, and many of them drew up their wills and sent them to their homes. *** The army marched about seventy kos, and arrived in the vicinity of Jajnagar; but Tughril had pursued a different route, and not a man of his army had been seen. The Sultan therefore sent Malik Barbak Bektars1 [This name is always so given in the Printed Text and in the MSS., but Firishta has "Birlas."] Sultani, at the head of seven or eight thousand horse, who marched ten or twelve kos in advance of the main force, and every day scouts were sent on before this advance party to get intelligence of Tughril. Thus they proceeded. But although scouts were sent out in all directions, no trace could be found of the rebel, till one day Muhammad Sher-andaz, the chief of Kol, his brother Malik Mukaddir, and "Tughril-kush," all brave and renowned soldiers, who had been sent forward ten or twelve kos in advance to reconnoitre and make inquiries, fell in with a party of corn dealers, who were returning home after completing their dealings with Tughril. These men were immediately seized, and Malik Sher-andaz ordered two of them to be beheaded. This act so terrified the rest that they gave the desired information. Tughril was encamped at less than half a kos distance, near a stonebuilt reservoir,2 [[x]] and intended next day to enter the territory of Jajnagar. Malik Sher-andaz sent two of these grain dealers in charge of two Turki horsemen to Malik Barbak, announcing the discovery, and urging his advance. The reconnoitring party proceeded and found the tents of Tughril pitched near a band, with all his force encamped around. All seemed secure and free from apprehension; some were washing their clothes, others were drinking wine and singing. The elephants were browsing on the branches of the trees, and the horses and cattle were grazing — everywhere a feeling of security prevailed. The leaders of the reconnoitring force remarked to each other that if they were discovered the traitor would take to flight. His elephants and treasure might fall into their hands, but he himself would escape. If this occurred, what could they say to the Sultan, and what hope would there be of their lives. They therefore resolved that it was best to take the boldest course, to rush at once into the enemy's camp and attack the tent of the traitor. He might possibly be taken and be beheaded before his forces could rally to the rescue; and his army might take to flight, under the impression that they were attacked by the army of the Sultan, and not by a mere handful of thirty or forty horsemen. So the brave fellows drew their swords, and shouting the name of Tughril, dashed into the camp. They reached his tent; but Tughril had heard the clamour, and, passing through his scullery, he mounted a horse without a saddle, and made off to a river which ran near. The whole army of Tughril, under the impression that the Sultan was upon them, fled in terror and dismay. Mukaddir and "Tughril-kush" pursued Tughril, who made all speed to the river. When he reached it, Tughril-kush drew an arrow, shot him in the side and brought him down. Mukaddir instantly dismounting, cut off his head, and cast his body into the river. Concealing the head under his clothes he went to the river and washed his hands. The officers of Tughril came up shouting, "Your Majesty," and seeking for him on every side. Just then Malik Barbak arrived with his army and dispersed the forces of Tughril. Mukaddir and Tughril-kush placed the head of the traitor before Malik Barbak, who instantly wrote a despatch of victory to the Sultan. The sons and daughters of Tughril, his attendants, companions, and officers, all fell into the hands of the victors. The men of this victorious force obtained such booty in money, goods, horses, arms, slaves, and handmaids, as to suffice them and their children for many years. Two or three thousand men and women were taken prisoners.
When news of the victory and of the death of Tughril reached the Sultan, he halted, and Malik Barbak returned, bringing with him the booty and prisoners that had fallen into his hands. The Malik recounted all the particulars of the victory, and the Sultan was very angry with Muhammad Sher-andaz, saying that he had committed an error, which might have been of serious consequences to him and the army of Dehli. But as all had ended well, the Sultan, after these censures, bestowed robes and rewards upon all the men of the reconnoitring party, according to their rank and position, and raised their dignities. Upon Muhammad Sher-andaz he bestowed especial favour; to the man who shot the arrow he gave the title of "Tughril-kush,"1 [The Text in every instance speaks of Malik Mukaddir and Tughril-kush as two distinct persons, and this passage is decisive as to the author's opinion. Firishta, however, who evidently used Barni's account, is just as distinct in saying that Mukaddir was the man who shot and killed Tughril, and that it was he who "was callad "Taghril-kush."] Slayer of Tughril; and to Mukaddir, who had cut off the traitor's head he gave a robe and suitable rewards. * * * This achievement increased a hundred-fold the awe felt of Balban by his subjects.
The Sultan returned to Lakhnauti, and there ordered that gibbets should be erected along both sides of the great bazar, which was more than a kos in length. He ordered all the sons and sons-in-k=law of Tughril, and all men who had served him or borne arms for him, to be slain and placed upon the gibbets. Tughril had shown great favour to a certain kalandar, *** and the Sultan went so far as to kill him and gibbet him, with all his followers. The punishments went on during the two or three days that the Sultan remained at Lakhnauti, and the beholders were so horrified that they nearly died of fear. I, the author, have heard from several old men that such punishment as was inflicted on Lakhnauti had never been heard of in Dehli, and no one could remember anything like it in Hindustan. A number of prisoners who belonged to Dehli and its neighbourhood were ordered to be put in fetters and carried to Delhi, there to receive their punishment.
The Sultan remained some days longer at Lakhnauti. He placed the country under the charge of his younger son, Bughra Khan, to whom he granted a canopy and other royal insignia. He himself appointed the officials and feudatories (ikta'dars); but he gave to Bughra Khan all the spoils of Tughril Khan, excepting the elephants and gold which he took with him to Dehli. He called his son to him in private, and made him take an oath that he would recover and secure the country of Bengal, and that he would not hold convivial parties, nor indulge in wine and dissipation. He then asked his son where he was lodging, and he replied in the palace of the old kings near the great bazar. Bughra Khan was also called Mahmud, and the Sultan said to him, "Mahmud, didst thou see?" The prince was surprised at the question, and made no answer. Again the king said, "Mahmud, didst thou see?" The prince was amazed, and knew not what answer to give. The Sultan repeated the question a third time, and then added, "You saw my punishments in the bazar?" The prince bowed and assented. The Sultan went on to say, "If ever designing and evil-minded persons should incite you to waver in your allegiance to Dehli, and to throw off its authority, then remember the vengeance which you have seen exacted in the bazar. Understand me and forget not, that if the governors of Hind or Sind, of Malwa or Gujarat, or Lakhnauti, or Sunar-ganw shall draw the sword and become rebels to the throne of Dehli, then such punishment as has fallen upon Tughril and his dependents will fall upon them, their wives and children, and all their adherents. Another day he spoke to his son in private before some of his principal associates [impressing upon him the responsibilities of his station, and warning him against pleasure and dissipation].
The Sultan then took his departure for Dehli, and Bughra Khan accompanied him for some marches. On the day before Bughra Khan was to return the Sultan halted, and after morning prayer he called several of his old friends and Bughra Khan into his presence. He directed the latter to summon his secretary to come with writing materials, and told them to sit down before him, for he was about to deliver some counsels to his son. Then addressing his friends he said, "I know that whatever principles of government I may enforce upon this my son, he, through his devotion to pleasure, will disregard. Still, my paternal affection impels me to write down some counsels for him, in the presence of you who are old men, who have seen much, and have gained great experience. God give my son grace to act upon some of my words."
*****
After the Sultan had concluded his counsels to his son, and the secretary had committed them to writing, he gave him a robe of honour, tenderly embraced him, and shedding tears over him bade him farewell. Bughra Khan then returned to Lakhnauti, and the Sultan, with his army, pursued his journey towards Dehli. On reaching the Saru he halted, and he issued an order that no one who had gone with the army from Dehli to Lakhnauti should remain at the latter place without permission, and that no one should proceed from Lakhnauti to Delhi without his consent. After an inspection of the men of his army, he crossed the river and continued his journey. *** He passed through Badaun, and crossed the Ganges at the ferry of Ghanur. The people of Dehli of all classes came forth to meet him *** and he entered his capital after being absent three years. [Rejoicings, public thanks, and rewards.]
After the rewards were distributed, the Sultan ordered a row of gibbets to be erected on both sides of the road from Badaun to Talpat (Pilibhit?), and that the inhabitants of Dehli and its environs, who had joined Tughril, and had been made prisoners at Lakhnauti, should be suspended thereon. This direful order spread dismay in the city; for many of the inhabitants of the town and environs had relations and connections among the prisoners. * * * The public sorrow became known to the kazi of the army, who was greatly shocked. He proceeded on the evening of the Sabbath, and throwing himself at the feet of the Sultan interceded for the unhappy prisoners. The Sultan was moved by his importunity, and ordered that the majority of the prisoners, who were of no name and repute, should be set at liberty; that some of the better known should be banished to the neighbouring towns, and that those belonging to the city should be retained in prison for a time. The most notorious among them were ordered to be mounted on buffalos, and to be paraded round the city for an exemplary punishment. After a while, through the intercession of the kazi, they all obtained their release. * * *
The Sultan's eldest son, who was called Khan of Multan, and ruled over Sind, brought to Dehli the tribute money and horses for the whole three years during which the Sultan had been absent, and presented his reports to his father. The Sultan was greatly pleased, his affection and kindness to his son was increased tenfold, and he sent him back to his government loaded with honours. ***
In the year 684 H. (A.D. 1285) the Khan of Multan, the eldest son and heir apparent of the Sultan, and the mainstay of the State, proceeded to Lahor and Deobalpur (Dipalpur) to oppose the accursed Samar, the bravest dog of all the dogs of Changiz Khan. By the will of fate, the prince with many of his nobles and officers fell in battle, and a grievous disaster thus happened to the throne of Balban. Many veteran horsemen perished in the same battle. This calamity caused great and general mourning in Multan. * * * From that time the deceased prince was called "the Martyr Prince." Amir Khusru was made prisoner by the Mughals in the same action, and obtained his freedom with great difficulty. He wrote an elegy on the death of the prince. ***
When the news of this defeat and the death of the prince reached the Sultan, he was quite broken down with sorrow. The army was a well-appointed one, and "the Martyr Prince'' was the son whom he had loved dearer than his life, and whom he had destined to be his successor. The Sultan was now more than eighty years old, and although he struggled hard against the effects of his bereavement, they day by day became more apparent. By day he held his court, and entered into public business as if to show that his loss had not affected him; but at night he poured forth his cries of grief, tore his garments, and threw dust upon his head. When the particulars of the prince's death arrived, the Sultan bestowed Multan, with the other territories, the canopy, and all the ensigns of royalty which he had given to the late prince, on Kai-Khusru, his son. This prince was very young, but he was greatly favoured by the Sultan, who sent him to Multan with a large retinue of nobles and officers. The reign of Balban now drew to a close, and he gradually sank under his sorrow.