PART 6 OF 6 (Liber Novus Cont'd.)
In 1952, Lucy Heyer put forward a project for a biography of Jung. At Olga Froebe's suggestion and on Jung's insistence, Cary Baynes began collaborating with Lucy Heyer on this project. Cary Baynes considered writing a biography of Jung based on Liber Novus.  To Jung's disappointment, she withdrew from the project. After several years of interviews with Lucy Heyer, Jung terminated her biographical project in 1955, because he was dissatisfied with her progress. In 1956, Kurt Wolff proposed another biographical project, which became Memories, Dreams, Reflections. At some stage, Jung gave Aniela Jaffe a copy of the draft of Liber Novus, which had been made by Toni Wolff. Jung authorized Jaffe to cite from Liber Novus and the Black Books in Memories, Dreams, Reflections.  In his interviews with Aniela Jaffe, Jung discussed Liber Novus and his self-experimentation. Unfortunately, she did not reproduce all his comments.
On October 31,1957, she wrote to Jack Barrett of the Bollingen Foundation concerning Liber Novus, and informed him that Jung had suggested that it and the Black Books be given to the library of the University of Basel with a restriction of 50 years, 80 years, or longer, as "he hates the idea that anybody should read this material without knowing the relations to his life, etc." She added that she had decided not to use much of this material in Memories.  In one early manuscript of Memories, Jaffe had included a transcription of the draft typescript of most of Liber Primus.  But it was omitted from the final manuscript, and she did not cite from Liber Novus or the Black Books. In the German edition of Memories, Jaffe included Jung's epilogue to Liber Novus as an appendix. Jung's flexible date stipulations concerning access to Liber Novus were similar to that which he gave around the same time concerning the publication of his correspondence with Freud. 
On October 12, 1957, Jung told Jaffe that he had never finished the Red Book.  According to Jaffe, in the spring of the year 1959 Jung, after a time of lengthy ill-health, took up Liber Novus again, to complete the last remaining unfinished image. Once again, he took up the transcription of the manuscript into the calligraphic volume. Jaffe notes, "However, he still could not or would not complete it. He told me that it had to do with death."  The calligraphic transcription breaks off midsentence, and Jung added an afterword, which also broke off midsentence. The postscript and Jung's discussions of its donation to an archive suggest that Jung was aware that the work would eventually be studied at some stage. After Jung's death, Liber Novus remained with his family, in accordance with his will.
In her 1971 Eranos lecture, "The creative phases in Jung's life," Jaffe cited two passages from the draft of Liber Novus, noting that "Jung placed a copy of the manuscript at my disposal with permission to quote from it as occasion arose."  This was the only time she did so. Pictures from Liber Novus were also shown in a BBC documentary on Jung narrated by Laurens van der Post in 1972. These created widespread interest in it. In 1975, after the much acclaimed publication of the Freud/Jung Letters, William McGuire, representing Princeton University Press, wrote to the lawyer of the Jung estate, Hans Karrer, with a publication proposal for Liber Novus and a collection of photographs of Jung's stone carvings, paintings, and the tower. He proposed a facsimile edition, possibly without the text. He wrote that "we are uninformed of the number of its pages, the relative amount of text and pictures, and the content and interest of the text."  No one in the press had actually seen or read the work or knew much about it. This request was denied.
In 1975, some reproductions from the calligraphic volume of Liber Novus were displayed at an exhibition commemorating Jung's centenary in Zurich. In 1977, nine paintings from Liber Novus were published by Jaffe in C. G. Jung: Word and Image and in 1989 a few other related paintings were published by Gerhard Wehr in his illustrated biography of Jung. 
In 1984, Liber Novus was professionally photographed, and five facsimile editions were prepared. These were given to the five families directly descendent from Jung. In 1992, Jung's family, who had supported the publication of Jung's Collected Works in German (completed in 1995), commenced an examination of Jung's unpublished materials. As a result of my researches, I found one transcription and a partial transcription of Liber Novus and presented them to the Jung heirs in 1997. Around the same time, another transcription was presented to the heirs by Marie-Louise von Franz. I was invited to present reports on the subject and its suitability for publication, and made a presentation on the subject. On the basis of these reports and discussions, the heirs decided in May 2000 to release the work for publication.
The work on Liber Novus was at the center of Jung's self-experimentation. It is nothing less than the central book in his oeuvre. With its publication, one is now in a position to study what took place there on the basis of primary documentation as opposed to the fantasy, gossip, and speculation that makes up too much of what is written on Jung, and to grasp the genesis and constitution of Jung's later work. For nearly a century, such a reading has simply not been possible, and the vast literature on Jung's life and work that has arisen has lacked access to the single most important documentary source. This publication marks a caesura, and opens the possibility of a new era in the understanding of Jung's work. It provides a unique window into how he recovered his soul and, in so doing, constituted a psychology. Thus this introduction does not end with a conclusion, but with the promise of a new beginning.Notes:
1. The following draws, at times directly, on my reconstruction of the formation of Jung's psychology in Jung and the Making of Modern Psychology: The Dream of a Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). Jung referred to the work both as Liber Novus and as The Red Book, as it has become generally known. Because there are indications that the former is its actual title, I have referred to it as such throughout for consistency.
2. See Jacqueline Carroy, Les personnalites multiples et doubles: entre science et fiction (Paris: PUF, 1993).
3. See Gustav Theodor Fechner, The Religion of a Scientist, ed. and tr. Walter Lowrie (New York: Pantheon, 1946).
4. See Jean Starobinski, "Freud, Breton, Myers," in L'oeuil vivante II: La relation critique (Paris: Gallimard, 1970) and W. B. Yeats, A Vision (London: Werner Laurie, 1925). Jung possessed a copy of the latter.
5. Flight Out of Time: A Dada Diary, ed. John Elderfield, tr. A. Raimes (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), p. 1.
6. On how this mistakenly came to be seen as Jung's autobiography, see my Jung Stripped Bare by His Biographers, Even (London, Karnac, 2004), ch. 1, "'How to catch the bird': Jung and his first biographers." See also Alan Elms, "The auntification of Jung," in Uncovering Lives: The Uneasy Alliance of Biography Psychology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994).
7. Memories, p. 30.
8. "Fundamental psychological conceptions," CW 18, §397.
9. Memories, p. 57
10. Ibid., p. 73.
11. Emmanuel Swedenborg was a Swedish scientist and Christian mystic. In 1743, he underwent a religious crisis, which is depicted in his Journal of Dreams. In 1745, he had a vision Christ. He then devoted his life to relating what he had heard and seen in Heaven and Hell and learned from the angels, and in interpreting the internal and symbolic meaning of the Bible. Swedenborg argued that the Bible had two levels of meaning: a physical, literal level, and an inner, spiritual level. These were linked by correspondences. He proclaimed the advent of a "new church" that represented a new spiritual era. According to Swedenborg, from birth one acquired evils from one's parents which are lodged in the natural man, who is diametrically opposed to the spiritual man. Man is destined for Heaven, and he cannot reach there without spiritual regeneration and a new birth. The means to this lay in charity and faith. See Eugene Taylor, "Jung on Swedenborg, redivivus," Jung History, 2, 2 (2007), pp. 27-31.
[1 Thess. 4.15-17]
Another of his astonishingly silly comments needs to be examined: I mean that wise saying of his, to the effect that, "We who are alive and persevere shall not precede those who are asleep when the Lord comes; for the Lord himself will descend from heaven with a shout, with the voice of an archangel; and the trumpet of God shall sound, and those who have died in Christ shall rise first; then we who are alive shall be caught up together with them in a cloud to meet the Lord in the air; and so we shall be forever with the Lord."
Indeed -- there is something here that reaches up to heaven: the magnitude of this lie. When told to dumb bears, to silly frogs and geese -- they bellow or croak or quack with delight to hear of the bodies of men flying through the air like birds or being carried about on clouds. This belief is quackery of the first rank: that the weight of our mortal flesh should behave as though it were of the nature of winged birds and could navigate the winds as easily as ships cross the sea, using clouds for a chariot! Even if such a thing could happen, it would be a violation of nature and hence completely unfitting.
For the nature which is begotten in all things from the beginning also assigns to those things a certain station and rank in the order of the universe: the sea for creatures that thrive in water; the land for creatures who thrive on ground; the air for the creatures who have wings; the reaches of the heavens for the celestial bodies. Move one creature from its appointed place to another sphere and it will die away in its strange abode. "You can't take a fish out of water," for it will surely die on the dry land. Just the same, you can't hope to make land animals creatures of the sea: they will drown. A bird will die if it is deprived of its habitat in the air, and you cannot make a heavenly body an earthly one.
The divine and active logos [word] of God has never tampered with the nature of things and no god ever shall, even though the power of God can affect the fortunes of created things. God does not work contrary to nature: he does not flaunt his ability but heeds the suitability of things [to their environment. in order to] preserve the natural order. Even if he could do so, God would not cause ships to sail across the continents or cause farmers to cultivate the sea. By the same token, he does not use his power to make evildoing an act of goodness nor turn an act of charity into an evil deed. He does not turn our arms into wings and he does not place the earth above the stars. Therefore, a reasonable man can only conclude that it is idiotic to say that "Men will be caught up ... in the air."
-- Porphyry's Against the Christians: The Literary Remains, edited and translated by R. Joseph Hoffman
12. Memories, p. 120.
13. See CW 1, §66, fig. 2.
14. On the Psychology and Pathology of So-called Occult Phenomena: A Psychiatric Study, 1902, CW 1.
15. Theodore Flournoy, From India to the Planet Mars: A Case of Multiple Personality with Imaginary Languages, ed. Sonu Shamdasani, tr. D. Vermilye (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1900/1994).
16. Pierre Janet, Nevroses et idees fixes (Paris: Alcan, 1898); Morton Prince, Clinical and Experimental Studies in Personality (Cambridge, MA: Sci-Art. 1929). See my ''Automatic writing and the discovery of the unconscious," Spring: A Journal of Archetype and Culture 54 (1993), pp. 100-131.
17. Black Book 2, p. 1 (JFA; all the Black Books are in the JFA).
18. MP, p. 164.
19. See Gerhard Wehr, An Illustrated Biography of Jung, tr. M. Kohn (Boston: Shambala, 1989), p. 47; Aniela Jaffe, ed., C. G. Jung: Word and Image (Princeton: Princeton University Press/Bollingen Series, 1979), pp. 42-43.
20. MP, p. 164, and unpublished letters, JFA.
21. "Experimental researches on the associations of the healthy," 1904, CW 2.
22. On the Psychology of Dementia Praecox: An Attempt, CW 3.
23. "The content of the psychoses," CW 3, §339.
24. Freud archives, Library of Congress. See Ernst Falzeder, 'The story of an ambivalent relationship: Sigmund Freud and Eugen Bleuler," Journal of Analytical Psychology 52 (2007), pp. 343-68.
26. Analytical Psychology, p. 24.
27. Jung possessed a set of this.
28. Jung, The Psychology the Unconscious, CW B, §36. In his 1952 revision of this text, Jung qualified this (Symbols of Transformation, CW 5, §29).
29. "Address on the founding of the C. G. Jung Institute, Zurich, 24 April, 1948," CW 18, §1131.
30. CW 5, p. xxvi.
31. Ibid., p. xxix.
33. Cf. Analytical Psychology, p. 25.
34. Black Book 2, pp. 25-26.
35. In 1925, he gave the following interpretation to this dream: "The meaning of the dream lies in the principle of the ancestral figure: not the Austrian officer -- obviously he stood for the Freudian theory -- but the other, the Crusader, is an archetypal figure, a Christian symbol living from the twelfth century, a symbol that does not really live today, but on the other hand is not wholly dead either. It comes out of the times of Meister Eckhart, the time of the culture of the Knights, when many ideas blossomed, only to be killed again, but they are coming again to life now. However, when I had this dream, I did not know this interpretation" (Analytical Psychology, p. 39).
DEFINITION OF ARCHETYPE: 1: the original pattern or model of which all things of the same type are representations or copies: prototype; also: a perfect example. 2: idea. 3: an inherited idea or mode of thought in the psychology of C. G. Jung that is derived from the experience of the race and is present in the unconscious of the individual. First Known Use: 1545
36. Black Book 2, pp. 17-18.
37. Ibid., p. 1738
38. Analytical Psychology, p. 40.
39. Ibid., pp. 40-41. E. A. Bennet noted Jung's comments on this dream: ''At first he thought the 'twelve dead men' referred to the twelve days before Christmas for that is the dark time of the year, when traditionally witches are about. To say 'before Christmas' is to say 'before the sun lives again,' for Christmas day is at the turning point of the year when the sun's birth was celebrated in the Mithraic religion ... Only much later did he relate the dream to Hermes and the twelve doves" (Meetings with Jung: Conversations recorded by E. A. Bennet during the Years 1946-1961 [London: Anchor Press, 1982; Zurich, Daimon Verlag, 1985], p. 93). In 1951 in "The psychological aspects of the Kore," Jung presented some material from Liber Novus (describing them all as part of a dream series) in an anonymous form ("case Z."), tracing the transformations of the anima. He noted that this dream "shows the anima as elflike, i.e., only partially human. She can just as well be a bird, which means that she may belong wholly to nature and can vanish (i.e., become unconscious) from the human sphere (i.e., consciousness)" ( CW 9, 1, §371). See also Memories, pp. 195-96.
40. "On the question of psychological types," CW 6.
41. See below, p. 231.
42. Analytical Psychology, pp. 43-44.
43. Barbara Hannah recalls that "Jung used to say in later years that his tormenting doubts as to his own sanity should have been allayed by the amount of success he was having at the same time in the outer world, especially in America" (C. G. Jung: His Life and Work. A Biographical Memoir [New York: Perigree, 1976], p. 109).
44. Memories, p. 200.
45. Draft, p. 8.
46. Gerda Breuer and Ines Wagemann, Ludwig Meidner: Zeichner, Maler, Literat 1884-1966 (Stuttgart: Verlag Gerd Hatje, 1991), vol. 2, pp. 124-49. See Jay Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The Great War in European Cultural History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 145-77.
47. Arthur Conan Doyle, The New Revelation and the Vital Message (London: Psychic Press, 1918), p. 9.
48. Analytical Psychology, p. 249.
51. MP, p. 23.
52. The subsequent notebooks are black, hence Jung referred to them as the Black Books.
53. Analytical Psychology, p. 44.
54. St. Augustine, Soliloquies and Immortality of the Soul, ed. and tr. Gerard Watson (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1990), p. 23. Watson notes that Augustine "had been through a period of intense strain, close to a nervous breakdown, and the Soliloquies are a form of therapy, an effort to cure himself by talking, or rather, writing" (p. v).
55. Ibid., p. 42. In Jung's account here, it seems that this dialogue took place in the autumn of 1913, though this is not certain, because the dialogue itself does not occur in the Black Books, and no other manuscript has yet come to light. If this dating is followed, and in the absence of other material, it would appear that the material the voice is referring to is the November entries in Black Book 2, and not the subsequent text of Liber Novus or the paintings.
56. Ibid., p. 44.
57. Ibid., p. 46.
58. MP, p. 171.
59. Riklin's painting generally followed the style of Augusto Giacometti: semi-figurative and fully abstract works, with soft floating colors. Private possession, Peter Riklin. There is one painting of Riklin's from 1915/6, Verkundigung, in the Kunsthaus in Zurich, which was donated by Maria Moltzer in 1945. Giacometti recalled: "Riklin's psychological knowledge was extraordinarily interesting and new to me. He was a modern magician. I had the feeling that he could do magic" (Von Stampa bis Florenz: Blatter der Erinnerung [Zurich: Rascher, 1943], pp. 86-87).
60. Analytical Psychology, p. 46.
61. The vision that ensued is found below in Liber Primus, chapter 5, "Journey into Hell in the Future," p. 241.
62. St. Ignatius of Loyola, "The spiritual exercises," in Personal Writings, tr. J. Munitiz and P. Endean (London: Penguin, 1996), p. 298. In 1939/40, Jung presented a psychological commentary on the spiritual exercises of St. Ignatius of Loyola at the ETH (Philemon Series, forthcoming).
63. This passage was reproduced by William White in his Swedenborg: His Life and Writings, vol. 1 (London: Bath, 1867), pp. 293-94. In Jung's copy of this work, he marked the second half of this passage with a line in the margin.
64. See Silberer, "Bericht uber eine Methode, gewisse symbolische Halluzinations-Erscheinungen hervorzurufen und zu beobachten," Jahrbuch fur psychoanalytische und psychopathologische Forschungen 2 (1909), pp. 513-25.
65. Staudenmaier, Die Magie als experimentelle Naturwissenschaft (Leipzig: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft, 1912), p. 19.
66. Jung had a copy of Staudenmaier's book, and marked some passages in it.
67. Black Book 2, p. 58.
68. MP, p. 381.
69. "Dreams," JFA, p. 9.
70. MP, p. 145. To Margaret Ostrowski-Sachs, Jung said "The technique of active imagination can prove very important in difficult situations -- where there is a visitation, say. It only makes sense when one has the feeling of being up against a blank wall. I experienced this when I separated from Freud. I did not know what I thought. I only felt, 'It is not so.' Then I conceived of 'symbolic thinking' and after two years of active imagination so many ideas rushed in on me that I could hardly defend myself. The same thoughts recurred. I appealed to my hands and began to carve wood -- and then my way became clear" (From Conversations with C. G. Jung [Zurich: Juris Druck Verlag, 1971], p. 18).
71. Memories, p. 207.
73. Memories, pp. 207-8.
74. Memories, p. 219.
75. See below. p. 231.
77. Jung's appointment books, JFA.
78. This is based on a comprehensive study of Jung's correspondences in the ETH up to 1930 and in other archives and collections.
79. These were: 1913, 16 days; 1914, 14 days; 1915, 67 days; 1916, 34 days; 1917, 117 days (Jung's military service books, JFA).
80. See below, p. 238.
81. Memories, p. 214.
82. Jung, "On psychological understanding," CW 3, §396.
83. Ibid., §398.
84. Ibid., §399.
85. CW 3.
86. Analytical Psychology, p. 44.
87. Combat interview (1952), C. G. Jung Speaking: Interviews and Encounters, eds. William McGuire and R.F.C. Hull (Bollingen Series, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), pp. 233-34. See below, p. 231.
88. See below, p. 231.
89. See below, p. 337.
90. Mysterium Coniunctionis, CW 14, §756. On the myth of Jung's madness, first promoted by Freudians as a means of invalidating his work, see my Jung Stripped Bare by His Biographers, Even.
91. See below, pp. 198-9, 231, 237, 241, 252, 273, 305, 335.
92. James Jarrett, ed., Nietzsche's Zarathustra: Notes of the Seminar Given in 1934-9 (Bollingen Series, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), p. 381. On Jung's reading of Nietzsche, see Paul Bishop, The Dionysian Self: C. G. Jung's Reception of Nietzsche (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter): Martin Liebscher, "Die 'unheimliche Ahnlichkeit.' Nietzsches Hermeneutik der Macht und analytische Interpretation bei Carl Gustav Jung," in Ecce Opus. Nietzsche-Revisionen im 20. Jahrhundert, eds. Rudiger Gorner and Duncan Large (London/Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2003), pp. 37-50; "Jungs Abkehr von Freud im Lichte seiner Nietzsche-Rezeption," in Zeitenwende-Wertewende, ed. Renate Reschke (Berlin 2001), pp. 255-260; and Graham Parkes, "Nietzsche and Jung: Ambivalent Appreciations," in Nietzsche and Depth Psychology, ed. Jacob Golomb, Weaver Santaniello, and Ronald Lehrer (Albany: SUNY Press, 1999), p. 69, 213.
93. In Black Book 2, Jung cited certain cantos from "Purgatorio" on December 26, 1913 (p. 104). See below, note 213, p. 252.
94. In 1913 Maeder had referred to Jung's "excellent expression" of the "objective level" and the "subjective level." ("Uber das Traumproblem," Jahrbuch fur psychoanlytische und psychopathologische Forschungen 5, 1913, pp. 657-8). Jung discussed this in the Zurich Psychoanalytical Society on 30 January 1914, MZS.
95. For example, by page 39 of the Corrected Draft, "Awesome! Why cut?" is written in the margin. Jung evidently took this advice, and retained the original passages. See below, p. 238, right column, third paragraph.
96. In 1921, he cited from Blake's The Marriage of Heaven and Hell (CW 6, §422n, §460); in Psychology and Alchemy, he refers to two of Blake's paintings (CW 12, figs. 14 and 19). On November 11, 1948, he wrote to Piloo Nanavutty; "I find Blake a tantalizing study; since he has compiled a lot of half or undigested knowledge in his fantasies. According to my idea, they are an artistic production rather than an authentic representation of unconscious processes" (Letters 2, pp. 513-14).
97. See below, Appendix A.
98. Redon, Oeuvre graphique complet (Paris: Secretariat, 1913); Andre Mellerio, Odilon Redon: Peintre, Dessinateur et Graveur (Paris: Henri Floury; 1923). There is also one book on modern art, which was harshly critical of it: Max Raphael, Von Monet zu Picasso: Grundzuge einer Asthetik und Entwicklung der Modernen Malerei (Munich: Delphin Verlag, 1913).
99. In April 1914, Jung visited Ravenna again.
100. Analytical Psychology, p. 54.
101. See Rainer Zuch, Die Surrealisten und C. G. Jung: Studien zur Rezeption der analytischen Psychologle im Surrealismus am Belspeil von Max Ernst, Victor Brauner und Hans Arp (Weimar: VDG, 2004).
102. Flight Out of Time, p. 102.
103. Greta Stroeh, "Biographie," in Sophie Taeuber: 15 Decembre 1989-Mars 1990, Musee d'art moderne de la ville de Paris (Paris: Paris-musees, 1989), p. 124; Aline Valangin interview, Jung biographical archive, Countway Library of Medicine, p. 29.
104. The puppets are in the Bellerive museum, Zurich. See Bruno Mikol, "Sur le theatre de marionnettes de Sophie Taeuber-Arp," in Sophie Taeuber: 15 Decembre 1989-Mars 1990, Musee d'art moderne de la ville de Paris, pp, 59-68.
105. Hugo Ball and Emmy Hennings, Damals in Zurich: Briefe aus den Jahren 1915-1917 (Zurich: Die Arche, 1978), p. 132.
106. Jung, "On the unconscious," CW 10, §44; Pharmouse, Dada Review 391 (1919); Tristan Tzara, Dada, nos. 4-5 (1919).
107. Ferdinand Holder: Eine Skizze seiner seelischen Entwicklung und Bedeutung fur die schweizerisch-nationale Kultur (Zurich: Rascher, 1916).
108. Maeder papers.
109. Maeder interview, Jung biographical archive, Countway Library of Medicine, p. 9.
110. Franz Riklin to Sophie Riklin, May 20, 1915, Riklin papers.
111. On August 17, 1916, Fanny Bowditch Katz, who was in analysis with her at this time, noted in her diary: "Of her [i.e., Moltzer] book -- her Bible -- pictures and each with writing -- which I must also do." According to Katz, Moltzer regarded her paintings as "purely subjective, not works of art" (July 31, Countway Library of Medicine). On another occasion, Katz notes in her diary that Moltzer "spoke of Art, real art, being the expression of religion" (August 24, 1916). In 1916, Moltzer presented, psychological interpretations of some of Riklin's paintings in a talk at the Psychological Club (in my Cult Fictions: Jung and the Founding of Analytical Psychology [London: Routledge, 1998], p. 102). On Lang, see Thomas Feitknecht, ed., "Die dunkle und wilde Seite der Seele": Hermann Hesse. Briefwechsel mit seinem Psychoanalytiker Josef Lang, 1916-1944 (Frankfurt: Suhrkampf, 2006).
112. "Das Neue Leben," Erst Ausstellung, Kunsthaus Zurich. J. B. Lang noted an occasion at Riklin's house at which Jung and Augusto Giacometti were also present (Diary, December 3, 1916, p. 9, Lang papers, Swiss Literary Archives, Berne).
113. March 11, 1921, Notebooks, Schlegel papers.
114. John Beebe and Ernst Falzeder, eds., Philemon Series, forthcoming.
115. John Burnham, Jeliffe: American Psychoanalyst and Physician & His Correspondence with Sigmund Freud and C. G. Jung, ed. William McGuire (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), pp. 196-97.
116. MP, p. 174.
117. Memories, p. 201.
118. MP, p. 174.
119. Memories, p. 201.
120. On the formation of the Club, see my Cult Fictions: C. G. Jung and the Founding of Analytical Psychology.
121. Analytical Psychology, p. 34.
122. "C. G. Jung: Some memories and reflections," Inward Light 35 (1972), p. 11. On Tina Keller, see Wendy Swan, C. G. Jung and Active Imagination (Saarbrucken: VDM, 2007).
123. See Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning, pp. 18, 69, and 133-44.
124. There is a note added in Black Book 5 at this point: "In this time the I and II parts [of the Red Book] were written. Directly after the beginning of the war" (p. 86). The main script is in Jung's hand, and 'of the Red Book' was added by someone else.
126. Memories, pp. 215-16.
127. See below, p. 294.
128. The historical Basilides was a Gnostic who taught in Alexandria in the second century. See note 81, p. 346.
129. MP, p. 26.
130. January 19, 1917, Letters I, pp. 33-34. Sending a copy of the Sermones to Jolande Jacobi, Jung described them as "a curiosity from the workshop of the unconscious" (October 7, 1928, JA).
131. John C. Burnham, Jeliffe: American Psychoanalyst and Physician, p. 199.
132. MP, p. 172.
133. See Appendix A.
134. Memories, p. 220.
135. Ibid., p. 220.
136. Ibid., p. 221.
137. See Appendix A.
138. Faust, 2, act I. 6287f .
139. Unpublished letter, JFA. There also exists an undated painting by Moltzer that appears to be a quadrated mandala, which she described in brief accompanying notes as "A pictorial presentation of Individuation or of the Individuation process" (Library, Psychological Club, Zurich).
140. Memories, p. 221. The immediate sources that Jung drew on for his concept of the self appear to be the Atman/Brahman conception in Hinduism, which he discussed in 1921 Psychological Types, and certain passages in Nietzsche's Zarathustra. (See note 29, p. 337).
142. On page 23 of the manuscript of Scrutinies, a date is indicated: "27 /11/17," which suggests that they were written in the latter half of 1917, and thus after the mandala experiences at Chateau D'Oex.
143. See below, p. 333f.
144. See below, p. 339.
145. Private possession, Stephen Martin. The reference is to Mephistopheles' statement in Faust, (1.1851f.)
146. See below, p. 367.
147. Private possession, Stephen Martin.
148. After his separation with Freud, Jung found that Flournoy was of continued support to him. See Jung in Flournoy; From India to the Planet Mars, p. ix.
149. CW 7, §§444-46.
150. Ibid., §449.
151. Ibid., §459.
152. Ibid., §468.
153. Ibid., §521.
154. CW 18, §1098.
155. CW 18, §1100.
157. CW 8, §155.
158. Ibid., §§170-71. A planchette is a small wooden board on coasters used to facilitate automatic writing.
159. Ibid., §186.
160. MP, p. 380.
161. CW 7, pp. 3-4.
162. In his 1943 revision of this work, Jung added that the personal unconscious "corresponds to the figure of the shadow so frequently met with in dreams" (CW 7, §103). He added the following definition of this figure: "By shadow I understand the 'negative' side of the personality, the sum of all those hidden unpleasant qualities, the insufficiently developed functions and the contents of the personal unconscious" (Ibid., §103n). Jung described this phase of the individuation process as the encounter with the shadow (see CW 9, pt. 2, §§13-19).
163. "The psychology of the unconscious processes," in Jung, Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology, ed. Constance Long (London: Bailliere, Tindall & Cox, 1917, 2nd ed.), pp. 416-47.
164. Ibid., p. 432.
165. Ibid, p. 435.
166. Analytical Psychology, p. 95.
167. See below, pp. 245-255.
168. Collected Papers on Analytical Psychology, p. 444. This sentence appeared only in the first edition of Jung's book.
169. CW 10, §24.
170. CW 10, §48.
171. CW 8.
172. Psychological Types, CW 6, §706.
173 Ibid., §§804-5.
174. CW 6. §426.
175. Black Book 7, p. 92c.
176. Ibid., p. 95. In a seminar the following year, Jung took up the theme of the relation of individual relations to religion: "No individual can exist without individual relationships, and that is how the foundation of your Church is laid. Individual relations lay the form of the invisible Church." (Notes on the Seminar in Analytical Psychology conducted by Dr. C. G. Jung, Polzeath, England, July 14-July 27, 1923, arranged by members of the class, p. 82).
177. On Jung's psychology of religion, see James Heisig, Imago Dei: A Study of Jung's Psychology of Religion (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1979), and Ann Lammers, In God's Shadow: The Collaboration between Victor White and C. G. Jung (New York: Paulist Press, 1994). See also my "In Statu Nascendi," Journal of Analytical Psychology 44 (1999), pp. 539-545.
178. CW 15, §130.
179. In 1930, Jung expanded upon this theme, and described the first type of work as "psychological," and the latter as "visionary." "Psychology and poetry," CW 15.
180. See Meyrink, The White Dominican, tr. M. Mitchell (1921/1994), ch. 7. The "founding father" informs the hero of the novel, Christopher, that "whoever possesses the Cinnabar-red Book, the plant of immortality, the awakening of the spiritual breath, and the secret of bringing the right hand to life, will dissolve with the corpse ... It is called the Cinnabar book because, according to ancient belief in China, that red is the colour of the garments of those who have reached the highest stage of perfection and stayed behind on earth for the salvation of mankind" (p. 91). Jung was particularly interested in Meyrink's novels. In 1921, when referring to the transcendent function and unconscious fantasies, he noted that examples where such material had been subjected to aesthetic elaboration could be found in literature, and that "I would single out two works of Meyrink for special attention: The Golem and The Green Face," Psychological Types , CW 6, §205. He regarded Meyrink as a "visionary" artist ("Psychology und poetry" [1930), CW 15, §142) and was also interested in Meyrink's alchemical experiments (Psychology and Alchemy , CW 12, §341n).
181. The reference is to Goethe's autobiography, From My Life: Poetry and Truth, tr. R. Heitner (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).
182. The reference is to the beginning of Faust: a dialogue among the director, poet, and a merry person.
183. In reference to this, see the inscription to Image 154 below, p. 317.
186. The reference is to the Polzeath seminar.
187. I suspect that this may have been written to her ex-husband, Jaime de Angulo. On July 10, 1924, he wrote to her: "I daresay you have been as busy as I have, with that material of Jung's .. . I read your letter, the one in which you announced it, and you warned me not to tell anyone, and you added that you ought not to tell me, but you knew I would feel so proud of you" (CFB).
188. MP, p.169.
190. "Stockmayer obituary," JA.
192. JA. Jung's letters to Stockmayer have not come to light.
193. The reference is to Liber Secundus of Liber Novus; see note 4, p. 259 below.
195. E.g., substituting "Zeitgeist" for "Geist der Zeit" (spirit of the times), "Idee" (Idea) for "Vordenken" (Forethinking).
196. London: Stuart and Watkins, 1925.
197. May 2, 1925, Murray papers, Houghton Library, Harvard University, original in English. Michael Fordham recalled being given a copy by Peter Baynes when he had reached a suitably "advanced" stage in his analysis, and being sworn to secrecy about it (personal communication, 1991).
198. C. G. Jung: His Life and Work. A Biographical Memoir, p. 121.
199. November 23, 1941, JA.
200. January 22, 1942, C. G. Jung Letters 1, p. 312.
201. See below, p. 360.
202. Cf. Jung's comments after a talk on Swedenborg at the Psychological Club, Jaffe papers, ETH.
203. These paintings are available for study at the picture archive at the C. G. Jung Institute, Kusnacht.
204. July 8, 1926, analysis notebooks, Countway Library of Medicine. The vision referred to at the end is found in Liber Secundus, ch. 11. p. 283 below.
205. Ibid., October 12, 1926. The episode referred to here is the appearance of magician "Ha." See below, p. 291, note 155.
206. Ibid., July 12, 1926.
207. December 20, 1929, JA (original in English).
208. Memories, p. 250.
209. See below, p. 330.
211. Black Book 7, p. 120.
212. Ibid p. 121.
213. Ibid p. 124. For the illustration, see Appendix A.
214. Image 159.
215. Memories, p. 224.
216. MP, pp. 159-60.
217. Ibid., P 173.
218. CW 7, §§114-17.
219. Ibid., §386.
220. Ibid., §323.
221. Ibid., §353.
222. Ibid., §358.
223. Ibid., §377.
224. Ibid., §399.
225. Ibid., §405.
226. See below, p. 360.
227 Memories, pp. 222-23.
228. See below, p. 320, note 30.
230. Foreword to the second German edition, "Commentary to The Secret of the Golden Flower," CW 13, p. 4.
231. Wilhelm appreciated Jung's commentary. On October 24, 1929, he wrote to him: "I am again struck most deeply by your comments" (JA).
232. See images 105, 159, and 163. These pictures, together with two more, were again anonymously reproduced in 1950 in Jung, ed., Gestaltungen des Unbewussten: Psychologischen Abhandlungen, vol. 7 [Forms of the Unconscious: Psychological Treatises] (Zurich: Rascher, 1950).
234. On this issue, see The Psychology of Kundalini Yoga: Notes of the Seminar Given in 1932 by C. G. Jung, ed. Sonu Shamdasani (Bollingen Series, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).
235. MP, p. 15.
236. On February 8, 1923, Cary Baynes noted a discussion with Jung in the previous spring which has bearings on this: "You [Jung] said that no matter how marked off from the crowd an individual might be with special gifts, he yet had not fulfilled all his duties, psychologically speaking, unless he could function successfully in collectivity. By functioning in collectivity we both meant what is commonly called 'mixing' with people in a social way; not professional or business relationships. Your point was that if an individual kept away from these collective relationships, he lost something he could not afford to lose" (CFB).
237. Problems of Mysticism and Its Symbolism, tr. S. E. Jeliffe (New York: Moffat Yard, 1917).
238. These are indicated in the footnotes to the text.
239. Memories, p. 201, MP, p. 144.
240. Erinnerungen, Traume, Gedanken von C. G. Jung, ed. Aniela Jaffe (Olten: Walter Verlag, 1988), p. 201.
242 MP, p. 148.
243. These lectures are currently being prepared for publication. For further details, see wwwphilemonfoundation.org.
244. ''A study in the process of individuation," CW 9, 1, §622.
245. Ibid., §623.
246. "On the psychological aspects of the Kore figure," CW 9, 1, §334.
247. See C. A. Meier, ed., Atom and Archetype: The Pauli/Jung Letters, with a preface by Beverley Zabriskie, tr. D. Roscoe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001).
248. JP. It is likely that Jung had Philemon's commentaries in mind -- see below, pp. 348-354.
249 Olga Froebe-Kapteyn to Jack Barrett, January 6, 1953, Bollingen archives, Library of Congress.
250. Jung to Jaffe, October 27, 1957, Bollingen archives, Library of Congress.
251. Bollingen archives, Library of Congress. Jaffe gave a similar account to Kurt Wolff, mentioning 30, 50, or 80 years as the possible restriction (undated; received October 30, 1957), Kurt Wolff papers, Beinecke Library, Yale University. On reading the first sections of the protocols of Aniela Jaffe's interviews with Jung, Cary Baynes wrote to Jung on January 8, 1958, that "it is the right introduction to the Red Book, and so I can die in peace on that score!" (CFB)
252. Kurt Wolff papers, Beinecke Library, Yale University The prologue was omitted, and it was given the title of the first chapter, "Der Wiederfindung der Seele" (the recovery of the soul). Another copy of this section was heavily edited by an unidentified hand, which may have been part of preparing this for publication at this time (JFA).
253. One may note that the publication of the Freud/Jung Letters, crucial as this was in its own right, while Liber Novus and the bulk of Jung's other correspondences remained unpublished, regrettably heightened the mistaken Freudocentric view of Jung: as we see, in Liber Novus, Jung is moving in a universe that is as far away from psychoanalysis as could be imagined.
254. MP, p. 169.
255. Jung/Jaffe, Erinnerungen, Traume, Gedanken von C. G. Jung (Olten: Walter Verlag, 1988), p. 387 Jaffe's other comments here are inaccurate.
256. Jaffe, "The creative phases in Jung's life," Spring: An Annual of Archetypal Psychology and Jungian Thought, 1972, p. 174.
257 McGuire papers, Library of Congress. In 1961, Aniela Jaffe had shown Liber Novus to Richard Hull, Jung's translator, and he had written his impressions to McGuire: "She [AJ] showed us the famous Red Book, full of real mad drawings with commentaries in monkish script; I'm not surprised Jung keeps it under lock and key! When he came in and saw it lying -- fortunately closed -- on the table, he snapped at her: 'Das soll nicht hier sein. Nehmen Sie's weg!' (That should not be here. Take it away!), although she had written me earlier that he had given permission for me to see it. I recognized several of the mandalas that are included in On Mandala Symbolism. It would make a marvellous facsimile edition, but I didn't feel it wise to raise the subject, or to suggest the inclusion of drawings in the autobiography (which Mrs. Jaffe urged me to do). It really should form part, sometime, of his opus: just as the autobiography is an essential supplement to his other writings, so is the Red Book to the autobiography. The Red Book made a profound impression on me; there can be no doubt that Jung has gone through everything that an insane person goes through, and more. Talk of Freud's self-analysis: Jung is a walking asylum in himself! The only difference between him and a regular inmate is his astounding capacity to stand off from the terrifying reality of his visions, to observe and understand what was happening, and to hammer out of his experience a system of therapy that works. But for this unique achievement he'd be as mad as a hatter. The raw material of his experience is Schreber's world over again; only by his powers of observation and detachment, and his drive to understand, can it be said of him what Coleridge said in his Notebooks of a great metaphysician (and what a motto it would make for the autobiography!): He looked at his own Soul with Telescope / What seemed all irregular, he saw & shewed to be beautiful Constellations & he added to the Consciousness hidden worlds within worlds (March 17, 1961, Bollingen archives, Library of Congress). The citation from Coleridge was indeed used as a motto for Memories, Dreams, Reflections.
258 Aniela Jaffe, ed., C. G. Jung: Word and Image, figures 52-57, 77-79, together with a related image. fig. 59; Gerhard Wehr, An Illustrated Biography of Jung, pp. 40, 140-41.