Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, U.S. Intervention, and H

"Science," the Greek word for knowledge, when appended to the word "political," creates what seems like an oxymoron. For who could claim to know politics? More complicated than any game, most people who play it become addicts and die without understanding what they were addicted to. The rest of us suffer under their malpractice as our "leaders." A truer case of the blind leading the blind could not be found. Plumb the depths of confusion here.

Re: Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, U.S. Intervention, a

Postby admin » Mon Apr 11, 2016 11:32 am

5 Nicaragua: From low-intensity warfare to low-intensity democracy

1 Henry Kissinger and Cyrus Vance, "Bipartisan Objectives for American Foreign Policy, " Foreign Affairs, 66 (1988), no. 5, p. 919.

2 Cited in Penny Lernoux, "The Struggle for Nicaragua's Soul: A Church in Revolution and War, " Sojourners, May 14, 1989, p. 23. Neuhaus was a founding member of the conservative Institute on Religion and Democracy (IRD), which helped promote US policy toward Nicaragua in the 1980s.

3 Peter Rodman, Special Assistant to the President on National Security Affairs. Cited in Robinson, A Faustian Bargain, p. 25. This work will be referred to simply as AFB in subsequent notes for this chapter.

4 Robert Pastor, Condemned to Repetition: The United States and Nicaragua (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), p. 16.

5 A penetrating overview of this period is Bradford E. Burns, Patriarch and Folk: The Emergence of Nicaragua, 1798-1858 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991).

6 Karl Bermann, Under the Big Stick: Nicaragua and the United States since 1848 (Boston: South End, 1986), p. 16. This is an excellent analysis of USNicaragua relations in historical perspective.

7 For an in-depth study of the Zelaya period, see Oscar Rene Vargas, La Revolucion que Inicio el Progreso: Nicaragua 1893-1909 (Managua: Ecotextura/ Consa, 1990).

8 Bermann, Big Stick, p. 141.

9 For an account of this spate of elections, see Oscar Rene Vargas, Elecciones en Nicaragua, 1912-1932: (Analisis socio-politico) (Managua: Fundacion Manolo Morales, 1989).

10 The definitive biography of Sandino and his movement is Gregorio SeIser,  Sandino (New York: Monthly Review, 1981).

11 Cited in Bermann, Big Stick, p. 213.

12 Richard Millett, Guardians of the Dynasty (New York: Maryknoll, 1977), is the classic work on the National Guard.

13 There is no direct evidence of such involvement. However, the circumstantial evidence suggests the historical record is still undetermined. For discussions on the possible US role, see Bermann, Big Stick, pp. 221-222,  and Seiser, Sandino, pp. 174-179.

14 There are many works on the Somoza dynasty. See, e.g., Bernard Diederich, Somoza and the Legacy of U.S. Involvement in Central America (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1981).

15 Cited in Bermann, Big Stick, p. 219.

16 Ibid., p. 247. See also Thomas Walker, Nicaragua: The Land of Sandino (Boulder: Westview, 1981), p. 89.

17 For these details, see Millett, Guardians, pp. 200, 252; Tom Barry, Debrah Preusch, and Beth Wood, Dollars and Dictators (New York: Grove, 1983),  pp. 66--73; George Black, Triumph of the People: The Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua (London: Zed, 1981), pp. 47-48.

18 See, e.g., Victor Blumer Thomas, The Political Economy of Central America since 1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Jaime Wheelock, Imperialismo y Dictadura (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1975).

19 See Kent Norsworthy, Nicaragua: A Country Guide (Albuquerque: The Resource Center, 1990), pp. 78, 193 n. 18; See also Black, Triumph,  pp. 28-41, 68-70; Thomas, Political Economy, pp. 150-225.

20 Cited in Pastor, Condemned to Repetition, p. 162.

21 For discussion, see William I. Robinson and Kent Norsworthy, David and Goliath: The US War Against Nicaragua (New York: Monthly Review, 1987),  ch.7.

22 Jaime Wheelock, EI Gran Desafio (Managua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua,  1983), p. 26.

23 A detailed chronicle of events leading to the 1979 Sandinista revolution is Black, Triumph. For an insider's account of the elite opposition, see Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, Diario Politico (Managua: Editorial Nueva Nicaragua,  1990), posthumous.

24 Pastor, Condemned to Repetition, pp. 79, 86.

25 For details, see Bermann, Big Stick, pp. 261-272.

26 Pastor, Condemned to Repetition, pp. 93, 107.

27 See ibid., pp. 151-159, for these details.

28 Cited in Chronicle of Latin American Economic Affairs, Latin America Data Base, Latin American Institute, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque,  March 24, 1994.

29 Literature on the revolution's economic and social programs is vast. On agrarian reform, see, e.g., Joseph Collins, et al., Nicaragua: What Difference Could a Revolution Make: Food and Farming in the New Nicaragua (San Francisco: Institute for Food and Development Policy, 1985); La reforma agraria en Nicaragua 1979-1989: cifras y referencias documentales (Managua: CIERA, 1989). On the world-recognized Sandinista literacy crusade, see Valerie Miller, Between Struggle and Hope: The Nicaraguan Literacy Crusade (Boulder: Westview, 1985). For an account of the revolution's health programs, see Richard Garfield and Glen Williams, Health and Revolution: The Nicaraguan Experience (London: Oxfam, 1989). For general description of post-1979 economic democratization, and social and cultural achievements,  see Norsworthy, Nicaragua; Thomas Walker (ed.), Nicaragua: The First Five Years (New York: Praeger, 1985).

30 For discussion on democracy in Nicaragua between 1979 and 1990, see,  e.g., Jose Luis Coraggio, Nicaragua: Revolucion y Democracia (Mexico: Editorial Linea, 1985); Gary Ruchwarger, People in Power: Forging a Grassroots Democracy in Nicaragua (South Hadley, Mass.: Bergin and Garvey,  1987); Harry E. Vanden and Gary Prevost, Democracy and Socialism in Sandinista Nicaragua (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1993).

31 On the 1984 elections and US strategy toward them, see, among others,  William I. Robinson and Kent Norsworthy, "Elections and U.S. Intervention in Nicaragua, " Latin American Perspectives, 12 (1985), no. 2, 22-24; John A. Booth and Mitchell A. Seligson (eds.), Elections and Democracy in Central America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989); Roy Gutman, Banana Diplomacy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988),  pp. 232-257.

32 Vanden and Prevost, Democracy and Socialism, p. 19.

33 [bid. See also Dennis Gilbert, Sandinistas, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988; Ruchwarger, People in Power.

34 For this type of critique, see Carlos Vilas, La Revolucion Sandinista: Liberacion nacional y transformaciones sociales en Centroamerica (Buenos Aires: Editorial Legasa, 1984). Vilas's is a brilliant study; I differ with him on the "scope conditions" under which the revolutionary project should be assessed.

35 Works on the US war against Nicaragua are numerous. See, e.g., Robinson and Norsworthy, David and Goliath; Thomas Walker (ed.), Reagan Versus the Sandinistas: The Undeclared War on Nicaragua (Boulder: Westview, 1987); Holly Sklar, Washington's War on Nicaragua (Boston: South End, 1988); Kornbluh, Nicaragua.

36 The $447.69 million figure is from US congressional reports reproduced in Norsworthy, Nicaragua, p. 176. For breakdown on the $2 billion figure, see Robinson and Norsworthy, David and Goliath, pp. 86-94.

37 For these details, see ibid., pp. 1OG-102, 123-124, 161-163.

38 AFB, p. 36.

39 For more details, see AFB and Robinson and Norsworthy, David and Goliath, ch. 7.

40 This section draws heavily from AFB. Readers interested in original sources are referred to that volume, which contains a hundred pages of notes and reproduced US government documentation.

41 Ibid., p. 28.

42 Ibid., pp. 28, 195 n. 6.

43 Ibid., pp. 29-30/ 196, nn. 11-15.

44 These figures are drawn from the National Endowment for Democracy's Annual Reports, 1984 through 1992. The 1984-1991 spending is described and analyzed, item by item, in AFB.

45 For these citations, see ibid, p. 48.

46 Ibid., p. 49.

47 For the detailed account of the formation by US officials of the UNO coalition, see ibid., pp. 47-65.

48 Ibid., pp. 50-51.

49 Ibid.

50 For these citations and more details, see ibid., pp. 52-53.

51 Ibid., p. 52

52 For these details, see ibid., p. 53.

53 See ibid., pp. 58-60.

54 For summaries of Obando y Bravo's US ties, and on his role in the anti- Sandinista campaign, see Irene Selser, Cardenal Obando (Managua: Centro de Estudios Ecumenicos, 1989); Robinson and Norsworthy, David and Goliath, pp. 208-219, 241-248.

55 Status Report on the Task Force on Humanitarian Assistance in Central America, Report on Phase III, May 1-August 31, 1989, Agency for international Development, September 17, 1989, Washington, D.C. This money was used for establishing a national logistical network of communications and transportation for his archdiocese.

56 For these details, see AFB, pp. 59-60.

57 For details and analysis, see ibid., pp. 60-65, 67-89.

58 Ibid, pp. 114-115.

59 Ibid, p. 62.

60 According to Peter Montgomery, "1980-1990: The Reagan Years, " Common Cause Magazine, November 1990, p. 12, Bush spent a total of $70 million in public and private funds.

61 For these details, see AFB, pp. 63-65.

62 Ibid., pp. 67-68.

63 For details, see ibid., pp. 69-70.

64 Ibid., p. 70.

65 Ibid.

66 Ibid.

67 See ibid., p. 71.

68 For example, see Orlando Nunez, "La ideologia como Fuerza Material, y La Juventud como Fuerza Ideologica, " in Estado y Clases Sociales en Nicaragua (Managua: CIERA, 1982).

69 AFB, p. 72.

70 Ibid.

71 Ibid., p. 74.

72 Ibid.

73 "Political and Social Action Project, Nicaragua, " Delphi International Group, undated document obtained through the FOIA.

74 AFB, p. 75

75 Ibid.

76 See Holly Sklar, "US Wants to Buy Nicaragua's Elections - Again, " Zeta,  November 1989, 39-40.

77 AFB, p. 76.

78 Ibid.

79 For discussion on propaganda and the communications media in US policy towards Nicaragua, see sources listed in ibid., p. 211, n. 61.

80 Ibid, p. 78.

81 See ibid., p. 78, and discussion and sources listed in pp. 211-212, n. 61,  63-65.

82 For details, see sources in ibid., p. 212, n. 65.

83 Ibid., p. 79.

84 For details, see ibid.

85 For documentation on the CIA connection, see sources listed in ibid.,  p. 212, n. 70.

86 Ibid., pp. 81-82.

87 Ibid., p. 87.

88 The most exhaustive analysis of pre-electoral polls is William A. Barnes,  "Rereading the Nicaraguan Pre-Election Polls, " in Vanessa Castro and Gary Prevost (eds.), The 1990 Elections in Nicaragua and Their Aftermath (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 1992). See also AFB, pp. 87-89.

89 See, e.g., ibid., p. 104.

90 Ibid., p. 105.

91 For details on this aid package, and Contra activity during the electoral process, see ibid., pp. 134-140.

92 Ibid., p. 137.

93 Ibid.

94 Ibid.

95 Ibid.

96 For these statistics, and for an overall analysis of the rural aspects of the electoral process, see Vanessa Castro, Resultados Electorales en el Sector Rural (Managua: Instituto para el Desarrollo de la Democracia, 1990).

97 Alvin H. Bernstein, "Political Strategies in Coercive Diplomacy and Limited War, " in Lord and Barnett (eds.), Political Warfare, p. 146.

98 Norsworthy, Nicaragua, p. 67.

99 Cited in AFB, p. 141.

100 See White House statement, November 8, 1989, released by the Office of the Press Secretary.

101 AFB, pp. 143-144.

102 For details, see ibid., p. 144.

103 See Vanden and Prevost, Democracy and Socialism, pp. 142-143.

104 Paul Oquist, "The Sociopolitical Dynamics of the 1990 Elections" in Castro and Prevost (eds.), 1990 Elections, p. 29.

105 "Recibi al Pais en un Profundo Abismo, " La Jornada (Mexico), June 25,  1993, 1.

106 On post-revolutionary Nicaragua and US activities therein, see, among others, Oscar Rene Vargas, A donde va Nicaragua: perspectivas de una revolucion latinoamericana (Managua: Ediciones Nicarao, 1991); William I. Robinson and Kent Norsworthy, "The Nicaraguan Revolution Since the Elections, " CrossRoads, no. 6 January 1991), 21-27; Midge Quandt, "U.S. Aid to Nicaragua: Funding the Right, " Z Magazine, November 1991, 47- 51; George R. Vickers and Jack Spence, "Two Years After the Fall, " World Policy Journal, Summer 1992, 533-562.

107 For discussion on the FSLN and the popular organizations after the elections, see Midge Quandt, Unbinding the Ties: The Popular Organizations and the FSLN in Nicaragua (Washington, D.C.: Nicaragua Network Education Fund, 1992).

108 Remark made during an April 5, 1990 press conference, cited in "Family Frictions, " Ba"icada Internacional, no. 320 (April 12, 1990), p. 3.

109 Agency for International Development, "Country Development Strategy Statement: U.S.AID/Nicaragua 1991-1996, " Washington, D.C. June 14,  1991, pp. 62-63.

110 For the $541 million figure, see AID, "Strategy Statement, " resource table,  appearing on an unnumbered page following the last numbered page (63). See also: AID, "Nicaragua: A Commitment to Democracy, Reconciliation,  and Reconstruction" ("Fact Sheet" prepared for reporters and the public,  March 1990); AID, "Economic Assistance Strategy for Central America,  1991-2000, " Washington, D.C. January 1991. For detailed analysis, see the excellent studies by two Nicaraguan economists: Angel Saldomando, El retorno de la AID, caso de Nicaragua: condicionalidad y reestructuracion conservadora (Managua, Ediciones CRIES, 1992); Adolfo Acevedo Vogl,  Nicaragua y el FMI: el pozo sin fondo del ajuste (Managua: Ediciones CRIES,  1993). Also see interview with Saldomando, "U.S.AID's Strategy in Nicaragua, " Envio, no. 142 (May 1993), 23-31.

111 AFB, p. 164.

112 For details, see ibid., pp. 164, 237 nn. 7-10.

113 Vargas, A donde va Nicaragua.

114 AFB, p. 163.

115 AID, "Strategy Statement, " pp. 47-48.

116 AID, "Strategy Statement, " pp. 15-16, 45.

117 For details on the AID textbooks, see Quandt, "U.S. Aid to Nicaragua."

118 AFB, pp. 165-166.

119 AID, "Strategy Statement, " p. 46.

120 AFB, p. 166.

121 See NED Annual Reports, 1990-1992. For the television program, see 1992 Report, 75.

122 AFB, p. 166.

123 Quandt, "U.S. Aid to Nicaragua."

124 Ibid.

125 Saldomando interview, "U.S.AID's Strategy in Nicaragua, " pp. 26-27.

126 William 1. Robinson, "AID to Nicaragua: Some Things Aren't What They Seem, " In These Times, October 24-30, 1990.

127 See Roberto Larios, "Bowing Before Financial Organizations, " Ba"icada Internacional, nos. 367-8 (Nov.-Dec. 1993), pp. 8-9.

128 Anne Larson, "Foreign Debt: Where Have All the Dollars Gone?, " Envio,  no. 143 (June 1993), 4-10.

129 For these details and statistics, see Larson, "Foreign Debt."

130 AID, "Strategy Statement, " p. 39.

131 See ibid., resource table; Saldomando, El retorno, p. 97, and pp. 88-89 for a listing of the new private banks and their principal board members.

132 Ibid., p. 92.

133 Larios, "Bowing Before Financial Organizations."

134 "Why Social Conflict, " Envio, no. 138 (Jan.-Mar. 1993), p. 18.

135 Larios, "Bowing Before Financial Organizations."

136 See, e.g., AID, "Strategy Statement"; AID, "Economic Assistance Strategy." For further discussion of this general model for the Caribbean Basin, see, e.g., H. Rodrigo Jauberth Rojas et al., La triangulacion Centroamerica- Mexico-EUA: una oportunidad para el desarrollo y la paz? (Managua: Ediciones CRIES, 1991).

137 See "Welcome to the Free Trade Zone, " Envio, no. 150, 27-33.

138 AID, "Strategy Statement, " p. 25.

139 Saldomando, El retorno, pp. 74-78.

140 See, e.g., ibid., p. 80.

141 AID, "Strategy Statement, " p. 20.

142 See, e.g., Department of State, Office of the Assistant Secretary Spokesman,  "Statement by Richard Boucher, Spokesman, " press release, April 2, 1993,  which outlines strict conditions imposed by the Clinton administration for the release of frozen US funds, including a purging of Sandinistas from the government, the dismissal of army chief Humberto Ortega (a Sandinista) and other high-level EPS officials.

143 For an explanation of this doctrine, as described by Humberto Ortega, see interview with Ortega in Barricada [Managua j, December 29, 1992, 1.

144 AID, "Strategy Statement, " p. 63.

145 There is considerable literature on these measures and debate on whether they were necessary or in the popular interests. See, e.g., Richard Stahler-Sholk, "Stabilization, Destabilization., and the Popular Classes in Nicaragua,  1979-1988, " Latin American Research Review, 25 (1990), no. 3, 55-88. For a summary, see AFB, pp. 141-144.

146 "Why Social Conflict, " 18.

147 Ibid.

148 Susanne Andersson, "New National Health Care Policy: Undercover Privatization, " Barricada Internacional, no. 367-8, (Nov.-Dec. 1993), 12-13.

149 For discussion on the debate in the FSLN and in the left in Latin America,  see, e.g., Gary Prevost, "The FSLN in Opposition, " in Castro and Prevost (eds.), 1990 Elections; Vargas, A donde va Nicaragua; William I. Robinson,  "The Sao Paulo Forum: Is There a New Latin American Left?, " Monthly Review (1992), no. 7, 1-12.

150 AID, "Strategy Statement, " p. 8.

6 Haiti: The "practically insolvable problem" of establishing consensual domination

1 Cited in Hans Schmidt, The United States Occupation of Haiti, 1915-1934 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1971), pp. 62-63.

2 Steve Meacham, "Popular Power in Haiti, " Forward Motion (1991), no. 3,  p.23.

3 General works in English on which I draw include: Elizabeth Abbott,  Haiti: The Duvaliers and their Legacy (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988); Patrick Bellegarde-Smith, Haiti: The Breached Citadel (Boulder: Westview,  1989); Paul Fanner, The Uses of Haiti (Monroe, Me.: Common Courage,  1994); James Ferguson, Papa Doc, Baby Doc: Haiti and the Duvaliers (New York: Blackwell, 1987); Mats Lundahl, Peasants and Poverty: A Study of Haiti (London: Croom Helm, 1979); Rod Prince, Haiti: Family Business (London: Latin American Bureau, 1985); Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Haiti,  State against Nation: The Origins and Legacy of Duvalierism (New York: Monthly Review, 1990); Amy Wilentz, The Rainy Season: Haiti since Duvalier (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989).

4 See, e.g., the classic study in English on the Haitian revolution, C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution (New York: Random House, 1963), p. ix.

5 Robert Debs Heinl, Jr. and Nancy Gordon Heinl, Written in Blood: The Story of the Haitian People, 1492-1971 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1978), p. 33. The Heinls' exhaustive historical account, like earlier colonial historical logs, is steeped in racism and ethnocentric assumptions. The Haitians are not only "primitive" and exhibit some mystical "psyche, " but are a people inexplicably incapable of resolving their own problems since they do not fit the Eurocentric logic of the observers.

6 For analysis, see James, Black Jacobins.

7 Cited in Prince, Family Business, p. 32.

8 Prince, Family Business, pp. 13-14.

9 Although space constraints preclude discussion, in reality a "pure" peasant economy never existed in Haiti, and has rarely existed in human history. The peasant economy was highly stratified, an amalgamation of subsistence production and semi-feudal rural production relations, in which large holders were in turn "articulated" to capitalist production relations via marketing in the world economy through a commercial bourgeoisie and a state bureaucracy. See, e.g., Trouillot, State against Nation.

10 See, e.g., Ferguson, Papa Doc, Baby Doc, pp. 17, 21.

11 Abbott, The Duvaliers, p. 18; Bellegarde-Smith, Breached Citadel, pp. 48-55.

12 Andre Gunder Frank, Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America: Historical Studies of Chile and Brazil (New York: Monthly Review, 1967).

13 These statistics are summarized in Prince, Family Business, pp. 1-4, 43,  53-55.

14 For details, see Abbott, The Duvaliers, p. 172.

15 Cited in Schmidt, United States Occupation, p. 48.

16 Fritz Longchamp and Worth Cooley-Prost, "Breaking with Dependency and Dictatorship: Hope for Haiti, " Covert Action Information Bulletin, no. 36 (Spring 1991), 54-58, at p. 55.

17 Schmidt, The United States Occupation, p. 31.

18 Ibid., p. 103, Emily Greene Balch, Occupied Haiti (New York: The Writers Publishing Co., 1927).

19 As cited in Paul W. Drake, "From Good Men to Good Neighbors: 1912- 1932, " in Lowenthal (ed.) Exporting Democracy, p. 25.

20 Schmidt, United States Occupation, p. 145.

21 Ibid., pp. 108-112.

22 For these details, see ibid., pp. 37-40, 48-52; Paul H. Douglas, "Political History of the Occupation, " in Balch, Occupied Haiti, pp. 18-21 and Douglas, "Economic and Financial Aspects, " in ibid., pp. 44-46, 54-56.

23 E. G. Balch, "Public Order, " in ibid., p. 130.

24 E. G. Balch, "Charges of Abuses in Haiti, " in ibid., p. 125.

25 Ibid., pp. 123-127; Schmidt, United States Occupation, pp. 86-91, 100-102.

26 Ibid., pp. 86-91; Trouillot, State against Nation, pp. 104-108.

27 Noirism was in turn a Haitian version of Negritude, an anti-colonial ideology of the disenfranchised African middle class in French colonies who took over the reins of direct government from departing white administrators in new neo-colonial states.

28 On US support for Duvalier's electoral bid, see Bellegarde-Smith, Breached Citadel, pp. 94-95.

29 Wilentz, Rainy Season, p. 42.

30 See Abbott, The Duvaliers, for graphic descriptions of Duvalierist terror,  and pp. 184 and 234, respectively, for the specific statistics.

31 Note that vodoun is alternatively spelled vodun, voudou, and voodoo. Vodoun, a blend of African animist religions and Catholicism, developed during the colonial period as a means of uniting people and organizing resistance, both spiritual and worldly. The US occupation force, mulatto governments, and the conservative Catholic Church hierarchy had long tried forcibly to suppress it. The Machiavellian Duvalier, on the other hand, won support by encouraging voudoun as a source of black pride and practiced the religion himself, and was able to incorporate many houngans into the Macoute network. For discussion, see Bellegarde-Smith, Breached Citadel, pp. 9-22.

32 Abbott, The Duvaliers, p. 87.

33 Ibid., pp.108-111.

34 Ibid., pp. 93, 105, 114; Prince, Family Business, pp. 26-27, 36, 38; Ferguson,  Papa Doc, Baby Doc, pp. 62, 78.

35 Ibid., p. 42.

36 Abbott, The Duvaliers, p. 163; Prince, Family Business, p. 31; Ferguson, Papa Doc, Baby Doc, pp. 55, 57.

37 See ibid., pp. 68-69. Bellegarde-Smith, Breached Citadel, p. 100, estimates that total U.S. economic aid to the Duvalier regime between 1957 and 1986 was about $900 million.

38 See, e.g., Prince, Family Business, pp. 43-46; Lundahl, Peasants and Poverty,  various chapters; Tom Barry, Beth Woods, and Deb Preusch, The Other Side of Paradise: Foreign Control in the Caribbean (New York: Grove Press,  1984), pp. 330-341.

39 For analyses of the CBI and the arrival of the global economy in the Caribbean, see Kathy McAfee, Storm Signals: Structural Adjustment and Development Alternatives in the Caribbean (Boston: South End 1991);Barry, et al., Other Side of Paradise.

40 Prince, Family Business, pp. 47-51.

41 Cited in Barry, et at., Other Side of Paradise, p. 336.

42 See Prince, Family Business, pp. 48, 72. Prince notes that Haitian workers in the free-trade zone showed to be just as productive as those working in core countries, which belies the argument that lower wages in the Third World are a result of lower productivity.

43 Abbott, The Duvaliers, p. 176.

44 The World Bank report is cited in Noam Chomsky, Year 501 (Boston,  South End, 1993), pp. 206-207; the AID report in Bellegarde-Smith,  Breached Citadel, p. 127.

45 For instance, Duvalier official Clemard Joseph Charles, who had established the local Commercial Bank and also served as Jean-Claude's "bagman, " in charge of managing the Duvaliers' Swiss bank accounts, was also on the boards of fourteen major transnational corporations operating in Haiti, among them General Electric, Siemens, Schuckerwerke, and Toyota Motors. See Abbott, The Duvaliers, p. 182.

46 Longchamp and Cooley-Prost, "Breaking with Dependency, " pp. 56-57.

47 Truillot, State against Nation, pp. 218-219.

48 While the old-style dictatorships of the Philippines, Nicaragua, and Haiti demonstrate both these flaws of authoritarianism, Chile, with its "bureaucratic- authoritarian regime" under Pinochet, provided technical and administrative efficiency but demonstrated the second failing, generating mass resistance to dictatorship that threatens the social order.

49 Prince, Family Business, p. 71.

50 Abbott, The Duvaliers, p. 305; Wilentz, Rainy Season, p. 39. The US Embassy-Namphy conspiracy to remove Duvalier is detailed in Abbott,  The Duvaliers, pp. 285-293, 302-314, 321-333.

51 Ibid., pp. 287, 292-293.

52 Ibid., pp. 299-300.

53 Ferguson, Papa Doc, Baby Doc, p. 112.

54 Abbott, The Duvaliers, p. 306.

55 Ibid., p. 308; Ferguson, Papa Doc, Baby Doc, p. 119.

56 Ibid., p. 121.

57 Ibid., p. 176.

58 Americas Watch/National Coalition for Haitian Refugees, Silencing a People: The Destruction of Civil Society in Haiti (New York/Washington,  February 1993), pp. 3-4.

59 Abbott, The Duvaliers, p. 305.

60 Ibid., p. 335; Ferguson, Papa Doc, Baby Doc, pp. 123, 128, 140-142.

61 See Thomas Carothers, "The Reagan Years: The 1980s, " in Lowenthal,  Exporting Democracy, p. 113.

62 Longchamp and Cooley-Prost, "Breaking With Dependency, " p. 57.

63 "Assistance for Democracy Act of 1986, " Report 99-722, House of Representatives,  99th Congress, 2nd Session, July 30, 1986, p. 21. Of the $4 million, $2.8 million was disbursed before a November 1987 suspension of military aid, according to Trouillot, State against Nation, p. 222.

64 ferguson, Papa Doc, Baby Doc, p. 161; Bellegarde-Smith, Breached Citadel,  p.123.

65 See, e.g., Tim Weiner, "Key Haitian Leaders Said to Have Been in CIA's Pay, " New York Times, November 1, 1993, A-I; Tim Weiner, "CIA Formed Haitian Unit Later Tied to Narcotics Trade, " New York Times, November 14, 1993, A-I.

66 Ibid.

67 See, e.g., eyewitness accounts by Abbott in The Duvaliers, esp. p. 320. See also Ferguson, Papa Doc, Baby Doc, p. 125.

68 For a discussion of these parties, see Bellegarde-Smith, Breached Citadel,  pp. 154-157.

69 See Weiner, "CIA Formed Haitian Unit."

70 Longchamp and Cooley-Prost, "Breaking with Dependency, " p. 57. For details and eyewitness descriptions of the repression under the National Government Council, see Wilentz, Rainy Season, and Abbott, The Duvaliers,  esp. pp. 331-367.

71 Wilentz, Rainy Season, p. 358.

72 For details on Adams and his activities, see Longchamp and Cooley-Prost,  "Breaking with Dependency, " p. 54.

73 Ibid.

74 On the formation of these and other broad democratic coalitions, see Michael S. Hooper, "The Monkey's Tail Still Strong, " NACLA Report on the Americas, 21 (1987), no. 3, 24-31; Wilentz, Rainy Season, esp. pp. 209-211,  233; Mark V. Aristide and Laurie Richardson, "Profiles of the Popular Currents, " NACLA Report on the Americas, 27 (1994), no. 4, 32-33; Mark V. Aristide and Laurie Richardson, "Haiti's Popular Resistance, " NACLA Report on the Americas, 27 (1994), no. 4, 30-36.

75 For descriptions of these peasant federations, see Silencing a People,  pp. 9-26. See also Robert E. Maguire, "The Peasantry and Political Change in Haiti, " Caribbean Affairs, 4 (1991), no. 2, 1-18.

76 Eric R. Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper and Row, 1969).

77 In The Rainy Season, Wilentz, who as a reporter in Port-au-Prince held numerous interviews with U.S. Embassy officials, amply documents this distrust and hostility. See, e.g., pp. 11, 114-115, 120, 128, 129, 220-221, 390.

78 For summaries, see NED Annual Reports, 1985-1990; Resource Center,  "Populism, Conservatism, and Civil Society in Haiti, " The NED Backgrounder,  1 (1992), no. 2; Cooley-Prost, Democracy Intervention in Haiti. This booklet contains summaries and reprints of sections of several AID documents released to the Washington Office on Haiti through the FOIA.

79 AID, "Democracy Enhancement Project (521-0236) Project Paper, " Washington, D.C., June 20, 1991, reproduced in part in Cooley-Prost, Democracy Intervention in Haiti, p. 7.

80 See, e.g., letter from Berlanger to NED officer Marc F. Plattner, December 2, 1985, obtained through the FOIA.

81 See "Haitian International Institute for Research and Development -(IHRED), Proposal to Conduct Forums for the Promotion and Development of Democracy in Haiti, " January 1989, released through the FOIA.

82 See NED Annual Reports, 1987-1990.

83 NED Annual Report, 1987, p. 57.

84 Memo from US Embassy in Port-au-Prince to NDI regarding party-building workshops, August 1986, obtained through the FOIA.
85 See, e.g., Ferguson, Papa Doc, Baby Doc, p. 139.
86 "The 1990 Elections in Haiti, " report of the electoral observation mission sponsored by the National Republican Institute for International Affairs,  undated, p. 30.

87 See the following four documents obtained through the FOIA: "NRIIA Final Program Report: NED Grant #90-132.0 Haiti, AID Funds, Project Title: Democratic Institution Development and Election Observation, " undated; "Grant Agreement Between the National Endowment for Democracy,  Incorporated, and the National Republican Institute for International Affairs, NED Grant No. 90-132.0, " undated; "National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, Quarterly Report to the National Endowment for Democracy (July 1 - September 30, 1991), " October 31, 1991; "Haiti Aid, Grant Number: 90-132.0, Program Title: Political Party Development." Regarding the 1990 electoral results, see Washington Office on Haiti, "Report on the Elections of December 16, 1990, " Washington, D.C. March 1991; "The 1990 Elections in Haiti."

88 See Abbott, The Duvaliers, pp. 254-255; Ferguson, Papa Doc, Baby Doc,  p.127.

89 Ibid.

90 The businessman was Vernon Gentry, cited in a commentary he published,  "State Department Rebuffed in Haiti, " Times of the Americas (Washington, D.C.), December 26, 1990, 25.

91 Cited in Americas Watch, National Coalition for Haitian Refugees, and Physicians for Human Rights, Return to the Darkest Days: Human Rights in Haiti Since the Coup (New York: Americas Watch, December, 1991),  pp.16-17.

92 See "Toward a New Future: Emerging Democracy in Haiti, " Haiti Backgrounder (1991), no. 1 (published by Third World Reports, Cambridge,  Mass.)

93 Resource Center, "Populism"; Cooley-Prost, Democracy Intervention in Haiti, p. 7.

94 See Cooley-Prost, Democracy Intervention in Haiti, p. 7, and the following documents obtained through the FOIA: America's Development Foundation (ADF) summary of proposal to NED, February 13, 1991; "National Endowment for Democracy/Haiti Election, America's Development Foundation Civic Education Proposals, " undated; "Quarterly Program Report,  National Endowment for Democracy Haiti Elections, Grants # 90-121.0,  90-122.0, 90-123.0, 90-124.0, 90-129.1, October 1, 1990 - December 31,  1990."

95 See Resource Center, "Populism, "; Allan Ebert, "Haiti and the AIFLD: A Burden Removed ... A Burden Renewed, " National Reporter, Summer 1986,  19-21. Ebert documents how, in the wake of Duvalier's departure, the AIFLD dispatched a delegation to Haiti to set up a full-time office and work closely with the FOS.

96 Weiner, "Key Haitian Leaders."

97 See "FY 1990 Democratic Initiatives and Human Rights Program Summary, " Agency for International Development, Department of State,  Washington, D.C.

98 Meacham, "Popular Power in Haiti, " p. 24.

99 See Washington Office on Haiti, "Report on the Elections"; "The 1990 Elections in Haiti."

100 See, e.g., Xavier Gorostiaga, "La avalancha haitiana, " Pensamiento Propio,  March 1991, 1-3.

101 Cited in William I. Robinson, "The Tragic History of the Haitian Republic, " Notisur, Latin America Data Base, Latin America Institute, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, vol. 2, no. 2 January 22, 1992).

102 See Washington Office on Haiti, "Update on Haiti, " Washington, D.C.,  April 18, 1991.

103 Ibid.; Barbara Briggs and Charles Kernaghan, "The U.S. Economic Agenda: A Sweatshop Model of Development, " NACLA Report on the Americas, 27 (1994), no. 4, 37-40.

104 Amy Wilentz, "Haiti: The September Coup, " Reconstruction (1992), no. 4,  p.103.

105 See Kim Ives, "The Unmaking of a President, " NACLA Report on the Americas, 27 (1994), no. 4, p. 17.

106 The list is cited and discussed in Niki Joseph, "Haiti: The Long March to Popular Democracy, " CrossRoads, no. 15 (November 1991); Also, the New York Times, October 13, 1991, A-I reported that individual enlisted soldiers and policemen were paid as much as $5, 000 each to support the coup.

107 Prince, Family Business, pp. 51, 57.

108 However, there might well have been covert involvement which has not - and may never - become public knowledge.

109 See, e.g., Allan Nairn, "Our Man in FRAPH: Behind Haiti's Paramilitaries, " The Nation, 259 (1994), 458-461.

110 E.g., U.S. ambassador Alvin Adams, in the days prior to the coup, had presented a number of Haitian army demands to Aristide officials in a coercive diplomacy tactic to place pressure on Aristide to cede a greater quota of power to adversaries in and out of the armed forces and to take measures that would strengthen the state's coercive apparatus. See Notimex news dispatch, datelined Mexico City, February 3, 1992, "Aristide Adviser Charges U.S. Involved in Coup, " reproduced in FBI5-LAT- 92-023, Washington, D.C., February 4, 1992.

111 See "Mobilizing Resources for Development, " International Policy Report (Center for International Policy, Washington, D.C.), May 1992; Briggs and Kernaghan, "The U.S. Economic Agenda."

112 See Ferguson, Papa Doc, Baby Doc, p. 146; Bellegarde-Smith, Breached Citadel, p. 135;Trouillot, State against Nation.

113 AID, "Democracy Enhancement Project (521-0236), Project Paper, Project Summary, " 1-8, reprinted in Cooley-Prost, Democracy Intervention in Haiti,  appendix.

114 For these citations and details, see Cooley-Prost, Democracy Intervention in Haiti, pp. 8-9.

115 Ibid., p. 12.

116 On US policy between 1991 and 1994, see, among others, John Canham- Clyne, "U.S. Policy on Haiti: Selling Out Democracy, " Covert Action Quarterly, no. 48 (Spring 1994), 4-9, 52-56; Ives, "Unmaking of a President"; Farmer, Uses of Haiti; James Ridgewood (ed.), The Haiti Files: Decoding the Crisis (Washington D.C.: Essential Books/Azul Editions,  1994).

117 New York Times, October 7, 1991, A-I.

118 See, among others, Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, Haiti: A Human Rights Nightmare (Washington, D.C./New York, 1992); Amnesty International,  Haiti - The Human Rights Tragedy: Human Rights Violations since the Coup (New York, January 1992).The Washington Office on Haiti ("Human Rights in Haiti, " Washington, D.C., January 1992) documented that the military committed an average of twenty-four rights violations per month under Aristide. Under the regime of Gen. Prosper Avril (September 1988- March 1990), the average was seventy-three per month, and under former provisional president Ertha Pascal Truillot (March 1990-February 1991),  fifty-nine per month. Independent reports, while praising his government's record, also criticized Aristide for failing to condemn, and for speeches which seemed to encourage, mass mobilizations and sometimes direct violent attacks against former Duvalierists, Macoutes, and representatives of the wealthy elite. Although space constraints preclude discussion,  at play was the contradiction between the formal structures of representative democracy (dysfunctional as they were) - Le., a government structure that could constitutionally block basic social change in Haiti - and popular democracy. Whether unarmed "intimidation, " via mass mobilization, of a privileged minority, such as took place under Aristide,  or the blocking by that historically privileged minority of social change to the benefit of an historically oppressed and exploited majority, is the greater "human rights violation, " is a matter of dispute. Besides, the documentation indicates that Aristide's "inflammatory speeches" were themselves taken out of context and distorted by US officials for the purpose of discrediting him and justifying US policy. See, e.g., Wilentz,  'The September Coup, " p. 102; Anne-Christine D'Adesky, "Haiti, Pere Lebrun in Context, " NACLA Report on the Americas, 2S ( 1991), no. 3, 7-9.

119 "CIA Report on Aristide False, Newspaper Says, " Washington Post,  December 2, 1993, A-18; James Carroll, "The CIA Can be a Poor Judge of Character, " Boston Globe, October 26, 1993, A-I.

120 Ives, "'Unmaking of a President, " p. 38.

121 The document, titled "Memo from Consultant to the U.S. Embassy in Portau- Prince, " was reproduced in Ridgewood (ed.), Haiti Files, pp. 104-107.

122 See Howard French, "U.S. Presses Ousted Haitian Chief to Negotiate a Return from Exile, " New York Times, June 27, 1992, A-I.

123 Ives, '''Unmaking of a President, " p. 29. Also see, e.g., Haitian Information Bureau, "Subverting Democracy, " Multinational Monitor, March 1994,  13-15.

124 See, e.g., Lawyers Committee, Human Rights Nightmare, Amnesty International,  Human Rights Tragedy; Human Rights Watch/Americas, National Coalition of Haitian Refugees, Terror Prevails in Haiti, reproduced in Ridgewood (ed.), Haiti Files.

125 Americas Watch, et al., Return to the Darkest Days, as cited in Chomsky,  Year 501, p. 212.

126 See, e.g., Paul Quinn-Judge, "Haitians Trained After Coup, " Boston Globe,  December 6, 1993, A-I.

127 New York Times, September 27, 1992, A-I.

128 See, e.g., Americas Watch/National Coalition for Haitian Refugees, Half the Story: The Skewed U.S. Monitoring of Repatriated Haitian Refugees (New York: Americas Watch, June 1992); Emma D. Navajas, "Haitian Interdiction: An Overview of U.S. Policy and Practice, " Migration World, 20 (1991/ 2), no. 1, 38-41; Bill Frelick, "Haitians at Sea: Asylum Denied, " NACLA Report on the Americas, 26 (1992), no. 1, 34-39.

129 Nairn, "Our Man in FRAPH, " p. 458.

130 See, e.g., ibid.

131 General Accounting Office, "Summary of Shipments to Haiti After November 20, 1991, Compliance with the OAS Recommended Embargo, " report no. B-248828, 1994; Charles Kernaghan, "Skirting the Embargo, " Multinational Monitor, March 1994, pp. 16-17.

132 These figures are cited in "Haiti: U.S. Trade With Haiti Increases, Despite Embargo, " Chronicle of Latin American Economic Affairs, Latin America Data Base, Latin American Institute, University of New Mexico, March 10, 1994,  and also in Kernaghan, "Skirting the Embargo, " pp. 16-17. U.S. officials justified these exemptions by arguing that the embargo had brought great suffering to the poor. These same officials rejected similar arguments that poor, innocent civilians were the victims of embargoes against Cuba, Iraq,  and other countries.

133 "U.S. AID/Haiti Democracy Factsheet, " September 2, 1993, reprinted in Cooley-Prost, Democracy Intervention in Haiti, pp. 14-15. For analysis of post-coup political aid programs, see also Haitian Information Bureau,  "Subverting Democracy, " Multinational Monitor, March 1994, pp. 13-15; Canham-Clyne, "U.S. Policy on Haiti."

134 See, e.g., Haitian Information Bureau, "Subverting Democracy:' pp. 13-15; Cooley-Prost, Democracy Intervention in Haiti, pp. 14-15; Canham-Clyne, "US Policy on Haiti."

135 For analysis of the invasion and its relation to "democracy promotion" intervention, see, among others, William I. Robinson, "Haiti: Behind the Occupation is Washington's Elusive Goal of Stabilizing Elite Rule," Notisur, Latin America Data Base, Latin American Institute, University of New Mexico, vol. 4, no. 37 (October 7, 1994); Jane Regan, "A,I.D.ing U.S. Interests in Haiti, " Covert Action Quarterly, no. 51 (Winter 1994-95); Kim Ives, "The Second U.S. Occupation, " NACLA Report on the Americas, 28 (1995), no. 4, 6-10.

136 Ernest H. Preeg, "The Haitian Challenge in Perspective, " in Georges Fauriol (ed.), The Haitian Challenge: U.S. Policy Considerations (Washington D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1993), p. 2. Preeg was U.S. ambassador to Haiti from 1981 to 1983, and was then transferred to Manila, where he partook in the "transition" in that country.

137 The company official was Charles McKay, as quoted in "Massive Foreign Assistance Expected to Pour Into Haiti, " Chronicle of Latin American Economic Affairs, Latin America Data Base, Latin American Institute,  University of New Mexico vol. 9, no. 39 (October 20, 1994).

138 Cited in Allan Nairn, "Occupation Haiti: The Eagle is Landing, " The Nation, 259 (1994), no. 7, 344.

139 Ibid.

140 Cited in ibid.

141 AID, "U.S.AID/Haiti Briefing Book, " Washington, D.C., November 1994.

142 See, e.g., "Massive Foreign Assistance Expected to Pour into Haiti"; "Haiti: U.s. Plan for Economic Recovery Depends Heavily on Private Sector Reactivation, " Chronicle of Latin American Economic Affairs, Latin America Data Base, Latin American Institute, University of New Mexico vol. 10, no. 18 (May 4, 1995); Douglas Farah, "$1.2 billion to Build Haiti from Scratch, " Washington Post, October 21, 1994, A-I. On the details of the neo-liberal program, see "Republique d'Haiti Strategy for Social and Economic Reconstruction, " and "Statement by Hon. Mark Schneider,  World Bank Informal Donors Meeting, August 26, 1994, " reproduced as Annexes Band A, respectively, in AID, "U.S.AID/Haiti Briefing Book."

143 Regan, " A.I.D.ing U.S. Interests, " p. 12.

144 Cited in Ives, 'Second U.s. Occupation, " p. 10.

145 Regan, " A.I.D.ing U.S. Interests, " p. 13.

146 See, e.g., "Haiti: New Prime Minister Names Cabinet as First Step in Socioeconomic Reconstruction," Chronicle of Latin American Economic Affairs, Latin America Data Base, Latin American Institute, University of New Mexico, vol. 9, no. 42 (November 10, 1994).

147 Catherine S. Manegold, "Aristide Picks a Prime Minister with Free-Market Ideas, " New York Times, October 25, 1994, A-I.

148 For details, see Regan, "A.I.D.ing U.S. Interests, " p. 11; Nairn, "Occupation Haiti."

149 Establishing precise figures for these programs is difficult because they were so extensive, overlapping and handled by numerous public and quasi-private agencies, and budgets were constantly being redrawn. The $85 million figure is cited in "Statement by Hon. Mark Schneider, " p. 4. See also AID, "U.S.AID/Haiti Elections Factsheet, March 10, 1995"; Voices for Haiti, "A Report on U.S. Elections Assistance to Haiti, " Washington,  D.C., June 1995; AID, Bureau of Legislative and Public Affairs, "Fact Sheet: Haiti Recovery Program, " Washington D.C, undated, distributed to journalists in mid-October 1994. Apart from overt but nearly-impossible-to-track political aid, the Clinton administration approved a $5 million CIA covert program for unspecified "political activities." See Elaine Sciolino, "C.I.A. Reportedly Taking a Role in Haiti, " New York Times,  September 28, 1994, A-7.

150 Cited in Regan, "A.I.D.ing U.S. Interests, " p. 12.

151 Cited in "A Democracy Made of Cardboard, " Briefing (Haiti Support Group), no. 12 (April 1995), p. 1, reprinted in Haitian News and Resource Service, Washington Office on Haiti, Washington, D.C., April-June 1995.

152 Cited in Nairn, "Occupation Haiti, " p. 348.

153 Ives, "'Unmaking of a President, " pp. 17, 23.

154 Amilcar Cabral, Revolution in Guinea (New York, Monthly Review, 1969).

155 Jean Casimir (interview), "Haiti After the Coup, " World Policy Journal, 9 (1992), 354, 357.

156 J. P. Slavin, "Haiti: The Elite's Revenge, " NACLA Report on the Americas, 25 (1991), no. 3, 4.

157 Casimir, "Haiti After the Coup, " p. 354.

158 Ibid., p. 352.

159 Further discussion is not possible here, but note that this fact poses a challenge to both the transnational elite project and to popular leaders and leftist intellectuals who have argued that formal state power in the new world order is no longer necessary.
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Re: Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, U.S. Intervention, a

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7 Conclusions: The future of polyarchy and global society

1 Barnet and Muller, Global Reach, p. 190.

2 Eric Wolf, Europe and the People Without History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), p. 3.

3 Carl Bernstein, "The Holy Alliance, " Time, February 24, 1992, 28-35, at p.30.

4 For a review of the Eastern European revolutions of 1989 and their aftermath, see John Feffer, Shock Waves: Eastern Europe After the Revolutions (Boston: South End, 1992). Feffer interviewed hundreds of grassroots leaders, politicians, and intellectuals who led the revolutions. The predominant vision among them was not an emulation of Western capitalism but the construction of an authentically democratic socialism.

5 Among other sources, the following section is based on: "Support for Eastern European Democracy, National Endowment for Democracy: Proposal for Program to Support East European Democracy, " January 1990,  obtained through the FOIA; NED Annual Bulletins, 1984-1992; Covert Action Information Bulletin, no. 35 (Fall 1990), special issue, "Friendly Enemies: The CIA in Eastern Europe"; Sean Gervasi, "Western Intervention in the Soviet Union, " Covert Action Information Bulletin, no. 39 (Winter 1991-2), 4-9; Kevin Coogan and Katrina Vanden Huevel, "U.S. Funds for Soviet Dissidents, " The Nation, March 19, 1988, 377-381; Council on Hemispheric Affairs/Resource Center, National Endowment for Democracy.

6 Bernstein, "The Holy Alliance, " pp. 28-29.

7 Ibid., 34. For a detailed analysis of the destabilization strategy, see Gervasi,  "Western Intervention."

8 NED Annual Reports, 1984-1992.

9 Gershman, "United States, " pp. 131-132.

10 David Ignatius, "Spyless Coups, " Washington Post, September 22, 1991,  C-1.

11 The "strategy paper" is cited and discussed in Gervasi, "Western Intervention, " pp. 5-6.

12 For CFD programs, see NED Annual Reports, 1984-1992. For the specific citations, see 1988 Report, p. 27.

13 For NED funding to the IRG, see NED Annual Reports, 1989-1991. For general discussion, see Russ Bellant and Louis Wolf, "The Free Congress Foundation Goes East, " Covert Action Information Bulletin, no. 35 (Fall 1990), 29-32; Sara Diamond, "Contra Funders Aid Soviet Right, " Guardian,  September 26, 1990, 16. For analyses (among many) of different factions that emerged following the demise of the USSR and the inklings of transnationalized fractions, see: Fred Weir, "An Interview with Roy Medvedev, " Monthly Review 44 (1993), no. 9, 1-10; Roger Burbach,  "Russia's Upheaval, " ibid., 11-24.

14 Yeltsin sent a fax from Moscow to CFD president Allen Weinstein four days after the failure of the attempted coup d'etat on August 19, 1991: "I thank you for the sincere congratulations you sent me in connection with the victory of the democratic forces and the failure of the attempted August 19, 1991 coup. We know and appreciate the fact that you contributed to this victory." Translation from the Russian of the fax from "B. Yeltsin" to "Allen Weinstein, President, National Endowment for Democracy, Washington, D.C., U.S.A., " August 23, 1991, as reported in Gervasi, "Western Intervention, " p. 4.

15 See NED Annual Reports and Bellant and Wolf, "Free Congress Foundation, " pp. 30-31.

16 For strategic discussion from within the extended policymaking community on how to proceed with the transnational project, see Charles Wolf, Jr. (ed.), Promoting Democracy and Free Markets in Eastern Europe: A Sequoia Seminar (San Francisco: Institute for Contemporary Studies, 1992); Shafiqul Islam and Michael Mandelbaum (eds.), Making Markets: Economic Transformation in Eastern Europe and the Post-Soviet States (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1993).

17 NED Annual Report, 1987, p. 15.

18 Mohamed A. El-Khawas and Barry Cohen (eds.), National Security Study Memorandum 39: The Kissinger Study of Southern Africa (Westport: Lawrence Hill, 1976).

19 Works on US policy toward South Africa are voluminous. See, e.g., Kevin Danaher, The Political Economy of U.S. Policy Towards South Africa (Boulder: Westview, 1985). On the relation between transnational capital, South Africa, and the southern and central African political economy, see Ann Seidman and Neva Seidman Makgetla, Outposts of Monopoly Capitalism: Southern Africa in the Changing Global Economy (Westport: Lawrence Hill,  1980). The strategic thinking in the extended policymaking community and the transnational elite on South Africa is summarized in a series of studies commissioned by the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), funded by the Ford Foundation, and published by the CFR-affiliated Foreign Policy Association (New York) in the late 19805 and early 19905 under the heading "South Africa Update Series." Among others, volumes included Pauline Baker, The United States and South Africa: The Reagan Years (1989); Robert Schrire, Adapt or Die: The End of White Politics in South Africa (1991); Tom Lodge, et al., All, Here, and Now: Black Politics in South Africa in the 1980s (1991).

20 See Study Commission on US Policy Toward South Africa, South Africa: Time Running Out (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981).

21 The Act was passed in the House by a 317-83 margin, and in the Senate by a 78-21 margin. For a summary discussion, see R. Hunt Davis and Peter J. Schraeder, "South Africa, " in Schraeder (ed.) Intervention In the 1980s.

22 Ibid., p. 265.

23 Ibid., p. 266.

24 Ibid. The "Inkathagate" scandal of 1991 revealed that Buthelezi and Inkatha had been built up by the South African government as a rival to the ANC and led to a loss of Inkatha credibility as an alternative to the ANC.

25 NED Annual Report, 1985, p. 26.

26 See NED Annual Bulletins, 1985-1992.

27 AID, as cited in Davis and Schraeder, "South Africa, " p. 265.

28 For a breakdown of these programs, see NED Annual Reports, 1986-1992. For discussions, see Council on Hemispheric Affairs/Resource Center,  National Endowment for Democracy, pp. 52, 63, 65-67; Beth Sims, Workers of the World Undermined: American Labor and the Pursuit of U.S. Foreign Policy (Albuquerque: Resource Center, 1991), pp. 15-16, 45, 58, 64, 69; Davis and Schraeder, "South Africa, " pp. 264-266.

29 These figures are obtained from the NED Annual Reports for 1984-1992. Regarding the European category, five of the countries were not specifically Eastern or Central Europe. They were Northern Ireland, Portugal,  Spain, Greece, and France.

30 NED, Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Board of Directors of the National Endowment for Democracy Washington. D.C., January 22, 1993, obtained through the FOIA.

31 There are hundreds of concrete examples as documented in the NED Annual Reports. For instance, the 1991 Report includes a program "for international participants representing organizations engaged in educational reform to review civic education and methodologies and materials that promote an understanding of democracy in the formal and informal educational system" (p. 68). A program such as this, which links the curricula of educational systems of different countries - and injects into those curricula the ideology and outlook of the transnational elite agenda - should be seen as movement towards organic linkage of the institutions of the Gramscian extended state across nations (in this case educational systems), indicating transnationalization of the extended state.

32 United Nations Development Program (UNDP), Human Development Report 1992(New York: UNDP/Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 35-36.

33 Ibid., p. 34.

34 For data and analysis on income polarization, see Denny Braun, The Rich Get Richer: The Rise of Income Inequality in the United States and the World (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1991).See also Robert B. Reich, The Work of Nations,  2nd edn. (New York: Vintage Books, 1992), although Reich's solution is utopian: a call for that 20 percent of the population advancing under the global economy to resolve the crisis of polarization by being more sharing and concerned about the plight of the other 80 percent.

35 US Bureau of the Census, as cited in Jerry S. Kloby, "Increasing Class Polarization in the United States, " in Berch Berberoglu (ed.), Critical Perspectives in Sociology, 2nd edn. (Dubuque, Ia.: Kendal/Hunt, 1993) pp. 27-43. The following data are from the Bureau, as cited by Kloby,  unless otherwise indicated.

36 See, e.g., William I. Robinson, ''The Global Economy and Latino Populations in the United States: A World Systems Approach, " Critical Sociology,  19 (1993), no. 2, 29-59.

37 Edward A. Muller, "Democracy, Economic Development, and Income Inequality, " American Sociological Review, 53 (1988), 50-68, at p. 56. Muller also published an earlier study indicating a direct correlation between socioeconomic inequalities and political instability: "Income Inequality,  Regime Repressiveness, and Political Violence, " American Sociological Review, 50 (1985), 47-61.

38 Agency for International Development, Department of State, "The Democracy Initiative, " Washington, D.C., December 1990, p. 3.

39 Quoted in V. I. Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1978 [1917)), p. 75.

40 The 1900 figure is cited in Barnet and Muller, Global Reach, p. 190; the 1960 figure is from the UNDP report.

41 Mosca, Ruling Class, p. 62.

42 Ibid., p. 71.

43 Literature on the philosophical and ideological roots and evolution of classical "democratic" thought is vast. See, e.g., C. B. MacPherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), and "Politics: Post-Liberal-Democracy?," in Robin Blackburn (ed.), Ideology in Social Science: Readings in Critical Social Theory (London: Fontana/Collins, 1972); George Novack, Democracy and Revolution (New York: Pathfinder, 1971); Herbert Aptheker, The Nature of Democracy,  Freedom and Revolution (New York: International Publishers, 1967); David Held, Political Theory and the Modern State: Essays on State, Power, and Democracy (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989).

44 Cited in Novack, Democracy and Revolution, p. 181.

45 Cited in Aptheker, Nature of Democracy, p. 27.

46 Novack, Democracy and Revolution, p. 144.

47 Polanyi, Great Transformation.

48 Poulantzas, Political Power and Social Classes.

49 Alan Wolfe, The Seamy Side of Democracy: Repression in America (New York: David McKay, 1973).

50 Therborn, "Rule of Capital", p. 3. More explicitly, the "Marxist paradox" is how a tiny minority rules through democratic means, and the "bourgeois paradox" is how to assure private property and minority rule under democracy.

51 Novack, Democracy and Revolution.

52 Moore, Social Origins.

53 Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Huber Stephens, and John D. Stephens,  Capitalist Development and Democracy (Chicago: Chicago University Press,  1992).

54 This point is important, since it often escapes the process-oriented approaches, such as that advanced by Reinhard Bendix in Nation-Building and Citizenship: Studies of our Changing Social Order (New York: Wiley,  1964), as well as much of the more recent "transitions" and "democratization" literature which stresses "democratization" as a strictly intra-elite affair.

55 Therborn, "Rule of Capital."

56 Huntington, "Modest Meaning, " p. 19.

57 That promoting polyarchy would increasingly be accompanied by other types of transnational intervention, such as military action, was suggested by Morton Halperin, US Assistant Secretary of Defense for Democracy and Peacekeeping: "The United States, the United Nations, and regional organizations should insist on a guarantee clause by which they ensure the maintenance of constitutional democracy. An international guarantee clause will be credible only if key countries, including the United States,  commit to using force if necessary to restore or establish constitutional democracy" ("Guaranteeing Democracy, " in Foreign Policy, no. 91 [Summer 1993], 121). If US marines intervened unilaterally in the past to shore up pro-US authoritarian regimes, now US and other international forces would intervene, through multilateral umbrellas under the pretext of "peacekeeping, " "humanitarian missions, " and "defense of democracy, " to install, defend from threats (particularly from popular sectors transgressing the "legitimate" rules of polyarchy) and/or bolster elites around the world organized politically in polyarchic regimes.

58 See, among other sources, NED Annual Report, 1992, p. 9.

59 See Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Board of Directors of the National Endowment of Democracy, Washington, D.C., January 22, 1993,  p. 3, obtained through the FOIA.

60 NED Annual Report, 1992, p. 9.

61 These developments are discussed in a special issue of the Journal of Democracy (4 (1993), no. 3), "International Organizations and Democracy."

62 These are discussed in various articles in ibid.

63 For discussion, see Joan M. Nelson and Stephanie J. Eglinton, Encouraging Democracy: What Role for Conditional Aid? (Washington, D.C.: Overseas Development Council, 1993).

64 Sunkel and Fuenzalida, "Transnationalization, " p. 82.

65 See Gilpin, Political Economy; Gill, American Hegemony.

66 Sklair, Sociology, of the Global System, p. 5.

67 Gilpin, Political Economy, p. 254.

68 World Bank, Global Economic Prospects and the Developing Countries, World Bank Annual Report, 1992 (Washington D.C.: World Bank, 1992), p. 33, as cited in Doug Henwood, "Impeccable Logic: Trade, Development and Free Markets in the Clinton Era, " NACLA Report on the Americas, 26 (1993),  no. 5, p. 26.

69 United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations, World Investment Report 1991 (New York: United Nations, 1991). In 1992, the Centre changed its name to the Transnational Corporations and Management Division, but its report retained the same title (World Investment Report 1992).

70 This was the case, e.g., regarding the Pentagon's classified "Defense Planning Guidance - 1994-99, " leaked to the New York Times, March 8,  1992 ("U.S. Strategy Plan Calls for Insuring No Rivals Develop, A-I),  which called for a military policy to ward off "competitor" nation-states and preserve US state domination. The point is that the emergence of a transnationalized elite is an exceedingly complex process that should be seen in longer historical terms than just from one US administration to the next, and states remain highly complex institutions involving intricate,  multifarious processes, fractions, pulls and tugs at play, and so forth. The social scientist must be able to extract from day-to-day and year-to-year events, and from policymakers' own perceptions and statements on those events.

71 For instance, the Uruguay round of the GATT gave the World Trade Organization powers to oversee compliance with the agreement over any one nation-state.

72 Gilpin, Political Economy, p. 153.

73 See, e.g., John M. Goshko, "'Super State Department' May Absorb Other Agencies, " Washington Post, January II, 1995, A-I.

74 Cited in Henwood, "Impeccable Logic, " p. 28.

75 Space constraints preclude discussion. This distinction between "hegemony based on fraud" and "ethical hegemony" was brought to my attention in personal correspondence with Craig Murphy, and is discussed in Augelli and Murphy, America's Quest for Supremacy.

76 See, for instance, Dean E. Murphy, "Amnesty International Blasts U.S. on Refugee Treatment, " Los Angeles Times, June 27, 1992.

77 The 1960-1980 doubling figure is cited in Reich, Work of Nations, p. 269. The 1980-1990 figure is from a US Department of Justice report released in June 1994 and reported by an Associated Press dispatch, datelined Washington, June 1, 1994.

78 Ibid., p. 269.

79 Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, as reported in Chronicle of Latin American Economic Affairs, Latin America Data Base,  Latin American Institute, University of New Mexico, December 3, 1992.

80 See, for instance, Leslie Wirpsa, "'Social Cleansing' Haunts Bogota's Indigent, " Latinamerica Press, 26 (1994), no. 1, 4. The article reported at least 505 such documented killings in Bogota alone in 1993. The systematic rounding up and mass killing of "street children" in Guatemala, Brazil,  and other countries became major scandals in the early 1990s. The 90, 000 figure was reported by the Latin American Human Rights Association. See "Human rights suffer in 1993" (unsigned), in ibid., 4.

81 For chilling analysis of such new forms of social control, see Mike Davis's two-part article in New Left Review: "Who Killed Los Angeles: A Political Autopsy, " no. 198 (March/April 1993), 3-28; "Who Killed Los Angeles? Part II: The Verdict is Given, " no. 199 (May /June 1993), 29-54; Mike Davis,  City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles (London: Verso, 1990).

82 Sklair, Sociology of the Global System, p. 41.

83 Nicos Poulantzas, Classes in Contemporary Capitalism (London: New Left Books, 1975), p. 18.

84 Karl Marx referred to a "class-in-itself" as the objective status of a class defined by its relation to the production process, and a "class-for-itself" as a class as class protagonist, dependent on the extent to which a class (or classes) becomes conscious of itself. Only a "class-for-itself" becomes a political actor. Wallerstein has argued that there is an antinomy in the capitalist world system between "class-in-itself" defined by relations to a world economy, and "class-for-itself" defined by classes as political actors located in particular nation-states - an antinomy between "class-in-itself" in the world system and "class-for-itself" in the nation-state. Wallerstein,  The Capitalist World Economy, p. 196. However, it seems fairly logical that globalization is dissolving this antinomy.

85 See, for instance, discussion of this process in Latin America in Robinson,  "The Sio Paulo Forum."

86 Robert Barros, "The Left and Democracy: Recent Debates in Latin America, " Telos, no. 68 (Summer 1986), 49-70, at pp. 64-65.

87 Cited in Vanden and Prevost, Democracy and Socialism, p. 17.

88 Andrew Webster, Introduction to the Sociology of Development, 2nd edn. (London: Macmillan, 1990), p. 5.
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Re: Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, U.S. Intervention, a

Postby admin » Mon Apr 11, 2016 12:02 pm

Select bibliography

Books


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Re: Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, U.S. Intervention, a

Postby admin » Mon Apr 11, 2016 12:04 pm

Index

"1980s Project" (Council on Foreign
Relations) 75, 76
AAFLI (Asian-American Free Labor
Institute) 135, 137
Abrams, Elliot 168, 170, 180
Acheson, Dean 120
active consent
and hegemony 21
Adams, Alvin P. 281-2
Adams, John 350
ADIH (Haitian Industrialists Association)
274-5, 277, 285
Adrien, Father Antoine 309
Afghanistan 92
AFL-CIO (American Federation of Labor-
Congress of Industrial Organizations)
90, 95, 96
and the Soviet bloc 322
Africa
democracy promotion operations 332,
333
US interventionism in 14
agrarian reform
in Chile 165
in Nicaragua 246--7
in the Philippines 137-8, 142-4
AID (Agency for International
Development) 48, 55-6, 82, 89, 93, 96,
98, 100, 365
and Chile 184-5
and Haiti 270, 271, 272, 279, 286, 287,
288-9, 292, 295, 296, 297, 309
and Nicaragua 225, 226, 241, 242, 243,
244-5, 246--7;Strategy Statement 250,
251, 254
and the Philippines 140, 143
and South Africa 330-1
AIFLD (American Institute for Free Labor
Development)
and Haiti 288-9
and Nicaragua 227, 234
Alessandri, Arturo 186
Alessandri, Jorge 157, 159
Alford, Robert 48, 52, 53
Algeria 113
Allen, Richard 90
Allende, Salvador 69, 87, 146, 156, 157,
159-63, 167, 218, 232
Alliance for Progress 48, 157-8, 269
Almond, Gabriel 46
Amnesty International 376
ANC (African National Congress) 327,
328, 329, 331
Angola 111, 328
APF (American Political Foundation)
89-91
APN (National Popular Assembly, Haiti)
282
Aquino, Benigno 123, 126
Aquino, Corazon 126, 127, 128-9, 130,
138-9, 140, 141, 142, 143, 225
Arbenz, Jacobo 87
Aristide, Father Jean-Bertrand 108, 257,
273, 280, 281, 284, 287, 288
government 290-2, 293, 295-6, 314
ousted by coup 297-302, 304
return to power 305-11
Armitage, Richard 142
Arriagada, Genaro 174, 176, 183
Arrocha, Plutarco 224
associations
and the CIA 86
asymmetry in international relations 18
and hegemony 23-5
Augelli, Enrico 30, 77
authoritarianism/ authoritarian regimes
and coercive domination 66
collapse of 16
and consensual domination 22
and democracy SO, 51
and democracy promotion 112-13
and democratization movements 63--4
and the global economy 37, 38
in Haiti 294
in the Philippines 122, 123-4
and popular democracy 60
and regimented democracy 83-4
social authoritarianism 376
and "trade-offs" 65
transition to polyarchy 66-8, 73, 100,
105-6
US alliances with 15, 76-7
and Western democracy 218
see also dictatorships
autonomy, limits of state 163--4
AVEC (Neighborhood and Community
Action Group, Chile) 186-9, 191
Avril, General Prosper 281, 282
Aylwin, Patricio 147, 160-1, 163, 176, 178,
183, 185-6, 191
govemmentof195, 196, 199-200
Bachrach, Peter 50
background of US foreign policy
structural analysis of 21
Baker, James 235, 238
Ballantyne, Janet 243
Barnes, Harry 168, 194
Barnet, Richard J. 32, 33, 36, 317, 368
Barros, Robert 384
Bazin, Marc 286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 292,
301, 303
Beaulac, Willard 209
behavioral analysis 5-6, 10, 20, 21, 115
and the Gramscian construct of
hegemony 24--5
of the Philippines 124
Belli, Humberto 243
Bello, Walter 141
Bentham, Jeremy 351
Berlander, Leopold 285-6, 287
bipartisanship 98
Blandon, Francis 244
Boeninger, Edgardo 175-6, 177, 195, 199
Bolivar, Simon 259
Bosworth, Stephen 124, 125
Boulos, Reginald 305
Bowdler, William 214
Brazil 87
Brezezinski, Zbignew 90, 211
452
Brock, William 90
Brookings Institute 89
Bryan, William Jennings 264
Buchanan, James 204
Buchi, Heman 185
bureaucratic conservatism
and political development theories 48
Burgess, John W. 45
Burton, Sandra 140
Bush, George 122, 225, 226, 237, 237-8
and Haiti 292, 298, 303, 304, 315
and South Africa 329
Business International 121
businesses
Chile 181-2; US involvement in 158-9,
160
and the CIA 86
and democracy promotion 103
Nicaragua 213
in the Philippines 131
Buthelezi, Chief Gatsha 329, 330, 331
Butler, General Smedley D. 266
Byroade, Henry 121
CAPEL (Center for Electoral Assistance
and Promotion) 185
capital accumulation
capitalism and polyarchy 357-8, 360,
362
Haiti 261, 276-7
South Africa 320
and Soviet-bloc countries 321
capitalism
"crony": in Nicaragua 211-12; in the
Philippines 122, 123, 125, 140
and democracy 10, 54--5, 339-63; and
globalization 318-19; historical
perspective on 348-52
foreign capital in Haiti 260-70
and globalization 31-3, 35-6, 346-8,
378-9, 380-1, 384-5
and hegemony 381
and Nicaragua 254--5
and polyarchy 356-61, 375-6
and popular democracy 60
role of states in stabilizing 346
and the world system 18-20
see also transnational capital
Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy
(Schum peter) 51
capitalist polyarchy
promoting 56
Caribbean
democracy promotion operations 332
Caribbean Basin Initiative 270
Carter administration
and Chile 167
and Haiti 269, 308
and Nicaragua 213-15, 219, 226
and the Philippines 122
and South Africa 328
Casey, William 125, 322
Casimir, Jean 313, 314-15
CATH (Autonomous Federation of
Haitian Workers) 283, 289
Catholic Church
Haiti 273, 282
Nicaragua 225, 243
Catholic University, Chile 177-8
CDJ (Center for Youth Development,
Chile) 191-2
CDRH (Human Resources Development
Center, Haiti) 285
CDT (Democratic Workers Conference,
Chile) 190-1
Cedras, Raoul 280, 292, 308, 310
CEFOJ (Centro de Formacion Juvenil,
Nicaragua) 228, 233, 244
Center for Democracy (CFD) 95, 130, 226,
235, 242, 305, 324, 325
Center for Democracy and Governance
100
Cesar, Alfredo 226
CFD (Center for Democracy) 95, 130, 226,
235, 242, 305, 324, 325
CHADEL 288, 292
Chamorro, Emiliano 205
Chamorro, Pedro Joaquin 212-13, 225
Chamorro, Violeta 222, 225, 235, 237-8,
239, 245
Channel, Carl "Spitz" 187
"Chicago Boys" team 165-6
Chile 9, 16, 17, 29, 63, 64, 66, 79, 113, 114,
145, 146-200
Allende government 69, 87, 146, 156,
157, 15~, 167, 218, 232
AVEC (Neighborhood and Community
Action Group) 186-9, 191
Catholic University 177-8, 183
Center for Development Studies 175-6
Center for Public Studies 176, 182
"Chicago Boys" team 165-6
Christian Democratic Party (POC) 147,
159, 160-1, 163, 174, 176, 179-80, 183
and the CIA 86-7
comparative perspective 333-9
compared with Haiti 164, 257
compared with Nicaragua 164, 171, 215,
240
compared with the Philippines 194
compared with South Africa 330
and counter-hegemony 384
debt management 197-8
democracy promotion in 167-93, 196
democracy and social order in 68-9
economy 196-9
elections/ electoral intervention 130, 154,
156-7, 186, 193, 201
electoral system 154
elite 153-4, 162-3, 175-86
exports 198-9
and the global economy 148-9
MAPU (Movement of United Popular
Action) 158
military coup (1973) 146, 159, 162
mining industry 156
National Accord for the Transition to
Democracy 181
Participa 184, 185
Pinochet regime 66, 87, 164, 167, 168,
169-75, 184, 193-5, 196
plebiscite (1980) 172-3
political operations in 175-93
political parties 106, 155, 171, 172-3,
174-5, 181, 183, 185-6
polyarchy tradition in 153--5
preventive democracy and preemptive
reform 201-2
redemocratization 147, 148, 150-1, 152,
153, 164
rural sector 156
School for Democracy 180
transitions in 108, 109
US domination in 155-9
youth movements 191-2
Christopher, Warren 308
CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) 86-8,
89, 90, 92, 94, 109
and Chile 156, 161, 180
and Haiti 269, 279-80, 300, 303, 304
and Nicaragua 222, 231, 232
and the Philippines 119, 120, 125
and the Soviet bloc 322, 323
CIP (Commodity Import Program)
Nicaragua 246, 249
CIPE (Center for International Private
Enterprise) 95, 131
and Chile 181-2
Civic Culture, The (Almond and Verba) 46
civic opposition front
Nicaragua 223, 226-31, 233
civil society
and the CIA 87
and consensual domination 71
and electoral processes 110
civil society (cont.)
global 6, 7, 10, 38-40
and the global economy 6, 7, 38-40
and the Gramscian concept of
hegemony 22-3, 28
Haiti 263, 276-8, 280, 296-7, 312, 315;
attempted destruction of 297-305
"institution-building" in 85
and NED democracy promotion
operations 333
Nicaragua 221
and political development theories 48
and popular democracy 58
and power 27, 28-9
and reconstituting democracy 69
and regimented democracy 84
"c1ass cleansing"
in Haiti 302-3
class conflict
Chile 154-5
Nicaragua 209
class formation
global 34-5, 100
class model
and globalization 366, 367
class restructuring
Nicaragua 248
class structure
global 75, 382-3
Clausewitz, Carl von 81
CLEO (Centre for Free Enterprise and
Democracy, Haiti) 305
client regimes
and US foreign policy 6
Clinton administration
and Haiti 307, 315
CNT (National Workers Command, Chile)
189, 190
coercive diplomacy 78-9
in Nicaragua 235
coercive domination
and authoritarian regimes 66
and the Gramscian concept of
hegemony 21, 22, 30
and peripheral polyarchy 363
and transitions to polyarchy 64
Cohen, Carl 58
Colby, William E. 88, 112, 160
Cold War
and the CIA 86
and neo-conservatism 76
and US foreign policy 1
and US interventionism 14-16
colonialism
Haiti (Saint-Domingue) 258-64
454
Columbus, Christopher 203, 258
Columbus, Diego 258
communications
Nicaragua, utilizing transnational
231-5
programs 78, 104
in promoting polyarchy 98-9
Communist Party
Philippines 121, 123, 133
Conable, Barber 238
Conference on Security and Cooperation
in Europe 373
Congo 87
consensual domination
civil society and the state 71
and democracy programs in Chile 188
and global civil society 39
and the global economy 37, 38
and the Gramscian concept of
hegemony 6, 21, 22, 30
and Haiti 294, 311-16
and polyarchy 59-60, 64, 360
consensus-ereating processes 22
in Chile 176-80
Constant, Emmanuel 304
consumerism
culture-ideology of 378
contested social orders
polyarchy and popular democracy as
59~
controlled demilitarization 65-6
Coolidge, Calvin 208
Coolidge, John 205
core-periphery relations
changes in 19
and hegemony 23, 24
COSEP (Superior Council of Private
Enterprise, Nicaragua) 222, 224
Council on the Americas 95, 97
Council on Foreign Relations 75, 177
Chile Study Group 177
counter-hegemonic bloc 381-5
in Nicaragua 221
covert political warfare 79
Cox, Robert W. 30, 33, 38, 39
on organic intellectuals 43
CPT (Permanent Congress of Workers,
Nicaragua) 227, 228, 230, 243
Crisis of Democracy (1975 Trilateral
Commission Report) 13, 38, 68, 69, 70,
148, 351
Crozier, Michael 69
Cuba 118, 148, 210
democracy promotion programs 105-6
culture-ideology of consumerism 40
CUT (Unified Workers Federation, United
Workers Central, Chile) 189, 190-1

Dahl, Robert 49, 51, 359
Davis, Nathaniel 161
De Klerk, F. 329
debt management
Chile 197-8
Nicaragua 245-6
see also foreign debt
Dejoie, Louis 290
Delphi International Group 184, 187, 188,
191, 192
and Nicaragua 224, 227, 228, 229, 230,
232, 244
demilitarization
controlled 65-6
democracy 2, 4, 6, 14, 49-52
as an essentially contested concept 49
"breakdown" of 68, 147
and capitalism 10, 54-5, 339-i>3;
historical perspective on 348-52;
theoretical perspective on 352-4
classic definition of SO, 51, 57
high-intensity, and the Sandinista
government in Nicaragua 215-19
ideology of liberal 349-52
imperialism and the state 346-8
institutional definition of 49, 51
"moral principle" of 248, 249
participatory 58-9
"political formula" of 248, 249
polyarchic definition of 51, 52
popular 56-62
and postwar foreign policy 15
reconstituting 6&-70, 76
redefinition of 50-1
regimented 83-4
and socialism 384
strengthening institutions of 107
struggles for 63
and US foreign policy 10-11
Western 218
see also low-intensity democracy;
participatory democracy
Democracy in Developing Countries
(Diamond) 45, 54
democracy promotion 4-5, &-7, 7-8, 9-10,
115
agencies 364-5
and behavioural analysis of hegemony
24-5
in Chile 167-93, 196
and civil society 69, 70; and power 28-9
and the concept of polyarchy 49-52
creation of 16
developing personal and institutional
ties 107-8
and education 107
and globalization 4, 8, 9, 335-6
Haiti 263, 273
and leadership training 107
and the media 103, 104
modality of 101-8
and the NED 95-7
in Nicaragua 202, 221, 231-5, 255
and political development theories 48
and political parties 101-2, 105-6
and polyarchy 318-19
and popular democracy 62, 64
and trade unions 102-3, 106
and transnational elites 34-5
and US foreign policy 11-12, 112-16
US operations worldwide 332-3
and the world system 19, 20
democratization
controlling and limiting 62-6
literature 149
movements 11, 63, 71-2; in Chile 168-9,
181-2; in Haiti 273; in the Philippines
119-20, 129
prospects for the Third World 344-5
theory 44, 52-6, 65
Deronceray, Hubert 286
D'Escoto, Father Miguel 219
Dessalines, Jean-Jacques 259
destabilization campaign, in Nicaragua
219-22
Developing Democracy (Douglas) 83-5
Diamond, Larry45, 54, 55
D1az, Adolfo 205, 206, 207
dictatorships
and coercive domination 22, 30
and democratization movements 63
and the global economy 37
military, Latin America 14~7, 148,
149-53
Pinochet (Chile) 66, 87, 164, 167, 168,
169-75, 184, 193-5, 196
Somoza (Nicaragua) 66, 76, 122, 202,
209-15
and US foreign policy 15, 16, 7&-7
see also authoritarian regimes
division of labor
international 31, 75-6
sexual 104; in Nicaragua 229; in the
Philippines 134
Doherty, William 177
Domhoff, G. William 26, 27, 34
Dominican Republic 109, 111
Douglas, William A. 83-5, 102, 110
Duran, Julio 157
Duvalier dictatorship (Haiti) 66, 108, 122,
256, 260, 267-73
removal from power 273-9
and trade unions 289
Dye, Thomas R. 26, 43, 97

Eastern Europe
US political intervention in 325
Easton, David 46, 47
economic aid 80, 82
Chile 156, 158, 160, 166-7, 170-1
Haiti 269-71, 275, 279
Nicaragua 210-11, 215, 240, 242,
244-50
Philippines 120, 122, 124, 139
Soviet bloc 326
economic inequalities, see socioeconomic
inequalities
economic modernization
and democracy 70
economic ownership
of the means of production 382
economic policies
Chile 196-9
Haiti 271
Nicaragua 229, 237-8, 241, 254-5
Reaganomics 76
see also global economy; neo-Iiberalism
education
and democracy promotion 107
Nicaragua 248-9
Einaudi, Luigi 237
EI Salvador 109, 111
elections/electoral intervention 108-12
Chile 130, 154, 156-7, 186, 193, 201
controlIing and limiting democratization
65
fraudulent 111, 113, 209, 210
free and fair 111-12
Haiti 257, 279, 280-2, 289-90, 291
Nicaragua 3, 96, 111, 130, 202, 207-8,
209, 210; 1990 elections 234-9; opinion
polling 233-4; and the Sandinistas
216, 221-2; US electoral intervention
226; and women 229
Philippines 125-9, 130-1, 144-5
and popular democracy 58-9
elites
Chile 153--4, 162-3; reconstituting
consensus 175-80; unifying and
organizing 18Q-6
Haiti 261-2, 263, 274-5, 285, 289, 293,
299, 307; black 267-8; mulatto 265,
456
267, 268, 300; versus popular classes
276-8
Nicaragua 206, 207, 209, 212-13, 220-1;
anti-Sandinista 222-35; reconstituting
240, 241, 242-3
Northern and Southern, and
globalization 374
Philippines 118-19, 120, 122, 123, 131,
139
see also local elites; transnational elites
Enlightenment
and liberal democracy 350
Enrile, Juan Ponce 128
"equity trade-off" 64
Errazuriz, Havier 185
Estanislao, Jesus 140
Estime, Dumarsais 267
Eugene, Gregoire 286
European Community 364
Evans, Peter 34
expansive hegemony 278
exports
Chile 198-9
extended state
and hegemony 21, 22-3, 28, 315, 367-8,
370

Fahrenkopf, Frank 90
Farnham, Roger L. 266
FascelI, Dante 90, 91
fascism
and democracy 50, 51
Ferguson, James 278
Fils, Louis Dejoie 286
F1etes, Adiin 226
Flores, Herno1187, 191
foreground of US foreign policy
behavioral analysis of 21
foreign debt
Latin America 151
and the Philippines 140
see also debt management
Foreign Policy Association
SATRO report 328
Foxley, Alejandro 196
Frank, Andre Gunder 263
FRAPH (Front for the Advancement and
Progress of Haiti) 304
Free Congress Foundation 324, 325
free market, and democracy 54-5
"Freedom Academy" 89
Freedom House 95, 97, 178
and Nicaragua 232, 234
Frei, Eduardo 157-8, 163, 183, 186
French Revolution 349, 350
Fresno, Francisco, Archbishop of Santiago
173, 181
Friedland, Roger 48, 52, 53
FSLN (Sandinista National Liberation
Front) 111, 113, 202-3, 212-22, 224,
233, 236
and the 1990 electoral defeat 240--1
as opposition party 253-4
FTUI (Free Trade Union Institute) 95, 106,
135, 136-7
and Chile 189, 191
and Haiti 288
and Nicaragua 227-8
and South Africa 331
Fuenzalida, Edmundo F. 33, 366
Fukuyama, Francis 5

GABRIELA (Philippines women's
organization) 132
Gallie, W.B. 49
Gardner, Lloyd C. 18
Gayard, Colonel Octave 286
Gershman, Carl 1-2, 67, 85, 108, 323, 333
Gershman, John 141, 177, 224
Gill, Stephen 30, 33, 34, 36, 37, 69, 77, 366,
370, 380
Gilpin, Robert 368, 372-3
global economy 31-41, 115
centrally planned 368-70
and Chile 148-9
and the collapse of the Soviet bloc 326
and democracy promotion 103-4
emergence of 4, 8, 74
and global political and civil society 6, 7
and Haiti 272
and the internationalized state 367
and Nicaragua 211, 218, 245-6, 247-8
and North-South relations 19, 345
and the Philippines 123, 134, 140
and popular democracy 60
"post-market" 368-9
and South Africa 332
and supranational institutions 372-3
and US foreign policy 77
global interventionism
as post-war US policy 14-15
globalization
and capitalism 31-3, 35-6, 346-8, 378-9,
380-1, 385-6
and civil society 38-40
and a counter-hegemonic bloc 383
and democracy promotion 4, 8, 9,
335-6
and economic inequalities 339-44
and hegemony 30-1
and the "imperial state" 68
and polyarchy 363-5
polyarchy and world order 374
and redemocratization 150-1
and South Africa 319-20, 326-32
and the Soviet bloc 319-26
as system change 363-80
and transnational hegemony 366
and the world system 20
Godoy, Oscar 183
Godoy, Virgilio 225
Gorbachev, Mikhail 325
Gramsci, A. 62, 63, 352
concept of hegemony 6, 21-4, 30, 39, 52,
76, 381; democracy and capitalism
353-4; and democratization theory 54;
and the extended state 21, 22-3, 28,
315, 367-8, 370; and Haiti 257, 294,
311; and institutions 85; in Nicaragua
214; polyarchy and capitalism 359
model of international relations 4, 9; and
regime transitions 10; and the world
system 17-31
and Mosca 348
and organic intellectuals 41, 42
on the state and civil society 152, 277
Greece 109
Greer, Frank 184
Grenada 17
Guatemala 17, 87, 109, 210
Guerre, Rockefeller 286
Gulf War (1991) 379

Habib, Philip 127
Haig, Alexander 76, 78
Haiti 9, 16. 29, 63. 64. 66. 79, 256-316
army 310
Association of Haitian Journalists 288
blood plasma scandal 263-4
CATH (Autonomous Federation of
Haitian Workers) 283
CDRH (Human Resources Development
Center) 285
Celebration 2004 288
civil society 263, 276-8.280, 296-7, 312,
315; attempted destruction of
297-305
CLEO (Center for Free Enterprise and
Democracy) 305
comparative perspective 333-9
compared with Chile 164, 257
compared with South Africa 330
and counter-hegemony 384
Democracy Enhancement Project 295-7,
305, 311, 314
Haiti (cont.)
Duvalier dictatorship 66, 108, 122, 256,
260, 267-73; removal from power
273-9; and trade unions 289
elites 261-2, 263, 274-5, 285, 289, 293,
299, 307; black 267-8; mulatto 265,
267, 268, 300; versus popular classes
276-8
Group ofTen 286-7
KONAKOM (National Congress of
Democratic Movements) 282, 284, 313
Lavalas movement 284, 286, 290, 295,
307, 311-14
MIDH (Movement to lnstall Democracy
in Haiti) 287
military dictatorship 257
peasant movements 283-4
political aid 285-97
race and class dynamics 262-3
Saint-Domingue colony 258-64
and social reform 293-4
SOFA (Haitian Women's Solidarity) 283
Ti Leliz283
transitions in 108, 113, 114
US invasion (1994) 305-11
US marine occupation 264-7
and US refugee policy 299-300, 303
VSN (Volunteers of National Security)
268-9
Haitian American Sugar Company
(HASCO)266
Haitian Industrialists Association (ADIH)
274-5, 277, 285
Haitian lnternationallnstitute for Research
and Development (lHRED) 285-6, 287
Halperin, Morton 100
Hamilton, Nora 163-4
HASCO (Haitian American Sugar
Company) 266
hegemony 21-5
Asian 369
counter-hegemonic bloc 381-5
and democratization theory 54, 55-6
end of 12
and global capitalism 376
and global civil society 39
Gramscian concept of 6, 21-4, 28, 30, 39,
52, 54, 76, 381; capitalism and
polyarchy 359; democracy and
capitalism 353-4; and the extended
state 21, 22-3, 28, 315, 367-8, 370; and
Haiti 257, 278, 294; in Nicaragua 214,
221
ideological 21, 30, 38, 107
intellectual 45
458
international 30-1
and promoting democracy 2-3, 4, 85
transnational 365-74
of transnational capital 77
and US foreign policy 16
US as last "hegemon" 3(i5-6
see also consensual domination;
leadership
Herrera, Ernesto 137
high-intensity democracy
and the Sandinista government in
Nicaragua 215-19
history
end of3, 5
Hobbes, Thomas 350, 351
Honorat, Jean-Jacques 288, 292, 303
human rights
and Haiti 292, 298, 302, 303
in the Philippines 144
US policy in Nicaragua 214-15
US violations of 376
humanitarian aid 82
Huntington, Samuel 49-50, 51, 54-5, 68,
351
Political Order in Changing Societies 70
on polyarchy and the world system 362

ICITAP (International Criminal
Investigations Training and
Assistance Program) 310
ideological hegemony 21, 30, 38, 107
ideology
and organic intellectuals 43
IFES (International Federation for Electoral
System) 230
IHRED (Haitian International Institute for
Research and Development) 285-6,
287
IMF (International Monetary Fund) 36,
151, 244-5, 246, 326, 365, 372
immediate policyrnaking community 27-8,
42 "imperial state" 68, 164
imperialism 23
democracy and the state 346-8
INCAE (Central American Institute of
Business Administration) 248-9
income distribution
global 340-1, 347
individual policymakers
and US foreign policy 5
Indochina, US defeat in 74, 86, 89, 202
"institution-building" programs 82, 85-6
intellectuals, see organic intellectuals
International Labor Organization 120
interventionism
and democracy promotion 29
in Nicaragua 215
interventionist impulse
in US foreign policy 18
IPCE (Institute for Electoral Promotion
and Training) 226
Iran 66, 67
and the CIA 87
collapse of Shah's regime 74, 87
Iran-Contra scandal 89, 91, 92, 96, 187, 221
Iraq 87
151 (import-substitution industrialization)
149-50, 151, 152, 182
ISTRA (Institute for the Transition, Chile)
191-2
Italy 109
Ives, Kim 301

Jamaica 17
Jarpa, Sergio Onofre 181
Jilberto, Alex Fernandez 152
Jimenez, Monica 183, 184
John Paul II, Pope 173, 225
Johnson, Lyndon B. 89
Journal of Democracy 99, 145

KABATID (Philippines women's
organization) 126, 131-4, 135, 138
Kaplan, Philip 127
Karl, Terry Lynn 69
Katzenback Commission 89
Kemble, Eugenia 106
Kennan, George 1, 2, 81
Kenya 113
Keynesianism 346, 375
Kirkland, Lane 90
Kirkpatrick, Jeanne 7fr-7, 78
Kissinger, Henry 68, 90, 146, 160, 179, 201,
242, 282, 292
Knox, Clinton 269
Knox, Philader Chase 206, 207-8

labor structure
and globalization 342-3
see also division of labor; trade unions
Lacayo, Antonio 241
Lagos, Ricardo 171
land reform, see agrarian reform
Lande, Carl H. 141-2
Lansing, Robert 256
Latin America
democracy promotion operations 332
elections in 111
military dictatorships 146-7, 148, 149-53
peripheral polyarchy in 363
poverty in 377
"social cleansing" in 377
transitions to democracy 109
US interventionism in 14, 15
see also Chile; Nicaragua
Laurel, Salvador "Doy" 12fr-7, 137
Laxalt, Senator Paul 125
leadership
training 107
women-citizen leaders in the Philippines
133-4
Lenin, V.I. 346, 347, 384
Leonard, John 224
Lescot, Elie 267
liberal democracy
ideology of 349-52
liberalism
and globalization 366-7
Linowitz Report 148
Linz, Juan 45, 54, 55
Lipset, Seymour Martin 45, 54, 55, 347
local elites
Chile 162-3
and democracy promotion 108
Haiti 271
see also elites
Locke, John 350, 351
L'Ouverture, Toussaint 259
low-intensity conflict/warfare 80-1, 82, 92
in Nicaragua 219-22, 239
low-intensity democracy 4, 6, 355
in Haiti 314
in Nicaragua 202
and peripheral polyarchy 363
Lugar, Senator Richard 130

McKinely, Brunson 281
McKinley, William 117
McManaway, Ambassador 275
macro-structural-historical framework
10
Madison, James 350
Magloire, Colonel Paul 267, 268
Manatt, Charles 90
Mandela, Nelson 329-30, 332
Manigat, Leslie 281, 286
Mannheim, Karl 41, 48
Marcos, Ferdinand 66, 117, 121-2, 123,
124-5, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 138
Marcos, Imelda 122
Marx, Karl 28, 41, 346, 348, 367, 380
Marxists, and asymmetrical relationships
18
Matamoros, Silviano 226
media
and the CIA 86
and promoting polyarchy 98-9, 103, 104
Mexico 111, 163-4
Michel, Smarck 309
Middle East
US interventionism in 14
MIDH (Movement to Install Democracy in
Haiti) 287
military aid 80
Chile 156, 161, 167, 195
Haiti 269
Nicaragua 210, 213-14, 215, 219, 235-7,
249-SO
Philippines 120, 122, 124, 128, 139, 141-2
military dictatorships
Haiti 257
Latin America 146-7, 148, 149-53
military intervention
in Nicaragua 207
and promoting polyarchy 100
Mill, James 351
Mm, John Stuart 351
Miller, Richard 187
Milliband, Ralph 26, 59, 102
Mills, C. Wright 13-14, 26
minority rule
capitalism and democracy 348-9
MMN (Nicaraguan Women's Movement)
229, 233, 244
MNC (Nicaraguan Women of Conceincia)
244
modem world system 3, 263
modernization
and democratization theory 52
economic, ~d democracy 70
and political development theories 44-8
Molina, Sergio 183, 192, 193
Monroe Doctrine 203, 205
Moore, Barrington 1, 356-7
Morgenthau, Hans 367
Morley, Morris 68, 161-2, 166
Mosca, Gaetano 13, SO, 51, 63, 348
Moscoso, Teodoro 158
motivational subjectivism 10
Mozambique 328
Mulford, David 374
Muller, Edward 344
Muller, Ronald E. 32, 33, 36, 317, 368
multicausality
in methodology 8
Munck, Ronaldo 151
Murphy, Craig 77

NAMFREL 130, 133, 134, 137
460
Namphy, Henri 274, 275, 279, 281
nation-states
and asymmetries of power 25
and globalization 20, 36, 366-7, 372,
377
and hegemony 368, 370, 371-2
and supranational institutions 373
and transnational capital 380
National Endowment for Democracy
(NED) 1-2
National Security Council, see NSC
national sovereignty
and popular democracy 61-2
NOI (National Democratic Institute for
International Affairs) 95, 101
and Chile 180-1, 183
and Haiti 287, 289, 297, 305
and Nicaragua 223, 224, 230, 233
and the Philippines 130, 135
NED (National Endowment for
Democracy) 81, 83, 84, 88-9, 92-100,
112, 364, 365
and Chile 167, 175, 176, 177, 179-80, 183,
184-5; AVEC 188-9; "Democratic
Action in Slum Areas" 186-7; trade
unions 189-91
core groups 95
and covert operations 94
democracy promotion operations 95-7,
332-3
funding 93, 100
and Haiti 279, 285, 286, 287, 288-9, 297,
303
interlocking directorates 97-8
and Nicaragua 222, 223-4, 226, 227, 228,
229-30; electoral observation 234, 235;
transnational communications 231,
232, 233
and the Philippines 126, 131, 132, 134-5,
136
regional programs 332
and South Africa 320, 326, 330-1
and the Soviet bloc 322, 323, 324
structure 93-100
neo-conservatism 76
neo-liberalism
and Chile 165-6, 182-3, 199-200
and controlled demilitarization 66
and a counter-hegemonic bloc 381-2
and democracy 70
and democracy promotion 103
and the global economy 35-7
and Haiti 308-10
and inequality 343
and military dictatorships 150, 152-3
and Nicaragua 202, 203, 241-1, 243, 245,
248-9, 250, 252-3, 254-5
and the Philippines 122, 130, 131, 140-1
and political development theory 48
and polyarchy 335, 339-45
and South Africa 330
Nerette, Joseph 300
Neuhaus, Richard John 201
new world order
emergence of 2
posovarconceptof14
reconstructing foreign policy 74-8
newspapers
El Murcurio (Chile) 232
La Epoca (Chile) 184
La Prensa (Nicaragua) 222, 232, 238
Nicaragua 9, 11, 16, 17, 29, 63, 66, 79, 113,
114, 201-55
Chamorro government 241-2, 251, 252-3
CIP (Commodity Import Program) 246,
249
civic opposition front 223, 226-31, 233
colonial rule in 203-5
comparative perspective 333-9
compared with Chile 164, 171, 215, 240
compared with Haiti 275
compared with the Philippines 122, 124,
126, 142, 210, 212, 213, 215, 225, 240
Contra army 219-20, 221, 222, 231, 235,
235--7, 252
and counter-hegemony 384
economy 220
education 248-9
elections/electoral intervention 3, 96,
111, 130, 202, 207-8, 209, 210
elites 206, 207, 209, 212-13, 220-1; anti-
Sandinista 222-35; reconstituting 240,
241, 242-3
EPS (Sandinista People's Army) 240,
249-50
High Commission 206; and lowintensity
conflict 92
National Guard 209, 210, 211, 213-14,
219, 275
political opposition coalition, creating
and funding 223-6
preventive democracy and preemptive
reform 202-3; failure of 211-15
and the Reagan Doctrine 78
revolution (1979) 67, 74, 148, 202
Sandinista government 111, 113, 202-3,
212-22; and the 1990 elections 236-7,
238, 240-1; and high-intensity
democracy 215--19;stabilization
measures 251-2
Sandino rebellion 208-9
Somoza dictatorship 66, 76, 122, 202,
209-15, 228
trade unions 103, 189-91, 206-7
transitions in 108, 202
US marines in 206-7
utilizing transnational communications
231-5
Via Civica 230, 233, 288
youth movement 227, 228
Zelaya regime 205
see also UNO (Nicaraguan Opposition
Union)
Nicaraguan Opposition Union (UNO) 223,
224-6
Nigeria 113
Nixon administration
and southern Africa 327
Noirism
in Haiti 267
North, Oliver 91, 92, 187, 347-8
North-South divide 339-41, 345
Novack, George 351, 355
NRI (National Republican Institute for
International Affairs) 95, 101
and Chile 183
and Haiti 287, 297, 305
and Nicaragua 223, 224, 233, 234
and the Philippines 130, 135
NSC (National Security Council) 83
"Forty Committee" 159
Memorandum 93160
Memorandum NSC-68 15
and the Philippines 124-5
Project Democracy 78, 85, 89-93, 130,
180
NSDD 32 (National Security Decision
Directive 32) 322
NSDD 77 (National Security Decision
Directive 77) 91
NSDD 130 (National Security Decision
Directive 130) 98-9
Nunez, Ricardo 171

OAS (Organization of American States)
364, 365, 373
and Haiti 299-300, 304
Obando y Bravo, Cardinal Miguel 225
O'Connor, James 36
ODI (Office of Democratic Initiatives) 98,
100, 242, 243
O'Donnell, Guillermo 45, 64, 65
OECD (Organization of Economic
Cooperation and Development)
countries 341
Office of Democratic Initiatives 82
OIney, Richard 156
OPD (Office of Public Diplomacy) 91
OPL (Lavalas Political Organization) 313
order
and political development theories 47-8
organic intellectuals 41-4, 52, 72, 107, 115,
344
and consensus-building in Chile 176-7

Panama 16, 17, 103, 109, 111
Panama Canal 205
"Panama model"
of controlled demilitarization 66
Paraguay 109
Pareto, Vilfredo 50, 51
Parsons, Talcott46, 47, 102
participatory democracy 58--9
in Nicaragua 216-18
Partners of the Americas 184
Pascual, Dette 133
Pastor, Robert 214
Pax Americana 12, 14, 74, 115, 365
Pax Britannica 39
peasant organizations
and democracy promotion 103, 104
Haiti 283-4
peripheral polyarchy 363, 377
persuasion
in US foreign policy 2
Petit, Sergio Wilson 187
Petras, James 68, 161-2, 166, 199-200
Philippine-American War 118
Philippines 9, 16, 29, 63, 64, 66, 79, 87, 113,
114, 117-45
AFP (Armed Forces of the Philippines)
127-8
agrarian reform 137-8, 142-4
BAVAN (New Patriotic Federation)
125-6
comparative perspective 333-9
compared with Chile 194
compared with Haiti 307
compared with Nicaragua 122, 124, 126,
142, 210, 212, 213, 215, 225, 240
and .counter-hegemony 384
CPAR (Congress of People's Agrarian
Reform) 143
electoral intervention 125-9, 144-5
elites 118-19, 120, 122, 123, 131, 139
Hukbalahap uprising 119, 130
Kilusang Mayo Uno (May First
Movement) 135
martial law 121, 122
National Democratic Front 122-3
462
NCFO (National Congress of Farmers
Organizations) 137-8
NPA (New People's Army) 121, 122,
125, 139, 142
peripheral polyarchy in 363
political aid 120, 126, 129-38, 139
political parties 119, 127
preventive democracy and preemptive
reform 201-2
trade unions 126, 132, 134, 135-8
transition to polyarchy 124-9, 139
transitions in 108, 109
US conquest of 117-18
and US military facilities 119, 133, 138
women's organizations 126, 131-4, 136
Young Officers Union (YOU) 141-2
youth movements 134-5
Phillips, Bud 136
Pierce, Franklin 204
Pinochet, General Augusto 66, 87, 164, 167,
168, 169-75, 184, 193-5, 196
pluralist interpretations
of politics and power 26, 27
Poland 103, 137
aid for Solidarity 321, 322-3
Polanyi, Karl 39, 352-3
policymakers
and democracy promotion 49, 72
immediate policymaking community
27-8, 42
individual 5
and organic intellectuals 42, 43
and political development theories 45
and US dominant classes 74-5
political action 78
political aid 73-4, 83-6, 87, 110-11
Chile 156, 167
Haiti 285-97, 311
Nicaragua 215, 221, 222-35, 242-4
Philippines 120, 126, 129-38, 139
and the Soviet bloc 321-3, 326
political competition 81-2
"political culture" theories
and Haiti 260
and social stability 345
political development 78
literature 70
programs 82, 85, 89
theories: and democratization theory 52;
and modernization 44-8
political operations 73, 78-82
in Chile 175-93
political aid as 73-4, 83-6, 87
Political Order in Changing Societies
(Huntington) 70
political parties
Chile 106, 155, 171, 172-3, 174-5, 181,
183, 185-6
and the CIA 86
and democracy promotion 101-2, 105-6
Haiti 280-1
Philippines 119, 127
political society 28
and civil society 66-70
"institution-building" in 85
Polanyi, Karl 352
polyarchy
and capitalism 356-61
and democracy 48-52, 358-9
and democracy promotion 318-19
and globalization 363-5
and neo-liberalism 335, 339-45
peripheral 363, 377
and popular democracy 56-62, 70-2, 336
promoting 52-6
and world order 374-80
and the world system 361-3
see also transitions
Polyarchy (Dahl) 51
popular democracy
in Chile 168-9
and a counter-hegemonic bloc 384
in Haiti 279-85, 313
and polyarchy 56-62, 70-2, 336
and the Soviet bloc 321
Portugal 67
Potoy, Guillermo 226
Poulantzas, Nicos 39, 267, 352, 353, 382
poverty
in Chile 196-7
"feminization of" 343
in Haiti 263-4
in Nicaragua 251-2
and the North-South divide 339-41
and polyarchy 376
in the United States 341
see also economic inequalities
power
asymmetrical power in international
relations 23--5
economic and political 352
and global civil society 38-9
oligarchical model of 26-7, 97
and US foreign policy 25-31; straight
power relations 74
practical-eonjunctural analysis 10, 20, 21,
74, 318
Preval, Rene 313
preventive diplomacy
in Haiti 256-7, 274, 275
Prevost, Gary 217, 218
process
and popular democracy 57-8
Project Democracy 78, 85, 86, 89-93, 130,
167, 180, 322
promoting democracy, see democracy
promotion
Prosser, Gabriel 264
Przeworski, Adam 53-4, 55
psychological operations 78
psychological warfare 79, 80
public diplomacy 91
Puerto Rico 118
Putzel, James 142

Quintero, Henry "Hank" 187, 230

Ramos, Fidel 128, 139
Raymond, Walter, Jr. 91
Reagan administration 76-8, 88, 91, 98
Caribbean Basin Initiative 270
and Chile 168
and Nicaragua 219-22
and the Philippines 117, 122, 125
and South Africa 328-9
Reaganomics 76
realism
and globalization 366, 367
realist explanations
of politics and power 26
reassertionism 75, 76, 89, 92
reconstructing foreign policy 74-8
redemocratization
in Chile 147, 148, 150-1, 152, 153, 164
refugee policy, US
and Haiti 299-300, 303
Regala, Co!. William 274
regimented democracy 83-4
Rhodes, Cecil 346-7, 348
Richards, Yves 283, 286
Richardson, John 90
Rockefeller Report (1969) 148
Roosevelt, Franklin D. 15, 209, 266
Roosevelt, Theodore 205, 207
Rueschemeyer, Dietrich 357
Russell, Brigadier General 266
Rye, Thomas 25

Sakharov, Andrei324
Salazar, Migue1192
Saldomando, Angel 244
Samuels, Michael A. 83, 90
sanchez, Luis 226
Sandino, Agusto Cesar 208-9, 243
Santa Fe Document 76
Schmitter, Philip 45, 64, 69
Schneider, Cathy 193
School for Democracy (Chile) 180
Schumpeter, Joseph 49, 51, 351
Senat, Joseph 289
Shafter, General 118
S~auderman, Harry242
Shultz, George 107, 170
Silva, Eduardo 152
Sklair, Leslie 40-1, 367, 378
slavery
in Haiti 258-9, 260, 262
Smith, Adam 368
social apartheid
in the United States 377-8
social control
and polyarchy 71
and reconstituting democracy 68-9
social instability
causes of 339-45
social structure of accumulation 32
socialism
and democracy 384
socioeconomic inequalities
between rich and poor nations 339-41
in Chile 196-7
and globalization 339-44
and labor structure 342
in Nicaragua 211
and social stability 375-6
in the United States 341
socioeconomic system
separation of politics from 53, 55
sociological imagination 14
SOFA (Haitian Women's Solidarity) 283
Somoza dictatorship (Nicaragua) 66, 76,
122, 202, 209-15, 228
Sorel, George 348
South Africa 10, 16, 114, 319-20, 326-32
apartheid 320, 328-30
Assistance for Disadvantaged South
Africans 330-1
comparative perspective 333-9
political parties 106
sovereignty
and popular democracy 61-2
Soviet Union/Soviet bloc countries 3, 10
and Chile 162
collapse of 5, 93, 320, 326
comparative perspective 333-9
IRG (Inter-Regional Deputies Group)
324-5
and US foreign policy 78, 80-1, 113-14
US intervention and globalization
319-26
464
stability
and the CIA 87
and US foreign policy 17
state
and civil society 27, 28, 39, 58, 152
extended 21, 22-3. 28, 367-8, 370
Gramscian concept of the 353-4
"imperial state" 68
imperialism and democracy 346-8
managerial dilemma/fiscal crisis of the
36
and society, politics and power 26, 27
Stephens, Evelyne 357
Stephens, John 357
Stimpson, Henry 208
STR (scientific and technological
revolution) 31-2
structural adjustment
and Nicaragua 254
structural analysis 6, 10, 20-1, 318
of capitalism and polyarchy 356
and the Gramscian construct of
hegemony 24, 25
of the Philippines 123-4
structural autonomy 164
structural determinism 10
structural-conjunctural analysis 10, 21, 318
structural-functionalism
and democratization 149
and modernization theory 46
politics and power 26
and polyarchy 49
Sunkel, Osvaldo 33, 366
supranational institutions 372-4
SWAPO (South-West African People's
Organization) 327

Taft, William 207
Talbott, Strobe 311
Thatcher, Margaret 225
Theberge, James 168
Therbom, Goran 355, 357, 358
Third World
and the global economy 37
and low-intensity warfare 80-1
and modernization theory 46
nationalist revolutions 74
political and civic institutions 70
and political development theory 47, 48
prospects of democratization 344-5
and US foreign policy 81-2; neoconservative
76
TNCs (transnational corporations) 369,
371, 384-5
TNPs (transnational practices) 40-1
Tonton Macoutes 268-9, 274, 275, 279, 284,
302
totalitarianism
in Haiti 267
trade unions
in Chile 189-91
and the CIA 86
and democracy promotion 102-3, 106
Haiti 288-9
Nicaragua 103, 206-7, 227-8, 230, 243
Philippines 126, 132, 134, 135-8
Solidarity (poland) 321, 322-3
South Africa 331
" trade-offs"
controlling and limiting democratization
during 64-5
transitions
and electoral intervention 108-12
to democracy, in Haiti 257-8
to polyarchy 63-6, 66-8, 73, 105-6, 110;
Chile 192-3, 200; Haiti 276-85;
Nicaragua 202, 239-42, 255;
Philippines 124-9
to stable democracies 93
Transitions from Authoritarian Rule:
Prospects for Democracy (O'Donnell) 45
transnational capital 74
and democracy promotion 72, 102, 103
and economic ownership 382
and Haiti 263, 272, 306-7
and the labor force 342
and nation-states 380
and Nicaragua 255
and the Philippines 122, 139
and South Africa 327
transnational corporations (TNCs) 369,
371, 384-5
transnational elites 33-5, 37-8
and the APF 90
and democracy promotion 12, 20, 108
Haiti 271, 294, 315, 316
and hegemony 371
and the NED 97
and the Philippines 131, 139, 140
and popular democracy 61
and the promotion of polyarchy 363-5
reconstructing foreign policy 75-6
and South Africa 327, 329
and the Soviet bloc 325-6
and "supernumeraries" 378
and US foreign policy 77-8
transnational hegemony 365-74
Trilateral Commission 34, 36, 99, 371, 373
and organic intellectuals 42
and reassertionism 75, 76
The Crisis of Democracy 13, 38, 68, 69, 70,
148, 351
"Towards a Renovated International
System" 75
Trouillot, Ertha Pascal 282
Trouillot, Michel-Rolph 261-2, 263, 267,
272, 277
Trujillo, Rafael 269
Truman Doctrine 147-8
TUCP (Trade Union Congress of the
Philippines) 126, 134, 135-8, 137, 138,
143

UDT (Democratic Workers Union, Chile)
189-90
UNDP (United Nations Development
Program) 364
Human Development Report 1992339-41
United Nations
Centre on Transnational Corporations
371
UNO (Nicaraguan Opposition Union) 223,
224-6, 229, 230, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237,
238, 239
government241-2, 251, 252-3
Urban, Stanley 270
US Foreign Assistance Act
Title IX addition to 82, 89
USIA (United States Information Agency)
89, 90, 93, 96
and Nicaragua 231, 232

Vaky, Vyron 213
Valdes, Gabriel 146
Valenzuela, Arturo 166, 177, 179
Vance, Cyrus 201
Vanden, Harry 217, 218
Vanderbilt, Cornelius 204
vanguardism
and the Sandinista government in
Nicaragua 217-18
Vargas, Oscar Rene 242
Verba, Sydney 46
Vietnam
economic development programs 48
electoral intervention in 109
Vietnam War 78, 79, 81, 85
VSN (Volunteers of National Security,
Haiti) 268-9
Vuskovic, Pedro 197

Walesa, Lech 233
Walker, William 204, 206
Wallerstein, Immanuel 19-20, 363
Wallock, Ken 181
warfare
conventional 81
covert political 79
local and regional conflicts 379
low-intensity 80-1, 82, 92; Nicaragua
219-22
psychological 79, 80
Watson, Alexander 215
Weber, Max 11, 19, 62, 348, 356, 367, 370
Weinstein, Allen 83, 90, 130
welfare capitalism 346, 362-3
Western democracy 218
Westminster Foundation 364
Wheelock, Jaime 212
Whitehead, Laurence 45
Wiarda, Howard 73, 113
Wilentz, Amy 292
Williams, Raymond 52
Wilson, Woodrow 207
Wisner, Frank 145
Wolf, Eric 283, 317
Wolfe, Alan 354
women
and democracy promotion 103, 104
and globalization 342-3
and the sexual division of labour 104,
134, 229
466
women's organizations
Haiti 283
Nicaragua 227, 228-9, 230, 244
in the Philippines 126, 131-4, 136
World Bank 244-5, 271, 326, 365, 368, 372
world history
epochs of3
world system 7, 8
and the foreign policy of nations 17-20
and Gramscian model of international
relations 17-31
modem 3, 263
and the nation-state 373
and polyarchy 361-3
World Trade Organization 36

Yeltsin, Boris 324
youth movements 103
in Chile 191-2
Haiti 283
in Nicaragua 227, 228, 230
in the Philippines 134-5

Zamorano, Antonio 156-7
ZANU (Zimbabwe African National
Union) 327
Zelaya, Jose Santos 205-6
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