Hitler's Mentor: Dietrich Eckart, His Life, Times, & Milieu

"Science," the Greek word for knowledge, when appended to the word "political," creates what seems like an oxymoron. For who could claim to know politics? More complicated than any game, most people who play it become addicts and die without understanding what they were addicted to. The rest of us suffer under their malpractice as our "leaders." A truer case of the blind leading the blind could not be found. Plumb the depths of confusion here.

Re: Hitler's Mentor: Dietrich Eckart, His Life, Times, & Mil

Postby admin » Thu Jan 10, 2019 1:37 am

Part 1 of 2

Epilogue: Franz Kafka: Prophet of Doom

"In peace time you don't get anywhere. In war time you bleed to death."

-- Franz Kafka

Franz Kafka lived all but two of his 41 years in Prague. Julie Lowy Kafka, wife of Hermann Kafka, delivered her firstborn child on July 3rd, 1883. They gave him the Jewish name Amschel (Adam) and secular appellation Franz, after Emperor Franz Josef.

The word "Kafka" meant jackdaw, a type of crow. Hermann Kafka's retail clothing business used the image of a jackdaw as its logo. Emperor Josef II's 1782 Edict of Tolerance required all Jews to take surnames. Franz suspected that "Kafka" represented a negative stereotype, since crows were known for hook-shaped beaks, cunning, and knavery. Ronald Hayman observed that many of Kafka's fictional works featured animals with unpleasant characteristics:

" ... ape(s), dog(s), rodent(s) -- species whose names are borrowed as terms of abuse." [1]

Franz never forgot that a teacher once called him a "crocodile" for not admitting that he left his logarithmic tables at home. When reviewing his friend Max Brod's novel The Jewesses, he remarked that Jewish yentas reminded him of "lizards." [2] This tendency of identifying people with animals may have come from his father, who referred to a consumptive employee as a "sick dog," and sometimes threatened to rip Franz in half like a herring when he misbehaved.

Hermann Kafka, energetic son of an impoverished kosher butcher from Wozzek, worked hard to become a successful clothing and accessories merchant. As a young man he attained the rank of sergeant while serving three years in the Austro-Hungarian Army. During the Jewish riots of 1905 anti-Semitic vandals bypassed his store because Hermann was a patriotic veteran who acted "more Czech than Jewish."

Julie Lowy Kafka's father operated a thriving brewery in Podiebrad. Her mother died of typhus when she was only three. After Franz's birth, she found herself in the middle of an Oedipal triangle, trying to care for a hypersensitive son as well as her gruff and demanding husband.

Like Klara Hitler, Julie lost two baby sons to childhood diseases. As survivor, Franz may have experienced both feelings of guilt and "chosenness." Following the deaths of Georg (1887) and Heinrich (1889) Julie had three girls in a row: Gabrielle (Elli, 1889,) Valerie (Valli, 1890,) and Ottilie (Ottla, 1892.) Because her husband required Julie's help in running his store, she worked twelve hour days there, six days a week, leaving the children with servants. Most evenings at home Hermann insisted that she fritter away hours playing cards with him.

Like Alois Hitler, Hermann Kafka relocated frequently. During Franz's first eight years he moved the family from Maiselgasse in Prague's old city section to Wenzelplatz, then to Geistgasse, next to Zeltnergasse, finally to Grosser Ring.

Kafka did not have many fond childhood memories. In a 1912 letter to his fiancee Felice Bauer, he wrote:

"I was all alone, forever battling nurses, aging nannies, snarling cooks, morose governesses, because my parents spent all their time in the shop ... [3]

An ill-humored servant named Frau Anna walked him to school.

Our cook, small, desiccated, thin, with pointed nose, hollow cheeks ... took me to school every morning... As we left the house (she) would threaten to tell the teacher how naughty I had been at home ... School was in and of itself a horror and now the cook was trying to make it even worse. I began to plead, she shook her head... I stopped, begged her forgiveness, she dragged me on. I threatened her with retaliation by my parents, which made her laugh ... I clung to the storefront gates, to curbstones, refused to go on until I'd been forgiven. I pulled her back by her skirt, ... but she dragged me on, all the while assuring me that this too would be told to the teacher. .. " [4]

Frau Anna called him a little "ravachol," Czech slang for "crooked Jew."

Besides reading and swimming, Kafka only admitted to liking one other activity. On holidays he wrote and directed one-act plays, using his sisters and servants as actors. The audience usually consisted of Hermann, Julie, a few relatives, and friends. Elli, Valli, and Ottla enjoyed these performances, but thought their brother was too much of a perfectionist.

Franz took after the Lowys. Men in his mother's family had been doctors, rabbis, and scholars. Brawny Hermann Kafka, who liked to show off his physical strength and sing army marching songs, did not know what to make of his bookish son. Franz's conflicts with his father eventually led to problems with other male authority figures. He once wrote: "I... became a rather obedient child, but ... suffered inner damage as a result." [5 ]At age thirty-six Kafka composed a fifty page letter to Hermann, in the form of a prosecutor's brief, but never gave it to him. He wondered why his beloved mother catered to his philistine father. Franz portrayed Hermann in the letter as

"a boss who treats his employees as 'animals' and 'paid enemies,' but turns into a deferential bootlicker before those he deems socially superior, a father who tyr;mnizes the whole household by his constant ranting, raving, and obscene threats of violence -- 'I'll tear you apart like a fish!' -- and who insists on proper manners in his children while he himself behaves at the dinner table like an orangutan ... " [6]

On the other hand, he admired Hermann's vigor, endurance, ambition, and industry.

At an early age Franz surrendered to his dysfunctional family and the despotism of local schools. Submission to these irrational forces drew him into a "Kafka-esqe" milieu. The Alstadter Gymnasium (High School) taught Latin, history, geography, and classical literature. Ernst Pawel explained that

"It accustomed the students to doing vast amounts of utterly pointless work. It trained them to fear their superiors and disdain ... inferiors, and ... conditioned them to the stupefying boredom of endless days spent shuffling papers in ... dreary offices." [7]

Of course, after graduation Jews hit an invisible barrier of discrimination. The Austro-Hungarian government, army, universities, and most corporations denied them opportunities. Jews could work as retail or wholesale tradesmen, manufacturers, attorneys, physicians, or money lenders. A tiny fraction of them became musicians, chemists, writers, and teachers. Almost all other occupations were closed to them. Franz's father objected when "Herr Sohn" decided to study philosophy at Prague's Ferdinand-Karls German University. Hermann Kafka considered philosophy gibberish, " ... a fancy way to starve to death." [8] Kant's "Critique of Pure Nonsense" plus two pfennigs couldn't buy you a cup of coffee. Bowing to pressure from family and society, Franz gave up and switched his major to law.

Kafka's parents only attended synagogue on high holy days-four times per year. He once described himself as Europe's "most secular Jew." [9] In November, 1916 Franz informed Felice Bauer that he did not celebrate Rosh Hashanah. "I scarcely said a word about the New Year. .. because for me the day has no significance." [10] Soon after making his Bar Mitzvah at thirteen, he lost interest in religion. Franz longed to assimilate into the "new Europe," but turn-of-the-century Prague had no place for young Jews -- even those who renounced Judaism. To their dismay, he and his Jewish friends discovered that public education took them "out of the ghetto-and straight into oblivion." [11]

Kafka always harbored ambivalent feelings toward the Jewish faith. While re-reading Genesis he expressed horror about "God's rage against humanity." [12] In September, 1916 he wrote Felice Bauer:

"I literally drowned in the terrifying boredom and pointlessness of ... temple services. They were hell's way of staging a preview of my later office career." [13]

While serving as an usher at his sister's wedding Kafka felt like a slapstick comedian in baggy tuxedo and top hat too small for him. His diary recorded bizarre impressions of Altneu synagogue.

"Muted stock-exchange muttering ... Churchlike interior. Three orthodox, presumably Eastern Jews. In socks. Bent over their prayer-books, prayer shawls pulled up over their heads, becoming as small as possible. At least two of them were weeping ... A man who looked like a bank clerk was shaking ... while he prayed ... " [14]

Franz spied a brothel operator and his family milling around in the background.

Nevertheless, he acknowledged a genealogical connection with his Jewish forefathers, and shared their "high literacy," which stressed the written word over idol worship. Toward the end of his life he learned Hebrew, took Talmud courses at Berlin's Academy for Jewish Studies, and bought phylacteries (headgear worn for morning prayers.) "Insufferable Jews" jarred Kafka's nerves, yet he recognized the fine line between obnoxiousness and candor. Only prideful "sons of disobedience» resented prophetic admonitions.

On November 16, 1920 anti-Semitic riots broke out in Prague. To his gentile girlfriend Milena Jesenska he confided:

"I've spent all afternoon out in the streets bathing in Jew-hatred. 'Filthy brood' is what I heard them call (us.). Isn't it only natural to leave a place where one is so bitterly hated? The heroism involved in staying put in spite of all is the valor of the cockroach, which ... won't be driven out of the bathroom. I just looked out my window: mounted police, a riot squad readying for a bayonet charge, the screaming mob dispersing, and up here in the window the ugly shame of always having to live under protection." [15]

With his dark good looks, intelligent conversation, and perfect manners Kafka favorably impressed fellow guests at Pension Ottoburg in April, 1920. However, he created a stir by disclosing his Jewishness one evening after supper. Dining companions quickly rose from the table. A retired military officer with whom Kafka had been conversing suddenly became

" ... restless, but out of politeness he (brought our) little chat to some kind of conclusion before striding hurriedly out." [16]

On another occasion well-bred Germans swapped anecdotes about

"Jewish roguery, brashness, cowardice ... They laugh with a certain admiration, (then) apologize afterwards to me." [17]

While acknowledging that highly cultured Franz was himself an exception to the rule, genteel Germans at Ottoburg still held Jews accountable for most ills of modern times. Kafka conceded his co-religionists' propensity to accelerate the pace of change, but did not think they ruined quality of life for plodding Teutons.

(Jews) have long been imposing on Germany things it could perhaps have achieved slowly in its own way, but has opposed, as coming from outsiders." [18]

In February, 1913 Dr. F. H. Theilhaber deeply affected Kafka with a lecture which argued that Jewish efforts to assimilate into Europe had utterly failed. Franz researched Theodore Herzl's concept of a Zionist homeland in Palestine. On September 8, 1913 he attended a session of the 11th Zionist Congress in Vienna. His objective was not to revive his dormant Jewish faith, but connect with fellow alienated Jews. He knew that Austrian anti-Semites lumped all his extended clan together as an "incorrigible race." The kibbutz idea -- derived from Fourier, St. Simon, and Tolstoy -- also intrigued him.

On October 4, 1911 Kafka attended a play performed by The Polish Yiddish Musical Drama Company at Prague's Savoy Cafe. He loved it. To his family's alarm, Franz befriended actor Yitzhak Levi, and began going twice a week to these melodramas. Something about the bathos and low comedy of folk-theater deeply resonated with him. Most educated Jews dismissed Yiddish drama as a debased vestige of the ghetto. Kafka thought that its exaggerations captured not only life's irrationality, but the absurdity of being a Jew in 20th Century Europe.

Franz's parents did not share his enthusiasm for Yiddish histrionics. Hermann Kafka wrote off Yitzhak Levi a "meschuggenah" (madman), and told his son that he did not want that "ritoch" (transient goofball) in their home. Hermann and Julie Kafka refused to attend Franz's fund-raising benefit for the Yiddish theatrical company in February, 1912.

Kafka empathized with his sister Ottla's indignation toward her gentile fiance Josef David, whom she married on July 15, 1920. Josef loved Ottla, but clung to ingrained prejudices against Jews. After he made offensive remarks at a party, she wrote him a letter, threatening to break off their engagement.

"Some Jews, perhaps even a majority, may now be doing what they ought not to do. But that certainly does not apply to all of them. In any case, I don't wish to be treated as an exception. I could not accept that." [19]

Franz fully appreciated his sister's feelings. He realized that to forsake Judaism would not only be an act of disloyalty, but fraudulence and self-destruction. Nevertheless, he understood why his Jewish friend Max Brod regarded orthodox Jews as "savages," [20] with whom "civilized" modernists of Hebrew extraction had little in common. While on vacation in Franzenbad with his mother and sister in July, 1916 Franz saw a Hasidic rabbi grandly sashaying about like a Hindu swami, attended by slavish hangers-on wielding parasols and fans. To Brod he wrote:

"He wears a silk caftan, open at the front, a wide belt around his waist, and tall fur hat, ... white stockings and ... white trousers ... His remarks are mostly like the trivial comments and questions of visiting royalty ... " [21]

Franz Kafka remained thin and youthful-looking throughout his short life, once wisecracking that he was the skinniest person on earth. On September 2, 1911 Max Brod wrote in his diary that Kafka quipped:

"'I'll go on looking like a boy till I'm forty, and then suddenly a withered old man." [22]

He worked on maintaining a good appearance. Anti-Semitic pamphlets caricatured Jewish males as hunched-over and bow-legged. To transcend the sedentary, "stoop-shouldered Jew" image, he swam regularly, rowed on the Vltava River, and performed exercises devised by Danish gymnast Jorgen Petersen Mueller to build up his slender frame.

Franz also wanted to avoid the "metropolitan Jew" stereotype. Therefore, he vacationed in mountain resorts, hiked in forests, and took up gardening. Influenced by her brother's interest in nature and agriculture, Ottla Kafka toiled on an experimental farm during the summer of 1915. Hermann complained to his son that, thanks to him, Ottla had wasted three months shoveling pig manure. Unfazed, Franz continued to advocate the value of "healthy, strenuous (outdoor) labor, as opposed to ghost-like office work ... " [23] However, an incident in 1913 gave him pause.

"I, who wanted to cure my neurasthenia by gardening, ... found out that the heir presumptive to (shrub and plant dealer) ... Dvorsky, and himself already the owner of a flower nursery, poisoned himself two months ago in a fit of depression at the age of twenty-eight." [24]

Since adolescence Kafka had been a hypochondriac who devised his own "ersatz kosher" dietary rules. Worries about minor ailments led him to adopt naturopathic methods of preventative medicine. He abstained from alcohol, coffee, tea, chocolate, and tobacco. His vegetarian fare included whole grain cereals, raw (unpasteurized) milk, yogurt, organic vegetables, fruits, and nuts. He followed Dr. Horace Fletcher's regimen of chewing every mouthful of food thirty times -- which made him seem to eat like a squirrel. Whenever constipated Kafka dosed himself with Regulin, a laxative composed of crushed seaweed. He once went through the painful ordeal of having his stomach pumped to remove toxins. Franz tried to follow the regimen of naturopath Moritz Schnitzer, who hailed the benefits of fresh air and condemned "overdressing." Thus, he endangered his health by keeping a bedroom window open on frosty nights, and strolling around Prague without an overcoat in frigid weather. On trips taken together, Max Brod surreptitiously closed hotel windows at night-to the consternation of Franz, who groused about feeling "buried alive" [25] in stuffy rooms.

Kafka's friends Else Bergmann and Ida Freund admired Anthroposophical guru Rudolf Steiner. He decided to visit the seer in March, 1911. Steiner wore shabby clothes. He had a bad cold, and kept twirling the tip of a handkerchief in his mucus-clogged nostrils. Franz tried to explain that the psychological state he reached while writing seemed similar to Steiner's notion of clairvoyance. Besides advising him to stop eating eggs, the red-nosed savant did little more than behold Kafka with a glassy stare and nod like a bobble-head.

Emancipated Jews such as Karl Marx, Heinrich Heine, and Karl Kraus absorbed anti-Semitism along with German literature, history, and philosophy. As a means of identifying and controlling objectionable traits in his own character, Kafka sometimes read anti-Semitic tracts. Ernst Pawel confirmed that

"in moments of extreme distress (he) borrowed from their droppings to indulge his self-disgust ... " [26]

Like Dietrich Eckart, Arthur Trebitsch and Ludwig Wittgenstein, Kafka admired mentally unbalanced Otto Weininger who contended that Jews had an irrepressible drive to annihilate themselves along with their gentile victims. Following Weininger's example Kafka wished to purge all traces of shtetl coarseness from his own behavior. Although a refined gentleman by nature, he studied Oscar Bies' Manual of Etiquette in order to sand off any remaining rough edges.

Though shy, Kafka had "presence." Ernst Pawel commented that "with no apparent effort on his part, he earned the instant respect of even casual acquaintances." [27] Gustav Janouch, a sixteen year old poet whom Kafka encouraged in 1920, described his kindness and beatific expressiveness.

"He used facial muscles instead of words... smiling or contracting or pursing his lips." [28]

Instead of laughing out loud when pleased or amused he would usually "(throw) back his head, parting his lips and closing his eyes to slits as if lying in the sun." [29]

An introvert by nature, Kafka felt drained rather than galvanized by other people. Acquaintances found him unfailingly polite -- to the point of suffering fools gladly. His diffidence stemmed partially from a wish to spare himself the bother of "feigning interest for civility's sake." [30] While taking a rest cure at Fountain of Youth Sanitarium in the Hartz Mountains during July, 1912 modest Franz was thrown in with a gaggle of eccentrics who paraded around nude.

"When it rained he would see a (naked) old man 'charging like a wild animal across the meadow,' taking a rain bath." [31]

Not wishing to be antisocial, Franz mingled with fellow guests, but became known as "the man in ... swim trunks," [32] because of his aversion to nudism.

Kafka worried about lacking courage. Like Heinrich Heine in Luneburg, he felt that solitary devotion to the craft of writing had transformed him into a depressed, apathetic phantom who ignored immediate surroundings and couldn't look others in the eye. Yet cruelty or injustice sometimes roused him to bravery. He quietly supported the causes of labor unions and Jewish civil rights. When a sadistic teenaged bully taunted a servant girl in public, Kafka impulsively punched him.

Franz Kafka graduated from Ferdinand Karls University with a doctorate in law on June 18, 1906. To obtain his lawyer's license, he had to work one year as an unpaid clerk in the criminal courts. Because of Kafka's intelligence and impeccable manners Generali Insurance Co. overlooked his religious background and hired him as one of its first Jewish underwriters on November 1, 1907. The company's regimentation reminded him of Alstadter High School. Generali's lengthy rulebook demanded six workdays per week, occasional Sunday work, ...

"unconditional promptness, overtime without compensation, fourteen days vacation every second year at the convenience of the company, no resignation without three months' notice, no private property in office desks ... " [33]

The grind at Generali quickly dispirited him. Through the influence of Dr. Otto Pribram, father of his friend Ewald Felix Pribram, Franz secured employment with the Workmen's Accident Insurance Institute in July, 1908. He later observed that it was incomprehensible how the two Jews (working) there managed to get in, but it will never happen again." [34] While employed at the Institute he visited policyholders' workplaces to ensure that they were correctly classified and rated, based on degree of hazard. He also inaugurated a "loss control" program which required periodic inspections, and mandatory compliance with safety recommendations. Kafka has been credited with requiring steelworkers to wear hardhats, thus sharply reducing the number and severity of head injuries. These proposals helped Dr. Pribram turn Bohemia's Workers Compensation program from near insolvency to profitability within five years. Franz continuously wrote technical manuals and long reports for the Institute. A 1910 paper expatiated

"at length on the technical details of specific safety measures, which as ... modifications of a mechanical jointer plane that eventually (would) save the lives and limbs of .. workers ... in Bohemia's ... lumber industry." [35]

While at the Institute Kafka proved himself a friend of the working man. He once jeopardized his job by secretly counseling an elderly laborer with a serious leg injury who experienced problems with a compensation claim. Franz not only coached him on how to meet eligibility criteria, but also paid part of his lawyer's fee. Realizing far before others that many returning veterans suffered from post-traumatic stress syndrome, Kafka inaugurated a pioneering mental health program at Frankenstein Hospital. In recognition of this service the Austro-Hungarian War Veterans Society nominated him for a medal (which he never received.)

Kafka's experience as an insurance underwriter influenced such literary works as "The Stoker" and "In the Penal Colony." It also colored his private correspondence. In a letter to his friend Max Brod, he joked:

"You have no idea how busy I am. In my four districts ... people tumble off scaffolds and into machines as if ... drunk, all planks tip over, all embankments collapse, all ladders slip, whatever gets put up comes down, whatever gets put down trips somebody up. And all those young girls in china factories (who) ... constantly hurl themselves down whole flights of stairs with mountains of crockery give me a headache ... [36]

In November, 1911 his brother-in-law Karl Hermann, convinced hesitant Franz to participate as a "silent partner" in the Kafka-esque enterprise of an asbestos factory. Karl and Elli, with tacit support from him, then prevailed upon Hermann Kafka to invest in the project. Against his will, Franz soon found himself working nights as the plant's bookkeeper and assistant manager. Drudgery in the asbestos factory office stressed him out, provided little income, and afforded no satisfaction whatsoever. Worse yet, it interfered with his writing. He came to regard the firm as a personal, financial, and ecological nightmare. When this distasteful business failed to reap expected profits, his father blamed him not only for luring him into a losing proposition, but lacking the ambition to turn it around. Franz became so dejected over this situation by March, 1912 that he contemplated suicide. When the Austrian army drafted Karl Hermann in 1914, Kafka had to devote even more time to the plant. To his relief, a materials shortage forced a slowdown, then closure by March, 1915.

Franz Kafka began writing short stories as a college student in 1904. Early tales such as "The Wish to Be a Red Indian," "Unhappiness," and "The Urban World" remained unpublished during his life time, but Hyperion literary magazine printed nine stories, including "Description of a Struggle" (1904) and "Wedding Preparations in the Country (1907.) In its March 27, 1910 edition the newspaper Bohemia published "Reflections of a Gentleman Jockey." Critics have designated "The Judgment" as his first signature work. He wrote in it one night -- Yom Kippur (Day of Judgment) -- September 22, 1912, possibly after his father scolded him for staying up too late.

In Kafka's short story "The Urban World" Oskar M.'s irascible father denounces him for being a useless "professional student." "The Judgment" also explores the theme of paternal disapproval. Georg Bendermann, a successful young businessman, wonders whether or not he should inform a friend living in Russia about his commercial success and engagement to pretty Frieda Brandenfeld. When Georg visits Mr. Bendermann senior to seek his advice, he finds him in a disoriented state, and helps him into bed. His father resents Georg for taking over the family business, even though sales have increased. The old man suddenly throws off the covers and turns into a raving fiend, shrieking that he's been in touch with Georg's Russian friend, who "knows everything." At the end of this diatribe, the older man points a finger at his son and declares: "I sentence you to death by drowning!" Georg's compulsion to obey "legitimate" authority overcomes his self-confidence, love for fiancee Frieda Brandenfeld, and all other considerations. He dutifully runs straight to a nearby bridge and jumps into the river.

With this dream-like story Kafka made the transition from realism to surrealism. By means of such "poisoned fairy tales" he wanted to reveal truth and thereby shock readers out of complacency. Literature should be prophetic. As a university student in 1903 he wrote that

"many a book is like a key to unknown chambers within the castle of one's own self.... We ought to read only books that bite and sting us ... If the book does not shake us awake like a blow to the skull why bother reading it? ... What we need are books that hit us like a painful misfortune ... A book must be the ax for the frozen sea within us." [37]

This commentary foreshadows the title of his later novel, The Castle. In German "Schloss" means both "lock" and "castle." Effective literature produces epiphanies, and reveals hidden dimensions of both external reality and one's own personality. This process often causes discomfort. Because of Kafka's compulsive probing Ernst Pawel and others put him not in the German tradition of Schiller and Goethe, but with that

"unruly crowd of Talmudist, Cabalists, (and) medieval mystics resting uneasily beneath the jumble of... weatherbeaten tombstones in Prague's Old Cemetery." [38]

Kafka's parents, aunts, and uncles treated his attempts at writing with hostility or indifference. Herrmann and Julie objected to him scribbling late at night. On several occasions, Herrmann stalked into Franz's room and confiscated his ink bottle, which compelled him to finish passages in pencil. At one family gathering in 1911 his uncle glanced at a page of Amerika and handed it back with the dismissive comment: "the usual stuff." [39] Franz dedicated The Country Doctor and Other Stories to his father. When he tried to hand him a signed copy in May, 1919 Herrmann barely glanced up from his newspaper and growled: "put it on the night table." [40]

Franz Kafka loved his mother and sisters, however most of his relationships with other women were troubled. He had his first sexual encounter with a shop girl in 1903 at the age of 19. From that time until his mid-thirties, he engaged in casual sex with working girls, hookers, and women encountered while on vacation. These trysts left him feeling emotionally unsatisfied and guilty. In September, 1908 he wrote Max Brod:

"I feel so desperately in need of just a friendly caress that yesterday I took a whore to a hotel... She was too old to ... be sentimental. .. " [41]

Brod's plan to loosen his friend up at a fancy Parisian bordello backfired in August, 1911. Viewing slit-eyed prostitutes in that garish Temple of Venus triggered an anxiety attack. Franz bolted out the door, ran outside, and trekked several blocks back to his hotel. He called this excursion through unfamiliar surroundings a "lonely, long, ridiculous walk home." [42]

Kafka desired personal privacy as well as intimacy with women. He noticed that his friendship with Max Brod deteriorated after the latter's engagement to his fiancee Elsa, commenting: "to me he's disengaged," [43] and "a married friend is no friend." [44] Balancing the contrary drives for solitude and a love relationship proved difficult, if not impossible. Most of the women in his life found Kafka "high-maintenance," as well as slightly disturbed. Puah Ben-Tovim, a Palestinian girl who gave him Hebrew lessons in November, 1922, described him as

"thrashing about like a drowning man, ready to cling to whoever came close enough for him to grab hold of." [45]

Twenty-four year old Franz met university student Hedwig Weiler during the summer of 1907 while on vacation in Triesch. Their short association set the pattern for future relationships. He wrote her several long confessional letters. Their correspondence lasted for a year, then trailed off She cancelled out of a planned visit to Prague in October, 1907. Sensing that her relationship with temperamental Kafka had no future, Hedwig asked him to return all of her letters in July, 1909, which he did.

Franz first met Felice Bauer, the cousin of Max Brod's brother-in-law, in August, 1912. She worked for Carl Lindstrom A.G., a tape-recorder and dictating machine manufacturer, and had come to Prague on business. They discussed literature during a get-together at Brod's sister's house. Kafka did not fall in love with Felice at first sight. In fact his diary entry for that day described her as a drab young woman, who ...

" ... looked like a maid. I wasn't at all curious about who she was, immediately taking her for granted. Bony, empty face that carried its emptiness openly. Bare throat. Blouse flung on (any old way.) Her clothes gave her an air of domesticity ... Almost broken nose, blond, rather stiff, unappealing hair, strong chin ... " [46]

A few days later Franz sent Felice a letter.

"I am enclosing the little prose pieces you asked to see; I think they should add up to a short book .... I would be happy if the material pleased you at least to the extent of wanting to publish it ... " [47]

Their party banter led to a five year relationship marked by betrothal, wedding cancellation, second engagement, and final break-up. Between 1913 and 1916 Kafka wrote Felice two or three times a day and fussed when she "neglected" him by not replying daily. On December 29, 1912 he mailed her a forty page letter. Morbidly curious about the minutest aspects of her life, he suggested that, instead of composing letters, she simply keep a detailed journal and send him carbon copy dispatches every day. He instructed her to mention in the diary

"what you had for breakfast, the view from your office window, your work there, the names of your friends, ... why you get presents, who tries to sabotage your health by giving you confectionary, and the thousand things of which I know nothing." [48]

His own epistles went far beyond the usual love-note genre. Ernst Pawel observed that

"he wrote ... not short billets doux, ... but long letters, ... running the gamut from hysteria to humor, filled with self-pity, special pleading, and soaring sentiment, ... shrewd observations, acerbic comments, ... brilliant sketches ... buckets of anguished sympathy, and elaborate therapeutic advice ... " [49]

Yet the magic usually evaporated when he visited her. His desire for social contact, " ... changed to fear the moment it reached ... fulfillment ... " [50] Kafka suffered like a "chained prisoner" at their engagement party, and lamented the "hideous impression" [51] he made on Felice's family. He noted that her mother, wearing black as if in mourning, seemed "disapproving, reproachful, observant, impassive." [52] Felice's father died of a heart attack shortly after Kafka's visit. Franz blamed himself for his untimely death.

The heavy Victorian furniture Felice picked out made Franz nauseous. His oft-repeated opinion -- derived from August Strindberg -- that marriage was the antithesis of love, failed to kindle romantic sentiments in his fiancee. Nor did marital bliss seem probable with a man who promised not

"merry chatter arm in arm, but a monastic life side by side with a man who is fretful, melancholy, terse, dissatisfied, and sickly." [53]

He made it plain that writing would always come first.

"My life consists ... of attempts to write, most of them unsuccessful. But whenever I do not write, ... I am fit for the garbage." [54]

In his June 26, 1913 letter to her, he wrote:

"What I need for my writing is seclusion, not 'like a hermit,' that would not be sufficient, but like the dead. Writing in this sense is a sleep deeper than death, and just as one ... would not drag a corpse out of his grave, I cannot be made to leave my desk at night either." [55]

In a nervous fit Kafka even rejected Felice's suggestion that they take a week-long vacation on the Riviera, explaining

"My contact with you, which I am striving to maintain with all my strength, must never be jeopardized by such a journey together." [56]

Felice began to have second thoughts about marrying a man who recoiled at the idea of spending a few days in her company. The couple finally ended their relationship on Christmas, 1917.
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Re: Hitler's Mentor: Dietrich Eckart, His Life, Times, & Mil

Postby admin » Thu Jan 10, 2019 2:25 am

Part 2 of 2

Kafka now regarded writing as an alternative to life. He entered the "sacred vocation" of literature, "choosing priesthood over manhood." [57] Composing parables was "a form of prayer," [58] a holy quest for truth. It became his principal reason for being. Only by exercising this gift could he meaningfully serve humanity -- even if God forbade him from doing it. Writing was the only way to justify his "monotonous, empty, insane bachelor's existence." [59] Neglecting this duty might result in mental breakdown. As he asserted to Max Brod: "a non-writing writer is... a monster courting insanity." [60] Nevertheless, Kafka later instructed him to destroy many of his manuscripts out of fear that they may have originated from evil spirits.

Kafka's story "In the Penal Colony" (1914) not only flouts literary conventions, but presages Auschwitz. On some remote Devil's Island an officer proposes to execute a prisoner for not saluting the commandant's door. He's enthusiastic about carrying out the sentence with a high-tech instrument of torture, consisting of an oscillating harrow with needle that slowly tears victims apart by engraving them with the name of their offense. In a reversal of fortune, the officer ends up mangled by his own infernal machine. This narrative portrays an absurd and unjust society equipped with sophisticated technology for killing.

In The Metamorphosis (1915) commercial traveler Gregor Samsa wakes up one morning transformed into a giant cockroach. His bourgeois family struggles to conceal this incomprehensible disgrace from neighbors. Even Gregor's affectionate sister wants him out of the family's apartment His death brings relief to everyone, himself included.

The Trial, posthumously published in 1925, also starts with the protagonist waking up to a bad dream. It begins with bank clerk Josef K. being awakened one morning and arrested, even though he hadn't committed any crime. He receives a summons to report to an Interrogation Commission. His court appearance takes place in the back room of a dilapidated apartment building. Judge and prosecutor refuse to divulge the charges against him. When he argues eloquently against this violation of his civil liberties, the district attorney solemnly informs him that such contrariness has only gotten him into more trouble. The nightmare gets progressively worse. His own lawyer proves incompetent. Josef visits the court's office, a filthy apartment where the judge's wife attempts to seduce him. Law books on the library shelf don't contain statutes and legal precedents, but lewd stories with pornographic illustrations. In the end authorities condemn Josef to death for an unspecified "crime" and execute him at a quarry. The Trial uncannily prefigures Nazism's system of "justice," even down to the detail of Josef's murder near pits outside of town.

Kafka's father's behavior influenced his bleak characterizations of "lawful" authority in "The Judgment," The Trial, and The Castle. Franz never forgot an incident which occurred during his childhood. As a four year old he could not sleep and whined for his mother. Hermann rushed in, violently shoved him out onto the balcony, and left him crying there in his pajamas. Thirty years later Franz vividly recalled his distress.

" ... I still suffered from the tormenting fantasy that the gigantic man, my father, the supreme authority, could come at night, almost without any grounds, and carry me from my bed to the balcony and that I was therefore, for him, such a nonentity." [61]

Two of Kafka's novels reprised this childhood trauma in veiled form. In The Trial police induced Josef K's landlady to rouse him from bed. In The Castle, an agent of Count Klamm named Schwarzer woke up K. and informed him that he must leave the village at once since he didn't have a permit.

Some critics interpret The Castle as an allegory about Jewish alienation. Protagonist K. attempts to contact Klamm, shadowy lord of the manor, on the pretext of conducting a land survey. Lower level employees obstruct his efforts. Unable to accomplish anything he appeals to local residents for help. They won't cooperate, and slavishly express satisfaction with Klamm's unfathomable governance. Helping K. might imperil their own interests. A lukewarm moderate tells him: "nobody's keeping you here." Wishing to remain politically-correct, he softens this by adding: "you're not being thrown out." [62] K.'s an outsider -- or non-person, the villagers don't really care about.

K. seduces Klamm's ex-mistress, a barmaid named Frieda, but she knows little about her former lover's business, and has no influence with him. He also befriends members of the Barnabas family who have become outcasts for unknown reasons -- without breaking any laws. The Barnabases have been informed that in order to clear themselves of the unstipulated charges against them, they must prove others guilty. Klamm's regime demands that innocent parties bear the burden of proof.

Since it abruptly stops in mid-sentence, most critics have pronounced The Castle "unfinished." However, Max Brod thought Kafka intentionally ended the work that way to emphasize that the problem of capricious power, wielded from behind the scenes, will never be resolved. Hitler had his Night and Fog Decree, the Mafia its code of silence. Arbitrary authority envelopes itself in secrecy to evade accountability.

In 1917 Kafka had an affair with Grete Bloch, a fashionable young secretary whom Felice Bauer deputized as a "go-between." Grete later claimed to have borne Kafka a male child out of wedlock, who died at the age of six in Munich, circa 1921. Most scholars dismiss her story as a fabrication. She probably had sex with Kafka and may have had a child by another man. Unfortunately, Grete suffered from mental illness in 1940 when she related this story to Walter Schocken. Four years later German troops murdered her and other Jews in Florence, Italy.

While convalescing at Schelesen Sanitarium in 1919 Franz met an attractive dressmaker named Julie Wohryzek, daughter of a Jewish cobbler. She had been hospitalized for depression after her fiance's death in the war. Following a month of pleasant companionship, Kafka suddenly proposed to Julie. Their engagement did not last long. Franz's interest waned because he thought her somewhat shallow, his parents disapproved, and the couple's arrangements for an apartment in a Prague suburb fell through. In the aftermath of this debacle Hermann Kafka snapped that his son should give up on love and just pay for sex at brothels.

Kafka never had a close relationship with a gentile girl until meeting Milena Jesenska in 1920. When she was thirteen years old her mother died of pernicious anemia. Her father, Czech nationalist Dr. Jan Jesenska, specialized in plastic surgery and jaw reconstruction. The choleric doctor beat his daughter severely and often, but also sent her to The Minerva, Prague's best private school. Milena flourished there as a writer and student of literature. By 1915 she frequented the Arco Circle of Kafka's friend Franz Werfel. Shortly after joining Werfel's salon, nineteen year old Milena commenced a stormy affair with Oskar Polak, a thirty-six year old Jewish writer with a reputation for womanizing. At the same time, she stole money from her father and became addicted to cocaine. In an attempt to control his wild daughter, Dr. Jesenska clapped her into Veleslavin Insane Asylum for ten months. This confinement had no effect on her feelings for Polak. Shortly after being released, she ran off with him to Vienna. A proponent of free love, Polak not only cheated on Milena, but physically abused her. By 1919 she had to support herself by working as a baggage handler in Vienna's railroad terminal.

Kafka caught her on the rebound about this time. She wrote him a letter praising his literary works and requesting permission to translate some stories into Czech. Bright and beautiful Milena immediately made a favorable impression on Kafka. He commenced a fresh round of platonic correspondence with her. Kafka prized Milena's "clairvoyant wisdom," [63] but had reservations about her common sense. Despite Polak's inexcusable behavior, she remained obsessed with him.

Franz deplored Polak's scandalous conduct, which reflected badly on Jews. He passed on to Milena the comment of one her own relatives to Josef David (his sister Ottla's husband.)

"Don't ever get involved with Jews. Look at what happened to our Milena ... " [64]

She admitted that Polak was only interested in sex -- "fifteen minutes of male business," as she put it.

Franz elevated her spirit with romantic strolls, candle-lit dinners, kisses, embraces, hand-holding, caresses, soulful looks, and heartfelt words of endearment. He claimed to be less jealous of the caddish Polak than Milena's female friends -- who wasted so much of her time with superficial "girl talk."

Milena sized "Frank" up as a "neurotic Jew." He could not deny being high strung, and once acknowledged doing "everything while literally disintegrating." [65] In 1905 and 1906 after final exams at the University Franz had checked into asylums for "rest cures." He was fastidiously clean and picky about whatever he ate. The fear that letters might contain bad news induced him to leave them unopened for days. Kafka had a phobia about receiving phone calls. The telephone's jarring alarm bell always seemed to herald sudden misfortune. Although he excelled as a letter writer, he felt vulnerable as an ad-libbing conversationalist -- especially with "prosecutors" who "ambushed" him via telephone.

Rodents terrified Kafka. While in Zurau during a vacation he discovered mice running around his cottage. He quickly overcame a lifelong repugnance for cats, inviting one to patrol the room -- even though it repeatedly startled him by jumping into his lap, and once defecated in his bedroom slipper. When Max Brod teased Franz about his mouse phobia, he struck back with uncharacteristic sarcasm.

"... You have nothing against mice? Of course not. You also have nothing against cannibals. But if, in the middle of the night they came creeping out of all your closets and flashed their teeth, you would definitely stop being fond of them." [66]

Like Heinrich Heine, Kafka could not tolerate noise. The relatively faint sound of the elevator in his apartment building drove him to distraction. He described it as:

"a purposeless noise-machine that imitates the sound of (the game) skittle. A heavy ball's rolled rapidly over the entire length of the ceiling, hits the corner and bumps slowly back." [67]

To drown out this bothersome rumbling he ordered special "Oropax" earplugs from Berlin.

In September, 1918 while resting at a cabin in Zurau with his sister Ottla, Kafka complained that he lived next door to "the only piano in north-west Bohemia." [68] He referred to his bedroom at home as "racket headquarters."

"When the noise of breakfast stops on the left, the noise of lunch starts on the right, doors are now being opened everywhere as if the walls were being demolished." [69]

"I hear every door being slammed ... I hear even the clang of the oven door being shut in the kitchen. My father breaks down the doors to my room and comes marching through ... Ashes are being scraped out of the stove in the next room ... Valli, addressing no one in particular, shouts through the foyer as across a Paris street, wanting to know if father's hat had been brushed ... Finally, father is gone and now begins the more ... distracting noise led by ... two canaries." [70]

The constant din forced him to write at night, take long walks, and seclude himself in libraries. He explained the therapeutic value of being alone to Max Brod.

"Solitude has a power over me that never fails ... A slight tidying of my interior gets under way, and I need nothing more, for in small talents nothing is worse than disorder." [71]

In April, 1910 Kafka's nervous tension manifested embarrassingly at work. During an insurance conference his boss, the portly and bearded Dr. Otto Pribram, made a mildly humorous remark. Franz burst into hysterical laughter. He desperately struggled to disguise his uncontrollable mirth as a coughing fit. Then a department head stood up and uttered some cliches with unintentionally comic hand gestures, which struck Franz as vaudeville "schtick." He completely lost it, laughing maniacally for ten minutes straight, while a room full of business colleagues ogled at him in stunned silence.

"I exploded in gales of laughter. .. as perhaps only grade school youngsters are capable... At the same time ... my knees were shaking with fear ... Thanks to a letter of apology I wrote to the president right after the incident ... the matter has now largely been smoothed over. Needless to say, I was not granted a full pardon ... " [72]

Franz did not deny Milena's charge that he was "an anxiety-ridden Jew," bur declared that only a minority of his co-religionists suffered from this affliction.

"The reproach does not apply to your husband... in my experience it does not apply to most Jews, but ... is applicable only to rare individuals, such as myself; but those it hits hard." [73]

Indefinable feelings of trepidation and doom plagued him when in his "psychic state" as a writer. Since Franz could not deny their validity, he felt duty-bound to articulate them. His hard-bargaining father was really just a clownish figure compared to sinister elements coalescing after the Austrian Empire's post-war dissolution.

When Milena invited him to Vienna for a few days, he overcame extreme apprehension and undertook the journey. "I'll need neither breakfast nor supper, but a stretcher," [74] he wrote. His telegram providing time and place of arrival implored:

"Please, Milena, no surprises. No sneaking up on me from behind." [75]

This visit went well, but their relationship cooled off. He ruefully prophesied:

"Few things are certain, but one of them is that we shall never live together, in the same apartment, body to body, at the same table, never, not even in the same town." [76]

Kafka loved Milena, but seduced a chambermaid in Meran, Italy during the height of their relationship. His interest in the liberated Czech girl waned due to his own failing health and her refusal to leave Polak. Franz conceived of himself as an old geezer who held out a "quivering ... clawed, unsteady ... hand ... " [77] to a volatile younger woman. Milena's irrationality, impulsiveness, and lingering attraction for Oskar Polak made him uneasy. He did not relish hair-raising rides on her emotional roller coaster.

"Either you're mine, and then it's good, or you're lost to me, (and) .. it's ... annihilating." [78]

They remained friends after drifting apart in 1921.

In spite of Kafka's homeopathic precautions, his health deteriorated. He frequently caught colds, suffered from migraine headaches, insomnia, and boils. On August 2, 1917 he coughed up blood, but did not go to his doctor until August 10th. The Workmens Institute granted him sick leave on August 19th due to a pulmonary hemorrhage. Dr. Muhlstein theorized that he might have contracted tuberculosis by drinking unpasteurized milk for "health reasons." Kafka's condition improved slightly until October, 1918, when he came down with Spanish flu. Influenza somehow bolstered the T.B. infection. Kafka spent time in various sanitariums, including Mrs. Forberger's in the High Tatra Mountains near Matliary, even though he abhorred

" ... those institutions rocked to their foundations day and night by cough and fever, where they make you eat meat, where retired hangmen dislocate your arms if you try to resist injections, while Jewish doctors stand by and stroke their beards ... " [79]

He spoke of the sanitarium as a "mass grave." [80]

Franz Kafka, 1923

In July, 1923 Kafka traveled to the lakeside resort of Muritz, Germany with his sister Elli and her two children. On Friday, July 13, 1923 he encountered 19 year old Dora Diament, who had recently fled from her Hasidic family in Galicia. She worked at the children's day care center in Berlin's Jewish People's Home. As the older brother of three sisters, Kafka knew how to charm younger girls. Dora found him a "born playmate, always ready for some mischief." [81] Franz invited her to meals and strolled on the beach with her. The unlikely pair soon fell deeply in love.

Kafka was desperately ill with tuberculosis at this time. The inflation of 1923 had just wiped out his savings. Nevertheless, he and Dora moved into an apartment together. They spoke of emigrating to Palestine and opening up a restaurant -- though neither knew how to cook. He wrote to her parents in Poland, asking for their daughter's hand in marriage, portraying himself as a "penitent one who is returning (to Judaism.)" [82] Her father consulted his rabbi, who advised him to refuse permission.

Dora encouraged Franz to read the Talmud. Meanwhile, landlords evicted them from two apartments. Kafka's parents and sisters had to mail checks to keep the two lovebirds afloat.

In the fall of 1923 Franz was still well enough to take courses at the Hebrew Academy. While on his way there one day he saw a little girl crying, and asked her what was wrong. She replied that her doll had been lost. Kafka told her that

"the doll, whom he had only just met, had to go away but ... promised to write... For weeks afterwards he sent her letters in which the doll described her travel adventures." [83]

Like Heine, Kafka experienced love on the eve of death. For her part, Dora worshipped him.

"He was everything she had been longing for: a man with the mind and manners of an educated Western European, and a heart as Jewish as her own." [84]

From March until June, 1924 Dora nursed her dying lover with help from his sisters and Dr. Robert Klopstock. Tubercular lesions on his larynx made it impossible for Kafka to eat or drink by early May, 1924. He could not swallow so much as a mouthful of liquid, but noticed that cut lilacs in a vase of water "still swig away while dying," [85] Intravenous feeding technology did not yet exist. On May 11th, the day of Max Brod's last visit, Dora saw an owl at the window-an omen of death to Eastern Europeans. Kafka died of dehydration and starvation on June 3, 1924. At his funeral two days later Dora dove on top of his grave and wept hysterically.

Major works such as The Trial, Amerika, and The Castle never would have been published without the efforts of Max Brod, who fortunately ignored Kafka's instructions to burn his manuscripts.

If he had survived to age sixty and remained in Czechoslovakia, the SS would surely have murdered Franz Kafka. The "anxiety-ridden Jew's" dark forebodings ultimately turned into grim realities. Dora Diament managed to escape from Hitler's Germany in 1933, then Stalin's Soviet Union in 1938. Others were not so lucky. Nearly all of Kafka's relatives died in the Holocaust. His sisters Valli, Elli, their husbands, and children were deported to Lodz ghetto. Every one of them perished. Ottla Kafka David's gentile husband and two daughters survived World War II. However, upon divorcing Josef David in 1942, Ottla was arrested by the Gestapo and imprisoned at Terezin ghetto. She died in October, 1943 after volunteering to escort children on a rail journey from Terezin to Auschwitz. A German soldier shot and killed Kafka's girlfriend Grete Bloch in Florence, Italy. The SS transported his comedian pal Yitzhak Levi from the Warsaw ghetto to Treblinka for execution in 1942. Milena Jesenska worked for the Czech Resistance between 1938 and 1939, when Nazi Secret Police arrested her. She died from illness in Ravensbruck concentration camp on May 17, 1944. All of Kafka's surreal premonitions came to pass during the Nazi reign of terror.



1 Ronald Hayman, Kafka, A Biography, Oxford University Press, New York, 1982, p. 6.

2 Ibid., p. 92.

3 Ernst Pawel, The Nightmare of Reason: A Life of Franz Kafka, Quality Paperback Book Club, New York, 1984, p. 17, op. cit. Franz Kafka, Dec., 1912 letter to Felice Bauer.

4 Franz Kafka, Letters to Milena (Letters of Franz Kafka to Milena Jesenska), Willy Haas, editor, New York, Schocken Books, 1952, p. 49.

5 Franz Kafka, Letter to his Father, trans. Ernst Kaiser and Eithne Wilkins, Schocken, New York, 1966, p. 18.

6 Pawel, p. 383.

7 Ibid., p. 51.

8 Ibid., p. 102.

9 Hayman, p. 261. Kafka actually used the word "western," which had the implication of "free-thinking" or "secular."

10 Franz Kafka, Letters to Felice (Letters of Franz Kafka to Felice Bauer), Erich Heller and Jurgen Born, editors, trans. James Stern and Elisabeth Duckworth, Schocken, New York, 1973, p. 723, 10/11/1916 letter of F. Kafka to F. Bauer.

11 Pawel, p. 22.

12 Franz Kafka, The Diaries of Franz Kafka, 1910-1923, Max Brad, editor, trans. Joseph Kresh, Schocken, New York, 1948-1949, entry for 10/1/1911.

13 Letters to Felice, F. Kafka to F. Bauer, 9/16/1916.

14 Kafka Diaries, Brad ed., 10/1/1911.

15 Kafka, Letters to Milena, p. 184.

16 Hayman, p. 248, op. cit., F. Kafka 4/8/1920 letter to Max Brad.

17 Ibid., p. 251, F. Kafka May, 1920 letter to Max Brad.

18 Kafka, Letters to Milena, p. 33.

19 Pawel, p. 377.

20 Max Brod, Franz Kafka, Schocken Books, New York, 1960, p. 137.

21 Hayman, p. 209, op. cit. F. Kafka letter to Max Brod, July, 1916.

22 Ibid., p. 99, op. cit. Max Brod Diary, 9/2/1911.

23 Kafka, Letters to Felice, 5/15/1913.

24 Ibid.

25 Kafka Diaries, 6/28/1912.

26 Pawel, p. 400.

27 Ibid., p. 124.

28 Hayman, p. 246.

29 Ibid.

39 Pawel, p. 195.

31 Kafka Diaries, 7/19/1912.

32 Pawel, p. 260.

33 Ibid., p. 176.

34 Ibid., p. 181.

35 Ibid., p. 187.

36 Ibid., p. 194, F. Kafka letter to Max Brod, summer, 1909.

37 Hayman, p. 41, op, cit. F. Kafka 1/27/1904 letter to Oskar Pollak.

38 Pawel, p. 100.

39 Kafka Diaries, 1/19/1911.

40 Kafka, Letter to his Father, p. 51. (Ronald Hayman states that the book given to Hermann was "The Penal Colony and Other Stories.")

41 Ibid., p. 192, F. Kafka letter to Max Brad, September, 1908.

42 Kafka Diaries, p. 401.

43 Kafka, Letters to Felice, 12/16/1912.

44 Pawel, p. 195.

45 Ibid., p. 430.

46 Kafka Diaries, 8/20/1912.

47 Kafka, Letters to Felice, 8/14/1912.

48 Ibid., 9/28/1912.

49 Pawel, pp. 282-284 passim.

50 Kafka, Letters to Felice, p. 402, 7/22/1912 letter.

51 Ibid., p. 383, 51/5/1913 letter.

52 Ibid.

53 Ibid., p. 458, 8/22/1913 letter.

54 Ibid., p. 284, 11/1/1912 letter.

55 Ibid., p. 295, 6/26/1913 letter.

56 Ibid., p. 291, 2/20/1913 letter.

57 Pawel, p. 252.

58 Ibid., p. 97.

59 Kafka Diaries, 8/15/1914.

60 Pawel, p. 97, F. Kafka letter to Max Brad, 7/5/1922.

61 Kafka, Letter to his Father, p. 11.

62 Franz Kafka, The Castle, trans. Edwin and Willa Muir, A. A. Knopf, New York, 1941, p. 64.

63 Kafka, Letters to Milena, p. 20.

64 Ibid., p. 34.

65 Hayman, p. 73, F. Kafka letter to Hedwig Weiler, mid-April, 1909, p. 67.

66 Pawel, p. 366, F. Kafka letter to Max Brad, October, 1917.

67 Kafka, Letters to Felice, p. 3/21/1915 letter.

68 Hayman, p. 226, F. Kafka letter to Oskar Baum, mid-September, 1917.

69 Ibid., p. 86, F. Kafka postcard to Max Brod, postmarked 10/20/1910.

70 Kafka Diaries, 11/5/1911.

71 Hayman, p. 87, F. Kafka letter to Max Brad, 12/26/1910.

72 Kafka, Letters to Felice, pp. 239-240, F. Kafka 8/1/1913 letter to F. Bauer. The actual incident occurred three years earlier, in April, 1910.

73 Kafka, Milena Letters, p. 43.

74 Ibid., p. 39.

75 Ibid., p. 58.

76 Ibid., p. 179.

77 Ibid., p. 54.

78 Ibid., p. 167.

79 Ibid., p. 120.

80 Franz Kafka, Letters to Ottla and the Family, Nahum N. Glatzer, editor, trans. Richard & Clara Winston, Schocken, New York, 1982, p. 77, 4/6/1920 letter from F. Kafka to Ottla Kafka David.

81 Hayman, p. 290, up. cit., J. P. Hodin, "Memories of Franz Kafka," Horizon Magazine, 1948, pp. 36-37.

82 Ibid., p. 302.

83 Ibid., p. 294.

84 Pawel, p. 437.

85 Hayman, p. 303.
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Re: Hitler's Mentor: Dietrich Eckart, His Life, Times, & Mil

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Abegg, Lily von 404
Adler, Viktor 268
Alexander III, Tsar 181, 182, 185, 377
Alexandra, Empress 182, 187, 188,
191, 206
Alexis, Tsarevich 192, 193, 194, 195,
200, 204
Alsberg, Max 116
Altenberg, Jacob 275
Amann, Max 309, 335, 398, 401, 407,
408, 411, 421
Anderson, Walter C. "Fuzzy" 340
Antaeus 387
Anthroposophy 222, 223, 225, 226,
231, 232, 233, 234
Anti-Semitism xi, xii, xiv, 3, 113, 212,
222, 231, 235, 274, 275, 277,
281, 299, 301, 319, 321, 327,
328, 353, 354, 361, 369, 370,
375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380,
381, 382, 384, 386, 409, 416,
418, 430
Ariosophy xi, xii, xiv, 110, 116, 222,
233, 281, 357
Armistice 68, 103, 121, 388
Arras 96, 312
Auf Gut Deutsch xiii, 12, 19, 24, 51,
128, 129, 131, 132, 133, 134,
135, 136, 139, 141, 145, 146,
149, 214, 217, 225, 230, 231,
232, 235, 279, 329, 332, 333,
337, 341, 342, 343, 354, 355,
360, 361, 371, 372, 396, 401,
416, 418, 422
Auschwitz 276, 417, 438, 447
Austerlitz, Frederick 269
Aveling, Edward 174
Axelrod, Tobias 119, 137


Bab, Julius 50
Bachofen, J.J. 54
Bacon, Francis 384
Baden, Max von 103
Bakunin, Michael 154, 164, 168
Bapaume 68
Bartels, Alfred 56
Baruch, Bernard 137, 365, 366
Bauer, Bruno 154, 162
Bauer, Felice 424, 426, 436, 440, 448
Bauer, Max 338
Bayreuth 6, 298, 335, 387
Bazaine, Francois Achille 65
Beamish, Henry Hamilton 340
Bechstein, Helena 321, 334, 335
Beckendorff, Alexander von 202
Belleau Wood 102
Bentham, Jeremy 384
Bentinck, Godard 104
Ben-Tovim;Puah 435
Berchtold, Leopold von 88
Berger-Prinz, Hans 246
Bernhard, Georg 12, 214
Bernhardi, Friedrich von 301
Bernstein, Edouard 80
Bertie, Sir Francis 206
Besant, Annie 222, 225
Bethmann-Holliwig, Theobald von 52
Bettelheim, Bruno 319, 382
Bhagavad Gita 294, 303
Bible 43, 161, 222, 235, 359, 366,
372, 373, 378, 402
Bickel, Travis 301
Bierbaumer, Kathe 124, 342
Bismarck, Otto von 61, 62, 71, 72, 77,
92, 95, 149, 166
Blavatsky, Helena P. 111, 222, 229,
235, 286, 288, 302, 356, 357
Bleichroecler, Gerson 70
Bloch, Grete 440, 447
Blos, Wilhelm 230
Blumenthal, Leonhard von 68
Bolshevism from Moses to Lenin xii,
23, 51, 146, 275, 302, 303, 328,
354, 360, 361, 362, 363, 365,
367, 368, 370, 372, 373, 386,
407, 412, 418
Bomhard, Karl Guido 7, 20, 324, 331,
Booth, John Wilkes 301
Borne, Ludwig 28, 29, 30, 34, 162,
Bourlis, Catherine 41
Brandler-Pracht, Karl 230
Brandmayer, Balthasar 309
Bratwurst-Glockl Cafe 53, 127
Breiting, Richard 244, 253, 260, 281,
414, 422
Brenessel Wine Cellar 313, 335, 340
Bretano, Franz 223
Brod, Max 423, 429, 430, 433, 435,
436, 438, 440, 442, 443, 447,
448, 449, 450, 451
Bruckmann, Elsa 53, 321
Buch, Walter 282
Bulow, Karl von 96
Bulwer-Lynon, Edward 297
Burgerbrau-Keller 340
Burns, Mary 161


Cafe Heck 127, 335
Cambrai 102
Caste System 284
Cavell, Edith 310
Chamberlain, Houston Stewart 135,
321, 358, 359, 370, 380, 387,
Chamberlain, Joseph 87, 88
Chateau Thierry 102
Chichini, Herr 256
Chichini, Petronella 256
Churchill, Winston 105, 107, 200
Circus Krone 340, 341, 409, 412
Class, Heinrich 118, 130, 274, 300,
Clemenceau, Georges 104
Cohn, Norman 211, 214, 280
Coloumb, Emma 287
Communards 163
Communism xi, 123, 149, J 50, 160,
165, 168, 171, 172, 175, 206,
218, 229, 339, 340, 344, 364,
387, 418
Comte, August 300
Conrad, Michael Georg 55
Cossman, Paul Nikolas 315
Cowles, Virginia 75, 76, 91, 100, 108
Crowley, Aleister 111, 232, 288
Currie, Arthur 102


Daim, Wilfred 291, 293
David, Anton 269
David, Josef 429, 441, 447
Der Froschkonig 23
d'Esperey, Franchot 96
Diament, Dora 446, 447
Dinter, Artur 132, 282, 329
Dohms, Wilhelm von 381
D'Olivet, Fabre 228
Dollinger, Friedrich 362
Dollman, Eugene 326, 332
Douay, Abel 66
Drach, David Paul 10
Drexler, Anton 113, 123, 133, 144,
312, 313, 315, 316, 336, 337,
339, 341, 342, 403, 415, 422
Duhring, Eugen 275


Ebert, Frederick 121, 129, 389, 403
Eckart, Anna 1
Eckart, Dietrich xii, xiii, xiv, xv, 1, 2, 4,
5, 12, 13, 14, 22, 23, 24, 25, 30,
52, 59, 76, 110, 112, 114, 115,
119, 121, 123, 124, 127, 129,
142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 149,
162, 181, 212, 217, 221, 224,
227, 228, 230, 234, 235, 275,
282, 294, 297, 299, 302, 303,
313, 315, 316, 319, 320, 323,
328, 329, 331, 333, 336, 341,
342, 350, 353, 357, 371, 372,
376, 380, 382, 384, 385, 386,
387, 389, 391, 392, 394, 395,
396, 397, 398, 411, 414, 417,
418, 420, 421, 422, 431
Eckart, Georg Christian 1, 144, 418
Eckart, Rose 52, 53, 56, 129, 134, 302,
324, 325, 342, 343, 398
Eckart, Simon 52, 333, 342
Eckart, Wilhelm 60, 145
Eck, Klaus 128, 399, 403
Eckstein, Frederick 288
Edict of Toleration 377, 378
Edward VII, King 74, 81, 182
Egelhofer, Rudolf 121
Ehrhardt, Hermann 393
Eisner, Kurt 118, 122, 134, 136, 388,
Elizabeth, Grand Duchess 186, 208,
Ellerbeck, Ellegaard 57, 133
Engel, Fritz 10, 50
Engelman, Ralph 6, 53, 336, 362, 398,
410, 417
Engels, Friedrich 28, 34, 153, 155,
156, 158, 162, 168, 173, 176,
177, 178, 214, 215
Epp, Franz Riner von 144, 321
Erlanger, Frau 277, 343
Erzberger, Matthias 99, 103, 129, 389,
Esser, Hermann 135, 315, 321, 333,
335, 347, 398, 403, 404, 405,
Eulenberg, Prince Philip 76, 81
Eunicke, Anna 224, 232
Euplurismus 229, 391
Euthanasia 294, 300
Evans, Hiram 400
Eyck, Erich 393


Falkenhayn, Erich von 97, 391
Familenvater 9, 15, 339
Favre, Jules 67, 68, 163, 164
Feder, Gottfried 119, 123, 127, 133,
134, 135, 138, 141, 145, 146,
218, 315, 327, 336, 337, 369,
Feidl, Philip 324
Feingold, Josef 276
Fledermaus Hohle 127, 410
Fleischauer, Ulrich 340, 350
Fletcher, Horace 430
Foch, Ferdinand 103
Forster, Bernhard 258
Four Seasons Hotel 118, 121, 127,
233, 339
Franckenstein, Clemens von 335
Franco-Prussian War 63, 68, 70, 72,
88, 96, 171, 232, 298
Frank, Han 239, 242, 253, 387, 395
Franz-Ferdinand, Archduke 88
Frederick, Crown Prince 65, 66, 67,
68, 70, 72, 73, 83, 86
Freiligrath, Ferdinand 162
Freud, Sigmund 277, 325, 385, 387
Friedlander, Saul 108, 299, 304, 378,
Fritsch, Theodore 19, 116, 274, 362,
376, 377, 379
Fritzsche, Ono 20
Fromm, Bella 334, 350


Galton, Francis 300
Gambetta, Leon 67, 68
Gansser, Emil 142, 321, 342, 344, 348,
407, 418
Gansser, Hans 142
Gapon, Father George 191
Gaubatz, Georg 113, 116
Gebhard, Maria 285
Gemlich, Alfred 327
Generali Insurance Co. 432
George, Stefan 53, 54
George V, King 69, 90, 206
Gerlich, Fritz 128, 315, 381, 401
German Workers Party 114, 122, 124,
143, 144, 145, 312, 315, 316,
322, 336, 339, 341, 342, 345,
401, 405, 422
Gersdorff, Wolfgang Graf van 51, 59
Gesell, Silvio 133
Gilliard, Pierre 203
Glass!, Anna 239
Gobel, Friedrich I 16
Goebbels, Josef 25, 15I, 277, 37 I, 382
Goering, Hermann 114, 405
Goethe 4, 223, 225, 354, 362, 400,
414, 435
Goldhagen, Daniel Jonah 376, 394
Goldhammer, Leo 272
Gorsleben, Rudolf 57, 133, 134
Gorrerdamerung 257
Gougenot des Mousseaux, Henri-Roger
10, 214, 362, 363
Gramont, Antoine de 63
Grandel, Gottfried 134, 32 I, 338, 342
Grassinger, Georg 113, 333, 340
Gravelotte 66, 67
Greim, Robert Ritter von 338
Greiner, Josef 260, 277
Greim, Rudolf Heinrich 4
Graener, Wilhelm 121
Guseva, Khionia 195


Haase, Hugo 129, 364, 388
Haeckl, Ernst xii, 4, 224, 300, 310
Haffner, Sebastian 268
Hagen, Father Theodor 245
Haig, Douglas 98, 101, 102
Halm, Alfred 19
Hamann, Brigitte 126, 265, 279, 303,
328, 332, 373, 395
Hanfstaengl, Ernst 143, 321, 323, 332,
398, 400, 405, 406, 409, 420,
Hanisch, Reinhold 25, 257, 261, 262,
263, 265, 269, 272, 275, 279,
280, 327
Hanussen, Erik Jan 277
Harden, Maximilien 10
Harney, George Julian 155, ]56, 160
Harrer, Karl 113, 117, 123, 316, 337,
Hartmann, Franz 14, 56, 222, 224,
225, 285, 287, 288, 289, 290,
302, 356, 357
Hausler, Rudolf 264, 272, 305
Hegel, Georg Friedrich 151
Heiden, Konrad xii, 7, 23, 146, 235,
262, 314, 362
Heine, Heinrich xiii, xiv, xv, 4, 12, 25,
27, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 154,
160, 162, 298, 385, 390, 416,
430, 432, 442
Heine, Salomon 26, 27
Heine, Samson 25, 26
Hell, Josef 328, 332
Hentschel, Willibald 258
Hepp, Ernst 306, 311
Hering, Johannes I 12, 113, 122
Herold Verlag 12, 50, 51
Herwegh, Georg 154, 156
Herzl, Theodore xiii, 389, 428
Hess, Moses 153, 162
Hess, Rudolf 114, 119, 321, 335, 347
Himmler, Heinrich 122, 282
Hinckley, John 301
Hindenburg, Paul von 96, 104, 107
Hintzpeter, George 83
Hirschfeld, Magnus 80, 81, 271, 324,
Hitler, Adolf xii, xiii, 13, 21, 25, 52,
113, 115, 123, 126, 149, 166,
215, 234, 237, 238, 239, 241,
242, 244, 245, 247, 253, 255,
257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 265,
272, 273, 279, 280, 281, 292,
313, 317, 319, 320, 321, 323,
326, 331, 332, 333, 336, 350,
357, 367, 373, 374, 376, 382,
386, 389, 391, 394, 395, 396,
397, 409, 417, 420, 421, 422
Hitler, Alois 239, 240, 242, 243, 246,
252, 255, 272, 424
Hitler, Johann Georg 238
Hitler, Johann Nepoll1uk 238, 239,
Hitler, Klara Polzl 243, 255, 257, 259,
275, 424
Hitler, Paula 241, 243
Hofbrauhaus 142, 316, 340, 399
Hoffman, Heinrich 307, 321, 397,
405, 410, 411
Hoheneichen Verlag 12, 303, 372
Holthausen, Eleonore 20, 24
Honisch, Karl 327
Horbiger, Hans xii, 329
Hubbe-Schleiden, Wilhelm 285, 288
Huelson-Haeseler, Dietrich von 15, 76
Huelson-Haeseler, Georg von 17, 50,
80, 128, 130, 324
Hugenburg, AJfred 344
Hume, David 384
Humer, Edouard 246
Hutier, Oskar von 101
Huxley, Thomas 300


Ibsen, Henrik 47, 52, 59
Ingra, Samuel 272, 326, 332
Inkofer, Josef 309
Ito, Hirobumi 188
Iwao, Oyama 190


Jacobsohn, Siegfried 10, 51
Jahoda, Rudolf 260
Janouch, Gusrav 431
Jaubert, Caroline 32, 39
Jesenska, Jan 441
Jesenska, Milena 427, 441, 447, 448
Jesus 27, 32, 218, 222, 226, 282, 288,
298, 299, 356, 357, 358, 359,
378, 383, 391, 406
Joffre, Joseph 96
Joly, Maurice 214
Jones, Ernesr 155, 156
Josef II, Emperor 377, 423
Judge, William Quan 284, 302
Julia, Henri 42
Julian the Apostate, Emperor 301


Kaczynski, Theodore 301
Kafka, Franz xiii, xiv, 140, 378, 385,
390, 394, 423, 429, 432, 434,
435, 445, 447, 448, 449, 451
Kafka, Hermann 423, 424, 425, 426,
428, 433, 441
Kafka, Julie Lowy 423, 424
Kafka, Ottla 429, 447, 451
Kahr, Gustav von 340, 410, 411, 412,
Kampe, Julius 134
Kapp, Wolfgang 337
Karl of Austria, Emperor 99
Kellner, Karl 288
Kemnitz, Mathilde von 218
Kernesky, Alexander 201, 209
Kinkel, Gottfried 163
Kirdorf, Emil 134
Klages, Ludwig 53, 54, 55
K1opstock, Robert 446
Kluck, Alexandre von 96
Kobylinsky, Eugen 202
Kogutzki, Felix 234
Koniggratz 62
Konigswater, Moniz 261
Kraft-Ebbing, Richard 277
Kraus, Karl 380, 385, 430
Krishnamurti, Jiddu 225
Krohn, Friedrich 57, 342
Kubizek, August xii, 251, 253, 258,
260, 263, 265, 269, 272, 275,
277, 279, 295, 297, 322, 327
Kun, Bela 137, 217
Kunze, Dora 342
Kuropatkin, Alexei 190
Kursell, Otto von 54, 128, 217, 403


LaFargue, Paul 157, 159, 167, 173,
Lagarde, Paul 4, 378, 384
Lambach Abbey 240, 245
Landauer, Gustav 119
Landauer, Otto 129
Landman, Samuel 137
Landsberger, Samuel 275
Langbehn, Julius 378, 384, 390
Langer, Walter 242, 280, 332, 350,
382, 394, 420
Lanz von Liebenfals, Adolf Josef xii, 14,
19, 222
Lassalle, Ferdinand 28, 34, 165, 166,
364, 379, 389
Lassarge, Louis 47
Lassen, Christian 298, 378, 379, 394
Lauboeck, Fritz 309, 403
Lawrence, T.E. 366
Leadbetter, Charles 222, 290
LeBon, Gustave 329
Lehmann, Julius 128, 133, 321, 342
LeMans 68
Lenin, Vladimir Illych (real name Ulyanov)
xi, xii, 23, 51, 56, 120,
136, 146, 173, 175, 200, 201,
202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 209,
216, 219, 275, 302, 303, 328,
340, 354, 360, 361, 362, 363,
365, 367, 368, 370, 372, 373,
386, 408, 412, 418
Leonding 240, 241, 245, 255
Levien. Max 119, 137, 314
Levine, Eugene 119, 137, 314
Levi, Yitzhak 428. 447
Ley, Robert 151, 387
Lichnowsky, Karl 88
Liebknecht, Wilhelm 104, 129, 134,
159, 160, 161, 162, 176, 223
Linz xii, 240, 241, 245, 246, 251, 255,
257, 258, 259, 273, 274, 277,
297, 306, 329
Lippen, Karl 277, 309
Lipp, Franz 120
Lisaine 68
Lissagaray, Prosper Olivier 173
List, Guido van 4, 19, 21, 54, Ill,
112, 116, 117, 221, 222, 233,
258, 274, 282, 285, 288, 289,
292, 303, 355, 357, 358, 367
Locke, John 384
Loffner, Siegfried 275
Lohengrin 257, 298, 334
Lorenzaccio 57, 58, 128, 132, 329,
400, 412
Lossow, Otto Hermann van 326
Lowenbrau-Keller 340
Ludecke, Kurt 131, 143, 146, 323,
398, 400, 405, 421
Ludendorff, Erich von 96
Ludwig II, King 70
Lueger, Karl 263, 268, 270, 271, 289
Lukacs, John xii.317
Lusitania 99
Luxemburg, Rosa 134, 379


Machtan, Lothar 272, 317, 323, 326,
331, 350, 420
Mackensen, August van 106
Malet, Edward 84
Maltselberger, Franziska "Fanni" 239
Mandel, Ignaz 268
Mannerheim Hostel 261, 269
Marie, Empress 186, 187
Marne 96, 97, 102
Mars La Tour 66
Marx, Eleanor 174, 179
Marx, Jenny 33, 158, 172, 173, 179
Marx, Jennychen 33, 155, 160, 172,
Marx, Karl xiii, xiv, 28, 41, 136, 149,
150, 151, 153, 154, 156, 157,
162, 166, 169, 175, 176, 177,
178, 179, 214, 215, 219, 220,
298, 373, 379, 430
Marx, Laura 173
Masurian Lakes 96, 199, 218
May, Karl 250
Mayr, Karl 144, 314, 315, 327, 333,
Mayroder, Josef 259
McMahon, Patrice 67
Mein Kampf 126, 141, 144, 237, 242,
244, 250, 252, 253, 265, 269,
270, 275, 279, 280, 299, 300,
307, 317, 361, 364, 369, 373,
374, 414, 422
Meissner, Alfred 31, 35
Mendelssohn, Felix 379
Mendelssohn, Moses 379
Mend, Hans 151, 308, 312, 314
Metternich, Klemens 251
Metz 65, 66, 67, 68, 96, 103
Meuse-Argonne 103
Meyerink, Gustav 115
Michael, Grand Duke 200, 206
Miller, Barbara Lane 145, 317, 353,
371, 396, 417, 422
Mirat, Mathilde Cresenda Eugenie 32
Molt, Emil 227, 230
Moltke, Helmut von the Elder 62
Moltke, Helmut von the Younger 78,
Moltke, Kuno Graf von 80
Mons 96, 103
Morgenstern, Samuel 275, 276
Morya, Master 283, 286, 287
Moses xii, 23, 27, 51, 146, 153, 162,
275, 302, 303, 328, 354, 356,
360, 361, 362, 363, 365, 367,
368, 370, 372, 373, 379, 386,
408, 412, 418
Mosse, Rudolf 11
Mueller, Jurgen Petersen 429
Mueller, Karl Alexander von 127, 142,
Muesam, Erich 119
Mukden 190
Muller, Adolf 130, 336
Muller von Hausen, Ludwig 212
Mund, Max 309
Munich 8, 15, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 52,
53, 54, 56, 57, 59, 76, 80, 112,
113, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121,
122, 123, 126, 127, 128, 134,
137, 143, 145, 146, 163, 212,
214, 219, 253, 264, 277, 279,
288, 292, 303, 304, 305, 306,
314, 315, 320, 325, 326, 327,
328, 332, 336, 339, 344, 345,
346, 347, 348, 350, 371, 372,
374, 380, 395, 398, 399, 400,
401, 402, 403, 405, 407, 408,
409, 410, 412, 414, 421, 422,


Namur 96, 103, 310
Napoleon, Louis (aka Napoleon III)
63, 64, 67, 72, 163
Nauhaus, Walter 113, 116, 121
Nazism xi, xiii, .xiv, xv, 1, 22, 25, 59,
106, 109, 110, 122, 142, 145,
150, 151, 215, 281, 317, 331,
368, 371, 372, 373, 394, 396,
400, 420, 422, 439
Neumann, Angelo 299
Neumann, Josef 272, 275
Neumayer, Josef 289
Nicholas II, Tsar xiv, 181
Nilus, Sergey 214
Nivelle, Robert Georges 101
Noske, Gustav 121


Obster, Anna 24, 59, 325, 398, 421
Odic Force 290
alcon, Henry 224, 283, 284, 286
Olden, Rudolf 262
Orbeliani, Princess Sonia 187
Orlov, Alexander I 82
Ostara 285, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296,


Paleologue, Maurice 195, 208
Parkinson's Disease 246
Parsifal 6, 298, 322, 355
Pasewalk 312, 314
Passau 240. 241
Passchendaele 101, 102
Pawel, Ernst 30, 32, 42, 43, 394, 426,
431, 435, 437, 448
Petain, Philippe 97
Picard, Ernest 163, 164
Plewnia, Margarete 4, 14, 22, 145,
235, 347.350, 371, 395, 415,
Pobedonostsev, Konstantin 181
Poetsche, Ludwig 251
Pohl, Hermann 112, 113, 117
Pohl, Max 50
Pohner, Ernst 121
Polak, Oskar 441, 444
Polzen-Hoditz, Ludwig 229
Polzl, Johanna 262
Ponsonby, Sir Frederick 73, 106
Popp, Josef 305, 310
Port Arthur 189, 190
Prague 378, 423, 424, 426, 427, 428,
430, 435, 436, 440, 441
Preuss, Hugo 136, 388
Pribram, Ewald Felix 432
Pribram, Otto 432, 443
Princip, Gavrilo 88
Printz, Johann 258
Protocols of the Elders of Zion 106,
213.214, 329
Proudhon, Pierre 164, 167


Rasputin, Grigori 182, 193, 194
Rathenau, Mathilde Nachman 389
Rathenau, Walter xiii, 136, 229, 388,
389, 393, 396
Raubal, Angela 257, 259, 264, 277
Raubal, Geli 327
Raubal, Leo 259
Ravensbruck 447
Rayner, Oswald 198
Reck-Malleczewen, Friedrich 335
Redlich, Fritz 328, 332
Reich, Alben 1, 4, 15, 17, 19, 22, 24,
50, 343, 398
Reichenbach, Karl yon 290
Reptile Fund 69, 70
Revendow, Ernst zu 334
Revendow, Fanni zu xiv, 53, 296
Robinsohn, Simon 275
Rodzianko, Michael 199
Rohm, Ernst 114, 144, 217, 324, 342,
398, 403, 405
Roon, Albrecht yon 62
Rosenberg, Alfred 4, 8, 22, 24, 53,
119, 128, 132, 136, 141, 145,
211, 212, 216, 217, 219, 234,
235, 282, 321, 324, 328, 331,
335, 343, 350, 364, 371, 387,
388, 398, 412, 417, 421
Rossbach, Gerhard 324
Rossius-Rhyn, Ernst 20, 24
Rousseau, Jean Jacques 152
Rubinstein, Joseph 299
Ruge, Arnold 154, 162
Rupp, Leila 422
Rupprecht, Crown Prince 98, 107,
217, 410
Russell, Bertrand 249
Russo-Japanese War 183, 188, 191,


Sacher-Masoch, Leopold von 278
Sager, Otto 52
Sage, Srephen F. 239
Salomon, Ernst von 418, 422
Salten, Felix 278
Samsonov. Alexander 96
Samuel Fischer Verlag 50, 331, 392
Sandels, Princess Augusta 79
Saxe-Coburg, Prince Albert of 71, 86
Sazanov, Serge 197
Schell, Josef 305
Schemm, Hans 282
Scheubner-Richter, Max von 213, 219,
348, 360
Schicklgruber, Maria Anna 238
Schlegel, Friedrich 285, 298, 379
Schleicher, Kurt von 106
Schleswig-Holstein, Princess Augusta
Victoria of 75
Schlieffen, Alfred Graf von 95
Schliemann, Heinrich 379
Schmidt, Ernst 309, 314
Schmidt, Theresia Polzl 243
Schnitzer, Mortiz 430
Schocken, Walter 440
Schoenerer, Georg Ritter von 138, 244
Schopenhauer, Arthur 4, 5, 24, 221,
222, 223, 324, 331, 358, 360,
Schroer, Karl Julius 223
Schuler, Alfred 53, 224, 288, 306
Schulze-Berghof, Paul 51
Schwarzek Sanitarium 398, 417
Schwarz, Father Franz DeSales 247
Scorcese, Martin 30 I
Sebottendorf, Rudolf von (aka Adam
Rudolf Glauer) xiv, 109, 110,
111, 113.115, 122, 124, 126,
127, 128, 130, 134, 225, 282,
333, 339, 342
Sedan 67
Selden, Camille 40, 46
Shabelsky- Bork, Pyotr 213
Shearman, Hugh 383, 394
Sievers, Marie von 224, 232
Silesius, Angelus 4, 5, 221, 359
Simplicissmus 9, 53
Singer, Mortiz 261
Smith, Adam 169, 384
Socialism xi, xiii, 7, 14, 23, 29, 114,
123, 138, 144, 146, 159, 167,
170, 175, 235, 274, 282, 290,
319, 331, 337, 341, 346, 379,
380, 401
Social Democratic Party 166
Sokolov, Nicholai 204
Somme 98, 102
Spartacist Revolt 113, 119, 134, 137,
Spicheren 66
Spiess, Bernhard 218
Spiral 238, 239, 257, 260, 312
Stadler, Edouard 344, 348
Stauff, Philipp 112, 118, 290, 292
Steinbach, Xavier 16, 17, 19, 23, 24,
Steiner, Rudolf xiv, 14, 56, 221, 222,
223, 226, 228, 230, 234, 235,
357, 358, 383, 401, 430
Steinert, Marlis 382
Stein, Walter Johannes 234
Steppes, Edmund 54, 128
Sr. Mihiel 103
Stoessel, Anatoly 189
Sr. Paul 367
Sr. Privar 66
Steyr 255; 256, 257
Strasser, Gregor 320, 340, 349, 387
Streicher, Julius 113, 114, 128, 144,
339, 341, 398, 399
Stresemann, Gustav 376
Srrindberg, August 437
Srurmabteiling 114
Sturmer, Boris 182, 197
Sturmlechner 257
Sr. Yvesd'Alveydre, Joseph Alexandre
Sverdlov, Jakov 136, 204, 205


Tannhauser, Eugen 308
Tarnhari (aka Ernst Lauterer) 21, 117,
233, 322, 358, 417
Tausig, Carl 299
Talmud 214, 427, 446
Tannenberg 218
Termudi 115
Theosophy 57, 111, 221, 222, 225,
231, 235, 281, 284, 289, 302,
TheoZoology xii, 14, 214, 292, 296,
300, 386
The Castle 434, 439, 440, 447, 451
The Metamorphosis 439
The Trial 439, 447
Thiers, Adolphe 69, 163, 173
Thoma, Ludwig 411
Thule Society xiv, 109, 110, III, 112,
113, 114, 116, 117, 118, 119,
120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 127,
133, 134, 225, 234
Tirpitz, Alfred von 82
Toller, Ernst 119, 120, 134, 137, 314
Tolstoy, Leo 181, 183, 249
Totalism 228, 229, 230
Trajan, Emperor 363
Treaty of Frankfurt 69
Trebitsch, Arthur xiv, 385, 386, 431
Trebitsch-Lincoln, Ignaz Thimotheus
Trevor-Roper, Hugh 22, 147, 299, 350,
Trotsky, Leon 56, 200, 205, 209


Ullstein, Leopold 11
Unger, Carl 230, 234
Urfahr 257


Verdun 65, 66, 97
Versailles Treaty 105, 123, 137, 144,
389, 402
Victoria, Crown Princess 183
Victoria, Queen 71, 72, 74, 75, 82,
85, 86, 91, 105, 184, 186, 187,
192, 208
Vienna 15, 25, 26, 82, 112, 116, 126,
170, 183, 223, 234, 239, 244,
251, 253, 255, 257, 258, 259,
260, 261, 262, 265, 268, 272,
273, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280,
282, 288, 289, 290, 293, 295,
299, 303, 305, 320, 326, 327,
332, 347, 373, 378, 385, 387,
395, 428, 441, 444
Vinberg, Fyodor 213
Vionville 66
Vogl, Adolf 54, 128
Vollrath, Hugo 14, 124, 222, 225, 231
Voss, Klara 115
Vyrubrovna, Anna 187, 208


Wachler, Ernst 57
Wagner, Cosima 6, 304
Wagner, Richard 257, 297, 299, 365,
384, 387, 417
Wagner, Siegfried 335
Wagner, Winifred 321
Waite, Robert G.L. 332
Webb, James 22, 122, 127, 146, 220,
225, 228, 235, 273, 279, 302,
362, 372, 417, 422
Wedekind, Frank 53
Weideburg, Paul Herrmann 16, 52,
Weiler, Hedwig 436, 451
Weil, Simone 149
Weininger, Otto xiv, 4, 47, 324, 354,
358, 361, 385, 386, 387, 390,
395, 416, 431
Weiss, Jacob 309
Werfel, Franz 44 I
Westenkircher, Ignaz 308, 309
Westphalen, Ludwig von 152
Wiesenthal, Simon 295, 303
Wilhelm I, Emperor 3, 72, 270
Wilhelm II, Emperor 52, 74, 76, 81,
85, 108, 184, 390
Wilhelmina, Queen 104, 105
Wilson, Woodrow 99, 103, 105, 365,
Wissembourg 65
Witte, Sergei 182, 191
Wittgensrein, Karl 248
Wingenrsrein, Ludwig 385, 431
Woenh 66
Wohryzek, Julie 440
Wolff, Wilhelm 158
Wolfskehl, Karl 53, 54, 56, 306
World War I xi, xii, xiii, xiv, 53, 57, 84,
88, 103, 107, 112, 128, 137,
139, 140, 187, 189, 195, 198,
199, 216, 223, 228, 257, 269,
307, 309, 328, 338, 365, 370,
376, 379, 381, 384, 402


Youssopov, Felix 197, 198
Ypres 97, 232, 307, 308, 310
Yurovsky, Jacov 204


Zaeper, Max 54, 128, 333, 418
Zakreys, Maria 258
Zinoviev, Grigori 136, 137
Zweig, Stefan 345, 351, 385
Site Admin
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Re: Hitler's Mentor: Dietrich Eckart, His Life, Times, & Mil

Postby admin » Tue Apr 23, 2019 4:57 am


Historians should discard the notion of a linear German Sonderweg (special path) that led directly to Adolf Hitler's Third Reich. The American scholar Daniel Goldhagen in particular presents an overly simplistic version of the Sonderweg thesis in his book Hitler’s Willing Executioners. He asserts, "The Holocaust was a sui generis event that has a historically specific explanation," notably "enabling conditions created by the long-incubating, pervasive. virulent, racist, eliminationist antisemitism of German culture."1 Instead of focusing solely on alleged German peculiarities in the vein of Goldhagen, historians should understand the genesis and development of National Socialism in the context of cross-cultural interaction between defeated groups from World War I and the Bolshevik Revolution: alienated volkisch (nationalist/racist) Germans and vengeful White emigres. While the National Socialist movement largely developed in a volkisch framework, many White emigres made crucial political, military, financial, and ideological contributions to National Socialism.

Hitler's National Socialist movement would not have arisen in the form it did without the twin upheavals of World War I and the Bolshevik Revolution. Far right movements in both the German and Russian Empires, while stronger in the latter than in the former, proved politically weak. Imperial German culture did develop coherent volkisch views with redemptive overtones. In particular, the philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer, the composer Richard Wagner, and the author Houston Stewart Chamberlain urged the German people to transcend the shallow materialism that they associated with the Jews and to attain redemption by negating the will to live. Despite this detailed philosophy, no volkisch movement with mass appeal developed before the disastrous outcome of World War I. Neither Heinrich Class' Pan-German League, Ludwig Muller von Hausen's Association against the Presumption of Jewry, nor Wolfgang Kapp's German Fatherland Party gained broad popular support. Kapp and Class also failed to replace the Kaiser with a military dictatorship under the volkisch General Erich von Ludendorff in 1917.

In the Russian Empire, far rightists achieved greater political success than their volkisch German counterparts, but they soon declined in importance. Beginning in the revolutionary year 1905, the Black Hundred movement, which drew from the apocalyptic ideas of the authors Fedor Dostoevskii and Vladimir Solovev, gained a mass following. Led by the Union of the Russian People, Black Hundred organizations disseminated anti-Western, anti-socialist, and anti-Semitic views to a relatively wide audience. Imperial Russian conservative revolutionaries cast their political struggle in apocalyptic terms by associating the Jews with the Anti-Christ. They proposed drastic restrictions against the Jews in order to protect what they regarded as the imperiled Tsar, altar, and people. Yet while radical rightists in the Russian Empire succeeded politically much more than volkisch Germans, the Black Hundred movement soon fragmented, and Imperial Russian far rightists could not thwart the Bolshevik seizure of power in October 1917.

With the collapse of Imperial Russia that Black Hundred forces had been unable to hinder, German troops were able to advance deep into former Imperial Russian territories. The German occupation of the Ukraine beginning late in World War I engendered large-scale cooperation between right-wing German and Russian Of Ukrainian officers. This interaction in turn fostered further anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic collaboration between rightist Germans, including National Socialists, and Whites/White emigres in both Germany and abroad. The German Ukrainian Intervention furthered the pro-nationalist German careers of leading White officers who went on to serve the National Socialist cause, including General Vladimir Biskupskii, Colonel Ivan Poltavets-Ostranitsa, Colonel Pavel Bermondt-Avalov, Lieutenant Sergei Taboritskii, Colonel Fedor Vinberg, and Lieutenant Piotr Shabelskii-Bork.

German forces retreating from the Ukraine in the winter of 1918/1919 brought thousands of sympathetic White officers with them, including Shabelskii-Bork, who carried the incendiary anti-Semitic forgery The Protocols of the Elders of Zion with him to Berlin. After receiving them from Shabelskii-Bork, the volkisch publicist Hausen had the Protocols translated into German, and then he published them with commentary. The Protocols' monstrous depiction of a ruthless Jewish drive for world domination through the means of both insatiable finance capitalism and bloody revolutionary upheaval greatly influenced many volkisch Germans and White emigres, including Hitler's early mentors, the volkisch publicist Dietrich Eckart and his White emigre assistant Alfred Rosenberg. The Protocols also significantly affected Hitler's own anti-Semitic Weltanschauung (world view), particularly through their assertion that the Jews used starvation as a means to destroy nationalist resistance. The Protocols provided Hitler with a sharp weapon against what he perceived as the menace of international Jewry.

In addition to leading to the transfer of the Protocols from the Ukraine to Germany, the German occupation of the Ukraine in 1918 set a precedent for further German-White military collaboration, most notably as witnessed in the 1919 Latvian Intervention. In this campaign, a combined force of German Freikorps (volunteer corps) and White units fought under Colonel Bermondt-Avalov, a White officer who had served in the Ukraine under German occupation. Bermondt-Avalov sought to work "hand in hand with Germany" to topple the Bolshevik regime. After some initial successes, the Latvian Intervention failed militarily, largely because of increasing opposition from the Entente (Britain and France) and the primarily socialist German government. The operation nonetheless strengthened the solidarity between right-wing Germans and Whites, who viewed themselves as trapped by Bolshevik expansion from the East, Entente pressure from the West, and the betrayal of the Weimar German government in the middle.

As well as serving as a German/White anti-Bolshevik crusade abroad, the Latvian Intervention tied into the first right-wing attempt to overthrow the Weimar Republic, the Kapp Putsch of March 1920. Many volkisch Germans and White emigres, including veterans of the Latvian Intervention, participated in this coup. Leading volkisch Germans other than Kapp who supported this unsuccessful undertaking included General Ludendorff, his advisor Colonel Karl Bauer, Captain Hermann Ehrhardt, who led the troops that occupied Berlin and sent the German government fleeing, and even Hitler and Eckart. Notable White emigre participants in the doomed putsch included the Baltic German Max von Scheubner-Richter, who had helped to plan the Imperial German advance into the Baltic region in World War I, Biskupskii, Bermondt-Avalov, Vinberg, Shabelskii-Bork, and Taboritskii.

After the Kapp Putsch collapsed in Berlin, leading volkisch Germans and White emigres regrouped in Bavaria, where the Kapp Putsch had succeeded. Former rightist German and White emigre Kapp Putsch conspirators and their wealthy Bavarian backers soon established economic and military relations with General Piotr Vrangel's Southern Russian Armed Forces, which were situated on the Crimean Peninsula in the Ukraine. Scheubner-Richter led a dangerous mission to the Crimea to stipulate the terms of the cooperation between his far right German and White emigre backers in Bavaria and Vrangel's regime. Scheubner-Richter held fruitful negotiations with Vrangel that led to large-scale collaboration between the right-wing Germans and White emigres he represented and Vrangel's government. This alliance soon crumbled, however, because of the Red Army's stunningly rapid victory over Vrangel's forces.

This brief German/White emigre/White connection nonetheless spurred the creation of the Munich-based Aufbau Vereinigung (Reconstruction Organization), a conspiratorial anti-Entente, anti-Weimar Republic, anti-Bolshevik, and anti-Semitic association of volkisch Germans, including National Socialists, and White emigres. First Secretary Scheubner-Richter and Vice President Biskupskii de facto led Aufbau. Hitler collaborated closely with Aufbau from 1920 to 1923. At least four White emigre Aufbau members also belonged to the National Socialist Party: Scheubner-Richter, Deputy Director Arno Schickedanz, who had fought in the Latvian Intervention, and two close collaborators with Hitler's mentor Eckart, Otto von Kursell and Rosenberg. Other White emigre Aufbau members who did not belong to the National Socialist Party but who nonetheless supported it included Biskupskii, Poltavets-Ostranitsa, Vinberg, Shabelskii-Bork, and Taboritskii. Max Amann, a German, acted both as Aufbau's second secretary and as the secretary of the National Socialist Party. ScheubnerRichter also introduced Hitler to General Ludendorff in the framework of Aufbau, thereby setting in motion a political alliance that culminated in the calamitous November 1923 Hitler/Ludendorff Pursch.

After its consolidation as an influential volkisch German-White emigre alliance in the first half of 1921, Aufbau tried and failed to unite all White emigres in Germany and beyond. Aufbau organized the May-June 1921 Monarchical Congress at Bad Reichenhall (in Bavaria), which lent White emigres worldwide the appearance of unity. Aufbau nonetheless could not unify all European White emigres behind the Tsarist candidate Grand Prince Kirill Romanov for a pro-National Socialist crusade against the Bolsheviks, which would establish nationalist Russian, Ukrainian, and Baltic successor states.

Aufbau fought bitterly against the pro-French Supreme Monarchical Council under the former leader of a faction of the Union of the Russian People, Nikolai Markov II. The Council backed Grand Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich Romanov, who lived in Paris and maintained close relations with the French government, for Tsar. The Supreme Monarchical Council counted on French military assistance to reconstruct Imperial Russia in its former borders. In its acrimonious struggle against the Council, Aufbau went so far as to envision a risky tactical alliance with the Red Army. Internecine struggle among White emigres in Germany aided the still unstable Soviet regime.

Hitler's rising National Socialist Party supported Aufbau in its struggle against Markov II's pro-French Supreme Monarchical Council. Hitler allied himself with Kirill Romanov's candidacy for the Tsarist throne in return for Kirill's considerable financial support of the National Socialist movement through Aufbau as an intermediary. Aufbau proved a valuable source of funding for the early National Socialist Party in general. The conspiratorial organization helped to finance Hitler's National Socialists by providing money from wealthy Aufbau members or allies including Kirill and by channeling funds from the prominent anti-Semitic American industrialist and politician Henry Ford.

While Aufbau could not unite all White emigres in Europe behind Kirill, it did convince Hitler that nationalist Germans and Russians should ally against Bolshevism, the Entente, the Weimar Republic, and Jewry. The Aufbau ideologues Scheubner-Richter, Vinberg, and Rosenberg maintained that the Jews had pitted Imperial Germany and the Russian Empire against each other although the two nations had possessed complementary interests. The Jews had done this, the Aufbau colleagues argued, to set the stage for their own tyrannical world rule. While he later enacted brutal policies towards the Russians in World War II, in his early political career, Hitler adopted Aufbau's pro-Russian standpoint by repeatedly urging nationalist Germans and Russians to overcome their recent Jew-instigated hostilities by combining their forces against international Jewry, which manifested itself most horrifyingly in "Jewish Bolshevism."

In addition to calling for a nationalist German-Russian alliance, Aufbau acted as a terrorist organization. The Aufbau colleagues Biskupskii and Bauer placed a death contract on Aleksandr Kerenskii, the former head of the 1917 Provisional Government in Russia. The Aufbau members Shabelskii-Bork and Taboritskii, most likely under the urging of their superior Vinberg, attempted to murder the Russian Constitutional Democratic leader Pavel Miliukov, bur they accidentally killed another prominent Constitutional Democrat, Vladimir Nabokov, instead. At least three Aufbau members with ties to the NSDAP, Biskupskii, Ludendorff, and Ludendorff's advisor Bauer, colluded in the most shocking assassination of the Weimar Republic, that of Germany's Foreign Minister Walther Rathenau. In these last two crimes, Aufbau members collaborated with Captain Ehrhardt's Organization C, a conspiratorial far right association based in Munich that engaged in terrorism, coordinated anti-Weimar Republic and anti-Bolshevik military preparations, and maintained close ties with the National Socialist Party.

As well as supporting Aufbau's terrorist activities, Hitler's National Socialists collaborated with Aufbau to overthrow the Soviet Union through subversion and military interventions. Aufbau's military schemes to topple the Soviet Union became those of the National Socialist movement, as Aufbau's de facto leader Scheubner-Richter served as Hitler's foreign policy advisor and one of his closest counselors in general. Aufbau directed anti-Bolshevik subversion in the Soviet Union and planned broad military advances into the Ukraine, the Baltic region, and the Great Russian heartland in order to crush Bolshevism and to establish National Socialist Russian, Ukrainian, and Baltic states. Hitler approved of Aufbau's Eastern strategy, as he had not yet developed his idea of Germany's need to gain Lebensraum (living space) in the East. He especially wished to wrest the agriculturally and industrially valuable Ukraine from Soviet control through collaboration with the Ukrainian Cossack leader Poltavets-Ostranitsa, who led Aufbau's Ukrainian section.

In addition to scheming with National Socialists to overthrow the Soviet Union, Aufbau helped to guide National Socialist efforts to topple the Weimar Republic through the means of paramilitary force. Hitler's closest advisor Scheubner-Richter played a key role in the preparations for a rightwing putsch against the Weimar Republic that was to be launched from Bavaria under the leadership of Hitler and Ludendorff. Scheubner-Richter developed a militant plan of action that borrowed from the Bolshevik model. While he hated "Jewish Bolshevism," he nonetheless admired the "energy" of the (Jewish) Soviet Commissar for War Lev Trotskii. Scheubner-Richter also esteemed the Bolshevik example where, as he believed, a few determined men had changed world history, and he attributed the effective tactics of subversion followed by ruthless centralization and militarization to Trotskii. While he never worded it that clearly, in effect, Scheubner-Richter wished to play Trotskii to Hitler's Lenin by leading a national revolutionary force to reconstitute Germany through violent means.

In late 1922 and 1923, Scheubner-Richter collaborated with Hitler and General Ludendorff to lead various paramilitary groupings that finally coalesced into the Kampfbund (Combat League), which displayed increasing militancy towards the Weimar Republic. National Socialist and Aufbau anti-Weimar Republic cooperation climaxed in the disastrous Hitler/ Ludendorff Putsch of November 1923, which Scheubner-Richter had goaded Hitler to launch. Scheubner-Richter marched at Hitler's side during this doomed undertaking until he was shot fatally in the heart. The collapse of the Hitler/Ludendorff Putsch caused a low point in National Socialist-White emigre collaboration, but Hitler nonetheless placed two Aufbau members in charge of the NSDAP during his imprisonment: Rosenberg and Amann.

While Aufbau failed to place Hitler and Ludendorff in charge in Germany, it greatly influenced National Socialist ideology. Early anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic National Socialist thought developed largely as a post-World War I mixture of volkisch-redemptive German and conspiratorial-apocalyptic White emigre views. National Socialist ideology combined volkisch notions of Germanic racial and spiritual superiority with apocalyptic White emigre ideas of threatened world ruin at the hands of insidious international Jewish conspirators. Hitler only began to crystallize his anti-Bolshevik, anti-Semitic Weltanschauung in late '9'9, when he started learning from his early mentors Eckart and Rosenberg. He soon became acquainted with the anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic beliefs of Scheubner-Richter and Vinberg as well. The Aufbau White emigres Scheubner-Richter, Vinberg, and Rosenberg, along with their volkisch colleague Eckart, influenced National Socialist ideology as the "four writers of the apocalypse," who warned of ever-expanding "Jewish Bolshevik" destruction.

The four writers of the apocalypse argued along the lines of Dostoevskii that international Jewry manipulated both rapacious finance capitalism in the West and bloodthirsty Bolshevism in the East. They stressed that "Jewish Bolshevism" had killed many millions of Russians through misrule and enforced starvation. The ideological quartet emphasized that worse than this, "Jewish Bolsheviks" had systematically annihilated the nationalist Russian intelligentsia. The four writers of the apocalypse maintained that "Jewish Bolsheviks" threatened to spread this terrifying process of extermination to Germany and beyond. While Rosenberg vilified what he perceived as the quintessential Bolshevik practice of eradicating political enemies, he nonetheless appreciated the efficacy of this method. Eckart, Scheubner-Richter, Vinberg, and Rosenberg adopted an apocalyptic standpoint in their arguments by asserting that "Jewish Bolshevism" threatened to ruin Germany, Europe, and even the entire world. Hitler assumed the apocalyptic stance of his four ideological colleagues by pledging to fight the alleged Jewish drive to destroy the world through the spread of Bolshevism.

Aufbau thought significantly influenced early National Socialist ideology, and Aufbau bequeathed a powerful legacy to National Socialism after 1923 as well. Scheubner-Richter's death in the Hitler/Ludendorff Putsch served as an example of heroic sacrifice for the National Socialist cause. Biskupskii continued to channel funds to the NSDAP after '923, and he led White emigres in the Third Reich as the head of the Russian Trust Authority. Rosenberg held high posts in the Third Reich, such as leader of the National Socialist Foreign Policy Office along with his colleague Schickedanz and State Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories. Hitler and Rosenberg worked to detach the Ukraine from the Soviet Union in collaboration with Poltavets-Ostranitsa. During World War II, Hitler's desire to gain the Ukraine for Germany in the tradition of Aufbau led him to divert strong formations of the German Army southwards away from Moscow in 194', thereby granting the Red Army a valuable respite.

Moreover, Aufbau's early warnings of the "Jewish Bolshevik" peril radicalized later National Socialist anti-Bolshevism and anti-Semitism. After a period of compromise while attaining power and then consolidating their rule, Hitler's National Socialists returned to their original intense anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic roots, which Aufbau had greatly influenced, by invading the Soviet Union and exterminating millions of Jews in the Final Solution. As the State Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories, Rosenberg aided Hitler in both of these quintessentially National Socialist undertakings. To a considerable degree, apocalyptic White emigre conceptions of the "Jewish Bolshevik" menace found their expression in heinous National Socialist deeds.

When given the opportunity under the cover of World War II, the National Socialist regime sought to destroy European Jewry, and it came dangerously close to succeeding. The most striking feature of the Final Solution proved its rationalized irrationality. Great numbers of Germans and their auxiliaries from Eastern and Western Europe devoted large amounts of scarce resources to slaughtering millions of Jews at the same time that a total war was raging which was to end either in glorious victory or abject defeat. National Socialists placed a high priority on exterminating Jews when military interests dictated using as many of them as possible for slave labor. This skewed policy indicated the considerable degree to which Hitler had internalized the apocalyptic White emigre standpoint that the Jews threatened to ruin Germany and the rest of the world as they had Russia.

Historians have generally overlooked the fundamental political, financial, military, and ideological contributions that White emigres made to National Socialism. This book has partially redressed this historiographical weakness, but scholars should conduct much more research on National Socialist-White emigre collaboration, especially in newly accessible Eastern European archives. When we examine the roots of National Socialism, we find alienated volkisch Germans collaborating with vengeful White emigres. In locating the pivotal hinge of the turbulent twentieth century, historians need to focus on the broad stretch of territory between the Rhine and Volga Rivers. War and revolution there created large numbers of rancorous White emigres, several of whom played crucial roles in the making of National Socialism with its virulent anti-Bolshevik and anti-Semitic ideology. Hitler's National Socialists in turn committed grave crimes in the name of combating "Jewish Bolshevism," and these National Socialist atrocities undermined Western ideals of historical progress.



1 Daniel Goldhagen, Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York:  Alfred A. Knopf, 1996), 419.
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