Who Will Tell the People: The Betrayal of American Democracy

"Science," the Greek word for knowledge, when appended to the word "political," creates what seems like an oxymoron. For who could claim to know politics? More complicated than any game, most people who play it become addicts and die without understanding what they were addicted to. The rest of us suffer under their malpractice as our "leaders." A truer case of the blind leading the blind could not be found. Plumb the depths of confusion here.

Re: WHO WILL TELL THE PEOPLE -- THE BETRAYAL OF AMERICAN

Postby admin » Thu Oct 31, 2013 1:07 am

Conclusion: The American Moment

My earliest political memory was the death of Lincoln when I cried inconsolably. I was four or five years old at the time and my mother read to me from one of those picture books with exemplary messages. The story of Lincoln's life unfolded in simple black-and-white etchings, from the humble origins in a frontier cabin to the White House. Young Abe learning to read by the light of the hearth, honest Abe the store clerk who walked many miles to return a customer's change, President Lincoln who freed the slaves and preserved the Union. Then, at the moment of triumph, the cruel assassination. The pictures ended in black bunting, a tragedy I found inexplicable.

My mother, who has romantic sensibilities, did not attempt to explain away the contradiction. Life is strange, life is wonderful, she often mused. The best and the worst, she meant, are frequently side by side in human experience. I came away, I suppose, with her melodramatic sense of things.

Lincoln, I believed as a child, was the actual fulfillment of America's democratic faith. He embodied the possibility that sovereign citizens, regardless of birth or status, could collectively decide their own destiny and somehow become greater than themselves. Yet the potential for tragic disappointment was also always present.

As an adult, I read deeper histories and learned the mature facts about Lincoln, the devious politician, the elusive and uncertain commander, but none of this contradicted what I had learned as a child. In fact, the full portrait made Lincoln seem even larger because, fully human and fallible, he could encompass every paradox about the nation's character -- the crass and cunning side alongside its virtuous principles, the blind willfulness and also America's capacity to defy history.

He was still Lincoln. He still stood for an idea of democracy that I think is now widely dismissed as mystical -- the belief that only from the many can this nation fulfill its larger qualities. My impression is that many Americans, perhaps most of them, no longer really believe this. Or they are sullenly resigned to the assumption that, given modern complexities, a genuine, full-throated democracy is no longer practical in America. Given the realities of power, it no longer seems plausible to them. Possibly, they are correct. If so, America will come to be identified, like other nations before it, by its grosser parts -- mere geography defined by muscle and appetites and national eccentricities.

I choose to believe otherwise: The American saga always was and still remains a difficult search for democratic meaning. This nation, more than most, is driven by a transcendental imperative, an idea never fully realized, often blunted and even suppressed, but central to the society's energies. Genuine democracy, as Vaclav Havel has said, is like a distant horizon that no human society has yet reached or perhaps ever will reach. But that does not end the story and, in some ways, the search in America may be only just beginning.

At this moment of history, Americans are in the awkward position of receiving congratulations from around the world for upholding the democratic example when they know, if they are honest, that this adulation is directed at a political system that is not functioning in good faith with its own ideals and principles. No one can contemplate American democracy in the late twentieth century without experiencing the dissonance between the idea and the reality. Some citizens, the energetic minority who still believe, struggle to resolve these contradictions.

In a cynical era, a childhood reverie on Lincoln may seem ludicrously romantic. Reflections on democratic faith are dismissed as "unrealistic," like the tired boilerplate of campaign speeches. My conviction, however, is that an active faith in democratic possibilities dwells at the very center of the American experience. The first step toward renewal is to free ourselves of the cynical expectations of these times and to reassert that faith without hesitation or apology -- to declare stubbornly that what we were all taught in childhood is still true, or can be true, if we decide to make it so.

The burden of this book has been critical, an attempt to explain the antidemocratic conditions that deform American politics. A clear-eyed understanding of these circumstances may be necessary in order to change things, but it is not a guarantee that things will change. Certainly, history provides abundant evidence of human societies that were well aware of their own contradictions and simply chose to evade them. Americans have the capacity for evasion too, as the nation's history amply demonstrates.

But the United States is still quite young as nations go and still a country capable of new departures, with the potential to surprise the world and even surprise itself. In the nature of things, this capacity is mainly a matter of faith.

***

After thirty years of working as a reporter, I am steeped in disappointing facts about self-government. Having observed politics from the small-town courthouse to the loftiest reaches of the federal establishment, I know quite a lot about duplicitous politicians and feckless bureaucracies, about gullible voters and citizens who are mean-spirited cranks. These experiences, strangely enough, have not undermined my childhood faith in democratic possibilities, but rather tended to confirm it.

Reporting for newspapers (or magazines or broadcasting) is not a reflective occupation, but the work has one wonderful, redeeming quality to it. Reporters have a license to go almost everywhere in the society and talk to almost anyone, from U.S. senators and corporate managers to bus drivers and schoolteachers and poor people on welfare. In a random, roving manner, a reporter may experience this country firsthand -- from top to bottom -- with a variety of encounters not accessible to most other citizens. What I learned about America deepened my faith in the democratic possibilities.

Among other things, I have seen up close the frailties of power. At the pinnacles of political command, whenever I have been able to peer behind the veil of platitudes, I have usually glimpsed a scene of confusion and often chaos -- the trial and error, folly and misapprehensions of people in charge trying to decide what to do. The randomness of human endeavor exists at the top too; history confirms that this is nearly always the reality of power.

For several generations, however, Americans have been systematically taught to defer to authority and expertise in a complicated world. The modern political culture, transmitted by schools and universities and the news media, teaches implicitly that those chosen to hold power have access to special knowledge and intelligence not available to others and, therefore, their deliberations and actions are supposedly grounded in a firmer reality. My own experience, on the contrary, has corroborated again and again the native American skepticism of elites. I believe that, if the real inside story were known, every statesman and politician would prove to be as recklessly human as the rest of us.

This fallibility should not be held against them; the same qualities exist in authority figures of every kind, from corporate executives to church prelates. There is a "reassuring anarchy," as I once called it, in the most exalted realms of power and this encourages my conviction that rigid arrangements of power are much more vulnerable to intrusion and change than the experts and authorities wish people to believe. If citizens could grasp, sympathetically, the human dimension of the political failures that are periodically revealed in high places, they might recognize a greater capacity in themselves for influencing and even commanding the larger outcomes of the society.

The people who are running things are especially prone to error when they are isolated from the shared ideas and instincts of the larger community. Indeed, that is the pragmatic argument for democracy: A governing system that is well grounded in the common reality of the society at large is likely to produce sounder decisions, connected to real facts and conditions. The hard work of democracy involves constructing and sustaining those connections.

My encounters as a reporter with ordinary citizens have also led to optimism about the potential for democratic renewal. America has its full quota of fools and scoundrels, but this is a nation of people who are mostly smart and capable and, on the whole, generously disposed. If one is open to it, the wild variety of American life is endlessly strange and entrancing. As one gets to know these different people in their own peculiar circumstances, it seems extraordinary that we are all Americans, living in the same vast nation and with more or less the same civic values, and yet we are.

As a younger reporter, I spent many years getting on airplanes, flying around the country and dropping down into the lives of strangers, often at their worst moments, when a local crisis or conflict had become newsworthy. Nearly always, I came away refreshed by these encounters and even awed by the people and their stories, their openness and level-headed sense of things, the raw eloquence and inventive humor and sometimes their courage. Some of those citizens have appeared in this book.

Even in the most benighted comers of this country, in burned-out slums or on desolate Indian reservations, I have always met some whose forceful intelligence shone through the barriers of language and education and class. I frequently came away thinking to myself: Those people would be running things if they had been born with a bit more luck. If they spoke in formal English and dressed in blue pinstripes, they could pass for U.S. senators or bank presidents. I recognized, of course, that my insubstantial sympathies did not answer their complaints. Their anger would be satisfied only when it could speak for itself.

This is difficult, I know, for the well born and well educated to believe about the ordinary run of Americans (and perhaps threatening to some) for it suggests there is a vast pool of unrealized ability dwelling in the American population -- people with important things to say who are not heard. America, it is true, would be a very different place if all of those unheard ideas and aspirations were given a full voice in politics. Democracy disrupts power.

Ordinary people, as this book has illustrated, do assert themselves despite the obstacles. Indeed, if there is one constant in all my years of observing politics, it is the single, shocking fact that the most far-reaching developments in my memory did not emanate from Washington or anywhere else in the elected structure of politics but came instead from obscure, unpredictable places where unanointed citizens found a way to express themselves. The civil rights movement is, of course, the most compelling example. It changed the fabric of American life more profoundly than anything else in my lifetime, save World War II.

I remember, in particular, interviewing the aging black leaders of Summerton, South Carolina, nearly two decades after they had filed one of the initial lawsuits that led to the Supreme Court's historic school-desegregation decision. These were yeoman farmers and laborers, a school principal, a minister, a cafe owner. Many of them had paid a terrible personal price for challenging the status quo. Men and women were fired from jobs, small businesses were ruined. Some had been driven out of the county permanently.

Looking back, they spoke with the pride of people who knew they had helped to move the national history but also with self-conscious precision, like witnesses wanting to set down the true facts, not inflated afterthoughts. Their struggle had begun over a pitifully small matter, they explained, when they asked the white school board to supply coal to heat the black children's one-room country schoolhouse. When the school board refused, their anger deepened. Some of these men had just come home from World War II and the contradictions of the racial caste system mocked their patriotic sacrifice.

So they raised their demands further. They also wanted school buses for the black kids and no more hand-me-down textbooks, and decent buildings with indoor plumbing. Politics failed and the dispute became a lawsuit. When the civil rights lawyer came down from New York (he was Thurgood Marshall, later a Supreme Court justice), he told them that, since they were in this fight, they might as well go all the way and challenge the caste system itself. The idea was frightening and some hesitated. These people were already enduring reprisals and the intimate hostilities that are part of life in a small town. They agreed to go forward, however. Their legal cause was expanded to challenge the law of racial segregation itself and eventually their suit became a companion in the decision known as Brown v. Board of Education.

Long years later, I am still awed by their elemental courage. "Courage" is another word not often used now in politics, along with "loyalty" and "trust," but these humble citizens were pulling themselves at risk in terms much more stark than losing an election and for a far larger public purpose.

They did not presume to reach for power for themselves and certainly not to change the social order. They embarked on a quite modest plea for justice and, improbably, found themselves perfecting its meaning. Years later, in fact, the underlying social order of Summerton itself had not changed that much, even though their struggle had helped to change the nation. Life is strange, as my mother said. These people balanced their political disappointments with the intangible rewards of self-realization. In addition to changing America, they discovered that they had also changed themselves and this achievement was permanent.

If there is a mystical chord in democracy, it probably revolves around that notion -- that unexpected music can resonate from politics when people are pursuing questions larger than self. As a reporter, I have seen that ennobling effect in people many, many times -- expressed by those who found themselves engaged in genuine acts of democratic expression, who claimed their right to help define the larger destiny of their community, their nation. Power can accumulate in mysterious ways, if citizens believe they possess this right. Their power atrophies when they no longer believe in it. This book is for the believers.

***

Rehabilitating democracy will require citizens to devote themselves first to challenging the status quo, disrupting the existing contours of power and opening the way for renewal. The ultimate task, however, is even more difficult than that: building something new that creates the institutional basis for politics as a shared enterprise. The search for democratic meaning is necessarily a path of hard conflict, but the distant horizon is reconciliation. Americans coming to terms with themselves -- that is the high purpose politics was meant to serve.

This renewal, if it occurs, will not come from books. A democratic insurgency does not begin with ideas, as intellectuals presume, or even with great political leaders who seize the moment. It originates among the ordinary people who find the will to engage themselves with their surrounding reality and to question the conflict between what they are told and what they see and experience. My modest ambition for this book is that it will assist some citizens to enter into "democratic conversations" with one another, asking the questions that may lead them to action. [1]

The random anger visibly accumulating in so many sectors of the society can be therapeutic, but only in a limited sense. The democratic problem requires hard work from citizens who have been taught to be passive consumers in politics. It means people must learn once again to come together and develop their own understanding of events, free of the slogans and propaganda. It requires them to take the daring step of assuming some personal responsibility for self-government.

The task of learning is naturally intimidating. This book has set out many of the complicated conditions that history has dealt to the present -- the political circumstances that confine citizens to cramped roles and warp the lines of accountability and control. I have also suggested various new ways that people might think about how to reform the political order. But there are no easy and simple ways around these barriers. In my estimate, the status quo is much more vulnerable to purposeful challenges organized by citizens than conventional wisdom supposes. But I do not presume to know exactly how or where the insurgency begins.

Democratic solutions will emerge only from the trial-and-error of active citizens who learn for themselves how to do politics, who discover the methods and principles that work because people have tried and occasionally failed. It requires of people the patience to accumulate social understandings that they have tested against reality and then to pass on their knowledge freely to others.

Strange as it may seem to an era governed by mass-market politics, democracy begins in human conversation. The simplest, least threatening investment any citizen may make in democratic renewal is to begin talking with other people about these questions, as though the answers matter to them. Harmless talk around a kitchen table or in a church basement will not affect anyone but themselves, unless they decide that it ought to. When the circle is enlarged to include others, they will be embarking on the fertile terrain of politics that now seems so barren.

A democratic conversation does not require elaborate rules of procedure or utopian notions of perfect consensus. What it does require is a spirit of mutual respect -- people conversing critically with one another in an atmosphere of honesty and shared regard. Those with specialized expertise serve as teachers, not commanders, and will learn themselves from listening to the experience of others. The respect must extend even to hostile adversaries, since the democratic objective is not to destroy them but to reach eventual understanding. At its core, the idea of democracy is as simple as that -- a society based on mutual respect.

This obvious human quality, seemingly available to all, is what's missing from American politics, drenched as it is in mass manipulation and deception and sour resentments. Indeed, mutual respect, above and beyond the usual social and economic distinctions, is missing from the general fabric of American life. A society that regularly proclaims democratic pieties also devotes extraordinary energy and wealth to establishing the symbols and trappings of hierarchy, the material markings that delineate who is better than whom.

The search for honest conversation, like other aspects of the democratic experience, can be its own reward, whether or not it leads to the fulfillment of power. It opens a path to self-realization grounded in social relationships -- knowing others on terms that are reliable and enduring. Americans are already searching for "relationships," almost frantically it seems, on a close personal level. What many of them fail to grasp is that politics, in its original sense, also offers a practical means for mending the damaged social relations that afflict American life.

Building a politics grounded in intimate human terms seems so remote from the present that many will regard it as an impossible task. The organizational barriers are obvious and formidable, reflecting the inequalities of private status and the fractured nature of the society itself. Certainly, it is work for years or decades, not seasons.

But ordinary citizens, as this book has demonstrated, have their own inherent advantages in this enterprise, including their ability to see the reality more clearly sometimes than those who hold power. In some scattered places, the democratic ideal is already in motion, often among humble citizens who lack any personal advantages. These are people who still believe, as the Ohio auto worker said, that "the ultimate power is in their hands." They regularly find their faith confirmed in actual experiences.

When incumbent officeholders begin to perceive a real threat developing to their power, that is the moment when electoral politics can begin to become serious and interesting again. A genuine democratic dialogue can follow, one that promises accountability and also trust between the governed and their government. When the organized presence of citizens can deprive others of power, all the deeper power relationships surrounding government will be put at risk too.

The cynical cannot grasp this possibility, but the believers know that it is the actual history of American democracy. At the most creative moments in the American past, the nation found its true source of political energy and ideas among those citizens in unexpected quarters who took it upon themselves to renew the search.

***

As a nation, Americans are coming to the hard part of the saga, I believe, the time when things become less easy and the true character of the nation is revealed. In my romantic optimism, I have come to imagine that this may be the moment of testing that history was preparing for us all along. After two hundred years of fabulous invention, adventure and abundance, we are on new ground: awesomely powerful yet insecure and dependent, a democratic beacon for others yet profoundly troubled in our own social reality.

Americans are about to learn whether the American experiment was truly unique -- capable of defying history -- or simply another chapter in the rise and fall of muscular nation-states. Until now, the national experience seemed to unfold without boundaries, either geographical or material or psychological. The transcendental expectations were regularly fulfilled and the promise of future fulfillment was kept alive for almost everyone. But the space of that promise has shrunk visibly and the nation is bumping up against some harsh new obstacles to its power. National reputation and the military might of empire do not necessarily prevail over the new economic forces at work in the world. Citizens are told to temper their ambitions and appetites; the new realities are said to be beyond our control.

If the idea of America as specially positioned in history was nothing more than legend, then the future seems fairly clear and is commonly described as decline. Nothing in history guarantees, after all, that the richest, most energetic and inventive place on earth will remain so forever. The usual story of great powers is that sooner or later, when the glory faded, they sank into social decay and bitterness. That is the usual ending for a political system that persistently ignores reality, and for a people who become alienated from their own values.

My own optimism insists that this new crucible can yield a different outcome. But this is the hard part: The only way I can imagine this may happen is through the restoration of the civic faith. The American moment cannot be about accumulating more wealth or weaponry or territory; the facts will not allow it. It must involve a more difficult and introspective search for social invention -- politics that takes the democratic idea to its next plateau in human history.

The present generation and the next, in other words, must find tangible ways to reinvigorate the social faith in the promise of democracy. The nation's sense of its own continuing search for something better is endangered and, without that civic faith, this nation is in deep trouble. If democratic character is lost, America has the potential to deteriorate into a rather brutish place, ruled by naked power and random social aggression. Innocent faith is what makes America work.

That faith does not imply impossible notions of perfection, but it does require convincing forward motion toward a social contract that most everyone will understand and accept -- mutual understandings that promise equitable and shared objectives. To achieve this in the contemporary circumstances, the present generation of Americans may have to face some of the Republic's oldest contradictions, contradictions that were always successfully evaded in the past.

Boundless prosperity and adventure, throwing off new wealth and dispersing it widely, allowed the political system to avoid confronting questions of hierarchy and class and race, the inequalities of poverty and plenty, the privileges embedded in the political order. Endless expansion ignored the accumulating damage to the natural environment. General abundance made it easier to accept a political system that had become steadily more distant from popular control. Now we are up against those questions again.

These matters have been evaded for good reason; they are the most difficult to resolve and no society anywhere that calls itself a democracy has succeeded in facing them. Americans, however, have much more at stake because this nation depends crucially upon sustaining the idea of a democratic society. It is the essential strand that binds diverse peoples together and enables the society to see itself as a functioning whole.

Americans need a new parable for themselves -- a story of national purpose that faces the present realities maturely but does not sacrifice the country's youthful idealism and inventiveness and self-confidence. If Americans set out to rehabilitate their own democracy, they may discover new democratic vistas for others. It is a chance to organize the future -- to lead the world to ground where no one has ever been before.

Despite the centuries of struggle and advance, democracy is still a radical proposition. "This is an unsanctioned idea," historian Lawrence Goodwyn observed, "but this is the democratic idea: that the people will participate in the process by which their lives are organized."

New possibilities are opened for any society that takes that idea seriously. The oldest questions of human existence remain unanswered by modern societies, despite the gloss of technology and wealth. The complexities of modern life have ensnared people in new forms of subservience. Why do millions still starve when the world is awash in surplus food? How can the modern economic system be transformed so that growth and prosperity do not depend so centrally on waste and despoliation? What are the outlines of a democratic system in which workers and owners and communities would truly share a voice in organizing their own lives? None of these matters remains unresolved because of physical constraints. They are political questions, waiting on democratic answers.

Americans should not suppose that they are the only people who need to ask such questions or are equipped to find the answers. While American democracy has decayed, people in the most unlikely nations have become the new inventors of democratic possibilities -- toppling the most rigid forms of power with the force of organized people.

Their experiments, even their failures, have provided a tonic for small-d democrats everywhere in the world. They have restored, above all, honest language-the capacity to speak about democracy with clarity and sincerity, as if the idea of self-governing people is fresh and alive and still practical. They have further restored an understanding that, as Vaclav Havel said, democracy is the unfinished story of human aspirations.

"Man must in some way come to his senses," Havel wrote from his prison cell. "He must extricate himself from this terrible involvement in both the obvious and hidden mechanisms of totality, from consumption to repression, from advertising to manipulation through television. He must rebel against his role as a helpless cog in the gigantic and enormous machinery hurtling God knows where. He must discover again, within himself, a deeper sense of responsibility toward the world, which means responsibility toward something higher than himself." [2]

The American beacon helped to teach people everywhere to aspire to self-realization and to rebel against powerlessness. Now, it seems, the former students must re-educate Americans in the meaning of their own faith. Perhaps that is when the American moment will begin: when Americans find the courage to speak honestly again in the language of democracy.
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Re: WHO WILL TELL THE PEOPLE -- THE BETRAYAL OF AMERICAN

Postby admin » Thu Oct 31, 2013 1:15 am

PART 1 OF 2

Notes

INTRODUCTION: Mutual Contempt


1. The human yearning for democracy is profound and universal, as the upheavals in Communist nations have most recently confirmed. It is driven fundamentally by the impulse for individual self-realization, a desire to discover and establish one's one worth in the collective context of the surrounding world. The struggle to achieve this is so difficult that the search has proceeded fitfully even in the most congenial settings, such as the United States.

The history of nations has reflected this search over the last four or five hundred years as different societies sought to discover democratic meaning and establish its terms. Some places have advanced not at all; some created the forms of democracy but without the substance. Other places -- most notably the United States -- embraced the idea in their national character and have worked fairly steadily toward improving upon it. Democracy is a presumption, not that the majority of the voters will always be right, but that real choices will be put before them.

2. Alexander Hamilton defined the paternalistic skepticism of popular rule that is still reflected in the modern elites of both political parties. Quoted in John F. Manley, "The American Dream," Nature, Society and Thought, Fall 1988.

3. The New York Times published a four-part series in March 1990, called "The Trouble with Politics, Running vs. Governing," which concluded: "Politicians in both parties say government is being crippled by a new superstructure of politics that makes ideas harder to discuss and exalts public opinion over leadership."

4. Ernesto Cortes, Jr., "Powerlessness also corrupts," Speech to Farm Crisis Workers Conference, published in Texas Observer, July 11, 1986.

5. The voting decline of 20 percent was calculated by Curtis Gans of the Committee for the Study of the American Electorate. Dissatisfaction with the 1990 elections was described in "The People, the Press & Politics 1990," Times Mirror Company, November 16, 1990.

6. The poll was taken by Stanley Greenberg and Celinda Lake and reported in The Commonwealth Report, April 1989.

7. Polls on public perceptions of who controls government have shown increasing alienation for nearly thirty years with a brief reversal in the early 1980s when Ronald Reagan took office. Data from the Center for Political Studies, University of Michigan, were cited, for instance, by Herbert Gans, Middle American Individualism: The Future of Liberal Democracy, Free Press, 1988.

8. Lewis H. Lapham, "Inspectors General," Harper's, July 1989.

9. Senator D'Amato was quoted in The Wall Street Journal, January 30, 1990.

10. Inventories of the powerful are generally compiled by eccentric scholars of the left and right and their work often inspires a kind of brittle paranoia -- the image of a few influentials meeting somewhere in some dark room. Power in American politics is too diffuse -- and sometimes chaotic -- for such facile definitions. The sociologist C. Wright Mills came much closer a generation ago when he defined the "power elite" as five generic subcategories: the upper classes and wealthy; corporate executives and owners; the political directorate at the top of government, including lawyer-statesmen; the military managers and their industrial partners; and that vague status system known as celebrity. See C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite, Oxford University Press, 1956.

ONE: Mock Democracy

1. An analysis by Common Cause determined that 239 practitioners of leveraged buyouts, their wives and children contributed $3.5 million, including $1.2 million in so-called "soft money" for George Bush. Washington Post, October 22, 1989.

2. The internal details of how the Superfund Coalition was organized were provided in memorandums made public by the Natural Resources Defense Council and other protesting environmental organizations.

3. I have no evidence to indicate that the New York Times story by Peter Passell on September 1, 1991, was directly linked to the Superfund Coalition, but it relied prominently on experts from General Electric and Clean Sites, an industry-sponsored organization that deals with toxic cleanup projects.

The major polluters were also active on the legal front in their efforts to stymie Superfund enforcement and force Congress to rewrite the law. The corporations launched a flurry of liability lawsuits against municipalities and small businesses -- even pizza parlors -- arguing that these enterprises had also contributed toxic wastes and should share in the cleanup costs, even if their liability was minuscule compared to that of the large manufacturers and insurance companies. This effort was designed to stimulate a political backlash against Superfund and persuade Congress to back off the original legislation. See Wall Street Journal, April 2, 1991.

4. Tommy Boggs was quoted in the National Journal, June 13, 1990.

5. The sampling of AEI's corporate patrons is from 1987, reported by James T. Bennett, Patterns of Corporate Philanthropy: Ideas, Advocacy and the Corporation, Capital Research Center, 1989.

6. Some details on how business set out to mobilize in Washington are drawn from David Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes: The Political Power of Business in America, Basic Books, 1989.

7. The Commerce Department per-capita income rankings are for 1987, Washington Post, March 1, 1990.

8. The rise of high incomes and the decline of low-income families in the Washington area are from Market Trends, Greater Washington Research Center, November 1988.

9. Business's growing share of interest organizations is from Michael D. Reagan, Regulation: The Politics of Policy, Little, Brown, 1987. The Senate Government Affairs Committee study of citizen participation was done in 1979 in an effort to rally support for government grants to citizen representation groups, a brief experiment that had its own flaws but, in any case, was killed during the Reagan years. The data were cited in Gary C. Bryner, Bureaucratic Discretion: Law and Policy in Federal Regulatory Agencies, Pergamon Press, 1987.

10. Anthony Downs, an economist at the Brookings Institution, is better known in contemporary Washington as an authority on real estate and urban development. His thesis in political philosophy challenged the civic smugness promoted by the mainstream political scientists extolling the virtues of pluralism. Anthony Downs, An Economic Theory of Democracy, Harper & Row, 1957.

11. Politicians in tax-exempt activities, National Journal, December 9, 1989.

12. The New York Academy of Sciences reported, for instance, that the cancer death rate among men, excluding lung cancer, which is often attributable to smoking, has increased by 9 percent since 1950 in industrial nations. The report, compiled by twenty-six scientists in thirteen countries, adjusted for such factors as aging populations -- the explanation often offered for the rising cancer rates. Washington Post, December 10, 1990; also the Natural Resources Defense Council's report in Cancer Statistics Review, 1973-1986, National Cancer Institute, May 1989.

13. The study of scientific bias was cited by Gary C. Bryner in Bureaucratic Discretion, previously cited.

14. An exhaustive academic literature exists on the vagaries of cost-benefit analysis, most of it written by policy thinkers who deplore the weaknesses and inconsistencies. but still regard it as a useful tool for decisions of resource allocation. They do not, by and large, acknowledge the broader moral context in which they are operating and they seem unaware that public decisions made by government rely on a different kind of authority than the cost-benefit decisions made by private business.

The examples of life value arguments are drawn from several sources: Michael D. Reagan, Regulation, previously cited; V. Kerry Smith, editor, Environmental Policy under Reagan's Executive Order: The Role of Benefit-Cost Analysis, University of North Carolina Press, 1984; Martin J. Bailey, Reducing Risks to Life: Measurements of the Benefits, American Enterprise Institute, 1980; and an interview with David Vladeck of Public Citizen.

15. Charles E. Lindblom described democracy as "imprisoned" by markets. See "The Market as Prison," in Thomas Ferguson and Joel Rogers, editors, The Political Economy: Readings in the Politics and Economics of American Public Policy, M.. E. Sharpe, 1984. Lindblom's argument was elaborated more fully in his own book, Politics and Markets: The World's Political-Economic Systems, Basic Books, 1977.

Two: Well-Kept Secrets

1. The frayed principles of liberals on the House Banking Committee were displayed in raw form when some of them in late 1989 tried to depose Henry Gonzalez as chairman. Their complaint was that he had failed to consult them on committee business and was insufficiently partisan. The reality is that Gonzalez is an independent-minded critic of the cozy relations between banking and the federal regulatory apparatus. Gonzalez, furthermore, had embarrassed his own party by holding a series of investigative hearings on Charles Keating and other S&L moguls who had manipulated various Democratic politicians with campaign money. For years, the liberals were silent when their committee was chaired by a corrupt finagler. When an honest politician became chairman, they rebelled. In any case, Gonzalez prevailed, by a vote of 163-89, in the House Democratic caucus.

2. I described the financial and economic consequences of the 1980 financial deregulation in Secrets of the Temple: How the Federal Reserve Runs the Country, Simon & Schuster, 1987, and also in The Trouble with Money, Whittle Direct Books, 1989. The most deft description of how deregulation doomed the savings and loan industry came from Albert M. Wojnilower, chief economist of First Boston Corporation. "Freeing the thrift and mortgage markets from government subsidy and guarantee, " he wrote, "is like freeing the family pets by abandoning them in the jungle."

3. Senators Garn and Proxmire were quoted by the Associated Press, July 26, 1985. The Treasury secretary's testimony was before a Senate banking subcommittee on June 13, 1985.

4. Alan Greenspan, as private consultant, wrote to federal regulators and asked them to give Lincoln Savings and Loan an exemption from the regulation limiting direct real-estate investment. He described Lincoln's management as "seasoned and expert in making direct investments" -- the very opposite of what subsequent events proved about Charles Keating's management. The Federal Reserve chairman, when asked later about his intervention in behalf of Keating, replied, "Of course I'm embarrassed." New York Times, November 20, 1989.

5. See my article, "The Growing Crisis in Our S&L Industry," Rolling Stone, August 11, 1988, which quoted Robert Dugger and other bank lobbyists on how they intended to do the taxpayer bailout right after the election.

6. The separation of electoral politics from governing politics is deeply ingrained in the culture that shapes and limits corporate journalism. After the 1988 election, with some embarrassment, political reporters recognized that they had missed the savings and loan story, but they pursued it in the same narrow terms -- which party might suffer more from this scandal at the next election? Political reporters are averse to the "substance" of such issues and often quite ignorant about them. In general, despite their embarrassment with the savings and loan debacle, the media repeated the same opacity as the crisis of failing commercial banks grew larger.

7. Theodore J. Lowi, a Cornell political scientist, wrote: "The people are shut out at the most creative phase of policy making -- where the problem is defined. " See "The New Public Philosophy: Interest-Group Liberalism," in Thomas Ferguson and Joel Rogers, editors, The Political Economy: Readings in the Politics and Economics of American Public Policy, M. E. Sharpe, 1984.

8. General Electric purchased the apartment complexes with a promise that one third of the units would be available to low-income families. Robert Bass, the wealthy Texas investor, was among others who acquired defaulted properties under the program that reformers had enacted. See Leslie Wayne in The New York Times, June 27, 1991.

9. As one who participated in discussions of the Financial Democracy Campaign's proposals, I witnessed up close the dilemma of citizen groups that try to penetrate the special-interest circle surrounding legislative issues. At meeting after meeting, the participants in the coalition fen into the same argument among themselves: whether to push genuinely fundamental reforms that went far beyond the conventional terms of debate or to advance modest proposals on the margins that had at least some chance of acceptance.

Generally, the old hands from Washington-based groups tended to favor the moderate strategy since they had considerable experience in the frustrating task of lobbying for large ideas that no one in Congress would listen to. People who have spent years establishing working relationships with a handful of sympathetic members of Congress are not anxious to sacrifice their connections by pushing them to sponsor ideas bound to lose.

The other side, including myself, argued that nothing fundamental was likely to happen in Washington anyway until the general public became aroused and much better educated about their stake in the contest. The process of political education could only begin if the reformers pushed the larger ideas, regardless of whether Congress was ready to listen.

In the end, the campaign did a bit of both but its legislative efforts inevitably gravitated toward the narrower focus of modest amendments that seemed doable, given existing political realities. In this manner, even groups that wish to change the political agenda are co-opted by the status quo.

THREE: Bait and Switch

1. The shift in tax burdens was described in "The Decline in Progressivity and the Decline in Revenue," Citizens for Tax Justice, February 23, 1990.

2. Kevin P. Phillips described the shift of tax burdens with brilliant documentation in The Politics of Rich and Poor, Random House, 1990. But Phillips concluded by predicting that old cycles of American politics would correct the injustices -- Democrats would rediscover the working class and return to power to make things right. My argument is that the cyclical swings in which Phillips puts his faith are another of the self-correcting mechanisms that no longer seem to work. Democrats were principal coauthors of the vast shift in taxation and, unless there is a dramatic turnover within that party, Democrats will be reluctant to undo what they helped to create.

3. The imbalance of financial wealth was reported in the Federal Reserve Board's "Survey of Consumer Finances, 1983," Federal Reserve Bulletin, September and December 1984.

4. For more details on how elite opinion rallied around an austerity agenda during the presidential campaign, see my articles in Rolling Stone, "The Shadow Debate on the American Economy" and "The Real Election in America This Year," July 14 and August 25, 1988.

5. Alan Greenspan's statement on the need to curtail domestic consumption was in response to a written question submitted by Senator William Proxmire at a Senate Banking Committee hearing, February 24, 1988.

6. "Opinion leaders respond very differently from the general public when asked about potential new revenue sources to cut the deficit," the Gallup survey reported. "While much of the public would support a new tax on gasoline only as a last resort, opinion leaders overwhelmingly favor (74 percent) such a tax.... A majority of corporate leaders (54 percent) and about half of financial leaders (48 percent) favor the establishment of a national sales tax.... Slightly over half of the financial leaders surveyed (52 percent) favor taxing Social Security at the same rate as ordinary income." See "The Press, People & Economics," Times Mirror Company, May 1989.

7. The Gallup and IRS surveys as well as much other data on the public's opposition to the regressive trend in taxation are described by Barry Sussman in What Americans Really Think: And Why Our Politicians Pay No Attention, Pantheon, 1988.

8. Details on tax collection can be found in "Income Tax Compliance Research, Gross Tax Gap Estimates and Projections for 1973-1992," IRS; statement of Representative J. J. Pickle, oversight chairman, House Ways and Means Committee, February 20, 1990; speech by Charles A. Bowsher, comptroller general, "An Emergency Crisis: The Disinvestment of Government," December 2, 1988; and "Facts on the Federal Income Tax System-1989," National Treasury Employees Union.

9. The shifting income shares were described by Joseph A. Pechman of the Brookings Institution in "The Future of the Income Tax," a paper distributed December 22, 1990.

10. Darman was referring approvingly to the 1986 tax legislation that sharply reduced tax rates for the upper-income brackets, Washington Post, February 26, 1989.

11. Anthony Downs, in An Economic Theory of Democracy, described democracy's theoretical inclination to favor the many over the few. "The equality of franchise in a democratic society," Downs wrote, "creates a tendency for government action to equalize incomes by redistributing them from a few wealthy persons to many less wealthy ones."

12. Mellon's celebrated dictum was quoted in "Less Taxing Alternatives," Democracy Project Reports, March 1984. For an authoritative account of the intellectual combat surrounding the progressive income tax, see Ronald Frederick Key, "From Redistributive to Hegemonic Logic: The Transformation of American Tax Politics, 1894-1963," Policy & Society, 1983.

13. "Put the jam on the lower shelf" has been attributed to Ralph Yarborough by those who heard him campaign in the 1950s. I first heard the slogan in Kentucky politics in the early 1960s, employed by a Republican state senator from a rural district.

14. Darman's remarks were in a speech at the National Press Club, July 20, 1989.

15. Thomas B. Edsall, The New Politics of Inequality, W. W. Norton, 1984.

16. David Stockman was quoted by the author in The Education of David Stockman and Other Americans, New American Library, 1986.

17. The Wall Street Journal poll found that people with incomes over $50,000 favor a higher tax rate on unearned income, 61 percent to 19 percent. Wall Street Journal, October 26, 1990.

18. John D. Raffaelli was quoted in "Zap! You're Taxed," National Journal, February 3, 1990.

19. The White House argument that persuaded Reagan to endorse the Social Security tax increase was related by Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers, The Free Press, 1986.

20. Survey data on the 1983 Social Security legislation are from Barry Sussman, What Americans Really Think. Neustadt and May, professors at Harvard's Kennedy School, offered the Social Security episode as one of several case studies of wise political management in their book, Thinking in Time.

21. The statistics on the revenue shifts are from a statement by Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, January 14, 1991.

22. See Barry Sussman, What Americans Really Think, for an insightful discussion of the public's skepticism toward tax reform. Bums Roper testified before the Joint Economic Committee, quoted in my article, "Break Dancing," Rolling Stone, October 1986. The windfall tax cuts in the 1986 legislation are drawn from data from the Joint Committee on Taxation. Other wealthy individuals were, of course, forced to pay more taxes since they were losing the benefit of various loopholes. Overall, however, all people with incomes above $200,000 enjoyed an average tax cut of $2,856 each-compared to a $200 tax cut for middle-income families. Sponsors argued the income-tax legislation was marginally progressive, but that claim was meaningless since it left out the rising burden imposed on most families by Social Security taxes.

23. Rostenkowski disparaged Moynihan's proposal in a speech before the Futures Industry Association convention in Boca Raton, Florida, March 9, 1990, where he promised to protect the brokers against federal taxes on their transactions. The evasion of Representative Richard Gephardt, House majority leader, was described by Fred Barnes, "Leaders to Follow," New Republic, May 14, 1990.

24. See The Wall Street Journal, March 14, 1990, and Washington Post, March 11, 1990, for details of Rostenkowski's plan.

25. For an insightful discussion of the Democrats' collaboration with Republicans on taxes and other matters, see Robert Kuttner, "Congress Without Cohabitation," American Prospect, Winter 1991.

26. The Wall Street Journal, because it rigorously and unsentimentally covers business's interface with government, is the best available source for news of the governing politics that I have described in this book. Journal reporters usually go right to the bottom line: Who won and who lost and how much? Three of its reporters, Jeffrey H. Birnbaum, David Wessel and Jackie Calmes, undoubtedly contributed to the 1990 rank-and-file revolt in Congress by describing the implications of the bipartisan budget agreement with such inescapable clarity. Wall Street Journal, October 2 and 3, 1990.

27. Reporters Donald L. Bartlett and James B. Steele found that a provision limiting personal exemptions for the well-to-do, which was billed as raising $10.8 billion from the wealthy, would actually yield no more than $2 billion or $3 billion-and that money would come from upper-middle-income families, not the rich. The same measure was proffered by congressional tax writers as proof of their even-handedness back in 1986 when it was first enacted. See Philadelphia Inquirer, November 4, 1990.

28. The Lipsey-Kravis study also challenged the conventional argument that the U.S. saving and investment rate lags far below its competitors' and that this explains disappointing economic growth. The different savings rates, they concluded, are really in large part differences in economic definitions of what counts as capital formation and in the cultural preferences of different nations. Robert E. Lipsey and Irving B. Kravis, Saving and Economic Growth: Is the United States Really Falling Behind? The Conference Board, 1987.

FOUR: The Grand Bazaar

1. Robert B. Reich's regulatory community included 12,000 lawyers in law firms representing business before courts and agencies, 9,000 lobbyists in firms specializing in lobbying, 42,000 trade association lobbyists and employees, 9,300 public-relations and public-affairs specialists, 1,200 trade journalists, 3,500 consultants advising government agencies and 15,500 lawyers and lobbyists from large corporations and federal agencies. Reich, "Regulation by Confrontation or Negotiation," Harvard Business Review, May-June 1981, cited by Bryner in Bureaucratic Discretion.

2. I can testify from personal experience on the enormous difficulty of covering regulatory politics in a manner that matches the demands of a daily newspaper. As assistant managing editor for national news at The Washington Post, I made several attempts to do so and all failed. In 1981, under my supervision, the Post initiated the "Federal Page," devoted each day to large and small stories from the regulatory government. For a year or so, the expanded coverage of regulation seemed engaging and occasionally significant, hut in time the effort lost its energy and focus.

To cover the full range of complex regulatory battles with any depth would require a substantial number of reasonably sophisticated reporters and lots of patience -- an investment of resources that very few news organizations are able or willing to make. As a result, the coverage of regulatory issues is almost totally dependent on the sporadic alarums sounded by interested parties. A news story may be generated, for instance, by an environmental organization that exposes malign behavior in an agency's decisions. But otherwise reporters keep their distance from the process and are usually quite ignorant of who is winning or losing.

3. The growth of regulatory laws was cited by Bryner, Bureaucratic Discretion.

4. The unifying effect of modern regulation on business political action is described by Carl J. Mayer in "Personalizing the Impersonal: Corporations and the Bill of Rights," Hastings Law Journal, March 1990.

5. Theodore J. Lowi is the most penetrating critic of the governing system he calls "interest-group liberalism." See The End of Liberalism: The Second Republic of the United States, W. W. Norton, 1979.

6. The environmentalists' record of winning 68 percent of those challenges to EPA that were decided by judges was between 1970 and 1980, cited in Bryner, Bureaucratic Discretion.

7. The "grand bazaar" metaphor I am using in this chapter is borrowed from an essay I wrote on the same subject fifteen years ago on the eve of Jimmy Carter's inauguration. This ought to establish at least that my own analysis of lawless government did not result from the scandals in the Reagan years. See Washington Post, January 20, 1977.

8. The Nixon-Ford-Iacocca dialogue lasted only thirty-five minutes on the morning of April 27, 1971. The ill-focused quality of their conversation is a jarring contrast with the conventional claim that regulatory matters of health and safety should be decided with scientific precision. The tangled history of airbag regulation was recounted by Joan Claybrook, president of Public Citizen and highway-safety administrator under Jimmy Carter, in a speech, "Influencing Agency Decision-Making," August 1, 1983.

9. The delayed enforcement of the ban on red dyes was reported by Bryner, Bureaucratic Discretion.

10. Nuclear accidents and fines were analyzed by Ken Bossong, leader of Critical Mass, Ralph Nader's watchdog organization on nuclear power.

11. The fraud cases involving defense manufacturers covered seven years before 1990, New York Times, November 12, 1990.

12. On EPA's lax enforcement, see Michael Reagan, Regulation: The Politics of Policy, Little, Brown, 1987, and the testimony of John C. Martin, EPA inspector general, before Senator John Glenn of Ohio in "Serious Management Problems in the U.S. Government," Senate Government Affairs Committee, September 28, 1989.

13. Frederick Malek's manual on how to politicize the civil service was revealed during the Watergate investigations into the Nixon administration. The text was published in Federal Times, December 18, 1974. Malek himself became campaign manager for George Bush's 1992 re-election campaign.

14. Data on federal regulatory personnel are from Michael Reagan, Regulation: The Politics of Policy. Details on how the Reagan administration cut back enforcement are from David Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes.

15. Gregg Easterbrook, "Radio Free Watkins and the Crisis at Energy," Washington Post Magazine, February 18, 1990.

16. Senator Pryor was quoted by Kirk Victor, "Farming It Out," National Journal, December 16, 1989.

17. Elite leaders, led by Lloyd Cutler and fanner Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker, began a campaign in the late 1980s to reverse the decline of government management. The National Commission on the Public Service, chaired by Volcker, warned of a "quiet crisis" in the senior ranks of the civil service. The campaign produced some progress on salaries for senior executives, but it also collided with the antigovernment attitudes that conservative business interests had spent two decades encouraging. It seemed out of character for a think tank like the American Enterprise Institute to begin worrying about the quality of government employees, when AEI had devoted so much scholarship over the years to demeaning their efforts.

18. The New York Times's dramatic and repetitious coverage of this scandal actually drew some reproach from other news organizations, which seemed to consider it untoward for a major newspaper to "crusade" on public matters. In an earlier time, repetition and dramatic emphasis were the standard techniques that newspapers used to force political attention to neglected issues. See Washington Post, January 8, 1989.

19. Exhaustive congressional hearings as well as press investigations have focused on pollution by federal agencies, particularly the Energy and Defense departments. These few examples are from among scores cited in the following sources: "Review of Hazardous Waste Disposal Practices at Federal Facilities," August 15, 1983, and "Hazardous Waste Problems at Department of Defense Facilities," November 5, 1987, House Government Operations Committee; "Environmental Compliance by Federal Agencies," April 28, 1987, and "Cleanup at Federal Facilities," March 3, I988, House Commerce Committee. See also: Howard Kahn, "America's Worst Polluter," Rolling Stone, May 3, 1990.

20. The issues surrounding EPA's ability to enforce the law against other federal departments were explored in "Environmental Compliance by Federal Agencies," House Commerce Committee, April 28, 1987.

21. Data on OSHA prosecutions is from Raymond Maria, Labor Department inspector general, in "Serious Management Problems in the U.S. Government," Senate Government Affairs Committee, September 28, 1989. The National Safe Workplace Institute in Chicago has published a series of shocking reports on OSHA's weak enforcement, including "Unintended Consequences: The Failure of OSHA's Megafine Strategy," June 25, 1989.

22. Construction industry data are from "Construction: The Most Hazardous Industry in the Nation," Laborers' National Health and Safety Fund, 1990.

23. EPA also responded to the Lordstown workers' complaints and fined General Motors $1.5 million for toxic air pollution from the plant. Union and company officials again dismissed the action, claiming that GM had already complied with the law. Youngstown Vindicator, March 7, 1991.

FIVE: Hollow Laws

1. Mary Johnson's account of the Americans with Disabilities Act, Nation, October 23, 1989.

2. The academic studies on the failure of modern regulation, some of which have been cited here, generally focus on the managerial questions, not the larger democratic principles enunciated by Theodore Lowi. Many critical scholars start from a conservative probusiness position that assumes these laws were ill advised in the first place and attempted to deliver impossible goals that would not truly benefit the society. Others tend to focus on the techniques by which the laws are frustrated and propose various managerial reforms, but without examining the larger framework of power.

3. The EPA data on high-risk industrial facilities were released by Representative Henry Waxman, chairman of the House subcommittee on health and the environment, January 12, 1990. EPA placed a cautionary disclaimer on the data, which, it said, were calculated for purposes of relative comparisons and rankings of pollution sources but could not be relied upon as a plant-by-plant measure of health risks. Waxman acknowledged that the ratings were based on simplified assumptions but should nevertheless "raise a red warning flag in communities where these facilities are locating -- and spur prompt action to investigate the plants further."

4. Senator Moynihan sarcastically announced his own more modest goal for the year 2000- hat by then the nation would at least understand that the political system is not serious about improving education. See his speech, "Goals for the Year 2000," March 12, 1990.

5. The surveys of public opinion on environmental trade-offs were reported in The Wall Street Journal. April 20, 1990, and The New York Times, April 17, 1990.

6. Robert W. Crandell, "The Political Economy of Clean Air: Practical Constraints on White House Review." in V. Kerry Smith, editor, Environmental Policy Under Reagan's Executive Order, University of North Carolina Press, 1984. Some environmentalists predict that the modest progress on clean air will be reversed during the I 990s as the number of vehicles continues to multiply without offsetting improvements in emission controls.

7. The leisurely development of RCRA regulations in the Carter administration was described by Marc K. Landy, Marc J. Roberts and Stephen R. Thomas, The Environmental Protection Agency: Asking the Wrong Questions. Oxford University Press, 1990. The frustrations that led to development of the "hammer" provisions in the 1984 legislation are recounted by Richard C. Fortuna and David J. Lennett, Hazardous Waste Regulation: The New Era, McGraw-Hill, 1987.

8. The corporate intention to abandon deep-well injection in favor of higher treatment was reported in Pollution Prevention News, published by EPA, August 1990.

9. The intense discussions between EPA and industry lobbyists conducted between the proposed rule and the final rule are partially revealed in the administrative record-meeting notes that agency officials are required to maintain on their contacts with regulated industries. This record does not disclose, however, any of the informal political conversations at the White House or EPA that may have accompanied the decision making.

SIX: The Fixers

1. Many details on the Bush task force are from my article, "When Big Business Needs a Favor, George Bush Gets the Call," Rolling Stone, April 12, 1984.

2. Invoking global competition as an argument against sterner environmental regulation is particularly specious because the main industrial competitors in Europe and Japan have much better performance in this area. The leading foreign producers generate 50 percent to 80 percent less industrial waste than American companies -- efficiency that gives them a significant cost advantage in their production. See Warren Brookes, Washington Times, January 9, 1990. Vice-President Quayle's intervention was disclosed in The Washington Post, December 20, 1990.

3. When regulators, members of Congress and public-interest advocates became increasingly alarmed at Quayle's tampering in behalf of business, OMB Watch and Public Citizen's Congress Watch issued a joint report, "All the Vice President's Men: How the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health, Safety and Environmental Programs," September 1991.

4. In 1986, Congress threatened to rein in OMB's powers by cutting off funding for the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs, but settled for an informal letter of agreement by which OMB promised to make public after the fact its communications with agencies and private interests. In practice, the reporting requirement has produced a grossly inadequate record of what transpired. The studies on OMB's impact on regulation in the Reagan and Bush terms were reported in the OMB Watch newsletter, OMB Watcher, September 30, 1990, and in testimony by Gary D. Bass before the Senate Governmental Affairs Committee, February 21, 1990.

5. Douglas Costle is quoted in Landy, Roberts and Thomas, The Environmental Protection Agency: Asking the Wrong Questions.

6. The analysis of desk officers at OMB's Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs was reported in "Playing the Numbers: OMB and Paperwork Reduction," OMB Watch, October 1989.

7. The anonymous policy analyst is quoted in Landy, Roberts and Thomas, The Environmental Protection Agency: Asking the Wrong Questions.

8. The examples of inconsistency in Regulatory Impact Analyses are from W. Norton Grubb, Dale Whittington and Michael Humphries, "The Ambiguities of Benefit-Cost Analysis: An Evaluation of Regulatory Impact Analysis under Executive Order 12291," in Environmental Policy Under Reagan's Executive Order. V. Kerry Smith, editor.

9. The examples of OMB intervention are from OMB Watcher. the newsletter of OMB Watch, and congressional testimony from Gary D. Bass, executive director of OMB Watch.

10. Patricia M. Wald, "The Sizzling Sleeper: The Use of Legislative History in Construing Statutes in the 1988-89 Term of the U.S. Supreme Court," American University Law Review. Winter 1990.

11. Robert Bork's complaint was in a review of Jeremy Rabkin's book Judicial Compulsions: How Public Law Distorts Public Policy, which makes similar arguments, Wall Street Journal, October 13, 1989.

12. Judge Laurence H. Silberman, "Chevron -- The Intersection of Law and Policy," George Washington Law Review, 1990.

13. For a parallel argument about democracy and the confusion over government authority, see James A. Morone, The Democratic Wish: Popular Participation and the Limits of American Government, Basic Books, 1990.

14. Data on what the poor receive in federal assistance are from "Receipt of Selected Non- ash Benefits: 1987," Bureau of the Census. Among 11.9 million designated as poor, 7.6 million received no cash stipends from welfare or Social Security. And 4.6 million received neither cash nor noncash benefits. The nonrecipients are typically screened out by the complex eligibility requirements of different programs, but the Reagan administration also conducted a visible campaign to drive poor people out of programs by challenging their applications and tightening the rules. The lives of the poor were one of the few areas of government activity that Reagan conservatives did not try to deregulate.

15. For further discussion of preventative protection for the environment, see Bruce Piasecki and Peter Asmus, In Search of Environmental Excellence: Moving Beyond Blame, Touchstone, 1990, and Barry Commoner, Making Peace with the Planer, Pantheon, 1990. How the tax code favors exploitation of virgin materials is described in "Facing America's Trash: What Next for Municipal Solid Waste?" Office of Technology Assessment, Congress, 1989.

16. Examples of state initiatives are from Margaret E. Kriz, "Ahead of the Feds," National Journal, December 9, 1989, and "Building an Environmentally Sustainable Economy," Center for Policy Alternatives, December 15, 1990.

SEVEN: The Politics of "Rude and Crude"

1. The Citizen's Clearinghouse estimate of seven thousand grassroots environmental groups seems excessive on its face, since it would mean an average of 140 such organizations in each of the fifty states. On the other hand, some states where environmental degradation has become a principal public issue have several hundred of these community organizations. Because the groups come and go or merge with others, it is difficult to find a precise answer to the question of their number.

2. The examples of successful protest tactics are taken from Everyone's Backyard, December 1990, monthly newsletter of the Citizen's Clearinghouse for Hazardous Wastes. Literally hundreds, perhaps thousands of such encounters occur every year and provoke local controversy but seldom rise to the level of national news events.

3. The Union Carbide memo was written by C. E. Greenert, director of corporate contributions, public issues and administration, November 24, 1989. A letter of apology from Ronald S. Wishart, Union Carbide's vice-president for public affairs, said: "I'm sorry that Mr. Greenert's (purloined) internal memorandum implies that the founder of CCHW has communist leanings, which was his short hand for a concern about the political directions some environmental activism seems to be taking."

4. EPA research, reported in the Archives of Environmental Health, March 1989, found excessive deaths from various kinds of cancers in Superfund counties in different regions of the country compared with counties that had no major hazardous-waste dumps. The patterns of increased disease, the EPA researchers noted, might be attributable to other causes, such as direct pollution from local industries, not exactly a comforting explanation for local citizens. A summary of the findings was reported in Rachel's Hazardous Waste News, May 2, 1989.

5. William Ruckelshaus was named CEO of Browning-Ferris Industries in 1988 to improve the company's environmental image, but BFI's hazardous-waste division, a small part of its overall operations, continued to face expensive controversies. New York State rejected its application for a new hazardous-waste site in Niagara Falls. In Ohio, BFI paid $3.5 million in fines and civil damages for past pollution at a dump outside Cincinnati. In Louisiana, it paid $1.5 million to settle allegations of violating hazardous-waste rules. Wall Street Journal, April 6, 1990.

6. The survey on political sophistication was cited by Herbert J. Gans, Middle American Individualism: The Future of Liberal Democracy, The Free Press, 1988. For an insightful essay on the strengths and weaknesses of citizen activism, see Karen Paget, "Citizen Organizing: Many Movements, No Majority," The American Prospect, Summer 1990.

7. The Washington Post's 1983 survey on environmental issues was cited by Barry Sussman, What Americans Really Think. Next to environmentalists, people most trusted local governments (55 percent favorable; 30 percent unfavorable), then the EPA (46 percent to 36 percent). President Reagan scored almost as poorly as business leaders (36 percent favorable; 45 percent unfavorable).

8. The StarKist boycott and others were described in The Wall Street Journal, "Facing a Boycott, Many Companies Bend," November 8, 1990.

9. Gillette, Dow Chemical, Sara Lee, and Sears Roebuck are among the companies that modified products in order to comply with California's "Prop 65" requirement of warning labels. In the political debates, of course, this is the sort of remedial action that corporations usually insist is impossible. See "California Spurs Reformulated Products," Wall Street Journal, November 1, 1990.

10. The Los Angeles survey was cited by Ken Hoover, "On the Take," Golden State Report, March 1990.

11. Tax-cutting measures were rejected in Massachusetts, Colorado, Nebraska and Utah, among other places, in 1990. California entertainment celebrities campaigned for "Big Green," the omnibus environmental initiative, but the chemical and agriculture industries countered with a trustworthy celebrity of their own, former Surgeon General C. Everett Koop, who advised voters that the proposed bans on carcinogenic chemicals would not benefit the health of children. For a survey of initiatives, see The Wall Street Journal, November 8, 1990.

12. Mervin Field's analysis of referendum voters was in "Falling Turnout -- A Nonvoting Majority," Public Affairs Report, Institute of Governmental Studies, University of California at Berkeley, March 1990.

13. The plastics industry's alarm and Larry Thomas's letter were reported in Everyone's Backyard, Citizen's Clearinghouse for Hazardous Wastes, March 1990.

14. Robert O. Aders's remarks to Produce Marketing Association are from an unpublished text, October 17, 1989.

15. I am indebted to the National Journal for its excellent coverage of regulatory politics and, in particular, its continuing reports on the power struggles between the states and the federal government and the cross-pressures generated by business interests and citizen reform groups. See, for instance, W. John Moore, "Stopping the States," July 21, 1990; Margaret E. Kriz, "Ahead of the Feds," December 9, 1989; and Julie Kosterlitz, "The Food Lobby's Menu," September 29, 1990.

16. The industry petition to the Federal Trade Commission was reported in The New York Times, February 15, 1991. 17. The Advocacy Institute and Congress Watch declaration was cited by W. John Moore, "Stopping the States," National Journal.

18. Enactment of federal preemptions for business regulation and health and safety laws increased from 65 in the 1970s to 72 in the 1980s. The data from the Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations were reported by W. John Moore in "Stopping the States," National Journal. The agency counted a total of 350 federal preemptions, 127 for business regulation and 134 for health and safety regulations. In two other areas, civil rights and financial regulation, the number of new preemptions declined during the decade.

EIGHT: Political Orphans

1. The leaflet was quoted by Jon Cohen, "Down and Dirty," City Paper, May 19, 1989.

2. AEI's complete catalog of books, Fall 1989, lists the minimum-wage literature it has sponsored.

3. Richard Thompson was quoted in City Paper, May 19, 1989.

4. Details on the NLRB are from David Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes: The Political Power of Business in America, Basic Books, 1989.

5. For a compelling account of how law has helped to collapse the labor movement, see Thomas Geoghegan, Which Side Are You On? Trying to Be for Labor When It's Flat on Its Back, Farrar Straus Giroux, 1991.

6. Michael Merrill, "Why There Will Be a Labor Party by the Year 2000," Social Policy, Spring 1990. See also my article, "Down but Not Out: Labor Struggles to Find Its Voice," Rolling Stone, October 17, 1991.

7. The D.C. minimum wage, like that of many states, was higher than the level set by federal law and would have been pushed upward if Congress had enacted a sufficiently large increase. The D.C. wage board subsequently adopted a $7.25 minimum for clerical workers (though not janitors), but the city council reduced this to $5.25 under pressure from local businesses.

8. The Progressive Policy Institute's report was entitled "Work and Poverty: A Progressive View of the Minimum Wage and the Earned Income Tax Credit," June 1989.

9. The survival "cheating" on federal benefits by the working poor is described by Christopher Jencks and Kathryn Edin in "The Real Welfare Problem," American Prospect, Spring 1990.

10. The late Joseph A. Pechman of the Brookings Institution, leading expert on tax equity, described the perverse effect of improving welfare benefits when the income-tax structure was no longer progressive: "The tax system has been getting less progressive in the last two decades, while the ratio of transfers to income has been increasing. In other words, the recent increases in transfer payments in the United States have been financed by the low and middle-income groups, while the rich have been getting tax cuts." Pechman, "The Future of the Income Tax," Brookings, December 22, 1989.

11. The charity event was a fund-raising gala for the Jewish Community Center of metropolitan Washington, and the Charles E. Smith Company changed its labor policies after several rabbis in the Washington area expressed their support for the demands made by "Justice for Janitors." Jewish Week, the community newspaper, also published a sympathetic account of why the janitors had staged their demonstration at the community center's banquet.
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Re: WHO WILL TELL THE PEOPLE -- THE BETRAYAL OF AMERICAN

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PART 2 OF 2 (NOTES CONT'D.)

NINE: Class Conflict

1. For an enthralling history of Martin Luther King, Jr., and the politics of the civil rights movement, see Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters, Simon & Schuster, 1988.

2. This insight was elaborated by J. Hunter O'Dell in his essay, "Notes on the Movement, Then, Now and Tomorrow," Southern Exposure, Spring 1981.

3. Michael Waldman is director of Public Citizen's Congress Watch. See his book, Who Robbed America? A Citizen's Guide to the Savings & Loan Scandal, Random House, 1990.

4. The contours of "political avoidance" are described by Herbert J. Gans, Middle American Individualism, The Free Press, 1988.

5. Outside magazine, September 1990. The magazine's lowest regard -- Milquetoast"-was for the National Wildlife Federation and the Nature Conservancy.

6. Lois Gibbs's remark on poor people is from Ana Radelat, "Avenging Angel," Public Citizen, September 1990.

7. The community leaders were invited to subsequent conferences at the behest of Tufts University, a cosponsor, according to a letter from Lois Gibbs to Nancy Newman, league president, October 21, 1986.

8. Grassroots activists dubbed the private meeting between Reilly, Waste Management's Dean Buntrock and Jay Hair, president of the Wildlife Federation, "Reillygate." Details are from the EPA investigative record into charges that Reilly's meeting was in violation of agency rules. The administrator was cleared and the controversy never achieved visibility in the national press but was covered aggressively by some local newspapers where citizen groups are aroused on toxic-waste issues. See the Winston-Salem Journal, April 21, 1989.

9. Samuel P. Huntington was among the academics who originally expressed alarm at the upsurge of citizen politics, fearing that reformers were immobilizing government. In the 1970s, he described these challenges as "an excess of democracy" but moderated his views subsequently when it became clear that neither government nor business interests were in danger of losing their power. Samuel P. Huntington, American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony, Harvard University Press, 1981.

10. My account of class conflicts in the environmental movement has been enriched by Eric Mann, "Environmentalism in the Corporate Climate," and Robert Gottlieb, "Earth Day Revisited," both in Tikkun, March 1990. Penny Newman was quoted in Mann's essay.

11. Details on corporate gifts to environmental groups are from Everyone's Backyard, October 1990.

12. The study of philanthropists was based mainly on individuals, and the portrait is less apt for some of the larger, long-established foundations such as Ford or Carnegie or Mellon that are now distant from the family wealth that created them. On the other hand, the new generation of corporate foundations provides grants that are usually intimately connected to the political self-interest of the companies that provided the money. See Teresa Odendahl, Charity Begins at Home: Generosity and Self-Interest Among the Philanthropic Elite, Basic Books, 1990.

TEN: Democratic Promise

1. Father Leo J. Penta, "Organizing and Public Philosophy: Fifty Years of the Industrial Areas Foundation," IAF Reflects, August 1990.

2. The story of Alinsky's career and political philosophy is told by Sanford D. Horwitt, Let Them Call Me Rebel: Saul Alinsky, His Life and Legacy, Alfred A. Knopf, 1989.

3. Edward Chambers was quoted by Geoffrey Rips, "A Democratic Conversation," Texas Observer, November 22, 1990. The Observer issue included two other valuable articles on IAF: Mary Beth Rogers, "Gospel Values and Secular Politics," excerpted from her book, Cold Anger: A Story of Faith and Power Politics, University of North Texas Press, and Linda Rocawich, "Interview: Ernesto Cortes Jr."

4. Cortes's remark about the "conjugal" nature of power and love is from his speech to the Farm Crisis Workers Conference, Texas Observer, July 11, 1986.

5. The IAF Texas network conducts a running series of seminars for its organizers and senior community leaders on a vast range of subjects. As the author of a book about the Federal Reserve and the money and credit system, I was invited to teach at one of these sessions and was deeply impressed by their seriousness.

6. Andres Sarabia's remark on anger was in the San Antonio Light, November 26, 1990.

7. Cortes's remark on "bullying" is from Linda Rocawich, "Interview: Ernesto Cortes Jr.," Texas Observer.

8. Alinsky's acknowledgment is from Sanford D. Horwitt, Let Them Call Me Rebel: Saul Alinsky, His Life and Legacy.

ELEVEN: Who Owns the Democrats?

1. Thomas Jefferson's letter to President Washington is a wonderfully evocative political document, even if it does not quite say what modern Democrats suppose. Jefferson described the political divisions -- North and South, agrarian and rural -- developing around Washington. He lamented that the Federalist financial interests, led by his rival Alexander Hamilton, were steadily corrupting the Congress. Once they succeeded in seizing control, Jefferson warned, they would install a monarchial form of government centered in the presidency and the people's right to govern themselves would be effectively extinguished. His letter is found in The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 23, Charles T. Cullen, editor, Princeton University Press, 1990.

2. Michael McCurry, a former aide to Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Arizona Governor Bruce Babbitt during his brief campaign for president, left his DNC post in late 1990 to work in a political public-relations firm. His candid remarks on the party's condition were made to me, however, while he was still working for the DNC.

3. The National Association of Manufacturers, like other business groups, lobbied to defeat the toxics-labeling legislation, but Eizenstat says he merely addressed its "significant flaws." Among other things, he urged Congress to give certain employers immunity from damage suits and to keep the identity of notified workers confidential so they could not be readily recruited for lawsuits. Daily Labor Report, Bureau of National Affairs, February 16, 1988.

4. When PSI Holdings, Inc., added Eizenstat to its board, it also added Kenneth M. Duberstein, a Republican lobbyist who had served as chief of staff in Ronald Reagan's White House. Indianapolis Business Journal, January 29, 1990.

5. Tommy Boggs was quoted in the National Journal, January 13, 1990.

6. Williams and Jensen's lobbying for Pittston was reported in Legal Times, October 16, 1989. Its role in financing a study by the Employee Benefit Research Institute was reported in Pensions & Investment Age, April 2, 1990. Williams's jocular remark on arguing the "merits" was quoted in Legal Times, May 23, 1988.

7. Details on O'Connor and Hannan's work for ARENA and the Minneapolis City Council's reaction are from the Bulletin of Municipal Foreign Policy, Winter 1989-1990.

8. Among other tax-issue clients, Akin, Gump represented the Distilled Spirits Council of the United States and the Mutual Fairness Taxation Association, formed by mutual insurance companies. The lobbying of the NEC by his firm's clients was described in Legal Times, November 7, 1988.

9. Akin, Gump's Fujitsu account was reported in the Financial Times, February 19, 1990. The lobbying on trade by prominent Democrats was described by John B. Judis, "K Street's Rise to Power of Special Interest to U.S.," In These Times, November 1, 1989. Judis wrote: "The denizens of K Street constitute a new mandarin class in America. Unlike the Chinese bureaucrats of old, however, the lawyer-lobbyist-pollsters of K Street are beholden not to a higher wisdom but to the highest bidder."

10. Frank Lorenzo's assembling of influential Democrats to represent him was described in Legal Times, May 16, 1988, and the American Lawyer, July 1988. The $12.7 million in legal bills for the bankrupt airline was described in The Wall Street Journal, May 21, 1990.

11. The Legal Times estimate of law firms with PACs was •reported in the National Journal, December 16, 1989. The Common Cause estimate is from The New York Times, December 29, 1989. Charles Babcock provided a systematic analysis of campaign money in The Washington Post, September 30, 1991.

12. Kirk O'Donnell was quoted in Legal Times, June 26, 1989.

13. The DLC's corporate sponsors were described in The Washington Post, March 29, 1990. See also Robert Kuttner, "What's the Beef'?" The New Republic, April 2, 1990.

TWELVE: Rancid Populism

I. Karen Olshan and Paula Drillman were quoted by Bernice Kanner of New York magazine in "Mind Games," Best of Business Quarterly, Winter 1990.

2. Lee Atwater was quoted in The New York Times, March 19, 1990, and Douglas Bailey in The Washington Post, April 20, 1990.

3. Douglas Bailey spoke at a seminar on the Republican presidential coalition sponsored by the Progressive Policy Institute, February 26, 1990.

4. The data on advertising costs and proliferation are from The Wall Street Journal, March 22, 1991.

5. The New York Times/CBS poll was cited by William A. Galston, "Rebuilding a Presidential Majority," unpublished paper, March 1989.

6. Lee Atwater's description of the "populist swing vote" is from my interview, Rolling Stone, January 12, 1989. "Power is evil" is from Marjorie Williams, "The New Lee Atwater Lies Low," Washington Post Magazine, November 19, 1989.

7. If readers wish to glimpse the outlines of a genuine democratic experience in American history, they will find it in the powerful narrative of the original Populist movement, recounted by Lawrence Goodwyn, The Populist Movement: A Short History of the Agrarian Revolt in America, Oxford University Press, 1978.

8. Representative Newt Gingrich was quoted in The Washington Post, February 26, 1989, and The Wall Street Journal, May 20, 1988.

9. An example of social conservatives trying to develop a broader perspective that would let them address economic issues is an essay published by an affiliate of the Free Congress Foundation. See William S. Lind and William H. Marshner, Cultural Conservatism: Toward a New National Agenda, Institute for Cultural Conservatism, 1987.

10. Lee Atwater's account of his illness and self-discovery was entitled "Lee Atwater's Last Campaign," Life, February 1991.

11. David Stockman's remark is from my book, The Education of David Stockman and Other Americans.

12. For an exposition of Thomas Ferguson's theory, see "Party Realignment and American Industrial Structure: The Investment Theory of Political Parties in Historical Perspective," Research in Political Economy, Volume 6, JAI Press, 1983.

13. For a more precise version of Thomas Ferguson's analysis of the Republican party, see his article, "Who Bought Bush, and Why," International Economy, January 1989. His analysis of the major investors dominating the Democratic party-investment banking, major real-estate developers, high-tech manufacturers and others-was reported in "Private Money and Public Policy," International Economy, September 1988.

THIRTEEN: Angle of Vision

1. Jean G. Padioleau spent some months in the Post newsroom as part of a comparative organizational study in which he concluded that The Washington Post, notwithstanding its corporate hierarchy, had elements of freedom and innovation that were stronger than those at Le Monde, a newspaper ostensibly controlled by its own staff members. The insights quoted here are from an unpublished essay Padioleau prepared on the Post's newsroom management. See also Jean G. Padioleau, Le Monde et le Washington Post, Presses Universitaires de France, 1985.

2. The Washington Post's monopoly was complicated slightly by the founding of the Washington Times. a staunchly conservative daily financed by the Unification Church. The Times produces a lively contrast to the Post, but is utterly unthreatening to it, as an alternative for either readers or advertisers. Despite many millions invested by its right-wing sponsors, the Washington Times remains small and unprofitable.

3. The studies of Nightline and MacNeil/Lehrer were reported in FAIR's newsletter, Extra!, Winter 1990.

4. David Ignatius described think tanks in "Fishing for a Few Good Ideas," Washington Post, March 11, 1990.

5. Burt Solomon's reflections were in "Bush Cultivates the Press Corps ... Hoping for a Harvest of Goodwill," National Journal, May 5, 1990.

6. The social intimacies between the media and government are so commonplace that dozens of other examples could be cited. The participants are utterly oblivious to the implications and indeed offended by the suggestion that their closeness to power has compromised their rugged independence. Some of these details have been drawn from the National Journal, May 5, 1990; Washington Post, January 20, 1989; and The Wall Street Journal, December 28, 1989.

7. Barry Sussman discusses public criticism of the media in What Americans Really Think: And Why Our Politicians Pay No Attention, Pantheon, 1988.

8. For an excellent academic analysis of how the media fail democracy, see Robert M. Entman, Democracy Without Citizens: Media and the Decay of American Politics, Oxford University Press, 1989.

9. The Times Mirror Company, publisher of the Los Angeles Times, Newsday and other high-quality newspapers, has at least begun to explore this terrain -- the distance between orthodox news and the public -- by commissioning a series of polls that measure the interest levels and inattention of readers to the stories that editors and reporters regard as important. Thus far, however, the focus of these studies has been on the readers' responses, not on the production values of the news media.

FOURTEEN: The Lost Generation

1. Among the critics, one of the most insightful pessimists is Neil Postman, a professor of communications at New York University and author of many books. See, for instance, Conscientious Objections, Alfred A. Knopf, 1988.

2. Jacques Cousteau was quoted by columnist Jim Hoagland as Hoagland pondered the political implications of his own young daughter and her school friends' taking responsibility for protecting the global environment. See Washington Post, July 10, 1990.

3. The voting data are based on surveys by the U.S. Census Bureau in which people are asked whether they voted in the last election. This approach usually inflates the numbers slightly, since some people are always reluctant to admit they did not vote. In the census data, voting participation fel1 from 50 percent to 36 percent among eighteen- to twenty- four-year-olds, from 1972 to 1988. It fell from 63 percent to 54 percent among those who are twenty-five to forty-four years old during the same period. Voting levels were virtual1y unchanged among those forty-five to sixty-four years old (68 percent in 1988) and actual1y increased modestly among those who are sixty-five and older (69 percent in 1988, up from 64 percent in 1972). See "The Age of Indifference: A Study of Young Americans and How They View the News," Times Mirror Center for The People & The Press, June 28, 1990.

4. The Times Mirror Center has taken month-by-month surveys of what in the news captures the most interest of the audience. See especially "The Age of Indifference," among its other periodic reports.

5. Jim Bellows was quoted in The Washington Post, January 9, 1989.

6. The Rolling Stone survey, conducted by Peter Hart, covered a broad group of people, ranging in age from eighteen to forty-four, and demonstrated that, notwithstanding al1 the generalizations about younger people, they are as diverse in their attitudes as any other generation of Americans. My discussion in this chapter of political behavior and perspectives has relied substantial1y on the findings. See my article, "The Rolling Stone Survey," Rolling Stone, April 7, 1988.

7. The scientific dispute over Alar centered on samplings that tested how much residue was found on apples in the marketplace and whether that constituted a risk to humans. The NRDC research argued that government standards were too lax because they did not take into account the smaller body weight of young children and the large amount of fruit that they consume.

8. The details on EPA's advisory panel on pesticides are from The Washington Post, May 26, 1989.

9. The apple growers subsequently sued the NRDC for damages, but Alar remained off the market and the NRDC had performed a public service by exposing EPA's lack of enforcement. The product was first linked to cancer in 1973 and nothing had happened for more than fifteen years, according to Adrian de Wind, NRDC chairman. The NRDC report found that Alar in apple products created cancer risks at least 240 times greater than EPA said were safe. See New York Times. July 9, 1991, and a letter from de Wind, New York Times, July 30, 1991.

10. The Publishers Weekly list was printed in The Wall Street Journal, January 16, 1990.

11. James Dobson's "profamily" politics and organization were described in The Wall Street Journal, October 17, 1988.

12. I am indebted to Frank Mankiewicz for this insight about the deeper content of Michael Moore's film, which, Mankiewicz said, "captures the strange new terms in which the victims are laughing at themselves. Everyone is standing at the center of the debate, watching the show. There's nobody saying; those bastards."

13. George Gilder describes his vision of the coming revolution in Life After Television: The Coming Transformation of Media and American Life, Whittle Direct Books, 1990.

14. See Ben H. Bagdikian, The Media Monopoly, Beacon Press, 1983.

15. Michael Kinsley wrote; "Media companies in the U.S. enjoy the First Amendment rights of all American citizens. But like other major corporations they are 'artificial persons,' legal fictions; and if they begin to abuse their editorial prerogatives through systematic in-house cross-promotions, government may restrict them to a more limited set of First Amendment privileges." See New Republic, May 7, 1990. The NBC stories promoting GE products were reported by FAIR in its newsletter, Extra!, January 1991.

16. Among his many projects, Ralph Nader has created the Audience Network Coalition in Washington in an attempt to generate support for fundamental reform of the federal communications laws.

FIFTEEN: Citizen GE

1. This account of why Benjamin Heineman, Jr., and other Washington lawyers joined General Electric relies mainly on reporting in the American Lawyer, September 1989, and D. M. Osborne, "The Sidley-Heineman Connection," May 1990, as well as the National Journal, April 7, 1990.

2. Philip Lacovara filed "Preliminary Comments of General Electric Company on the U.S. Sentencing Commission's Proposed Organizational Sanctions," September 11, 1989. The brief was cosigned by Victoria Toensing, a former deputy assistant attorney general in the Reagan administration who as a Washington lawyer was hired by GE to fight the corporate-crime sentencing guidelines. It was Toensing who lobbied the White House and persuaded the president's counsel, C. Boyden Gray, to intervene at the Justice Department. She was representing GE, Martin Marietta, ITT and other firms, according to The Washington Post, April 28, 1990.

3. The Sidley & Austin memorandum on Superfund litigation was circulated by Stephen Ramsey at an American Bar Association teleconference on hazardous waste, according to David T. Buente, chief of EPA's environmental enforcement section. Buente in turn distributed it to EPA lawyers with a warning memo on June 4, 1986.

4. The description of General Electric's potential Superfund liability is from "Nuclear Power Development and Related Energy Issues: General Electric Co.," Proxy Issues Report, Investor Responsibility Research Center, March 30, 1990. Ramsey was quoted in the American Lawyer, May 1990.

5. Details on GE's scope are drawn from the company's 1989 Annual Report and the 1989 GE Foundations Annual Report; Stratford P. Sherman, "The Mind of Jack Welch, " Fortune, March 27, 1989; Russell Mitchell and Judith H. Dobrzynski, "Jack Welch Reinvents GE," Business Week, December 14, 1987; and Doug Henwood, "NBC: The GE Broadcasting Co.," Extra!, May 1989.

6. General Electric, as bespeaks its power, declined to cooperate with my examination of its political operations. Frank P. Doyle turned down my request for an interview. The public-affairs officer for GE's Washington office acknowledged that there is a company named General Electric, but declined to provide additional details.

7. Common Cause, which calculated GE's political contributions, filed a shareholder's resolution challenging the practice, Wall Street Journal, January 9, 1989. The GE honoraria were for 1985 and reported in "INFACT Brights GE to Light," INFACT, 1988. Robert W. Barrie's role in raising money for Democrats was described by Thomas B. Edsall, "Bringing Good Things to GE," Washington Post, April 13, 1985.

8. The corporate lobbying on product-liability legislation was described by Gary Lee in The Washington Post, July 29, 1991.

9. GE's lobbying blitz to protect its venture in Hungary against what it called "the inherent uncertainties" was described by the National Journal, February 10, 1990.

10. Obviously, corporate-image advertising is often intended to produce a commercial benefit as well as political protection, but the propaganda effect is the same, regardless of intent. In the survey of nonproduct corporate advertising for 1987, General Electric was the ninth-largest spender. Dow Chemical was the fourth-largest spender with the commercials attempting to overcome its reputation as a polluter. See Amy J. Barnes, "Top Heavy: The 17th Annual Review of Corporate Advertising Expenditures," Public Relations Journal, September 1988.

11. The Northrop episode was reported in The Wall Street Journal, February 20, 1990.

12. The Chevron campaign was reported by its director of research in public affairs, Lewis C. Winters, "Does It Pay to Advertise to Hostile Audiences with Corporate Advertising?" Journal of Advertising Research, June 1988.

13. Frank Doyle testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee subcommittee on European affairs, March 28, 1990.

14. Details on the taxation of GE and other corporations are drawn from Citizens for Tax Justice's "Annual Survey of Corporate Taxpayers and Corporate Freeloaders," October 1989.

15. In 1990, for instance, overseas investment by American companies grew by 16 percent while capital spending in the United States increased by a tepid 6.7 percent. See Robert B. Reich, The Work of Nations: Preparing Ourselves for 21st Century Capitalism, Alfred A. Knopf, 1991.

16. Bob Barrie's lobbying on tax leasing was described by Thomas Edsall in "Bringing Good Things to GE," Washington Post, April 13, 1985.

17. GE's 1989 tax rate was calculated from its Annual Report. Details on the shortfall in corporate tax revenue are from The Wall Street Journal, February 8, 1990, and The New York Times, March 6, 1990.

18. Though the process has received little attention from the press, the real political action on universal health care is located in the high-level negotiations that have been convened as the "National Leadership Coalition for Health Care Reform." The discussions include an extraordinary list of major corporations and labor unions and a few health groups, but not the hospitals, doctors and insurance companies that are the main supporters of the status quo. See Frank Swoboda, "Devising a Cure for High Costs of Health Care," Washington Post, February 12, 1991.

19. Frank Doyle testified for increased Head Start funding before the Senate Labor Committee, March 1, 1990.

20. The so-called "skills shortage" was refuted by Lawrence Mishel and Ruy A. Teixeira, "The Myth of the Coming Labor Shortage: Jobs, Skills, and Incomes of America's Workforce 2000," Economic Policy Institute, July 1991.

21. John Welch was quoted on loyalty in The Wall Street Journal. August 4, 1988, and Frank Doyle on "ready to go" employees in Business Week, December 14, 1987. The loss of loyalty evidently extends fairly high up the management ladder. According to the Journal ""count, top-level managers transferred to GE's consumer electronics division, based on Welch's expressed interest in revitalizing it. They were stunned when Welch sold the entire product line a few months later.

22. Frank Doyle described GE's global premises for the company and for America before the Congressional Economic Leadership Institute with the Congressional Competitiveness Caucus, July 30, 1987.

23. The history and legal arguments surrounding corporate use of constitutional rights are recounted by Carl Mayer in their political context: Corporations had to invent new strategies for countering the more intrusive noneconomic regulation for the environment or health and safety that developed in the modern era. See Carl J. Mayer, "Personalizing the Impersonal: Corporations and the Bill of Rights," Hastings Law Journal, March 1990.

24. The facts on GE's legal offenses are all drawn from regular news accounts. The company's dossier is rarely, if ever, examined in full by the news media, so each new episode of corporate misbehavior is reported as if it were a shocking aberration. See these dispatches: Army battlefield computers, Associated Press, Philadelphia, February 3,1990, and The New York Times, July 27, 1990; military jet engines, AP, Cincinnati, February 24, 1989; Army M-I tanks, Wall Street Journal, October 13, 1989; Navy missile frigates, Wall Street Journal, February 10, 1988; and Air Force Minuteman, AP, March 24 and July 26, 1985.

25. For the assortment of GE offenses, see these news reports: Puerto Rican bribery, Associated Press, Trenton, February 11 and June 23, 1981; Kidder Peabody insider trading, AP, New York, June 4, 1987; GE Capital consumer discrimination, AP, Washington, October 3, 1989; GE job discrimination, AP, Washington, June 15, 1978; and price-fixing in Canada, Wall Street Journal, April 14, 1977.

26. General Electric's latest case of fraud was reported in The New York Times, August 15, 1991.

27. General Electric's role in nuclear-bomb manufacture and attendant environmental problems are described in "INFACT Brings GE to Light," INFACT, 1988. GE's plan to discontinue its management of the Pinellas nuclear plant, confirmed by the company, was reported in Everyone's Backyard, Citizen's Clearinghouse for Hazardous Wastes, February 1991.

28. For GE pollution cases, see these news reports: Coosa River pollution, Associated Press, Birmingham, November 14, 1979; Hudson River contamination, Christian Science Monitor, June 12, 1990; Waterford, New York, settlement, AP, Albany, September 3, 1987; New Hampshire and Massachusetts toxic dumping, AP, Boston, August 4, 1988; and Ohio dump settlement, AP, Washington, December 20, 1989.

29. A General Electric subsidiary, RCA, was also involved in the defense-industry scandal of companies' obtaining classified Pentagon documents to enhance their bidding on contracts. However, the criminal events occurred before RCA was acquired by GE (which later sold off the company, except NBC). RCA pleaded guilty and paid a $2.5 million fine, Associated Press, Fairfield, Connecticut, February 5, 1990. For other corporate cases, see these news reports: Mobil Oil, Washington Post, November 22, 1990; Northrop, Wall Street Journal, September 20, 1990; Waste Management, Wall Street Journal, May I, 1991; Eastern Air, lines, New York Times, July 26, 1990; and Hughes Aircraft, Wall Street Journal, July 6, 1990.

30. Professor Amitai Etzioni's findings were reported to the U.S. Sentencing Commission. See also his book Capital Corruption: The New Attack on American Democracy, Transaction Books, 1988.

31. The judge's criticism of GE was reported in The Wall Street Journal, September 27, 1990.

32. Philip Lacovara proposed "substantial mitigation" for companies that cooperate in disclosing criminal conduct. He suggested that prosecutors regard corporate managements as "partners" and reward them with "an explicit, corresponding adjustment in any penal sanction." Even so, he added, "it is important to recognize that corporations cannot necessarily cooperate to the extent prosecutors would prefer." See "Preliminary Comments of General Electric Company," U.S. Sentencing Commission, September 11, 1989.

33. The survey of corporate managers on ethical dilemmas was conducted in the late 1980s and reported in "Corporate Ethics," the Conference Board, Research Report No. 900, undated.

34. In 1990, the California legislature passed a tough new law called the Corporate Criminal Liability Act, which, among other things, puts companies and their managers at risk of criminal prosecution if they fail to report internal health-and-safety dangers promptly. Another new measure, setting up five-year probation status for environmental offenders, was enacted by the California legislature but vetoed by the governor. See Jaye Scholl, "Giving Business the Business," Barron's, March 25, 1991.

35. The statistics on 1988 prosecutions are from a study done for the U.S. Sentencing Commission by Mark A. Cohen, "Corporate Crime and Punishment: An Update on Sentencing Practice in the Federal Courts, 1988-90."

SIXTEEN: Crackpot Realism

1. Senator Moynihan's argument for restoring respect for international law in American foreign policy is elaborated in his book, On the Law of Nations: A Historical and Personal Account of the Role of International Law in Foreign Policy, Harvard University Press, 1990.

2. The costs of the Persian Gulf War were shared by allied contributions but, even so, the U.S. share offset the modest reduction in defense spending that had been in place for 1991. See Robert L. Borosage, "How Bush Kept the Guns from Turning into Butter," Rolling Stone, February 21, 1991.

3. George Soros, "A Great Light in the East?" Geopolitique, No. 26, 1989.

4. The postwar opinion survey was conducted jointly by Market Strategies, a firm that specializes in research for Republicans, and Greenberg/Lake, a Democratic firm. See "Americans Talk Issues," Survey No. 15, April 1991.

5. Details on the CIA's exaggeration of Soviet power are drawn from an interview with Senator Moynihan as well as his book, On the Law of Nations, and his article in The Washington Post, July 11, 1990.

6. The revised' 'threat" assessment in Europe was made jointly by the CIA, the Defense Intelligence Agency and the Joint Chiefs of Staff and reported by Patrick Tyler in The Washington Post, November 29, 1989.

7. A full account of the government's actions against domestic political opponents in the 1980s was produced by Jonathan Dann of the Center for Investigative Reporting in San Francisco and published in the Los Angeles Reader, June 10, 1988.

8. All but about 50 of Reagan's 298 national-security directives remained secret. The outlines of the secret "lawmaking" process at the National Security Council were described by Angus Mackenzie and Eve Pell of the Freedom of Information Project at the Center for Investigative Reporting, Albuquerque Journal, October 16, 1988.

9. Moynihan's statement is from his book, On the Law of Nations.

10. The foreign minister of Iraq, surveying the nations allied against his country, observed: "A lot of money, billions of dollars, was spent to create that coalition." The full facts of the Bush administration's actions are not known, of course. Representative Henry Gonzalez outlined his accusations in the Congressional Record, January 16, 1991. See also The Wall Street Journal, January 14, 1991.

11. The defense share of manufacturing is from "Bolstering Defense Industrial Competitiveness," Report of the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, July 1988. Other estimates of defense-driven spending and investment are from Jacques S. Gansler, a former deputy assistant secretary of defense and chairman of Defense Science Board's 1990 study on technology and the defense industry.

12. For detailed accounts of the defense-budget politics, see David C. Morrison, "End of the Line," National Journal, June 8, 1991, and "Schizophrenic Budget," National Journal, February 9, 1991.

13. Secretary Cheney's declaration is from the 1989 edition of "Soviet Military Power," quoted by Jacques S. Gansler in testimony before the Senate Banking Committee, March 1, 1990.

14. Jacques S. Gansler's argument for integration of defense and commercial manufacturing was made in his testimony before the Senate Banking Committee, March 1, 1990.

SEVENTEEN: The Closet Dictator

1. Professor Gueramina Valdes-Villalva, whom I interviewed in July 1990, worked for many years to aid the exploited maquiladora workers and to challenge the practices of the companies. She died in a plane crash in Texas on February 13, 1991.
My guides and translators in Ciudad Juarez were two Americans, Sister Maribeth Larkin, an organizer with EPISO, the IAF organization in El Paso, and Ignacio Escandon, a businessman who is active in EPISO.

2. The statistics on falling labor costs are from Twin Plant News: The Magazine of the Maquiladora Industry, May 1990.

3. The "slave labor" remark was quoted by Lane Kirkland, president of the AFL-CIO, speech to the American International Club of Geneva, June 24, 1991.

4. The Arizona Republic and reporters Jerry Kammer and Sandy Tolan of Desert West News Service won the Robert F. Kennedy journalism award for their series on the Nogales industries, published in April 1989. The Wall Street Journal published a harrowing account of a twelve-year-old working in a Mexican shoe factory and described child labor as general throughout the country -- exploiting five to ten million underage workers. See Matt Moffett, "Working Children: Underage Laborers Fill Mexican Factories," Wall Street Journal, April 8, 1991.

5. This is a small sample of the complaints about environmental damage from the maquiladora. Details were reported in In These Times, May 22, 1991, and "Border Trouble: Rivers in Peril," National Toxics Campaign, May 1991, as well as the Arizona Republic series.

6. The Juarez official was quoted by Guadalupe Silva, "Twin Plant Toxics May Reach Water Table," El Paso Times, May 21, 1989.

7. Formation of the Coalition for Justice in the Maquiladoras was reported in the newsletter of the Federation for Industrial Retention and Renewal, Spring 1991. Coalition members include FIRR, the National Toxics Campaign, the Interfaith Center for Corporate Responsibility, the AFL-CIO and a variety of others.

Some major labor unions such as the food and commercial workers' are beginning to develop their own strategies for cross-border politics with similar unions in Europe, Asia and Latin America, having discovered that they are up against the same companies and similar labor practices, regardless of their own nation.

8. Wolfgang Sachs, of the Essen Institute for Advanced Studies, wrote in New Perspectives Quarterly, Spring 1990.

9. Jacques Attali, former advisor to President Mitterrand, wrote in the New Perspectives Quarterly, Spring 1990. W. Michael Blumenthal was quoted in "The Stateless Corporation," Business Week. May 14, 1990.

10. Jane Uebelhoer of ACORN testified before the Senate Banking Committee, April 4, 1990.

11. The international agreement signed by the Federal Reserve and other central banks created a system of risk-based capital ratios for banking-capital requirements geared to the level of risk in each bank's portfolio. Housing suffered because the Federal Reserve assigned a 100 percent risk ratio for multifamily projects -- a rating identical to the most speculative business loans-which would raise the cost of such lending for banks. The central bank, in effect, had promulgated a credit-allocation policy that would discourage investment in low-income housing-when the nation faced an obvious shortage. Federal regulators claimed that they were bound by international agreement, but the fact is that other nations' central banks were prepared to assign a more favorable risk rating to housing than was the Federal Reserve.

12. Clayton Yeutter was quoted by Mark Ritchie, "Trading Away Our Environment: GATT and Global Harmonization," Journal of Pesticide Reform, Fall 1990.

13. Clayton Yeutter's remarks on California's "Prop 65" food-safety law were quoted by David Morris, "Trading Our Future: Talking Back to GAIT," Institute for Local Self- Reliance, St. Paul, Minnesota, undated. His comments on the European ban of beef growth hormones are from Mark Ritchie, "Trading Away Our Environment."

14. Details on Codex standards and the influence of American chemical companies are from Eric Christensen, "Food Fight: How GATT Undermines Food Safety Regulations," Multinational Monitor, November 1990. The GAIT negotiations reached an impasse in early 1991 on other economic issues but presumably will resume.

15. Examples of GATT objections to U.S. state laws were recounted by Bruce Stokes, "State Rules and World Business," National Journal, October 27, 1990.

16. The Bush administration, responding to attacks on the "fast track" approach, issued various promises to address the problems of environmental damage and working conditions in the trade negotiations with Mexico, but these were no more than expressions of good intent. The overall effect of the agreement will be to extend the maquiladora preferences to all of Mexico-and thus set off another round of U.S. job losses as well as other consequences. In economic terms, the Mexican government expects to gain the U.S. currency income to deal with its foreign debt -- a powerful incentive to ignore the ancillary effects on its citizens. In the end, the flight of U.S. jobs to Mexico will directly benefit the U.S. banks -- the major banks that loaned tens of billions to Mexico in the first place and would now have some chance of being paid back. Given the timing, the Mexican agreement will probably not reach completion and political debate until sometime after the 1992 election.

17. The mythologies of "free trade" and national sovereignty are examined in a devastating critique by David Morris, "Free Trade: The Great Destroyer," Institute for Local Self- Reliance, January 16, 1988.

In western Europe, where organized labor has a much stronger political position, unions are encountering the same threatening effects of multinational politics that undermined American labor and many of its hard-won protections. In response, European unions have proposed a "social charter" for the European Economic Community that would establish minimum legal requirements on Working conditions, social guarantees and other matters for the entire community of nations. The effort has been weakened, however, by political deadlock led by Britain's conservative government, and the new social charter mayor may not become a reality.

18. Details on IBM, Whirlpool and GE microwaves are from Robert B. Reich, The Work of Nations: Preparing Ourselves for 21st Century Capitalism, Alfred A. Knopf, 1991.

19. The three corporate executives from NCR, Colgate-Palmolive and GE were quoted by David Morris, "Trading Our Future."

20. John Reed's efforts to relocate Citicorp in a foreign country were described as his "pet project" by The Wall Street Journal, August 9, 1991. Lloyd Cutler, whose Washington law firm represents Citibank, has proposed a vast recapitalization of commercial banks by the Federal Reserve.

21. The weekly wage average is from Economic Indicators, Joint Economics Committee, May 1991. Many families, it is true, manage to make up for the shortfall in various ways, usually by someone else in the family going to work. This exchange of time for money may maintain their financial status for a time, but it also erodes family life.

22. The productivity-wage gap for all employees in business is from Economic Indicators, May 1991, Joint Economics Committee. Conservative columnist Warren Brookes has described a much starker disparity for manufacturing workers. Their productivity increased more than 35 percent during the 1980s but their real wages rose only 2.7 percent. This is in contrast to the 1960s, when manufacturing productivity increased by 32 percent and wages rose by 22 percent. See Warren Brookes, Washington Times, March 20, 1991.

23. The compensation data are from Robert B. Reich, The Work of Nations: Preparing Ourselves for 21st Century Capitalism. Reich described global webs of what he calls "symbolic analysts" linked in common enterprise.

24. The office of U.S. trade representative as a trade school for foreign lobbyists is described in "America's Frontline Trade Officials," Center for Public Integrity, December 1990. Pat Choate detailed Japanese influence in Agents of Influence: How Japan's Lobbyists in the United States Manipulate America's Political and Economic System, Alfred A. Knopf, 1990. Karel van Wolferen is quoted by Choate.

25. The contours of the global process were described by the Economic Policy Institute's director, Jeff Faux, "Labor in the New Global Economy," Dissent, Summer 1990.

26. The outlines of a global growth strategy based on rising wages and incomes have been described in many places, including my own book, Secrets of the Temple. Walter Russell Mead's book, Mortal Splendor, and his various essays in the World Policy Journal provide perhaps the most comprehensive and plausible description of the new economic order that the world needs.

27. Lane Kirkland, president of the AFL-CIO, spoke for this idea in terms of labor rights: "A trade policy that encourages or tolerates the spectacle of corporations roaming the world in search of the cheapest and most repressed labor is more perversely protectionist than any tariff or quota, and serves in the last analysis to restrict and undermine markets and lower standards the world over. In the interest of basic fairness and the continued elevation of the human condition, the denial of workers' rights should be clearly defined internationally as the unfair trading practice it is, through the incorporation of a social clause in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade." Speech to American International Club of Geneva, June 24, 1991.

CONCLUSION: The American Moment

1. The origin of political movements and the painstaking effort they require of people are explained by Lawrence Goodwyn in his authoritative history of the Populist movement and also in Breaking the Barrier: The Rise of Solidarity in Poland, Oxford University Press, 1991. The kind of political development that produces fundamental change requires many years, even decades, to achieve power and is so difficult that throughout history it has regularly failed. For a portrait of contemporary Americans trying to recreate their own politics, see also Harry C. Boyte, Commonwealth: A Return to Citizen Politics, The Free Press, 1989.

2. The statement is from Vaclav Havel, Disturbing the Peace, Alfred A. Knopf, 1990.
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Re: WHO WILL TELL THE PEOPLE -- THE BETRAYAL OF AMERICAN

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Acknowledgments

Many wise teachers prepared me to write this book, too many to name, but I wish to thank them all. They include active politicians, critical editors and thousands of engaged citizens whom I encountered along the way during three decades as a reporter. My own education in politics was formed not from theory, but mainly from their experiences and insights and the hard questions they asked. This book borrowed freely from them.

I owe a special debt, as should be evident from the text, to the influence of three professional teachers -- Lawrence Goodwyn, Theodore Lowi and Thomas Ferguson. Courageous scholars are rarer than courageous politicians, but each of these thinkers has opened important new understandings of American politics by standing outside the confines of conventional academic thinking. The language of "democratic promise" is Goodwyn's. The resonant phrase "How may the people speak to power?" is borrowed from Lowi. My economic analysis of political institutions was enriched by what Tom Ferguson taught me.

Larry Goodwyn, in particular, served as a wise teacher and generous friend in his critical reading of the manuscript. An extended "democratic conversation" ensued between us on the ideas contained in this book, many of which were inspired by Goodwyn's own work on the neglected subject of democratic development. His patient questions and moral support amounted to a great gift from a brilliant teacher. Readers who intend to explore further into the meaning of democracy ought to begin with Goodwyn's engrossing accounts of people in democratic action -- The Populist Moment and Breaking the Barrier: The Rise of Solidarity in Poland.

I am also indebted to my editors at Simon & Schuster, Alice Mayhew and George Hodgman, who brought their own critical talents to this project and, like Larry Goodwyn, challenged my excesses and pushed to make the argument as coherent and direct as possible. I thank as well all of the other people at Simon & Schuster, including especially Marcia Peterson, Sean Devlin, and Stephen Messina for excellent copyediting, and also my agent, Lynn Nesbit, for her support and counsel.

The sum of everything I know about human relationships, how they are nurtured and sustained, I learned from my family -- my parents, Harold and Gladys Greider, and Linda Furry Greider, my wife, and my children, Cameron and Katharine, to whom this book is dedicated. The qualities that are missing in politics -- loyalty and trust, integrity and courage, honesty and responsibility -- I have found in my family. Learning from our children has been the most exalting experience of our lives; it continues in interesting new directions, The relationships they have formed as adults -- Katharine with David Ullman Andrews, Cameron with Lalou Lambelet Dammond -- enlarge the dimensions of our optimism for the future.
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Re: WHO WILL TELL THE PEOPLE -- THE BETRAYAL OF AMERICAN

Postby admin » Thu Oct 31, 2013 1:21 am

Index

ABC, 93, 299-300, 302
abortion issue, 238-39, 277, 279
ACORN, 170, 210, 387-88
Acton, Lord, 20
Aders, Robert 0., 179
advertising, 311-12
activist use of, 320-23
for corporate image, 338-40, 346
Republican mastery of, 270-78
Advertising Age, 175
Advocacy Institute, 39, 181
Aetna Insurance, 42, 187
AFL-CIO, 99, 192, 193, 195, 248, 251,
255, 261, 386-87
"Age of Indifference, The," 315-16
Agnew, Spiro, 297
Agriculture Department, U.S., 147, 179,
389
airbags, 111-12, 142
Air Force, U.S., 339, 350
airline industry, 39, 108
Akin, Gump, 254, 257
Alabama, 158, 178, 352
Alar pesticide, 320-23, 328
Alinsky, Saul, 224-25, 228, 234-35,
236
Allied Communities of Tarrant (ACT),
230-31
Altman, Roger, 82
American Airlines, 343
American Association of Retired Persons,
19, 99, 248
American Bankers Association (ABA),
72-73, 76-77
American Chrome, 124-25
449
American Council for Capital Formation,
337-38
American Council on Life Insurance, 102
American Enterprise Institute (AEI), 48,
187, 300, 338
American Express, 258
American Israel Public Affairs Committee,
19
American Lawyer, 333
American Petroleum Institute, 263
Americans for Generational Equity 338
Americans with Disabilities Act (1990),
124
America's Funniest Home Videos, 326
Amnesty International, 172-73, 248, 324
Amoco, 281
Andrea Doria, 290
Anthony, Beryl, 72
apple growers, pesticides and, 320-23
Aquino, Corazon, 315, 320
ARCO, 138, 263
ARENA, 256
Arizona, 158, 237, 385
Arizona Republic, 384
Army, U.S., 350
Asarco, 124-25
Ashley, Thomas "Lud," 249, 253, 255
Aspin, Les, 52
Association of Bank Holding Companies,
249, 256, 258
AT&T, 42, 48, 254, 257, 339
Atlantic, 82, 185
Attali, Jacques, 387
Atwater, Lee, 261, 274, 281-82, 319
Audubon Society, 44, 215, 220
Automobile Import Dealers Association,
256
automobile industry, 394, 399
health hazards in, 119, 120, 121-22
regulation avoided by, 37-38, 1I1-12,
113, 142
Autopac, 256
Ayres, Richard, 127, 129, 132, 215

Babcock, Charles R., 259
Bagdikian, Ben H., 328, 329
Bailey, Douglas, 271
Baker, Howard, 73
Baker, James A., 111, 69, 70, 302
Baltimore, Md., 223
Baltimoreans United in Leadership Development
(BUILD), 223
Bangladesh, 381, 400
Bank Capital Markets Association, 258
banking industry, 91, 116, 258-60, 285
global economy and, 388, 391, 392,
393-94, 397-98
government bailout of, 69, 70, 283,
394
in lobbying on S&L bailout, 75-77, 78
Barrie, Robert W., 337
Bass, Gary D., 144
Bath Iron Works, 1I7-18
BBPO, 271
Beamish, Rita, 302
Bear Stearns, 258
Bechtel, 121
Beers, Steve, 173-74
Bell, Stephen E., 84, 85
Bellows, Jim, 317
Bentsen, Lloyd, 75, 251, 252
Bergsten, C. Fred, 82
Bernhard, Berl, 254, 257, 258
Bernstein, Carl, 297, 302
BA, 169, 170
Bhopal chemical disaster, 128
Big Brothers and Big Sisters of the Mahoning
Valley, 37
Billings, Leon, 171, 172
Black, Hugo, 348
Black Caucus, 261
blacks, 21, 153, 173, 291, 348
in civil rights movement, 203-8,
409-10
Blanchard, E. P., 139
Blumenthal, W. Michael, 387
Boeing, 112, 285
Boggs, Tommy, 45-46, 253, 254, 256;257,
258
Bonner, Jack, 36-39, 40, 51, 54
books, best-selling, 323
Bork, Robert H., 150
Boston Globe, 302
Bouton, Deborah, 164
boycott campaigns, 173-75, 338
Boycott News, 173
BP Chemicals, 137, 138
Bradlee, Benjamin C., 293-99, 305
Brady, Nicholas F., 76
Brazil, 366, 381
Brookings Institution, 48, 90, 132, 154,
300, 338
Brooklyn, N. Y., 222-23
Brown, Ronald H., 251, 252, 254, 257
Browning-Ferris Industries, 44, 168, 170
Brown v. Board of Education, 409
Brumbaugh, R. Dan, 69-70, 73
budget deficit, 95, 97, 282-83, 361, 371,
375
reduction plans for, 81, 92, 99-100
Budweiser beer, 272
Bumpers, Dale, 66, 133, 195
Bureau of Mines, U.S., 39
Burger King, 173
Bush, George, 44, 124, 130-31, 195,
258, 282, 302, 397
foreign affairs and, 63, 285, 315, 361,
368-69, 371, 372, 389
in 1988 elections, 22, 73, 261, 271,
275-76, 277
regulation impeded by, 1I0, 141-48,
158, 283, 333
S&L crisis and, 70, 75-77, 78, 210
tax issues and, 81, 83, 84, 89, 97,
99-100
business(es):
citizen groups influenced by, 37-39,
54, 220
courts and, 110, 148-52, 154, 168,
333, 339, 348-55
economic tactics against, 169-70, 173175, 338
environmental regulation as viewed by,
24, 133-34, 353
executive salaries in, 397
industrial policy for, 373-74
legal constraints needed on, 156, 333,
348-55
as legal persons, 348-49, 353-55, 402
media intimidated by, 298
media owned by, 328-30, 335, 340,
342
as mediating institutions, 331-32, 336,
340, 343-48
as model for government, 47
political dominance of, 331-32, 343
public relations and, 48, 321-23
public view of, 170
regulation thwarted by, 26, 39, 105122,
124-30, 133, 134, 135-40,
212, 333, 334
Republicans and, 279-81, 282-85
tax burden shifted from, 79-81, 89-91,
94-96, 341-43, 355, 402
think tanks sponsored by, 37, 48, 51,
52, 82, 187-88, 300, 338
see also economy. global; specific
companies and industries
business lobbying, 215-16, 255, 256-57,
259-60
defining problems in, 43, 44, 76
ease of, at federal level, 141-48, 158,
178-82, 216
economic blackmail in, 138-40, 341
emotional climate in, 54-55
by foreign governments, 398-99
grassroots organizations in, 37-39, 54
public rationale in, 45-47, 88
see also specific industries and legislation
Business Roundtable, 338, 344, 398
Business Week, 345, 394

cable television, 328, 329, 335
Caesar, Pearl, 228
Califano, Joseph A., Jr., 254, 258
California, 158, 175-78, 223, 237, 339,
348, 354, 389
campaign contributions, see political contributions
Canada, 193
cancer risks:
from factory work, 119, 121-22
from food, 112, 320-23
pollution and, 55, 124-30, 165, 385
Carlton Group, 341
Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace, 300
Carter, Jimmy, 82, 89, 171, 254, 261,
334
regulation and, 67, 113, 128, 135,
144-45, 146
CBS, 274, 302, 320
celebrities, political role of, 320-24
Center for Economic Progress and Employment,
338
Center for National Policy. 262
Center for Public Integrity, 398
Center for The People & The Press,
315-16
Center for the Study of American Business,
48
Central America, 256-257, 366
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 369,
375
illegal activities of, 365-68
proposed abolishment of, 360
Soviet threat exaggerated by, 363-65
Chamber of Commerce, U.S., 141, 256
Chambers, Edward T., 225
Channelview, Tex., 138
Charles E. Smith Management Company.
187-88, 198, 201
Chase Manhattan Bank, 48, 187, 256,
258, 281, 283
Chavez, Laura, 382
chemical industry:
health risks and, 55, 56, 124-25, 128,
129-30, 320-23, 390, 391-92
waste-disposal regulation and, 135-40,
142, 147-48, 156
Chemical Manufacturers Association
(CMA), 38, 129-30, 137-39, 142
Chemical• Waste Management, 137
Chemical Week, 136
Cheney, Richard, 373
Chevron, 48, 150-51, 220, 339
Chevron U.S.A. v. NRDC, 150-51
Chicago, Ill., 224
Chicago Board Options Exchange, 258
Chicago Tribune, 302
Children's Defense Fund, 262
Chile, 366
China, People's Republic of, 369, 381,
383, 399
chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), 158, 215
Choate, Pat, 398
Chrysler, 51, 112, 256, 343, 381, 393,
395, 399
Cincinnati Post, 288-89, 290-93, 301
Cincinnati Times-Star, 291
Citibank, 76, 258, 283, 285, 394
Citicorp, 38, 48
citizen groups, grassroots, 157, 161-82
civil rights movement and, 203-8,
224, 238, 409-10
corporate influence on, 37-39, 54,
219-20
Democrat aversion to, 263
economic strategies of, 169-70, 173-
175, 338
electoral politics avoided by, 238-41
growing participation in, 24, 170-71
national groups mistrusted by, 213-19
personal communication in, 222-38
citizen groups (cont.)
political organization in, 163--67,
206-7, 208-9
S&L bailout and, 77-78
see also specific organizations
citizen groups, national, 19, 58, 150,
157, 248-49, 256
corporate influence on, 219-20
media alerted by, 117
political reform and, 47-48, 49, 53
see also environmental movement;
specific organizations
Citizens & Southern, 256
Citizen's Clearinghouse for Hazardous
Waste, 56, 167, 178, 214
Citizens for Tax Justice, 79-80, 90. 341
Civil Aeronautics Board, 39, 108
civil rights, 124, 146, 291, 336
civil rights movement, 203-8, 224, 238,
409-10
civil service, 113-16
class conflict, 234-35, 236
civil rights movement and, 208
in environmental movement, 213-19
Republicans and, 276, 279
Claybrook, Joan, 212, 239-40
Clean Air Act (1970), 56, 171
nonenforcement of, 125-30, 132
worst offenders against, 124-25
Clean Air Act (1990), 56, 129-30, 132,
144, 215
debate on, 37-38, 51, 58, 158
Clean Air Coalition, 127, 129, 132, 215
Clean Water Act (1972), 142
Clifford, Clark, 254
Coalition for Justice in the Maquiladoras,
386-87
Codex Alimentarius Commission, 389390,
391-92
Cohen, David, 39
Cold War:
covert activities in, 365-68
end of, 359-60, 370-76, 377
Soviet threat exaggerated in, 362-65
Committee on Banking Regulations and
Supervisory Practices, 388
Committee on the Present Danger, 338
Common Cause, 259
communism, 276
see also Cold War
Communities Organized for Public Service
(COPS), 227, 229, 231, 239
computers, 47, 310. 328
Conference Board, 102, 353
Congress, U.S., 47, 62, 261, 310, 371
client relationships in, 26~27, 65-66,
91, 106, 210
committees of, 65-66, 67-68, 70; see
also House committees; Senate committees
distance from constituents in, 17, 64
in efforts to force regulation, 134-40,
143, 144, 154
hard choices avoided by, 132-34
Joint Committee on Taxation, 100
judiciary and, 149, 151, 154
pay raises for, 310
power ceded president by, 142-43,
151-52, 368--69, 390-91, 392
public deception by, 130-34
renewal needed in, 154, 155, 268-69
sneak amendments in, 40-42
see also specific legislation
Congressional Competitiveness Caucus,
345
Congress Watch, 181
Conservation Foundation, 44, 215, 216,
220
constituents, politicians' distance from,
17, 64
Constitution, U.S., 277
Bill of Rights, 348
Fourteenth Amendment, 348
Gonzalez on decline of, 62, 63, 64
power balance in, 151-52, 391
Consumers News and Business Channel,
335
Continental Illinois, 283
Conyers, John, 144
Coors, Joseph, 48
Cortes, Ernesto, Jr., 20, 28, 226-33,
237, 238, 240, 326
cost-benefit analysis, 56-58, 146
Council of Economic Advisors, 47, 48
Council on Capital Formation, 89
Council on Wage and Price Stability,
144-45
court system, 110, 148-52, 154, 168,
333, 339, 348-55
environmental organizations and, 126,
127-28, 149
Cousteau, Jacques, 312, 319
Covington & Burling, 138
Cox, Geraldine, 137-38
Crandell, Robert W., 132
crime bills, 123-24
Cuba, 364, 366
Cuomo Commission, 82
Current Affair, A, 316, 317
Cutler, Lloyd N., 134, 254, 258
Cyanamid, 138
CYRO Industries, 138

D'Amato, Alfonse, 27
Darman, Richard G., 84, 87, 89, 100,
302
Daschle, Thomas A., 37
deep-well waste disposal, 137, 138
Defense Department, U.S., 118, 360,
361, 370, 371, 372, 373
contractor fraud of, 112-13, 339, 350,
351, 352, 354
see also defense industry; military
defense industry, 52, 282-83, 285, 338,
340-41, 394
Cold War dominance of, 370-72
fraud in, 112-13, 339, 350, 351, 352,
354
in post-Cold War era, 371-74
Defense Science Board, 373
Delaware Paralyzed Veterans Association,
37
Democratic Congressional Campaign
Committee, 72, 252
Democratic Labor Council, 250
Democratic Leadership Council (DLC),
263
Democratic National Committee (DNC),
246-48, 249, 250-53, 266-67, 273
Democratic Party, 126, 155, 245-69,
274, 276, 280, 285, 291, 292, 336,
365-66
contributions to, 41, 194, 248, 250,
252, 253, 259-60, 273
declining local organization of, 246250, 251, 266, 267
influence of law firms on, 253-60
marketing expertise lacked by, 271-72,
273
membership of, 247-49
origins of, 246
policy formulation in, 260--64
renewal needed in, 264-69
S&Ls aligned with, 65, 67, 70, 72,
75
tax legislation and, 80, 83-84, 86,
88-91, 93, 96, 99-102
working class and, 90, 188, 191-92,
194, 253, 256, 267, 274
deregulation, 48, 67, 283
see also savings and loan crisis
Dingell, John, 128
Dobson, James, 324
Domestic Policy Council, 145
Donegan, Thomas J., 180
Doniger, David D., 127, 129, 130, 149,
151, 152
Dorgan, Byron, 39-42
Dow Chemical, 38, 42, 56, 125, 129,
138, 139, 216, 263, 339
Downs, Anthony, 50-51
Doyle, Frank P., 336-37, 340, 343-44,
345
Drexel Burnham Lambert, 41, 254, 258,
259
Drillman, Paula, 271
drug industry, 142
drugs, illegal, 187, 277
Dugger, Robert, 73, 76-77
Dukakis, Michael, 22, 75, 82, 84, 276,
281
Du Pont, 42, 115, 118, 125, 129, 137,
138, 139, 390

East Brooklyn Congregations, 222-23
Easterbrook, Gregg, 115
Eastern Airlines, 257-58, 352
Easter Seals Society of South Dakota, 37
economic democracy, 51-53
Economic Policy Institute, 262, 344-45
Economic Theory of Democracy, An
(Downs), 50-51
economy, global, 360, 362, 372, 377403
declining U.S. wages in, 395-97, 400
democracy threatened by, 377-78,
387-93, 401-3
international activism needed in, 378,
386-87
international agreements in, 387., ..93,
402-3
Mexican factories in, 379-87
national loyalty lacking in, 393-95,
397-99
Edison, Thomas A., 336
Edsall, Thomas B., 90, 342
education, 123, 124, 130-31, 314, 343-344, 398, 409-
10
in Texas, 226-27, 230-32
Ehrlichman, John, 112
Eizenstat, Stuart E., 145, 148, 254-55,
256, 258, 261
elderly, 19, 99, 248, 249
elections, 14, 23, 74-75, 313
activist distrust of, 238-41
marketing in, 270-78
participation in, 21-22, 177, 315
reform of, 268-69
elections of 1976, 89
elections of 1982, 93
elections of 1984, 278-79
elections of 1988, 22, 261, 271, 274,
275-76, 277, 278-79, 337
S&L bailout delayed for, 71-75
tax plans hidden in, 81, 83, 84
elections of 1990, 21, 268
El Paso, Tex" 230, 379
El Paso Times, 385
El Salvador, 256-57
Energy Department, U.S., 115, 116,
118, 352
Entman, Robert M., 305
environmental damage. see pollution
Environmental Defense Fund (EDF), 44,
127-28, 214-15
environmental legislation, 143-44, 155156,
175-76, 212, 255
corporate efforts against, 36-39, 42-
45, 54, 111, 113,
158, 134-40,
158, 218, 334
corporate view of, 24, 133-34, 353
emotional climate and, 54
global economy and, 378, 389, 393
governmental violations of, 116-18,
374
public support for, 22, 131-32
at state level, 158
see also Clean Air Act (1970); Clean
Air Act (1990); Environmental Protection
Agency; Superfund law
environmental movement, 24, 42, 44,
143, 148, 149, 170, 205, 239
corporate influence on, 220, 339-40
global economy and, 389, 391
grassroots vs. national groups in,
213-19
legal action in, 126, 127-28, 149
TV used in, 320-23
waste disposal and, 136, 167-70, 385
worker concerns ignored in, 217-19
Environmental Protection Agency (EPA),
107, 121, 180, 216
cutbacks at, 115
studies by, 58, 118
weak enforcement at, 42-45, 109-10,
113, 118, 124-30, 133, 134-40,
142, 143-44, 151, 164, 165, 167,
179, 191, 320-23
Escandon, Ignacio, 384
Etzioni, Amitai, 352
Europe, Eastern, 194, 312-13, 315, 324,
380, 381
Europe, Western, 154, 193-94, 312-13,
392
European Community, 389
Evendale, Ohio, jet-engine plant at, 350,
351
Export-Import Bank, 340
Exxon, 48, 129, 187, 220, 285

Faber, Alberta, 119
Facoln, Sylvia, 384
FAIR, 299-300
Family Circle, 321
family issues, 280-81
Faux, Jeff, 399
Fears, Peter, 235
Federal Aviation Administration (FAA),
57
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), 366
Federal Communications Commission, 39
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
(FDIC), 69, 70
Federal Reserve, 63, 69, 70, 76, 82, 92,
97, 302, 388, 391
Federal Trade Commission, 180
Fenton, David, 322, 328
Fenton Communications, 322
Ferguson, Thomas, 262, 284, 285, 286
Field, Mervin, 176-77
Financial Democracy Campaign (FDC),
77-78, 209-11
financial industry, 40-42, 49, 52, 82,
285, 335, 350, 391
lobbying by, 67, 72, 78, 258-59
party affiliations in, 65
see also banking industry; savings and
loan crisis; specific institutions
Financial News Network, 335
First Bank System, 258
First Boston, 258
First National Bank of Boston, 348
Fishman, Charles, 25, 47, 273
Flynn, Raymond L., 77
Focus on the Family, 324
Foley, Tom, 86, 255, 261, 315
Folgers Coffee, 174
Food and Drug Administration (FDA),
112, 115, 147, 179
food industry, 147, 158, 179, 389-90
pesticides and, 320-23, 389
Food Marketing Institute (PM!), 179
food stamps, 153, 186
Ford, Gerald R., 144, 334
Ford, Henry, 11, 111-12
Ford Motor Co., 51, 111-12, 338, 343,
379
foreign affairs, 172-73, 256, 299, 324,
359-76
see also Cold War; economy, global
Foreign Service, 113-14
Fortino Maltos, Daniel, 381-82, 386
Fortuna, Richard C., 124, 136, 139-40
Fort Worth, Tex., 230-31
France, 154, 313
Free Congress Research and Education
Foundation, 21, 273, 278
Friedman, Thomas L., 302
Fujitsu, 257
Full Employment Act (1946), 47

Gabriel, Peter, 324
Gallup Poll, 84, 85, 316
Gannett newspapers, 302-3
Gans, Herbert J., 214
Gansler, Jacques S., 373
Garn, Jake, 52, 75
GE Capital, 335, 340, 342, 350
General Accounting Office, 69, 146
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT), 390
General Electric, 48, 77, 174, 187, 220,
285, 331-55, 393
businesses bought by, 329, 335, 340,
342, 345
corporate image ads of, 338-40, 346
former government officials at, 332333,
334-35
illegal activities at, 112, 333, 338,
350-52, 353
layoffs at, 344-46
Mexican factories of, 379, 381-82,
384, 386
political influence of, 333-38, 341-43,
346
pollution and, 42, 118, 125, 129, 215,
351-52, 353
public agenda influenced by, 336, 340,
341, 343-48
social concern of, 336, 337, 343-44,
346
General Motors, 48, 51, 112, 204, 281,
325, 352
health violations of, 119, 120, 121-22
Mexican plants of, 379, 382, 386
Geoghegan, Thomas, 193
George Washington University, 190, 352
Georgia Baptist Convention, 37
Georgia Pacific, 263
Gephardt, Richard A., 255
German Democratic Republic (East Ger•
many), 313, 363
Germany, Federal Republic of (West
Germany), 154, 173, 193, 285, 361,
363, 374, 393, 396, 397-98
Gibbs, Lois Marie, 56, 167-68, 169-70,
182, 204, 214, 216
Gilder, George, 327
Gingrich, Newt, 276
Glauber, Robert R., 76
Glenn, John, 37, 144
global economy, see economy, global
Goldwater, Barry, 275, 283
Gonzalez, Henry B., 65
background and character of, 61-64
S&L warnings of, 61-62, 67, 71, 7374, 77, 78
on unbridled presidential power, 62-
64, 368-69
Goodwyn, Lawrence, 414
Goodyear, 124-25
Gorbachev, Mikhail, 313, 315, 363
Gorsuch, Anne, 135-36
Graf, Arnold, 219, 224, 230, 236-37,
239
Graham, Katharine, 293
grassroots organizations, see citizen
groups, grassroots
Gray, C. Boyden, 141, 142
Grbinick, Leonard, 119-20
Greenbaum, Bob, 164-65, 166, 182
Greenberg, Stanley, 395
Greenpeace, 172, 215
Green Seal, 174-75, 180
Greenspan, Alan, 70, 82-83, 92-93, 302
Greider, Linda, 314
Grenada, 62, 63, 364, 367
GROWL, 164
G-7, 391
Guatemala, 364, 366
Gulf War, 361, 362, 368-69

Habicht, F. Henry, II, 43-45, 139
Hamilton, Alexander, 17
"hammers, " regulatory, 135-40
Hand, Lloyd C., 254
Hanford nuclear weapons reservation,
118, 351
Hardesty, Rex, 196
Harvard University, 76, 277
Harvey, Paul, 324
Havel, Vaclav, 406, 414
Hayes, Denis, 174-75
hazardous waste, see waste, hazardous
Hazardous Waste Treatment Council,
136, 139
Head Start, 124, 343-44
Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW)
Department, U.S., 332
health care, 22, 154, 223, 343
health risks:
cancer, 55-56, 112, 119, 121-22,
124-30, 165, 320-23, 385
at foreign factories, 380, 383, 385-86
from pesticides, 310-11, 320-2f'389390,
391-92
in U.S. industries, 119-22, 142, 144,
145, 255
Healy, John G., 172-73, 324, 325
Hearst, William Randolph, 291, 292,
305
Heineman, Benjamin, Jr., 332, 333, 335,
336
Helms, Jesse, 173, 275-76
Heritage Foundation, 48, 282, 300, 338
Hernandez, Sonia, 231
Hessey, Jay, 185, 189
Hill & Knowlton, 24, 54, 321, 322
H. J. Heinz, 173
Holmes, Lessly, 204
Home Loan Bank Board, 68, 71, 72
Horowitz, Harry, 259
Horton, Willie, 74, 275, 276, 323
House committees:
Armed Services, 52, 116
Banking, 61, 69, 72, 73, 74, 75, 77
Commerce, 116-17, 128
Public Works, 124
Rules, 67
Ways and Means, 91, 99, 252
House of Representatives, U.S., see Congress,
U.S.; House committees
housing, 77, 186, 222-23, 388, 392
Housing and Urban Development (HUD)
Department, U.S., 282
Houston Post, 230
Hughes Aircraft, 118, 352
human rights, 172-73, 256, 324
Hume, Brit, 302
Humphrey, Hubert H., 254
Hungary, 338-39
Hunt, Albert R., 302
Huntington, Samuel P., 217
Hurwitz, Geoffrey, 180
Hussein, Saddam, 361

Iacocca, Lee, 111-12, 323
IBM, 339, 393
Ignatius, David, 300
income, 86, 100, 101-2, 195-98, 223,
382, 395-97, 400, 403
Indonesia, 366, 381
Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF) , 224238,
248, 260, 326
future prospects for, 233-38, 241
as model for Democratic party, 264,
265, 266
in Texas, 226-33, 235, 237, 240
INFACT, 174, 338
information politics, 36-39, 46-48, 59,
161-62
corporate domination of, 54-55, 90
Institute, W. Va., toxic chemical release
in, 121, 128
Institute for International Economics, 82,
338, 398
insurance industry, 42, 175-78
interest rates, 67, 83, 97
Interior Department, U.S., 115, 146
Internal Revenue Service (IRS), 85, 219
International Court of Justice, 368
Iowa, 158, 251
Iran, 114, 366
Iran-Contra affair, 63, 368
Iraq, 361, 367
Israel, 239, 351

Jackson, Andrew, 246
Jackson, Jesse, 73, 77, 263, 281, 396
Jankowsky, Joel, 257
Japan, 315, 361, 363, 374, 397-98, 401
trade with, 256, 257, 285, 346, 373,
390, 392, 393, 394, 398-99
Japanese-Americans, 367
Jefferson, Thomas. 50, 246
job training, 344-46
Johnson, Lyndon B., 62, 130, 149, 254,
261
Johnson, Mary, 124
Jones, David C., 335
Jones, Reginald H., 341
Juarez, Mexico, U. S, factories in,
379-87
judiciary, see court system
Justice Department, U.S., 43, 116, 118,
333, 334, 339, 351
"Justice for Janitors" strike, 184-90,
201, 304

Keating, Charles, 27, 70
Kemp, Jack, 282
Kennedy, Edward M., 195, 196, 197,
257
Kennedy, John F., 130, 149, 364
Kennedy, Robert F., 252, 320
Kentucky, 16, 380
KFI 640 radio, 308-11
Kidder Peabody, 335, 350
King, Martin Luther, Jr., 203-8, 224,
238, 320
Kinsley, Michael, 329
Kissinger, Henry, 299
Knight-Ridder newspapers, 293
Koch, Edward I., 73
Kogod, Robert, 198
Korea, Republic of (South Korea), 352,
382, 393, 399, 400
Kravis, Irving B.. 102
Kuwait, 361

Labor/Community Strategy Center, 218
Labor Department, U.S., 114, 146, 147,
191, 344
see also Occupational Safety and
Health Administration
labor legislation, 193-94, 195-98
labor unions, 48, 99, 108, 250, 255,
257-58, 343, 345, 382-83, 386_87,
391
decline of, 163, 183-84, 191-94
minimum wage and, 195-98
strikes by, 184-90, 201, 256
see also specific unions
Lacovara, Philip A., 333, 350-51, 353
LA Law, 321
Laos, 366
Lapham, Lewis, 26
laws:
public values ignored in, 53-55, 58,
59, 131-32, 155
as symbolic gestures, 123-40, 152,
153, 157
see also regulatory agencies, regulation;
specific legislation
Leach, Jim, 64-65, 71, 74
League of Conservation Voters, 239
League of Women Voters (LWV), 216
Lebanon, 63
Lewis, Chris, 388
Lewis, Jake, 65
Leykis, Tom, 308-11, 313
Libya, 63
Life, 281
Lima, Ohio, chemical plant at, 138
Limbaugh, Rush, 310
Lincoln, Abraham, 273, 367, 405-6
Lincoln Savings and Loan, 70
Lipsey, Robert E., 102
Litan, Robert, 154
local and state government, 148, 157-58,
170, 176, 178-82, 216
Lorenzo, Frank, 257-58
Los Angeles, Calif., 308-11, 327
Las Angeles Times, 176, 302
Louisiana, 126
Love Canal, 135, 167-70
Lowi, Theodore J., 108, 126, 132, 152,
157, 285
Lynd, Staughton, 121

McCann Erickson, 271
McCarthy, Eugene, 252, 301
McCarthy, Joseph, 276
McCurry, Michael, 247-48, 249, 252,
253, 254, 259, 266--{;7, 268, 272
McDonald's, 173
McDonnell Douglas, 254, 371
McGovern, George, 252
McIntyre, Robert S., 90, 96, 341
McLaughlin Group, 338
McLean, Kenneth, 72
McNamara, Robert, 299
MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour, 299-300,
302
McPherson, Harry c., 254
Mahoning Valley, Ohio, 119-22
Maine, 158, 390
Malek, Frederick, 114
Manatt, Charles T., 254, 258
Mandela, Nelson, 320, 325
Mankiewicz, Frank, 24, 54, 321, 323
Mann, Eric, 218
maquiladora factories, 379-87, 391, 400,
403
Marcus, Jean, 230-31
Marshall, Thurgood, 409
Martin Marietta, 263
Massachusetts, 341, 352
Matamores, Mexico, 382-83
Mayer, Carl J., 348
medfly spraying, 310-11
media, 14, 16, 39, 47, 71, 171, 272,
287-88, 299-302, 307-8, 407-10
activist attention to, II7, 205-6, 211,
320-23
celebrities and, 323-25
corporate intimidation of, 298
issues ignored by, 72-75, 77, 83, 91,
92, 93, 106, 107
ownership of, 328-30, 335, 340, 342
politicians' influence on, 299, 301-2
think-tank influence on, 300-301
see also print media; radio; television;
specific networks and publications
Media Monopoly, The (Bagdikian), 328
mediating institutions:
business's replacement of, 331-32,
336, 340, 343-48
decline of, 163, 183-84
see also Democratic Party; labor
mediating institutions (cont.)
unions; media; print media; political
parties; radio; Republican Party; television
Medicare, 81, 84, 100
Mellon, Andrew, 87, 88, 97, 100, 102,
103
Merrill, Michael, 193
Merrill Lynch, 90, 258
Metro Alliance. 228
Metropolitan Organization, The (TMO),
223
Mexican-Americans, 218, 229
Mexico, 364
U.S. factories in, 379-87, 391, 400,
403
Meyerhoff, Albert H., 176
Michigan, University of, 194
middle class, 46-47, 278
proposed tax-break for, 89, 98, 99,
101-2
tax burden shifted to, 79-104
Mika, Susan, 387
military:
in Cold War, 362-65, 375
in Gulf War, 361, 362
in post-Cold War era, 359-60, 361,
362, 372-75
see also Defense Department, U.S.;
defense industry
Milken, Michael, 258
Miller, James C., III, 142
Miller Brewing, 38, 173
Mills, C. Wright, 362
minimum-wage laws, 195-98, 223.382,
403
mining industry, 39, 115, 256, 380
Minneapolis City Council, 257
minorities, 249, 336, 337
Mitchell, Andrea, 302
Mitchell, George, 86, 252, 255
Mitsubishi, 257, ~93
Mobil Oil, 38, 124-25, 129, 298, 352
Moe, Richard, 49, 254, 258, 261
Mondale, Walter F., 49, 95
Monsanto, 42, 129, 137, 138, 352, 390
Moore, Curtis, 110-11, 131, 216
Moore, Michael, 325
Morales, Lino, 385
Moran, John, 114-15, 121
Morgan Guaranty, 76, 258
Morgan Stanley, 41, 258
"Morning After, The" (Peterson), 82
Morris, David, 390
Morris, Lucille, 184-85, 189, 200
Moss, Melissa, 250
Mothers and Others for Pesticide Limits,
320-21
Motion Picture Association of America,
254
Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, 86, 130-31
CIA criticized by, 360, 363, 364, 367,
368
progressive tax proposal of, 98-99,
101
MTV, 313-14
Mullins, David W., Jr., 76
municipal waste, 164

Nader, Ralph, 47, 50, 77, 109, 111, 156,
170, 175, 278, 310, 329-30, 354
elective office eschewed by, 239-40
as model for activists, 211-13, 224,
238
National Association of Manufacturers
(NAM1, 58, 255, 256
National Cancer Institute, 55
National Committee to Preserve Social
Security and Medicare, 248
National Economic Commission (NEC),
83-84, 99, 257
National Finance Council, 250
National Highway Traffic Safety Admin
istration, 115
National Institute of Occupational Safety
and Health, 121
National Journal, 42, 52, 180, 301
National Labor Relations Board (NLRB),
108, 193, 237
National Parent-Teacher Association,
248, 320-21
National Rifle Association (NRA), 19,
238, 248
National Sherriffs Association, 37
National Toxics Campaign, 384-85
National Wildlife Federation, 216, 220
Natural Resources Defense Council
(NRDC), 44, 127, 149, 150, 176,
214, 215, 320-23
Navy, U.S., 117-18, 350, 371
NBC, 131, 302, 329
Nebraska Farm Bureau, 37
New Deal, 27, 47, 93, 143, 153, 283
regulation and, 107, 108, 348
New Hampshire, 352
New Jersey, 164, 279
Newman, Penny, 217-18
New Republic, 329
Newsweek, 302, 321, 361
"New World Order, " 361, 362, 372
New York, 164, 167, 251, 352
New York Academy of Sciences, 55
New York Stock Exchange, 90
New York Times, 45, 112, 131, 271,
274, 302, 394
Washington Post compared with, 295296, 297
weapons-plant pollution exposed by,
116-17
Nicaragua, 63, 114, 364, 365, 366,
368
Nightline, 299-300
Nixon, Richard M., 62, 82, 111-12,
114, 144, 277
Nobel Peace Prize, 366
Nogales, Ariz., 384, 385
Northrop, 112, 339, 352
Nuclear Regulatory Commission, 112
nuclear-weapons plants, 116-17
Nunn, Sam, 37, 263

Occupational Safety and Health Act
(OSHA) (1970), 118-19
Occupational Safety and Health Administration
(OSHA), 57, 107, 145, 147148,
149, 348
weak enforcement by, 112, 115, 119122,
144
O'Connor, Patrick J., 254
O'Connor and Hanna, 254, 256-57,
258
O'Dell, J. Hunter, 206
Odendahl, Teresa, 220
O'Donnell, Kirk, 262
Office of Management and Budget
(OMB), 57, 69
regulation scuttled by, 141-48, 154
Ohio, 251, 352
oil industry, 69, 142, 146, 156
pollution and, 56, 129, 137, 139-40
Olin Foundation, 281
Olshan, Karen, 271
OMB Watch, 144
O'Neill, Thomas P. "Tip, " 262
opinion polls, 22, 23, 170, 176, 239, 301
on environment, 22, 131
on foreign affairs, 362, 375, 393
on media, 302
on Republicans, 274, 278-80
on taxation, 22, 84, 85, 92, 93, 95
of young people, 315-16, 320, 325
Organization of American States, 367
Outside, 214-15
Overseas Private Investment Corporation
(OPIC), 339

Padioleau, Jean G., 296
Paget, Karen, 170, 171-72
Paine Webber, 258
Panama, 63
participation, see public participation
Patton, Boggs and Blow, 254 .
PBS, 299-300, 302
Penta, Leo J., 223
Pentagon, see Defense Department, U.S.
People, 316, 321
Pepsico, 257
Persian Gulf War, 361, 362, 368-69
pesticides, 310-11, 320-23, 389-90
Peter, Phillips S., 341
Peterson, Peter G., 82, 94
Philadelphia Daily News, 292
Philadelphia Inquirer, 101
Phil Donahue Show, 321
Phillips, Kevin, 280, 282
Phoenix, Ariz., 235
Physicians for Social Responsibility
(PSR), 366
Pinellas nuclear plant, 351-52
Pittston Coal, 256
Poland, 194
policy analysis, 47, 56-58
political-action committees (PACs), 48,
253, 259, 337
political contributions, 25-27, 90, 96,
106, 114, 194, 195, 337-38
committee assignments and, 65-66,
67-68
to Democrats, 41, 194, 248, 250, 252,
253, 259-60, 273
to Republicans, 41, 273, 281
political parties, 70, 88, 155
alliance between, 161
declining local organizations of, 20,
64, 163, 192, 346-47
traditional roles abandoned by, 52, 66,
71, 172
see also Democratic Party; Republican
Party
Politics of Rich and Poor, The (Phillips),
282
pollution, 142, 155-56, 339
GE and, 42, 118, 125, 129, 215, 351352,
353
by government facilities, 116-18, 374
health risk and, 55, 56, 124-30, 165,
310-11, 320-23, 385, 389-90,
391-92
from Mexican factories, 384-85, 386
non-enforcement of laws against,
124-30
public concern about, 22, 131-32
see also environmental legislation;
environmental movement; Clean
Air Act (1970); Clean Air Act
(1990); Superfund law; waste,
hazardous
Pollution Prevention News, 137
Populism, 87, 274-75, 278-80
pornography, 277
Port Neches, Tex., 124-25
Portsmouth Naval Shipyard, 117-18
poverty, 22, 153, 198-201, 234-35,
343-44, 346
Powell Goldstein, 255
presidency. see White House; specific
presidents
Presidential Council on Competitiveness,
143-44
press, see media; print media; radio; television
print media, 287-99, 302-6
controversy avoided by, 297-99, 303
educational role avoided by, 303-6
modern transformations in, 293-99,
302-3, 306
working-class voice lost in, 288-93
see also media; specific publications
Procter & Gamble, 48, 174, 180
Progressive movement, 46-47, 213
Progressive Policy Institute, 198
Proxmire, William, 68, 69, 72, 75
Prudential Bache, 263
Pryor, David, 116
Public Citizen, 57, 109, 143, 148, 212,
239
public hearings, 47, 50, 73, 165, 168
public-interest groups, see citizen groups,
grassroots; citizen groups, national;
environmental movement
public opinion, see opinion polls
public participation:
in civil rights movement, 203-8, 224,
238, 409-10
community relations needed in, 223238,
326
corporate influence on, 331-32, 336,
340, 343-48
democratic conversation needed for,
410-14
disparaged by elites, 17-18, 89, 167,
169
electronic media and, 308-11, 312-13,
314-23, 326-30
as goal of New Deal agencies, 108
improvement needed in, 66, 152~58,
165, 286
through irregular politics, 23-25, 161182,
184-90
judicial aversion to, 150-51
lacking in global economy, 377-78,
387-93, 401-3
lacking in tax legislation, 81-85, 87,
89, 92, 93, 94, 97
measurement of, 170
media's possible role in, 303-6,
326-30
as necessary to enforcement of laws,
118-22, 130, 212-13
obstacles to, 11-28, 50-53
ordinary citizens absent in, 50-51, 59;
71, 76
organizational training and, 163-67
parties' possible role in. 264-69
at polls, 21-22, 177, 315
promising models of, 222-41, 409-11
public attitudes as barrier to, 202-21
tax exemptions and, 51-53
through voter propositions, 175-78
working class absent in, 163, 183-201
see also citizen groups, grassroots; citizen
groups, national
public rationale, 45-48, 55-56, 88
Public Relations Journal, 339
Public Service Indiana, 255
Publisher's Weekly, 323
Pulitzer, Joseph, 291
Pulitzer Prize, 295, 298

Quayle, J. Danforth, 74, 143-44

radio, 312-13, 324
talk shows on, 308-11
Raffaelli, John D., 92
Ramer, James, 165, 166
Ramsey, Stephen D., 334
RCA, 342, 379
Reagan, Ronald, 62, 63, 131, 150, 157,
181, 193, 280, 285, 334, 335, 336
covert actions approved by, 367, 368
defense buildup of, 364, 366
economic policies of, 48, 67, 81, 88,
89, 90, 92, 93, 282-83, 341
environmental record of, 42, 43, 128
regulation and, 110, 113, 115, 118,
128, 133, 135, 141-48, 170-71,
283
S&L crisis and, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73
young people's admiration of, 316,
320
real estate, 67, 91, 97
janitors strike and, 184-90
recession, 81, 82, 83, 284
Redbook, 321
Reed, John, 394
reform movements, 46-48, 49-50
regulatory agencies, regulation, 47, 169
conservative objections to, 108
corporate influence on, 26, 39, 105122,
124-30, 133, 134, 135-40,
153, 333, 334, 348, 354
courts and, 110, 126, 127-28, 148-52,
154, 168, 333, 339, 348-55
decisions postponed by, 124-30, 133
global economy and, 387-93
governmental violation permitted by,
117-18
"hammers" to force action by, 135140
media in enforcement by, 116-17,
304
privatization of, 115-16
public participation in enforcement by,
118-22, 130, 212-13
reforms needed in, 152-58
rise of, 107
see also specific agencies and legislation
Reich, Robert B., 107, 397
Reighard, Charles, 121-22
Reilly, William K., 44, 216, 220
religion;
politics and, 222-23, 225, 231-32,
279
TV and, 324, 325-26
Republican National Committee, 248,
273
Republican Party, 110, 155, 196, 197,
264, 270-86, 394
CIA opposed by, 365-66
commercial banks aligned with, 65,
75-78
constituency of, 276, 278-81, 282-86,
336
contributions to, 41, 273, 281
marketing expertise of, 270-78
media and, 291, 292
membership of, 248
public perception of, 274
spiritual vacuum in, 281-82
tax legislation and, 80, 84, 86, 88, 89,
91, 93, 100-101
Republic Steel, 119--20
research projects, policy and, 44-45, 51,
55-56, 256
Resolution Trust Corporation (RTC), 210
Resource Conservation and Recovery Act
(RCRA) (1984), 135-40
"Responsible Care Initiative, " 129-30
Richards, Ann, 233
Rio Grande Valley', 223, 228
RJR Nabisco, 41
Robb, Charles S., 251, 263
Rockefeller Center, 315
rock music, 313-14, 324
Rockwell, 112
Rocky Flats, Colo., 116
Roger and Me, 325
Rolling Stone, 318, 320
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 46, 107, 283-84,
367
Roper, Burns, 95
Rosales, Fernando, 381
Rostenkowski, Dan, 91, 95, 99--100,
252, 342
Roth, William V., Jr., 37
Rubio, Fernando, 382
Ruckelshaus, William D., 43-45, 109-110,
127, 128, 130, 168-69, 170,
181

Sachs, Wolfgang, 387
Salomon Brothers, 41, 84
St. Germain, Fernand, 74
St. Petersburg Times, 351
San Antonio, Tex., 226-33, 239
Sarabia, Andres, 229, 236
savings and loan (S&L) crisis, 27, 40,
42, 60-78, 212, 258
action delayed on, 69, 71-73
bailout legislation in, 69, 75-78
cover-up of, 60, 61, 70-72
Democrats' allegiance in, 65, 67, 70,
72, 75
early warnings about, 61-62, 65, 67,
68-69
home-ownership goal ignored in, 61,
65, 67
lobbying in, 71-73, 75-77, 78
media in, 74-75, 210
1988 elections and, 71-75
public demonstrations and, 209-11
Sawhill, Isabel V., 188
Sawyer, David, 257
Scalia, Antonin, 151
Schlesinger, Tom, 78, 210-11
Schneider, Greg, 273
Schneider, Keith, 116-17
Schumer, Charles, 75
Scripps, E. W., 291, 293, 305
Scripps-Howard newspapers, 290-91,
292
Securities and Exchange Commission,
350
Securities Industry Association, 258
Seidman, William, 70
Senate, U.S., 50, 390
see also Congress, U.S.
Senate committees:
Banking, 52, 68, 69, 71, 72, 83
Budget, 84
Environment and Public Works, 1W-
111, 131, 171, 216
Finance, 92, 252, 341
Foreign Relations, 340
Intelligence, 364
Sentencing Commission, U.S., 333, 351,
353
Services Employees International Union
(SEIU), 185-90, 192
Sesame Street, 314
Shell Oil, 124-25, 137
Shrum, Robert, 259
Sidley & Austin, 332, 334
Sierra Club, 44, 127
Silberman, Laurence H., 151
Silverglade, Bruce, 180-81
Simon, Paul, 96
60 Minutes, 316, 320, 321
Smith, David, 196
Smith, David Bruce, 188-89
Smith, 1. T., 138
Smith, William French, 335
social programs, 123, 124, 153, 154,
186, 343-46
Social Security, 81, 84, 92-94, 98, 153-
154, 252, 283, 338
Society of the Plastics Industry, 178
Solidarity, 194
Solomon, Burt, 301-2
Sores, George:' 362
South Africa, 320, 325
Soviet Union, 369
Springsteen, Bruce, 172, 324, 325
Sri Lanka, 381, 382
StarKist Tuna, 173, 205
state and local government, 148, 157-58,
170, 176, 178-82, 216
State Department, U.S., 360, 366
Stavinoha, Marilyn, 227
steel industry, 56, 119-20, 125, 129,
142, 380
Stephens, Christine, 240
Sting, 172, 324
Stockman, David, 91, 283
STP, 163-67
Strauss, Robert S., 83, 94, 254, 257,
258, 261, 262-63
Streep, Meryl, 320-21, 323
Stringfellow acid pits, 217-18
Summers, Lawrence H., 82
Summerton, S.C., 409-10
Sununu, John H., 140
Superfund Coalition, 42-45, 54, 338
Superfund law (1986), 42-45, 118, 135,
136, 334, 351
Supreme Court, U.S., 150-51, 348, 349,
409
Sussman, Barry, 302
Synar, Mike, 116-17, 133

Taft, Robert A., 283, 291
Tarrance, Lance, 278-80
Task Force on Regulatory Relief, 141
taxation, 22, 43, 79-104
business favored in, 51-53, 79-81,
89-91, 94-96, 341-43, 355, 402
business lobbying on, 41-42, 81, 84,
89-90, 96-97, 338, 341-43
of capital gains, 89, 90, 97, 99-100,
102-3, 252
delinquent payments in, 85-86
exempt status of, 51 , 219-20, 262
global economy and, 378, 380, 394
graduated, origin of, 87
growing inequities in, 79-104
participation incentive needed in,
52-53
proposed progressive measures in, 89,
98-99, 101-2
reforms needed in, 156
S&L bailout and, 77
wealthy favored by, 79-104, 274, 280,
342, 398
tax legislation:
of 1977, 89
of 1978, 89-90
of 1981, 90-92, 341-42
of 1982, 92, 342
of 1983, 93
of 1984, 92
of 1986, 94-98, 342
of 1990, 99-102
Taylor, Paul, 263
television, 92, 174, 251
activist use of, 320-23
cable, 328, 329, 335
corporate image ads on, 338-40, 346
invited commentators on, 299-300
newspaper competition with, 293
ownership of, 329, 335, 340, 342
public participation role of, 308-11,
312-13, 314-23, 326-30
Republican mastery of, 270-78
rise of, 307-8
societal effect of, 311-20
world of young shaped by, 308,
314-20
see also media
term limitations, 64, 176
Texaco, 124-25, 129
Texas, 70, 126, 178, 223
community organization in, 226-33,
235, 237, 240
Texas, University of, 385
textile industry, 142, 145, 147, 198
Thailand, 381, 399
think tanks:
corporate sponsorship of, 37, 48, 51,
52, 82, 187-88, 300, 338
in Democratic policy formulation, 262
media influenced by, 300-301
tax code and, 51, 53
Third World, 285, 362, 372, 392-93,
400
Thomas, Larry, 178-79
Thomas, Lee, 44-45
Thomas Steel, 119
Thompson, Daniel, 164
Thompson, Richard, 188
Tierney, James A., 117-18
Tijuana, Mexico, 381
Tillich, Paul, 226
timber industry, 390
Time, 302, 316, 321
Times Mirror Company, 84, 315-16
trade, foreign, 81, 82, 256, 257, 387-93,
402-3
Transportation Department, U.S., Ill,
113
Treasury Department, U.S., 41, 87, 334,
391
S&L crisis and, 69, 73, 76, 77
Tully, Paul, 251, 252
Tungsram Company, 338-39
Twin Cities Army Ammunition Plant,
118

Uebelhoer, Jane, 388
Union Carbide, 42, 121, 128, 168, 220,
338
Uniroyal, 124-25, 321-23
United Auto Workers (UAW), 120, 122,
256
United Mine Workers (UMW), 256
463
United Nations, 362, 367, 369, 389
United Way, 337
Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
324
Urban Institute, 187, 188, 201
Urban League, 336
Urrabazo, Rosendo, 231
USA Today, 302-3
Utah Construction, 342
U-2, 324

Valdes-Villalva, Gueramina, 379--80,
383, 385-86
Valley Interfaith Project, 235
values, political process and, 53-55, 58,
59, 131-32, 155
Verner, Liipfert, 254
Vichery, Ohio, waste disposal at, 137
Vietnam War, 114, 249-50, 261, 363,
366
Virginia, 279
Vladeck, David, 57, 109, 143, 148-50
Voleker, Paul, 63
Volpe, John, III
voter participation, 21-22, 177, 315
voter propositions, 175-78
Voter Revolt, 175-78
Vulcan Chemicals, 137
Vulcan Materials, 138

Wald, Patricia M., 149-50, 151
Waldman, Michael, 212
Walker, Charls E., 43-44, 86, 88, 89-
90, 91, 96-97, 98, 99, 102, 337
Wall, M. Danny, 71, 73
Wallace, George C., 275
Wall Street, see financial industry
Wall Street Journal, 92, 100, 131, 173,
272, 276, 302, 321, 345
Washington, D.C.:
growing affluence of, 48-49
janitors' strike in, 184-90, 201
Washington, D.C., Circuit Court of Appeals,
149, 151
Washington, George, 246
Washington Center for Politics and Journalism,
302
Washington Post, 93, 115, 144, 170,
188, 190, 259, 263, 271, 276, 302,
304, 321, 342
Bradlee's transformation of, 293-97
post-Watergate retrenchment at,
297-99
staff of, 289, 294
think-tank influence on, 300
Washington Public Power Supply Systems
(WPPSS), 353
Washington Star, 298, 317
waste, hazardous, 42-45, 134-40, 142,
147-48, 156, 158, 167-70, 178,
180, 216, 217-18, 334, 351-52, 385
waste, municipal, 164
Waste Management, Inc., 216, 220, 352
Watergate scandal, 90, 296-97, 302
water shortage, 308-9
Waxman, Henry, 125, 144
wealthy, 153, 220, 397, 398
proposed tax hike for, 101-2
Republicans and, 273-74, 277, 279,
282
tax burden shifted from, 79-104, 274,
280, 342, 398
among tax delinquents, 85-86
Webb, Dave, 119
Weidenbaum, Murray, 48
Weisskopf, Michael, 144
Welch, John F., Jr., 337, 342, 345,
351
welfare, 153
Wenner, Jann, 318-19
Westinghouse, 350, 379
Weyerhaeuser, 125, 129, 220
Weyrich, Paul, 21, 273, 278, 279, 280,
281
What Americans Really Think (Sussman),
302
Whirlpool, 393
White House:
power accumulated by, 142-43, 151152,
360, 366, 367, 368-69, 390391,
392
regulation thwarted by, 27, 111-12,
141-48, 150, 154, 333
White House Correspondents Association,
301-2
Wichita, Kans., 138
Wilbur, Jan, 223
Williams, Clayton, 233
Williams, J. D., 254, 256, 257, 258
Williams, Leila, 189-90, 200
Wilson, John, 120
Wilson, Larry, 164, 165, 166
Wolferen, Karel van, 398
Woodward, Bob, 297, 302
workers, working class, 237
declining wages of, 395-97, 400
Democrats and, 90, 188, 191-92, 194,
253, 256, 267, 274
environmental concerns and, 217-19
job loss in, 22, 344-46, 378, 395
at Mexican factories, 379-87
minimum wage and, 195-98, 223,
382, 403
newspapers speaking for, 288-89,
290-93
poverty and, 198-201
proposed tax break for, 98
as removed from political process, 163,
183-201
strikes and, 184-90, 201, 256
Workers Against Toxic Chemical Hazards
(WATCH), 121, 122
World Court, 368
World War II, 361, 367, 375, 409
Wright, Jim, 70, 72, 75, 315

Yarborough, Ralph, 87
Yeager, Chuck, 323, 339
Yeutter, Clayton, 389
young people:
activist stars and, 325
TV influence on, 308, 314-20

Zimmerman, Bill, 177-78
Zuckerman, Mortimer, 185, 201
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