CHAPTER VII: NAM: THE MEN WHO FINANCE AMERICAN FASCISM
THE TWO corporations which were part of the Nazi cartel plot in the United States are two of the main vertebrae of the back bone of American Fascism. Lammot DuPont and Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., of the DuPont Empire and General Motors respectively, have been exposed by Congressional committees as subsidizers of fascist organizations and movements. Both corporations and both men are also among the top flight rulers of the National Association of Manufacturers.
Before producing a small fraction of the documentation -- it would require volumes to present a real indictment -- showing that the NAM is the center of American Fascism, and that its leaders are the Thyssens, Flicks and Voegelers of America, this statement must be made about the organization.
The NAM is something like a nation, like a people -- say the Finns, or the Germans. Our country passed through a great emotional phase which favored the Finns, and is naturally emotionally set against the Germans, nevertheless -- thanks largely to the press -- the American people as a whole refused to accept the fact that Finland has been in fascist hands for a long period of its independent history, and also refuses to accept the view that there are millions of good and innocent Germans. The facts are that both Finland and Germany are in the hands of fascist rulers, that a large proportion of the population in each country accepts Fascism, and that it is necessary in the war against Fascism to destroy not only the leadership but as large a part as possible of its armed might in the field. But it is the leadership which is totally vicious, and it is an unfortunate fact which apparently cannot be changed by the innocent, no matter how many of them there are, that rulers and ruled have a united destiny.
It may therefore be true that the majority of the estimated 15,000 members of the NAM are as innocent as the Finnish man-in-the-street, or the German farmer or industrial worker, of the crimes of Fascism, but it is truer yet that the inner group which rules the NAM is just as vicious a clique as the one Thyssen organized to put Hitler into power.
There are actually three groups in the NAM, as the National Maritime Union's organ, The Pilot, once pointed out:
"The large majority of NAM members are reasonably assured that a United Nations victory is in their own and the country's best interests. A smaller group moves along with the feelings strongest at the time and yields one way or the other if pressured. A still smaller but very much more powerful group is in the saddle now and its program is remarkable for a nation at war.
"The group swinging the NAM whip is headed by Frederick C. Crawford, who has no beef with the Axis. He has the perfect background for a model version of a homegrown Fascist. During the middle thirties he was active as a director in Associated Industries, a Cleveland strikebreaking agency which tried to doctor up its records when the La Follette Committee went to work on it. The F.B.I. proved that this fink outfit paid out to a labor spy agency ... which means he okayed the hiring of goons, spies, thugs, and stoolies, and financed the use of tear gas, sawed-off shotguns and blackjacks, etc.
"Mussolini got splashed with Crawford's praise after a trip to Europe in 1939. About Hitler he said: 'What difference does it make if the dictatorship of Germany is consuming one-fourth of production for military grandeur, or whether the bureaucracy of the New Deal is consuming one-fourth of production to maintain itself? ...'
"Crawford's fighting a war ... but it's a war against President Roosevelt, against the American people, and against the coming defeat of Hitler."
Crawford, DuPont, Sloan and a handful of others boss the NAM. Several years ago, when it had only half its present membership, the La Follette Committee reported that "about 207 companies, or approximately 5% of the NAM, are in a position to formulate the policies." Actually a dozen or so native Fascists control the most powerful private organization in the history of America, but they control it as absolutely as Hitler, Mussolini, Hirohito and other Fascists controlled their own nations (until their downfall); they are just as responsible for its political and social activities, and the entire NAM is just as guilty (or innocent) as the mass of people is in each fascist nation. (In this connection it may be pointed out that whereas a German cannot very well quit Germany in wartime, although there are Germans who have done better than that by becoming guerrilla fighters, it is easy for an American business man or corporation to quit the fascist NAM on the spur of the moment, and General Mills, for one example, did do so when one of its presidents, a Mr. Witherow, said we were not fighting the war to put TVA's on the Danube.)
From the foregoing and following facts the reader may decide for himself whether the NAM, which represents the best part of American industry, and whose annual meetings are said to represent $60,000,000,000, is to be blamed as a whole, or whether a distinction is to be made between its Fuehrer (plural) and its following. But there can be no question about certain things, and the first and most important of all is that the NAM, which had been merely one of many trade associations from 1895 on, became a national force when it became the spearhead of the anti-labor movement at its convention in New Orleans in April, 1903.
The history of this campaign of the biggest industries of America to prevent the majority of the American people from forming any sort of organization which would improve working conditions and raise the standard of living of the nation, is punctuated by three Congressional investigations which show up the NAM for exactly what it is: the counterpart of the fascist organizations of the fascist nations of Europe and Asia.
1. The Garrett Committee disclosed the existence of the NAM lobby in Washington, its "secretive" and "reprehensible" activities, its "questionable and disreputable" means of defeating Congressmen who refused to obey it, and its general criminal character in using money in a corrupt manner to fight the labor unions.
2. The La Follette Investigations into the violations of the rights of free speech and the criminal actions used against labor established the fact that certain corporations -- almost without exception leading members of the NAM -- employed poison gas and machine guns in their plants, also spies, thugs, stool pigeons and murderers and other racketeers; also that the NAM corrupted public opinion in America by using the largest network of propaganda.
3. The O'Mahoney Monopoly Investigation showed in one of its reports that 200 industrial and 50 financial families own, control and rule America and that of the industrial families 13 are the most powerful. Ford is not a member of the NAM; the others are also its heaviest subsidizers. Another report shows that the NAM uses its money and power for its own profits, and against the general welfare of the people of the United States. NAM GUILTY OF BRIBERY
The Garrett Committee's work is better known as the Mulhall investigation, thanks to the fact that "Colonel" Martin M. Mulhall, who was one of the chief secret lobbyists of the NAM, consented to expose that organization and did so in a series of articles which began running in the New York World June 29, 1913.
Mulhall's charges dealt chiefly with the NAM's corruption of members of Congress. The reader should note that Mulhall had been employed in 1903, the year the NAM became the chief labor-busting outfit in the country, and the year it decided to become a power in politics in Washington. It is still that power. What Mulhall proved is that it was not content to get anti-labor legislation through Congress as it is today by putting up the money to elect members, but that it passed out cold cash in a criminal manner.
Speaker Champ Clark could not turn deaf ears or blind eyes to the national scandal, although few wanted the World's charges aired. A committee headed by Majority Leader Finis I. Garrett of Tennessee finally began a 4-month inquiry and published 60 volumes of findings condemning the NAM as a crooked outfit.
In other words, the 10 years during which the NAM employed Mulhall, James A. Emery and other lobbyists, were also the 10 years it devoted its time to fighting labor, and coincidentally the 10 years in which it committed criminal acts for which private individuals would have gone to the penitentiary.
Said William I. McDonald, Michigan Progressive, of the Mulhall expose of the bribery of Congressmen by the NAM:
"The naive effrontery shown upon the witness stand by officers of the NAM in assuming that the committee would accept at face value the bald denials and ridiculous evasion and perversion of the meaning of actions all too plainly corrupt and sinister ... cannot be permitted to pass without mention. Their plainly shown attitude was that the American Congress was considered by them as their legislative department and was viewed with the same arrogant manner in which they viewed their other employees, and that those legislators who dare to oppose them would be disciplined in the same manner in which they were accustomed to discipline recalcitrant employees."
Of the NAM lobby Representative McDonald, who was the backbone of the Garrett investigation of Mulhall and Emery, NAM lobbyists, said:
"They did, by the expenditure of exorbitant sums of money, aid and attempt to aid in the election of those who they believed would readily serve their interests, and by the same means sought to and did accomplish the defeat of others whom they opposed. In carrying out these multifarious activities, they did not hesitate as to means, but made use of any method of corruption found to be effectual ... they instituted a new and complete system of commercialized treachery."
Caught and exposed as bribers and corrupters of the American Congress -- and incidentally of the American Way of Life about which it brags -- the NAM decided at that time to reorganize and to concentrate on another way in which to corrupt the American people to its way of doing business. It decided to corrupt public opinion. In doing so it planned on using every available method but concentrating chiefly on corrupting the American press. It was highly successful. It is still the greatest force controlling the American press today. HIRED GUNMEN AND HIRED EDITORS
The real picture of American Fascism emerges from the numerous volumes of reports of the Committee on Education and Labor, better known as the La Follette investigation.
There is only one major difference between the Fascism practiced by the NAM and the Fascism practiced by its modern leaders, Hitler and Mussolini: the latter established by force what the former either wholly or partly succeeded in establishing by other means.
Hitler confiscated the treasuries of the labor unions and later established the so-called Labor Front which put the workmen of Germany in a state between serfdom and slavery, while Mussolini organized his so-called corporations in which labor and capital were supposed to have equal rights, whereas in truth capital runs Italy and the living standards of labor have been reduced to their worst point in modern history. The NAM could not destroy labor by official decrees, but it fought labor with its hired gunmen, thugs, racketeers, gangsters and murderers; it did employ poison gas in strikes, and machine guns; it did shoot and kill; and it did poison the minds of the majority of the American people by carrying on a campaign against labor and especially against labor unions, in 1,995 of the 2,000 daily newspapers of the country. The NAM needs no lessons in the way to corrupt a people by propaganda; it was in this business long before Dr. Goebbels came to power.
In the hearings of one day -- March 2, 1938, to be exact -- the following points were made for which documentary evidence was later entered into the record:
1. That the NAM is directed, controlled and financed by only 207 firms, each giving it more than $2,000; that the leading firms are General Motors, DuPont, Chrysler, Weir's National Steel and the Pennsylvania Railroad.
2. That the leading contributors to the NAM and the leading directors are also the leading contributors to a number of purely fascist, anti-Semitic and reactionary organizations such as the American Liberty League, the Crusaders, the Sentinels of the Republic, National Economy League, Farmers' Independence League and Johnstown Citizens' Committee, the last named a vigilante outfit later exposed as secretly started by the Mayor with $50,000 received from Bethlehem Steel.
3. That these 207 firms purchased 60% of all the tear gas used in the United States; they also used the majority of spies in industry, the majority of strikebreakers, the majority of criminals. The NAM is associated with the Metal Trades Association, the Associated Industries of Cleveland (and other large cities) and other similar organizations which have taken the leading part in industrial espionage and the use of violence in labor troubles.
4. That the NAM ran the largest propaganda network in America; that it worked this propaganda campaign in secrecy, and that it employed deceit as a method -- these are actual quotations from a summary published later. This point is especially important because right now the NAM is engaging in a larger campaign than ever in its history to poison the minds of the American people so that it will accept "free enterprise" rather than any plan for social justice and social security.
The foregoing charges were made by Robert Wohlforth, secretary of the La Follette Committee, which immediately began grilling witnesses it had called, notably W.B. Weisenberger, a vice-president, Noel Sargent, the secretary, J.A. Emery, chief counsel, and John C. Gall, attorney. The day was notable for the fact that these NAM officials made certain statements which were immediately proven absolute falsehoods after Senators La Follette and Thomas produced documentary evidence from the NAM files (which had been seized) proving the mendacity of the defenders of this native-fascist outfit.
In establishing the fact that the NAM was founded primarily to fight labor, and that it was still doing so, Senator La Follette introduced a statement published in 1904 in a NAM magazine called American Industries. In objecting to the only large union of its time -- 1904 -- this publication said:
"We are not opposed to good unionism if such exists anywhere. The American Federation brand of unionism, however, is un-American, illegal and indecent."
On the same subject, the usual NAM statement that it was not against unions but insisted on unions that were "properly conducted," the leading humorist of the time, Finley Peter Dunne, wrote:
("Shure," said Mr. Dooley, "if properly conducted. An' there we are; an' how would they have thim conducted? No strikes, no rules, no contracts, no scales, hardly iny wages an, dam few members.") MOST UN-AMERICAN FORCE IN AMERICA
The O'Mahoney Monopoly Investigation did not disclose anything as sensational regarding the NAM as its bribery of Congressmen or its use of gangsters and poison gas, but its scores of volumes of evidence furnish a complete and unanswerable indictment of the entire American Big Business system. (The two most valuable volumes for the lay reader are Monograph 29 which deals with the 200 ruling industrial families, and Monograph 26 which reveals the NAM as the most powerful lobby and most sinister force in America; they are sold by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C., at $2 and 25c respectively.)
When the O'Mahoney committee released its Monograph 26 the newspapers of the nation, always happy to suppress anything that is critical of the hand that feeds it -- that is, Big Business, through the medium of advertising -- obliged by refraining from mentioning the matter at all, or, like the New York Times, published a report that lobbying had been condemned but omitted the name of the NAM.
The Times, which did publish a column story, and therefore did publish much more than other papers, nevertheless omitted most of the following quotations -- which will give the reader a taste of the tremendously important material Monograph 26 contains. (The figures in parentheses refer to the page numbers):
"The American people are confronted with the problem of who shall control the government" (1). The monograph then discusses the big pressure group, notably the American Legion lobby, farmers, peace groups, but concludes that the National Association of Manufacturers, the Chamber of Commerce, and their agents, the lawyers' associations, the newspaper publishers' associations, rule the country. NAM: $$$$$$ FREE ENTERPRISE, FREE PROFITS -- DEATH TO ORGANIZED LABOR, DEATH TO LABOR LAWS, DEATH! -- LOUDER AND FUNNIER -- ROTTEN -- BOOOOOO -- THE PATENT PUBLIC
"From the beginning, business has been intent upon wielding economic power and, where necessary, political control for its own purposes. ... Even today, when the purposeful use of government power for the general welfare is more widely accepted than at any time in our history, government does not begin to approach the fusion of power and will characteristic of business" (1). Everyone is fighting for power, for control, in Washington, but "by far the largest and most important of these groups is to be found in 'business' ... as dominated by the 200 largest non-financial and the 50 largest financial corporations, and the employer and trade associations into which it and its satellites are organized" (3). The 200 non-financial corporations in 1935 controlled $60,000,000,000 of physical assets. The march of America toward public betterment "has been hindered, obstructed and at times apparently completely stopped by pressure groups" (5).
"Business ... has fought ... government ownership. (5) Through the press, public opinion and pressure groups it is possible to influence the political process. ... Both press and radio are, after all, 'big business' and even when they possess the highest integrity, they are the prisoners of their own beliefs."
Business, continues the report, operates on the principle that $60,000,000,000 can't be wrong.
"In this connection the business orientation of the newspaper press is a valuable asset. In the nature of things public opinion is usually well disposed toward business ... Newspapers have it in their power materially to influence public opinion on particular issues. ... With others, editorializing is practiced as a matter of course. And even where editors and publishers are men of the highest integrity, they are owners and managers of big business enterprises, and their papers inevitably reflect, at least to some extent, their economic interest. When organized business deliberately propagandizes the Country, using newspaper advertising as one medium, the press is a direct means of channeling business views into the public mind. ... Lawyers have remade constitutional guarantees in the image of business. ... The law, the newspaper press, and the advertising professions have all helped business by spreading this changed conception of the Jeffersonian idea" (10).
In other words, Business, using lawyers, the press and advertising, has undermined Jeffersonian democracy.
The report names the business pressure lobbies, notably the National Association of Manufacturers, U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Edison Electric Institute (successor to N.E.L.A.), Association of Life Insurance Presidents, American Iron and Steel Institute, American Petroleum Institute, American Bankers Association, American Investment Bankers Association, American Bar Association, and adds: "Through the American Newspaper Publishers Association [Lords of the Press] the country's daily newspapers join their strength for business and against government." This is a most damning indictment. It did not appear in the Times. But the indictment against the corporations and the press goes even further.
"Public policy in the field of industrial relations has been formulated by Congress over the bitter opposition of organized industry, an opposition which is still continuing in a determined effort to change that policy. The economic power of business and the 'educational' persuasiveness of its newspaper, advertising, and legal allies enabled it between the years 1933 and 1937 to frustrate the initial efforts of the Federal Government to regulate labor relations (81). The NAM and the C. of C, are as one in their opposition to the N.L.R.A. ... The American Bar Association ... indicated its fundamental community of interest with business. The American Newspaper Publishers Association shares a similar community of interest (p. 82) ." This was also suppressed in the Times.
"National Association of Manufacturers' President Lund [Listerine Lund] in a press release on September 7, 1933, urged 'the strongest possible employer opposition to union organization' (97). Business has managed to maintain most of its control of industrial relations despite the efforts of labor and government to lessen it ... The staying power of corporate business, its resources and ability to give aid and assistance in the fields of law, of the newspaper press, and of advertising, have proved powerful weapons in this struggle, and the intensity of the battle on the labor relations field since 1933 has indicated their effectiveness."
Pages 171 and 172 of the report show how Big Business betrayed the nation for profits in the European War, and how in 1940 "business displayed much of the same attitude. ... Profits, taxes, loans, and so forth appeared more important to business than getting guns, tanks, and airplane motors into production."
"Speaking bluntly the government and the public are 'over a barrel' when it comes to dealing with business in time of war or other crisis. Business refuses to work except on terms which it dictates ... In effect this is blackmail."
And what is the final conclusion?
"Democracy in America is on the defensive. In the preceding pages it has been shown that pressure groups as now operating usually fail to promote the general welfare."
Since the NAM has been named as the most powerful of the pressure groups, and the publishers' association one of its two agents, the minor one being the bar association, it is merely putting two and two together to arrive at the statement that Big Business is the main enemy of the general welfare of the American people, and the press the main weapon of this enemy. NAM's NEW PROPAGANDA AGENCY: N.I.I.C.
The main objective of the NAM today is the corruption of public opinion. Of course, the organization calls it "enlightenment" or the spreading of the doctrine of "free enterprise," but it is nevertheless propaganda, and since it is aimed to insure the private profits of the few, as against the general welfare of the many, it is propaganda that corrupts.
The La Follette investigation showed that, after it was caught bribing Congressmen to pass anti-labor laws, the NAM changed its tactic to cooperating with the editors and publishers of all the newspapers of the country, all but one of them being dependent upon advertising and all but three or four of them having a record of journalistic prostitution.
Here is a short summary of the findings of the La Follette Committee on the NAM propaganda campaign:
1. Daily newspapers. Realizing that public thought is shaped to a large degree by the newspapers, NAM Public Information program regularly covered the newspaper field to industry's advantage.
a. Bulletin to newspaper editors. Publishers and editorial writers were furnished with propaganda entitled Voice of American Industry.
b. Daily comic feature. "Uncle Abner Says" is big business, anti-labor, propaganda placed in papers by NAM but the public is not told that fact.
c. News stories. NAM sent spot news releases to local papers, Associated Press, United Press, International News Service, news syndicates.
2. Weekly newspapers. More than 5,000 weeklies propagandized regularly.
a. Full page ads in newspapers favoring industry.
b. Outdoor ads. "The American Way," etc.
4. Radio. Good will for industry was propagandized in many ways:
a. NAM program, "The American Family Robinson."
b. Foreign language transcriptions.
c. Propaganda furnished news commentators.
5. Motion Pictures. One of the many NAM propaganda projects was called "Men and Machines" with narration by Lowell Thomas.
6. Secretly bought columnists. Example: George E. Sokolsky, put on $1,000 a month payroll while writing column syndicated by the New York Herald Tribune.
7. Bought college professors. "You and your nation's affairs," or "Six Star Service." The La Follette Report said contributors to this service included Gus W. Dyer, professor of economics, Vanderbilt University; Eliot Jones, professor of transportation, Stanford University; Walter Spahr, secretary, Economists National Committee on Monetary Policy; Clarence W. Fackler, assistant professor of economics, New York University. Articles of the following writers appeared only in the first few weeks: Neil Carothers, director, College of Business Administration, Lehigh University; James S. Thomas, president, Clarkson College of Technology; T.N. Carver, professor emeritus, Harvard.
Contributions from the following were added: Harley L. Lutz, professor of public finance, Princeton; Erik McK. Ericksson, associate professor of history, University of Southern California; J. E. LeRossignol, dean, college of business administration, University of Nebraska.
Whereas the National Electric Light Association (N.E.L.A.) spent about $25,000,000 each year (sometimes as high as $29,000,000) to turn public opinion against municipal and public ownership of light and power plants, the NAM lobby got free ads because it was able to blackmail the newspapers, radio, movies and billboard corporations with threats that its membership would withdraw commercial advertising already placed.
The La Follette report tells in detail how labor was smeared, how everything for the general benefit of the American people labeled "radcal," "red," "unsound" and how men and organizations opposed to the corrupt Big Business program of the NAM were smeared as "propagandists," "impatient reformers" and "disturbers." The NAM did not hesitate, says the report, to present an "uncritical and false picture." The aim of the NAM was the same as that of the old N.E.L.A.: to pervert the public mind so that it accepted the big corporation program although that program was and is a program for the benefit of 250 ruling families and the enemy of 52,000,000 wage earners. This is happening today.
The new propaganda agency of the NAM is called the National Industrial Information Committee (N.I.I.C.). In 1942, when I discovered its campaign to raise $1,000,000 for a fund to fight labor, it denied that it had any relation with the NAM although it was part of the latter's office, had the same phone, and was operated by the same agents. In 1943, however, it sent a letter to its sustainers saying that it was still affiliated, but was becoming more and more a separate organization. These technicalities are of no importance. What is important is that the worst Fascists of the reactionary clique which bosses the NAM are the very men who are behind this new propaganda movement.
The N.I.I.C. claims it has 350 of the leading industrialists in its ranks. It was prompted to begin a big campaign in 1942 because the various Congressional committees, notably the Truman and O'Mahoney, and numerous official reports, notably those of Toland and Thurman Arnold, had exposed American Big Business as linked to Nazi Germany in the cartels, as actually doing business with Hitler and planning to do so in case of war, and to resume doing business should a war involve the two countries. Corporations -- Standard Oil for one -- had been branded traitors in Senate hearings, and the news could not be suppressed that it was due to the monopoly arrangements with I.G. Farbenindustrie that America had a shortage of aluminum for making airplanes, no synthetic rubber at all, a lack of tungsten, carboloy and other vital materials, no substitute for quinine (atabrine), etc. The very same corporations and men who had been exposed by Monograph 29 as ruling America -- notably Mellon -- were shown to be the men of the Nazi cartels. And on top of this scandal the labor press was proving that Big Business was refusing to convert to war, that Big Money was on a sit-down strike, and that, in short, the men of wealth and power were the traitors while the men in the fields, factories and workshops were working to win the war.
It is true that the New York World Telegram and the 18 other papers controlled by Roy Howard of the Scripps-Howard press, and the 19 papers controlled by America's No. 1 Nazi, William Randolph Hearst, did their best to whitewash Aluminum Corporation, Standard Oil, General Motors and General Electric and all the other members of the Nazi trusts. But it is also true that the scandal was so big that enough of it became generally known to cover (not smear) Big Business with the truthful muck of Fascism. Before and after Pearl Harbor America's foremost enemy in the war against Fascism was the ruling clique of the NAM.
Said the N.I.I.C. appeal which asked every business to pay a sum to its propaganda fund in proportion to its income:
"Why war increases your need of the N.I.I.C.: Because winning the war must mean also restoring a method of living that is traditionally and characteristically American. This the American people must be told and retold. ... Because full public confidence in management's motives is an essential raw material to the fabric of maximum arms production and victory. This confidence must be built and held. Because private enterprise must be built firmly into the people's ideals for the postwar world."
This statement also invites anti-labor, anti-progressive corporations to help keep America ignorant of the great liberal and democratic movement throughout the world which is based on the belief that all democratic peoples after overthrowing the main enemy of democracy, Fascism, can remake the world for the benefit of the millions of men who were at the front, instead of the special interests represented by the N.I.I.C. NATIVE FASCISTS OF N.I.I.C.
A glance at the list of officers and executive committee of the N.I.I.C. reveals that whereas many NAM leaders, who are also America's biggest industrialists, now working on a victory program are not on the N.I.I.C. list, the most notorious anti-liberals and labor-fighters are running the new propaganda outfit. Here are some of the N.I.I.C. executives:
J. H. Rand, Jr., President of Remington Rand. Originator of the Mohawk Valley Formula, the most notorious strike-breaking technique in our history, exposed by La Follette Committee. It was Rand who instructed all manufacturers to use the newspapers for propagating big anti-labor lies during strikes, and to start the "back- to-work" movements.
Walter D. Fuller, president of Curtis Publishing Company, ex-president of the NAM and still director. Fuller is largely responsible for the pro-fascist attitude of his Saturday Evening Post, which in the 1920's began a series of articles praising Mussolini and which more recently published two native-Nazi articles, "The Case Against the Jew" and "Will Labor Lose the War?" In his listing of 6 American fascist men and organizations, Attorney General (now Justice) Jackson denounced the Saturday Evening Post as un-American, anti-democratic. (Source: Law Society Journal, Boston, November, 1940.)
H. W. Prentis, Jr., ex-president NAM, president of Armstrong Cork Co., pro-Franco, pro-Fascist. Listed as un-American, anti-democratic by Mr. Justice Jackson for attacking American democratic institutions at the time he was president of the NAM. Mr. Justice Jackson quoted Prentis saying: "Hope for the future of our republic does not lie in more and more democracy."
J. Howard Pew, president of the Sun Oil Company (Sunoco), and chairman of the N.I.I.C. Exposed by Senator Gillette as main subsidizer of Republican Party in Pennsylvania. The Pew family owns $75,628,000 of Sunoco stock. According to A. H. Sulzberger, publisher and half owner of the New York Times, Pew arranged the 1936 Sunoco advertising only for papers favoring Landon. He withdrew a big ad contract from the New York Times. In 1940 the Times went Republican. The C.I.O. News (Jan. 27, 1941) accused the Pew family of anti-labor tactics in the Sun Shipbuilding strike when the Pews called out the fire department to fight strikers. During the Liberty League investigation it was disclosed that the Pews subsidized the Sentinels, Crusaders, and other native fascist subsidiaries of the League and the fascist Associated Farmers of California. When the U.S. Government needed auxiliary ships for the Navy, J. Howard and Joseph N. Pew, who had given $90,000 to the Willkie campaign, got the same sum for their 12-year-old yacht Egeria. At the same time the U.S. got several yachts for nothing -- Major Bowes, S.P. Loomis, W.P. Murphy, Joseph Seaman and Robert S. Herick -- but paid $180,000 for H. E. Manville's, $275,000 for W.B. Thompson's -- Source: Pearson & Allen, January 20, 1941.)
When Senator Black's lobby investigation committee seized the records of the Sentinels of the Republic, it found letters of its executives, W. Cleveland Runyon and Alexander Lincoln, president, saying, "The New Deal is Communist," "the Jewish threat is a real one" and "the old-line Americans of $1200 a year want a Hitler." Backers of Sentinels: Pitcairn Family, $91,000; I. Howard Pew, Sunoco, $6,000.
Jasper E. Crane, vice-president DuPonts, and Lammot DuPont.
Charles R. Hook, president of the American Rolling Mills, and ex-president of the NAM. Hook is also one of the backers of the Committee to Uphold Constitutional Government, a strike-breaking, anti-labor native fascist outfit in which chain publisher Gannett is a leading figure and former German agent Rumely an organizer. On January 8, 1942, the National Labor Relations Board ordered Hook to dis-establish his company union, accused Hook of violating the Wagner Act by vilifying, ridiculing and denouncing unions, the C.I.O., and labor organizers; espionage of union meetings, pilfering labor records; threatening workers; enticing workers to resign from unions; sponsoring organizations of employees devoted to combating unions. During the trial Hook's speeches before the NAM were read in which he pleaded for peace, unity, friendship with the Unions.
Colby M. Chester, and William B. Warner, respectively heads of General Foods and McCalf's magazine, both former heads of NAM, now vice-chairman and member of the executive committee of the N.I.I.C., were president and vice-president respectively of the NAM when the La Follette investigation found it guilty of employing an army of spies, attacking the Wagner Act, and being the "fountainhead of attacks on labor." NAM AGAINST VICTORY
On September 17, 1942, the resolutions committee of the National Association of Manufacturers met in a secret session at the Hotel Pennsylvania, New York, to prepare a program for the December NAM convention. What took place in that closed meeting amounts to a conspiracy against the government, against the people, and against winning the war. The objectives of the NAM, overriding all other considerations, are: more profits, now and after the war, the destruction of the labor movement, and the wiping out of all New Deal progress.
The delegates heard its research expert, Dr. Claude Robinson, report that the public, when asked which group was most guilty of war profiteering, was answering: big business, 49%; government officials, 40%; labor leaders, 11%. To the question as to what was the main concern of the people today, the answers were predominantly: "The winning of the war; next important, unemployment in the postwar period." The NAM delegates, after considerable discussion, then took their stand -- directly opposed to that of the people as reported to them: Thirty-five delegates voted for dealing with war and postwar problems on an equal basis, fifteen for emphasizing "winning the war" while dealing with postwar issues, and only three for "winning the war" as the only problem for 1943.
Here are some of the things said at their closed meeting of the NAM resolutions committee:
"When James D. Cunningham, president of Republic Flow Meters Co., urged the NAM 1943 program to stick to one issue, winning the war, because "if we don't win the war, there won't be a postwar," Lammot DuPont, chairman of the board of E.I. DuPont de Nemours & Co., Liberty Leaguer, supporter of native fascist organizations, replied:
"Deal with the government and the rest of the squawkers the way you deal with a buyer in a seller's market! If the buyer wants to buy, he has to meet your price. Nineteen hundred and twenty-nine to 1942 was the buyer's market -- we had to sell on their terms. When the war is over, it will be a buyer's market again. But this is a seller's market. They want what we've got. Good. Make them pay the right price for it. The price isn't unfair or unreasonable. And if they don't like the price, why don't they think it over?"
"The way to view the issue is this: Are there common denominators for winning the war and the peace? 1f there are, then, we should deal with both in 1943. What are they? We will win the war (a) by reducing taxes on corporations, high income brackets, and increasing taxes on lower incomes; (b) by removing the unions from any power to tell industry how to produce, how to deal with their employers, or anything else; (c) by destroying any and all government agencies that stand in the way of free enterprise."
DuPont's voice was the dominating one at the sessions. The chairman of the committee was Crawford of Thompson Products.
Others who took a leading part were Rand, who was once the chairman of Charles E. Coughlin's Committee for the Nation and Luther B. Stein, southern bourbon and official of the Belknap Hardware Co. Certain important financial and industrial organizations were not represented. These include J.P. Morgan, Rockefeller, Chrysler, General Electric and Westinghouse interests. Several others, who were represented, opposed the program dictated in the main by DuPont and Crawford.
Other notable utterances by delegates not yet publicly named:
"If we are to come out of this war with a Marxist brand of National Socialism, then I say negotiate peace now and bring Adolf over here to run the show. He knows how. He's efficient. He can do a better job than any of us can and a damned sight better job than Roosevelt, who is nothing but a left-wing bungling amateur."
"We've got Roosevelt on the run. We licked production and the Axis is licking him. The finger points where it belongs. We'll keep him on the run. Let's spend some real money this year, what the hell! -- it'll only cost us 20 percent, the rest would go in taxes anyway."
A big business delegate told of being asked by F.D.R. to join an unofficial economic committee of five to work out postwar plans, involving visits abroad. "I kidded Washington along until I found out all I wanted to know and then begged off because of other activities," he laughed.
A lot of other things were said, all heading up to the great conspiracy being engineered now by the NAM, which it intends to carry on to the next election. This includes:
A fight against management-labor committees (credited by government officials with a prominent part in getting war production going); driving women out of industry after the war; freeing Wall Street speculation from all restrictions; a propaganda program in high schools and colleges; wiping out of all social agencies set up under the New Deal. Together with this program goes the clear threat to sabotage war production, and to seize on every development to undermine the President's prestige, unless the NAM's demands for taxes that make the poor pay for the war are met.
The facts of the NAM's secret meeting, of which the foregoing is a partial and necessarily inadequate summary, have not appeared in the commercial press, although they are known to all the news agencies and to every newspaper editor in the country.
As forecast by this secret meeting, the NAM convened and elected Frederick C. Crawford president for 1943. This is the man who keeps a picture of President Roosevelt hanging upside down in his office next to a picture of Mrs. Roosevelt with a pipe in her mouth. He also keeps a loaded shotgun and tells people he'll use it if any legislation is passed which he does not like. This is the same Crawford who told his colleagues of the NAM:
"We are fighting for our freedom. Freedom from renegotiation of contracts. Freedom from Pansy Perkins. Freedom from Prostituting Attorney Arnold. Freedom from the Alice-in Wonderland War Labor Board. Freedom from that ... (unprintable) gentleman on the hill."
As The Pilot said, "Crawford's fighting a war, but it's a war against the American people and against the coming defeat of Hitler."
Crawford has violated the Wagner Act and has been forced by several N.L.R.B. decisions to stop using spies, stop employing a company union, stop interfering with unionization. But the government did not make him hire union men at 8¢ more per hour than non-union men, and therefore there were many machines in his Cleveland plant, which make valves for airplanes, which stood idle.
Workmen pasted stickers on them. These read: "This machine works for Hitler."
So do many of the biggest men in the National Association of Manufacturers.
Lobby Investigation Report (Senator Black).
Garrett Committee Report.
Committee on Education and Labor (La Follette Committee) 76th Congress, Senate Report No. 6, Part 6 (especially pp. 159, 162-3).
Investigation of Concentration of Economic Power, T.N.E.C., Monograph 26.