House of Bush, House of Saud, by Craig Unger

"Science," the Greek word for knowledge, when appended to the word "political," creates what seems like an oxymoron. For who could claim to know politics? More complicated than any game, most people who play it become addicts and die without understanding what they were addicted to. The rest of us suffer under their malpractice as our "leaders." A truer case of the blind leading the blind could not be found. Plumb the depths of confusion here.

Re: House of Bush, House of Saud, by Craig Unger

Postby admin » Wed Nov 27, 2013 5:25 am

CHAPTER FIFTEEN: Print the Legend

In America, many forces battle to shape our collective narrative. Nowhere is this conflict addressed more elegantly than in The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance, the epic Western movie directed in 1962 by the great John Ford. The story is told as a flashback, with the idealistic character played by Jimmy Stewart recounting to a newspaper reporter how he came to the small Western town of Shinbone many years earlier as a naive tenderfoot. Because he dared to challenge and duel a vicious bandit, Stewart has become mythologized as "the man who shot Liberty Valance." He has since gone on to become a U.S. senator and a national icon.

Jimmy Stewart's character, Ransom Stoddard, is unable to live with a lie, however, and he decides to tell the reporter the truth. The reporter, Maxwell Scott, listens intently as Stoddard demystifies himself with the startling revelation that he did not really shoot Liberty Valance. It was John Wayne, hiding in the shadows.

But as Stewart finishes, Scott dramatically rises to his feet and, with a flourish, starts tearing up his notes.

"You're not going to use the story, Mr. Scott?" Stewart asks.

"No, sir," Scott says. "This is the West, sir. And when the legend becomes fact, print the legend." [1]


When it comes to 9/11, for the most part, America has printed the legend. Because Al Qaeda's attacks seemingly came out of the blue, a simplistic narrative has emerged: America good, terrorists bad. Stand behind the president. It is a story line that holds some unassailable truths. Heroic firemen, police officers, and others gave their lives so that their fellow citizens might live. But, as put forth by the Bush administration, the official narrative allows little room for complexity and none for doubt.

Yet the real story is full of startling paradoxes and subtle nuances and they have started to come into view. In the wake of the attacks, reports on the Saudi role in fostering terrorism have gradually made their way into the American press. Allegations that specific members of the royal family, or members of the Saudi merchant elite, had prior knowledge of 9/11 or knowingly financed Al Qaeda are grave charges indeed, and should not be made unless they can be backed up by strong evidence. Some of these questions may be answered in the $1-trillion civil suit brought by families of the victims of 9/11 against hundreds of individuals and entities, many of whom are prominent Saudis. The case had not yet come to trial as this book went to press.

As to exactly how guilty the Saudis have been in aiding terror, Richard Clarke sees a spectrum of complicity. "Some of them were clearly sympathetic to Al Qaeda," he says. "Some of them thought that if they allowed a certain degree of cooperation with Al Qaeda, Al Qaeda would leave them alone. And some of them were merely reacting in a knee-jerk, instinctive way to what they believed was interference in their internal affairs." [2]

But there is also the sin of omission -- the failure to crack down on terrorists -- and on that score there is no ambiguity about the role played by America's great ally in the Middle East. The evidence is overwhelming that the House of Saud did little to stem the rise of Islamist terror that started in the mid-nineties, that it continued to finance terrorists, inadvertently or otherwise, and that it refused to cooperate with the United States again and again -- even after the events of 9/11.

In his address to the nation just after the catastrophe, Bush promised, "We will make no distinction between the terrorists who committed these acts and those who harbor them."

How does the president reconcile this solemn vow with his alliance with a state that bears more responsibility for 9/11 than does any other nation? He does not. The most cogent explanation for the Bush administration's soft line toward the Saudis is best expressed by Richard Clarke. "There's a realization that we have to work with the government we've got in Saudi Arabia," Clarke says. "The alternatives could be far worse. The most likely replacement to the House of Saud is likely to be more hostile -- in fact, extremely hostile to the U.S." [3]

Clarke is right, of course. Nevertheless, if the House of Saud were a genuine ally, the Bush administration could have pressured it about the Saudi role in terrorism, aggressively gone after Al Qaeda after the USS Cole bombing, and still maintained a productive alliance. But that didn't happen, and other explanations for Bush's pro-Saudi policies are less benign. "It's always been very clear that there are deep ties between the Bush family and the Saudis," says Charles Lewis, head of the Center for Public Integrity, a Washington, D.C., foundation that examines issues of ethics in government. "It creates a credibility problem. When it comes to the war on terror, a lot of people have to be wondering why we are concerned about some countries and not others. Why does Saudi Arabia get a pass?" [4]

Is it a factor that more than $1.4 billion has made its way from the House of Saud to individuals and entities tied to the House of Bush? "You would be less inclined to do anything forceful or dynamic if you are tied in with them financially," says Lewis, addressing the particular issue of Bush-Saudi ties within the Carlyle Group. "That's common sense."

Even if the president were somehow immune to the fact that in large measure he owed both his personal and political fortunes to the Saudis, it would be astonishing if he did not fall prey to a kind of groupthink as to who they really were. How could George W. Bush possibly perceive that policies hailed as great successes in the short run were actually so deeply flawed that in the long run they could lead to a catastrophe such as 9/11? To do so would require breaking a taboo. After all, the men he had grown up with -- his father, James Baker -- were giants. They were not only his elders, they were the most powerful men on earth. Surely, it was not possible for him to imagine that Prince Bandar and Princess Haifa, such longtime friends of the family, could have been connected to the disaster. After Newsweek reported that Princess Haifa's donations had ended up in the bank account of a Saudi who helped two of the 9/11 hijackers, the Bush family reaction was revealing. Not only did the White House fail to call for an investigation, but the Bushes rallied to her side. First Lady Laura Bush called Princess Haifa to express her sympathies. Bush senior and his wife, Barbara, did so as well. "I felt horribly about the attacks on her," the elder Bush told the New Yorker. [5]

Nor did the news hurt Prince Bandar's relationship with the president himself. When Bandar arrived at the West Wing of the White House on December 3, 2002, just after the revelations, to meet with Condoleezza Rice, President Bush dropped by and insisted that Bandar join the family for dinner. [6]


In one respect, however, President Bush has not followed so resolutely in the footsteps of his father. In the immediate aftermath of 9/11, Bush temporarily resisted the urge to attack Saddam Hussein. But by early 2002, the White House had begun rattling sabers at Iraq. To the hard-line, militaristic, neocon faction in the administration, 9/11 presented an opening to execute their grandiose plan for overhauling the entire Middle East. The ascendancy of the neocons also meant that for the first time a militantly anti-Saudi bloc had a voice in the Bush administration -- a stance that would have appalled Bush senior and James Baker. On July 10, 2002, an incendiary Pentagon briefing, by Rand Corporation analyst Laurent Murawiec, even characterized Saudi Arabia as "a kernel of evil, the prime mover, the most dangerous opponent" of the United States.

Murawiec, who was invited to give the briefing to the Defense Policy Board by Richard Perle, asserted that "The Saudis are active at every level of the terror chain, from planners to financiers, from cadre to foot-soldier, from ideologist to cheerleader. ... Saudi Arabia supports our enemies and attacks our allies." [7]

Much of this was old news to Saudi critics. But then Murawiec went too far. One of the last slides of his presentation argued for a takeover of Saudi Arabia's most precious resources: "What the House of Saud holds dear can be targeted: Oil: the oil fields are defended by U.S. forces, and located in a mostly Shiite area." [8]

In the widely reported furor that followed, the White House frantically assured the Saudis that the briefing in no way represented administration policy and was not to be taken seriously.

While the rogue briefing created friction, the Bush-Saudi relationship was under greater strain for another reason. Bush's campaign against Iraq was in full swing. On August 26, 2002, Dick Cheney addressed the issue at the Veterans of Foreign Wars national convention. "Simply stated, there is no doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction," he said. [9] An American invasion, however, would create real problems for the Saudis. How could the House of Saud support "infidel" U.S. troops in a neighboring Arab country?

Yet two weeks later, on September 12, President Bush himself took the issue to the United Nations. "Right now, Iraq is expanding and improving facilities that were used for the production of biological weapons," he declared in a speech before the General Assembly. [10]

As 2002 drew to an end, the noose drew tighter around Iraq. "If he declares he has [no weapons of mass destruction], then we will know that Saddam Hussein is once again misleading the world," said presidential press secretary Ari Fleischer at a December 2 press briefing. [11]

That same day, the administration announced the appointment of Elliott Abrams as special assistant to the president and senior director for Near East and North African affairs, with responsibilities in the National Security Council that included overseeing Arab-Israeli relations. A controversial figure in the Reagan Bush era who pleaded guilty in 1987 to withholding information from Congress during the Iran-contra hearings, Abrams was later pardoned by George H. W. Bush in 1992. His appointment was widely seen as a victory for the hard-line neocon camp that was opposed to pursuing the "road map" to peace in the Middle East -- the same road map that President Bush had agreed to follow after his rapprochement with the Saudis mere days before 9/11.

In February 2003, as American troops massed in Qatar for an Iraqi invasion, Abrams cleaned house at the NSC. According to Yossef Bodansky, director of the Congressional Task Force on Terror and Unconventional Warfare, Abrams called over Ben Miller, a highly regarded analyst who had the Iraqi file at the NSC, and "led Miller to an open window and told him to jump."

"That's his [Abrams's] management style," Bodansky told UPI. [12] Miller, of course, did not jump. But he was fired by Abrams, and two other officials, Flynt Leverett and Hillary Mann, were fired at about the same time. Miller's departure was especially significant in that he was sympathetic to CIA analysts who were less intent on war with Iraq. According to Tony Cordesman, Middle East specialist at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Miller, Mann, and Leverett "were among the saner minds discussing the Arab-Israeli issue."

Even before Abrams installed hard-liners at the NSC, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld had set up a new agency called the Office of Special Plans to make sure intelligence that supported the imminent invasion of Iraq made its way to the highest levels of the administration. What was taking place was the creation of what the New Yorker's Seymour Hersh dubbed "the stovepipe" -- an institutionalized means for funneling upward selectively chosen intelligence to serve ideological ends. According to Kenneth Pollack, a former National Security Council specialist on Iraq, who supported military action to oust Saddam, Bush officials dismantled "the existing filtering process that for fifty years had been preventing the policy makers from getting bad information. They created stovepipes to get the information they wanted directly to the top leadership. Their position is that the professional bureaucracy is deliberately and maliciously keeping information from them. [13]

"They always had information to back up their public claims, but it was often very bad information," Pollack continued. "They were forcing the intelligence community to defend its good information and good analysis so aggressively that the intelligence analysts didn't have the time or the energy to go after the bad information."

As all these events were taking place, the man who was best qualified to lead a real war on terror decided he had had enough. On February 21, 2003, Richard Clarke resigned from the Bush administration. Three weeks later, he was asked how he was adjusting to leaving government. "I already don't miss it," he said. Then he elaborated. "You know that great feeling you get when you stop banging your head against a wall?" [14]

Having excluded from the decision-making process the government officials who knew the most about Iraq -- certain CIA analysts and State Department officials who had studied it for years -- the United States went to war against Iraq on March 19, 2003, based on a wide variety of startlingly false assumptions. Allegations that Iraq's nuclear weapons program was alive and well turned out to be based on forged documents from Niger. Charges about Iraq's role in 9/11 or its links to Al Qaeda turned out to be wildly exaggerated or baseless. The premise for the preemptive strike -- that Saddam's weapons of mass destruction posed an immediate threat to the United States -- appears to have been completely false.

The policy makers in the Bush administration also grandly assumed and asserted that U.S. soldiers would be greeted by the Iraqi masses with flowers as conquering heroes; that after a short, low-intensity occupation of three months or so, democracy would flourish; that the deep-seated historical antagonisms among Shiites, Baathists, and Kurds would not create postwar conflict; that Iraqi oil production could be dramatically boosted from 3 million barrels a day to 6 million; that the invasion would create a reverse domino effect in which one autocratic regime after another in Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Iran would fall, paving the way for a new democratic Middle East.

Even though fighting continued after the U.S. military victory, many Americans, temporarily at least, saw the war as a qualified success. When the war on terror began, President Bush had framed the hunt for bin Laden in the terms of the old American West: Bin Laden, Wanted Dead or Alive. Now, by constantly harping on Saddam's links to terrorism, the Bush administration had succeeded in switching villains to the extent that 70 percent of Americans ultimately believed Saddam Hussein was linked to 9/11.

At the same time that the White House put forth this misleading impression, it made sure that other pieces of the terrorism puzzle were suppressed. In July 2003, Congress released a nine-hundred-page report on 9/11. But the Bush administration refused to declassify important passages, including a twenty-eight-page section dealing with the Saudis, and as a result those pages were deleted. According to Senator Bob Graham, the reason was simple. "They are protecting a foreign government," he said. Time reported that blacked-out pages produced "the smell of a cover-up of complicity in the worst terrorist attack in U.S. history." [15]

Soon, however, the White House regained control of the narrative, thanks to another spectacle, the capture of Saddam on December 13, 2003, which appeared to have satisfied America's desire for revenge. Yet as 2003 drew to a close, American soldiers continued to die -- in bombings, shootings, and missile attacks on helicopters. Far from coming to fruition, the neocons' rosy scenario of a newly democratic Iraq had inarguably devolved into a bloody, ongoing, and costly adventure that widened the potential for historically disastrous American involvement in the region. After the capture of Saddam Hussein, violence in Iraq continued. Thousands of Islamist militants kept flooding through Iraq's porous borders. "Iranians have some fifteen thousand, perhaps twenty thousand armed, trained, and intelligence-equipped Hezbollah-style [militants] inside Iraq," says Youssef Ibrahim, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the managing director of the Dubai-based Strategic Energy Investment Group. "They are successfully infiltrating the Iraqi intelligence and the U.S. intelligence system, gathering information and preparing." [16]

Few in the United States liked to admit it, but by switching the venue of America's response to 9/11 to Iraq, the United States may have inadvertently played directly into Al Qaeda's and Osama bin Laden's hands. More than twenty years earlier, bin Laden had gone to Afghanistan to lure another superpower into a land war inside a Muslim country. America's Cold Warriors had cackled with glee when the Soviets took the bait, and the long and brutal war that ensued helped lead to the demise of the Soviet empire. In the mountains of Afghanistan, Osama bin Laden had learned that he and his band of impassioned warriors could defeat a superpower in a guerilla war. And for George H. W. Bush, it had been his finest hour.

Is it possible that the United States has stepped into the same trap, that this time around we are the Soviets? Is it possible that in terms of the geopolitical chessboard, putting 135,000 American troops in a land war in a Muslim country was not a smart move? According to Ibrahim, far from being in control of Iraq, the American troops may actually be closer to being hostages. "The Iranians think they've got American forces 'surrounded' inside Iraq -- not the other way around," he says. [17]

In fact, more than two years after 9/11, Osama bin Laden has fared far better than the Bush administration likes to admit. Bin Laden's jihad against the United States includes two specific two goals: the complete removal of U.S. troops from Saudi Arabia and the overthrow of the House of Saud. In May 2003, after the Iraq War started, Osama's first wish came true, as the small number of U.S. soldiers left the Arabian peninsula, in part to ease pressure on the Saudi regime from militants. On December 17, the State Department warned American families to leave Saudi Arabia because it was no longer safe for them to live there. Then, two weeks later, Osama bin Laden issued an audiotape, broadcast on Aljazeera TV, referring to the recent capture of Saddam Hussein and calling on Muslims to "continue the jihad to check the conspiracies that are hatched against the Islamic nation."

As for bin Laden's second wish, for decades, observers have prematurely predicted the demise of the House of Saud. At this writing, the House of Saud may or may not be experiencing its last days, but at the very least, the kingdom has entered a historic new era. In the past, Al Qaeda's attacks in Saudi Arabia have been aimed at foreigners rather than the House of Saud itself. But beginning with a bombing in Riyadh on May 12, 2003, a low-intensity civil war had begun. "There is now an openly declared war by Al Qaeda within the kingdom," says Ibrahim, who was the Middle East correspondent for the New York Times for many years. "Stability and security have gone by the wayside. You have a regime that is manifestly unable to deliver on its promises, and even unable to defend the expatriates living there."

And with the advent of Aljazeera's Qatar-based satellite TV news, non-state-controlled, non-Saudi voices are fanning the flames. Caught between its exposure to the West and the puritanical strain of Islam that controls its most powerful political institutions, a division embodied by Crown Prince Abdullah, who still believes the country has to crack down on terrorists and accommodate the West, and Interior Minister Prince Nayef, who leans toward the militant clerics, the House of Saud is in a state of paralysis. Initiating timid reforms while fearful of plunging the country into strife, the kingdom has no clear path to follow. As 2004 began, Saudi Arabia was being torn apart from the inside. "Not to be too melodramatic about it, but it is High Noon," says Ibrahim.

And for the moment, if the House of Saud were to be toppled, there is no alternative political force except militant clerics who are sympathetic to Osama bin Laden -- not exactly a pleasant prospect.

In American policy circles, wild scenarios abound for dealing with such a crisis, including the seizure of Saudi oil fields by the American military. Perhaps not coincidentally, a 1973 U.S. plan to do exactly that surfaced on January 1, 2004. It should be noted, however, that such a course of action is far easier to talk about than to execute. "You cannot take over oil fields," explains Ibrahim, noting continuing attacks on the fields in Iraq during the current American occupation. "They are too vast and too vulnerable, both under the ground and over the ground. All it takes is a match."

If the past is any guide, if a militant Islamic fundamentalist regime were to take over Saudi Arabia, the prognosis is not pretty. In 1979, in Iran, when fundamentalists overturned the pro Western shah and ended up with control of the oil fields, the price of oil skyrocketed. The same outcome could occur again, and this time the whole picture would be complicated by the fact that the Saudis control one-fourth of the known oil reserves in the world. In addition, rapidly escalating oil consumption in China and the rest of Asia will only increase competition among America's rivals for those resources. Thus, the relationship between the House of Bush and the House of Saud appears to be coming to a difficult end -- at a time when the steady supply of oil for America is more vulnerable than ever to the highly volatile forces of Islamic fundamentalism.

How the United States will deal with these twin threats -- Islamist terror and the potential loss of its most important source of energy -- is one of the great issues the country will confront in the immediate future. As for terrorism, it may be that even if President Bush had implemented Richard Clarke's proposals to take on Al Qaeda, such measures would not have stopped 9/11. We will never know. But switching the villain from Osama bin Laden to Saddam Hussein and Iraq appears to have been a dangerous and costly diversion at best.

And it is undeniable that a new American vision is needed. But it is unlikely to come from an administration that in December 2003 appointed James Baker to oversee the "restructuring" of Iraq's $100-billion-plus debt, which includes $25 billion owed to Iraq's biggest creditor, none other than the House of Saud. Moreover, it is difficult to believe that the answers can come from a man in the White House whose personal and political fortunes, from Harken Energy to the Carlyle Group, are so deeply entwined with the House of Saud, whose extended political family has taken in more than $1.4 billion from the Saudis, whose relationship with them goes back more than two decades, and who apparently feels so indebted to the House of Saud that he has censored twenty-eight pages in Congress's 9/11 report as if the billionaire Saudi royals are somehow more worthy of the government's concern than are the victims of 9/11.

Meanwhile, as the 2004 presidential campaign gets under way, President Bush has assiduously cultivated an image as an indomitable commander-in-chief who remains unassailable on the issue of national security -- an image that is belied by one incontrovertible fact: Never before has an American president been so closely tied to a foreign power that harbors and supports our country's mortal enemies.


1. The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance, screenplay by James Warner Bellah and Willis Goldbeck, story by Dorothy M. Johnson, directed by John Ford.
2. Interview with Richard Clarke.
3. Ibid.
4. Interview with Charles Lewis.
5. Elsa Walsh, "The Prince: How the Saudi Ambassador Became Washington's Indispensable Operator," New Yorker, March 24, 2003.
6. Romesh Ratnesar, "A Twist of the Arm; Pushing Saudi Arabia to Up Its Antiterrorism Efforts, the U.S. Is Telling Riyadh It's Next on al-Qaeda's List," Time, December 9, 2002, p. 45.
7. Jack Shafer, "The PowerPoint That Rocked the Pentagon," Slate, August 7, 2002.
8. Ibid.
9. Dick Cheney, speech to Veterans of Foreign Wars convention, August 26, 2002, .
10. President George W. Bush, Speech to UN General Assembly, September 12, 2002, ... 912-1.html .
11. Ari Fleischer, press briefing, December 2,2002, ... 202-6.html .
12. Richard Sale, "Staff Change Means Mideast Policy Shift," United Press International, February 26, 2003.
13. Ibid.
14. Seymour Hersh, "The Stovepipe," New Yorker, October 27, 2003, .
15. Lisa Beyer et al., "Inside the Kingdom," Time, September 15, 2003, p. 38.
16. Interview with Youssef Ibrahim.
17. Ibid.
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Re: House of Bush, House of Saud, by Craig Unger

Postby admin » Wed Nov 27, 2013 5:29 am


House of Bush

James A. Baker III -- Former presidential chief of staff, secretary of state, and secretary of the treasury, James Baker is a senior counselor and partner at the Carlyle Group, which had many Saudi investors, including members of the bin Laden family and, according to his attorney, Abdulrahman bin Mahfouz as well. Baker is also a partner at Baker Botts, the powerful energy-industry law firm whose clients include members of the Saudi royal family, Exxon-Mobil, ARCO, Schlumberger, BP Amoco, Halliburton, and other major energy companies. The firm defended Saudi royals, including Prince Bandar's father, Prince Sultan, in a $1-trillion lawsuit brought by families of the 9/11 victims. Baker's business links to the Saudis date back to 1981, when Khalid bin Mahfouz helped develop a seventy-five-story office building for the Texas Commerce Bank, in which Baker owned more than $7 million in stock. In late 2003, George W. Bush assigned Baker the task of reconciling the massive debt compiled by Iraq, whose biggest creditor was Saudi Arabia.

George H. W. Bush -- The forty-first president of the United States, Bush has been close friends with Prince Bandar for more than twenty years. Both were key figures in the Iran-contra scandal in the eighties and, along with James Baker, they waged the Gulf War together in 1991. An independent Texas oilman before he entered politics, after his presidency Bush served as senior adviser to the Carlyle Group until October 2003, and spoke before potential investors in Carlyle, including prominent Saudis. After his son became president, he attempted to mollify Crown Prince Abdullah to heal a rift between the Saudis and the White House in the summer of 2001.

George W. Bush -- The forty-third president of the United States, Bush also started out as an independent oilman in Texas. When he was director of Harken Energy, the company was bailed out by Saudis and other investors with links to BCCI, the corrupt, Saudi-dominated bank in which Khalid bin Mahfouz was the largest shareholder. During his presidency, approximately 140 Saudis, including Prince Ahmed and about two dozen members of the bin Laden family, were evacuated immediately after the events of 9/11 with White House approval -- without having been seriously questioned.

Frank Carlucci -- Former secretary of defense and managing director and chairman emeritus at the Carlyle Group, Carlucci helped build Carlyle into a defense-industry powerhouse by buying defense companies whose prices were depressed after the end of the Cold War. "I've made it clear that I don't lobby the defense industry," Carlucci said after a meeting with his old Princeton wrestling teammate Donald Rumsfeld, who had just become the newly appointed secretary of defense.

The Carlyle Group -- The giant private equity firm that became a home to James Baker, George H. W. Bush, Frank Carlucci, Richard Darman, John Major, and other powerful figures from the Reagan-Bush era, Carlyle now owns companies with assets of more than $16 billion. An element in its ascendancy has been its lucrative relationships with the Saudis, including Saudi royals, the bin Ladens, and the bin Mahfouz family, both as investors and as clients for defense contractors owned by Carlyle.

Dick Cheney -- Vice president of the United States under George W. Bush, Cheney had been a prominent Republican congressman and served as secretary of defense under Bush senior during the Gulf War. As CEO of Halliburton between 1995 and 2000, Cheney received $34 million in compensation during his last year at the company and became vice president without relinquishing more than 400,000 stock options in it.

Donald Rumsfeld -- In 1983 and 1984, as a presidential envoy for the Reagan-Bush administration, Rumsfeld met Saddam Hussein and assured Iraqi leaders that even though the United States would publicly denounce Iraq for using chemical weapons, the issue should not interfere with developing a warm relationship between the two countries. In 2002, however, he turned against Saddam and led the war against Iraq the following year.

House of Saud

Crown Prince Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz -- The de facto ruler of Saudi Arabia and heir to the throne now held by King Fahd, Prince Abdullah threatened the Bush administration with ending the special Saudi-U.S. relationship just before 9/11.

Prince Ahmed bin Salman -- A nephew of King Fahd's who is best known as the owner of 2002 Kentucky Derby winner War Emblem and other great racehorses, Prince Ahmed was named by Al Qaeda boss Abu Zubaydah as the terror group's contact within the House of Saud. Zubaydah also said that Ahmed had foreknowledge that Al Qaeda would attack inside the United States on 9/11. Shortly after 9/11, Ahmed left the United States as part of the White House-approved evacuation of Saudis. He died of a heart attack at age forty-three not long after the Saudis were informed of Zubaydah's allegations. He was a son of Prince Salman bin Abdul Aziz, the governor of Riyadh, who is one of the relatively pro West Sudairi Seven, but who had a close working relationship with Osama bin Laden back in the eighties.

Abdullah Taha Bakhsh -- A major investor in Harken Energy, the struggling oil company of which George W. Bush was a director, Bakhsh was one of several people who had ties to BCCI and came to Harken's rescue when Bush's father was president. His representative on Harken's board, Talat Othman, later gained President George H. W. Bush's ear in the lead-up to Operation Desert Storm in 1990, and ten years later addressed the GOP convention at which George W. Bush was nominated. Bakhsh is a Saudi real estate magnate ith ties to Khalid bin Mahfouz.

Prince Bandar bin Sultan -- The longtime ambassador to the United States and close friend of George H. W. Bush and his family, Prince Bandar went on vacations and hunting trips with the elder Bush and also waged war with him and participated in covert operations. He oversaw the evacuation of approximately 140 Saudis, including members of the royal family, just after 9/11. He once remarked, "If the reputation ... builds that the Saudis take care of friends when they leave office, you'd be surprised how much better friends you have who are just coming into office." Bandar has reportedly been an investor in the Carlyle Group with the elder George Bush. He gave $1 million to the George H. W. Bush Presidential Library and a $1- million painting to President George W Bush. He is a nephew of King Fahd.

King Fahd bin Abdul Aziz -- nominal ruler of Saudi Arabia, incapacitated by a 1995 stroke. Half brother of Crown Prince Abdullah and uncle of Prince Bandar.

Princess Haifa bint Faisal -- Prince Bandar's wife, Princess Haifa indirectly and seemingly unwittingly may have provided funds to two of the 9/11 hijackers. After Newsweek's revelations about her role in the funding, both Laura Bush and former president Bush called to console her.

Khalid bin Mahfouz -- A billionaire Saudi banker, bin Mahfouz joined Salem bin Laden in creating the Houston-Jeddah connection through James Bath. A major shareholder in BCCI and longtime owner of the National Commercial Bank of Saudi Arabia, bin Mahfouz was for many years the most powerful banker in the kingdom. He helped develop a seventy-five-story skyscraper in Houston for the Texas Commerce Bank, in which James Baker was a major shareholder. When he was the biggest shareholder at BCCI, various individuals and entities linked to BCCI helped bailout Harken Energy, where George W. Bush was a director. According to the family attorney, two of his sons invested $30 million in the Carlyle Group. Khalid was also on the Golden Chain, the list of wealthy Arabs who helped fund Al Qaeda at its inception. He founded Muwafaq (Blessed Relief), which the U.S. Treasury Department called "an al Qaeda front that transfers millions from wealthy Saudis to Bin Laden."

Salem bin Laden -- Osama's half brother and longtime manager of the Saudi Binladin Group, Salem was a contemporary and friend of Khalid bin Mahfouz, the billionaire Saudi banker. The two men began establishing contacts in the United States through James R. Bath, a Texas Air National Guard buddy of George W. Bush. Salem died in a 1988 plane crash.

The Sudairi Seven -- King Abdul Aziz, the founder of modern Saudi Arabia, had forty-three sons and the Sudairi Seven refers to the seven sons by his favored wife. They include King Fahd; Defense Minister Prince Sultan, who is Prince Bandar's father; Riyadh governor Prince Salman, who is the father of the late Prince Ahmed; Interior Minister Prince Nayef; business leader Prince Abdul Rahman; Prince Ahmad; and Prince Turki bin Abdul Aziz, who is not to be confused with Prince Turki bin Faisal, the longtime minister of intelligence. This powerful faction within the ruling family is considered pro-West, save for Prince Nayef, who maintains close relations with militant clergy and has blamed the events of 9/11 on Zionists.

Other Key Players

Sami Al-Arian -- A professor at the University of South Florida who campaigned for George Bush and later visited him in the White House, Al-Arian was allegedly a member of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad. In 2003, he was arrested on dozens of charges, among them conspiracy to finance terrorist attacks that killed more than a hundred people, including two Americans.

James Bath -- Beginning in the mid-seventies, the Houston-based Bath served as business representative for Salem bin Laden, Osama's older brother and the head of the Saudi Binladin Group, and billionaire banker Khalid bin Mahfouz. Bath also served in the Texas Air National Guard with George W. Bush and knew the elder George Bush, James Baker, and John Connally. A key figure in introducing the Saudis to the United States, he was also an investor in Arbusto, George W. Bush's first oil company.

Richard Clarke -- The nation's first counterterrorism czar as head of the National Security Council's Coordinating Subgroup. Appointed initially to the NSC by George H. W. Bush, Clarke rose to power under Clinton. He devised an early and forceful strategy to confront Al Qaeda but his plans were largely ignored by the administration of George W. Bush.

Grover Norquist -- A powerful conservative strategist, Norquist invented the Muslim Strategy to win the votes of millions of Muslim Americans through alliances between George W. Bush and Islamic extremists such as Sami Al-Arian and Abdurahman Alamoudi. "George W. Bush was elected President of the United States of America because of the Muslim vote," he wrote in the right-wing publication American Spectator. "... That's right," he added, "the Muslim vote."

Osama bin Laden -- Scion to the multibillion-dollar bin Laden construction fortune and archterrorist of the early twenty-first century, Osama bin Laden rose to prominence in the 1980s as a leader of the "Afghan Arabs" fighting the Soviets in the Afghanistan War. Originally backed by the House of Saud, the Saudi merchant elite including the bin Mahfouz and bin Laden families, and the United States, he launched a jihad against the United States after American troops went to Saudi Arabia for the Gulf War of 1991. As the leader of Al Qaeda, he has been charged with orchestrating attacks on U.S. embassies in Nairobi and Tanzania, bombing the USS Cole, and perpetrating the 9/11 attacks among many other terrorist acts.

Abu Zubaydah -- High-ranking Al Qaeda leader who was captured in March 2002 and who, while being interrogated, asserted that Prince Ahmed bin Salman, the wealthy racehorse owner and nephew of King Fahd, was an intermediary between Al Qaeda and the royal family. Zubaydah tried to strangle himself when he realized that he had been tricked by the agents who were interrogating him.


1924 -- George H. W. Bush is born on June 12.
1938 -- The first oil deposits are discovered in Saudi Arabia.
1945 -- President Franklin D. Roosevelt meets King Abdul Aziz of Saudi Arabia aboard the USS Quincy in the Suez Canal on Valentine's Day, initiating the modern U.S.-Saudi relationship based on oil for security.
1946 -- George W. Bush is born on July 6.
1957 -- Osama bin Laden is born on March 10.
1966 -- George H. W. Bush sells his shares in Zapata, his oil company, for $1 million and embarks on a career in politics.
1968 -- Billionaire Saudi construction mogul Mohammed bin Laden dies in a plane crash, leaving his son Osama a large inheritance.
1970 -- U.S. oil production peaks and begins a decades-long decline, while American oil consumption continues to grow, beginning a trend that leads to the nation becoming dependent on foreign oil.
1973 -- OPEC's oil embargo begins in the wake of the Arab-Israeli war.
1976 -- George W. Bush founds Arbusto, a small independent Texas oil company
1979 -- On November 4, fifty-two Americans are taken hostage when Iranian militants seize the American embassy in Tehran a few months after the shah is ousted and replaced with a fundamentalist regime.

On November 20, more than a thousand members of the Muslim Brotherhood invade Mecca and seize control of the Grand Mosque. Mahrous bin Laden is later accused of playing a role.

On December 26, the USSR invades Afghanistan. Zbigniew Brzezinski writes, "We now have the opportunity to give Russia its own Vietnam War." U.S. support for the Afghan Arabs had begun earlier that summer and would later grow to more than $700 million a year. Within days, Osama bin Laden decides to join the battle against the Soviet "infidels."

1980 -- On September 22, Iraq invades Iran, launching the Iran-Iraq War. On November 4, Ronald Reagan is elected president. George H.W. Bush becomes vice president and James Baker becomes chief of staff to the president.

1981 -- Thanks to the lobbying of Prince Bandar and the support of Vice President George H. W. Bush, the U.S. Senate narrowly approves the $5.5-billion sale of AWACS aircraft to Saudi Arabia on October 28. It is the birth of a policy that eventually sends approximately $200 billion in U.S. weapons to Saudi Arabia.

Khalid bin Mahfouz develops the seventy-five-story Texas Commerce Bank building in Houston in partnership with the bank itself, which was founded by James Baker's family. At the time Baker owns approximately $7 million of the bank's stock.

1982 -- In January, George W. Bush sells 10 percent of Arbusto, his tiny, struggling oil company to New York investor Philip Uzielli, a longtime friend of James Baker, at a grossly inflated price.

On June 13, Crown Prince Fahd bin Abdul Aziz becomes king of Saudi Arabia.

1983 -- Prince Bandar is appointed ambassador to the United States by King Fahd in October.

On December 20, Donald Rumsfeld travels to Baghdad as a presidential special envoy to meet Saddam Hussein. Although Iraq is using chemical weapons almost daily, Rumsfeld does not raise the issue with Saddam. He returns in March 1984 to assure Iraq that U.S. protests against the use of chemical weapons should not interfere with a warm relationship between the two countries.

1984 -- With the approval of Vice President George H. W. Bush, Prince Bandar begins funding the right-wing contra rebels' attempts to topple the Sandinista government in Nicaragua on June 22 even though James Baker has warned that such an arrangement may constitute an impeachable offense.

1987 -- The Carlyle Group is founded by David Rubenstein and three other partners. It will become a private-sector home to some of the great icons of the Reagan-Bush era -- George H. W. Bush, James Baker, Frank Carlucci, Richard Darman, and John Major.

1990 -- Having been bailed out by a number of people and institutions linked to BCCI, Harken Energy, the small oil company of which George W. Bush is a director, astonishes oil-industry analysts by winning a lucrative exploration contract in January to drill offshore of Bahrain.

On June 20, despite warnings from Harken's general counsel against insider trading, George W. Bush unloads 212,140 shares of Harken stock for $848,560 just before the company announces major losses.

On August 2, Iraq invades Kuwait. "This will not stand," says President George H. W. Bush. As the United States and Saudi Arabia prepare for war against Iraq, Osama bin Laden warns the House of Saud not to invite American troops into Saudi Arabia and offers his Afghan Arab warriors instead. He is rebuffed.

On September 18, the Carlyle Group buys BDM International and its subsidiary Vinnell, companies that service the Saudi Air Force and train the Saudi Arabian National Guard.

On November 5, Rabbi Meir Kahane of the right-wing Jewish Defense League is shot and killed by a militant Islamist. He is the first casualty of Al Qaeda on American soil.

1991 -- The Gulf War begins on January 16.

In June, Khalid bin Mahfouz creates the Muwafaq (Blessed Relief) organization, which is later denounced by the U.S. Treasury for allegedly funding terrorists.

1992 -- Khalid bin Mahfouz is indicted in New York on July 2, for allegedly having fraudulently obtained $300 million from BCCI depositors.

1993 -- On February 26, the World Trade Center is bombed by militants including El Sayed Nosair, the man who killed Meir Kahane.

On March 11, James A. Baker joins the Carlyle Group as one of its first seven partners.

1995 -- On November 13, a car bomb in Riyadh, widely attributed to followers of Osama bin Laden, kills seven people, including five Americans, and wounds several American advisers with Vinnell, the Carlyle-owned firm that trains the Saudi Arabian National Guard.

1996 -- On August 23, Osama bin Laden signs a declaration of jihad against the United States.

1997 -- The Carlyle Group buys United Defense, makers of the Crusader gun and the Bradley Fighting Vehicle.

1998 -- On August 7, the seventh anniversary of the arrival of U.S. troops in Saudi Arabia for the Gulf War, Al Qaeda operatives bomb U.S. embassies in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, and Nairobi, Kenya, killing about 260 and wounding 5,000. America responds less than two weeks later with cruise missile attacks on Afghanistan and Sudan.

2000 -- While campaigning for the presidency, George W. Bush and his wife, Laura, meet Sami Al-Arian and other Muslim leaders at a mosque in Tampa, Florida, on March 12. Al-Arian is later arrested and accused of being the U.S. head of the terrorist group Palestinian Islamic Jihad. In September, the neoconservative Project for a New American Century releases an influential paper, "Rebuilding America's Defenses," a blueprint for U.S. global hegemony that urges, among other things, the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. Those affiliated with PNAC include Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, and Paul Wolfowitz, all of whom will become key members of George W. Bush's administration.

On October 11, at the second presidential debate of the 2000 election, Bush wins over Arab Americans by saying he is against the use of secret evidence to prosecute alleged terrorists and that he is against racial profiling of Arab Americans.

On election day, November 7, Bush's courtship of Arab Americans pays off, particularly in Florida, where exit polls by the American Muslim Alliance say that more than 90 percent voted for Bush.

On December 12, the U.S. Supreme Court stops the recount of disputed votes in Florida, effectively awarding the presidency to George W. Bush.

On December 20, counterterrorism czar Richard Clarke presents National Security Adviser Sandy Berger with a plan to "roll back" Al Qaeda. The plan is postponed pending the arrival of the new administration, presented to the new national security adviser, Condoleezza Rice, and then ignored.

2001 -- On January 25, Richard Clarke follows up his briefing with Condoleezza Rice with a memo saying U.S. intelligence believes that there are now Al Qaeda sleeper cells in the United States.

On July 5, Clarke assembles officials from a dozen federal agencies in the White House Situation Room and tells them, "Something really spectacular is going to happen here, and it's going to happen soon. "

On August 4, Bush sets out for Crawford, Texas, on the longest presidential vacation in thirty-two years. He does not return to the White House until September 3.

On August 6, Bush, still in Crawford, is given a briefing saying that bin Laden and Al Qaeda are planning an attack on American soil.

On September 4, Richard Clarke finally meets with the Principals Committee and presents his plan to attack Al Qaeda. No action is taken.

On September 11, Al Qaeda hijacks four airplanes. Two hit the World Trade Center towers, one hits the Pentagon, and one crashes near Shanksville, Pennsylvania. Almost three thousand people are killed.

At about 2 p.m., Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld orders up plans to take out Saddam Hussein, not just Osama bin Laden. "Go massive," the notes quote Rumsfeld as saying, "sweep it all up, things related and not."

Two days later, on September 13, Prince Bandar meets President Bush for a private conversation on the Truman balcony in the White House. At the same time, a massive operation to evacuate 140 Saudis, including about two dozen members of the bin Laden family, has begun. The first flight leaves Tampa, Florida, for Lexington, Kentucky, that day.

On September 16, as part, of the White House-approved evacuation, Prince Ahmed bin Salman, a nephew of King Fahd's who is best known as the owner of famous racehorses, boards a flight in Lexington, Kentucky, to leave the United States. FBI officials meet and identify him, but he is not interrogated. Later, Al Qaeda boss Abu Zubaydah names Prince Ahmed as a liaison between Al Qaeda and the House of Saud and says that Prince Ahmed knew in advance that there would be attacks by Al Qaeda in the United States on September 11.

On September 19, Bush declares war: "Our war on terror ... will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped, and defeated." However, the Visa Express program, through which Saudis are allowed to get a visa without even appearing at a consulate, is allowed to continue.

On October 7, U.S. and British forces begin air strikes against the Taliban in Afghanistan.

2002 -- On March 31, Abu Zubaydah, a high-ranking Al Qaeda operative, is captured by Pakistani commandos, U.S. Special Forces, and FBI SWAT teams in the suburbs of Faisalabad, Pakistan.

On May 7, Prince Ahmed appears at the Kentucky Derby to see his horse War Emblem, a 20-1 shot, win.

On July 22, Prince Ahmed dies of an apparent heart attack in Riyadh at the age of forty-three. He is the first of three prominent Saudis named by Zubaydah as links between the royal family and Al Qaeda to die that week.

2003 -- On March 20, U.S forces begin bombing Baghdad.

On May 12, a suicide bomb set off by Al Qaeda kills at least 11 people in Riyadh and injures more than 120. The explosion takes place in a compound that houses mainly Arab families and is seen as a direct attack on the House of Saud rather than Westerners.

On July 25, the White House deletes twenty-eight pages in a nine-hundred-page congressional report on 9/11. According to Senator Bob Graham, the reason for the censorship was simple. "They are protecting a foreign government," he said. The government in question was clearly Saudi Arabia.

On December 13, U .S. forces capture Saddam Hussein.

On December 17, the State Department warns American families to leave Saudi Arabia. The decision has come after suicide bombings by Al Qaeda in May and November and is based on a review of the threat level to American interests in Saudi Arabia.

2004 -- On January 4, Aljazeera TV airs an audiotape purported to be from Osama bin Laden that refers to the recent capture of Saddam Hussein and calls on Muslims to "continue the jihad to check the conspiracies that are hatched against the Islamic nation." Bin Laden says the U.S. war against Iraq was the beginning of the "occupation" of Gulf states for their oil.

On January 14, the Senate Finance Committee asked the IRS for secret tax and financial records of Muslim charities and foundations, as part of a congressional probe into terrorist funding. Muslim-American leaders assailed the investigation as a "fishing expedition." "Are they now going to start a witch hunt of all the donors ... so that Muslims feel they're going to be targeted?" asked Ibrahim Hooper, a spokesman for the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR). (Dan Eggen and John Mintz, "Muslim Groups' IRS Files Sought," Washington Post, January 14, 2004.) CAIR is a member of the American Muslim Political Coordination Council, which endorsed George W. Bush in 2000.

According to the Wall Street Journal, federal banking regulators began examining tens of millions of dollars in transactions in Saudi Arabian embassy accounts at Riggs National Corp. that were not properly reported. The investigation began after reports showed that money from Princess Haifa's account at Riggs ended up with two 9/11 hijackers. Initially, the irregularities were thought to involve only a few thousand dollars. But the U.S. Treasury Department charged the bank with failing to observe money-laundering regulations that require analysis of transactions for suspicious characteristics. The Journal said that Riggs repeatedly failed "to file suspicious-activity reports" regarding tens of millions of dollars in Saudi accounts. (Glenn R. Simpson, "Probe of Saudi Embassy Widens," Wall Street Journal, January 14, 2004.) The bank is known for serving foreign embassies located in Washington. The president's uncle Jonathan Bush is the CEO of Riggs Investment, a subsidiary of the bank.

In February, the 9/11 commission continued its investigation. A source close to the commission said that it was being "stonewalled" by the Bush administration in terms of getting crucial information about the tragedy.

APPENDIX C : THE NUMBER-$1,477,100,000

What follows is a compilation of financial transactions through which individuals and entities connected with the House of Saud transferred money to individuals and entities closely tied to the House of Bush. The House of Bush is defined here as George W. Bush, George H. W. Bush, James A. Baker III, Dick Cheney, and the major institutions that they are tied to, including the George H. W. Bush Presidential Library, the Carlyle Group, and Halliburton. The House of Saud includes members of the Saudi royal family, companies controlled by them, and members of the Saudi merchant elite such as the bin Laden and bin Mahfouz families, whose fortunes are closely tied to the royal family.

The list that follows is by no means complete. It was not possible to obtain the particulars of many business dealings between the House of Bush and the House of Saud, and as a result, those figures are not included. For example, the client list of the Houston law firm of Baker Botts includes Saudi insurance companies, the Saudi American Bank, and members of the House of Saud itself, which Baker Botts is defending in the $1-trillion lawsuit filed by the families of the victims of 9/11. Because the payments made to Baker Botts are not publicly disclosed, they are not included. Likewise, Khalid bin Mahfouz was a partner in developing the Texas Commerce Bank skyscraper at a time when Baker was a major stockholder in the bank. Because the exact size of bin Mahfouz's investment could not be determined, it is not included.

It is worth adding that many other figures in the administration have close ties to Saudi Arabia through various other corporations that are not included in this list. Condoleezza Rice served on the board of directors of Chevron from 1991 to 2001. Among Chevron's business links to Saudi Arabia -- which date back to the 1930s -- are a 50 percent stake in Chevron Phillips Saudi Arabia to build a $650-million benzene and cyclohexane plant in Jubail, Saudi Arabia, and a joint venture with Nimir Petroleum, a Saudi company in which Khalid bin Mahfouz is a principal. These figures are not included. Finally, the Carlyle Group has owned a number of other major defense firms such as United Defense and Vought Aircraft that have had major contracts with Saudi Arabia, but their contracts are not included either. As a result, what follows is likely a conservative figure that may significantly understate the total sum involved.

The Carlyle Group: $1,268,600,000

Saudi Investors in Carlyle: $80 million

Former president George H. W. Bush, James Baker, and former prime minister John Major of Great Britain all visited Saudi Arabia on behalf of Carlyle, and according to founding partner David Rubenstein, the Saudis invested at least $80 million in the Carlyle Group. [1] With the exception of the bin Laden family, who extricated themselves from Carlyle not long after 9/11, Carlyle declined to disclose who the investors were. But other sources say that Prince Bandar, several other Saudi royals, and Abdulrahman and Sultan bin Mahfouz were prominent investors and that it was an explicit policy of the House of Saud to encourage Saudi investment in Carlyle.

Contracts between Carlyle-owned corporations Carlyle and Saudi Arabia-BDM (including its subsidiary Vinnell): $1,188,600,000

The Carlyle Group owned defense contractor BDM from September 1990 until early 1998. [2] One BDM subsidiary, Vinnell, has trained the Saudi National Guard since 1975 thanks to a controversial contract that allowed it to be the first U.S. private firm to train foreign forces. [3] While under Carlyle ownership, BDM's and Vinnell's contracts with Saudi Arabia included the following:

In 1994, BDM received a $46-million contract to "provide technical assistance and logistical support to the Royal Saudi Air Force." [4]

Between 1994 and 1998, Vinnell serviced a $819-million contract to provide training and support for the Saudi Arabian National Guard (SANG). [5]

In 1995, Vinnell signed a $163-million contract to modernize SANG. [6]

In 1995, BDM signed a $32.5-million contract to "augment Royal Saudi Air Force staff in developing, implementing, and maintaining logistics and engineering plans and programs." [7]

In 1996, BDM got a $44.4-million contract from the Saudis to build housing at Khamis Mshayt military base. [8]

In 1997, BDM received $18.7 million to support the Royal Saudi Air Force. [9]

In 1997, just before BDM was sold to defense giant TRW, the company signed a $65-million contract to "provide for CY 1998 Direct Manning Personnel in support of maintenance of the F-15 aircraft." [10]

Halliburton: $180 million

Vice President Dick Cheney served as CEO of Halliburton from 1995 to 2000. At press time, he continued to hold 433,333 shares of Halliburton in a charitable trust. [11] Among Halliburton's dealings with the Saudis, those whose details have been made public include:

In November 2000, Halliburton received $140 million to develop Saudi oil fields with Saudi Aramco.

In 2000, Halliburton subsidiary Kellogg, Brown, and Root was hired, along with two Japanese firms, to build a $40-million ethylene plant. [12]

Harken Energy: $25 million

After George W. Bush became a director of Harken Energy, several entities and individuals connected to BCCI, the scandal- ridden bank in which Khalid bin Mahfouz was the largest stockholder, suddenly came to Harken's rescue. Among them, the Union Bank of Switzerland agreed to put up $25 million. When that financing fell through, Abdullah Taha Bakhsh, who was also close to bin Mahfouz, stepped in to help. [13]

Charitable Donations: $3.5 million

It is worth pointing out that in terms of charitable donations, the House of Saud has been truly bipartisan and has contributed to every presidential library over the last thirty years. Many members of the House of Saud have directed their largesse to charities important to powerful Americans, including a $23-million donation to the University of Arkansas soon after Bill Clinton became president. The donations below represent those from the House of Saud to charities of personal importance to the Bush family:

1989: King Fahd gave $1 million to Barbara Bush's campaign against illiteracy. [14]

1997: Prince Bandar gave $1 million to the George Bush Presidential Library and Museum in College Station, Texas. [15]

2002: Prince Alwaleed bin Talal gave $500,000 to Andover to fund a George Herbert Walker Bush scholarship. [16]

2003: Prince Bandar gave a $1-million oil painting of an American Buffalo hunt to President Bush for use in his presidential library after he leaves the White House. [17]



Appendix C

1. Interview with David Rubenstein.
2. New Republic, October 18, 1993; and Washington Post, November 22, 1997.
3. Washington Times, May 14, 2003.
4, PR Newswire, October 27, 1994.
5. Associated Press, November 14, 1995.
6. ... on&01D=230 .
7. Defense Daily, June 23, 1995.
8. Boston Herald, December 10; and Pentagon press release, April 1, 1996, Contract Number 175-96.
9. Defense Daily, February 4, 1997.
10. Pentagon press release, December 24, 1997.
11., October 25, 2003; FDCH Political Transcripts, September 25, 2003; and New York Times, October 1, 2003.
12. Boston Herald, December 10, 2001.
13. Platt's Oilgram News, January 29, 2003; and Wall Street Journal, December 6, 1991.
14. Time, September 15, 2003.
15. Ibid.
16. .
17. Associated Press, July 18, 2003, Friday Final Edition.
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Re: House of Bush, House of Saud, by Craig Unger

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This book would not have been possible without the help of many people who assisted me every step of the way. At Scribner, I was fortunate to have an extraordinary editor, Colin Harrison, who was attentive to every aspect of the book from the breadth of its narrative scope to its finest details. His editorial judgment is superb and it has been a privilege to work with him. I am also grateful to Susan Moldow and Nan Graham, who were wonderfully supportive throughout the writing of this book and who oversaw a terrific team of people who treated the book with the highest level of professionalism. They include John Fulbrook, Erich Hobbing, Sarah Knight, Roz Lippel, Cynthia Mann, John McGhee, and Allison Murray. My thanks also go to Elisa Rivlin, for her comprehensive legal review, and to Pat Eisemann, who devoted herself to the book's publicity.

My agent, Elizabeth Sheinkman of the Elaine Markson Agency, was one of the first people to recognize the possibilities of this book. She was always there with wise advice.

Daniel Benaim, my research assistant, and Cynthia Carris, my photo edtor, both performed with grace and professionalism under deadline pressure. I am especially grateful to Daniel for his help in compiling the amount of money transferred from the House of Saud to the House of Bush. My thanks also go to James Hamilton for the author's photo.

This book was backed by a grant from the Florence and John Schumann Foundation. I am grateful to Bill Moyers, the president of the foundation, and Lynn Welhorsky, its vice president, for their generous support and encouragement. The grant was administered by the Nation Institute. My thanks there go to Victor Navasky, Katrina Vanden Heuvel, and Taya Grobow.

"The Schumann Foundation gets the money for its environmental grants in large part from investments in oil and gas companies, according to its most recent available tax returns: 2000 shares of British Petroleum; 5,000 shares Columbia Gas Systems; 4,200 shares Conoco, Inc.; 3,900 shares Keyspan Energy (natural gas distribution); 10,000 shares Noble Affiliates (oil & gas exploration and development); 10,200 shares Pioneer Natural Resource Company (oil & gas exploration and development); 10,000 shares Royal Dutch Petroleum Company (Royal Dutch / Shell Oil holding company); 10,000 shares Shell Transportation and Trading Company (another Royal Dutch / Shell Oil holding company); plus 12,500 shares of Ford Motor Company .... W. Ford Schumann, Robert Schumann: Heirs of the IBM and General Motors Acceptance Corporation money

-- Bill Moyer's Hypocrisy -- A Crushing Disappointment, by Dick Eastman

In the past, I have written about George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush for the New Yorker, Esquire, and Vanity Fair magazines. The New Yorker article, "In the Loop," was an investigative piece on George H. W. Bush's role in Iran-contra and Iraqgate that I co-wrote with investigative reporter Murray Waas in 1992. Murray did an excellent job of reporting for the piece and I thank him for his permission to adapt parts of it for this book.

In addition, part of the book appeared in Vanity Fair in October 2003. I am indebted to Graydon Carter and Michael Hogan there for publishing the piece.

In the course of my earlier work on the Bushes and additional reporting for this book I interviewed, by phone or in person, three directors of the Central Intelligence Agency: Stansfield Turner, the late William Colby, and James Woolsey; and Saudi Arabia's minister of intelligence, Prince Turki bin Faisal. I would also like to thank Michael Anton at the White House for his time and for showing me exactly how the Bush administration deals with the press. In addition, there are many people in and out of government who spoke to me on condition of anonymity, including several members of the National Security Council staff in the administration of George W. Bush and high-level officials at the FBI. I am particularly indebted to them.

Others I'd like to acknowledge are Nail Al-Jubeir at the Saudi embassy, Don Albosta, Frank Anderson, David Armstrong, Gerry Auerbach, Robert Baer, James Bath, Dan Benjamin, Terry Bennett, Tom Blanton at the National Security Archive, Jack Blum, Richard Clarke, Casey Cooper, Dan D' Aniello, Alan Gerson, Dan Grossi, Armond Habiby, Dee Howard, Youssef Ibrahim, John Iannarelli, Thomas Kinton, Don Leavitt, Terry Lenzner, Charles Lewis, John Loftus, John L. Martin, Adil Najam, Nawaf Obaid, Bob Parry, Manuel Perez, Gerald Posner, Richard Rechter, Oliver "Buck" Revell, David Rubenstein, Cherif Sedky, Joe Trento, Dale Watson, Will Wechsler, Jonathan Winer, and James Zogby. Chris Ullman at the Carlyle Group was always gracious and responsive, belying the reputation for secrecy that the firm has acquired.

Helpful as such sources have been, this book relies extensively on declassified government documents, congressional investigations, and news accounts from thousands of newspapers and journals from all over the world. It would have been impossible to research this book without the Internet and I am especially grateful to people and institutions who have built the Internet research tools that enabled me to search through such vast amounts of material so quickly.

Specifically, my thanks go to Gary Sick and Columbia University's Gulf/2000, an Internet group that afforded me e-mail and telephone access to hundreds of scholars, diplomats, and policy makers who specialize in the Middle East. Gulf/2000's vast Internet archives of clippings were of great value and the thousands of e-mails they sent out enabled me to be privy to a dialog with hundreds of specialists in the field.

The Center for Cooperative Research ( is another valuable Internet tool. Because I made a practice of citing original sources, it does not appear in my notes nearly as often as it might. However, its timelines about 9/11 and related issues often helped me find exactly what I was looking for. I highly recommend it to anyone doing research on 9/11 and I encourage its support.

The National Security Archives (http://www.gwu.edul-nsarchiv) has also performed a valuable public service through years of filing Freedom of Information Act requests to declassify secret documents, many of which it has posted on the Internet. These documents were useful to me again and again and are often cited in my notes. I also recommend the web site of the Federation of American Scientists (, which makes many government documents readily accessible, including the 1992 Senate investigation into the BCCI scandal. Understanding that Byzantine affair was vital to putting together a template for the events in this book.

E-mail groups I joined that I found useful include Truthout ( and the Weekly Spin (

I should add that the notes offer a far more complete list of people and published sources that have contributed to the book. Wherever possible I have tried to include web addresses for those interested in further information.

Many friends and colleagues helped either by contributing in one way or another to the book itself or through much-needed moral support. They include John Anderson, Sidney Blumenthal, Peter Carey, Joe Conason, Martin Kilian, Don Leavitt, Robin and Susan Madden, Pazit Ravina, John "Print the Legend" Strahinich, and Lynne Faljian Taylor. My friends Len Belzer and Emily Squires generously provided their friendship and a house in the country for weekend R and R. And finally, my gratitude goes to my family my mother, Barbara; my father, Roger; Chris, Shanti, and Thomas; and Jimmy, Marie-Claude, Adam, and Matthew.
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Re: House of Bush, House of Saud, by Craig Unger

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Michael Duffy and Dan Goodgame, Marching in Place: The Status Quo Presidency of
George Bush. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992.
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Michael Field, The Merchants: The Big Business Families of Saudi Arabia and the Gulf
States. Woodstock, N.Y.: Overlook Press, 1985.
Alan Friedman, Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally
Armed Iraq. New York: Bantam, 1993.
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David Frum, The Right Man: The Surprise Presidency of George W Bush. New
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Jack Germond and Jules Witcover, Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? The Triv
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Dilip Hiro, The Longest War: The Iran-Iraq Military Conflict. New York: Routledge,
David Holden and Richard Johns, The House of Saud: The Rise and Rule of the Most
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Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order.
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Roland Jacquard, In the Name of Osama bin Laden: Global Terrorism and the bin
Laden Brotherhood. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2002.
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Peter Lance, 1000 Years for Revenge: International Terrorism and the FBI -the
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Re: House of Bush, House of Saud, by Craig Unger

Postby admin » Wed Nov 27, 2013 5:35 am


Abdel Rahman, Sheikh Omar, 57n, 102,
105, 147-48, 150
Abdul Aziz, king of Saudi Arabia, 3,
21-22, 26n, 31, 59, 83, 89, 100
Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz, Crown
Prince, 87, 158, 176, 189, 219,
235-36, 241-45, 261, 279
Abdulrahman bin Abdul Aziz, Prince,
Abedi, Agha Hasan, 30-32, 77-78, 120
Abouhalima, Mahmoud, 150
Abrams, Elliott, 211n, 275-76
Abramson, Jill, 120-21
Abu-Hamad, Aziz, 137-38
Aburish, Said K., 83n, 86, 166n
Adham, Sheikh Kamal, 52, 78, 101,
Afghanistan War, 97-112
Arab fighters in, 16, 99-105, 143-44,
147, 149, 177, 181, 255
arms sales in, 64-65, 104, 105, 107,
109, 112
bin Laden's role in, 100, 101-6, 110,
143-44, 255, 278
Carter's policy in, 97-98
CIA operations in, 97, 98, 103-4,
105, 106, 107, 108, 110, 147
Cold War and, 97-98, 99, 104, 110,
drug trade and, 107-8
mujahideen in, 97-112, 147
Reagan-Bush policy in, 97, 98-99,
101-2, 104, 110-11
Saudi Arabian involvement in,
Soviet forces in, 95, 97-98, 100, 102,
103-4, 106-7, 110, 143-44, 149,
U.S. covert aid in, 15, 58, 77, 83,
Vietnam War compared with, 98,
108, 109
Age of Sacred Terror; The (Benjamin
and Simon), 174-75, 185, 219,
Aguirre, Michael, 124
Ahmed bin Salman bin Abdul Aziz,
Prince, 7, 10, 255-56, 258, 265-68
Aimone, Eugene, 218
Alamoudi, Abdurahman, 205-6
Al-Arian, Abdullah, 206
Al-Arian, Nahla, 206
Al-Arian, Sami, 206-8, 210, 214, 216, 232
Albosta Report, 50
Alexiev, Alex, 204
Al Gama'a al-Islamiya, 104
Alhazmi, Nawaf, 180, 233, 239, 247
Alhazmi, Salem, 231, 248
Alhaznawi, Ahmed, 230
Aljazeera Television, 91, 230, 234, 279
AlJihad movement, 57, 104
Al-Kifah Refugee Center, 147, 150, 204
Allison, Lew, 136
Almidhar, Khalid, 180, 231, 233, 239,
247, 248
Al-Nahyan family, 30n-31n
Al-Najjar, Mazen, 210, 215
Alomari, Abdulaziz, 230, 231, 247
Al Qaeda:
bin Laden as head of, 13, 103, 111,
148-51, 173-74, 178-79, 229-30,
264, 278
Al Qaeda (cont.)
cells operated by, 220, 227, 236
chemical weapons of, 185-87, 210
formation of, 58, 110-11, 205-6
funding of, 13, 111-12, 149, 175,
177-83, 204, 220, 260, 261,
international network of, 149,
173-74, 221, 227-28
investigation of, 15, 263-69
Saudi connections of, 111, 178-79,
181-82, 200, 233, 247, 263-69,
September 11 attacks executed by,
227-41, 247-51
terrorist program of, 148-51,
183-86, 207, 213-14, 278-79
training camps of, 16, 150, 171, 173,
219-22, 228, 229, 240-41
U .S. countermeasures against,
219-22, 244
U.S. embassies bombed by ( 1998),
183-86, 188, 198, 201, 228, 239n,
Al-Waleed bin Talal, Prince, 166, 200
America I Have Seen, The (Qutb), 93
American Jihad (Emerson), 207
American Muslim Alliance (AMA),
209, 213n, 215
American Muslim Council (AMC),
202, 203, 204, 205, 207, 213n, 214
American Muslim Political Coordina
tion Council (AMPCC), 213,
214-15, 216
Anderson, Frank, 108, 110
Alldreotti, Giulio, 83
Arab American Institute, 202
Arab Americans, 202-3, 209, 252-53
Arabia, the Gulf and the West (Kelly),
Arabian American Oil Company
(Aramco), 25-26, 90
Arab-Israeli War (1973), 26, 59
Arafat, Yasir, 234, 242, 244
Arbusto Energy, 70, 101, 115-18, 222
Armey, Dick, 193n, 202
Armstrong, Scott, 60, 61
Ashcroft,John, 13, 233, 240n-41n,
Atwan, Abd-al-Bari, 105
Auerbach, Gerry, 55
Aziz, Tariq, 68, 81, 132n
Azzam, Sheikh Abdullah, 93, 94, 102,
103, 105, 106, 147

Ba'arma, Sami, 168
Baer, Robert, 112, 182, 261
Baffert, Bob, 268
Baker, James A., 1, 44-45
Baker, James A., II, 45, 53n
Baker, James A., III:
background of, 33, 44-45, 53
as Carlyle partner, 156, 157, 158n,
161, 162, 163-64, 166, 167, 172,
189, 224
as G. H. W. Bush's campaign man
ager, 46-47, 164, 217
G. H. W. Bush's relationship with,
33, 43, 48, 117, 130, 163, 188, 217
Gulf War strategy and, 133, 135,
141, 145, 163
G. W. Bush's relationship with,
42-47, 77n, 117, 191, 217, 219, 273
Iran-contra affair and, 64
Iraqi restructuring overseen by, 280
Kuwait visited by (1993 ), 163-64
law firm of, 25, 43, 124, 164, 179n,
188, 191n, 199, 200n, 224, 261-62
political tactics of, 45-46, 51, 116
Saddam Hussein as viewed by, 66,
67, 81, 129, 130, 131, 274
Saudi connections of, 5-6, 15,
53-54, 101, 165, 172, 188, 189,
199, 217, 255, 262-63
September 11 attacks and, 247, 249,
Texas attorney general race lost by
(1978), 45-46
as White House chief of staff, 51, 57,
Baker, James A., IV, 262
Baker Botts, 25, 43, 124, 164, 179n, 188,
191n, 199, 200n, 224, 261-62
Bakhsh, Abdullah Taha, 121, 122, 125,
Baldrige, Malcolm, 51
Ball, George, 116
Balz, Dan, 52-53
Bandar bin Sultan bin Abdul Aziz,
Afghanistan War and, 98-99
AWACS sale arranged by, 59-61
background of, 3, 4, 59-60, 87
as Carlyle investor, 168
charitable donations by, 178-79,
200, 233, 247, 273-74
Clinton's relationship with,
175n-76n, 219
Freeh's meetings with, 176-77
G. H. W. Bush's relationship with,
7-8, 9, 130-31, 145, 152-53, 188,
217-19, 224, 274
Gulf War and, 133, 134, 139
G. W. Bush's relationship with, 8,
14-17, 234, 241-45, 254-55
high-level contacts of, 7-8, 24,
130-31, 134, 139, 218, 219, 234,
244, 255
hunting trip hosted by, 217-19, 242
intelligence information of, 7, 75-76
Iran-contra affair and, 63-65
Iran-Iraq War and, 71, 75-76
as political strategist, 61-62, 76
Saudi evacuation and, 10-11, 14-16,
September 11 attacks and, 4-5, 245,
Westernized lifestyle of, 2-3, 4, 87,
89-90, 152n-53n
Bani-Sadr, Abolhassan, 65n
Bank of Credit and Commerce Inter
national (BCCI), 30-32, 33, 34,
77-79, 80, 108, 109, 118-28, 187,
Barak, Ehud, 234
Barnes, Ben, 114-15
Barr, William P., 126
Bartlett, Dan, 248
Basnan, Osama, 179-80, 233
Bath, James R., 19-20, 23-24, 32-34,
65, 101, 114, 116, 118, 198
Bayoumi, Omar al-, 179-80, 233
Baz, Abdul-Aziz bin, 85n
BDM, 162, 168, 172, 200
Bechtel Corp., 22, 166, 167
Becker, Jean, 189
Benevolence International Foundation,
111, 204n
Benjamin, Daniel, 174-75, 176, 185,
186, 219, 239
Bennett, Terry, 23
Bentsen, Lan, 32-33
Bentsen, Lloyd, 32-33, 41
Bergen, Peter, 147-48
Berger, Sandy, 176, 183, 220, 221, 239,
Beshi, Muhammad Sa ad al-, 86n
Bhutto, Benazir, 111, 173
bin Laden, Abdullah, 6, 94, 105, 178-79
bin Laden, Bakr, 150
bin Laden, Carmen, 178
bin Laden, Kameron, 6
bin Laden, Mahrous, 14, 94-96
bin Laden, Mohammed, 6, 90-91, 100,
101, 229-30
bin Laden, Mohammed Awad, 20,
bin Laden, Nawaf, 6
bin Laden, Omar, 178-79
bin Laden, Osama;
in Afghanistan, 92n, 100, 101-6, 110,
143-44, 175, 183, 185, 188, 207,
219-22, 228, 229-30, 240-41,
255, 278
assassination attempt against, 151
education of, 91-93
family connections of, 2, 5, 13-14,
20n, 90-93, 178-79, 188-89,
229-30, 253-59, 260
intelligence on, 237-41
as Islamic militant, 55, 77, 88,
90-93, 94, 100, 110, 143-46,
149, 184-85
personality of, 91-92, 105-6,
148n, 149
Saddam Hussein compared with,
251, 277, 280
as Saudi national, 5, 143-44, 149,
150-51, 174-75, 180-83, 188,
252, 279
September 11 attacks planned by, 5,
13-14, 227-41
in Sudan, 149, 174-75, 207
terrorist activities of, 13, 103, 111,
148-51, 171-75, 178-79, 183-86,
189, 229-30, 264, 278
U.S. countermeasures against,
185-86, 214, 219-22, 239-41,
251, 277, 280
wealth of, 13, 103, 149, 151, 173-74
bin Laden, Salem, 20-21, 23-24, 26,
32-34, 52n, 55, 65n, 92, 101, 122
bin Laden, Sana, 6
bin Laden, Shafig, 247, 249
bin Laden, Wafah, 6
bin Laden family;
airline interests of, 23, 34, 52n,
54-55, 61
bin Laden family (cont.)
Bush family and, 5-6, 101-2
charitable organizations of, 178-79
construction business of, 2, 5,
21-22, 96, 173n
House of Saud's relationship with,
2, 5, 6, 21-22, 94-96, 100-101,
171-72, 175
Islamic fundamentalists in, 94-96
rise to power of, 21-24
U.S. evacuation of, 2, 8-16, 253-59,
260, 269
wealth of, 5-6, 96, 167, 178-79
Bin Laden (Robinson), 92
Bin Laden: The Man Who Declared
War on America (Bodansky), 182
Binladin, Khalil, 6, 10, 14, 258
bin Mahfouz, Abdulrahman, 168, 178
bin Mahfouz, Khalid, 20-21, 23-24,
26, 31, 32-35, 53-54, 78, 101,
112, 118, 119-22, 126-27, 128,
168, 177-78, 183, 187, 189,
bin Mahfouz, Salem, 21, 22-23
bin Mahfouz, Sultan, 168
Bodansky, Yossef, 182, 275
Bond, Rich, 46
Boren, David, 250
Breeden, Richard, 124
Brender, Mark, 140
Breslin, Jimmy, 268
Brown, Elizabeth Lee, 9
Brown, Laura, 248n
Brzezinski, Zbigniew, 97-98, 110
Buckingham, Virginia, 12
Bucklev, WilJiam, 71
Burkett, Bi1l, 115n
Burson-Marsteller, 4-5, 252
Bush, Barbara, 37, 40n, 43, 145, 188,
200, 274
Bush, Dorothy, 145
Bush, Dorothy Walker, 40n, 11, 39-40
Bush, George H. W., 39-40
Afghanistan War and, 101-2, 106,
110-11, 278
ambition of, 42, 45, 47-48, 69-70,
72-73, 76-77
anticommunism of, 106-7
campaign finances of, 42, 43n, 120,
as Carlyle senior adviser, 156, 157,
158n, 164-65, 166, 167, 189
charities supported by, 199-200
as China chief liaison officer, 33, 41,
as CIA director, 33, 41, 42, 43, 49,
50, 64, 74, 235
as congressman, 40-41, 45
as conservative, 69, 113, 192-93
Gulf War strategy of, 16, 132-42,
212, 217
G. W. Bush compared with, 113-14,
G. W. Bush's presidential election
and, 217-19, 223
G. W. Bush's relationship with, 116,
117-18, 122, 124-25, 128, 191,
242, 273, 274
high-level contacts of, 33, 35-36,
42-43, 47-50, 52, 69-70, 71,
on hunting trip, 217-19, 242
Iran-contra affair and, 64, 72-76
Israel as viewed by, 202
Kuwait visited by, 163-64
media coverage of, 40, 41n, 42n, 44,
45, 46-48, 74, 76, 130, 145,
209-10, 236
Middle East visited by, 74-76
Muslim-American support for, 202,
as Nixon loyalist, 33, 35, 36, 40-41,
as oil executive, 16, 35-40, 42-43,
48, 132-33, 139, 222
Pakistan visited by, 106
patrician background of, 35-38, 48,
73, 113
political career of, 40-51, 69-70,
72-73, 76-77
in presidential campaign of 1980,
46-47, 123n, 164
in presidential campaign of 1988,
76-77, 106-7, 120, 123n, 160,
192-93, 210
in presidential campaign of 1992,
125, 151-52, 175n-76n, 217
Prince Bandar's relationship with,
7-8, 9, 130-31, 145, 152-53, 188,
217-19, 224, 274
Reagan's relationship with, 46-47,
69, 76-77, 120
as RNC chairman, 33, 41, 42, 49,
Saddam Hussein as viewed by,
15-16, 66, 67, 69, 70, 74, 81-82,
129-35, 140-42, 194, 195, 274
Saudi connections of, 5-8, 9, 16, 53,
59, 101-2, 130-31, 145, 152-53,
165, 167, 172, 175, 176-77,
188-89, 198, 217-19, 224,
235-36, 255, 274
as UN ambassador, 33, 41, 49, 70
as vice president, 15, 51, 57, 69-70,
101-2, 116, 117, 120, 130
in vice presidential campaign of
1980, 47-51, 58
in vice presidential campaign of
1984, 70, 210
wealth of, 39, 40
Yeltsin meeting of, 14
Bush, George W., 113-15, 192-98,
as Baker Botts employee, 43
BCCI scandal and, 118-28
bin Laden as viewed by, 277
as born-again Christian, 113,
192-94, 198, 237
campaign finances of, 188, 191, 210,
218, 222-23
on Carlyle board of directors, 156,
157, 160
congressional race lost by, 45, 116
as conservative, 113-14, 115,
192-95, 198, 237
counterterrorism measures of,
Crawford, Tex., ranch of, 113-14,
diary of, 251
education of, 113, 114, 115
energy policy of, 218, 222-23,
225-26, 237, 280-81
foreign policy of, 211-12, 235,
G. H. w. Bush compared with,
113-14, 254
G. H. W. Bush's relationship with,
116, 117-18, 122, 124-25, 128,
191, 242, 273, 274
as governor of Texas, 165n, 188, 197
gubernatorial campaign of, 127,
insider trading charge against,
123-24, 225, 262
Iraq War strategy of, 79, 274-77
media coverage of, 120-21, 127-28,
196-98, 205, 236-37, 260
Middle East policy of, 223, 234-36,
237, 241-45
Muslim-American support for,
201-16, 223, 233
as oil executive, 16, 36, 70, 112,
115-28, 160, 198, 199, 200, 202,
222, 225, 262
as president, 211n, 218, 221-22,
234-38, 273-77
in presidential campaign of 2000,
188, 191-98, 201-19, 220, 222-23
in presidential campaign of 2004,
Prince Bandar's relationship with, 8,
14-17, 234, 241-45, 254-55,
Saddam Hussein as viewed by, 212,
226, 274-77
Saudi connections of, 8, 14-17, 101,
112, 118-28, 198-201, 241-45,
254-55, 263, 273-74, 279-81
September 11 attacks and, 247-51,
in Texas Air National Guard, 33,
114-15, 198
transition team of, 218, 221-22
in war on terrorism, 11, 214, 219-22,
256, 260, 262, 277
Bush, Jeb, 165n, 194
Bush, Jonathan, 116
Bush, Laura, 206, 273-74
Bush, Marvin, 163-64, 249
Bush, Neil Mallon, 38, 163-64, 262n
Bush, Prescott, Sr., 37, 38, 39-40, 42, 45
Bush family, 15, 165n
bin Laden family and, 5-6, 101-2
charities supported by, 199-200
House of Saud's relationship with,
15-17, 19, 35-36, 53, 118-28,
165-66, 188-89, 198-201, 209,
222-23, 234-36, 247-51, 261-63,
272-73, 280-81
oil interests of, 115-28

Callaghan, James, 32
Cannistraro, Vincent, 14, 177-78, 261
Card, Andrew, 249
Carey, Caroline, 92
Carlucci, Frank, 156, 161-62, 163, 166,
168, 169, 224, 247
Carlyle Group, 6, 15, 16, 153, 155-69,
171, 189, 198, 199, 200, 224, 225,
247, 249, 273, 281
Carter, Billy, 50
Carter, Jimmy, 29, 32, 46, 47, 50-52, 58,
65n, 77, 83, 97-98, 120, 155, 157
Casey, William J.;
Afghanistan War and, 98, 104, 107,
BCCI connections of, 77-78
as CIA director, 7, 50, 51, 61, 64, 67,
69, 71, 98, 104, 107, 108
G. H. W. Bush's relationship with,
67, 69, 72-73, 74, 75
Caulkins, John E., 42
Cell, The (Miller, Stone and Mitchell),
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 34,
61, 95n, 185
Bush as director of, 33, 41, 42, 43,
49, 50, 64, 74, 235
Casey as director of, 7, 50, 51, 61,
64, 67, 69, 71, 98, 104, 107, 108
counterterrorism measures of, 173,
174, 229, 239, 240-41
inte1ligence assessments by, 132,
235, 237-38
Iraqi intelligence of, 65-66, 71,
75-76, 81, 275-77
Saudi cooperation with, 61, 71,
September 11 attacks and, 16, 227 ,
228-29, 239
Zubaydah interrogated by, 264-66
Chambers, John, 223n
Chancellor, Steven, 218, 222-23
Charen, Mona, 205
Charlie Wilson's War (Crile), 99
Cheney, Dick:
as Ha1Jiburton CEO, 38n, 191, 199,
200, 225-26
as PNAC member, 194, 211n
Prince Bandar's relationship with,
130, 134, 139, 218
Saddam Hussein as viewed by,
79-80, 212n
as secretary of defense, 132, 134,
139, 141
as vice president, 217, 218, 222,
225-26, 244, 251, 253, 260, 275
Cheney, Lynn, 217
Chevrette, Peggy, 229
China, 33, 41, 106, 221, 280
Churchill, Winston S., 106, 152
Citigroup, 5, 23, 166
Clark, Suzanne, 248n
Clarke, Richard, 174, 181, 183, 214,
219-22, 227, 228-29, 236, 238,
239-41, 244, 250, 251, 253-54,
260, 272-73, 276, 280
Clifford, Clark, 29, 32, 36, 52, 112, 120,
Clinton, Bill:
bin Laden's facilities attacked by,
185-86, 214
counterterrorism measures of,
172-77, 182-88, 189, 214,
219-22, 228, 229, 239
cruise missile attacks authorized by,
in Lewinsky affair, 186-88, 192
media coverage of, 186-88, 236
Middle East policy of, 234
Muslim-American support for, 202,
as president, 4, 14-15, 120, 141,
151-52, 192
in presidential campaign of 1992,
151-52, 175n-76n
in presidential campaign of 1996,
Saddam Hussein as viewed by, 194,
195, 212, 227n
Saudi relationships of, 175n-76n,
219, 263
Clinton, Hillary Rodham, 14-15, 209
Clough, Susan, 50
Coats, Dan, 186
Cold War, 14, 57, 58-59, 97-98, 99, 104,
110, 204, 278
Cole, USS, attack on, 14, 213-14, 219,
220, 227 , 228, 229, 238, 239, 264,
Commanders, The (Woodward), 131
Conason, Joe, 198
Connally, John, 19, 33-35, 36, 53
Conway, William, 162-63
Cooper, Casey, 179n
Coordinating Subgroup (CSG), 174,
Cordesman, Tony, 276
Cortez, Brian, 1-2
Council on American-Islamic Relations
(CAIR), 201n, 203, 204, 213n
Cressey, Roger, 220, 227
Crile, George, 99
Custer, George, 41

D'Aneillo, Dan, 162-63
Dar es Salaam embassy bombing
(1998), 183-86, 188, 198, 201,
228, 239n, 263
Darman, Richard, 156, 162, 164, 166,
Davis, Tom, 216
Defense Department, U.S., 81, 131
defense industry, 15, 161-65, 223, 224
Defense Intelligence Agency, 66-67, 81,
"Defense Planning Guidance" (Wol
fowitz and Libby), 141-42, 194
DeLay, Tom, 193n, 202
Democratic Party, 50-51, 114, 192,
209-13, 218
Diaz Serrano, Jorge, 48n
Didion,Joan, 193
Dolan, Charles, 223n
Doniger, David, 222n
Doty, James, 124, 262
Draper, William, 70, 115
Dukakis, Michael, 76-77, 106, 107
Dulles, Allen, 50

Eagleburger, Lawrence, 165n
Egan, Richard, 223n
Egypt, 58, 65, 74, 75, 173, 181
Egyptian embassy bombing (1995), 173
Ehrlichman, John, 41
Eldred, Ken, 223n
elections, U.S.:
of 1964, 45, 69n
of 1968, 40-41
of 1970, 41, 42, 45
of 1972, 41
of 1976, 46
of 1978, 45
of 1980, 35, 46-51, 58, 123n, 164
of 1984, 70, 210
of 1988, 32n, 76-77, 106-7 , 120,
123n, 160, 192-93, 210
of 1992, 125, 151-52, 175n-76n, 217
of 1996, 202
of 2000, 188, 191-98, 201-19, 220,
of 2004, 281
Elhussein, Mustafa, 205
El-Shifa pharmaceutical factory,
185-87, 210
Emerson, Steven, 207
Englehardt, Irl, 218, 222-23
Enroll Corp., 163-64, 188, 191n, 222
Esplnoza, Victor, 267
Export/Import Bank, 36, 70, 81-82, 116
ExxollMobil, 25, 43, 225, 261n, 263

Fadl, Jamal Ahmed al-, 185-86
Fadlallah, Sheikh, 71
Fahd, king of Saudi Arabia, 3, 7, 23, 24,
61, 64, 65n, 87, 89n, 98, 117,
130-31, 133-34, 144, 146, 152,
168, 176n, 182, 200, 219, 253,
255, 268
Fahd bin Turki bin Saud al-Kabir,
Prince, 266, 268-69
Faisal, king of Saudi Arabia, 89-90,
100, 101
Farish, Sarah, 43n
Farish, William, Jr., 43
Farmer, Dick, 223n
Fassi, Mohammed al-, 24
Federal Aviation Administration
(FAA), 8-9, 12, 229, 230, 248n,
257, 259
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI):
counterterrorism measures of, 12,
13, 147, 173, 176-77, 179,
232-33, 238-39, 240, 247-48,
253, 256
Muslim Americans investigated by,
205, 206
Saudi evacuation and, 8, 10-11, 12,
253-54, 256-57, 258, 259, 269
September 11 attacks and, 227-28,
First Son (Mi11utaglio), 40n, 41n
Fitzwater, Marlin, 125
Fleischer, Ari, 237-38, 249-50, 264, 275
Foley, Tom, 164-65
Ford, Gerald R., 33, 41, 45, 46, 47, 67
Freeh, Louis, 176-77
Freeman, Charles, 6
Friedman, Alan, 67
Friedman, Robert I., 146-47
Frum, David, 208
Fulbright & Jaworski, 25, 42n, 43
Fuller, Craig, 136
Fuller, Graham, 71-72
Fyfield-Shayler, Brian, 92n

Gaffney, Frank, 162, 205, 206
Galbraith, Peter W., 79-80
Galster, Steve, 108
Gause, F. Gregory, III, 88
George Bush: The Life of a Lone Star
Yankee (Parmet), 40
George H. W. Bush Presidential
Library and Museum, 199n, 200
Gingrich, Newt, 202
Girardet, Edward, 92n, 108
Giuliani, Rudy, 166n
Glaspie, April, 132
Gleason, Jack A., 42
Global Relief Foundation, 204n
Golden Chain, 111-12
Goldman Sachs, 5, 159, 163
Goldwater, Barry, 69n
Goolsby, George, 261n
Gorbachev, Mikhail, 106, 107, 157
Gore, Al, 2, 191 n, 192, 202, 209-13, 217
Graham, Bob, 277
Graham, Phil, 39
Gramm, Phil, 175
Gray, Robert, 136
Grossi, Dan, 8-10, 255
Gulf War, 16, 73n, 129-46, 169, 183,
212, 217
bin Laden's views on, 143-46
CIA assessments of, 132
Iraqi forces in, 139-40
Iraq War compared with, 140
Islamic fundamentalism and, 133-34
media coverage of, 135-40
oil as issue in, 132-33, 135
propaganda in, 137-39
satellite intelligence in, 134, 139-40
Saudi role in, 16, 89n, 132, 133-34,
139, 143-46, 167, 183, 200-201
UN role in, 133, 141
U.S. public opinion on, 135-39, 148

Haass, Richard, 134
Habiby, Armond, 99-100
Hadley, Stephen J ., 220, 228
Haifa bint Faisal, Princess, 145, 179-80,
233, 247, 273-74
Haig, Alexander, 63, 65n, 67
hajj, 21-22, 85, 92, 95, 145
Halabja chemical attack (1988), 79,
Halliburton Corp., 38n, 43, 191, 199,
200, 222, 225-26
Hamas, 58, 104, 183, 205-6
Hamdi, Tarik, 307
Hanjour, Hani, 229, 247-48
Harken Energy, 16, 112, 117-28, 160,
199, 200, 209, 222, 225, 262,
Hart, Gary, 227-28
Hart, Steve, 48n-49n
Hartung, William, 261
Hathout, Maher, 209
He1ler, Jean, 140
Hermann, Daniel, 218
Hersh, Seymour, 63, 87, 163, 276
Hezbollah, 14, 58, 71, 72, 205-6, 278
Hi1l, Charles, 70
Hill & Knowlton, 135-36, 157
Hiltermann, Joost R., 79n
Hines, Gerald, 27, 53
Hitchens, Christopher, 186
Holy Land Foundation for Relief and
Development, 183, 187n, 204n,
210n, 214
Holy War, Inc. (Berger), 147-48
House of Saud, The (Aburish), 83n,
Howard, Dee, 23
Hughes, Karen, 127
Hunt, Nelson Bunker, 35
Hunt, Wi1liam Herbert, 35
Hussein, Saddam, 65-66, 77, 78-79,
129-42, 143, 211, 212
arms deals of, 65, 73-82
bin Laden compared with, 251 , 277 ,
biological weapons of, 15-16, 68-69,
81, 131, 143-44
capture of, 277, 278, 279
chemical weapons of, 15-16, 66-68,
70, 72, 79-81, 130-31, 134, 140,
genocide committed by, 79,
80n-81n, 129, 134, 136-39
Islamic fundamentalism and, 129,
Kuwait invaded by, 132-42
military intelligence provided to,
75-76, 131
nuclear weapons program of, 15-16,
67, 80, 81-82, 131, 276-77
September 11 attacks and, 251,
U.S. support for, 62, 65-70, 73-82,
83, 116n, 129-33, 134, 140-41,
Hussein I, king of Jordan, 43, 75, 100

Iannarelli, John, 10, 254
Ibrahim, Youssef, 278, 279, 280
Idriss, Saleh, 186-87, 210
Immigration and Naturalization Ser
vice (INS), 239, 259
"incubator story," 137-39
Institute of Islamic and Arabic Sci
ences, 205, 206n
International Derrick and Equipment
Company (IDECO), 38
International Islamic Relief Organiza
tion, 177-78, 179, 206n
Illvestcorp, 28, 121
arms-for-hostages deal with, 72-76
Islamic revolution in, 49, 50-52, 58,
89-90, 280
oil industry of, 75, 225
Shiite fundamentalism in, 66, 71
trade sanctions against, 223, 225
U.S. relations with, 4, 58-59, 72, 76,
78-79, 223, 225
Iran-contra affair, 15, 34, 62-65, 72-76,
78-79, 161, 275
Iranian hostage crisis, 49, 50-52, 58,
Iran-Iraq War, 58, 62-63, 65-82, 112
agricultural subsidies for, 129, 131
air force of, 73-74, 75
army of, 82, 134, 139-40
CIA intelligence on, 65-66, 71,
75-76, 81, 275-77
foreign debt of, 280
Kurdish population of, 79-80, 134
oil industry of, 66, 70, 132-33, 225,
trade sanctions against, 223, 225,
U.S. relations with, 4, 58, 65-82,
129-31, 223, 225, 226
weapons of mass destruction in,
15-16, 275, 276-77
Iraq War, 16, 79, 80n, 140, 251, 274-79
Isikoff, Michael, 179
anti-Americanism in, 83, 93-94,
133-34, 135, 143-46, 205
anti-Semitism in, 151, 204, 209, 216,
basic tenets of, 4, 13, 21-22, 84-86,
88, 92, 95, 111, 145
clerics of, 85-86, 88, 90, 98, 134, 144,
253, 279
fundamentalism in, 2-3, 14, 24, 54,
57-58, 62, 66, 71, 72, 77, 82, 88,
94-96, 129, 132, 133-34, 143-46,
holy sites of, 3, 21-22, 91, 95, 96, 184
laws of, 85-86, 89
Shiite, 57, 58, 66, 71, 72, 82, 274
Sunni, 83, 84
U.S. followers of, 201-16
Wahhabi, 3, 54, 83-86, 88, 89, 90,
109, 152n, 171, 172, 203, 220,
252, 253
Westernization and, 88-90, 93
women in, 28, 85-86, 89, 93, 135
Islamic al-Shamal Bank, 149
Islamic Group, 148
Islamic Institute, 206, 209
Islamic Jihad, 206, 208, 21 On-11 n
Islamic Salvation Front, 104
arms sales by, 62, 63, 65n, 72
Lebanon invaded by, 57-58
Muslim-American opposition to,
204, 206, 207, 209
Saddam Hussein as threat to, 67,
Saudi opposition to, 54, 59, 71,
183n, 241-45
U.S. support for, 3, 27, 54, 59, 62,
74, 129, 134, 146, 194, 202, 209,
234-36, 241-45, 252
Ivins, Molly, 48

Jackson, Jesse, 32
Jaworski, Leon, 42n
Jerusalem, 91, 146, 184, 234
jihad, 3, 88, 90, 94, 100, 104-5, 111,
143, 147, 149, 183, 207, 221,
Johnson, Lyndon B., 44
Johnson, Richard, 224
Jones, Jerry, 3, 152n-53n
Jordan, 27-28, 66, 74, 75
Jordan, Robert, 124, 224-25, 262-63
Journeys with George, 196
Jubeir, Nail al-, 180, 254-55, 269
Justice Department, U.S., 50-51, 126,
173, 233, 240n-41n, 259

Kahane, Meir, 146-48, 150
Kahn, Marty, 115
Kaiser, Robert G., 243
Kalmbach, Herbert W., 42
Kamel, Saleh, 112
Keel, Alton, 165n
Kelly, Brenna, 9
Kelly, J. B., 90
Kendrick, Phil, 118
Kennedy, John F., 32n, 35, 59n, 264n
Kerrick, Donald, 228
Khalid bin Sultan, Prince, 172
Khalifa, Mohammed Jamal, 14, 178
Khalifa, Sheikh Khalifa bin Salman al-,
Khalilzad, Zalmay, 211n
Khani, Abbas, 80n
Khashoggi, Adnan, 24, 31, 100-101
Khobar Towers bombing (1996),
173-74, 176-77, 182, 201
Khomeini, Ayatollah Ruholla, 57, 62,
66, 135
Kinton, Tom, 12
Kissinger, Henry, 70, 99, 125n, 163,
Knight, Bobby, 217-18
Koran, 4, 22, 85, 88, 111
Krugman, Paul, 118
Kurtz, Bill, 233
Kuwait, 62, 65, 66, 81, 132-42, 143,
146, 163-64, 168

LaHaye, Tim, 193-94
Lake, Anthony, 239
Lake, James A., 125
Lance, Bert, 29-32, 36, 112, 120
Lantos, Tom, 134, 137
Lay, Kenneth, 223n
Lebanon, 57-58, 72
Lehrer, Jim, 212
Lehrman, Lewis, 116
Leverett, Flynt, 275, 276
Levitt, Arthur, 164-65
Lewin, Daniel, 248n
Lewillsky, Monica, 186-88, 192
Lewis, Charles, 273
Lewis, Michael, 157n
Libby, I. Lewis, 141-42, 194, 222
Lieberman, Joe, 202
Liedtke, Hugh, 38, 40, 42, 43
Liedtke, William, 42
Limbaugh, Rush, 186
Loewer, Deborah, 249
Loftus, John, 102
Looking Forward (G. H. W. Bush), 38
Lugar, Richard, 75

MacArthur, John R., 136, 138-39
Macomber, John, 116
Mahfouz, Naguib, 93
Main Bank of Houston, 34-35, 53
Major, John, 156, 157, 164, 167
Maktab al-Khidamat (MAK), 102, 105,
Malek, Fred, 160, 161, 165n, 166
Mallon, Neil, 38
Mankiewicz, Frank, 136
Mann, Hillary, 275, 276
Man to See, The (Thomas), 29
Marenches, Alexandre de, 49n, 73
Martin, David, 251
Martin, John, 138
Martin, John L., 259, 269
Massoud, Rihab, 10
Matar, Mohammed, 138
McCain, John, 195-96
McFarlane, Robert "Bud," 62, 63-64,
McHugh, R. Kevin, 210n-11n
McHugh, Suzanne, 49n
McMahon, John N., 104, 109
Mecca, 3, 14, 21-22, 85-86, 91, 95-96,
144, 146, 184
Mecca Affair, 95-96, 99, 162n, 171
Medina, 3, 21-22, 91, 144, 146, 184
Megally, Hanny, 86
Meyer, Eugene, 39
Middle East:
Cold War and, 14, 57, 58-59, 97-98,
99, 104, 110, 204, 278
peace process in, 129, 241-45, 254,
Soviet influence in, 65-66
U.S. policies on, 3-4, 7-8, 57-59, 61,
62-63, 70, 74, 76, 77, 125, 129,
193-95, 211-12, 223, 234-36,
241-45, 274
see also specific countries
Miles, Steven, 262
Miller, Ben, 275-76
Miller, John, 148
Minutaglio, Bill, 40n, 41n
Mir, Mushaf Ali, 269n
Mitchell, Chris, 148
Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, shah of Iran,
Mondale, Walter, 47, 51
Moqed, Majed, 247
Morgenthau, Robert, 126-27
Moro Liberation Front, 104-5
Mosbacher, Robert, 42, 43, 131
Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, 135
Mubarak, Hosni, 75, 150, 178
Mueller, Robert, 126, 256
Murawiec, Laurent, 274
Murchinson, Clint, 35
Muslim Americans, 201-16
Muslim Brotherhood, 14, 58, 88, 94-96,
149, 183
Muslim Public Affairs Council
(MPAC), 203, 209, 213n
Muwafaq (Blessed Relief) Foundation,
178, 183
Myers, Richard, 240, 241, 251

Nader, Ralph, 215
Nahayan, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan al-,
Nairobi embassy bombing (1998),
183-86, 188, 198, 201, 228, 239n,
Najam, Adil, 22
Najim, Ismail, 150
Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 59n
National Bank of Georgia (NBG),
National Commercial Bank of Saudi
Arabia (NCB ), 20, 22-23, 112,
120, 127, 177-78, 181, 183, 187,
National Security Agency (NSA), 230,
National Security Council (NSC), 51,
62, 63-64, 72, 173, 174, 219-22,
226, 227, 228-29, 275-76
Nayef bin Abdul Aziz, Prince, 87, 89n,
182-83, 263, 279
Nayirah (Kuwaiti witness), 137-39
neoconservatives, 194-95, 198, 242, 275
Newsweek, 4, 95n, 139, 179, 207, 233,
273, 274
New Yorker, 59-60, 62n, 87, 145, 163,
177, 186, 230, 234, 274, 276
New York Times, 44, 45, 53, 63, 74, 89,
118, 137, 166, 186, 235, 256, 267,
Nir, Amiram, 74
Nixon, Richard M., 33, 34, 35, 36,
40-42, 160
Noonan, Peggy, 44
Noriega, Manuel, 49
Norquist, Grover, 201-2, 204, 205, 206,
208, 215
Norris, Edward, 148
Norris, Stephen, 165n
North, Oliver, 34, 62, 76, 193n
Northern Alliance, 221, 240
Nosair, El Sayed, 147, 148, 150
Numeiry, Jaafar, 71

Obaid, Nawaf, 28, 121, 180
oil industry, 11, 15, 25-27, 38-39,
122-23, 132-33, 202, 225-26
government regulation and, 39, 43,
price of, 3-4, 11, 27-28, 59, 66, 77 ,
79, 116-19
U.S.-Saudi relations and, 3-4, 26, 59,
62, 83, 242-45, 262-64
O'Neill, Paul, 125n, 226, 240, 260
Operation Townhouse, 42, 49
Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC), 26, 59, 262
Othman, Talat, 125, 208-9
Ottaway, David B., 243

Pakistan, 30n-31n, 100, 106, 149, 171,
173, 263-64, 269n
Palestinians, 91, 94, 146, 166n, 183n,
208, 209, 210n-11n, 234-36,
Parmet, Herbert S., 40
Parry, Robert, 65n
Pelosi, Alexandra, 196, 197
Percy, Charles, 51-52
Perez, Manuel, 8, 9, 255
Perforaciones Marinas del Golfo (Per
margo), 48n-49n
Perle, Richard, 129-30, 194-95, 274
Petzinger, Thomas, 120-21
Pharaon, Ghaith, 31, 34, 35, 53, 78
Philby, Jack, 26n
Philippines, 14, 104-5, 220
Politics of Diplomacy, The (Baker), 47n,
Pollack, Kenneth, 276
Popular Committee for Assisting the
Palestinian Mujahideen, 183n
Posner, Gerald, 264-69
Powell, Colin:
Prince Bandar's relationship with, 7,
130, 134, 218, 234, 244, 255
Saddam Hussein as viewed by,
79-80, 226
as secretary of state, 231, 234, 244,
251, 253, 254n, 255, 260
Predator aerial vehicle, 229, 240, 241
Project for a New American Century
(PNAC), 194-95, 211, 212, 226,

Qaddafi, Muammar, 206n
Qalamnevis, Hadi, 80n
Qasim, Abd al-Karim, 65
Quasha, Alan, 118
Quayle, Dan, 32n, 137, 210
Qutb, Sayyid, 93-94, 179

racial profiling, 210, 212-13, 214, 233
Rafiqdust, Mohsen, 80n
Rather, Dan, 186
Reagan, Nancy, 51
Reagan, Ronald, 4, 7, 16, 52, 57, 98
anticommunism of, 107
counterterrorism policy of, 72, 76
G. H. W. Bush's relationship with,
46-47, 69, 76-77, 120
in Iran-contra affair, 64, 161
Middle East policies of, 62-63, 70
in presidential campaign of 1980,
46-47, 48, 51, 58
in presidential campaign of 1984, 70,
Saddam Hussein and, 80, 82, 133, 134
Saudi connections of, 59
Reno, Janet, 211n
Republican National Committee
(RNC), 33, 41, 42, 46, 49, 160
Republican Party, 15, 33, 36, 39, 41, 42,
43n, 46, 47, 49, 50-51, 113, 160,
175, 191, 201-2, 208-13, 215-16,
217, 218, 221, 223
Revell, Oliver "Buck," 207
Reynolds, Russe1l, 116
Rice, Condoleezza, 7, 191, 199, 220-22,
227, 228, 238, 240-41, 242, 243,
244, 251, 253, 274
Rice, Wi1liam Marsh, 45
Richards, Ann, 114, 127
Richardson, Sid, 35
Rintawi, Ureib Al-, 80n-81n
Rise, Corruption and Coming Fall of
the House ofSaud, The (Abur-
ish), 86
Riyadh, 25, 86, 168, 171-73, 175-76,
181, 182, 228, 279
bombings of, 171-73, 175-76, 181,
182, 228, 279
Robertson, James, 180
Robinson, Adam (pseud.), 92-93
Rockefeller, Nelson, 43, 69n
Rogers, Ed, 125
Roosevelt, Franklin D., 3
Rove, Karl, 41n, 188, 192, 197-98, 209,
222, 248
Rubenstein, David, 155-60, 161,
162-63, 165, 167
Rubin, Robert, 239
Rudman, Warren, 227-28
Rumsfeld, Donald, 161, 218, 253
Iraq War and, 251, 276
as PNAC member, 194, 211n
Saddam Hussein's meeting with,
67-68, 226
as secretary of defense, 67-68, 191,
194, 222, 240, 251, 264, 276
Rupp, Heinrich, 52n

Sabah, Mishal al-, 249n
Sabah, Saud Nasir al-, 138-39
Sabah family, al-, 135, 164, 249n
Sadat, Allwar, 57, 147
Saeed, Agha, 214-15, 216
Saffuri, Khaled, 202, 209
Saghiya, Hazem, 81n
Salameh, Mohammed, 150
Salem, George, 187n, 210, 213
Salman bin Abdul Aziz, Prince, 103,
1 S2, 1 S3n, 255
Salter, Wayne, 197
Saud, House of, 83-96, 144
Afghanistan War and, 98-100
Al Qaeda connections of, 111,
17S-79, 181-S2, 200, 233, 247,
263-69, 272-74
BCCI scandal and, 78-79
bin Laden family's relationship
with, 2, 5, 6, 21-22, 94-96,
100-101, 171-72, 175
Bush family's relationship with,
15-17, 19, 35-36, 53, 118-28,
165-66, 188-89, 198-201, 209,
222-23, 234-36, 247-51, 261-63,
272-73, 280-81
Carlyle Fund used by, 166-69, 171,
charitable donations by, 102, 105,
111-12, 125n, 177-81, 183,
187, 198n, 200, 204n, 214, 233,
civil lawsuit against, 177-78, 180-81,
corruption in, 78-79, 86-88, 95-96
descendants of, 83n, 87, 89n
fundamentalist threat to, 14, 66, 82,
88, 89, 94-96, 99, 133-34,
143-46, 150-51, 171-72, 180-83,
184, 201, 266, 272, 278-80
Gulf War and, 133-34, 139, 143-46,
horse racing as pastime of, 7, 10,
252, 255-56, 265, 266-68
Iran-contra affair and, 73-76, 78-79
Iran-Iraq War and, 71, 77-79
military programs of, 27-28, 66,
oil interests of, 26-27, 42-43, 54, 61,
86-87, 120
Palestinian cause supported by,
political influence of, 29-36, 52-55,
59, 61-62, 84-87, 122
religious legitimacy of, 3, 24, 27-28,
54, 83, 84-87, 89-90, 95-96,
133-34, 171, 201, 251-52
Saddam Hussein and, 15-16, 77-78,
80, 82, 133-34
September 11 attacks and, 2, 26-27 ,
54, 61, 86-88, 120, 151, 166n,
177-78, 180-81, 263-69, 272-74,
277, 280-81
tribal origins of, 84-87
U.S. evacuation of, 2, 8-16, 253-59,
260, 269
wealth of, 2, 26-29, 54, 61, 86-88,
120, 151, 166-69, 171, 200,
Western culture and, 2-3, 4, 7, 10,
87, 88-90, 95, 152n-53n, 252,
255-56, 265, 266-68
see also specific family members
Saud, king of Saudi Arabia, 59n, 86,
Saud al-Faisal, Prince, 261
Saudi Arabia:
arms deals of, 4, 24n, 27-28, 59-61,
64-65, 73-74, 166-69
banking interests of, 20, 22-23,
29-32, 34, 52, 119-20
covert operations of, 61, 63-64, 71,
economy of, 90, 151
holy sites in, 3, 21-22, 91, 95, 96,
as Islamic theocracy, 3, 24, 27-28,
54, 84-87, 89, 134, 201, 252
modernization of, 89-90
Muslim-American communities
supported by, 203-4, 216
oil industry of, 2, 3, 11, 15, 25-27,
42-43, 54, 61, 86-87, 90, 120,
225, 226, 242-45, 262-64, 274,
public beheadings in, 28, 86, 96, 265
terrorist attacks in, 11, 171-73,
175-76, 181, 182, 228, 261,
tribal allegiances in, 22, 274
U.S. relations with, see U.S.-Saudi
U.S. troops stationed in, 133-34,
143-46, 183, 274, 279-80
Saudi Arabian National Guard
(SANG), 95-96, 162, 168, 171,
181-82 .
Saudi Binladin Group (SBG), 5-6, 20,
21, 61, 91, 96, 101, 103, 112, 149,
150, 173n, 188
Scheer, Robert, 231
Schlesinger, Alvin, 147n
Schwartz, Stephen, 84, 203-4
Schwarzkopf, Norman, 164n, 217, 218
Scowcroft, Brent, 130, 140-41, 217,
218, 219, 235
Second Front (MacArthur), 136
Secord, Richard, 60n
Securities and Exchange Commission
(SEC), 36, 49n, 124, 225, 262
Sedky, Cherif, 53, 121, 168, 178n, 187n,
September 11 attacks, 247-51
aircraft grounded after, 1-2, 8-14,
253-55, 256, 257
September 11 attacks (cont.)
Bush-Saudi connection in, 16-17,
19, 247-51
casualties from, 177-78, 180-81,
250, 252, 272
execution of, 227-41247-251
funding of, 180-81
G. W. Bush's response to, 247-51,
hijacked planes used in, 1-2, 11-12,
180, 206n, 229, 233, 238, 239
intelligence on, 179, 219-22, 227-41,
247-48, 253
media coverage of, 4-5, 9, 12
official narrative of, 271-81
preparations for, 229-33, 237-39
Saudi evacuation after, 2, 8-16,
253-59, 260, 269
Saudi nationals as terrorists in, 4-5,
7, 12, 15, 180, 231, 247-48, 2, 52,
security failures in, 11-12, 22?-41
warnings of, 227-41
Shallah, Ramadan Abdullah, 206-7
Sharon, Ariel, 234, 235, 242, 243
Shelton, Henry, 251
Shultz, George, 62, 64, 68, 70, 72, 76
Siblani, Usama, 213
Signposts Along the Road (Qutb), 94
Simon, Steven, 173, 174-75, 176, 185,
186, 219, 239
Sleeping with the Devil (Baer), 112,
182, 261
Soghanalian, Sarkis, 80
Solarz, Stephen J., 134
Somalia, 149, 150
Soros, George, 117
Soviet Union, 57, 58, 65-66, 139-40, 204
Spectrum 7, 117
Spider's Web (Friedman), 67
Springman, Michael, 109-10
Stanford, Jason, 127
State Department, U.S., 12, 41n, 67,
79n, 81, 109-10, 130, 131, 173,
253-54, 255, 259, 276, 279
Steele, Kathy, 9
Stephens, Jackson, 120
Stockman, David, 164
Stone, Michael, 148
Stone, Robert, Jr., 123n
Strain, Charles, 122
Sudairi, Hassa bint Ahmed al-, 59, 89n
Sudan, 27, 71, 149, 171, 174-75, 185-87,
Sultan bin Faisal bin Turki al-Saud,
Prince, 266, 268
Sultan bin Salman bin Abdul Aziz al
Saud, Prince, 3, 59-60, 85n, 89,
143-44, 146, 179, 180-81, 182
Supreme Court, U.S., 215, 217, 220
Suqama, Satam al-, 248n
Sutherland, Thomas, 72

Taliban, 110, 175, 183, 188, 220-21, 228,
231, 240, 261, 266
Teicher, Howard, 62, 67, 69
Tenet, George, 4, 227-28, 236, 240, 241,
250, 251, 253
terrorists, Islamic:
as Afghanistan War combatants,
99-102, 147
charities linked to, 102, 105, 111-12,
125n, 177-81, 183, 187, 198n,
204n, 214, 233
finances of, 78, 128, 173, 188, 201,
international networks of, 3,
146-50, 173-74
Muslim-American links to, 201-16
origins of, 57-58, 108-11
Saudi Arabia as target of, 11 ,
171-73, 175-76, 181, 182, 228,
261, 279-80
U.S. as target of, 3, 184-89, 201,
210, 212-13, 219-22, 227-41,
visas for, 109-10, 231, 247, 248,
war on, 11, 214, 219-22, 256, 260,
262, 277
see also specific terrorist groups
Texas Commerce Bank, 27, 53
Thomas, Evan, 29
Timmerman, Kenneth, 205, 207
Torricelli, Robert G., 134
Treasury Department, U.S., 173, 178,
Truell, Peter, 120-21
Truman, Harry S., 59n
Tuite, James, 69
Turabi, Hassan al-, 149, 207
Turki bin Faisal al-Saud, Prince, 28-29,
78, 89n, 98, 100, 101, 103, 175n,
180-81, 182
Turner, Stansfield, 50
Turnipseed, William, 115
Two Faces of Islam, The (Schwartz), 84

Ullman, Chris, 162n-63n
Union Bank of Switzerland (UBS),
United Defense, 159, 162, 169, 224
United Nations, 33, 41, 49, 66, 70, 79n,
106, 133, 149, 189, 227n, 275
United States:
Arab investment in, 28-29, 166-69,
!71, 200
civil liberties in, 13, 210, 212-13,
214, 233
democratic ideals of, 3, 85, 252
economy of, 4, 77, 88, 132-33,
as "Great Satan," 83, 93-94, 133-34,
135, 143-46, 205
intelligence assets of, 7, 65-66, 71,
75-76, 81, 104, 131, 132, 134,
139-40, 179, 219-22, 227-41,
247-48, 253, 275-77
Muslim-American population of,
national security of, 13-14, 109-10,
179, 187, 201, 219-22
oil consumption of, 4, 25, 26-27,
38-39, 90, 132-33, 242-45, 262,
oil production of, 25-26, 225-26
in post-Cold War era, 141-42, 161,
secular culture of, 93-94
terrorist threat to, 3, 184-89, 201,
210, 212-13, 219-22, 227-41,
U.S.-Saudi relations;
Cold War and, 58-59, 97-98, 99
economic aspect of, 88, 90, 198-200,
Gulf War and, 133-34, 143-46,
Houston-Jeddah connection in,
19-27, 52-53
Iran-contra affair and, 62-65
Iran-Iraq War and, 66
Iraq War and, 274-75, 278-79
Islamic fundamentalism as threat to,
94-96, 143-46, 20!
lobbying in, 52, 59-60, 261-63
Middle East situation and, 129,
241-45, 254, 274-75
military aspect of, 4, 24n, 27-28,
58-62, 64-65, 66, 73-74, 133-34,
Muslim-American community and,
oil interests and, 3-4, 26, 59, 62, 83,
242-45, 262-64
political aspect of, 52, 59-60,
130-31, 200-201, 222-23, 261-63
terrorism and, 2, 4-5, 8-17,
171-77, 182-88, 251-69
see also Bush family; Saud,
House of
Uzielli, Philip, 116, 117

Vaughan, Jessica, 231
Veil (Woodward), 71, 108-9
Vickers, Eric, 205
Vietnam War, 33, 41, 63, 77, 95n, 98,
108, 109, 114, 115 .
Vinnell Corporation, 95, 162, 168, 171,
172, 200
Vinson, Elkins and Connolly, 25, 36,
Visa Express, 231, 247, 248, 260-61
Vought Aircraft, 159, 162, 169

Wag the Dog, 186
Wahhab, Ibn Abd al-, 84, 85
Walker, Herbert, 39
Walker, Ray, 45
Wall Street Journal, 6, 33, 42, 120-21,
123n, 127--28, 205, 206n, 225
Walsh, Elsa, 177
Washington Post, 39, 41n, 49n, 52-53,
60, 76, 114, 116, 126, 156-57,
168, 186-87, 224, 228, 236, 237,
238, 243, 244
Watergate scandal, 33, 41-42, 49, 160
Wead, Doug, 192-93
Webster, Wi1liam, 107
Wechsler, Wi1l, 174, 180-81
Weinberger, Caspar, 62, 64, 71, 72, 76,
Weir, Benjamin, 72
Weymouth, Lally, 49n
White, Chris, 9
White, Mark, 45-46
White, Thomas, 222
Why America Slept (Posner), 264-69
Wihbey, Paul Michael, 13-14
Williams, Earle, 162
Williams, Edward Bennett, 29, 32
Williams, Kenneth, 232-33
Wilson, Charlie, 98-99
Wolffe, Richard, 196
Wolfowitz, Paul, 129, 134, 141-42,
194-95, 211n, 240
Woodward, Bob, 71, 108-9, 131
Woolsey, James, 20n
World and Islam Enterprise (WISE),
206-7, 210n-21In
World Assembly of Muslim Youth
(WAMY), 94, 178-79
World Trade Center attacks (2001), see
September 11 attacks
World Trade Center bombing (1993),
14, 57n, 102, 148, 149-50, 173,
204, 207
World Transformed, A (G. H. W. Bush
and Scowcroft), 140-41

Yarborough, Ralph, 33
Yeltsin, Boris, 14
Yemen, 21, 22, 27-28, 149, 150, 220
Yeutter, Clayton, 81
Yousef, Ramzi Ahmed, 149-50, 173
Youssef, Fayeza, 138

Zahn, Paula, 172, 269
Zapata Off-Shore Company, 39, 40, 43,
48, 133, 139, 249n
Zapata Petroleum, 38-39, 40, 43
Zawahiri, Ayman al-, 57n, 94, 173
Zia, Mukahil ul-Islam, 103
Zimmerman, Peter, 139, 140
Zoellick, Robert, 222
Zogby, James, 202
Zubaydah, Abu, 238-39, 263-69


Craig Unger served as the deputy editor of the New York Observer and the editor of Boston Magazine. He has written about the two George Bushes for the New Yorker, Esquire, and Vanity Fair. He lives in New York City.
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Re: House of Bush, House of Saud, by Craig Unger

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The bin Laden family on a 1971 visit to Falun, Sweden, where the family did business with Volvo. Osama, second from the right, was then about fourteen years old.

The magnificent Grand Mosque in Mecca, which is visited by 2 million Muslim pilgrims during the hajj each year. Renovated by the Saudi Binladin Group, it was also the site of a violent siege by Islamic militants in 1979 that involved Mahrous bin Laden.

In the mid-seventies, Houston businessman James R. Bath represented the interests of Salem bin Laden and Khalid bin Mahfouz. Bath was also friendly with George W. Bush, his father, James Baker, and other prominent Texas politicians.

Shown here during George H. W. Bush's failed 1980 presidential campaign, James Baker and George H. W. Bush had complementary strengths that made them a potent duo. "They're these big, tall, lanky, hot-as-a-pistol guys with ambition so strong it's like a steel rod sticking out of their heads," said speech writer Peggy Noonan. "But they always make a point not to show it. Steel with an overlay of tennis."

In 1983 and 1984, Donald Rumsfeld served as presidential envoy to Saddam Hussein's Iraq. He privately assured Iraqi leaders that even though the United States was publicly protesting Iraq's use of chemical weapons, America's goal of improving relations with Iraq remained undiminished.

Bin Laden, shown here training in Afghanistan in 2001, in a still taken from a videotape. He was backed by both Saudi Arabia and the United States to lead the "Afghan Arabs" against the Soviets during the eighties.

Prince Bandar was at home in full Arab dress but was also so close to George H. W. Bush that he thought of him as "a buddy." Here he meets with President Bush in 1991 after their Gulf War victory.

A devotee of the Dallas Cowboys, Bandar stirred up controversy with his visits to Texas Stadium to see his friend team owner Jerry Jones, shown here with quarterback Troy Aikman in 1993.

Former prime minister John Major of Great Britain and former president Bush both served the Carlyle Group, the giant private equity firm, in Saudi Arabia. In late January 2000, they met with Saudi businessman Khaled al-Ibrahim, a nephew of King Fahd's, at his palace in Riyadh.

Campaigning in Tampa, Florida, in March 2000, George W. Bush made an aggressive push to win the Muslim-American vote, courting Islamic militants such as Sami Al-Arian, to the right of Bush. Al-Arian, who was allegedly a member of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, was later arrested on dozens of charges, among them conspiracy to finance terrorist attacks that killed more than a hundred people -- including two Americans.

Prince Bandar, shown here at the president's ranch in Crawford, Texas, in August 2002. Bandar was not as close with the younger Bush as he was with Bush senior, yet the prince remained very much a friend of the family.

Counterterrorism czar Richard Clarke drew up plans to retaliate for Al Qaeda's October 2000 bombing of the USS Cole, which killed seventeen American sailors, but the Bush administration never acted on them.

After working for George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush, Richard Clarke resigned as counterterrorism czar in February 2003. "I already don't miss it," he said later. "You know that great feeling you get when you stop banging your head against a wall?"

The attack on New York City's World Trade Center, September 11, 2001.

The passenger list drawn up by the Saudi embassy for the flight out of Lexington, Kentucky, en route to London showed Prince Ahmed bin Salman at the top of the list, which included other high-ranking Saudis.

Flight attendants remember Prince Ahmed bin Salman boarding the lavishly customized Boeing 727 in Lexington during the White House-sanctioned evacuation of Saudis that began just after 9/11. In May 2002, his racehorse War Emblem won the Kentucky Derby. During a controversial interrogation, an Al Qaeda operative said Ahmed served as an intermediary between Al Qaeda and the House of Saud and knew in advance that Al Qaeda would attack on 9/11. Not long afterward, the prince died mysteriously in Saudi Arabia of a heart attack at the age of forty-three.

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Re: House of Bush, House of Saud, by Craig Unger

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"There is [sic] other forms of racial profiling that goes on in America. Arab Americans are racially profiled in what's called secret evidence. People are stopped, and we got to do something about that."
-- George W. Bush, Oct. 2000
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Re: House of Bush, House of Saud, by Craig Unger

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Specifically, as vice president in the mid-eighties, Bush supported aiding the mujahideen in Afghanistan through the Maktab al-Khidamat (MAK) or Services Offices, which sent money and fighters to the Afghan resistance in Peshawar. "Bush was in charge of the covert operations that supported the MAK," says John Loftus, a Justice Department official in the eighties. "They were essentially hiring a terrorist to fight terrorism." [19]

Cofounded by Osama bin Laden and Abdullah Azzam, the MAK was the precursor to bin Laden's global terrorist network, Al Qaeda. It sent money and fighters to the Afghan resistance in Peshawar, Pakistan, and set up recruitment centers in over fifty countries including Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and even the United States to bring thousands of warriors to Afghanistan to fight the Soviet Union. [20]The MAK was later linked to the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center in New York through an office in Brooklyn known as the Al-Kifah Refugee Center.
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Re: House of Bush, House of Saud, by Craig Unger

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And so, the United States escalated. By 1987, well into the second term of the Reagan-Bush administration, the United States began to provide the rebels with nearly $700 million in military assistance a year. In addition, the CIA began supplying the mujahideen with intelligence, training, and equipment that allowed them to make scattered strikes against factories, military installations, and storage depots that were actually inside the Soviet Union. They gave the Islamic rebels satellite reconnaissance data, intercepted Soviet intelligence, and provided sniper rifles, timing devices for tons of C-4 explosives for urban sabotage, antitank missiles, and other sophisticated equipment. [32]

Most coveted of all were the Stinger missiles, portable, shoulder-fired antiaircraft guided missiles with infrared seekers for downing low-flying helicopters and planes, [33] missiles so sophisticated that, as one CIA officer put it, "a nearsighted, illiterate Afghan could bring down a few million dollars' worth of Soviet aircraft." [34] With a hit rate of 89 percent, the Stingers downed an average of one plane every day. Soon, the Afghan air force was depleted, and for the Soviets, the cost of the war soared. [35]

Meanwhile, bin Laden built a major arms storage depot, training facility, and medical center for the mujahideen at Khost in eastern Afghanistan. Peshawar became the center of a burgeoning pan Islamic movement. More than twenty-five thousand Islamic militants, from the Palestinians' Hamas, from Egypt's Al Gama'a al-Islamiya and Al Jihad, from Algeria's Islamic Salvation Front, from the Philippines' Moro Liberation Front, from countries all over the world, made the pilgrimage through Peshawar to the jihad. [36]

"You can sit at the Khyber Pass and see every color, every creed, every nationality, pass," a Western diplomat said. "These groups, in their wildest imagination, never would have met if there had been no jihad. For a Moro [iv] to get a Stinger missile! To make contacts with Islamists from North Africa! The United States created a Moscow Central in Peshawar for these groups, and the consequences for all of us are astronomical." [37]

A new network of charities grew into a formidable infrastructure to support the growing pan-Islamic movement. Money flowed into the Services Offices in Peshawar. A new leadership emerged that included Sheikh Azzam and his best friend, the rotund, blind Sheikh Omar from Egypt. CIA forces in Peshawar saw him as a valuable asset, letting pass his militant anti Western sentiments because he was such a powerful force in uniting the mujahideen. [38]
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Re: House of Bush, House of Saud, by Craig Unger

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"The Iron Curtain still stretches from Stettin to Trieste. But it's a rusting curtain. Shafts of light from the Western side, from our side, the free and prosperous side, are piercing the gloom of failure and despair on the other side. The truth is being sought as never before, and the peoples of Eastern Europe, the peoples of the Soviet Union itself, are demanding more freedom, demanding their place in the sun." -- George W. Bush
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