The school is education from above; the HJ that from below. In the school it is the teaching staff which educates; in the HJ it is the youth leadership. Obviously, within the school the authority of the teacher must be the highest authority. Equally obvious is the fact that the authority of the HJ leader is the highest authority outside of the school. If both parties scrupulously observe this distinction there can be no friction, particularly if both are also clearly aware that youth education is a unified whole in which both have to integrate themselves meaningfully. Without intending any criticism of the teaching profession, it must be said that a teacher, as such, should not, at the same time, also be an HJ leader. The fact that we also have several hundred teachers in the ranks of the HJ does not contradict this requirement. The HJ leadership comes from all walks of life; hence it also includes members of the teaching profession. But the Reich youth leadership does not as a matter of course recognize in any given teacher a greater aptitude for the office of youth leader than it does in any other Volk comrade. A teacher with special aptitude for youth work has the same possibilities for advancement within the HJ that are open to every other Volk comrade. His profession, however, does not give him a claim to youth leadership. Teaching and leadership are two fundamentally different matters. Even the most experienced and successful schoolmaster may be a complete failure in the leadership of a youth group, just as, on the other hand, an able HJ leader may be incapable of giving regular school instruction. The prerequisites of teaching, in addition to a natural calling, include a definite, planned training routine supervised by the state. The youth leader also is subjected to a certain educational routine, which must, above all, include practical activity within the youth movement. Beyond that, he must possess an ability that no teacher's seminar, no university, and no ministry of public education can give him -- namely, the ability to lead, which is inborn. This innate gift of leadership is crucial for the calling of youth leader. Whoever possesses it, whether teacher, peasant, or factory worker, can be employed in youth work. Unfortunately, many a teacher is of the opinion, among other things, that the right to youth leadership was bestowed on him along with his teacher's certificate, as it were. A fateful error! If by some oversight such a teacher should take over the leadership of a youth group, he would unconsciously falsify the meaning of the youth movement, because he would conceive of the youth organization simply as a continuation of scholastic instruction by different means. What for the youngsters is intended as marching and a serious hike then becomes a school outing, etc. All too easily, an office that obligates him to work with youth seduces a teacher into an erroneous self-estimation. He is apt to confound the authority bestowed on him as a teacher by the government with the other, innate authority of the leader. The end result is that the teacher and the youth are both disappointed; the teacher loses faith in himself and the youth loses faith in the idea. Such mistakes are hard to overcome, especially in the field of youth leadership. Hence it is far better to prevent such failures from the outset. Moreover, many a teacher has confirmed to me that a teacher who has a serious conception of the teaching profession would seldom be able to cope simultaneously with the responsibilities of educator and youth leader, since the work load would be much too great.
Moreover, the sociological structure of the Hitler Youth, in which the overwhelming majority are working youths, would confront a teacher who is an HJ leader with a social group altogether different from that which he had imagined from his work at school. The pedagogical qualifications which enable him to deal successfully with his own students within the HJ have no validity as soon as he is surrounded by apprentices from a wide variety of trades who have dropped out of school. And if at first he had presumed that he had to deal only with a school class dressed in uniform, he now becomes fully aware of the fact that the HJ, down to its smallest cell, represents the whole people.
The line of demarcation between school and the HJ cannot be drawn clearly enough. To be sure, the cooperation between youth leaders and teachers must be based on mutual confidence and comradeship. The more frequently that teacher and youth leader discuss the problems of the youths entrusted to their care, the better it will be not only for the school but also for the youth organization. A lazy student (and there are lazy students even in the HJ!) may frequently be more strongly motivated to do better work if his youth leader, after a conference with the teacher, exhorts him to do better, than would be the case if a warning came directly from the teacher. In this connection the following must be given special consideration: with the rise of the National Socialist youth movement, all schools today have classes that include leaders of the JV [2] and the Hitler Youth as well as of the BDM among its students. The teacher must exercise a great deal of tact in order to find the right tone in dealing with them. Naturally they are pupils just as much as the others in the class. Nevertheless, it is a different thing to reprimand a student who leads a youth group outside of school than to reprimand one who is nothing but a student. Here the teacher must always strive not to reduce unnecessarily the authority of a youth leader in front of his comrades. He should tell him privately what must be said to him in the interest of his education. And if he is unsuccessful, he should get in touch with the superiors of the particular youth leader rather than engage in a disputation with him before the whole class, which frequently will lead only to the psychologically understandable consequence that the Hitler Youth will close ranks against the teacher, because they are unable to distinguish clearly between a reprimand to the pupil and one to their youth-group leader. And if in the excitement of the moment a word should be uttered against the HJ, the confidence of the student body in the teaching staff is destroyed, and it is not easily reestablished. But the more a teacher strives to enter into the spirit and structure of the HI. the more success will he have. In my opinion, a teacher today must be willing to make the truly small sacrifice of attending this or that affair of the HJ, to show that he takes an interest in what his pupils are doing outside of school. So many teachers in Germany have in this way known how to establish psychological bonds between themselves and their students! But how many have made the mistake of turning their backs on the youth! The latter simply forget that in a higher sense youth is always right because youth carries within itself the new life. The inflexible adherence of such teachers to the olden times will only place them outside the new times, and they no longer will have any contact with youth and life.
In these times, the teacher is more necessary than ever. Like the youth leader, he has a great and magnificent task to perform for the sake of the young generation. Less than ever before should he be satisfied to close his books with the final bell and call it a day.
To be sure, youth has no particular respect for knowledge. It respects only the man. Whoever is a real man among the teachers will be able to make an exciting experience even out of the musty classroom. He who is not is beyond help. We can only hope that the breed which looked upon teaching only as a comfortable berth, and saw in the pupil only an unpleasant material that had to be worked, will oon die out. We all know men of this type, called "kettle-drummers" in popular usage. There are fewer of them every day. They can't stand the fresh air of the Third Reich, and as they vanish, the stalwart figures of our young teachers take their places. They, however, stand with both feet in the present, march in rank and file with their comrades in SA and PO, [3] and, like them, are the older comrades of the Hitler Youth.
The liberalistic era invented the horrible title of Head Director of Studies (Oberstudiendirektor). National Socialism will show us what a schoolmaster is.
***
The HJ is a corporate component of the NSDAP. Its task is to see that new members of the National Socialist movement will grow up in the same spirit through which the Party achieved greatness. Every movement that finds itself in the possession of political power runs the danger of being corrupted by opportunists. Even the National Socialist movement has had its difficulties with these "knights of expediency." In popular usage they are known as the "hundred-and-ten-percenters." These are people who for years have joined whatever political party was dominant, only to leave it at once when the star of political expediency began to wane. They have no interest in a world view nor the slightest spiritual impulse for their political decisions. Their only interest is the possibility of personal profit and advantage. It is obvious that on January 30, 1933, such types also thought they saw opportunities for personal gain in National Socialism. Aware as they are of their own inferiority, these people are always examining the actions of National Socialist leaders to see whether they might not perhaps glimpse a betrayal of the National Socialist idea. Such "followers" of National Socialism are a greater danger to the movement than its real enemies. The NSDAP protects itself from these creatures primarily through its youth organizations. Whoever at the age of ten or twelve joined the JV and until his eighteenth year belonged to the HJ has served such a long probation period that the National Socialist party can be certain of him as an utterly reliable fighter. The party has no other way of safeguarding its inner strength. In the period of struggle, every NSDAP member, by the very fact of belonging to the party, was subjected to sacrifice and persecution; whoever came to us in those years was motivated by his faith. Today membership in the NSDAP carries with it a certain prestige. Rightfully this prestige is even greater the longer the membership has lasted. Today everyone knows that the insignia of the Old Guard of the party are symbols of willing sacrifice and loyal collaboration in the National Socialist movement.
It may well be that our movement, even after January 30, 1933, won hundreds of thousands of loyal and indefatigable members -- but none of them, however eager, could any longer subject themselves to the probation of the period of struggle. It would be unjust to doubt whether any of them could prove his mettle if put to the test. The fact remains, however, that the old members, as lonely men, aligned themselves with a lonely Leader, while the new ones, in a chorus of millions, hailed the legal Commander-in-Chief of a nation. And it remains true that there are still men who would like to exploit a great, selfless idea for their personal advantage and to misuse the German freedom movement for their selfish purposes.
Thus, the National Socialist party seeks to increase its ranks from, among our youth -- from the mass of those who, like the old fighters of National Socialism, have in their early years sworn themselves to follow the flag out of faith and enthusiasm. Membership over a period of years in the HJ provides an opportunity for rightly judging a youngster's inclination and his worth to the community. Not every Hitler Youth necessarily becomes a member of the National Socialist party; membership in the HJ constitutes no title to later membership in the higher "order" of the movement. But whoever in his youth has unfailingly fulfilled his duty to the movement can be sure that on the day of the solemn and ceremonial graduation of youth into the NSDAP, on the ninth of November, the portals of the party will be opened to him.
It is hardly necessary to point out that harmonious cooperation between the NSDAP and the HJ is especially indispensable. The relations between the top leadership of the youth organization and the Reich leadership, as well as those of the regional leadership to the respective provincial National Socialist administration (Gauleitung), are imbued by the common will to further and strengthen the movement. Wherever difficulties arise, they will be quickly overcome by joint discussions. The close connection between the HJ and the political organization is clearly expressed in a regulation enacted by Dr. Ley [4] making it compulsory for political leaders to appoint a suitable HJ leader as their aide. Through this measure the PO purposes to acquaint a greater circle of HJ leaders, while they are still active in the HJ, with the scope of duties of political leaders and thereby secure a pool of candidates for political leadership. Thus thousands of HJ members have been ordered to serve as aides to political leaders for a one-year period. Even if they should later on devote themselves exclusively to youth work, the knowledge that they will have acquired in the course of their political activity will be of great and essential value for the relationship between youth and the party. On the whole, the Reich youth leadership strives to bring the individual HJ leader into the closest possible contact with other branches of the movement.
From Baldur von Schirach, Die Hitler-Jugend: Idee und Gestalt (Leipzig: Koehler & Amelang, 1934), pp. 66-69, 150·151, 165-179.
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Notes:
1 The Jungvolk was the branch of the Hitler Youth for boys aged ten to fourteen.
2 Jungvolk.
3 The Political Organization, or PO, was a subgroup of the Central Party Office (Reichsleitung) and several organizational groups were attached to it, such as the Nazi party cells in factories, the Nazi party women's organization, and the group of artisans and apprentices.
4. Robert Ley (1890-1945), since 1933 director of the Nazi Political Organization in the Reich and leader of the German Labor Front (Deutsche Arbeitsfront).
The Development of the SS Man
The development of the SS man is as follows: Once his aptness and suitability for the SS have been determined, the Hitler Youth, at the age of eighteen, becomes an SS applicant. On the occasion of the Reich Party Congress of that year, he will receive his identification as an SS candidate and will be enrolled as such in the SS. After a short probation period he will take the oath to the Fuhrer on November 9.
As an SS candidate, during his first year of service he must earn the military sports insignia and the bronze Reich sports insignia. Thereupon, at the age of nineteen or nineteen and a half -- depending on when his age group is enrolled -- he enters the Labor Service and, following that, the army.
After two additional years, he returns from military service, unless he decides to become an NCO candidate. On his return to the SS, he still remains an applicant for the time being. Before his final acceptance, he will undergo additional specialized ideological training, during which he will be specially instructed in the basic laws of the SS, particularly on compulsory marriage and the honor code of the SS. On November 9, following his return from armed service, and if all other prerequisites have been fulfilled, the applicant will then definitely be admitted into the Elite Guard.
Simultaneously, on November 9, he is given the right to wear the SS dagger and on that occasion he takes an oath that he and all his kin will always obey the basic laws of the SS. From this day on he has not only the right but the duty -- according to the law of the Elite Guard -- to defend his honor in conformity with the honor code of the Black Corps.
From Die SS: Geschichte, Aufgabe und Organisation der Schutzstaffeln der NSDAP, edited by Gunter d'Alquen (Berlin: Junker und Dunnhaupt Verlag, 1939), pp. 18-19.
THE UNIVERSITY COMMUNITY
The Renovation of the Academic Community, by GERHARD KRUGER
The aim of the university during the period of classic liberalism was to develop as many all-round educated individuals as possible. The value of a man lay entirely within himself. The more complete and self-contained a personality was, the greater seemed its value for the further development and progress of all mankind. The widely held picture of the old Goethe represents the ideal of that time: to be poet, philosopher, natural scientist, and artist at the same time, to embrace all fields of human culture. In this connection, even his political activity had only one purpose, to lead this one valuable exemplar of man to an ever-increasing perfection and serenity. But it is worthy of notice that the Goethe who was thus idealized in the imagination of great numbers of people increasingly became a master of the joys of living and the pleasures of life.
Later this ideal found an entirely new formulation in the "higher man,." the superman of Friedrich Nietzsche -- even though this concept in many of its aspects, especially in its deliberate one-sidedness and exaggeration, already constituted the overcoming of the classic ideal of the human personality. Nietzsche also saw the value of mankind exclusively in its most rare and excellent examples, beside whom the rest appeared at best only as garbage or perhaps test material for a nature that was engaged in creating the Superman, and were no more than an abomination and nausea to the "higher man."
During the nineteenth century, the ideal of the harmonious man, as classic liberalism viewed it, gradually degenerated into the one-sidedness of specialists who no longer had any true connection with the community. Specialized education and the overrating of the intellect bred that "spiritualized" human whom nobody has characterized as trenchantly and as ironically as has Nietzsche, who countered him with the demand for a sound, healthy lust for life. The university bred the "brain man," the "instructor." The university itself, and with it its teachers and partly even its students, lost all relationship to the people and the state.
To this bourgeois ideal Marxism counterposed yet another, that of the proletarian, who likewise had no relationship to blood and soil. The class struggle between bourgeoisie and proletariat necessarily had to arise from the confrontation between these two ideals.
The liberal university cannot be absolved of the grievous political guilt of having sown the seed of this struggle through its scientific and educational ideal. And the student of the prewar period cannot be absolved of the guilt of never having instinctively rejected this education.
The student of that period was a privileged being by virtue of his education. He needed to serve only one year in the army. He had his special academic rights and his special attitudes. The feudalistic principles of a few corps [1] spread to all other student fraternities. According to the tradition of those corps the fraternity has only one task, to help its members develop their talents in keeping with classic liberalism. And here, too, as this ideal became all-embracing, the result was one-sidedness and progressive shallowness. Education became ever more external, increasingly and exclusively directed toward empty form and social manners.
It is the fault of the German student fraternities, despite their other merits, not to have perceived in time the danger of these developments for the totality of the life of our people. The result of this development was that German youth no longer found the way to German youth, nor the student to the worker, even though it is normally one of the most striking characteristics of youth to disregard entirely the disputes of the older generation.
Only National Socialism, which grew out of the life at the front during the war, could bring a change. How deep liberalism had impregnated our people, how deep the cleavage it had opened between bourgeois and proletarian, is best illustrated by the fact that National Socialism, despite the shattering experience of the war, needed nearly one and a half decades to prevail. But we must not believe that the enemy has been definitely defeated. If the Volk community is to become a reality, every generation must wrestle anew for the soul of the rest of the people.
To lay the foundation for this is the socialist task of education and of the educators, last but not least at the university level. The liberal university has not yet been entirely overcome; the majority of university teachers intellectually still represent the educational ideal of classic liberalism. The opposition between youth and university cannot be -- nor should it be -- overcome until the university has recognized its great political and socialist mission and is actively engaged in achieving it.
Our aim is to gather the student body into unified and serried ranks. The student body itself can fulfill its task only if this reconstruction is carried out in its own ranks with all severity and consistency. Even today anyone who in some way has obtained his qualification diploma can attend a university. The intellect is still the only yardstick for admission.
To be able to devote many years exclusively to the training of one's intellect and thereby to attain a higher position in life is a privilege which is granted to an individual by the state and which he must repeatedly strive for by special service to the people as a whole. Intellectual abilities are not the only standard for admission to university studies; rather, above all, the value of an individual for the people as a whole -- for the state. In the future we must no longer look upon it as merely a right, but also as a duty, to determine at frequent intervals to what extent the individual student fulfills these requirements. And in time our criteria will have to become ever more strict.
The fraternities and corps, as the educational communities in the universities, must recognize their specific task in this respect. Only in this way can they justify their existence. The prewar fraternity with its feudalistic principles has to be overcome. Belonging to a fraternity or corps must become a testimony to a new form and content of student life that is sharply disciplined and is carried on with the virile austerity of the soldier. The experience of the SA must have a continuous effect here. Only thus can the student fraternities -- freed from the stale romanticism of old Heidelberg -- become politically valuable and truly Volkish in character.
It is the task of the student body to participate in this renovation of the scholastic community. In some fraternities the first steps toward this development have already been taken. A new type of fraternity house must be created to serve as a center for the new community life. Perhaps the experiment that was tried in Freiberg, where students active in the leadership of the student movement were lodged in the same home with workers, can be carried further. It is an idea that originated in the students' Labor Service.
In the days since the National Socialist revolution, a great deal has been said about a Volk community and socialism, much of it by people who in their innermost being never understood the meaning and spirit of Adolf Hitler's National Socialism. These are mostly the same people who tried to have others believe that the revolution had come to an end with the Day of Potsdam? These are the same men who demanded of us students that we now should return from the political battle to the university and our studies. But the SA student, the political student, can and will never become apolitical, because the battle for the shaping of our people will never end. The SA student can and will never return to classrooms in which are taught subjects that are the product of liberalism, which, through this spirit and its exponents, stand in opposition to the will of the youth.
Socialism has not yet become a reality simply because a socialist-dominated government has been formed. Nor will the demands of socialism be fulfilled when all economic organizations have become "coordinated." True socialism shakes the fundamental concepts of life as it has been lived up to now. It must renew the entire life of our nation down to its last and tiniest units. There can be no limits. There are no autonomous institutions and concepts. Even the universities and learning must in their being be imbued and renovated by the revolution. And here is the great task of the student body -- to keep things in a state of restlessness -- to be the storm troop.
This is the battle that the student now has to wage for learning and education: not to fall into a negative stance outside the university, not to permit himself to be seduced or to be taken in by a learning that is at bottom liberal, even if it assumes a national costume. But to win learning and the university, in their very being, for National Socialism.
From Gerhard Kruger, "Verpflichtung der Studentenschaft zum Sozialismus," Der Deutsche Student, Aug. 1933, pp. 26-30.
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Notes:
1. Color-bearing fraternities.
2. On March 22, 1933, the Reichstag met in the historic town of Potsdam and here Hitler received the blessing of President Hindenburg, himself a symbol of the German past. The former sergeant major had arrived.
Work Is Future, by WERNER BEUMELBURG
They speak of German youth, of a sacred will to assume obligations, of sacrifices and skills. The lofty concept of duty comes alive: everyone in his place, even the apprentice. And now the Reich youth leadership and Labor Front call German working youth to a fresh and joyful battle. This will be no boring school hour, no scrambling for high marks, but a struggle as if fought on the battlefield -- except that here it will be in the vocational sphere. Everyone should simply show what he can do. He is to become conscious of his shortcomings, and new ways to perfection are to be pointed out to him. Our economy needs good workers and employees. For this reason, the Labor Front also calls upon employers, firms, superiors, parents, and teachers. They should participate spiritually and actively because the way of youth is the way of our people. It should be a matter of honor for every employer to require every youngster in his charge to participate.
From Werner Beumelburg, Arbeit ist Zukunft: Ziele des deutschen Arbeitsdienstes (Oldenburg i. D.: Gerhard Stalling, 1933), p. 66.
Admission to the Friedrich-Wilhelm University of Berlin
Native Germans (subjects of the German Reich) upon their full matriculation must present the following:
1. The leaving certificate of an institute of higher learning or an equivalent attestation.
Remarks:
.a) Leaving certificates obtained abroad are admissible for the matriculation of native Germans only if they have been recognized by the Reich Minister for Science, Education, and Popular Instruction.
b) Temporary or substitute teachers who intend to study at the university must be separated from service in the public school system for the duration of their studies
2. Duty prepared leaving certificates (ex-matrical) of universities already attended. (Simultaneous matriculation at two separate institutions of higher learning is not permissible. )
3. An attestation of the permissibility of the premature separation from the original university. Enrollment of students in the second or third semester or trimester, respectively, can take place only when the student concerned has also been previously matriculated at the University of Berlin, or if a certificate of approval from the rector of the previous university is available, Or if the Reich Students' Leadership had permitted studies abroad. (Regulations concerning the original university and the limitation set on enrollment in the second or third semester have been suspended for the time being.)
4. Students enrolled from the fourth semester on must submit proof of successful participation in basic physical education. (According to a decree of the Reich Minister of Education, every German student is obliged to participate in basic physical education during his first, second, and third semester. Report to Berlin NW 7, Luisenstrasse 56.)
5. Certification of all academic grades achieved.
6. A police certificate concerning the students' civic behavior. This is not necessary, however, if the student has left another school or university no longer than three months prior to his matriculation.
7. Three unmounted photographs for the student identification card, 4 X 4 cm. in size. (The applicant must not be shown with any party insignia or in uniform in these photographs.)
8. Proof of ancestry: German subjects and ethnic Germans must furnish proof of the type of their ancestry. For this purpose a printed form called "Proof of Ancestry" must be filled out and handed in to the Student Directorate for checking on the basis of documents that must be submitted. Statements in the "Proof of Ancestry" form must be substantiated by the applicant's own birth certificate, the marriage certificate of his parents, and the baptismal certificates of his grandparents. In doubtful cases, documents concerning the great- grandparents likewise may have to be submitted. All submitted documents must be either originals or certified copies. Entries in family Bibles or passports issued to ancestors will be admitted as substantiating evidence. Proof is to be submitted in such a manner that date of birth, name, profession, residence, and religion of the applicant as well as those of his parents and grandparents are clearly discernible.
Married applicants must enter the same proof of ancestry for their marriage partners.
Anyone who presents valid proof of membership in the NSDAP, SA, SS, NSKK, [1] NSFK, [2] Hitler Youth, or BDM, or who by his army identification can prove any promotion (at least to the rank of corporal), is not required to fill out the "Proof of Ancestry" form. In such cases it suffices for the applicant to give written assurance that he knows of no circumstances that would lead to the conclusion that either he or his spouse, if he is married, is of non-Aryan origin.
If the "Proof of Ancestry" form has already been checked against available documents at another university, it must again be presented at the new matriculation at the University of Berlin.
9. Proof of completed Labor Service or service with the Students' Social Service, or valid proof of exemption from these services.
Reich Germans of German or related blood species who were born in 1915 or thereafter must serve their time in the Reich Labor Service before admission to studies. Enrollment as a volunteer of the Reich Labor Service must take place in due time at the proper recruitment office of the Labor Service. By regulation of the Reich Labor Leader, candidates for university study may commit themselves to a half-year Labor Service immediately upon leaving school, provided they are at least 16-1/2 years of age and are found physically fit for the Labor Service. They must register in person for the Labor Service prior to their final school examination in December, or January at the latest. Anyone who, despite timely registration, could not be enrolled in the Reich Labor Service upon his matriculation must submit a notice from his local Labor Service office.
Candidates who on the basis of their routine physical examination were found unfit or only partially fit for the Labor Service, must instead serve in the Social Service before they can be admitted to university studies. Applications for enrollment are obtainable at the Reich Students' Leadership Social-Political Office, Division of Labor, Army and Social Services, Berlin W 35, Freidrich-Wilhelm-Strasse 22. Applications must be accompanied by a curriculum vitae, two photographs, and a certified excerpt from the army service record.
Those temporarily incapacitated must likewise send their army service record. Or if they have volunteered, the rejection of their application by the Reich Labor Service to the above-mentioned office of the Reich Students' Leadership. On this basis they will receive an acknowledgment of their temporary rejection, which must also be submitted upon their matriculation.
Female candidates who intend to study must likewise have served their time in the Labor Service, or in case of incapacity in the Social Service, before admission to courses. Applications for the Social Service are accepted by the Reich Students' Leadership Social-Political Office, Department for the Care and Fostering of Female Students, Berlin W 35, Friedrich-Wilhelm-Strasse 22. They will be assigned to service in the NSV in the framework of the Mother and Child Welfare Organization.
Remarks: All Reich Germans upon their matriculation must produce either their Labor Service record or the duty book of the German Students' Organization or their army service record, with a certification of the time served in the Labor Service or proof of service in the Social Service or a certificate from the Reich Students' Leadership stating that they have temporarily been exempt from such service. New Courses for a New Reich
From Personal- und Vorlesungsverzeichnis, Trimester 1941, Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat zu Berlin (Berlin: Preussische Druckerei- und Verlags-Aktiengesellschaft, 1941), pp. 10-11.
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Notes:
1 National Socialist Motor Corps.
2 National Socialist Pilots' Association.
New Courses for a New Reich
From Personal- und Vorlesungsverzeichnis, Trimester 1941, Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat zu Berlin, pp. 148, 180.
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Notes:
1. See page 323.
2. See page 65.
The Nature of Academic Freedom, by WALTER SCHULTZE
In our times learning is called to participate in the National Socialist regeneration of our people's spiritual unity and community. It is in that sense that National Socialism -- represented on the university level by the NSD Association of University Lecturers -- also understands its educational task.
Scientific knowledge must not be carried forward by technical skill alone -- it must be inspired to its very depths by its German mission, in the sense of a Platonic universitas of a purely Nordic character, which must find its ultimate significance in the state, that is, in the Volk. This idea does not endanger the German universities themselves, as some people have been impelled to point out. For them the problem is simply the finding of men capable of leadership, and of their transformation in accordance with the National Socialist world view.
The National Socialist movement seized power in Germany on January 30, 1933. By means of a few highly effective measures, the movement removed what was useless and created what was necessary to exercise this power. It would have been easy also to transform the external and formal elements of the universities. This was not done, not so much because the external form of the university appeared inaccessible or even useless, but because the movement discerned that before anything else the men who lived and worked under these forms had to undergo a transformation. In fact, neither governmental or other administrative regulations nor other organizational measures and decrees can bring forth a National Socialist university. This can be achieved only by molding the living forces that are the heart of a university. Hence the reorganization of the entire university system must not begin with exterior measures; it must begin precisely where the university heretofore has failed: with the human being. The reformation of men, however (or, with respect to our field, perhaps better expressed as the development of a truly National Socialist body of teachers and the creation of a truly German scholar), has been left by the Fuhrer for all time to the party, which must imbue all sectors of public life, including the universities, with its ideology. To make the German universities truly National Socialist -- not just to coordinate them here or there, or to "paint them brown" -- is therefore the principal task of the NSD Association of University Lecturers.
The Association takes into its ranks all the forces at a university whose character and ideology attest to their unconditional loyalty and readiness to serve, but who beyond that also can point to considerable professional accomplishments. To an increasing extent these forces form a comradeship and a committed community which is in a position to call a halt to the liberalistic philosophy sketched above and to give the mission of the German scholar, researcher, and teacher the prestige that is expected by National Socialism in the Party and in the state and, last but not least, by the people united by National Socialism. The strongest bond connects us not with a vague humanity but above all with our own people, from whom we come, to whom we owe everything, and to whom, therefore, we belong entirely. Today this insight, as was the case in the past, does not stand apart from scholarship: it is not an alien element that enters scholarship from the outside. Rather, it is the origin of our existence and thus the purpose and the point of departure of all our scientific knowledge.
Hence we do not view the Universitas literarum as an isolated community of scholarship. Rather, we regard it as an idea living in the totality and community of our people, from whom scholarship flows and to whom it will return. For scholarship, however, the university is the embodiment of this common intellectual task which has meaning and purpose only if all its fields of endeavor are rooted in a common ground, namely, in a world view common to all. Knowledge of this nourishing soil from which every academic discipline must grow, knowledge of a binding ideology, this is the living principle of our German universities. Only the acknowledgment of this principle safeguards the existence of the German university.
Finally, we find that unconditional "academic freedom" is also based on this concept. We proceed here from a notion of freedom that is specifically our own, since we know that freedom must have its limits in the actual existence of the Volk. Freedom is conceivable only as a bond to something that has universal validity, a law of which the whole nation is the bearer. Today, what the great thinkers of German idealism dreamed of, and what was ultimately the kernel of their yearning for liberty, finally comes alive, assumes reality. It fills the gap which in the past repeatedly divided spirit from life, and what is from what ought to be. Never has the German idea of freedom been conceived with greater life and vigor than in our day. This idea of freedom, which at the same time is an idea of personality, in its deepest sense is being lived and thought through today at the university. And we must also understand the freedom of scholarship, the freedom of inquiry and teaching, on this basis. Ultimately freedom is nothing else but responsible service on behalf of the basic values of our being as a Volk.
The task of the National Socialist Association of University Lecturers, acting as a trustee for the party, is to maintain this historically developed academic freedom, the results of whose activity ultimately flow directly to the Volk.
The NSD Association of University Lecturers has taken possession of the great tradition that was founded by the most important men in German intellectual life and will carry it forward in the spirit of our ideology. It is the nucleus of the new "university" and will attract in time the best available forces to shape it in accordance with the demands of our time into a truly Volkish university. Above all else we know one thing, that organization for its own sake is a lifeless structure: only the people within it can make the organization live. This insight came to us after a long struggle for the political freedom of our people. Applied to the universities, it means that the university and the Association of University Lecturers stand or fall with the type of combat-ready political, National Socialist fighter who regards his Volk as the supreme good.
From Erste Reichstagung der Wissenschaftlichen Akademien des NSD-Dozentenbundes, Munich, June 8-10, 1939 (Munich and Berlin: J. F, Lehmanns Verlag, 1939), pp. 16-17.
Jewish Graduates Are Numbers, Not Persons
1915.
387. Ahl, Paul, 2.11.1896, Dr. phil., Elektro-Ingenieur, Ffm.
388. Stamm, Georg, 7.1.1895, Chemiker,?
389. Stiefel, Hermann, 10.4.1896, Amtsger.-Rat, Limburg a. L.
390. Weber, Alfred, 7.3.1896,?
391. Bernhardt, Karl, 13.9.1896, Pfarrer,?
392. Busch, Fritz, 25.5.1897,?.
393. Cullmann, Fritz, 3.8.1896, Kaufmann, Frankfurt a. M.
394. Gabriel, Hans, 7.5.1897, gefallen 26.2.1916.
395. Giesenregen, Rudolf, 9.3.1898, Dr. rer. pol., Dipl.-Kaufmann, Frankfurt a. M.
396. Lummer, Alfred, 9.5.1897, Reichsbankrat, Berlin, Reichswirtschaftsministerium.
397. Muller, Wilhelm, 8.4.1897, Dr. med., Stabsarzt, Sanatorium Sobernheim/Nahe.
398. Schutz, Heinrich, 22.8.1897, Kaufmann, Frankfurt a. M.
399. Vogel, Theodor, 7.5.1896, selbst. Wirtschaftsprufer, Ffm.
400. Zimmerschied, Karl, 13.5.1895, Dr. jur., Kaufmann, Berlin,?
401.-404. jud. Abiturienten [Jewish graduates].
1916.
405. Radtke, Adolf, 25.2.1898, Kapellmeister, Saarbrucken.
1916. JUNI, KRIEGSREIFEPRUFUNG
[Wartime Final Examination].
406. Dienstbach, Hermann, 25. 7. 1897, Dr. rer. pol., Syndikus bei der Handelskammer in Solingen.
407. V. Laer, Ernst, 17. I. 1898, Kaufmann, Aue i. Erzgebirge.
408. Gravenkamp, Erich, 28. 2. 1899, gefallen 10. 3. 1917.
409. Gruber, Karl, 22. 9. 1897, Dr. phil., Stud.-Rat, Kaiser-WilhelmSchule, Frankfurt a. M.
410.-411. jud. Abiturienten [Jewish graduates].
1916. NOVEMBER, KRIEGSREIFEPRUFUNG
[Wartime Final Examination].
412. Bornemann, Gottfried, 14.11.1898, Dr. jur., Landger.-Rat, Frankfurt a. M.
413. Jansen, Werner, 15.11.1898, Postinspektor, Ffm.-Griesheim.
414. Staat, Bernhard, 27.11.1898, Pfarrer, Camberg (Taunus).
415. Rady, Nikolaus, 27.5.1898,?
1917.
416. Schmidt, Richard, 24.3.1899, stud. rer. nat., Grenzschutz Ost 23.6.1919.
417. Feser, Curt, 6.3.1899, Dr. med., prakt. Arzt, Ffm.
418.-419. jud. Abiturienten [Jewish graduates].
From Verzeichnis der Abiturienten des staatlichen Kaiser-Friedrich-Gymnasiums zu Frankfurt am Main, zur 50 Jahrfeier der Schule (1939), pp. 26-27.