Transcript of Alex Jones Interview with Dr. Steve Pieczenik

What you are allowed to think and what you do think are two different things, aren't they? That's another way of saying that this forum may be NSFW, if your boss is a Republican. A liberal won't fire you for it, but they'll laugh at you in the break room and you may not get promoted. Unless you're an engineer, of course, in which your obsession with facing reality is not actually a career-disabling disability.

Re: Transcript of Alex Jones Interview with Dr. Steve Piecze

Postby admin » Thu May 26, 2016 4:31 am

Dulles Papers Reveal CIA Consulting Network: Panel Met Secretly in Princeton
by John Cavanagh
Forerunner
April 29, 1980

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.


A government which corrupts its colleges and universities by making political fronts of them . . . has betrayed academic freedom and compromised all who teach. When colleges and universities are made conduits of deceit and when faculty members are paid to lie, there is an end to the common good of higher education.

-- Professor Van Alstyne, former president of the American Association of University Professors (Academe, June 1976, p. 54)


Throughout the 1960s, and possibly longer, at least five Princeton professors worked secretly as high-level consultants for the CIA, according to previously undisclosed documents contained in the personal papers of former CIA director Allen W. Dulles '14.

Cyril Black, Klaus Knorr, Joseph Strayer, James Billington, and the late T. Cuyler Young served as members of the "Princeton Consultants," a secret panel of academics who met in Princeton, together with Dulles, four times a year to assist with intelligence assessments for the CIA's Office of National Estimates.

Professor Black, who had told the Daily Princetonian in 1976 that he had never been in the CIA's "employ," confirmed to the Forerunner last week that he had indeed served as a paid consultant for the spy agency. "Nobody ever asked me if I was a consultant," Black explained.

Billington acknowledged to the Daily Princetonian in 1968 that he consulted for the CIA's Office of National Estimates, according to him, "two or three times a year." Strayer had also been publicly identified as a CIA consultant. The CIA activities of the other two professors, however, have until now remained a secret, as has the existence of the Princeton Consultants group.

Black confirmed that then-Princeton President Robert Goheen was aware of the group's existence. But he said that it was "not a university matter at all."

The Dulles papers and letters, which are housed in Princeton's Seeley G. Mudd Library, afford a rare glimpse into the CIA's interactions with Princeton and other universities from the early 1950s until Dulles's death in 1969. Dulles maintained close ties with his alma mater, including seats on Princeton's Board of Trustees and on the Woodrow Wilson School Advisory Council.

Access to the Papers is contingent upon approval by an Allen W. Dulles Committee. In addition, researchers are required to sign a contract stating that any publication using the Papers will be submitted in advance to the Committee for approval. After a one-month delay, permission was obtained for this article.

Before this month's careful research in the Dulles Papers, little was documented of relations between the CIA and the Princeton faculty. Other than history professor Joseph Strayer, whom one writer termed "the agency's most devoted consultant" (James Ridgeway, The Cloned Corporation, 1968, p. 138), only two professors had been identified who served in organizations that received CIA funding: Politics professor Paul Sigmund with the Independent Research Service, and Near Eastern Studies professor Morroe Berger with the Congress for Cultural Freedom.

Previous disclosures about Princeton and the CIA were limited to close ties in three other areas: recruitment (including extensive CIA collaboration with former Dean of Students, William D'O. Lippincott '41 and former Director of Career Services Newell Brown '39); CIA research carried out on the Princeton campus (including the secret MK-ULTRA mind control program); and close institutional ties (several Princeton alumni have served as CIA Director, Deputy Director, or Director of Personnel).

Princeton Consultants: The Structure

Perhaps the most extraordinary of the Papers' contents are letters and memos which expose Strayer as a small tip of a consultant iceberg. Filed under "Princeton Consultants" and cross-referenced under "Central Intelligence Agency: Panel of Consultants (Princeton Consultants)," letters from 1961 to 1969 sketch the outlines of one of the central programs of professors covertly consulting for the CIA.

The only year during which the entire membership of the Consultants is known is 1961, when all of them signed a note of "respect and affection" to Dulles that accompanied a gift.

At that time, the panel consisted of nine senior professors: the late T. Cuyler Young (Near Eastern Studies, Princeton); Klaus Knorr (Strategic Studies, Princeton); Joseph Strayer (Medieval History, Princeton); Cyril Black (Soviet Studies, Princeton); the late William Langer (History, Harvard); Robert Bowie (International Studies, Harvard); Max Millikan (International Studies, M.I.T.); Raymond Sontag (European History, Berkeley); and Calvin Hoover (Soviet Economics, Duke); and four others: Philip E. Mosely (Director of Studies, Council on Foreign Relations); Hamilton Fish Armstrong (editor, ForeIgn Affairs); Caryl P. Haskins (Director, Carnegie Institution); and Harold F. Linder (Assistant Secretary of State and Chairman of the Export-Import Bank).

Two later members of the Princeton Consultants are disclosed in correspondence to Dulles and his wife Clover: Princeton History professor James Billington (January 15, 1965 letter from Dulles to Billington) and M.I.T. China expert Lucian Pye (January 30, 1969 letter from Pye to Clover Dulles)

Both Dulles and Sherman Kent, Chairman of the CIA's Board of National Estimates, also attended the Consultants meetings. The meetings were held in two-day blocks, four times a year. Many of the meeting dates coincided with Princeton trustee meetings, probably for Dulles's convenience. This appears to have created some problems for Dulles, however, whose personal schedule for the third week in October 1962 shows several time conflicts between his normal trustee duties and activities he pencilled in his own handwriting under the heading "CIA Consultants."

The precise year that the Princeton Consultants began operations is unclear from the Dulles Papers. A "Princeton Consultants" file first appears in 1961. However, in thirteen identical letters dated October 21 of that year, Dulles thanks each of the Consultants "for what you have contributed to our work here over the years." This language indicates that the group's existence reaches back well into the 1950s. Black confirmed that his membership in the Consultants dates from around 1957.

A further clue to the Consultants' origins is found in Consultant Calvin Hoover's memoirs (Memoirs of Capitalism, Communism, and Nazism, 1965). He writes (p. 270) that, after December 1950: "I agreed to serve as a member of a board of national estimates, composed largely of professors, generals, and admirals. It was a pleasure to find myself associated once more with Allen Dulles and with other friends of OSS days."

Within the next two and a half years, however, Hoover suffered a heart attack. He recalls (p. 273): "Bedell Smith asked that I continue to serve as a consultant [to the Board] to the extent that my health would permit. I agreed and continued to serve in this capacity during succeeding years."

If Hoover's consultancy began with the Princeton Consultants, then the group's existence stretches back at least to 1953.

The Consultants' termination date is also not revealed in the Papers. At the time of Dulles' last letter concerning the Princeton Consultants schedule (May 15, 1968 letter from Dulles to Frances Douglas), the former CIA head was still attending their meetings and "look[ed] forward to the future ones."

Black told the Forerunner that he had served on the Consultants until the late 1960s and that he believes they kept going for "a few years" after he left. Knorr added that he didn't think the group existed "when Bowen was president" of Princeton. This would place the Consultants' termination before 1972.

In addition to the Papers' frequent references to the CIA's Board of National Estimates, three other bits of evidence lead to the conclusion that a major portion of the Consultants' work went to the Board.

First, when approached by The Daily Princetonian on possible CIA affiliations (November 8, 1968), Consultant "Billington told The Princetonian he consulted for the Office of National Estimates 'two or three times a year' for a 'nominal fee -- $50 a day.' He explained he participated in conferences with other academics which submitted 'broad and scholarly' National Intelligence Estimates to the National Security Council. Billington added he was only one of 'quite a few' Princeton professors who worked for the CIA but refused to make an estimate on how many."

Second, according to the Dulles Papers, Sherman Kent, Chairman of the CIA's Board of National Estimates, came to most, if not all, of the Consultants' meetings until he retired in 1967. He also presided over at least one meeting in 1967, indicating his importance to the group.

Finally, in a letter of November 5, 1965 from the CIA Director W.F. "Red" Raborn to Dulles, Raborn turned down an offer by Dulles to resign from the Princeton Consultants as follows: "I assure you that I have no desire to see you leave this Panel. On the contrary, I am anxious that the Agency generally, and the Board of National Estimates in particular, shall enlarge and extend their contacts with persons capable of advising and assisting in their work."

Thus, the Dulles Papers reveal a direct link between the Princeton Consultants and the Board of National Estimates. Former CIA officer Victor Marchetti in collaboration with John Marks (The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence, 1974) describe the Board of National Estimates in 1973 as a 12- to 14-person board with a staff of forty to fifty specialists. It is doubtful that the Princeton Consultants were the Board; rather, they probably formed an adjunct to the "specialists."

The central function of the Board of National Estimates and its specialists was to prepare, each year, some fifty-odd National Intelligence Estimates (NIEs) -- called "blue books" -- which, according to Marchetti and Marks (p. 314), "were considered the highest form of national intelligence." Estimates covered such topics as assessment of the "enemy's" intentions in different countries and regions, and foreign military capabilities.

Marchetti and Marks described what then became of the finished NIEs, using as a case in point a late 1960s study of the socio-political problems of Latin America (pp. 16-17): "This estimate had been endorsed by the United States Intelligence Board, whose members include the heads of the government's various intelligence agencies, and had then been sent to the White House and to those departments that were represented on the 40 Committee." The 40 Committee was (p. 14) "an interdepartmental panel responsible for overseeing the CIA's high-risk covert-action operations."

The Marchetti and Marks description indicates that the Princeton Consultants' work could have served as an intelligence base for the series of brutal and often illegal covert operations of the 1950s and 1960s (and possibly also the 1970s) against the democratically elected or constitutional governments of Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran (1953); Patrice Lumumba in the Congo (1961); Joao Goulart in Brazil (1964); Juan Balaguer in the Dominican Republic (1965); Cheddi Jagan in Guyana (1962-66); and Salvador Allende in Chile (1973).

Since it is also known that the Consultants operated during a sizable segment (and possibly all) of the Vietnam War, the question arises whether their "estimates" of "enemy intentions" were an input into the CIA's Phoenix Program of torture and assassination, which led to the death, between 1968 and 1972, of some 20,000 Vietnamese citizens.

Both Black and Knorr categorically denied any relationship between the National Intelligence Estimates and the CIA's covert activities. According to Black, this hypothesis is "so far off what happened that it's very hard to comment without spending hours on it." Knorr characterized the allegation as "sheer speculation." He also asked rhetorically: "Are these people [the consultants] responsible" for the uses to which their estimates are put?

Consultant Calvin Hoover's memoirs shed some light on this controversy. He describes the Board of National Estimates as follows (Hoover, p. 270):

It was the responsibility of our board to produce intelligence estimates which could be used as the background by the appropriate agencies of our government for decisions on long-term international policies and on current action required, particularly those within the competency of the National Security Council. National intelligence estimates had to be provided covering a very large number of countries and particular situations, all involving in some fashion the threat of Soviet aggression. For example, how explosive was the political, social, and economic situation in Iran? When Mossadegh came to power, to what extent was he under the domination of the local Communist party and was the Communist party effectively controlled by Moscow? If the oil resources of Iran were nationalized, would they be made available to the Soviet government and could they effectively be utilized? How serious would be the loss of these resources to the West?


Hoover's reference to Mossadegh raises a question about the role of "estimates" in at least one actual CIA operation: the 1953 coup in Iran that put the Shah back onto the throne for the next 25 years.

William Langer, one of the Consultants from Harvard, wrote his sentiments on "estimating" to Dulles in a letter of April 22, 1963:

Yet I suppose the operations end would be of little significance unless there were proper processing of the results. And in any case, so much of basic intelligence hinges on the painstaking work of collation and evaluation. Estimating is simply the final stage of a long and arduous business without which it is quite impossible to arrive at any notion of one's opponent's intentions.


Here, a consultant clearly enunciates one link between "estimating" and actual operations.

The Board of National Estimates was formally disbanded in 1973 when another Princeton graduate, William Colby, was director of the CIA (source: Marchetti and Marks, pp. 67, 315). The Board was replaced by a group of eight senior CIA officers known as National Intelligence Officers (referred to as "the Wise Men" by their colleagues). Organizationally, they are still located near the top of the CIA hierarchy, in the Office of the Director of the CIA. And they still churn out National Intelligence Estimates which require the assistance of consultants.

Beyond the task of "estimating" for the CIA, little is known of the duties of the Consultants. Dulles' November 4, 1965 letter to CIA Director Raborn does refer to the Princeton group as "the Agency's panel of Consultants," which suggests that their purview may have been much broader.

It appears that outside of the CIA and the Consultants themselves, almost no one knew of the Consultants' existence. The Dulles Papers reveal only one instance of Dulles corresponding with an outsider about the Consultants. While still Director of the CIA, Dulles wrote to Robert Goheen, then president of Princeton (February 20, 1961): "I hope to renew the invitation to you which last winter was 'snowed out' to meet with our group of pundits who foregather three or four times a year in Princeton." The date Goheen was invited for coincided with a meeting of the Princeton Consultants. Goheen now serves as the U.S. Ambassador to India.

Princeton Consultants: Loyal Professors

It seems appropriate that the Consultants often met in the Gun Room of Princeton's Nassau Club -- located across the street from Commons -- for their interactions often resembled those of a tightly-knit "old-boys" club. Many members' friendships harked back to pre-World War II days.

Consultant Hoover's memoirs, for example, chronicle a close working relationship with Consultant Langer back in 1941 in one of the precursor organizations to the CIA -- the Committee on Intelligence (COI). Hoover later lived and carried out intelligence work in post-war Germany with Consultant Robert Bowie. He toured Poland in 1958 with Consultant Harold Linder.

Many of the Consultants sat on the same committees of the Council on Foreign Relations. Members lauded each other with praise in the forewords to their books. And, through it all, they maintained secrecy about their CIA consulting work.

Many also shared common Princeton ties. In addition to the five of the fifteen known consultants who taught at Princeton -- and Dulles who was a Princeton alumnus and trustee -- Robert Bowie was a 1931 Princeton graduate and Lucian Pye was a research assistant at Princeton's Center for International Studies (with Knorr and Black) from 1952 to 1956.

Many of the Consultants have actually taken leave from their academic duties to work for the CIA. These include Strayer, Sontag, Hoover, Millikan, Langer and Bowie. In 1977, Bowie became Deputy Director for National Intelligence, which among other tasks, put him in charge of National Intelligence Estimates.

The Consultants' working relationships regarding CIA matters often carried over into their non-Consultant work. The Dulles papers reveal that Billington, currently director of the Washington-based Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, frequently critiqued the manuscripts of Allen Dulles' books. After receiving a generous check for the work, he wrote to Dulles (July 25, 1964) that if there was anything he could do in the future, he would rather do it with the clear assurance that there would be no more remuneration. He said that working with Dulles had been one of his most rewarding experiences and that Dulles was doing him a favor by letting him continue to do so on occasion. (Billington refused permission to quote directly from this letter.)

In another instance, Dulles wrote to Consultant Hamilton Fish Armstrong, then editor of Foreign Affairs, about an anti-CIA book that the magazine was reviewing (September 6, 1962): "Personally I would hope that if Foreign Affairs had to include an item in regard to the book, it would be not quite as enthusiastic as the text you read to me."

Apparently Dulles didn't lose his love of spy tactics after stepping down as Director, as his letter reveals in his instructions to Armstrong: "Kindly keep Colonel Grogan's letter for your own information and then destroy it when you have read it."

Finally, a confidential memo from a private consultant (Michael J. Deutch, November 13, 1963) to the Washington Institute on Foreign Affairs revealed the assistance Dulles gave to his Consultant colleagues who served as Directors of the Council on Foreign Relations (Mosely, Haskins, Pye and Armstrong):

"I wonder whether Allen Dulles knows how much he has contributed to the success of the Council on Foreign Relations in New York when he headed the Agency by having his top aides suggest from time to time subjects for Council Study Groups. Dr. Wolfers, Roger Hilsman, Gen. Lansdale, Cols. Lincoln, Jordan and I would never have been invited to join the Council [on Foreign Relations] were it not because of their participation in these Study Groups."


Billington, Strayer and Hoover seem alone among the Consultants in publicly acknowledging their CIA consulting work, although all three vastly understated the extent of their involvement, and none ever disclosed the existence of the Princeton Consultants.

Cyril Black, for one, has repeatedly issued denials -- quite carefully-worded ones, in retrospect -- whenever the question of CIA ties came up. A May 24, 1976 Daily Princetonian article reported that "Professor of History Cyril E. Black, head of the Center for International Studies, said he had been 'approached, but [he has] never [been] in their [the CIA's] employ.'" Black told the Forerunner on February 22, 1980 that "I stand by that statement."

But two months later, as the story of the Princeton Consultants was unraveling, Black volunteered the information that he had indeed served on the consultant panel. His statement to the Daily Princetonian was intended, he said, to distinguish between employment and consultancy. Black explained that he "was offered employment in the [CIA's] Bureau of National Estimates" in the early 1960s, but turned it down because "it wasn't particularly interesting."

The 1976 Princetonian article also quoted Black as saying that consulting is all right as long as it "doesn't hurt your friend or deceive anybody." Asked whether his carefully-worded denial could be considered deceptive, Black replied that "it's hard to say," adding that "one can certainly argue the case."

The cautious denial by Black and the qualified admission of CIA work by the three others can perhaps be better understood in the light of an August 5, 1968 "secret" memo from Earl Clinton Bolton, then vice-president of the University of California, to CIA academic consultants, on the subject of "Agency-Academic Relations." The memo suggests defenses for professors accused of CIA connections, as well as a "very well considered, affirmative public relations program" for the academic community's CIA work.

Ideas for the latter included: lecture series "to establish the study of intelligence as a legitimate and important field of inquiry for the academic scholar"; "stress in recruiting, articles and speeches that the Agency is really a university without students and not a training school for spies"; and "do all recruiting off-campus and try to time these visits so that the probability of reaction is decreased"; and other tactics.

One present-day irony that emerges from these disclosures about the Consultants is that among the three persons that President Carter chose in 1979 to produce an outside review of the CIA was Consultant Klaus Knorr.

_________________

John Cavanagh is director of the Institute for Policy Studies and coauthor of nine books, including Global Dreams: Imperial Corporations and the New World Order (Touchstone, 1995). Special thanks to Jonny Fox, Alan Sokal, and Nancy Van Meter for help with interviews and preparation of this story (1980).
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Re: Transcript of Alex Jones Interview with Dr. Steve Piecze

Postby admin » Thu May 26, 2016 4:40 am

Afghanistan War Logs: Task Force 373: Special Forces Hunting Top Taliban: Previously hidden details of U.S.-led unit sent to kill top insurgent targets are revealed for the first time
by Nick Davies
guardian.co.uk.
25 July 2010

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.


Image
US soldiers pursue militants in Helmand province. The shadowy Task Force 373 meanwhile focuses its efforts on more than 2,000 senior Taliban figures on a target list. Photograph: Adrees Latif/Reuters

The Nato coalition in Afghanistan has been using an undisclosed "black" unit of special forces, Task Force 373, to hunt down targets for death or detention without trial. Details of more than 2,000 senior figures from the Taliban and al-Qaida are held on a "kill or capture" list, known as Jpel, the joint prioritised effects list.

In many cases, the unit has set out to seize a target for internment, but in others it has simply killed them without attempting to capture. The logs reveal that TF 373 has also killed civilian men, women and children and even Afghan police officers who have strayed into its path.

The United Nations' special rapporteur for human rights, Professor Philip Alston, went to Afghanistan in May 2008 to investigate rumours of extrajudicial killings. He warned that international forces were neither transparent nor accountable and that Afghans who attempted to find out who had killed their loved ones "often come away empty-handed, frustrated and bitter".

Now, for the first time, the leaked war logs reveal details of deadly missions by TF 373 and other units hunting down Jpel targets that were previously hidden behind a screen of misinformation. They raise fundamental questions about the legality of the killings and of the long-term imprisonment without trial, and also pragmatically about the impact of a tactic which is inherently likely to kill, injure and alienate the innocent bystanders whose support the coalition craves.

On the night of Monday 11 June 2007, the leaked logs reveal, the taskforce set out with Afghan special forces to capture or kill a Taliban commander named Qarl Ur-Rahman in a valley near Jalalabad. As they approached the target in the darkness, somebody shone a torch on them. A firefight developed, and the taskforce called in an AC-130 gunship, which strafed the area with cannon fire: "The original mission was aborted and TF 373 broke contact and returned to base. Follow-up Report: 7 x ANP KIA, 4 x WIA." In plain language: they discovered that the people they had been shooting in the dark were Afghan police officers, seven of whom were now dead and four wounded.

The coalition put out a press release which referred to the firefight and the air support and then failed entirely to record that they had just killed or wounded 11 police officers. But, evidently fearing that the truth might leak, it added: "There was nothing during the firefight to indicate the opposing force was friendly. The individuals who fired on coalition forces were not in uniform." The involvement of TF 373 was not mentioned, and the story didn't get out.

However, the incident immediately rebounded into the fragile links which other elements of the coalition had been trying to build with local communities. An internal report shows that the next day Lieutenant Colonel Gordon Phillips, commander of the Provincial Reconstruction Team, took senior officers to meet the provincial governor, Gul Agha Sherzai, who accepted that this was "an unfortunate incident that occurred among friends". They agreed to pay compensation to the bereaved families, and Phillips "reiterated our support to prevent these types of events from occurring again".

Yet, later that week, on Sunday 17 June, as Sherzai hosted a "shura" council at which he attempted to reassure tribal leaders about the safety of coalition operations, TF 373 launched another mission, hundreds of miles south in Paktika province. The target was a notorious Libyan fighter, Abu Laith al-Libi. The unit was armed with a new weapon, known as Himars – High Mobility Artillery Rocket System – a pod of six missiles on the back of a small truck.

The plan was to launch five rockets at targets in the village of Nangar Khel where TF 373 believed Libi was hiding and then to send in ground troops. The result was that they failed to find Libi but killed six Taliban fighters and then, when they approached the rubble of a madrasa, they found "initial assessment of 7 x NC KIA" which translates as seven non-combatants killed in action. All of them were children. One of them was still alive in the rubble: "The Med TM immediately cleared debris from the mouth and performed CPR." After 20 minutes, the child died.

Children

The coalition made a press statement which owned up to the death of the children and claimed that troops "had surveillance on the compound all day and saw no indications there were children inside the building". That claim is consistent with the leaked log. A press release also claimed that Taliban fighters, who undoubtedly were in the compound, had used the children as a shield.

The log refers to an unnamed "elder" who is said to have "stated that the children were held against their will" but, against that, there is no suggestion that there were any Taliban in the madrasa where the children died.

The rest of the press release was certainly misleading. It suggested that coalition forces had attacked the compound because of "nefarious activity" there, when the reality was that they had gone there to kill or capture Libi.

It made no mention at all of Libi, nor of the failure of the mission (although that was revealed later by NBC News in the United States). Crucially, it failed to record that TF 373 had fired five rockets, destroying the madrasa and other buildings and killing seven children, before anybody had fired on them – that this looked like a mission to kill and not to capture. Indeed, this was clearly deliberately suppressed.

The internal report was marked not only "secret" but also "Noforn", ie not to be shared with the foreign elements of the coalition. And the source of this anxiety is explicit: "The knowledge that TF 373 conducted a HIMARS strike must be protected." And it was. This crucial fact remained secret, as did TF 373's involvement.

Again, the lethal attack caused political problems. The provincial governor arranged compensation and held a shura with local leaders when, according to an internal US report, "he pressed the Talking Points given to him and added a few of his own that followed in line with our current story". Libi remained targeted for death and was killed in Pakistan seven months later by a missile from an unmanned CIA Predator.

In spite of this tension between political and military operations, TF 373 continued to engage in highly destructive attacks. Four months later, on 4 October, they confronted Taliban fighters in a village called Laswanday, only 6 miles from the village where they had killed the seven children. The Taliban appear to have retreated by the time TF 373 called in air support to drop 500lb bombs on the house from which the fighters had been firing.

The final outcome, listed tersely at the end of the leaked log: 12 US wounded, two teenage girls and a 10-year-old boy wounded, one girl killed, one woman killed, four civilian men killed, one donkey killed, one dog killed, several chickens killed, no enemy killed, no enemy wounded, no enemy detained.

The coalition put out a statement claiming falsely to have killed several militants and making no mention of any dead civilians; and later added that "several non-combatants were found dead and several others wounded" without giving any numbers or details.

This time, the political teams tried a far less conciliatory approach with local people. In spite of discovering that the dead civilians came from one family, one of whom had been found with his hands tied behind his back, suggesting that the Taliban were unwelcome intruders in their home, senior officials travelled to the stricken village where they "stressed that the fault of the deaths of the innocent lies on the villagers who did not resist the insurgents and their anti-government activities … [and] chastised a villager who condemned the compound shooting". Nevertheless, an internal report concluded that there was "little or no protest" over the incident.

Concealment

The concealment of TF 373's role is a constant theme. There was global publicity in October 2009 when US helicopters were involved in two separate crashes in one day, but even then it was concealed that the four soldiers who died in one of the incidents were from TF 373.

The pursuit of these "high value targets" is evidently embedded deep in coalition tactics. The Jpel list assigns an individual serial number to each of those targeted for kill or capture and by October 2009 this had reached 2,058.

The process of choosing targets reaches high into the military command. According to their published US Field Manual on Counter Insurgency, No FM3-24, it is policy to choose targets "to engage as potential counter-insurgency supporters, targets to isolate from the population and targets to eliminate".

A joint targeting working group meets each week to consider Target Nomination Packets and has direct input from the Combined Forces Command and its divisional HQ, as well as from lawyers, operational command and intelligence units including the CIA.

Among those who are listed as being located and killed by TF 373 are Shah Agha, described as an intelligence officer for an IED cell, who was killed with four other men on 1 June 2009; Amir Jan Mutaki, described as a Taliban sub-commander who had organised ambushes on coalition forces, who was shot dead from the air in a TF 373 mission on 24 June 2009; and a target codenamed Ballentine, who was killed on 16 November 2009 during an attack in the village of Lewani, in which a local woman also died.

The logs include references to the tracing and killing of other targets on the Jpel list, which do not identify TF 373 as the unit responsible. It is possible that some of the other taskforce names and numbers which show up in this context are cover names for 373, or for British special forces, 500 of whom are based in southern Afghanistan and are reported to have been involved in kill/capture missions, including the shooting in July 2008 of Mullah Bismullah.

Some of these "non 373" operations involve the use of unmanned drones to fire missiles to kill the target: one codenamed Beethoven, on 20 October 2008; one named Janan on 6 November 2008; and an unnamed Jpel target who was hit with a hellfire missile near Khan Neshin on 21 August 2009 while travelling in a car with other passengers (the log records "no squirters [bodies moving about] recorded").

Other Jpel targets were traced and then bombed from the air. One, codenamed Newcastle, was located with four other men on 26 November 2007. The house they were in was then hit with 500lb bombs. "No identifiable features recovered," the log records.

Two other Jpel targets, identified only by serial numbers, were killed on 16 February 2009 when two F-15 bombers dropped four 500lb bombs on a Jpel target: "There are various and conflicting reports from multiple sources alleging civilian casualties … A large number of local nationals were on site during the investigation displaying a hostile attitude so the investigation team did not continue sorting through the site."

One of the leaked logs contains a summary of a conference call on 8 March 2008 when the then head of the Afghan National Directorate of Security, Amrullah Saleh, tells senior American officers that three named Taliban commanders in Kapisa province are "not reconcilable and must be taken out". The senior coalition officer "noted that there would be a meeting with the Kapisa NDS to determine how to approach this issue."

It is not clear whether "taken out" meant "killed" and the logs do not record any of their deaths. But one of them, Qari Baryal, who was ranked seventh in the Jpel list, had already been targeted for killing two months earlier.

On 12 January 2008, after tracking his movements for 24 hours, the coalition established that he was holding a large meeting with other men in a compound in Pashkari and sent planes which dropped six 500lb bombs and followed up with five strafing runs to shoot those fleeing the scene.

The report records that some 70 people ran to the compound and started digging into the rubble, on which there were "pools of blood", but subsequent reports suggest that Baryal survived and continued to plan rocket attacks and suicide bombings.

Numerous logs show Jpel targets being captured and transferred to a special prison, known as Btif, the Bagram Theatre Internment Facility. There is no indication of prisoners being charged or tried, and previous press reports have suggested that men have been detained there for years without any legal process in communal cages inside vast old air hangars. As each target is captured, he is assigned a serial number. By December 2009, this showed that a total of 4,288 prisoners, some aged as young as 16, had been held at Btif, with 757 still in custody.

Who are TF373?

The leaked war logs show that Task Force 373 uses at least three bases in Afghanistan, in Kabul, Kandahar and Khost. Although it works alongside special forces from Afghanistan and other coalition nations, it appears to be drawing its own troops from the 7th Special Forces Group at Fort Bragg, North Carolina and to travel on missions in Chinook and Cobra helicopters flown by 160th special operations aviation regiment, based at Hunter Army Airfield, Georgia.
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Re: Transcript of Alex Jones Interview with Dr. Steve Piecze

Postby admin » Thu May 26, 2016 4:58 am

Dead bin Laden photo 'is a fake'
by euronews.net
5/2/11

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Image

A photo released on Monday purporting to show Osama bin Laden’s body is now reported to be a fake.

The image was carried by a number of international news agencies and broadcast by news channels around the world. It is thought to have originally been distributed by Pakistani media.

It is said to have been created using an earlier picture of bin Laden and another showing the bloodied face of an unidentified man.

The enhanced photo was reported to have been taken shortly after the al Qaeda’s leader’s body was recovered by US special forces.

It has now been withdrawn from all major media.
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Re: Transcript of Alex Jones Interview with Dr. Steve Piecze

Postby admin » Thu May 26, 2016 4:58 am

Madeleine Albright: Bush Planning Bin Laden October Surprise
by Newsmax.com
Dec. 17, 2003

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It was bad enough on Monday when Washington state Congressman "Baghdad" Jim McDermott suggested that President Bush could have captured Saddam Hussein long ago, but moved only when the news would have had maximum political effect.

But now, former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright is telling reporters that the Bush administration may already have captured Osama bin Laden and will release the news just before next year's presidential election.

On Fox News Channel's "Special Report with Brit Hume," Roll Call reporter Morton Kondracke recounted Albright's comments to him during an encounter before Tuesday night's broadcast, while she was waiting in the green room to appear on another show.

Kondracke said the former Clinton official approached him and asked, "Do you suppose that the Bush administration has Osama bin Laden hidden away somewhere and will bring him out before the election?"

Kondracke said that Albright didn't seem to be joking, explaining, "She was not smiling."

He shot back, "You can't seriously believe that."

Albright replied that she thought a bin Laden October Surprise orchestrated by Bush was "a possibility."

Reacting to Albright's bizarre outburst, former Reagan administration drug czar Bill Bennett told Fox News Channel's "Hannity & Colmes": "It's nuts. It's staggering. It's paranoid."

"Maybe this is the style of thinking she'd grown accustomed to in the Clinton administration," he added. "Shame on her for saying that, as a former secretary of state of the United States."
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Re: Transcript of Alex Jones Interview with Dr. Steve Piecze

Postby admin » Thu May 26, 2016 4:58 am

Bin Laden Releases New Videotape
by Larry King
CNN Larry King Live
October 29, 2004

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THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.

LARRY KING, HOST: Tonight, four days before America votes in the first election since 9/11, a new Osama bin Laden tape addressing the American people and naming both President Bush and John Kerry. How will this affect the race? We'll ask a living legend of broadcast journalism, Walter Cronkite, the former CBS News anchor.... [snip]

KING: Walter Cronkite, the legendary journalist and old friend, a great man in the history of broadcast journalists, and maybe the most revered person ever to go on camera. Let's first play a little bit of this tape, in which bin Laden, released today, directly addresses the American people. Watch.

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

OSAMA BIN LADEN (through translator): Your security is not in the hands of Kerry or Bush or al Qaeda. Your security is in your own hands. Any nation that does not attack us will not be attacked.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

KING: OK, Walter. What do you make of this?

CRONKITE: Well, I make it out to be initially the reaction that it's a threat to us, that unless we make peace with him, in a sense, we can expect further attacks. He did not say that precisely, but it sounds like that when he says...

KING: The warning.

CRONKITE: What we just heard. So now the question is basically right now, how will this affect the election? And I have a feeling that it could tilt the election a bit. In fact, I'm a little inclined to think that Karl Rove, the political manager at the White House, who is a very clever man, he probably set up bin Laden to this thing. The advantage to the Republican side is to get rid of, as a principal subject of the campaigns right now, get rid of the whole problem of the al Qaqaa explosive dump. Right now, that, the last couple of days, has, I think, upset the Republican campaign.

KING: Are there enough undecideds to tilt this? Or what do you think of the whole election picture?

CRONKITE: Well, I think it's one of the biggest messes we've had in a long time. I believe that we're undoubtedly not going to know the results of this election. I don't want to knock you off the air on Monday night or anything, or Tuesday night. But I suspect that we're not going to know who the next president is, whether it is Bush or the new man, until very probably sometime in the early spring. There's so much controversy that they're planting, deliberately planting at the polls, that there's almost certainly to be a suit going back to the Supreme Court eventually, going through the other courts slowly first.

KING: Who's to blame for this?

CRONKITE: Who's to blame for it really is the intensity of this campaign. Plus the fact that we have a preface to this in the last campaign. What year was that now?

KING: 2000.

CRONKITE: 2000. Thank you very much. We saw that we could go to court. We saw that with watchers on both sides, heavily mounted police to watch from both sides the polling in many states, nearly all of the heavy states. And in those cases, they will be finding every possible reason to file against the results.

KING: So you're saying, unless there is a clear-cut winner...

CRONKITE: And that's highly unlikely, it seems to me. From the polls, we know now that it's very, very close. And the key states with the heavy electorate votes.

KING: Now, bin Laden, of course, could help Bush in that it reminds people of a terror issue in which he runs strong. It also could hurt Bush in that reminds people he's still alive. So this could be a double edged sword, right?

CRONKITE: Indeed. Indeed. And the thing that in bringing this threat to us, there is almost, in the fact that he dressed well, that he looked well, he was clean shaven, nearly clean shaven as those folks get. It seemed almost, to me, that he wanted to enter into negotiations, that he was really up -- he wants to move into a leadership role in international affairs instead of the role of a brigand. And he spoke calmly about this thing. The threat was there, no question about it. He's delivering a warning to us, no question about that. And certainly, I don't think there's any reason to feel that we can take him to our bosom just because this speech at all. He's perfectly capable of blowing us up.

KING: He sure is. Is Iraq the central issue in this campaign?

CRONKITE: I feel it is. I feel it is. We do know that the economy is very important. Unemployment very important to a lot of people. And a lot -- and besides unemployment, there are a lot of people who are poorly paid in the United States today. We've got a poverty list, which is we forget about the percentage of poverty, families in the United States. It's quite shameful. They're to be considered as well. And if the Democrats have succeeded, are succeeding in registering as many people as is indicated, they're going to have a fairly good bloc of votes on the economy.

KING: Do you expect a huge turnout?

CRONKITE: What?

KING: A huge turnout?

CRONKITE: Oh, yes, I do. I think so. The only thing that could damage the turnout would be the threats that might be implied, as many of the new registrees are challenged as to their various things. Their spelling of their name and the state where they really come from, whether they're immigrants or not, do they have passports, all that kind of thing. If they are challenged at the polls, as they line up to go into the polls, they may fear having to answer all those questions. Particularly if they do have anything wrong about them and shouldn't vote.

KING: We'll take a break and be back with some more moments from Walter Cronkite, and then an outstanding panel will join us as we approach the election. And it will finally be over. Don't go away.

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

GEORGE W. BUSH, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: Let me make this very clear. Americans will not be intimidated or influenced by an enemy of our country. I'm sure Senator Kerry agrees with this. I also want to say to the American people that we are at war with these terrorists. And I am confident that we will prevail. Thank you very much.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

SEN. JOHN KERRY (D-MA), PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: In response to this tape of Osama bin Laden, let me just make it clear, crystal clear. As Americans, we are absolutely united in our determination to hunt down and destroy Osama bin Laden and the terrorists. They are barbarians. And I will stop at absolutely nothing to hunt down, capture, or kill the terrorists wherever they are, whatever it takes, period.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

KING: We're back with Walter Cronkite. Why has this campaign -- and you've been through a lot of them -- been so vituperative?

CRONKITE: I think partly because of the nature of the administration. It has offended a large number of people quite seriously, right down to their souls, apparently. The war has not supported fully, certainly by all the people. The economy has touched a lot of our people. And they feel very strongly about it. So there is a very definite body there in opposition to the administration, as we know. And the administration itself has a lot of support. I think that mostly it's really locked into the Iraqi situation.

KING: Will Ralph Nader be a factor?

CRONKITE: He certainly could be. He was very serious factor with 3 percent of the vote, not quite 3 percent of the vote in 19...

KING: 2000.

CRONKITE: 2000, that is. I've covered too many presidential campaigns. In 2000. And, look, Ross Perot had 9 percent the year that he ran seriously. Just think if Nader got anything like that. He can certainly upset the vote across the nation.

KING: But he will not get that.

CRONKITE: Could possibly even do it with 3 percent, if it's that close, as close as it seems like it might be. I don't know if he'll get 3 percent this year. I don't think he's been at prominent in the campaign as he was in 2000. So maybe he won't even get that many. However, there's a hidden problem there. And that's the environment.

He is the only candidate who has been talking about our environment. It's been dropped into a few speeches by Kerry, but just barely mentioned. That's one of the problems. That's not enough for the environmentalists. They just might go for the Green Party.

KING: Do you have a forecast other than waiting until March and April? Who's it going to be in March or April?

CRONKITE: Boy, if I just had a hint of that, I could probably make a million dollars overnight. That is, after the election.

KING: So you have no idea?

CRONKITE: I have no idea. I really don't. I follow the campaigns as closely as one can, and it looks to me like it's just as close as the polls indicate it is. And we're not going to really know, as I say, we're not going to know on Tuesday night or Wednesday morning. We're going -- it's going to be some time before we get the answer.

KING: A couple of other things. We're all in that zipper club. Have you spoken to president Clinton? You had the surgery.

CRONKITE: I spoke to him shortly after he had his operation, yes.

KING: And what did he say?

CRONKITE: Well, we talked about operations. I'd had one, a quadruple bypass.

KING: You and I have the same doctor.

CRONKITE: Yes, right. So I was giving him my medical advice.

KING: Dr. Wayne Isom. He's the best.

CRONKITE: That wasn't his surgeon.

KING: No, that wasn't his doctor. They were trying to get Wayne. He was out of town or something.

CRONKITE: Is that what happened? I mentioned it, and he kind of passed over it. But Wayne is an amazing doctor.

KING: Amazing. And how is your health?

CRONKITE: My health is absolutely excellent. I still creep around a little bit from a torn Achilles tendon, but I'm rather proud of it. I got it on the tennis court at the age of 85, and I figure that I can live on that for a while.

KING: You're going to be 88 next week, right?

CRONKITE: Yes, indeed.

KING: Do you feel 88?

CRONKITE: Heck no. I can't believe it. I really can't believe it. Every once in a while, I kind of shudder. 88? My gosh, that's an old man. And I don't feel that at all. There is not an activity that we perform in the human race that I'm not prepared to undergo again.

KING: You're a great credit to that race. Thank you, Walter.

CRONKITE: Thank you very much, Larry. Good luck to you tonight.

KING: Thank you. Walter Cronkite, who keeps on keeping on.
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Re: Transcript of Alex Jones Interview with Dr. Steve Piecze

Postby admin » Thu May 26, 2016 4:59 am

Heinz Kerry helps Democrats raise $1M at Phoenix event
by Mike Sunnucks
Phoenix Business Journal
September 23, 2004

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Arizona Democrats raked in more than $1 million Wednesday night at a fund-raiser headlined by Teresa Heinz Kerry.

Heinz Kerry criticized the Bush administration on tax cuts, Iraq and the war on terrorism at the event, which was held at the Arizona Biltmore Resort & Spa.

In regard to the hunt for terror leader Osama Bin Laden, Heinz Kerry said she could see the al-Qaida chief being caught before the November election.

"I wouldn't be surprised if he appeared in the next month," said Heinz Kerry, alluding to a possible capture by United States and allied forces before election day.

The spouse of Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry also hit President Bush on Iraq, saying it should not be equated with anti-terrorism efforts and that the current administration chose to create a "hotbed for terrorism" in Iraq when dictator Saddam Hussein did not pose an immediate threat. Heinz Kerry also said she agrees with her husband that a military draft may be reinstated under Bush.

She said she was embarrassed to receive tax cuts advocated by Bush and supports her husband's efforts to roll them back for higher incomes and use those funds for education, health care and deficit reduction.

Bush Southwestern campaign spokesman Danny Diaz hit the Kerry campaign on both the Iraq and draft issues. Diaz said the Kerry camp is "irresponsible" for bringing up the draft issue and contends the Democrat is doing it for political gain.

Diaz also criticized Kerry for shifting positions on Iraq on the campaign trail after voting to authorize military action in 2002.

"Arizonans need a president they can count on, a leader who knows what he believes, and after reading the morning's paper, doesn't shift his stance to accommodate the opposition," Diaz said.

The Biltmore event was the largest single fund-raising event by state Democrats, displaying the prowess on that front by state party chairman Jim Pederson and Gov. Janet Napolitano.

Several of the main sponsors of the fund-raiser included groups that often clash with business interests.

That list includes the Arizona Trial Lawyers Association, Arizona AFL-CIO, United Food and Commercial Workers Union and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees.

Business interests view litigation reforms to reduce class action and frivolous lawsuits as a top issue in Bush's favor.

Groups such as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and National Federation of Independent Business are not pleased with Kerry's pick of North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, a former trial lawyer and opponent of business-backed tort reform, as his running mate.

Kerry also has not backed business efforts on litigation reforms. Bush supports tort reforms.

Pederson, a Valley shopping center developer, has made fund-raising a top priority as Democratic state chairman. That includes making significant contributions himself and reaching out with Napolitano to moderate business executives.

Democratic spokeswoman Sarah Rosen said none of the money for the $1 million Wednesday event came from Pederson.

Pederson is expected to challenge GOP U.S. Sen. Jon Kyl in 2006.

There were some business lobbyists at the Heinz Kerry event, including officials and lobbyists from Pinnacle West Capital Corp., Wells Fargo Bank and the Home Builders Association of Arizona.

The event was held the same day it was announced the Kerry campaign was nixing plans to run homestretch ads in Arizona. Kerry's team had planned to begin running ads again on local stations in Phoenix and Tucson but has opted not to, bolstering GOP confidence.

Recent Arizona polls show Bush leading Kerry in the state by 6 to 11 percentage points.

Kerry Arizona campaign spokeswoman Sue Walitsky said Arizona voters still will see national cable ads, and the state still is a priority in terms of grassroots efforts.

"There is no surrender here," Walitsky said.

Arizona Republican Party Chairman Bob Fannin said the Biltmore fund-raiser will end up going to other battleground states and not Arizona.

"The Arizona Democratic Party has become little more than an ATM for the national Democrats," said Fannin. "Democrats have realized that Napolitano's election and Jim Pederson's soft money are not enough to save the Kerry campaign in Arizona."
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Re: Transcript of Alex Jones Interview with Dr. Steve Piecze

Postby admin » Thu May 26, 2016 5:02 am

"CIA spy" Davis was giving nuclear bomb material to Al-Qaeda, says report
by Asian News International
London
Feb 20, 2011

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Double murder -- accused US official Raymond Davis has been found in possession of top-secret CIA documents, which point to him or the feared American Task Force 373 (TF373) operating in the region, providing terrorists with “nuclear fissile material” and “biological agents,” according to a report.

Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) is warning that the situation on the sub-continent has turned “grave” as it appears that open warfare is about to break out between Pakistan and the United States, The European Union Times reports.

The SVR warned in its report that the apprehension of 36-year-old Davis, who shot dead two Pakistani men in Lahore last month, had fuelled this crisis.

According to the report, the combat skills exhibited by Davis, along with documentation taken from him after his arrest, prove that he is a member of US’ TF373 black operations unit currently operating in the Afghan War Theatre and Pakistan’s tribal areas, the paper said.

While the US insists that Davis is one of their diplomats, and the two men he killed were robbers, Pakistan says that the duo were ISI agents sent to follow him after it was discovered that he had been making contact with terrorists, after his cell phone was tracked to the Waziristan tribal area bordering Afghanistan, the paper said.

The most ominous point in this SVR report is “Pakistan’s ISI stating that top-secret CIA documents found in Davis’s possession point to his, and/or TF373, providing to terrorists “nuclear fissile material” and “biological agents”, which they claim are to be used against the United States itself in order to ignite an all-out war in order to re-establish the West’s hegemony over a Global economy that is warned is just months away from collapse,” the paper added.
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Re: Transcript of Alex Jones Interview with Dr. Steve Piecze

Postby admin » Thu May 26, 2016 5:03 am

American Held in Pakistan Worked With C.I.A.
by Mark Mazzetti, Ashley Parker, Jane Perlez and Eric Schmitt
The New York Times
February 21, 2011

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WASHINGTON — The American arrested in Pakistan after shooting two men at a crowded traffic stop was part of a covert, C.I.A.-led team collecting intelligence and conducting surveillance on militant groups deep inside the country, according to American government officials.

Working from a safe house in the eastern city of Lahore, the detained American contractor, Raymond A. Davis, a retired Special Forces soldier, carried out scouting and other reconnaissance missions as a security officer for the Central Intelligence Agency case officers and technical experts doing the operations, the officials said.

Mr. Davis’s arrest and detention last month, which came after what American officials have described as a botched robbery attempt, have inadvertently pulled back the curtain on a web of covert American operations inside Pakistan, part of a secret war run by the C.I.A.

The episode has exacerbated already frayed relations between the American intelligence agency and its Pakistani counterpart, created a political dilemma for the weak, pro-American Pakistani government, and further threatened the stability of the country, which has the world’s fastest growing nuclear arsenal.

Without describing Mr. Davis’s mission or intelligence affiliation, President Obama last week made a public plea for his release. Meanwhile, there have been a flurry of private phone calls to Pakistan from Leon E. Panetta, the C.I.A. director, and Adm. Mike Mullen, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, all intended to persuade the Pakistanis to release the secret operative.

Mr. Davis has worked for years as a C.I.A. contractor, including time at Blackwater Worldwide, the private security firm (now called Xe) that Pakistanis have long viewed as symbolizing a culture of American gun-slinging overseas.

The New York Times had agreed to temporarily withhold information about Mr. Davis’s ties to the agency at the request of the Obama administration, which argued that disclosure of his specific job would put his life at risk. Several foreign news organizations have disclosed some aspects of Mr. Davis’s work with the C.I.A.

On Monday, American officials lifted their request to withhold publication. George Little, a C.I.A. spokesman, declined to comment specifically on the Davis matter, but said in a statement: “Our security personnel around the world act in a support role providing security for American officials. They do not conduct foreign intelligence collection or covert operations.”

Since the United States is not at war in Pakistan, the American military is largely restricted from operating in the country. So the Central Intelligence Agency has taken on an expanded role, operating armed drones that kill militants inside the country and running covert operations, sometimes without the knowledge of the Pakistanis.

Several American and Pakistani officials said that the C.I.A. team with which Mr. Davis worked in Lahore was tasked with tracking the movements of various Pakistani militant groups, including Lashkar-e-Taiba, a particularly violent group that Pakistan uses as a proxy force against India but that the United States considers a threat to allied troops in Afghanistan. For the Pakistanis, such spying inside their country is an extremely delicate issue, particularly since Lashkar has longstanding ties to Pakistan’s intelligence service, the Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence, or ISI.

Still, American and Pakistani officials use Lahore as a base of operations to investigate the militant groups and their madrasas in the surrounding area.

The officials gave various accounts of the makeup of the covert team and of Mr. Davis, who at the time of his arrest was carrying a Glock pistol, a long-range wireless set, a small telescope and a headlamp. An American and a Pakistani official said in interviews that operatives from the Pentagon’s Joint Special Operations Command had been assigned to the group to help with the surveillance missions. Other American officials, however, said that no military personnel were involved with the team.

Special operations troops routinely work with the C.I.A. in Pakistan. Among other things, they helped the agency pinpoint the location of Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, the deputy Taliban commander who was arrested in January 2010 in Karachi.

Even before the arrest of Mr. Davis, his C.I.A. affiliation was known to Pakistani authorities, who keep close tabs on the movements of Americans. His visa, presented to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 2009, describes his job as a “regional affairs officer,” a common job description for officials working with the agency.

According to that application, Mr. Davis carried an American diplomatic passport and was listed as “administrative and technical staff,” a category that typically grants diplomatic immunity to its holder.

American officials said that with Pakistan’s government trying to clamp down on the increasing flow of Central Intelligence Agency officers and contractors trying to gain entry to Pakistan, more of these operatives have been granted “cover” as embassy employees and given diplomatic passports.

As Mr. Davis is held in a jail cell in Lahore — the subject of an international dispute at the highest levels — new details are emerging of what happened in a dramatic daytime scene on the streets of central Lahore, a sprawling city, on Jan. 27.

By the American account, Mr. Davis was driving alone in an impoverished area rarely visited by foreigners, and stopped his car at a crowded intersection. Two Pakistani men brandishing weapons hopped off motorcycles and approached. Mr. Davis killed them with the Glock, an act American officials insisted was in self-defense against armed robbers.

But on Sunday, the text of the Lahore Police Department’s crime report was published in English by a prominent daily newspaper, The Daily Times, and it offered a somewhat different account.

It is based in part on the version of events Mr. Davis gave Pakistani authorities, and it seems to raise doubts about his claim that the shootings were in self-defense.

According to that report, Mr. Davis told the police that after shooting the two men, he stepped out of the car to take photographs of one of them, then called the United States Consulate in Lahore for help.

But the report also said that the victims were shot several times in the back, a detail that some Pakistani officials say proves the killings were murder. By this account, Mr. Davis fired at the men through his windshield, then stepped out of the car and continued firing. The report said that Mr. Davis then got back in his car and “managed to escape,” but that the police gave chase and “overpowered” him at a traffic circle a short distance away.

In a bizarre twist that has further infuriated the Pakistanis, a third man was killed when an unmarked Toyota Land Cruiser, racing to Mr. Davis’s rescue, drove the wrong way down a one-way street and ran over a motorcyclist. As the Land Cruiser drove “recklessly” back to the consulate, the report said, items fell out of the vehicle, including 100 bullets, a black mask and a piece of cloth with the American flag.

Pakistani officials have demanded that the Americans in the S.U.V. be turned over to local authorities, but American officials say they have already left the country.

Mr. Davis and the other Americans were heavily armed and carried sophisticated equipment, the report said.

The Pakistani Foreign Office, generally considered to work under the guidance of the ISI, has declined to grant Mr. Davis what it calls the “blanket immunity” from prosecution that diplomats enjoy. In a setback for Washington, the Lahore High Court last week gave the Pakistani government until March 14 to decide on Mr. Davis’s immunity.

The pro-American government led by President Asif Ali Zardari, fearful for its survival in the face of a surge of anti-American sentiment, has resisted strenuous pressure from the Obama administration to release Mr. Davis to the United States. Some militant and religious groups have demanded that Mr. Davis be tried in the Pakistani courts and hanged.

Relations between the two spy agencies were tense even before the episode on the streets of Lahore. In December, the C.I.A.’s top clandestine officer in Pakistan hurriedly left the country after his identity was revealed. Some inside the agency believe that ISI operatives were behind the disclosure — retribution for the head of the ISI, Lt. Gen.Ahmed Shuja Pasha, being named in a New York City lawsuit filed in connection with the 2008 terror attack in Mumbai, in which members of his agency are believed to have played a role. ISI officials denied that was the case.

One senior Pakistani official close to the ISI said Pakistani spies were particularly infuriated over the Davis episode because it was such a public spectacle. Besides the three Pakistanis who were killed, the widow of one of the victims committed suicide by swallowing rat poison.

Moreover, the official said, the case was embarrassing for the ISI for its flagrancy, revealing how much freedom American spies have to roam around the country.

“We all know the spy-versus-spy games, we all know it works in the shadows,” the official said, “but you don’t get caught, and you don’t get caught committing murders.”

Mr. Davis, burly at 36, appears to have arrived in Pakistan in late 2009 or early 2010. American officials said he operated as part of the Central Intelligence Agency’s Global Response Staff in various parts of the country, including Lahore and Peshawar.

Documents released by Pakistan’s Foreign Office showed that Mr. Davis was paid $200,000 a year, including travel expenses and insurance.

He is a native of rural southwest Virginia, described by those who know him as an unlikely figure to be at the center of international intrigue.

He grew up in Big Stone Gap, a small town named after the gap in the mountains where the Powell River emerges.

The youngest of three children, Mr. Davis enlisted in the military after graduating from Powell Valley High School in 1993.

“I guess about any man’s dream is to serve his country,” his sister Michelle Wade said.

Shrugging off the portrait of him as an international spy comfortable with a Glock, Ms. Wade said: “He would always walk away from a fight. That’s just who he is.”

His high school friends remember him as good-natured, athletic, respectful. He was also a protector, they said, the type who stood up for the underdog.

“Friends with everyone, just a salt of the earth person,” said Jennifer Boring, who graduated from high school with Mr. Davis.

Mr. Davis served in the infantry in Europe — including a short tour as a peacekeeper in Macedonia — before joining the Third Special Forces Group in 1998, where he remained until he left the Army in 2003. The Army Special Forces — known as the Green Berets — are an elite group trained in weapons and foreign languages and cultures.

It is unclear when Mr. Davis began working for the C.I.A., but American officials said that in recent years he worked for the spy agency as a Blackwater contractor and later founded his own small company, Hyperion Protective Services.

Mr. Davis and his wife have moved frequently, living in Las Vegas, Arizona and Colorado.

One neighbor in Colorado, Gary Sollee, said that Mr. Davis described himself as “former military,” adding that “he’d have to leave the country for work pretty often, and when he’s gone, he’s gone for an extended period of time.”

Mr. Davis’s sister, Ms. Wade, said she was awaiting her brother’s safe return.

“The only thing I’m going to say is I love my brother,” she said. “I love my brother, God knows, I love him. I’m just praying for him.”

Eric Schmitt and Mark Mazzetti reported from Washington, Ashley Parker from Big Stone Gap, Va., and Jane Perlez from Pakistan. Ismail Khan contributed reporting from Peshawar, Pakistan, and Waqar Gillani from Lahore, Pakistan.
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Re: Transcript of Alex Jones Interview with Dr. Steve Piecze

Postby admin » Thu May 26, 2016 5:05 am

Steve Pieczenik
by Wikipedia

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Steve Pieczenik, MD, PhD[1] (born December 7, 1943 in Havana, Cuba) is an American psychiatrist, former State Department official, author and publisher.

Early Life and Education

Pieczenik was born of Russian-Polish parents in Cuba and reared in France.[2] His father, a doctor from Dombrovicz who studied and worked in Toulouse[3], fled Poland before World War II. His mother, a Russian Jew from Bialystok[3], fled Europe after many of her family members were killed. The couple met in Portugal, where both had fled ahead of the Nazi invaders.[3] Pieczenik was born in Cuba, out of wedlock in 1943.[4][3] After living in Toulouse, France for six years, Pieczenik's family migrated to the United States where they settled in the Harlem area[3] of New York City, New York.[5] Steve Pieczenik was eight years old when his parents received their visa to the US.[3]

Pieczenik is a classical pianist who wrote a full-length musical at the age of eight.[4]

Pieczenik is a Harvard-trained psychiatrist and has a doctorate in international relations from MIT.[3]

According to Pieczenik's autobiography, he attended Booker T. Washington High School in the Harlem neighborhood of New York City. Pieczenik received a full scholarship to Cornell University at the age of 16.[3] In 1964, Pieczenik claims he received a B.A. degree in Pre-Medicine and Psychology from Cornell, later attending Cornell University Medical College. In his spare time, he attained a PhD in international relations from MIT while studying at Harvard Medical School.[4] Pieczenik claims to be the first psychiatrist ever to receive a PhD focusing on international relations. [5]

While doing his psychiatric residency at Harvard, he was awarded the Harry E. Solomon award for his paper entitled "The hierarchy of ego-defense mechanisms in foreign policy decision making."[3]

An article written by Pieczenik - "Psychological dimensions of international dependency" appears in The American Journal of Psychiatry, Vol 132(4), Apr 1975, 428-431.[6]

Professional life

Pieczenik was deputy assistant secretary of state under Henry Kissinger, Cyrus Vance and James Baker.[3] His expertise includes foreign policy, international crisis management and psychological warfare.[7] He served the presidential administrations of Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush in the capacity of deputy assistant secretary.[8]

In 1974, Pieczenik joined the U.S. State Department as a consultant to restructure its Office for the Prevention of Terrorism.[2]

In 1976, Pieczenik was made deputy assistant secretary of state for management.[2][9][10][5]

At the State Department, he served as a "specialist on hostage taking."[11] He has been credited with devising successful negotiating strategies and tactics used in several high profile hostage situations including the 1976 TWA Flight 355 hostage situation and the 1977 kidnapping of the son of Cyprus' president.[2] He was involved in negotiations for the release of Aldo Moro after Moro was kidnapped.[12] As a renowned psychiatrist, he was utilized as a press source for early information on the mental state of the hostages involved in the Iranian Hostage Crisis after they were freed.[13] In 1977, Pulitzer Prize winning journalist Mary McGrory described Stephen Pieczenik as "one of the most 'brilliantly competent' men in the field of terrorism."[14] He worked "side by side" with Police Chief Maurice J. Cullinane in the Washington, D.C. command center of Mayor Walter Washington during the 1977 Hanafi Siege.[15] In 1978, Pieczenik was known as "a psychiatrist and political scientist in the U.S. State Department whose credentials and experiences are probably unique among officials handling terrorist situations."[2]

On September 17, 1978 the Camp David Accords were signed. Pieczenik was at the secret Camp David negotiations leading up to the signing of the Accords. He worked out strategy and tactics based on psychopolitical dynamics. He correctly predicted that, given their common backgrounds, Egyptian President Anwar El Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin would get along.[3]

In 1979, he resigned as deputy assistant secretary of state over the handling of the Iranian hostage crisis.[4]

In the early 1980's, Pieczenik wrote an article for The Washington Post in which he claims to have heard a senior U.S. official in the State Department Operations Center give permission for the attack that led to the death of U.S. Ambassador Adolph Dubs in Kabul, Afghanistan in 1979.[16]

Pieczenik got to know Syrian President Hafez Assad well during his 20 years in the US State Department.[3]

In 1982, Pieczenik was mentioned in a New York Times article as "a psychiatrist who has treated C.I.A. employees".[17]

In 2001, Pieczenik operated as chief executive officer of Strategic Intelligence Associates, a consulting firm.[18]

Dr. Pieczenik has been affiliated in a professional capacity as a psychiatrist with the National Institute of Mental Health. [19]

Dr. Pieczenik has previously consulted with both the United States Institute of Peace and the RAND Corporation [20]

Dr. Pieczenik is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations.[21]

Dr. Pieczenik is known to be fluent in five languages including Russian, Spanish and French[2][4][3]

Dr. Pieczenik has lectured at the National Defense University.[7]

Writing ventures

Pieczenik has made a number of ventures into fiction, both as an author (of State of Emergency and a number of other books)[22] and as a business partner of Tom Clancy for several series of novels. [23]

He studied writing along with medicine beginning with drama and poetry. But eventually "I turned to fiction because it allows me to address reality as it is or could be."[3]

Pieczenik received a listed credit as "co-creator" for both Tom Clancy's Op-Center and Tom Clancy's Net Force, two best-selling series of novels, as a result of a business relationship with Tom Clancy. He was not directly involved in writing books in these series, but "assembled a team" including the ghost-writer who did author the novels, and someone to handle the "packaging" of the novels. [24] [23] The Op-Center series alone had grossed more than 28 million dollars in net profit for the partnership by 2003. [23]

Books authored include: novel Mind Palace (1985), novel Blood Heat (1989), self-help My Life Is Great! (1990) and paper-back edition Hidden Passions (1991), novel Maximum Vigilance (1993), novel Pax Pacifica (1995), novel State Of Emergency (1999), novel My Beloved Talleyrand (2005).[25]

He's also credited under the pseudonym Alexander Court for writing the novels Active Measures (2001), and Active Pursuit (2002).[26]

Dr. Pieczenik has previously had at least two articles published in the American Intelligence Journal, a peer-reviewed journal published by the National Military Intelligence Association.[27]

In September 2010, Dr. John Neustadt was recognized by Elsevier as being one of the Top Ten Cited Authors in 2007 & 2008 for his article, "Mitochondrial dysfunction and molecular pathways of disease." This article was co-authored with Dr. Pieczenik.[28]

Dr. Pieczenik is the co-author of the published textbook, Foundations and Applications of Medical Biochemistry in Clinical Practice.[29]

Personal views

In 1992, Pieczenik told Newsday that in his professional opinion, President Bush was "clinically depressed." As a result, he was brought up on an ethics charge before the American Psychiatric Association and reprimanded. He subsequently quit the APA.[4]

He calls himself a "maverick troublemaker. You make your own rules. You pay the consequences."[4]

On May 3rd, 2011, radio host Alex Jones aired an interview in which Dr. Pieczenik claimed that Osama Bin Laden had died of Marfan syndrome back in July of 2002, and that the attacks on the United States on 9/11 were part of a false flag operation by the American government.[30]

References

1. Leland, John (July 20, 1992), "Books too early: Could Perot save us from this surplus?", The New York Times, http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/chicagotrib ... 29751.html?
dids=24429751:24429751&FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:FT&type=current&date=Jul+19%
2C+1992&author=Michael+Kilian%2C+Chicago+Tribune.&pub=Chicago+Tribune+%
28pre-1997+Fulltext%29&desc=Books+too+early%
3A+Could+Perot+save+us+from+this+surplus%3F&pqatl=google, retrieved May 5, 2011

2. Toth, Robert C. (1978-04-21). "U.S. scientist aids in Moro search". St. Petersburg Times (Los Angeles Times): pp. 9A. http://news.google.com/newspapers?
id=0nJQAAAAIBAJ&sjid=gloDAAAAIBAJ&pg=6616,4946809&dq=pieczenik&hl=en.
Retrieved 2011-05-14. "Credited with devising negotiating strategy and tactics"

3. Kaye, Helen (July 7, 1995). "US psychiatrist and ME expert analyzes region". Jerusalem Post (The Jerusalem Post). http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P1-5991446.html. Retrieved 2011-05-14. "He was deputy assistant secretary of state under Henry Kissinger, Cyrus Vance and James Baker."

4. Mansfield, Stephanie (February 27, 1995). "He's Been There, Done That; Steve Pieczenik, Tom Clancy's Man on the Inside". The Washington Post (The Washington Post Company). http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P2-822921.html. Retrieved 2011-05-14. "His father, a doctor, fled Poland before World War II. His mother, a Russian Jew, fled Europe after many of her family members were killed. The couple met in Portugal, where both had fled ahead of the Nazi invaders."

5. http://www.stevepieczenik.com/bio.htm, retrieved May 5, 2011

6. Pieczenik, Steve R. (Apr 1975). "Psychological dimensions of international dependency.". The American Journal of Psychiatry 132(4): 428-431. http://psycnet.apa.org/psycinfo/1975-20872-001. Retrieved 2011-05-14. "Analyzes the psychological consequences of international dependency".

7. Kelley, Matt (February 26, 2002). "Rumsfeld: Pentagon to Close Office". AP Online (Associated Press). http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P1-51003858.html. Retrieved 2011-05-14. "Dr. Steve Pieczenik, a psychological warfare expert who has worked for the State Department and lectured at the National Defense University."

8. Romano, Lois (June 10, 1992). "THE RELIABLE SOURCE". The Washington Post (The Washington Post). http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P2-1009984.html. Retrieved 2011-05-14. "Pieczenik served as deputy secretary during the Ford, Carter, Reagan and Bush administrations."

9. Goleman, Daniel (March 8, 1985), "Seat Of Power And Woe", The New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/1985/03/08/us/se ... d-woe.html, retrieved May 5, 2011

10. Forbes, http://blogs.forbes.com/kenrapoza/2011/ ... w-roswell/, retrieved May 8, 2011

11. Geyer, Georgie Anne (1980-01-18). "We Have Ignored Soviet Paranoia". Sarasota Herald-Tribune: pp. 7A. http://news.google.com/newspapers?
id=R60cAAAAIBAJ&sjid=1WcEAAAAIBAJ&pg=6631,953120&dq=pieczenik&hl=en.
Retrieved 2011-05-14. "U.S. State Department specialist on hostage taking"

12. Moore, Malcolm (March 11, 2008), "US envoy admits role in Aldo Moro killing", The Daily Telegraph (London), http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1581425/US-
envoy-admits-role-in-Aldo-Moro-killing.html, retrieved May 5, 2011

13. Taubman, Philip (January 28, 1981), "Conflicts In Mental Reports Raise Questions On Captives", The New York Times, http://www.nytimes.com/1981/01/28/us/conflicts-in-
mental-reports-raise-questions-on-captives.html, retrieved May 5, 2011

14. McGrory, Mary (1977-03-13). "How Experts Can Tame Terrorists". The Pittsburgh Press: pp. B2. http://news.google.com/newspapers?
id=zVQdAAAAIBAJ&sjid=IVcEAAAAIBAJ&pg=5671,3491370&dq=pieczenik&hl=en.
Retrieved 2011-05-14. "One of the most "brilliantly competent" men in the field of terrorism..."

15. McGrory, Mary (1977-03-13). "Balking terrorists requires expertise". Eugene Register-Guard: pp. 17A. http://news.google.com/newspapers?
id=gNZVAAAAIBAJ&sjid=JOADAAAAIBAJ&pg=3178,2900467&dq=pieczenik&hl=en.
Retrieved 2011-05-14. "...at the command center of Mayor Walter Washington and worked "side by side" with Police Chief Maurice J. Cullinane"

16. "Coverup charged in death of U.S. envoy". Spokane Daily Chronicle (United Press International): pp. 15. 1981-02-18. http://news.google.com/newspapers?
id=y_pLAAAAIBAJ&sjid=QfkDAAAAIBAJ&pg=7047,529503&dq=pieczenik&hl=en.
Retrieved 2011-05-14. ""I was present. I heard it.""

17. TAUBMAN, PHILIP (October 13, 1982). "PSYCHIATRISTS DESCRIBE KAFKAESQUE PORTFOLIO". The New York Times (The New York Times). http://www.nytimes.com/1982/10/13/us/ps ... folio.html?
pagewanted=all. Retrieved 2011-05-14. "Dr. Steve R. Pieczenik, a psychiatrist who has treated C.I.A. employees."

18. Stanton, John J. (December 1, 2001). "U.S. Intelligence Community Reaches Crossroads: CIA official says agency is implementing reforms to address new threats. (Analysis).". National Defense (National Defense Industrial Association.). http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-81007776.html. Retrieved 2011-05-14. "Steve Pieczenik, chief executive officer of Strategic Intelligence Associates, a consulting firm."

19. http://digital-library.usma.edu/libmedi ... /V1976.PDF, retrieved May 5, 2011

20. http://www.usip.org/files/resources/sr94.pdf

21. http://www.cfr.org/about/membership/ros ... l?letter=P

22. Pieczenik, Steve (1997). State of Emergency (First ed.). Putnam Adult. ISBN 0399143238.

23. http://www.courts.state.md.us/opinions/ ... 112a07.pdf, retrieved May 5, 2011

24. http://www.amazon.com/s/ref=nb_sb_noss? ... oks&field-
keywords=Steve+Pieczenik&x=0&y=0, retrieved May 5, 2011

25. Barnes and Noble book search

26. http://www.stevepieczenik.com/novels.htm

27. http://www.nmia.org/?AIJ0410, retrieved May 5, 2011

28. http://www.montanaim.com/about.html

29. http://www.montanaim.com/about.html

30. Watson, Paul (2011-05-04). "Top Government Insider: Bin Laden Died In 2001, 9/11 A False Flag". Infowars. http://www.infowars.com/top-us-governme ... bin-laden-
died-in-2001-911-a-false-flag/. Retrieved 2011-05-13.
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Re: Transcript of Alex Jones Interview with Dr. Steve Piecze

Postby admin » Thu May 26, 2016 5:06 am

The ‘monkey act’ at the USIP
by Ajit Randeniya
lankaweb.com
September 22nd, 2009

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

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The 28 August presentations by Jehan Perera and Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu at the so-called US Institute of Peace (USIP) revealed many things about these two individuals.

Perera, following a ‘gutless’ analysis about the situation in Sri Lanka, pleaded for the ‘support’ of the international community. He was careful not to mention money though.

Paikiasothy’s motive was obviously similar but was expressed more deceptively, and venomously. With the use of meaningless and hackneyed clichés such as the need to ‘move from post-war to post-conflict situation (a journey of a thousand miles it seems!) and ‘empirical reference points’, whatever they could be, Paikiasothy was searching desperately for an academic or intellectual veneer to his demented rant! An excellent rebuttal presented with dignity by the Sri Lankan ambassador blunted any effect these two bogus intellectuals would have had.

The futility of this ‘dance of the two monkeys’ to the neocon tunes cannot be fully illustrated without understanding the background of their host, the USIP. The detail shows that the association between these agents and their friends at the USIP is based on dishonesty of similar scale of the two parties.

The USIP is a congressionally funded ‘think tank’ created in 1984 during the Ronal Reagan regime, staffed by neocons who plotted the seizure of Iraq’s oil fields. Similar to the front specifically created for undermining Cuba, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), USIP is another product of neocon success in the Reagan and Bush era, aided by Congress, in getting public funding to implement their agenda against progressives internationally. Outrageously, at its creation USIP was mandated with full access to classified information of intelligence agencies.

Under the guise of promoting peace, the USIP facilitates war and occupation. The naming of the Institute as one of ‘Peace’, and describing themselves as ‘pursuing nonviolent alternatives to war’ are part of the grand scheme of deception. They are a group of war mongers representing the global oil industry interests of long nosed neocons.

The USIP board of directors, a who’s who of the neocon army, gives the lie to any of it being nonpartisan and nonideological peace group as the propaganda suggests. The president since 1993 is Richard H. Solomon, a former National Security Council staff member originating from the RAND Corporation, the think tank that designed the Vietnam War. Vice president Charles E. Nelson is also from RAND and the National War College.

The chairman of the USIP board of directors is J. Robinson West, a Washington lobbyist specialising in representing the major oil companies. Other members of the board include Secretary of Defense Robert Gates who headed the CIA under G. H. W. Bush and Charles Horner, from the ultra militarist Hudson Institute.

A new building complex to house the USIP, nearing completion, will be named after George P. Schultz, the creator of the Bush-Cheney doctrine of preventative (first strike) nuclear warfare, a major military contractor these days.

The activities of USIP show its true nature. It spends tens of millions of tax dollars researching symptomatic problems such as motivations for terrorism, but never the root causes of it such as America’s arming of the Israeli Weltanschauung, or the habit of brutally invading Third World countries to snatch their natural resources.

USIP takes a special interest in countries with oil reserves. It has several Iraq ‘specialists’ including Rend Francke, a Jewish Iraqi expatriate who, along with the infamous Ahmed Chalabi, abetted Bush-Cheney-Powell- Rumsfeld axis of evil into invading Iraq in 2003.

USIP staffers organised the Iraq Study Group, a collection of neocons who finally figured out that their war on Iraq is unwinnable. The Study Group was headed by James Baker and was composed of executives from RAND, Bechtel and Citigroup as well as the Heritage Foundation, Hoover Institution, American Enterprise Institute and the Hudson Institute. To lead the study, USIP partnered with the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a similar group run by executives from the Carlyle Group, the Coca-Cola Company, Merrill Lynch & Co., Exxon Mobile Corp, Lehman Brothers, Morgan Stanley, Time Inc. and alleged war criminal Henry Alfred Kissinger.

In October 2008, USIP produced a report by a ‘Pakistan Policy Working Group’ as part of an avalanche of ‘bipartisan’ reports that were being churned out by Washington-based neocon think tanks aiming to influence the policies of the in-coming administration. Group members included former senior officials who served in the State Department, the Pentagon, the CIA, and the National Security Council, and representatives from the the Brookings Institution and RAND Corporation. The report was endorsed by former Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage from the Republican side and the former cochairman of the 9/11 Commission and the Iraq Study Group, Lee Hamilton from the Democrat side. The report was cosponsored by Armitage’s consulting firm, Armitage International, the right-wing Heritage Foundation; and DynCorp International, major contractor with the State Department and the USAID.

The USIP report created the South Asian agenda for the Obama administration, branding Pakistan the ‘greatest single challenge’, and recommending aid cuts unless it commits itself to the counterinsurgency struggle against the Taliban and al Qaeda. The report also asserted that Washington is justified in carrying out unilateral cross-border attacks into Pakistan against terrorist targets until Islamabad shows ‘that it is ready and willing to act aggressively’ against them on its own. All this from the Institute of ‘Peace’!

Paikiasothy is aiding and abetting these rogues by attempting to underplay the security aspect of the IDP management and by trying to make human rights the central issue. While any one human would want to give the IDPs a better life, it must also be remembered that there are several million others in Sri Lanka whose accommodation, nutrition and education issues are as grave as those of the IDPs.

Fraudsters like Paikiasothy should be asked the question, ‘What about their Human Rights? How can their concern be so selective?

Paikiasothy’s attempt to communicate rubbish is made more difficult by his ridiculous, nondescript accent. It is suggestive of an attempt to ape his masters gone tragically wrong! He spoke of ‘sh’allenges and recon’sh’illiation, prompting a Sri lankan member in the audience to retort that it was all ‘ch’it.
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