Endangered Minds: Why Children Don't Think, And What We Can

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Re: Endangered Minds: Why Children Don't Think, And What We

Postby admin » Wed Oct 09, 2013 8:42 pm

PART 1 OF 2

Part Five: MINDS OF THE FUTURE

CHAPTER 13: New Brains: New Schools?


If we wish to remain a literate culture, someone is going to have to take the responsibility for teaching children at all socioeconomic levels how to talk, listen, and think. If we want high school graduates who can analyze, solve problems, and create new solutions, adults will have to devote the time to showing them how. And they had better get at it before the neural foundations for verbal expression, sustained attention, and analytic thought end up as piles of shavings under the workbench of plasticity.

It appears that schools will have to assume a larger share of this responsibility. Students from all walks of life now come with brains poorly adapted for the mental habits that teachers have traditionally assumed. In the past, deep wells of language and mental persistence had already been filled for most children by experiences at home; an educational priming of the pump made learning flow with relative ease. Now teachers must fill the gaps before attempting to draw "skills" from brains that lack the underlying cognitive and linguistic base.

We care deeply about the "smartness" of our children, but our culture lacks patience with the slow, time-consuming handwork by which intellects are woven. The quiet spaces of childhood have been disrupted by media assault and instant sensory gratification. Children have been yoked to hectic adult schedules and assailed by societal anxieties. Many have been deprived of time to play and the opportunity to pursue mental challenges that, though deemed trivial by distracted adults, are the real building blocks of intellect. Thus schools must lead the way, acknowledging children's developmental needs as they guide them firmly into personal involvement with the important skills and ideas that will empower them for the future.

WHAT DOESN'T WORK

Schools, preschools, and day-care centers cannot slow the pace of adult life, alter changing family patterns, or eliminate media influences. Nor can they ignore these realities or the resulting differences in students. Kids today are no less intelligent than those of former years, but they don't fit the same academic molds. In many respects, children now come to school with more potential and a wider experiential background than children of a previous generation. At some level, the rapid pace of their lives may even prove to be adaptive for the constant scene changes of a new knowledge explosion. Yet this gloss of sophistication has been applied at the expense of important mental skills -- and arguably, their underlying brain organization.

Comments on "Competency"

As I hope became obvious in earlier chapters, the simple cry "Make them learn" soon runs afoul of the developmental reality that brains learn in different ways and on different schedules. In olden days, those who did not fit the pattern dropped out and got good jobs in factories, shops, or on farms. Now these options have diminished. If we want almost everyone to achieve solid levels of academic competency, we must accept the need to diversify instruction for learners with different styles and timetables for mastery. Such sensitivity does not imply that some are "inferior" or that they cannot learn; it simply acknowledges that just as all adults should not be expected to enjoy and master sculpture, journalism, baseball, or eye surgery with equal facility, all children will not learn math or rope-climbing with comparable ease.

"Competency" is deceptive. When children must resort to memorizing "tricks" to pass tests (on material they don't understand), they soon "forget." Difficulties compound themselves as children who lack basic concepts of addition and subtraction are drilled to mouth algebraic formulae, or as they uncomprehendingly "read" the words from books or neatly copy "reports" from encyclopedias -- without making mental contact with the content. Children who come from different linguistic and educational backgrounds are particularly at risk in this sort of curriculum.

Shallowly conceived "standards" also tend to fragment learning into inconsequential bits. Dr. Arthur Costa, who says he has "been through three back-to-basics movements" in his career as an educator, notes ruefully:

What was educationally significant and hard to measure has been replaced by what is educationally insignificant and easy to measure. So now we measure how well we've taught what isn't worth learning! [1]


Costa's personal vision of a school as "a home for the mind" is woefully different from current realities. He is convinced that we need change, and that education for workers of the future must emphasize more general thinking and problem-solving abilities along with the basic skills.

People in an age of rapidly changing technology will have to keep on learning even after they graduate, but the outlook in the United States is not bright, he warns.

"We're facing a critical time in history. For our nation to survive we have to realize that what's coming up is the smallest work force we've had in a long time; we've had a big population dip and our industries have a much smaller pool of talent. The small group is one of the most undertrained with the largest number of dropouts. At the same time, industry has the greatest demand for problem-solvers and thinkers, entrepreneurs and craftsmen, creative people whose products are so excellent and whose thinking is so forward that we can match the other countries for survival."

Because of the ever-shrinking pool of talent, industries are being forced to economize, Costa continues.

''To do so they're cutting out middle management. This means that blue-collar workers will have to know how to think for themselves so industry won't have to hire management to solve problems for them. We're at a time of great competition for creativity and thinking -- we've got to develop these skills in all our students. To do so we need a massive reorientation of what public education is about." [2]

No responsible critic denies that students -- and their teachers -- need to be held accountable for what is being learned. Tests are important, not only for determining the depth at which material is taught, but also in showing students what kinds of thought processes are important (e.g., simply memorizing facts vs. having to connect them together in higher-level thinking). In countries where thought and intellectual depth are esteemed, examinations consist mainly of having the students generate ideas, usually in writing, about the topic at hand. Someone recently observed that Europeans examine, while Americans only test. Examinations, in this sense, require students to have not only a thorough understanding of the facts but also a more general grasp of the subject and its important ideas as well as the ability to integrate and express them. It also means that someone has to read and grade the papers.

In the United States, the content of everything from English to algebra is currently being trivialized by machine-scored, multiple-choice tests. Why be surprised if students can't reason effectively -- or if they emulate their elders in looking for the easy way out? Of course, if I have 150 English students every day . . .

"But the Japanese Seem to Be Doing Something Right"

Despite the apparent success of Japanese public education in extruding a dutiful and well-trained work force, aping a misconceived model of that country's system won't work in America. Nor will the rigid traditions believed to characterize Japanese secondary schools impart the innovation and mental flexibility Americans claim to prize.

Japanese and American schooling are predicated on different philosophical views of the individual in relationship to the society. They also have differing traditions regarding the purpose of schooling itself, particularly the balance between conformity and original thinking. While it would certainly be a step in the right direction to accord comparable respect (and expectations) to teachers and to the intellectual enterprise in general, we must recognize that Japanese pedagogy is designed for children from a very different tradition of upbringing.

In that country, mothers assume that their primary role is to provide a full-time training ground for their child. Children are expected to sail from home into school on an unbroken flow of expectations and support -- not so much in terms of subject matter, as in the attitudes and mental habits for school success. Moreover, according to one careful observer, Japanese elementary schools (unlike those for older students) do not trade in the rote-level, robotic classroom scenes we imagine. Instead, their well-trained teachers (getting into this highly esteemed profession is a competitive business for which only the best are chosen) plan active, exploratory learning and take time to set the conceptual foundations in place. Whereas American second graders may spend thirty minutes on two or three pages of addition and subtraction equations, the Japanese are reported to be more likely, at this level, to use the same amount of time in examining two or three problems in depth, focusing on the reasoning process necessary to solve them. [3]

Ignoring the Reality ... and Missing the Vision

While lessons can certainly be learned from the Japanese, our schools cannot succeed unless they are supported in confronting the reality of the children they are trying to teach. They cannot change society, but they can stand firm as advocates, not enemies, of mental growth. American children should learn to work hard, in fact considerably harder than most are working now. But they need to work on important, meaningful learning at which they can succeed.

Classrooms where students are enticed into involvement with content along with essential skills, where they experience each day the satisfaction of intellectual accomplishment gained by personal effort -- such classrooms are a strong antidote to the anxieties and fragmentation that beset children in today's world. If schools direct their planning toward this goal, they have a much better chance to shore up shaky intellectual foundations while also infusing children with the ego-protective properties of well-earned success.

Is this simply more visionary claptrap? How can such lofty goals be accomplished in a practical classroom world? The first step is to take the pains to start where the children are. Another is to write the habits of mind, oral language usage, and thoughtful experience with important ideas into the curriculum along with reading, writing, math, history, and science. Instead of simply insisting that teachers stamp on the three R's in shallow transfer patterns, we must search for new ways to enrich young brains with the real "basics" -- language and thought.

I do not propose, in one chapter, to outline a total new plan for restructuring American education. As must be clear by now, my main suggestions concern teaching and learning. To fill gray areas in kids' gray matter, however, structural as well as curricular changes are in order. Let me first skim over a few ideas that have been proposed in the name of the former before moving on to a consideration of some new (or rekindled) ideas about what we might start dishing out in the way of mental fare.

SOME OF THE NITTY-GRITTY

Changing the Way Schools Are Structured: Only Part of a Solution


The growing recognition that our schools are out of step with changing social patterns has inspired some rethinking about the way they are structured. Alternatives now on the table include adding early-childhood centers to the public schools, adapting the school calendar and/or length of the school day to schedules of working parents, and allowing students to stay with the same teacher for more than one year, as is done in some European countries, in hopes of gaining the sort of close relationship with an adult increasingly missing at home. These proposals all have potential merit -- and potential problems. If what children get in school is ineffective or even damaging, simply adding more of the same will only exacerbate the problems.

Broader forms of restructuring, in which schools work closely with other social agencies, are also being proposed. Such teamwork appears to be necessary as increased needs for emotional and social support of even middle-class students drain instructional resources. Allan Shedlin, director of New York's Elementary School Center, feels strongly that schools should assume a more central role as "locus of advocacy" for all children. While not everyone agrees that they will be up to this task, most concur that some kind of coordination will be necessary. As we now stand, fragmentation of school time, facilities, and staff with nonacademic courses already threatens their basic role as academic institutions. Academic learning may well suffer when schools are compelled to add such extras as required courses in career, health, and nutrition education at all grade levels, as well as badly needed expedients such as group counseling for children with unsettled emotional environments at home (e.g., a course for children of divorce entitled "Who Gets Me for Christmas?").

It is indeed hard, perhaps even impossible, to teach well if students' nutritional or emotional agendas preempt their mental energy. But teachers' major obligation to students' emotional needs must remain to create classrooms and curricula where children are mentally as well as physically safe. This includes structuring academic demands so that students have a realistic chance of earning success as a buffer against other emotional stresses. Offering attainable academic goals and good teaching to reach them is the school's primary role in social service.

Changing the Way Children Are Taught

One potentially promising trend in this regard is a greater use of "collaborative learning" techniques, where more emphasis is placed on the types of cooperation and communication that will be needed in an "information age." [4] Inclusion of cooperation along with competition may have several effects: (1) making classrooms more success-oriented; (2) counteracting some of the social isolation experienced by children without old-fashioned "neighborhood" play experiences; (3) building oral language skills by teaching structured ways of talking together about what is being learned. Changes of this sort will not salvage academic learning, however, unless curricular goals are broadened to emphasize language and thinking skills. Since brains are shaped in classrooms as well as in homes, we cannot afford to overlook these growing needs during the hours children spend in school.

How Good Are the Teachers?

Another problem is how to stock classrooms with teachers who can -- and do -- read, write, and reason. Although none of the ideas to follow are revolutionary in scope, they all call for good teachers whose own intellects can be trusted, or at least developed. We cannot depend on workbooks and kits chosen because they are "teacher-proof" (a questionable, but all-too-common "attribute"). Such materials, by necessity, include little, if any, writing and reasoning.

It is beyond the scope of this book to solve the problem of where to find this band of angels who can simultaneously control twenty-five or thirty kids (someone very accurately compared it to trying to keep thirty corks under water all at the same time), inculcate the essential skills into a generation of unprepared brains, and also stimulate high-level reasoning and reflection. I would suggest, on the basis of school visits in many parts of the country, that many fine teachers are already in place. But they need encouragement, perhaps some additional training in language development and questioning strategies, and most often, smaller classes in order to do the job we demand of them.

Even (perhaps especially) elementary school teachers must be well grounded in the liberal arts and sciences as well as in the specific tools of their profession. They cannot expand minds to meet the demands of the next century if their own perspectives are foreshortened by pedagogical nonsense in place of substantive coursework. In my opinion, any teacher in a subject requiring students to read and write should be required to demonstrate the personal ability to read and reason intelligently, write coherently, and provide satisfactory models of oral language. The college years are not too late to effect changes in the habits of a human brain; it is certainly worth the considerable time and effort it would take to induce the ability to think in everyone to whom we delegate the charge of teaching it to our children.

Even the best teachers, however, can't do the foundation-building job alone. Many complain they now have to teach the parents as well as the children. Let us digress briefly to consider some issues surrounding this important division of responsibility.

The Changing Balance Between School and Home: Whose Responsibility?

If schools are to do a proper job, they cannot, with existing resources, also shoulder the major burden of their charges' personal, social, and emotional development. Yet school administrators and teachers are increasingly pressured to take on jobs they see as parental ones. Some assert quite vehemently that they are tired of spending so much time "parenting the parents"; even well-heeled professionals need frequent reminders of their responsibilities to their children. "I had to start sending notes home on Fridays asking parents to monitor the violent TV programs these kids were watching," went a typical comment from a kindergarten teacher in a middle class suburb. "I don't mind writing notes about a child's school progress, but do I also have to tell them how to be parents?"

"I wish I could sit down with every parent in America and emphasize how important they are to their children's education," stated Mary Hatwood Futrell, speaking for thousands of teachers nationwide. [5] Yet even filling a child's basic emotional needs is increasingly difficult for many families. Youngsters who have been caught in changing family patterns (e.g., divorce, single parenthood) have needs that may be difficult to meet. All children need consistent and realistic follow-through on standards for school achievement, but in the press of contemporary life, such consistency gets easily lost. Although many parents express concern about their children's progress, teachers also have trouble getting them to follow up on academic expectations at home. One of the reasons may be that parents feel alienated from the school.

Child psychiatrist Dr. James Comer, recounting his growing-up years in the 1940s, compares the informal neighborhood contacts between teachers and parents with the fragmented environments that now polarize parents and schools. ''The positive relationship between my parents and school staff -- and the probability of a weekly report [in a casual conversation in the store, or on the street) -- made it difficult for me to do anything short of live up to the expressed expectations." Comer argues that too many children today are deprived of the "sense of trust, belonging, and place" so essential to learning. [6]

Helping Parents Parent

Parents themselves are pressured, tired, and unsure of how much they should interfere with schoolwork. Many complain that the only time they are wanted in school is when their child develops a problem. Dr. Futrell suggests that educators must start taking the initiative in inviting parents into school under more positive circumstances. Blaming parents and denying the reality of different lifestyles does not change social realities. Administrators who have accepted the facts and reached out by scheduling academic and social events at convenient times and encouraging working parents to attend (e.g., family potluck suppers, book fairs, etc.) have been gratified by the response. Others who had the funds to hire local psychologists to offer short courses in parent education have also reported positive results.

The principal of a nationally recognized elementary school in urban East Cleveland personally holds regular meetings with parents to discuss practical ways in which they can help their children do better in school. He says he has obtained excellent results from using a computerized dialing device that calls everyone with a child in the class to remind them of the meeting. Since the machine started recording the number of anyone who hangs up on his message, he reports that attendance has improved even more!

Broader efforts than schools can provide are needed, however, to teach parents about the needs of young children. Even middle class families may be able to profit by such courses as Dr. Burton White's "Missouri New Parents as Teachers Project (NPAT)." Emphasizing language development, social abilities, small and large muscle, vision, and hearing skills for a large group of children from birth through the first three years of life, Dr. White's curriculum for successful parenting places first priority on "the quality and quantity of adult input into the [child's] stream of experience." White advocates that a parent or grandparent be on hand virtually all the time during the first six to eight months of the child's life to provide "prompt response" to the child's needs or attempts to interact.

Children with parents in White's program consistently score significantly higher on measures of intelligence, achievement, auditory comprehension, and verbal ability than a comparable group whose parents were not enrolled. [7] Although other specialists insist a well-trained surrogate can provide equally responsive care, the initial success of this program appears to make a case for more realistic parental-leave policies.

While our society, as a whole, needs to be reminded of the critical nature of the infant and toddler years, some critics claim that programs like White's lead to too much pressure for early academic skills ("superbabying"). Parent educators must be cautious about implying to parents, particularly well-educated, "fast track" ones, that their main job is to "teach" school at home. Even in an information age, homes still need to provide personal guidance, love, and security. Worried parents need to be reassured that having children talk and participate with them in household and play activities is probably their most truly "educational" role. A spokesman for an important international educational association recently summed it up:

If children are to become responsible members of society, they must not only be exposed to adults involved in meaningful and demanding tasks, but they must themselves begin to participate in such activities early in life. We need to involve children in undertaking genuine responsibilities that will give them a sense of purpose, dignity, and worth. [8]


Most parents have a natural instinct to "scaffold" their children's learning, but those who are sure of themselves and comfortable in their relationship with their child do a better job of it. [9] Parents need support systems; to the degree that schools must take on this extra job of providing them, they will need extra resources.

When children enter school, we have a chance to recast the die of early experience. The brain continues to grow and change throughout the school years. Even if the job is partially bungled in preschool years, much learning potential may be rescued. To do so, however, requires involving each child in meaningful, manageable experiences with language, listening, thinking, problem-solving, imagining, and creating.

LANGUAGE, LISTENING, AND LITERACY

Literacy and many other types of problem-solving demand more extended exposure to good uses of language than most children are now experiencing.

Tools of Language Meaning

Sorting Out the Sounds


We all know these children can't listen, but we seem to be operating on the theory that they're just like us and they ought to be able to, instead of building up programs to teach them how. -- Anna Jones, head, Charles River School, Massachusetts


One reason for declining reading and spelling abilities is that children now come to school with insufficiently developed abilities to listen to the sounds in words. Before reading instruction begins, teachers should be trained to determine a child's level of "phonological awareness," the ability to identify, remember, and sequence the sounds in words. Without this ability, common forms of "phonics" instruction are inefficient and may even be damaging, yet children do not necessarily "pick up" these skills without certain types of listening experiences.

Children who have missed out during the sensitive period for auditory discrimination especially need concentrated training in these skills. Although lack of early experience may still result in gaps, a good training program can probably make up at least some of the lost ground.

Home and classroom activities promoting pure listening and sequencing of sounds should be a major part of pre-reading training. Such simple games as "Pig Latin" or rhyming words give children a chance to manipulate the sounds at the beginning, middle, and end of words. Unfortunately, structured oral training by itself is not a focus in most reading programs (which use workbooks and/or worksheets). When it is, new studies suggest it may be very effective. In one such program first graders did not even get reading textbooks until January. Doing exercises in pure sound awareness in a format designed by Dr. Patricia Lindamood, these students rapidly overtook and passed children in control groups when they finally got their reading books. According to Dr. Lindamood, schools in Idaho, California, Michigan, and Florida have had similar results. The Michigan program reduced intake to special-education classes by 60-75%. Even high-risk students in first through third grades achieved significantly better reading comprehension and spelling scores than a matched group of controls. [10] Dr. Lindamood adds, by the way, that approximately 20% of teachers need remedial training in the same auditory skills. [11]

Two researchers in Syracuse, New York, tried out a seven-week program of similar training in "phoneme segmentation" with a group of kindergarten nonreaders. Their scores on a word-reading test were then compared with comparable groups who received either traditional "phonics" training or no special intervention. At the end of the seven weeks those in the auditory training group significantly outscored both other groups. The authors of this study, who are working on ways in which kindergarten teachers can be taught to use these techniques, recommend that training "to focus the child's attention on the internal sound structure of the word" be included in every beginning reading program. [12]

If Sesame Street producers really want to teach children the foundations of reading, they should take all the pictures off the screen for a while and get the kids to listen to the sounds. Skills of phonological awareness are the entry point to reading. Once children have "cracked the code," however, they need other language skills to move forward with comprehension.

"Somebody Just Needs to Teach These Kids Grammar!"

"The main thing that's wrong with these kids is that somebody ought to teach them grammar!" opined my (highly literate) seat partner on a recent flight. He is right, of course. Understanding the syntax, or grammar, of the language is critical for reading comprehension, for writing, and for many types of reasoning. Nowadays, however, teaching grammar is not as simple as it was when this man was in school and his teachers and people on the radio (and in the early days of TV) tried to speak intelligently and expected him to follow suit.

When overwhelming numbers of students grow up with adult and media models (the distinction is not unintentional) who immerse them in misplaced ideas ("Having trapped the killer, gunshots rang out"); confusion of subject and object ("Him and myself agreed ... "); mangled time sequence ("She had went ... "); and stumbling modifiers ("Tastes good like it should"), a time-consuming rebuilding job is called for. It is hardly fair to expect teachers to single-handedly "cure" the casualties of a frontal assault on proper usage!

The resulting desperation to get "grammar" into kids has resulted in its being taught (just taught, not usually learned, by the way) badly. Most students regard this subject as if it were some sort of great, green, greasy monster waiting to gobble them up. They usually hate their grammar lessons so much that a sure guarantee of good deportment in most classrooms is to threaten students with a grammar worksheet if they don't behave.

Antagonism added to ignorance bodes poorly for survival of the logical structure of language, but one can hardly blame the children for detesting something that has been taught so poorly. Because preadolescent brains do not cope well with abstract rule systems, grammar is best learned initially through exposure to oral language and/or reading good books.

Children naturally start learning grammar (syntax) from the moment they are born; even in a linguistically depleted culture most five-year-olds are quite accomplished users of its basic rules. As we have seen, however, the brain will not generate refinements and extensions of this knowledge unless the culture follows up with the appropriate types of stimulation.

Meaningful real-life experience, however, is quite different from the teaching and testing of abstract rules that has become a stultifying commonplace in American classrooms. For example, children in elementary, or even middle school, who can say, write, read, and understand "The sunset was beautiful," and who can differentiate between a "naming word" and a "describing word" should not spend valuable time memorizing and being tested on "A predicate adjective is always preceded by a linking verb." They should, instead, spend a great deal of time listening to and generating -- orally and in writing -- the richness of nouns, verb tenses, sentence expansions, sentence combinations, dependent clauses, and all the other shades of complexity that will take them beyond the media's sandbox syntax.

Abstract rule systems for grammar and usage should be taught when most students are in high school. Then, if previously prepared, they may even enjoy the challenges of this kind of abstract, logical reasoning. Only, however, if the circuits are not already too cluttered up by bungled rule-teaching.

One ninth-grade student who came to me last year for help with grammar was hopelessly confused about the simplest parts of speech. Although she was intelligent and could, at her current age, have mastered this material in a week, she had been a victim of meaningless "grammar" drills since second grade. As Michelle and I struggled on the simple difference between adjectives and adverbs, I often wished I could take a neurological vacuum cleaner and just suck out all those mixed-up synapses that kept getting in our way. It took us six months to dispose of the underbrush, but finally one day the light dawned. "This is easy!" she exclaimed. It is, when brains are primed for the learning and the student has a reason to use it with real literary models.

Immersing children in good language from books and tapes, modeling patterns for their own speech and writing, and letting them enjoy their proficiency in using words to manipulate ideas are valid ways to embed "grammar" in growing brains. Working with them on their own writing is especially important. No amount of worksheets or rule learning will ever make up for deficits resulting from lack of experience with the structure of real, meaningful sentences.

The Oral Tradition

It is folly to ignore the importance of oral storytelling, oral history, and public speaking in a world that will communicate increasingly without the mediation of print. These skills build language competence in grammar, memory, attention, and visualization, among many other abilities. At least equally important, they can be used to tap the richness of cultural traditions outside the "mainstream" -- and the talents of many children. Is it unreasonable to suggest that elementary teachers -- and perhaps others, as well -- take a course in storytelling? Many insist this training has made a big difference in their effectiveness in the classroom.

What's Wrong With Memorizing?

I personally believe, although I cannot cite any brain research to prove it, that helping students at all grade levels memorize some pieces of good writing -- narrative, expository, and poetic -- on a regular basis would provide good practice for language, listening, and attention. I do not mean reverting to a rote-level curriculum, but simply taking a little time each week to celebrate the sounds of literate thought. Memorizing can be done as a homework exercise so that not much classroom time is consumed.

Teaching Students to Listen

At the same time, schools must get into the business of teaching children to listen effectively because no one else seems to be doing it. Teachers cannot assume their students are attending to what they hear, because most are not. Unless we want to put on a three-dimensional, living-color dog-and-pony show every time we teach a lesson, listening training will have to start the minute they toddle into the school system.

Teaching kids to listen will probably consume a good bit of classroom time, but it will be time well spent. Good teaching of any of the basic learning and thinking processes slows down our relentless march through subject matter. But how much time is consumed by repeating directions, dealing with students who didn't do the homework because they didn't "hear" the assignment, and re-teaching material that was not mastered because they did not understand what they heard -- either from the teacher or from the author who spoke to them from the textbook?

A recent article in an influential educational journal advocated structured training in listening as a new part of the curriculum, teaching children "to participate in structured experiences that cause them to question, to sort, to organize, to evaluate, and to choose," so they may become "connoisseurs and rational consumers of auditory input." [13]

Programs have been designed to improve listening skills; although many of these were originally targeted for students with learning disabilities, they are now appropriate for almost everyone. Instead of adding still more worksheets, however, why not use daily lessons more effectively to accomplish the same purpose? Teachers continually tell me they have to repeat all directions at least three times; one reported she ends up giving separate directions to everyone in the class. And we wonder why students don't listen? Teachers should band together and agree to start -- from the earliest grades -- making reception of spoken language a priority. Examples:

"I am going to give two directions. I want you to listen carefully and then I will ask one of you to repeat them before we go on."

"I will start with a three-minute minilecture on the topic we will be studying in science class today. Listen carefully and then write down a summary of what you remember. I will not repeat anything. You can read your summaries out loud and compare what you remembered."

"Today we are going to play a game in which you work in teams to give each other directions and see if the other person can listen carefully enough to follow them."

Some children's learning styles make processing information through auditory channels more difficult, but research has shown that they, particularly, need practice in these skills. Adults who are sensitive to individual differences do not embarrass youngsters who have difficulty, but they continue to work toward high standards of attention.

Particularly important for today's students is making space for them to talk and listen effectively to each other. With more TV viewing, many youngsters lack skills for interacting positively with peers. Yet most teachers, sadly, do little to help the students learn to talk or listen. The classroom conversational ball gets tossed from teacher to student, then back to teacher, then back to another student, etc.

Teacher: "John, who was the main character of this story?"

John: "Samuel Adams."

Teacher: "Right. Ayesha, when was Samuel Adams born?"

Etc.

Meanwhile, the rest of the class is free to tune out until they hear their own names called. Alternate questioning techniques get all the students involved in group discussions where everyone asks and answers questions and discusses opinions and ideas within a structured format.

Teacher: "I want each of you to work with a partner and take fifteen minutes to list all the facts you can find in the text about Samuel Adams. Then we will compare your lists to classify important ideas and details. Then 1will show you how to make some sample outlines to guide you in planning the one-page biography you have been assigned for tonight's homework." (This teacher slips in a lesson on categorization skills as the students determine the major and subordinate categories for the outlines.)

Do students start bouncing off walls if given this sort of freedom? Not if teachers are trained in establishing firm rules and classroom structures and if they take the time to teach the rules of constructive interaction. Even young children, in fact, can become very actively and productively engaged in this type of lesson. Professional journals and trade books feature more and more such ideas. Paradoxically, students in schools with the most rigid discipline may have the most difficulty with the self-discipline necessary for this type of interaction, so it helps to have teachers from the earliest grades trained to make active, constructive student participation -- not robotic reception -- an inevitable part of classroom life.

If parents want to help, they can first of all insist on careful listening at home. They can also repudiate the fiction that children learn best when they are silent -- and support teachers who encourage active, but self-controlled, participation.
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Re: Endangered Minds: Why Children Don't Think, And What We

Postby admin » Wed Oct 09, 2013 8:45 pm

PART 2 OF 2 (CH. 13 CONT'D.)

Battling "Um ... Like, You Know"

I find it ironic that something called "communications" seems to have become one of the most popular college majors. Last winter, at the wedding reception of a young friend, I struck up a conversation with one of the bridesmaids, a delightful young lady who informed me that she was majoring in communications.

"Oh, that's interesting," I replied. "I have never exactly understood what a communications major entails. What are you learning about?"

Since I did not have my tape recorder, I can only try to recreate the essence of her response:

"Well, it's, well ... we learn about, you know [hands grasping in the air for words], well, about how to communicate. It's like the kind of thing people need to know about these days -- you know, like on TV and things."

How can we teach students to express their ideas effectively? Harvard's Dr. Courtney Cazden feels strongly that all students should be encouraged to talk together in school because they do not tend to talk outside of school about school topics. [14] Even when they do, they use the language of their peer culture rather than "forms of academic discourse -- the special ways of talking expected in school."

Seating students in a circle so they can maintain eye contact with each other is helpful. Both at school and at home they can be encouraged to experiment with "exploratory talk" as they try to get their thoughts arranged.

Teachers and parents can help children clarify their thinking by asking questions:

• What do you mean?
• How did you do that?
• Why do you say that?
• How does that fit with what you just said?
• I don't really get that; could you explain it another way?
• Could you give me an example?

Cazden also emphasizes the importance of at least three seconds of "wait time" after a teacher or parent asks a question. This pause gives the child a chance to formulate an idea and the words to go with it. Most adults tend to wait only about one second after asking a question; few children can pick up their thoughts and tie them together with words in so short a time.

A New Hampshire middle-school teacher who finds her students have been conditioned to "linguistic passivity" writes:

It falls to me as a language arts instructor not merely to hone public speaking skills, but, even more challenging and difficult, to build an awareness of the demands of clear verbal communication on the most rudimentary interpersonal levels. My strategy is to counter the sociocultural condoning of passivity by demanding extensive and precise verbal expression. Students have opportunities to experience a variety of uses of oral language and to feel the gratification that results from having clearly conveyed one's exact meaning. [15]


Attacking the problem "with a combination of verbal modeling and demand," she is careful about her own vocabulary and usage and encourages a great deal of discussion from everyone. When students use vague terms and slang, she tactfully helps them find more appropriate words. Discussions are conducted in complete sentences only, a rule enforced from the first day of school in September. Often, particularly at the beginning, it is necessary to show them how.

Teacher: "How is Jody feeling in this part of the story?"

Student: "Sad."

Teacher: "Use a complete sentence, please. Jody is feeling ... "

"By the end of the first quarter," she reports, "this prompting is seldom any longer necessary and we are already working on extending the depth of answers to include reasons and verifications." Vocabulary and understanding grow as puns and plays on words are enjoyed and as meanings of words are examined and discussed.

How many verbs mean "to walk"?

Why is "a dirty old man" scary but a "soiled elderly gentleman" pathetic?

Many other teachers, including myself, have seen similar revitalization of language skills, interest, and understanding in linguistically passive students. Youngsters with relatively full language backgrounds may pick up the skills more quickly, but persistence should payoff for almost everyone.

While it is heartening to know that such growth is still possible in the middle school years, we should be ashamed that a teacher at this level has to start the process. Children are in schools from the time they are five years old (or younger), when the language areas of the brain are still quite plastic. Teaching priorities -- from preschool years on -- must include setting standards and modeling effective use of oral language. Show-and-tell is not curricular fluff; used well, it is one of many opportunities to develop oral language, listening, and questioning skills. But teachers, themselves, may need additional training in how to build youngsters' language skills, and they also need to approach subjects in sufficient depth to have something meaningful to talk about. Those who are propelled by administrative fiat through a fill-in-the-blanks curriculum will not be able to make it happen.

Writing builds on oral expression. Writing practice offers a golden opportunity to build expressive language skills and vice versa. Although students cannot all talk at once, they can all write at once. When a teacher asks a question, instead of calling on one student to give the answer, he can ask everyone to write a sentence about it and then share some samples. This simple expedient immediately forces all brains in the classroom into engagement with the material, gives valuable practice, and also provides a good index of student understanding. Even in math classes, teachers have been astonished at students' improved understanding and memory when they are required to write regularly about what they are learning.

Ways of Questioning

By engaging students only in a quest for the correct answer rather than for the interesting question, we condemn them to live inside other men's discoveries. -- Priscilla Vail


Students -- and their teachers -- need to learn better ways of phrasing questions. Many children come to school today lacking experience with the "wh" questions (who, what, when, where; why, and how), with the related thinking skills, and with reflective habits of inquiry in general. Unfortunately, when educational objectives are defined too narrowly, these abilities continue to be neglected, since interesting questions represent more of a threat than a challenge.

The types of questions a teacher asks sets the intellectual tone of the classroom. Studies demonstrate that educating teachers in specific questioning techniques can improve their students' reading comprehension, among many other skills, by moving their thinking up from literal repetition of facts into the realms of comprehension, application, and inferential reasoning. Here are samples of some particular types of questions:

Fact: "What did Goldilocks do when she got to the three bears' house?"

Comprehension: "Why did Goldilocks like the little bear's chair best?"


Believe it or not, almost 90% of all teachers' questions come from these two categories, which require little, if any, higher-order thinking. No wonder students are so deficient in these skills! Consider the following:

Application: "If Goldilocks had come into your house, what are some of the things she might have used?"

Analysis: "How can we tell which things belong to each bear?"

Synthesis: "How might the story be different if Goldilocks had visited the three astronauts?"

Evaluation: "Do you think Goldilocks had a right to do what she did? Why or why not?" [16]


The idea of asking, even allowing, children to extend their thinking in these ways is alarming to some adults who like to see them sitting in rows and filling in blanks where there is always a right answer. Oddly enough, the same people also complain when students can't understand history, geometry, or Shakespeare. They also blame the kids when they rebel, become "hyperactive," or turn off completely from the educational process. Children need, of course, to master the factual "basics," but the most pressing questions in tomorrow's world will not be phrased at the literal level. At this writing, approximately sixty-three patent applications have been filed for new varieties of animals -- genetically engineered by human scientists! Before they are approved, I, for one, hope someone will know how to ask the right kinds of questions!

Where will we get the time to implement all these ideas? First, we may have to sacrifice teaching some of the "data" we have cherished in the past -- which computers will be handling anyway in the real world of the future. Second, we must explore ways to integrate and extend thinking and basic skills all at the same time. This focus has many educators excited about some new/old ideas called "whole language."

WHOLE LANGUAGE FOR WHOLE BRAINS

The idea of getting the learner personally involved in the questioning process is one aspect of a quiet revolution termed "whole language," which is sparking a major rethinking of the way we have been teaching (or more accurately, failing to teach) children to read, write, and reason. The "whole language movement," for, indeed, as the term implies, its advocates promote it with genuine missionary zeal, is a scheme of teaching derived from research on the way children naturally learn language. Adopted a few years ago in the United States by a few school districts, it now promises to have a significant educational impact as its use spreads.

As with any new trend, some of its implementations have been more effective than others. Its strongest advocates are teachers who have invested the time and effort necessary to use its ideas well. They report students "amazingly turned-on" to reading and good literature. Moreover, "I would never have believed it, but they love to write!" is a typical teacher comment.

What is the magical formula? The essence of "whole language" is threefold. First, in accordance with current research in cognitive psychology, the learner is viewed as an active "constructor of knowledge," not merely a passive recipient of information. Second, reading, writing, speaking, and listening are taught as integrated rather than separate disciplines. Third, the materials used for reading, and thus as a basis for many writing activities, include fine children's literature and examples of good language in a variety of narrative and expository forms. [17-20]

1. Learners Construct Knowledge

Research on learning has demonstrated that students understand best, remember ideas most effectively, and think most incisively when they feel personally responsible for getting meaning out of what they are learning instead of waiting for a teacher to shovel it into them. Many people believe that such ideas are merely pie-in-the-sky pronouncements from the groves of educational psychology, but any teacher who has tried it both ways knows it is true. Many have told me their delight at finding out that students who are working to find answers to questions that are important and meaningful to them do better work. If the situation is structured correctly, the students also present fewer discipline problems.

This finding has direct relevance to the teaching of reading. The passive and even mind-deadening nature of reading instruction has rightfully received a share of the blame for our new generation of disaffected readers. In the past, we got away with numbing children's brains for several hours a day because most of them came to school already imbued with the idea that reading and writing were something terribly important to learn; they understood that literacy skills were required for success in life, and many of them read at home -- even if the favored materials were comic books. Having also learned that hard work and boredom are standard lumps in the road to success, they -- and their parents -- were prepared to put up with some bad pedagogy along the way.

The current generation of two-minute minds (don't blame them, folks, we did it to them) are unschooled in persistence or reflection; if they don't like something, they change the channel or persuade their dad to sue the school. Surveying popular models of "success," as well, I am not surprised that reading, writing, and oral expression do not have quite the cachet they once did. If the school dishes out dross in the name of reading instruction, today's young consumer simply will not buy.

Research has shown that good readers actively pursue meaning, carrying on an active mental dialogue with the writer. "What is this saying?" "What will happen next?" "How does that fit with what I already know ... ?" To be a good reader, a child cannot be in the habit of tuning out, either to the author's thinking or to her own. Poor readers, on the other hand, respond as if they are waiting for the text to give them the message; usually it doesn't. Many poor readers do not even realize they have not understood something. Good teaching, therefore, uses materials that students can understand (with some mental effort) and then always holds them accountable for the meaning of what they read. If the material is of some intrinsic interest to them, chances for a successful match increase.

In most American classrooms, children are issued a "basal" reading text; they meet in "reading groups" where they read out loud in turn and then return to their desks to write answers to questions and fill in worksheets or workbooks. When students get older, more reading is done silently, and sometimes "trade books" (children's fiction, biographies, etc.) supplement the basals. "Reading" time is carefully segmented from other subjects, and as this exercise is repeated for each of several groups in a class, most teachers have little time for extended discussion. Observational research in classrooms has unearthed the depressing fact that almost all reading instruction focuses on lower-level skills; little time is spent discussing and teaching students to comprehend what they have read.

In many classrooms, particularly large ones, the teacher has few opportunities to address the individual needs of students. I have been in many private as well as public schools where students were working with reading texts that they clearly could not understand -- and of which there was no meaningful discussion. The inevitable result is a habit of "reading" without understanding.

Students' reading abilities, in any normal classroom, usually span at least four years by the second grade and may span as many as ten or more by middle school (e.g., in a sixth grade, some students read more like average second graders and some like high school seniors). Unless materials are varied, some students are almost always baffled and others are frequently bored.

Even if all students in a class can read and comprehend the material, all still need to respond actively to it in order to become real readers. In one sixth-grade classroom in a suburban neighborhood, I saw a good example of how to turn kids off from the whole process. Eleven students (the "top group") sat around a large table, reading out loud in turn from Johnny Tremaine, a children's classic about a boy's adventures during the Revolutionary War. As each student finished reading a paragraph, the teacher said, "Good," or asked a question that could be answered in a word or a phrase. The turn then passed to the next reader. These kids were, in fact, proficient oral readers, rarely stumbling over a word, but their interest in the text was less than overwhelming. As each child read, the others sat passively, eyes wandering or glazed with the exaggerated ennui that is the forte of the preadolescent. When the bell rang, the teacher distributed a mimeographed list of questions to answer for homework.

As the students gratefully escaped into the hallway, I cornered several.

"How do you like this book?"

Shoulders shrugged. "Nyah, it's okay" was the most positive opinion expressed.

Whole-language teaching attempts to counter these trends by eliciting an active response from each child. Good children's literature is used, but instruction is aimed at understanding, discussion, and analysis, both oral and written.

"Skills" are taught in the context of meaningful prose. Sometimes each student selects his own book, for which he is then held accountable; at other times, groups of students read and discuss the same book. In kindergarten, teachers and children read and reread simple stories aloud, familiarizing students with the sounds and the meanings of the words and sentence patterns. Later, as language skills and reading vocabulary grow, the focus moves to independent silent reading, usually by second grade. Group lessons are usually an occasion for teaching phonics, reading mechanics, and comprehension skills in the context of the story that has been read. ("Can anyone tell me what the first sound of slippery is? How many syllables? What letters are used to spell that sound?" "What is this punctuation mark called? Why does this sentence need a question mark instead of a period?" "Who can say the exact words that are inside the quotation marks?" "Who is meant by the word you in this sentence?" "What do you think the main idea of this chapter is?")

In whole-language programs, part of the time that would have been given to worksheets and drills is devoted to independent reading, and because all the so-called "language arts" are taught together, more time is available. Teachers and theorists concur that children learn to read mainly by doing so. Since they are not doing it at home, they must have time to read in school. Students enjoy selecting books from a large classroom library (teachers have the responsibility of directing students into materials that will challenge without baffling them). They vigorously discuss books with each other as well as with the teacher (young readers love debating about plot outcomes and authors' points of view). Inevitably, they exchange book reviews, even when not assigned. ("You've gotta read this mystery story, it's so cool! The ghost lives in this weird old house . . .")

Some experienced teachers prefer to keep some of the structured lessons of a "basal" text and supplement them with literature-based units of study; the teaching still focuses on the learner's understanding and the importance of building all language skills in a related form.

In a curriculum centered on "whole language," writing is a cornerstone, and the child's own interest and active thinking is enlisted in teaching it. Children are encouraged to begin writing in kindergarten through specific techniques adapted for young children. In later grades, a variety of methods, including computer word processing, are currently in use to get students involved in learning about mechanics, content, and style.

2. Linking Reading, Writing, Listening, and Speaking

Instruction that links, rather than separates, the components of language learning is a natural vehicle for making up gaps in children's language backgrounds. It can also be an effective means of engaging them in thinking, making mental connections, and expressing themselves clearly. For some reason, classroom instruction has tended to segregate "reading time" from, "writing time" and "spelling time." In many schools, "English" and "reading" have been regarded as totally different subjects, with different textbooks (the publishers love this, of course), different lesson plans, and different teachers.

One of the biggest gaps in children's experience these days is in seeing connections between all the bits of information they have accumulated; teachers are frustrated because their students have difficulty linking ideas together meaningfully. A fragmented curriculum does nothing to remedy the situation. When larger blocks of classroom time are devoted to linking skills, children are asked to write about what they read, read what they have written, talk about both, and learn to listen to what others have to say.

In "whole language" classrooms the most commonly mentioned writing program is the "writing process," in which children work with classmates and teacher to plan, draft, revise, and edit their own writing. It has sparked renewed interest in writing -- as well as in the refinements of language -- where it has been well implemented. Since extensive personal writing improves reading abilities, double value is gained from the time spent.

I recently spent some time observing a fourth grade where the teacher was trying out some of these ideas. Since "whole language" is much more of an attitude than a prescription, each teacher uses the basic concepts according to the school's instructional goals. This class was engaged in a unit of study about Egypt. In addition to reading from many background sources, discussing, making projects, and collaborating on simple research reports, the students were also reading books of children's fiction related to the study at hand. One group was eagerly pursuing a story about some sixth graders involved in an Egyptian mystery; two other groups had tackled books of different levels of difficulty. Each group's homework assignments consisted of reading one or two chapters and writing a "response journal" in which they summarized the day's reading and then carried on a dialogue with the author about points of particular interest.

The teacher met with each group and listened to them read and discuss their journal entries. Meanwhile, the other two groups read silently. In the discussions, skillfully moderated by the teacher, the level of interest was high; each child had different views and different comments. I found myself astonished by the depth of understanding that these young students showed. Students presented opinions about characters, motivation, plot outcomes, etc. Occasionally, someone's point would be challenged, and pages quickly turned. "It says here. . ." "Yes, but on page twenty-four it also says. . ." (Observing this, I reflected ruefully on my own struggles to make eighth graders use evidence from a text to back up an argument!) Discipline was not a problem, since the children knew that if they were to continue this activity, which they enjoyed, they had to behave. When one child began to cut up, his classmates shushed him.

Clearly, this was a good teacher at work. To implement a philosophy that focuses on process as much as on product and that allows teacher and student to direct much of the learning, good training of teachers -- who themselves appreciate reading and writing -- is primary.

3. Using Real Books and Real Language

The "whole language" philosophy also implies the use of good models of written language from the earliest school years. It rejects many published "canned" materials. Children are, indeed, more motivated by real books than by many textbooks, as shown by the success of these programs in getting disaffected students turned back on to reading. (Interest in "whole language," incidentally, may get the credit for some of the recently growing market in children's fiction.) Good literature also readies students' brains for language and ideas that will be needed at higher grade levels.

Even if they do not choose to follow most of the ideas of "whole language," teachers should read aloud to their students from "good" books every day -- even through middle and high school years.

4. "Whole Language" and Motivation

The handful of teachers in my survey who wrote that students' interest and comprehension in reading had improved instead of declined were all using some form of literature-based reading program. Comments like the following suggest that there is still hope for the written word:

I am teaching reading by using novels as well as the basal reader. Reading comprehension is much better than it was when I first started teaching (thirty-three years ago). Children have a better background and storehouse of information that they bring to the written material. They also show greater interest in reading. In writing they share thoughts that children thirty years ago would never have shared.

-- Third-grade teacher, Tennessee

This lady also added that she has changed many of her teaching methods to accommodate shorter attention spans: adding more variety and challenge, allowing students to move more around the room, including many more writing activities, and using more games to convey information.

In our district reading-comprehension skills remain strong. Our children are avid readers. "Drop Everything and Read" periods are used a great deal in our school. My students have trouble speaking in complete sentences, but they have become more expressive since we started using the writing process.

I used to be a very teacher-directed lesson planner; now I let the students have a lot more input, and I try to make provisions for their different learning styles.

-- Fifth-grade-teacher, Connecticut


5. Misuses of "Whole Language"

As worthy as are its goals, these ideas have some implicit risks. It puts a great deal of responsibility in the hands of teachers, who may or may not be willing to invest the effort to do the job right. The difficulty in holding teachers or students accountable for important basic skills is a related concern. Some children, at least, will not master good word-attack skills unless they are taught more directly; children may learn to read initially "by sight," but have difficulty with accurate spelling or reading of long, unfamiliar words.

Children who have an inherited tendency toward reading and spelling problems ("dyslexia") are the most likely casualties of a system with no organized teaching of spelling rules. For this reason, many specialists recommend an approach that blends the demonstrated potential of whole language with good, systematic instruction in sounds and spelling patterns. For a generation with an overall weakness in listening skills, this is doubtless a sensible course -- as long as the phonics tail is not allowed to wag the literary dog.

Perhaps the biggest challenge of "whole language," and indeed, of all teaching that focuses on the process as well as the products of knowledge acquisition, is the necessity for adults to trust the child's basic desire to learn -- within a well-planned structure. Neuroanatomists who study the growing brain confirm two facts that bear on this point. First, the brain seems to have a fundamental instinct to seek the type of learning appropriate for its stage of growth; second, active curiosity and personal involvement may be the catalyst for increasing both the size and the power of the thinking apparatus. Animals who simply observe others pursuing mental challenges end up with smaller brains.

DISCOURSE AND DIFFERENCE

The forms of discourse internalized by children from different backgrounds may influence thought patterns and school success. Those who have absorbed verbal/analytic habits of thinking are often more successful in school, at least in early grades, than those who rely more on visual/holistic approaches. While the problem is greatest for children whose language backgrounds do not stress school-type reasoning, children from "traditional" backgrounds may also have linguistic deficits. It is a tragic error to believe, however, that these students cannot think effectively or that they cannot be taught to use verbal/analytic strategies to help them cope with academic demands. Moreover, students with skills in more holistic uses of language are often skilled in poetry, storytelling, or dramatics -- to which the classroom's more linear thinkers probably need exposure.

Many educationally "different" children are bright and potentially talented. Few, if any, are "unteachable," but there is ample proof that plunging them abruptly into the chilly, analytic waters of mainstream instructional practices is a prescription for failure, frustration, and a high dropout rate.

The schools appear to have three choices:

1. Keep the traditional "standards" and continue to cram children into them. Let prisons and the welfare system handle the overflow.

2. Throw out the standards.

3. Maintain the goals represented by the standards, but prepare students more effectively. Expand the schedule of expectation and the teaching methods to honor children's latent abilities.

The first two alternatives should be unthinkable. We are left with the third.

Prescriptions for the Linguistically Different

Obviously, culturally and linguistically different children require special approaches. Model programs so far showing the best results have tried to take into account both the children's "styles" of thinking and their own cultural backgrounds. [21] As a follow-up to her studies in Appalachia, Dr. Shirley Brice Heath was asked by parents and teachers to help them devise methods to give the "non-mainstream" children a better chance at school success. As she used her research to help teachers understand the social and language backgrounds of their students, they successfully altered some of their methods. First, they related lessons to content that was familiar to the children (e.g., starting a study of "community" in social studies with photographs of their own town). Secondly, they worked carefully to help them expand their language to include school-type questions and answers. The children responded enthusiastically to lessons and tapes that respected their own usage while modeling other patterns of response. [22]

Dr. Roland G. Tharp of the University of Hawaii has recorded the impressive results of two programs designed to help culturally and linguistically different children. The first of these, the Kamehameha Early Education Program (KEEP), was developed over the course of twenty years as a model of a "culturally compatible language arts program for kindergarten through third-grade children of Hawaiian ancestry." KEEP classrooms now serve over two thousand children each year.

Traditionally, Hawaiian children in ordinary schools have been among the lower-achieving minorities in the United States, says Dr. Tharp, but in the KEEP program they approach national norms on standard achievement tests. Perhaps even more important, they pay better attention, work more diligently, and have a much more positive relationship with the school.

The magic formula for this well-documented success is a threefold approach: first, language development activities focusing on verbal/analytic problem-solving; second, "contextualized instruction," in which teachers try to relate all learning to something that is personally meaningful to the child; and third, revision of classroom organization and student-teacher interactions to reflect the habits of the child's own culture. For example, because Hawaiian cultures value cooperation, collaboration, and close social interactions, KEEP classrooms are structured so that children work most of the time in small groups, helping and talking with each other. The teacher engages in "intense instructional conversation" with one group before moving on to another; meanwhile, the other children work on their small-group assignment.

A second KEEP program described by Dr. Tharp has been in place for six years on a Navajo reservation in Arizona. It, too, has shown notable success in reaching children whose prospects for success in school were formerly clouded. The researchers, however, soon discovered that the initial format of KEEP was not effective for children from this Native American culture, where individualism and self-sufficiency are strongly valued and where adults treat children with respectful reserve. In these schools, children are allowed to work alone or in very small groups, with the teacher moving from child to child for "lengthy, quiet individual discussions." Because of research suggesting that Native Americans, overall, score better on visual/ holistic as opposed to verbal/analytic/sequential skills, says Tharp, the Navajo classrooms use more "observational learning." Teachers are taught to present material in more holistic, visual contexts and then let the children try it themselves. Tharp contends that "successive," or linear, abilities can also be strengthened by such approaches.

Minorities are not the only students who need broader approaches, maintains Dr. Tharp, because conventional schooling is also failing to satisfy many majority-culture members. He suggests that all students in North America need new teaching strategies, including "varied activity settings, language development activities, varied sensory modalities in instruction, responsive instructional conversations, increased cooperative and group activities, and a respectful and accommodating sensitivity to students' knowledge, experience, values, and tastes." [23]

Discourse Against Delinquency

Between classes at a large urban high school in Manhattan, a youth pushes through a group of four classmates who have gathered on a stairway. Tempers flare, and suddenly, knives are drawn. Other students intercede and the dean is summoned. Who is to blame? What can be done to forestall gang retaliation?

Normally, suspension or police action might result from such an incident. In this school, however, the dean has an alternative. He summons a student mediation team, whose members have each undergone a twenty-hour training course in how to listen, phrase questions, and get disputants to talk with each other to reach agreement in a structured format. A mediator is chosen; after the disputants meet with her and air their grievances, they sign an agreement stating that the matter is settled.

Similar programs are spreading rapidly in major metropolitan areas. New York City credits the mediation agreements, 95% of which are kept, for cutting fight-related suspensions by 46-70% in the nine schools where it is used. Because of the less violent atmosphere, attendance by other students has also increased. [24]

In Chicago, "conflict resolution" has become a mandatory part of the curriculum for ninth and tenth graders in all sixty-seven high schools. A similar program developed in San Francisco has spread into elementary schools in more than thirty states. [25] Acclaimed by educators who have tried it, this technique accomplishes more than reducing discipline problems. It teaches children the value of using language and listening to manage themselves. In terms of the brain, it may be no surprise that this technique is so effective, as this is thought to be one means by which prefrontal control centers are put in charge.

Another program called "Talents Unlimited" claims similar success in teaching younger children the values of talking through problems and planning ahead. In one classroom, for example, kindergarteners eagerly participated in planning a class party.

"First we told about our plan," explains an eager five-year-old, pointing to a bulletin board on which the teacher has listed the four parts of the plan. "Then we thought of all the things we would need and put them in a list. Then we had to think of what we're going to do and put down the steps of our plan. And then we had to think of things that might spoil our plan, like if people didn't behave." [26]

Organized extensions of similar ideas into suburban as well as urban classrooms are showing students how to use verbal strategies to generate ideas, make decisions, plan, forecast, and communicate. Sponsors claim such programs can not only improve student behavior but also integrate verbal and thinking skills into the academic curriculum. Some are convinced that practicing the techniques significantly increases students' higher-order reasoning abilities.

Dozens of similar programs are being discussed. Although everyone agrees that children need to learn to think better, educators nevertheless argue about how -- and even whether -- this goal can be accomplished. Let's continue our look at some of the alternatives.
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Re: Endangered Minds: Why Children Don't Think, And What We

Postby admin » Thu Oct 10, 2013 2:40 am

CHAPTER 14: Teaching the New Generation to Think: Human and Computer Models at School and at Home

CAN WE TEACH CHILDREN TO THINK?


"Teaching thinking skills," another "movement" currently passing through the educational system, is a response to a growing concern that Johnny can't think any better than he can read. Programs attempting to teach thinking skills are selling like hotcakes at teachers' conferences and workshops. Yet critics scornfully point out it is a contradiction in terms to rely on packets, workbooks, computer drills, and worksheets to engage students' higher cognitive abilities. On this question lies the crux of the argument: Are so-called "thinking skills" best taught by setting aside a special time for mental calisthenics and then hoping they will transfer to other sorts of learning? Or are "thinking skills" better served by teaching all subjects in ways that draw students toward higher-level reasoning by the nature of the materials and the problems presented? The most generally prevailing opinion (aside from the purveyors of "thinking skills" programs) is that persistence and flexibility in problem-solving should be incorporated into overall teaching goals, modeled and supported in every discipline -- provided, of course, that the teacher's own thinking skills are up to the task. Some educators also have hopes for computer programs that expand and may be able to challenge reasoning skills.

"Critical thinking," a primary goal of all such programs, is hard to pin down. How can it be measured? How does it develop? "Slickly packaged materials do not necessarily create good critical thinkers," says Dr. Marilyn Wilson of Michigan State University in a recent article that also raises several important questions. Is critical thinking out of place in a traditionally structured classroom? Is society ready for critically thinking students? [1]

Many educators have trouble with the idea of upsetting traditional ways of teaching and encouraging mental autonomy in their students. Yet true critical thinking cannot simply be added to the curriculum like driver training.

A Superficial "Fix"

Not long ago I had a disheartening look at an attempt to lay a superficial "fix" on students' thinking. I was leading a graduate course on the teaching of reading. My students, reading teachers from inner-city high schools, had been required to teach a nationally heralded program of "thinking skills." On the first night of class, they made their opinions clear. They thought this program was terrible. It was true, they acknowledged, that many of their students were extremely poor readers with comprehension scores considerably below grade level, but the teachers were required to spend class time on "thinking skills" instead of what they saw as badly needed reading instruction. Their major beef was that the program consisted of an extensive (and expensive) series of workbooks and worksheets that the students often did not understand -- but that they were required to cover.

I was skeptical. What could be so bad about teaching poor comprehenders to reason more effectively? As soon as I asked the question, I was besieged with invitations to visit their classrooms. "Come and see for yourself," they said.

I began with a teacher who was clearly one of the most lively, turned-on, and thoughtful of the group. Arriving in the high school where she taught, I was escorted by a guard to her room, where she was about to begin her first class of the day. Her twenty-eight juniors were among the statistical survivors of a system where over half their classmates had already dropped out. As the bell rang, she took a large key from her belt and locked her classroom door -- standard practice while in session. I noticed that she swung a baton resembling a small billy club -- also standard issue -- during the class period, but there was never a reason to use it. Her students were courteous, friendly, and their affection and respect were obviously returned in kind.

The day's worksheets were distributed. Each day brought a new lesson; whether or not the students had understood the last one. This lesson consisted of a long list of complex analogies calling heavily on abstract verbal categorization skills. They were phrased in high school to college level vocabulary. The teacher demonstrated solving two problems on the board, then the students started to work. I joined her as she circulated among the desks, trying to answer individual questions. It soon became clear that most of the kids, whose tested reading abilities ranged mainly between third- and eighth-grade level, could not understand this assignment at all. Indeed, as I puzzled over some of the problems, I decided they would make challenging work for a group of graduate students.

Of the class, eight or ten noble souls persisted in trying to make some sense out of this thing (the rest just filled in the blanks with any old word and then sat staring out the window or making faces at each other). Some of their reasoning was extremely sophisticated, although not of the type demanded here. One boy kept saying, "I know there's a trick, if I can only figure it out." I could not explain to him that the "trick" had already been played -- by administrators who thought they could "make" certain types of thinking happen by decree.

Soon the bell rang, the teacher unlocked her door, and the students left, convinced once again by their loving school system that learning was a mystery and they were all inadequate. I found myself admiring them for hanging in there for so long -- and feeling within myself the rage that must impel violent acts.

Of course this program's creators did not intend for it to be implemented this way. Of course the administration of this school district thought they were helping students learn better. Of course the teacher would have preferred to engage her students' interest and their genuine thinking skills with some of the many good books that would be readable, accessible, and meaningful to them. Of course, in a different context, such exercises may be useful, even enjoyable. But trying to teach the art of reasoning or problem-solving as if it were one more bit of content to be covered in a forty-minute period is clearly not the answer. The most frustrating thing for me is knowing that, with time and good teaching, many -- if not most -- of these students could learn successfully and become productive to themselves and to their community.

"Mindware"

Dr. David Perkins of Harvard believes we must take a much broader view of thinking for all children. Describing "a new science of learnable intelligence," Perkins advocates helping children and young people build flexible "mindware": abilities to organize and reorganize their patterns of thinking. He recommends getting them personally engaged -- at school and at home, when it is possible -- in mental challenges such as decision-making or inventive thinking about open-ended questions ("How are automobiles like books?" "How are rules for society like the rules for fractions?"). Clearly, the level of the challenges must fit the students, who will need guidance in developing and clarifying their ideas for more abstract questions.

Can some students just naturally reason more effectively than others? Every brain has an individual neurological basis for efficiency and effectiveness, says Perkins, but human beings are not "boxed in by neurology." His "triarchic" model of intelligence starts with inborn physical foundations in the neural system, but also includes two other layers: mastery of content (e.g., the multiplication tables, how to play chess, how to make cookies) and the development of patterns of thought. Although most current teaching concentrates on content (much of it "lower-order," he suggests), patterns of thought are, perhaps, the most important of all. Students must be shown how to use thinking in broader and more flexible ways.

"Don't assume that by getting kids just to think more, they'll get better at it," he cautions. They particularly need exposure to "metacognitive" models that enable them to use verbal skills to interpret and plan, to "mediate" experience. These skills are the foundation of good "mindware." [2]

Other leading educators urge broadened views for preparing students to think and reason effectively in tomorrow's world. Grant Wiggins, of the Coalition of Essential Schools, agrees we must stop focusing on limited goals of "content" and start thinking of education in terms of "intellectual habits."

"We don't teach kids intelligent strategies, we assume them -- but even kids in the best schools don't have them," he told me. Students soon forget three-quarters of what is commonly taught and tested. Careful reading, mathematical reasoning, note-taking skills, understanding abstract concepts such as irony or inertia -- all are habits, he says, that require extended practice throughout the school years. [3] These skills are the ones we internalize, use, and will increasingly need in the future.

In an era when more children come to schools less equipped with essential habits of mind to master "intelligent strategies," schools must reset their priorities to include them. Habits of mind, however, should not be separated from significant content. The challenge -- too often unmet -- is to infuse intellectual habits into the teaching of reading, writing, science, history, and math.

Members of a National Academy of Sciences committee recently declared current teaching to be an anachronism in an information age. Cramming children full of "factlets" and forgetting to focus on understanding is a problem exacerbated by the use of standardized tests, they point out. Citing most biology teaching as an example of an "outdated failure" that promotes memorization without understanding, this group is rewriting the entire science curriculum to include more in-depth laboratory work (another opportunity for "contextualized learning," by the way) and exploration of important concepts. [4] Computer simulations, in which students get first-hand experience solving real scientific problems, may ultimately provide one avenue to this goal.

Continuity and Meaning for the Two-Minute Mind

To develop strategic thinking, victims of the two-minute episode need help in seeing connections between ideas. Their courses should stress coherence rather than fragmentation, not only within each discipline, but across them as well (e.g., How are the trends you're studying in history related to ideas from English, art, physics, or music class?). At home, parents should keep this same principle in mind (e.g., "Have you noticed the tigers we saw in the zoo look a lot like your kitten?" "Do you think this story is anything like the one we read last week?"). But many families do not -- or cannot -- take the time to model this type of reasoning.

In previous times, points out Stanford's Dr. Eliot Eisner, many sources in children's lives outside of school provided continuity and meaning. This is no longer the case for many students where schools may provide their only opportunity for a "connected experience." Yet, most high school students he interviewed said they don't expect to encounter connections between one subject and another. "We must move away from programs and methods and incentives that breed short-term compliance and short-term memory," he insists. [5]

One way in which many teachers have already started helping students see connections and develop "intelligent strategies" is by including more "hands-on" activities. For a generation with short attention spans for listening, most successful teachers today also stress the necessity of including more visual types of presentations along with "talk." Projects and problem-solving situations in which children work alone or in groups with materials they can see and manipulate are particularly effective in math and science, but other "hands-on" activities such as dramatizations and debates can make learning real while maintaining a high level of intellectual discourse in English, history, and foreign language classes. While this type of learning has long been validated for younger children, educators have tended to forget that even adults may need to learn something for the first time by doing rather than simply hearing about it. Parents often believe that projects are only "busy work," but they, too, should recognize their value and encourage their child to work through the problem with a minimum of help -- even if the results aren't perfect! One of the most important things all parents can do, even if they are themselves very busy, is to realize that schools (or children) should not be judged merely on the basis of the number of completed worksheets that come home. Potentially great minds are also encouraged to "mess around" with real-life challenges -- and with great ideas. Neither have neat, tidy edges.

Metacognition: The Art of Knowing Your Own Mind

The human brain is unique in its abilities to reflect on its own thinking. Homes where children do not spend much time with reflective adults and schools where they are "trained" to learn mainly by memorizing data neglect this special asset. They also put children at risk for attention problems.

For metacognition, the key word is strategies, the mental processes that learners can deliberately recruit to help themselves learn or understand something new. [6] Examples of ineffective strategy use can be seen in every classroom: children who race through math papers without stopping to think about whether the answers are right or wrong, readers who absorb the words with their eyes but never ask themselves if their brain understands, students in art class who start slapping on paint before they think about the space on the paper, problem-solvers who give up after the first solution doesn't work.

Programs developed for parents and teachers in "strategy training" primarily involve recruiting the child's inner speech for thoughtful mental processing. For example, a typical training program teaches children first to "talk aloud," then to "whisper aloud," then to "whisper inside your head" in an effort to build that inner voice so frequently missing in today's distracting environments. When confronted with a problem, children may be taught to follow a four- or five-step plan such as the following:

1. Stop. Think. What is my task? (identify the problem in words)

2. What is my plan? (talk through possible steps to solution)

3. How should I begin? (analyze first step)

4. How am I doing? (keep on task)

5. Stop. Look back. How did I do? (analyze the result)

Practice with these steps is surprisingly effective in helping children with attention problems manage their behavior more effectively. Similar techniques applied to reading comprehension ("Am I understanding this? What don't I understand?") have also shown good results. It is important to note that all these successes result from using language to direct thoughts and impulses. Research shows that even some students with so-called "memory problems" have a more fundamental difficulty in managing their own thinking. [7]

Israeli Dr. Reuven Feuerstein, perhaps our most perennial optimist about the modifiability of human intelligence ("Heredity, shmeridity!" is one of his favorite lines), is convinced that the brain itself can be improved by "metacognitive strategy training" that makes human beings more resistant and adaptable to changing circumstances. "The brain can be modified or changed in a structured way to enable individuals to self-perpetuate," he maintains. "Human beings are unique in their capacity to modify themselves. I call this 'autoplasticity.'" But even before they get to school, children need adults to impose meaning on them or they will always go around the world searching for meaning," he states flatly. [8]

In the absence of this sort of experience, which he terms "mediated learning," Feuerstein believes children do not develop adequate thinking skills. As an example of non mediated learning, he describes a parent putting toys around a room and expecting a child to play. In mediated learning, the parent would place a building toy in front of a child and then sit down and demonstrate several ways to use it, talking about each alternative and allowing the child to experiment while still feeling the support of the adult.

Although Feuerstein holds parents largely responsible for this kind of training in early years, he also tells teachers they must help structure meaning for the child. Instead of simply handing a child a book to read, for example, a mediating teacher might help the student make some predictions about the plot, clarify the meaning of certain vocabulary words, and check out familiarity with necessary background information. The trick is to keep the assistance strictly within the limits of what is necessary for the child to succeed, not to offer so much help that the parent's brain does most of the growing and the child becomes overly dependent.

Although Feuerstein believes firmly in human mediation, others have suggested that computers which can be programmed to respond directly to each child's needs and ability level may eventually be able to do at least part of this job. Thus far, such electronic scaffolds are mainly used to drill on specific subject matter (e.g., multiplication tables, spelling, foreign language vocabulary), but new programs are constantly being developed.

In the meanwhile, this research has profound implications for the content of early childhood programs, especially for children disadvantaged by the absence of mediating adults in their lives. In fact, it has an important message for educational policymakers at all levels. Now that so many children lack these models, helping children structure meaning must become a priority in schools.

Speaking to a group of teachers not long ago, Feuerstein challenged them to reconsider their definition of appropriate goals for education.

"Should it be more data, units, tests? Let me remind you that many of the things you teach today will soon be obsolete! Only brains that can adapt and change themselves will ensure the continuation of our culture." [9]

WHAT ABOUT CREATIVITY AND IMAGINATION?

Feuerstein's concept of "imposing" meaning through helping a child structure understanding is very different from imposing a list of "thinking skills" on an already bite-sized curriculum. Trying to overanalyze "thinking," in fact, may result in sacrificing its inherent creativity.

Good thinking requires good analytic skills, but it also depends on imagination. Both halves of the brain, not simply the linear, analytic-verbal left hemisphere, contribute to it. The more visual, intuitive right hemisphere probably provides much of the inspiration, while the left marches along in its dutiful role as timekeeper and realist. While verbal mediation strategies are clearly effective for directing thought, they should not preclude opportunities for children to practice open-ended thinking, artistic, and nonverbal problem-solving.

Some observers, concerned about declines in creative thinking, as well as in imagination, have advocated teaching methods and classroom experiences to stimulate the right hemisphere. Although some of these so-called "right-brain" activities are fun, their specific neurological merit is viewed by scientists with considerable skepticism. Moreover, it is increasingly clear that genuine creative imagination springs from much deeper developmental roots -- which can easily get short-changed both in homes and in schools.

Children Without Their Own Visions

Do television-raised children, or hurried children who lack the time to sit and dream, grow up with poorer imaginations? Is lack of imagination one of the causes of indifferent problem-solving in today's students? One of the most troubling reports to come out of interviews with preschool teachers is that children today don't make up their own "scripts" for playing. Instead of spontaneously creating open-ended settings and actions ("You be a daddy and I'll be a mommy"; "You be a bad guy and I'll be a hero"), they reenact those they have already seen, even to repeating the dialogue ("You be Bill Cosby in the one where . . ." "Let's be the Mario Brothers when they chase the ... ").

In my survey, teachers were more divided than on any other issue when asked whether students' visual imagery and/or imagination had changed. While about half stated categorically that children today have less imagination, other responses were mixed. To my surprise (and dismay) this item was the only one frequently left blank or frankly answered as "I don't know" (or care?). Others acknowledged that their students' demonstration of imagination and creative thinking depended a lot on their own attitudes and skill as teachers. Some examples:

TV and computers seem to have blurred distinctions between the real and the imaginary; they still visualize (with luck?) but it's hard to rigorously define the images (e.g., in geometry and on maps). -- Computer instructor, Massachusetts

Just as sharp and intuitive as always. (When allowed to be!) I have integrated subject matter, added the arts, provided kinesthetic involvement, relaxation exercises, and used cooperative learning groups with the purpose of teaching social skills and addressing learning styles. The result has been renewed enthusiasm for teaching for me, and more connectedness between my students with each other and with me. It's become fun!!! again. -- Fifth-grade teacher, Oregon

Imagination is disappearing with our structured childhood lives. Parents plan the total child day leaving little free time for playing alone or free play with groups. Leisure time is almost a thing of the past. -- Elementary-school teacher, Wisconsin

I find that my children still have wonderful imaginations! -- Third-grade teacher, Texas

They are very restless and their attention span is short, but in the arts, when you can establish an atmosphere in class that helps them tap in, all the richness is still there, the imagination. No, in the arts I don't think it's ever too late. -- Director, arts integration program, Minnesota


Many books have been written to help teachers wed creative thinking and open-ended problem-solving to daily mastery of content. Suffice it to say here that if we wish to flourish technologically as well as aesthetically, it may be time to rethink priorities that have viewed creativity and imagination as "the art (or music) teacher's responsibility." Mature creativity stems from an inquiring mind with solid foundations in the major intellectual, spiritual, artistic, or aesthetic domains of human achievement, not from gimmicky "right-brain training." Habits of mind that enable a lively interchange between a student and the great thinkers, artists, and technicians of past and present are most appropriately, and indeed, most elegantly, attired in the important content of global cultures.

If we encourage our teachers to be thoughtful, well-informed, and curious themselves, we may more likely expect them to infuse the entire curriculum with creative as well as critical thinking. Otherwise, we will be forced to abandon our children -- who now, more than ever before, need good models of imaginative intellectual engagement -- to machines or "teacher-proof" kits and workbooks. Why spend time on activities such as "write an essay from the point of view of your pencil eraser" while leaving untouched the significant mental challenges of a child's world? This is about as silly as teaching children to "think" by dropping "factlets" into an intellectual abyss in the name of something called "cultural literacy."

ON "CULTURAL LITERACY"

In 1987 Dr. E. D. Hirsch published a book entitled Cultural Literacy: What Every American Needs to Know which caused many parents to wonder if they should march on schools, insisting that their children be forced to memorize more terms, names, and dates. Maintaining that one of the major reasons for lagging achievement is that students today lack a basic core of background knowledge to help them understand what they read, Hirsch and a colleague, Dr. Joseph Kelt, developed a list of everything a decently educated person should know. [10] While I would not argue that growing numbers of citizens' brains have barely been grazed by the knowledge base on which our civilization rests, I have serious reservations about the implications that have been drawn from this arguably superficial concept.

Educators who spend their time with real children in real classrooms are only too acutely aware that passing something in front of (or even temporarily through) them in the name of teaching guarantees nothing in the name of learning. Unfortunately, the mere existence of such a "list" is an invitation to simple-mindedness. Although cursory exposure to bits and bites of learning is the exact opposite of the authors' stated intent, our country's current reductionist mentality (inspired, as we have seen, by legitimate panic over the state of learning) has interpreted it to mean that simply mastering -- read "memorizing" -- the items will get us intellectual standing room.

Ironically, Dr. Kelt told me that a major change he has noted in the writing of his freshmen students at the University of Virginia is a "lack of coherence. "

"These kids, are bright," he said. "This is a seminar that they know is hard, but their writing is more jumbled than what I used to get from students. They enumerate facts rather than summarizing. They have difficulty discriminating thoughts and there is no transition between paragraphs." [11]

Who Should Teach "Cultural Literacy"?

Real access to the great concepts of any cultural heritage comes from extended, personally meaningful contact. In the past, this exposure came mainly from conversations with adults and two other sources: books, which were read out loud at home, personally perused for pleasure, or read as part of schoolwork; and lessons that were understood and internalized. Nowadays, these methods of transmission are in short supply. Many students do not read what they are supposed to, much less for pleasure, and few teachers require much essay writing. Often they are not given (or do not choose to take) sufficient time to cover a topic in depth. There is simply more to learn than there is time available. Without associations with meaning, however, items from a list don't stick well to memory.

Perhaps Dr. Hirsch's most important point is that the reading children do in school should be an important vehicle for cultural transmission. It is inexcusable for youngsters to be reading pap when research has clearly demonstrated that even first graders enjoy, remember, and understand good literature better. If we engage children's minds, in Dr. Lillian Katz's words, by integrating reading instruction with in-depth studies of historical periods, scientific ideas, etc., they will learn and remember even more.

Another point: Has no one noticed that children are very culturally literate -- except that it's for a different culture? Just make up a list of any details from Roseanne, Family Ties, Sesame Street, etc. and most kids would come out looking as smart as they really are. The problem is that our children have exposed us to ourselves, and we don't like what we see. We have shown them what is really valued in our society, and those little cultural apprentices have happily soaked it up.

If we are serious about wanting them prepared by a knowledge base to gather the intellectual fruits of world cultures, the obvious expedient is to change the content of children's television programming and use other video as enrichment. In my opinion, this should be a major responsibility of both educational and commercial networks. Otherwise, we will soon be forced to revise university-level curricula to include in-depth studies of talking animals and human buffoons.

Schools cannot plaster children with a paste of "cultural literacy" that the culture itself repudiates. Nor can schools completely counteract the powerful effects of television programming that works at direct cross-purposes with our efforts to teach children to think.

TEACHING CRITICAL THINKING -- ELECTRONICALLY

This dilemma was put into sharp relief when a recent New York Times "Education Life" supplement happened to juxtapose these two reports:

1. A major life insurance company flies their claim forms to Ireland where "a surplus of well-educated white collar workers" are eager to process them. The reason? American workers lack the educational skills as well as the motivation.

2. Because of poor habits of nutrition in American schoolchildren, the government has set a new goal to make nutrition a requirement in the school curriculum of all fifty states. [12]


People seem only too happy to blame the schools for the fact that our work force is so undereducated. At the same time, however, they insist badly needed instructional hours be used to undo the effects of television commercials that have systematically trained children in poor nutritional habits. What a preposterous situation! The first place where critical thinking should be applied is to the content of television, but if adults can't do it, why should children? Moreover, how can we lambast kids for their lack of "responsibility" at the same time we unload all of our own onto the schools? No wonder many children expect to have learning pumped into them without any reciprocal obligation.

Few dispute the fecklessness of American network programming for children. In his book Television and America's Children: A Crisis of Neglect, Edward Palmer details its inadequacies. [13] Yet no major effort has been made to train children to be critical viewers. Suffice it to repeat here that the brain tends to be deeply imprinted by repeated experience, particularly in early years. If teachers are required to reverse attitudes and values carefully inculcated by the media, they will have little time to bind up its intellectual casualties.

Yet the reality of the tube in the lives of the current generation is undeniable. Schools will have to assume a more positive -- and educational -- role in guiding children, who are by nature "visually vulnerable," into analysis and evaluation of its content. "The potential of our new electronic teachers is awesome," states Ernest Boyer in his introduction to Palmer's book. "Educators would be naive to ignore these influences, which have become, in effect, a new curriculum." [14]

In her book, Mind and Media, Patricia Greenfield points out that visual literacy must now be taught in addition to print literacy. [15] She recommends specific programs to turn children from passive into active consumers of all kinds of visual material. Using network programs to teach questioning techniques, studying the effects of devices such as zooms and pans, analyzing plot structures and comparing them to those of literature, and leading critical discussions of the art of persuasion are all ideas that might be applied in homes as well as in schools. Classroom production of videotapes that children plan, write scripts for, and then analyze can help put them in control of the medium instead of vice versa.

Greenfield also advocates more effective uses of television to reduce the educational gaps between advantaged and disadvantaged children, citing successful experiments in Third World countries with video designed to make children interactive participants in learning. In Niger, for example, children were successfully taught French by programs that incorporated interactive language instruction. As they engaged in structured follow-up exercises with classroom aides, they became "more actors than spectators," and learning proceeded apace.

A New Curriculum

Cognitive psychologist Dr. Michael Posner believes that schools may have to change in even more fundamental ways in response to an electronic age. Children soon observe, he suggests, that a school with a rigid schedule is very different from the more flexible environments in the real world of work. Children see adults looking at television and working at computer displays more than they see them reading and writing. "But we still act as if the only important skills were reading and writing," he points out. [16]

"We remain myopically obsessed with print literacies while our pupils continue living in a world that is increasingly high-tech and electronically visual and auditory," wrote an editor of Language Arts, published by the National Council for Teachers of English. Instead of avoiding questions of how "computer literacy" or "visual literacy" relate to critical thinking and learning, educators must broaden their research and include their constructive uses.

THE COMPUTERIZED BRAIN

As we turn now to consider future definitions of "thinking," we move into an area where there are some rather unsettling questions and no answers. One of the most important is how adaptive our children's "new brains" will prove to be in a culture that may be in the process of evolution away from print-based representations of knowledge.

Asking "experts" what they think computers will do to children's brains elicits little agreement.

1. "A computer is simply a caricature of the left hemisphere, just as video games are a caricature of the right. I think that working with computers will definitely make kids more left-brained."

2. "Computers can do all the detail work, but humans have to have the 'big picture' of what they want the machine to do. And they have to 'see' and plan an overall strategy. When kids are freed of the details, I think working with computers may enable them to be more right-brained!"


The answer I like best was suggested by Dr. Jeannine Herron, director of California Neuropsychology Services, who works on developing computer software as an educational tool.

"I think computers are going to enable us to stretch the limits of both global and linear. If they want detail, they can get very fine detail, but they can also get a wider, very global perspective. A child who can browse through great photographs of the dust-bowl era is certainly getting an overall concept of that historical period. But I don't think we'll be able to build the linkages between those two kinds of systems unless the experience is meaningful for the child." [17]

In order to understand the effects computers may have on the user's thinking skills, we must start with the major difference between artificial and "real" intelligence.

Sequential and Parallel Processing

Normal human brains have at their disposal two complementary methods of processing information: sequential and simultaneous (often called parallel). Sequential processing takes one bite at a time: A, then B, therefore C, etc. ("If the suspect entered the office at 2:30, then the secretary would have just returned from her coffee break, and therefore she would have seen him." "If x = 3 and y = 5, then x + y = 8") and is primarily associated with the left hemisphere.

The opposite -- but, for us, interlocking way of solving problems is called parallel, or simultaneous, processing because many associations become activated at the same time. This sort of thinking has been compared to a "ripple" effect, in which A elicits a wide network of connections with other sets of associations and ideas, often represented in images. The linkages may be well learned or spontaneous and unique, as in the process of first feeling, then "seeing," then articulating a metaphor. Artists, inventors, writers, and other creative thinkers depend heavily on simultaneous processing, which is more often associated with the right hemisphere. Of course, at the point where it becomes necessary to articulate the image, hypothesis, or general principle on a typewriter, canvas, musical score, or graph paper, sequential skills assume their own value.

Human brains continually blend simultaneous and sequential processing, although, as with learning "styles," different individuals may tend to favor one form over another. The way the brain is trained probably helps determine the balance. The demands of the task may also nudge the brain into one mode or another.

The "artificial intelligence" (AI) of most present-day computers represents sequential processing carried to an extreme. Traditional AI can deal only with one piece of data at a time, and computers act irritable if items and instructions don't arrive in the proper order, as anyone who has responded to the cybernetic cry of anguish -- "syntax error" -- can attest. Until new prototypes of artificial intelligence are widespread (some which use parallel processing are even now becoming available), computers are locked into a mentality that makes even the most unimaginative human number-cruncher look like a creative genius. The reason, of course, is that the human has two hemispheres cushioned by some nice soft emotional centers; the machine has, in essence, only part of a left hemisphere and no feelings that we know of.

I find it interesting to speculate -- because there is little research available -- on the physical effects of interactions between the human and this machine brain. As of now, when children meet up with AI, they are usually involved in one of the following types of applications:

1. Drill and practice programs (e.g., games to learn the multiplication tables, practice a spelling list, place the state capitals on a map)

2. Programming (e.g., giving the machine a series of commands to make it draw a square or compute gas mileage; these must be presented to the machine in its own language and its own one-step-at-a-time logic)

3. Working with data bases (e.g., accessing a list and selected summaries of all the articles on parakeets published since 1973; creating a data base in which all the local birds from your area are listed and categorized according to type of beak, feathers, color, etc.)

4. Simulations (e. g., You are a pioneer about to set out on the Oregon Trail. You are given a budget and must choose from a "menu" of supplies; as the trip progresses, you undergo various hardships and must make decisions along the trail. You may or may not make it to Oregon. It is assumed you will learn some history and some decision-making skills in the process. Video games are also simulations.)

5. Word processing (e.g., the computer as an advanced form of memory typewriter)

These different uses call on very different types of mental processing, the implications of which have barely been tapped. I will touch here on just a few of the most relevant issues in terms of the development of thinking skills.

Learning to Talk to Machines: Accurately!

Teaching children to program a present-day computer virtually demands they use precise, analytic-sequential reasoning (e.g., If ... then ... ). I have seen many youngsters whose minds do not naturally tend to work this way (and little children's, particularly, do not) become extremely frustrated because they can't just "make it understand" by telling it, "You know . . ."

Other uses of the computer also require precision of language. Dr. Judah Schwartz of the Education Department at MIT points out that getting the computer to work properly with data bases does not permit "sloppy" understanding of words such as and, or, or not. Try to figure out this one:

I have watched youngsters not understand why a data base on United States presidents, when queried about the number of presidents born in Massachusetts and Vermont, insisted on claiming that no presidents were born in Massachusetts and Vermont [if you didn't get it the first time, neither did I!]. Clearly the problem has nothing to do with the technology. Rather we need to educate people to use the language with much greater precision than they are presently accustomed to using. [18]


Schwartz emphasizes that similar "analytic barbarism" causes most of people's trouble with spreadsheets (where they may try to add months to dollars, etc.). Computers simply won't buy slushy language or slushy thought, at least as the machine has been programmed to define it.

Will working with computers teach children better habits of orderly thinking? Thus far, research offers contradictory views. On one hand, programming a computer requires that a student be able to break a problem down into logical, sequential units and then accurately give this information to the machine. We are beginning to learn, however, that students whose brains do not take naturally to this way of thinking usually avoid programming in the same way people who think they lack drawing ability flee from art classes.

"Watching students try to program teaches me a great deal about the way they think, but I don't believe it makes them better thinkers -- at least not the way we're teaching it now," one experienced teacher told me.

On the other hand, computer programming might encourage those who are already too focused on details to obsess even more. Some theorists fear that too much interaction with artificial intelligence will magnify the role of linearity, logic, and rule-governed thinking in our culture to the point where we might be in danger of retreating into a "flattened, mechanical view of human nature." [19] Most agree that computers are a tool with almost unlimited potential, but until they can engage in parallel as well as simultaneous processing, they will not only be a poor match, but also a poor model for most forms of human reasoning. [20]

At this point, computers can perform many functions of the brain's storehouse. Nonetheless, they still have to depend on the executive and general reasoning abilities of the human brain. I venture to say it will be a long time, if ever, before prefrontal, emotional, and motivational centers can be attached to a hard disc. Thus it may be especially important to make sure our children retain these capabilities themselves.

Computer as Scribe

Children who learn to use word processing programs become more fluent writers and are more willing to revise what they write. Many who have trouble with mechanical aspects of handwriting and spelling find they can express their ideas successfully for the first time. Word processing programs are, without doubt, one of the most commonly used and appreciated computer uses in the classroom.

As a dedicated fan of my own electronic amanuensis, however, I must acknowledge that writing on a screen changes, not only the experience itself, but also the resulting prose. In addition to the danger of prolixity, many writers feel they tend to lose a sense of the "gestalt" of the piece and find it necessary to revert frequently to "hard copy" (paper printouts) to understand their own line of reasoning and see how the parts fit together. Perhaps this is because we initially programmed our brains to read and write on paper; perhaps it is an inherent problem in the technology.

An outstanding English teacher commented that she has no trouble telling which of her students' essays started life on the computer. "They don't link ideas -- they just write one thing, and then they write another one, and they don't seem to see or develop the relationships between them."

Assuredly, we must encourage students to use the computer as a tool, but also teach them to rise above its ineluctable linearity and use the parallel processing capabilities of their own human brains.

The Electronic ZPD

Computers make good "coaches" for specific sorts of skills because they can be programmed to operate directly within the "zone of proximal development" described earlier. Schoolchildren already show success working with individual machine "tutors" to perfect routine skills. It must be remembered, however, that interaction with any kind of computer software really boils down to interacting with the intelligence of the person who programmed the software. Naturally, some are better than others.

With perfection of machines that can process human speaking and "listening," children may someday have personally responsive tutors for oral language. (But how about the melody, the inflection, the "body language"?) Spelling "checkers" that now act simply as correcting devices might be programmed to notice patterns of errors, diagnose the types of help a poor speller needs, and develop drills for a personal tutoring session on spelling rules needed by that particular individual. Grammar "readers" may ultimately be able to extend learning as well as correct and reshape usage. The ones so far available for written text, unfortunately, are singularly pedantic and may actually strip a manuscript of style and complex usage, nuance not being a forte of the machine's intelligence.

The possibilities are limitless, but they must be wisely sifted and monitored. Even simulation games that are apparently quite educational (e.g., "Oregon Trail") require a good teacher nearby. Otherwise, it often gets treated by the youngsters simply as a game of chance, with little attention to the educational context.

Programs to teach children -- or even graduate students -- to reason logically have similarly earned mixed reviews. Although we will see increased attention to this important potential application, programs now available are not capable of making "fuzzy" thinkers into logicians. [21] Nor has anyone yet demonstrated exactly what kinds of global, "big picture" skills computer uses may engender. Getting a "view" of the way steps might fit together to produce a desired result when writing a program, deciding which combination of statistical programs to use to analyze a varied set of data, or seeing categorical relationships between items in a data base all tap aspects of this ability. There is some evidence that extensive work with programs that relate visual-spatial activity on the screen to the child's own physical movements in space (e.g., LOGO) may improve at least some types of visual-spatial reasoning, but overall, the jury is still out.

Computer scaffolding offers wonderful possibilities for the disabled. It can help children who have orthopedic or learning handicaps express their intelligence in ways heretofore unavailable. It may also hold potential for more intensive, individual work with disadvantaged children who are, unfortunately, placed in classrooms without enough teachers to meet their particular learning needs. The attention-getting format of computer programs has been shown to be appealing even to children who have acquired a basic mistrust of school learning. One observer cautioned, however, that cozying up to software can never completely replace rubbing up against good teachers.

"In the end it is the poor who will be chained to the computer; the rich will get teachers." [22]

As always, too, the problem of "transfer" emerges. Can reading from a screen or learning to hunt and peck on a keyboard be used to improve proficiency and pleasure in real reading and writing? Or will machine analogues become the "real" processes? With electronic books now available, it may soon be hard to tell.

For Young Children: Artificial or Real Intelligence?

While dining not long ago with a scientist who probes the workings of the brain, I enjoyed hearing about the intellectual exploits of his three-year-old daughter, clearly the apple of her Daddy's eye. I enjoyed his stories, that is, until we got to dinosaurs.

"She can recognize all the names when she sees them on the computer screen: Tyrannosaurus Rex, Brontosaurus, whatever -- and she matches them right up to the pictures'" he said happily. "The program we got her even teaches about what each one ate, and whether they could fly, and all kinds of stuff. It's amazing!"

I didn't say what was really on my mind at that point . . . something like, "I'm sure that will be really useful for her when she takes her first course in paleontology." Being something of a wimp in the presence of those who spend their days rooting around in other people's brains, I only said,

"And how long did it take her to learn all this?"

"Oh, she loves her computer. She spends a lot of time at it. When my wife and I are busy we would much rather see her there than watching TV. At least we know she's doing something educational."

"Does your little girl ever just play -- by herself, or with other little kids?"

"Oh, sure." He thought for a moment. "But she really loves that computer! Isn't it wonderful how much they can learn at this age?"

"What do you think that computer is doing to her brain?" I asked.

He paused. "You know," he said slowly, "I never thought about it. I really haven't a clue."

Many parents with far less scientific sophistication than this man also don't have a clue as to what early use of computers can do to children's brains. The long-term neurological effects of this type of experience are unknown -- and, very likely, unknowable. We do know that short-changing real-life social and fantasy play is a big mistake. Yet many adults understandably believe that if a child looks as if she's mastering something that they themselves view as complicated, it must mean the kid is getting really smart. But does it?

Many child development authorities question how much, if any, of preschoolers' time should be spent sitting at a computer terminal. "Young children who will grow up in a high-tech world need a low-tech, high-touch environment," insists Dr. Lillian Katz. [23] Early childhood is a special time for brain development of special systems that will underlie many different kinds of learning; even executive centers have already begun to develop by age two. While many types of computer programs sold for young children may be useful to get specific kinds of learning into older brains, research has not yet supported their value for preschoolers.

What might be wrong with giving children a leg up on all the interesting facts in our cultural data base? First of all, many programs of this sort use paired associate learning (e.g., matching names, letters, or numerals with pictures), which is not a high-level skill and not one that builds many widespread neural connections. For some children, a preoccupation with memorizing bits of information may even herald a serious learning disorder. [24] Even when the programs call on more complex skills (e.g., categorizing attributes of dinosaurs), feeding the brain with too much vicarious experience (e.g., words and pictures on a computer monitor) instead of real ones (e.g., investigating the behaviors of actual kittens, goldfish, ants, salamanders or whatever) or with feelable, manipulable objects (e.g., dolls, stuffed animals, making dinosaur models out of clay, if the child is genuinely interested in dinosaurs) could place artificial constraints on its natural developmental needs. The preschool brain's main job is to learn the principles by which the real world operates and to organize and integrate sensory information with body movement, "touch," and "feel." It needs much more emphasis on laying the foundations of control systems for attention and motivation than on jamming the storehouse full of data that makes it look "smart" to adults.

The child's need to initiate and feel "in charge" of her own brain's learning is another issue to consider. Commercial computer programs are designed to attract and hold attention, but programming a youngster to expect to receive information without independent mental exploration and organization may be a grave error -- which won't become apparent until she can't organize herself around a homework assignment or a job that requires initiative. More commonplace activities, such as figuring out how to nail two boards together, organizing a game, or creating a doll house out of a shoebox may actually form a better basis for real-world intelligence.

The last thing today's children need is more bits of learning without the underlying experiential frameworks to hang them onto. In tomorrow's world of instant information access, activities like memorizing the names and characteristics of dinosaurs could be as anachronistic as the creatures in question. Moreover, children who have concentrated on getting the right answer rather than on building the independent reasoning to ask the right question, or who, by replacing playtime with too much computer time have failed to develop "big picture" frameworks from self-initiated experience, may become dinosaurs themselves.

Looking Ahead

Computers offer extraordinary potential as brain accessories, coaches for certain types of skills, and motivators. Their greatest asset may ultimately lie in their limitations -- which will force the human brain to stand back and reflect on the issues beyond the data -- if it has developed that ability.
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Re: Endangered Minds: Why Children Don't Think, And What We

Postby admin » Fri Oct 11, 2013 12:53 am

CHAPTER 15: Expanding Minds

When cultures change and new cultural tasks give rise to new demands for cognitive competence, human plasticity makes it possible for the new outcomes to be reached. -- JOHN U. OGBU [1]

Technology is here to stay. We have to be damn sure we do it right -- whatever "right" means. Therein lies the vision -- and the challenge. -- GARY PETERSON, SUPERINTENDENT, LEARNERS' MODEL TECHNOLOGY PROJECT, CA


In a large classroom, groups of teachers cluster around computer monitors. Their charged intensity belies the summer heat that presses against the air-conditioned building, a contemporary anachronism on a quiet, white-pillared campus whose traditions reach back well over a century. But no one is gazing out the window at the green lawns, white clapboard buildings, and gracious, overarching trees. As their instructor walks to the center of the room, some remain engrossed; others look up with an expression that can best be described as dazed.

"Well," he says. "You came to this workshop to learn the newest methods for teaching math, and I've just shown you a forty-five-dollar computer program that can do all the operations of algebra, trig, and calculus. This afternoon I will demonstrate a pocket calculator that will soon be available which can do graphing and geometry. Many of you spend up to eighty percent of your class time teaching kids to do these calculations that a simple program can now perform almost instantly. So, I've only got one question. What do you plan to do for the rest of your life?"

"Retire!" says one man, obviously eager to head back to his green-shuttered dormitory.

"Wait! This is exciting!" exclaims another. "Think of the problems we'll be able to work on. We'll have to teach the kids to understand the questions. Even if the machines know how, somebody's going to have to know why. Students can't plug in the right data and know what operations to use unless they understand the problem."

As the group adjourns for lunch, I approach the leader, Lew Romagnano, to thank him for allowing me to sit in on this impressive demonstration.

"What sort of impact do you think computers will have on the human brain?" I ask him.

"Who knows. You're the brain person, not me! Probably brains will get lots bigger because we won't have all this computation nonsense to worry about anymore. Seriously, you're talking about real mathematical thinking -- patterns you can see -- without doing hours of arithmetic. If we didn't have to teach long division for six months in the fifth grade, think what else we could teach -- probability, statistics, geometry, mathematical reasoning. It's sure to have some sort of effect on the brain."

MINDS IN AN "INFORMATION AGE"

As I have worked on this book, my file optimistically labeled "Future Minds" has overflowed and been expanded until it has finally assumed book-length proportions of its own. I search it to discover what may happen to a human brain that takes on machines as intellectual boonfellows, but I don't find any answers. Even the dimensions of the question, in fact, aren't totally clear. The first is doubtless what new demands will be placed on the human mind as a function of the "information age."

With a proliferation of new technology, occupational demands on the human brain are shifting from direct manipulation of the physical universe (e.g., putting parts together on an assembly line, driving a tractor, going to a library to look up research articles, mixing chemicals in a lab, making change from a cash register) to managing machines that perform these functions. The machines, in turn, churn forth and instantly transmit inhuman quantities of data. The amount of available information is now estimated to double every two years -- an astounding harbinger of future possibilities, but an alarming reminder that we now need machines to manage our knowledge as well as our commerce.

It is estimated that 40% of new investment in plant and equipment is for electronic data-shufflers. A proliferation of computers, video, telecommunications, copying and FAX machines, and various permutations among them, encapsulate and speed the pace of human discourse.

These changes inevitably cause fundamental shifts in mental activity. Machines become extensions of our brains. Thinking is referred to as "information processing"; working requires more and more ability to access, manipulate, and use data. The worker of the future, we are told, must be prepared to act as an individual manager of both the information and the technological tools by which it is assembled: computer memory banks and data bases, electronic libraries, video encyclopedias, etc. Meanwhile, with instantaneous transmission of written as well as oral communication all over the world, the human "patience curve" wavers perceptibly.

But someone has to "see the patterns," figure out the purpose and the plan for this frenetic fact-factory. One might also hope that people will retain enough control to reflect on where it is all taking us -- and why.

Subtle shifts in what the human brain is required to do will eventually cause it to modify itself for new uses, at least in those who are either young or sufficiently motivated. Speculations naturally abound as to what these effects may be, but if I restricted this chapter to what has been proven about technology's ultimate impact on brains, it would end right here.

Nevertheless, since these electronic developers are lining up to stake out a claim in the brains of today's children, I believe we should try to figure out a few more questions to ask before we sign the contract. We have already witnessed clear changes in children's habits of mind: declining verbal skills, changing patterns of attention, a less reflective approach to problem-solving. How might they fit with our conjectures about the future? Are human brains about to get caught in the experiential fragmentation of machine technology, or will they gain broader abilities to stand back and understand what is happening?

EVOLVING BRAINS?

One of the questions I often get after presenting the ideas set forth in this book is whether the changes so consistently observed in students may represent some sort of evolutionary trend. Is it possible that print literacy and/or the process of extended mental reflection are merely evolutionary way stations for a species en route to bigger and better things? As we saw in Chapter 3, neuroscientists have proposed that the inner workings of the brain itself adapt themselves to new environments through a Darwinian model of competitive selection.

Scientists agree that generational changes in cognitive abilities are probably part of an evolutionary process. Dr. Steven Jay Gould, noted evolutionary biologist and authority on Darwinian theory, believes such changes are primarily associated with a dynamic process of "cultural evolution." Gould believes that genetic changes, in the strict Darwinian sense, take far too long to be so readily noticed, although they, too, are doubtless occurring over the long march of human mental development.

Most geneticists, of course, do not believe that simply using the organs of one's body differently can cause heritable changes in the underlying genes. If some motor neurons in a monkey's brain wither because he lost the use of two fingers, his offspring will not be born with either the fingers or the neurons missing.

For humans, however, so-called "inheritance" of intellectual traits and habits is possible, because it happens differently, says Gould. Even Darwin believed that "cultural evolution," which occurs only in human societies, causes changes in knowledge and behavior that can then be transmitted across the generations. As Gould explains it,

Human uniqueness resides primarily in our brains. It is expressed in the culture built upon our intelligence and the power it gives us to manipulate the world. Cultural evolution can proceed so quickly because it operates, as biological evolution does not, in the "Lamarckian" mode -- by the inheritance of acquired characters. Whatever one generation learns it can pass on to the next by writing, instruction, inculcation, ritual, tradition, and a host of methods that humans have developed to assure continuity in culture. [2]


Cultural evolution is not only rapid, he says, but also readily reversible from generation to generation because it is not coded in the genes. Other scientists agree that human gray matter is "capable of meeting widely varying cultural assumptions" and thus may change rather rapidly. Each generation of human brains seems to have the potential to develop new types of neural networks or find new combinations for old ones that haven't been fully tapped.

Another expert told me he explains the mental flexibility of our species as somewhat analogous to a pitcher of martinis at a cocktail party. The same (genetic) ingredients are always there -- gin and vermouth -- but over the course of the evening the hostess may add more of one or the other and the mixture will change slightly, although it's still a martini. The genetic basis of the human brain may be similarly constant, but its ingredients can get mixed and matched differently during the process of adaptation.

One reason inherited forms of intelligence or behavior may shift, say some scientists, is that genes can be either turned on or turned off to varying degrees by environmental demand. As a species, we have talents we probably haven't even used yet. According to Gould, human brains are "enormously complex computers" that can perform a wide variety of tasks in addition to the ones they first evolved to perform:

I do not doubt that natural selection acted in building our oversized brains -- and I am equally confident that our brains became large as an adaptation for definite roles. . . . [These complex brain] computers were built for reasons, but possess an almost terrifying array of additional capacities. [3]


Gould adds, incidentally, that evolutionary design can degenerate as well as improve. [4] Apparently, as another authority opined, our current state represents "not a package of perfection, but a package of compromises." [5] Will we continue to "improve"? By what standards can we judge?

Dr. Jerome Bruner offered a thoughtful commentary to my questions about changing brains in a technological age. "The only thing I can say with some degree of certainty," he wrote, "is that the evolution of human brain function has changed principally in response to the linkage between human beings and different tool systems. It would seem as if technology and its development leads to a new basis of selection. . . surely there must be a variety of changes in progress that resulted from writing systems, even though writing systems were introduced only a short time ago as far as we reckon evolutionary time. And now, of course, we have computers and video systems, and how long before the selection pattern changes as a result of these?"

But, he advised, we should first worry about more practical issues. "The fact of the matter is that we need a much broader distribution of high skills to run this culture than ever was needed before, and the failure to produce that distribution has been the cause of serious alienation. If we produce a two-tier society, it means in effect that we have two separate sets of evolutionary pressures operating -- one within the elite group that calls for an acceleration of ability, and one within an underclass where no such pressure operates.

"See what you can make of that," he concluded. [6]

What kinds of intelligence will be most likely to produce these new forms of "high skills"? That must be the next question.

NEW INTELLIGENCES?

The cognitive skills required by the new computer technology require precise definitions, linear thinking, precise rules and algorithms for thinking and acting. -- Committee on Correspondence on the Future of Public Education [7]

We're going to have to get out of this linear model of thinking. I suppose major change is the only way we are going to break loose from the formal mind and become general systems thinkers in time for species preservation to occur. We've pretty much, for the time being, exhausted the scientific method. We've objectified life about as far as it can be objectified -- and it hasn't worked. You can only go so far with the right leg, now it's time to move the left leg forward for a while. -- Dr. Dee Coulter, Naropa Institute


Obviously, no agreement exists on the nature of the "new intelligences." Many claim that mental abilities for the future must include widened perspectives, a broader range of mental skills, and a great deal of open-ended imagination to come up with solutions to the world's big problems. On the other hand, some believe we should adapt our human mentalities more closely to the precision of the machines.

One issue concerns the kinds of intelligence we should encourage in children who will live in a world where machines can do most of the mental scut work. What should we be teaching if the human brain will soon be relieved of the responsibility for doing arithmetic problems, spelling accurately, writing by hand, and memorizing data? At some time in the not-too-distant future, every student -- at least in districts where funding is available -- may work at a computer station where all these operations will be performed by a machine. Computerized data bases will instantly access any type of information, sort and summarize it. Word processing programs, perhaps with the aid of spelling, grammar, and punctuation checkers, and outlining programs designed to help the writer organize ideas, will enable rapid note-taking and report writing.

At some point, this equipment may become pocket-sized -- a portable, permanent adjunct to the brain's memory systems. What will be important to learn then? Probably not the names and dates of the kings of England or the formula for the area of a parallelogram.

Glimpses of Electronic Learning

Some of the applications already available or on the drawing boards open astonishing windows onto future learning. If a student wants to learn about the French Revolution, for instance, here is a not-so-imaginary scenario: A program will project on her monitor screen a written and/or narrated summary of facts and events, lists and/or abstracts of relevant historical research, an animated time line of key events with a visual enactment of important scenes, set to the music of the period. She may choose to drill herself on the words of the "La Marseillaise" or some French verb tenses, or she may choose a program that lets her wander through the Louvre, browsing among relevant paintings. She might participate in a mock interview with Marat or visit the prisoners in the Bastille -- in French with English translation, or vice versa. She may then choose to perfect her French vocabulary and spelling by playing a game; each time she gets an answer correct, she saves one aristocrat from the guillotine. She will then visit a French street market to use the words she has just learned in a conversation on interactive video that will also check out her accent and idioms (computers that can accurately hear and "understand" children's voices are not yet available, but there is every reason to believe they will be before too long). Or she may boot up a "simulation" in which she assumes the role of a leader on either side of the dispute, sits in on planning sessions where she makes decisions about key turning points in the Revolution, and then learns the historical consequences of her choices.

These activities, prototypes for most of which are already available, assuredly understate the possibilities of the next decade. Defining the "basics" that children will still need to master in such a world will get you a good argument among any group of educators. Maximizing the effectiveness of such technology may require well-reasoned reconsideration of some long-cherished ideas about who teaches what to whom, when, and how.

Technology will enable radical changes in teaching formats. Whether or not children will still need classrooms -- or even human teachers -- in the new age of instant communication is also a nice discussion-starter. With equipment developed by IBM, students even now can sit at home -- or in different parts of the country (world?) -- with computerized video monitors through which they communicate instantaneously with classmates and instructor. The teacher can ask a question and see an immediate tally on his screen of every student's response, so he knows immediately who is understanding and who is not. Of course, such questions tend, at least so far, to be of the multiple-choice variety. Will we still need oral language when we spend most of our time on keyboards or pushing buttons? What new sorts of perceptual or mental skills will be required? And what will happen to some of the old ones -- not the least of which is interpersonal/emotional development -- as the brain devotes its time and connectivity to different challenges?

Forward to the "Basics": What Will They Be?

The computer age may also promote different types of learning abilities than the ones traditionally valued and rewarded. Facility for memorization, spelling, or good handwriting may not seem all that important anymore. Some people believe these basic disciplines should still be stressed because they build up children's brains for other types of thinking, but psychologists are unsure about the generalizability of specific types of "mental exercise." It may be better, they say, to work on general reasoning ability so the child will be able to learn all types of new skills, since many -- perhaps most -- of the occupations they may eventually pursue haven't even been invented yet! Children clearly need to be taught habits of mental self-discipline, but no one has clearly established the best way to do so.

Will children still need oral language skills? Very likely, both for personal communication and as a foundation for reading and writing -- even if it is connected with a computer screen. A recent government report entitled "Technology and the American Transition" acknowledged that all workers will need more mental flexibility than has previously been the case. Yet the "protean" mentality that will prosper in the new work force must still possess sophisticated verbal skills. "The talents needed are not clever hands or a strong back," the report concludes, "but rather the ability to understand instructions and poorly written manuals, ask questions, assimilate unfamiliar information and work with unfamiliar teams." [8]

Overall, most thoughtful people who have considered the skills that will be needed -- and reinforced -- in brains of the future agree that higher-level abilities will be required from everyone. Yet, according to Priscilla Vail, common definitions of what constitutes "higher-level" skills may also change. She points out that the educated person used to be one who could find information; now, with a flood of data available, the educated mind is not the one that can master the facts, but the one able to ask the "winnowing question."

"The ones who have kept alive their ability to play with patterns, to experiment -- they will be the ones who can make use of what technology has to offer. Those whose focus has been on getting the correct answers to get a high score will be obsolete!" [9]

Dr. Howard Gardner has reminded us that intelligence usually gets defined in terms of which individuals can solve the problems or create the products that are valued in the culture at any given time. Brain systems for different types of intelligence are relatively discrete; improving one will not necessarily improve others (e. g., playing video games will not make children faster readers; learning the organization needed to write computer programs will probably not improve their skills in cleaning up their rooms). Moreover, when time and practice are devoted to one set of skills, space for others may be preempted. It appears as if minds that will be most valued in the future will need to have a remarkable combination of "big picture" reasoning and analytic acuity. They will be able to "see" patterns, but also communicate and interpret language accurately. Yet some believe that these two types of abilities are fundamentally at odds with each other.

DUAL ABILITIES IN THE UNIFIED MIND

It is quite possible that linear thinking, as opposed to imagery thinking, has been one of our handicaps in trying to solve [many of our] pressing worldwide problems. The mode of thinking we need ... must help us to visualize the connections among all parts of the problem. This is where imagery is a powerful thinking tool, as it has been for scientists, including Einstein. -- Mary Alice White, Teachers College, Columbia [10]

In general the competent uses of data bases requires a careful, rather than a sloppy understanding of ... words. We need to educate people to use the language with much greater precision than they are presently accustomed to using. -- Judah L. Schwartz, MIT [11]


Visual Literacy

A sixth-grade student nervously walks to the front of the classroom to present his research report on different types of aircraft. Inserting a video cassette into a monitor, he presses a button and the presentation begins. A series of film clips illustrates aviation scenes. As each type of plane is shown, the student reads a brief sentence introducing it, then remains silent as his classmates watch the remainder of the clip. As the video ends, a plane explodes in midair. The audience cheers. The teacher compliments the "author" on his creativity.

This "demonstration lesson" of uses of video in the classroom elicits a mixed response from school principals invited to view it. Some are delighted. "The boy showed a lot of imagination." "Endless possibilities." "Look how intent those kids were . . . they rarely listen that well!"

Others are more skeptical, particularly about the absence of extended narrative. The pictures, indeed, tell the story, but what happened to reading, writing, and reasoning? The rapt attention of the child's classmates is questioned. Is their response to the screen merely conditioned -- but uncritical? Is this the shadow of the future? Should we be worried?

Excerpts from a "video encyclopedia" are shown. In one "entry" a contemporary demagogue is seen delivering a segment of an emotionally charged oration. This man is a persuader and his delivery capitalizes on body language; his views are also controversial. But no analysis accompanies this "entry"; encyclopedias are, after all, compilations of fact. This film is an accurate record of what occurred -- but is it "fact"? Who can guarantee students access to opposing views? Who will show them how to ask the winnowing questions?

Video is persuasive. For immature viewers -- and perhaps for mature ones as well -- it pulls on emotions and evokes mood more readily than does print. Visual media are often accused of being more subjective. Their immediacy may bias against thoughtful analysis, at least for people untrained in critical viewing. A series of images may also tell a more fragmented story than the linked ideas that follow each other in a text. Certain types of visual information (e.g., television) may require less effortful processing than print media. Yet visual media are effective conveyers of some aspects of experience. Seeing film clips from a war can amplify and add perspective to reading about it in a history book. Visual images encourage intuitive response. Video presentations also have unlimited boundaries of time and space; they are free from the narrative chronology of text. Moreover, most brains tend to retain colorful visual images more readily than what they have heard or seen in print.

The growing question, of course, is whether so-called "visual literacies" could replace print. Will instruction manuals of the future rely on pictures and diagrams instead of words? Will holistic/emotional responses blot out more precise verbal/analytic forms of reasoning? Might human reasoning actually rise to higher levels if we were unencumbered by the constraints of syntax and paragraph structure? Are we on the cusp of a major alteration in the way the human brain processes information? After all, human beings have been receiving information from visual and interpersonal communication for over ten thousand years; they have only been getting it from readily available print during the last five hundred.

Thought Without Language

Should we regard rock videos replacing Shakespeare as an evolutionary advance? Does language place artificial constraints on ideas that might be liberated by nonverbal reasoning? Is thought possible without any sort of symbol system? In The Dancing Wu Li Masters, Gary Zukav explains how he thinks reality gets fragmented by the use of symbols -- particularly words. As an example he uses happiness, a global state of being that cannot fairly be boiled down to a symbol. Pinning a word onto this indescribable state changes it to an abstraction, a concept, rather than a real experience. "Symbols and experience do not follow the same rules," states Zukav. "Undifferentiated reality is inexpressible." The goal of "pure awareness" sought by Eastern religions is presumably an example of transcending the need to distort understanding by trying to communicate it.

Zukav's main point is that holistic approaches to reality, which he relates to the right hemisphere of the brain, more accurately represent the principles of our physical world, exemplified in physics and mathematics. Their reality, he claims, is actually distorted by forcing them into symbols. Although he does not solve the problem of how to communicate ideas "which the poetic intuition may apprehend, but which the intellect can never fully grasp," he recommends broadening our outlook into the "higher dimensions of human experience." [12]

So-called "nonverbal thought," freed from the constraints of language, is a recognized vehicle for artists, musicians, inventors, engineers, mathematicians, and athletes. [13] Nonverbal thought is not always a poetic and undifferentiated whole, but can also relate to much more mundane matters and proceed sequentially (e.g., picturing the steps in assembling a machine or turning it over in one's mind and examining the parts or mentally rehearsing the sequence of body movements in a tennis serve). Much important experience can't be reduced to verbal descriptions. Yet in schools, traditionally, the senses have had little status after kindergarten.

"Even in engineering school, a course in 'visual thinking' is considered an aberration," says one critic who believes that too much emphasis on verbal learning places conceptual limits on inventiveness. By neglecting such studies as mechanical drawing for all students, he insists, we are cutting out a big portion of an important, and valid, form of reasoning. [14]

Can computers guide people in nonverbal reasoning? Dr. Ralph Grubb of IBM is an enthusiastic advocate of this idea. Computerized simulations of math, engineering, architectural, and scientific problems will help us get away from our "tyranny of text" and move into more visual thinking, he claims. For example, computers can now produce three-dimensional models of scientific data, graphs or representations that can enable a manager to "see" all the aspects of a complex financial situation, or simulations that allow an architect to take a visual "walk" through a building she is designing. Although, to the uninitiated, some of these simulations are totally baffling, they are doubtless the mode through which much information will be represented in the future. "Visual metaphors will strip away needless complexity and get right down to the idea," he said. "Flexibility is the key -- you have to be able to shift between perspectives." [15]

When I was talking with Dr. Grubb, however, I noticed that all his examples involved mathematical, mechanical, or artistic fields. Can nonverbal metaphors also mediate the study of history? Is body language a good criterion for judging a political candidate? Perhaps we should make sure the "tyranny of text" gets supplemented rather than replaced.

Some thought certainly needs to move beyond (or remain before) words. Most people who have studied this question, however, insist that written language and the symbol systems (e.g., mathematics) should remain an important vehicle for organizing, thinking abstractly, reasoning about future as well as present, and communicating some types of information more precisely. While mathematical ideas may best be apprehended holistically, the process of thinking through a problem in a step-by-step sequence to get it down on paper confers additional advantages, not the least of which is the ability to communicate the procedures to someone else. [16]

Since much nonverbal reasoning depends on visual imagery, many people wonder what more exposure to video will do to children's abilities to gain these "higher dimensions of human experience." Although I haven't heard anyone suggest that TV has improved kids' spiritual natures, one noted drama teacher told me she sees children of the video generation as better able to handle a "multiplicity of images, less stuck in narrative chronology." "The camera is a dreamer," she pointed out, that encourages their imaginations. [17] Other teachers say just the opposite. "They have lost the ability to visualize -- all their pictures have been created for them by someone else, and their thinking is limited as a result."

Curiously enough, however, visual stimulation is probably not the main access route to nonverbal reasoning. Body movements, the ability to touch, feel, manipulate, and build sensory awareness of relationships in the physical world, are its main foundations. A serious question now becomes whether children who lack spontaneous physical play and time to experiment with the world's original thought builders (e.g., sand, water, blocks, mom's measuring spoons, tree-climbing, rock-sorting, examining a seashell or the leaf of a maple tree, etc.) will be short-circuited in experimentation with nonverbal reasoning. Children who are rarely alone may well miss out on some important explorations with the "mind's eye." Frantic lifestyles do not lend themselves to imagination and reflection any more than aerobics classes for toddlers encourage manipulation of life's mysteries. Inept language usage is a serious problem, but inept insights might well be an even greater disaster.

Alphabets and Changing Brains

If (or as ... ?) we shift our major modes of communication from books to video, handwriting to computer word processors, what happens to the evolution of the brain? Such shifts, along with changes in the related patterns of thought, have both prehistoric and historic precedent. It is generally assumed that when humans learned to speak to each other, not only habits but brains changed. The development of written language is also believed to have had cognitive consequences -- or at least accompaniments. Not only does literacy, itself, change thinking, but the brain is apparently so sensitive to the input it learns to process that even different forms of the alphabet may have different effects.

The Western alphabet, in particular, has been linked to (or blamed for, as you will) our form of scientific thought and our system of formal logic. In The Alphabet Effect, Robert Logan points out that Eastern alphabets such as Chinese ideographs ("picture writing") and the more linear, alphabetic-phonetic patterns of the West show differences that he relates to "right-brained" and "left-brained" modes of thought. Logan suggests that while alphabetic systems cannot cause social changes, their usage encourages different types of cultural -- and perhaps neural -- patterns.

During the so-called Dark Ages in the West, when reading and writing diminished, many major advances in inventions and manual technologies took place. Logan implies that liberation from the written alphabet may have enabled relatively more progress in the fields of practical arts, mechanical and agricultural inventions, and the establishment of the framework of Western democracy in the Magna Carta. These, he suggests, are related to more holistic functions of the brain that were freed-up by lessened demands to process the printed word. [18]

After the invention of the printing press, academic learning was revived, and a new infatuation with the objective empiricism of the scientific method took hold. As we saw above, some now dare to question the enduring utility of this stage of the progression. Is it time for another change?

Certain specific features of alphabets may be responsible for differences in the way the brain processes them. Dr. Derrick de Kerckhove of the McLuhan program in Culture and Technology at the University of Toronto has presented evidence that Indo-European alphabets (like ours), in particular, "have promoted and reinforced reliance on left-hemisphere strategies for other aspects of psychological and social information processing." The relevant features include left-to-right progression of print, precise differentiation of vowel patterns, which tap left-hemisphere auditory areas; and linear, speech-like order of sounds. These forms may have a "reordering effect" on mental organization and even brain structure, suggests de Kerckhove. [19]

De Kerckhove, who works at the McLuhan Institute in Ontario, Canada, points out that our more abstract ways of thinking -- which, he believes, do not come "naturally" to the human brain -- were probably imposed, at least in part, by this particular system of writing. The exact rendering of the writer's language afforded by our alphabet (in contrast to more open-ended symbol systems such as pictorial scripts, which allow a wider range of personal interpretation of what was said) takes the reader away from his own associations and interpretations and enables him to reach into the more abstract logic behind the writer's thinking.

If such fine-grained differences between writing systems might be able to change thinking and even the related brain structures, it seems evident that a major shift in "the ratio of the senses" (in McLuhan's words), from print to visual processing, could have even more dramatic effects.

Some observers find this possibility troubling. If print literacies get trampled under the hooves of technological innovation, what will happen to our thinking? Will we lose precision of thought along with precision of expression? Will our ability to communicate outside a face-to-face context become limited? What will happen to the disciplined analytical and inductive thinking that serve creative intuition? [20] While purely verbal thinking may, indeed, be "sterile," it is doubtless an important adjunct to higher-level reasoning and creativity.

. . .while nonlinguistic symbol systems such as those of mathematics and art are sophisticated, they are extremely narrow. Language, in contrast, is a virtually unbounded symbol system. . . the prerequisite of culture. In sum, we do not always think in words, but we do little thinking without them. [21]


Dr. Diane Ravitch, noted scholar and educational theorist, is worried about current attitudes that imply "a longing to get away from language, as though we would all be more primitive, more spontaneous, and more joyful. Then we could read each other's body language rather than have to communicate through written devices.

"Enemies of print literacy," she admonishes, are all too ready to say, "Well, man, this is where it's happening, let's go with the flow." But blind faith that change inevitably implies progress is just as foolish as refusing to accept new ideas at all. Throwing out the precision of language would be particularly dangerous at a time when balance is badly needed. Print and visual literacies can and should complement each other; visual images open doors to new modes of understanding, but print is still necessary for thoughtful analysis. [22]

This argument will probably assume greater urgency as the computer age forces us toward more analytic precision at the same time it demands visualization of new technological applications. Tension between visual and verbal reasoning, in fact, is a major kernel of the information-age paradox. Our children will need both.

THE CHALLENGE: EXPANDING MINDS

Technology has not yet reached the point where it can guide our children's mental development -- if it ever will, or should. Nor can children, without good models, shape their own brains around the intellectual habits that can make comfortable companions either of machines or their own minds in a rapidly changing world. Adults in a society have a responsibility to children -- all children -- to impart the habits of mental discipline and the special skills refined through centuries of cultural evolution. It is foolish to send forth unshaped mentalities to grapple with the new without equipping them with what has proven itself to be worthwhile of the old.

A prudent society controls its own infatuation with "progress" when planning for its young. Unproven technologies and changing modes of living may offer lively visions, but they can also be detrimental to the development of the young plastic brain. The cerebral cortex is a wondrously well-buffered mechanism that can withstand a good bit of well-intentioned bungling. Yet there is a point at which fundamental neural substrates for reasoning may be jeopardized for children who lack proper physical, intellectual, or emotional nurturance. Childhood -- and the brain -- have their own imperatives. In development, missed opportunities may be difficult to recapture.

The growing brain is vulnerable to societal as well as personal neglect. The immediate effects of ecological folly and misdirected social planning are already swelling the rolls of physically endangered brains. The more subtle legacies of television and adult expediency are being manifested in an erosion of academic and personal development for children from all walks of life. Their needs press heavily on our visions of the future.

While "progress" must be judiciously assessed, new developments are both needed and inevitable. Parents and teachers will need to broaden, perhaps even redefine, traditional parameters of intelligence and learning, not simply because of the changing priorities of future technologies but also because of present realities. This book has depicted a growing crisis in academic learning, created in large part by an alienation of children's worlds -- and the mental habits engendered by them -- from the traditional culture of academia. Young brains have been modeled around skills maladaptive for learning. Merely lamenting this fact, however, does not alter the reality or rebuild the brains. Nor does choking our young with more didacticism make them learn to think.

Closing the gap between wayward synapses and intellectual imperatives will not be easy. It will certainly not be accomplished by low-level objectives, such as memorization of information, that can now be accomplished far more efficiently by even the least intelligent computer. Human brains are not only capable of acquiring knowledge, they also hold the potential for wisdom. But wisdom has its own curriculum: conversation, thought, imagination, empathy, reflection. Youth who lack these "basics," who cannot ponder what they have learned, are poorly equipped to become managers of the human enterprise in any era.

The final lesson of plasticity is that a human brain, given good foundations, can continue to adapt and expand for a lifetime. Its vast synaptic potential at birth can bend itself around what is important of the "old" and still have room for new skills demanded by a new century. A well-nourished mind, well-grounded in the precursors of wisdom as well as of knowledge, will continue to grow, learn, develop -- as long as it responds to the prickling of curiosity. Perhaps this quality, above all, is the one we should strive to preserve in all our children. With it, supported by language, thought, and imagination, minds of the future will shape themselves around new challenges -- whatever they may be. But if we continue to neglect either these foundations or the curiosity that sets them in motion, we will truly all be endangered.
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Re: Endangered Minds: Why Children Don't Think, And What We

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CHAPTER 1: "KID'S BRAINS MUST BE DIFFERENT ..."


1. Jackson, A., and D. Hornbeck. "Educating young adolescents." American Psychologist 44 (5), 1988, p. 831.

2. Fortune, November 7, 1988.

3. Lopez, J. "System failure." Wall Street Journal, March 31, 1989, p. R13.

4. Source of all SAT and GRE scores: The College Board, Educational Testing Service, Princeton, NJ.

5. Venezky, R., et al. The Subtle Danger. Center for the Assessment of Educational Progress, Educational Testing Service, January 1987.

6. New York Times, April 26, 1988.

7. Barrow, K., et al. "Achievement and the three R's: A synopsis of National Assessment findings in reading, writing, and mathematics." NAEP-SY-RWM- 50, 1982 (ED 223 658).

8. Munday, L. "Changing test scores." Phi Delta Kappan 50, 1979, pp. 670-71.

9. New York Times, March 28, 1988.

10. Lapointe, A. "Is there really a national literacy crisis?" Curriculum Review, September/October 1987.

11. Carroll, J. "The National Assessments in reading: Are we misreading the findings?" Phi Delta Kappan, February 1987.

12. Manna, A., and S. Misheff. "What teachers say about their own reading development." Journal of Reading, November 1987, pp. 160-68.

13. Cullinan, B. Children's Literature in the Reading Program. Newark, DE: IRA, 1987.

14. New York Times, January 2, 1989.

15. Shuchman, L. "Books on tape: the latest best-sellers in Tokyo." New York Times, September 10, 1988.

16. Kozol, J. Illiterate America. New York: NAL, 1986.

17. Reed, K. "Expectation vs. ability: Junior college reading skills." Journal of Reading, March 1989.

18. Hechinger, F. "About education." New York Times, March 16, 1988.

19. Rothman, R. "NAEP releases delayed report on reading test." Education Week, March 2, 1988.

20. New York Times, December 30, 1987.

21. Eurich, A. 'The reading abilities of college students-after fifty years." New York: New York Times Foundation, 1980 (ED 182 742).

22. Education Week, April 5, 1989, p. 1.

23. Stanford Achievement Test, Eighth Edition. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988.

24. Cannell, J. Nationally Normed Elementary Achievement Testing in America's Public Schools: How AU Fifty States Are Above the National Average. Daniels, WV: Friends of Education, 1987.

25. Education Week, April 20, 1988.

26. Valenti, J. "About historians who can't write." New York Times, December 11, 1987.

27. Woodward, A. "Stress on visuals weakens texts." Commentary, Education Week, March 9, 1988, p. 19

28. New York Times, April 26, 1987.

29. Flynn, J. R. "Massie IQ gains in 14 nations: What IQ tests really measure." Psychological Bulletin 101 (2), 1987, pp. 171-91.

30. Emanuelsson, I., and A. Svenson. "Does the level of intelligence decrease?" National Swedish Board of Education, Stockholm, 1985 (ED 262094).

31. Lynn, R., and S. Hampson. "The rise of national intelligence." Personality and Individual Differences 7 (1), pp. 23-32.

32. Parker, K. "Changes with age, year-of-birth cohort, age by year-of-birth cohort interaction, and standardization of the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Tests." Human Development 29, 1986, pp. 209-22.

33. Franke, R. "A nation at risk? IQ and environment in the 20th century." Paper presented at the Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association, Washington, D.C., August 1986.

34. Flynn, ibid.

35. Flynn, J. R. "Sociobiology and IQ trends over time." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 9 (1), 1986, p. 192.

36. O'Rourke, S. Personal communication. September 1988.

37. Kirk-Alpern, P. Personal communication. September 1988.

38. Costa, A. Personal communication. June 1988.

39. Gulick, R. Personal communication. April 1988.

40. Brazelton, T. B. "First steps." The World, March/April 1989.

41. Luddington-Hoe, S. Personal communication. September 1989.

42. Coulter, D. Personal communication. February 1989.

CHAPTER 2: NEURAL PLASTICITY: NATURE'S DOUBLE-EDGED SWORD

1. Diamond, M. Enriching Heredity. New York: Free Press, 1988.

2. Diamond, M. "Enriching heredity." Address given at conference: The Education Summit. Fairfax, VA, 1988.

3. Diamond, M. Personal communication. June 1988.

4. Denenberg, V. H. "Animal models and plasticity." In Gallagher, J., and C. Ramey, eds., The Malleability of Children. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes, 1987.

5. Lerner, R. On the Nature of Human Plasticity. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984.

6. Lerner, R. Personal communication.

7. Scott, J. P. "Critical periods in behavioral development." Science, 1972, p. 957.

8. Scheibel, Arnold. 'The rise of the human brain." Paper presented at symposium, "The Ever-Changing Brain." San Rafael, CA, August 1985.

9. Greenough, W. T., J. E. Black, and C. S. Wallace. "Experience and brain development." Child Development 58, 1987, pp. 555-67.

10. Greenough, W. T. Personal communication.

11. Bernstein, Jane Holmes. Personal communication. October 1988.

12. Bernstein, Jane Holmes. Neurological Development: Brain Maturation and Psychological Development. Unpublished manuscript.

13. Diamond, M. Personal communication. March 1989.

14. Krasnegor, N., D. Gray, and T. Thompson. Developmental Behavioral Pharmacology. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1986.

15. Elkington, John. The Poisoned Womb. New York: Viking Penguin, 1985.

16. Eskenazi, B. "Behavioral teratology: Toxic chemicals and the developing brain." Address given at 'The Ever-Changing Brain." San Rafael, CA, 1985.

17. Eskenazi, B. Personal communication. 1987.

18. Needleman, H. "Exposure to lead at low dose in early childhood and before birth." In Krasnegor, N., D. Gray, and T. Thompson, eds., Developmental Behavioral Pharmacology. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1986, p. 169.

19. Riley, E. P., and C. V. Vorhees. Handbook of Behavioral Teratology. New York: Plenum Press, 1986.

20. USA Today, August 29, 1988, p. 1.

21. Healy, J. M. "Birth defects of the mind." Parents, March 1989.

22. Eskenazi, B. Personal communication. August 1987.

23. Dr. med. H. Pomp: Ev. Bethesda-Krankenhaus GmbH. Personal communication. January 1987.

24. Erik Jansson, co-ordinator of the National Network to Prevent Birth Defects. Personal communication. 1987.

25. Lauder, J., and H. Krebs. "Critical periods and neurohumors." In Greenough, W. and J. Juraska, eds., Developmental Neuropsychobiology. San Diego: Academic Press, 1986.

26. Fride, E., and M. Weinstock. "Prenatal stress increases anxiety-related behavior and alters cerebral lateralization of dopamine activity." Life Sciences 42, 1988, pp. 1059-65.

27. Kelley-Buchanan, C. Peace of Mind During Pregnancy. New York: Facts on File, 1988.

28. Rapin, I. "Disorders of higher cerebral function in children: New investigative techniques." Bulletin of the Orton Society 31, 1981, pp. 47-63.

29. Gardner, H. Frames of Mind: The Theory of Multiple Intelligences. New York: Basic Books, 1983.

30. Healy, J. Your Child's Growing Mind: A Guide to Learning and Brain Development from Birth to Adolescence. New York: Doubleday, 1987.

31. Luddington, S. "Infant developmental care." Address given at Symposium Medicus. Cleveland, OH, September 1988.

32. Smotherman, W. P. "Fetal learning in utero." Paper presented at the meeting of the International Society for Developmental Psychobiology. Baltimore, 1984.

33. De Casper, T. "Do human fetuses eavesdrop in the womb?" Paper presented at the meeting of the International Society for Developmental Psychobiology. Baltimore, 1984.

CHAPTER 3: MALLEABLE MINDS: ENVIRONMENT SHAPES INTELLIGENCE

1. Kaas, J. H., M. Merzenich, and H. Killackey. "The reorganization of somatosensory cortex following peripheral nerve damage in adult and developing mammals." Annual Review of Neuroscience 6, 1983, pp. 325-56.

2. Epstein, H. "Growth spurts during brain development: Implications fur educational policy and practice." In J. Chall and H. Mirsky, eds., Education and the Brain. Seventy-fifth Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of Education (Part 11). Chicago: NSSE, 1978.

3. Yakovlev, P., and A. Lecours. "The myelogenetic cycles of regional maturation of the brain." In A. Minkowski, ed., Regional Development of the Brain in Early Life. Oxford: Blackwell Scientific Publications, 1967.

4. Renner, M., and M. Rosenzweig. Enriched and Impoverished Environments: Effects on Brain and Behavior. New York: Springer Verlag, 1987, p. 13.

5. Globus, A., et al. "Effects of differential experience on dendritic spine counts in rat cerebral cortex." Journal of Comparative and Physiological Psychology 82, 1972, pp. 175-81.

6. Greenough, W. T., Black, J. E., and C. S. Wallace. "Experience and brain development." Child Development 58, 1987, p. 547.

7. Diamond, M. Enriching Heredity. New York: The Free Press, 1988.

8. Diamond, M., et al. "On the brain of a scientist: Albert Einstein." Experimental Neurology 88, 1985, pp. 198-204.

9. Bernstein, Jane Holmes. Personal communication. October 1988.

10. Scheibel, A. Personal communication. August 1984.

11. Bornstein, M. H., ed. Sensitive Periods in Development. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1987.

12. Hirsch, H., and S. Tieman. "Perceptual development and experience-dependent changes in cat visual cortex." In Bornstein, M. H., ed., Sensitive Periods in Development. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1987, p. 70.

13. Bornstein, M. H. Op. cit.

14. Buchwald, J. S. "A comparison of plasticity in sensory and cognitive processing systems." In N. Gunzenhauser, ed., Infant Stimulation. Somerville, NJ: Johnson & Johnson, 1987, p. 9.

15. Ibid., p. 27.

16. Bornstein, M. H., ed. Op. cit., p. 169.

17. Edelman, G. M. Neural Darwinism. New York: Basic Books, 1987.

18. Ibid., p. 165.

CHAPTER 4: WHO'S TEACHING THE CHILDREN TO TALK?

1. Luria, A. "The role of speech in the formation of temporary connections and the regulation of behavior in the normal and oligophrenic child." In B. Simon and J. Simon, eds., Educational Psychology in the USSR. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1968, p. 85.

2. Bruner, J. Actual Minds, P088ible Worlds. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986, p. 8.

3. Hamilton, A. J. "Challenging verbal passivity." NEATE Leaflet 85 (1), 1986, p.22.

4. Gigioli, P., ed. Language and Social Context. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1972.

5. Postman, N. Amusing Ourselves to Death. New York: Elizabeth Sifton Viking, 1985, p. 112.

6. Geyer, G. "Words bounce blame." Cleveland Plain Dealer, September 17, 1988.

7. Wells, G. Language, Learning, and Education. Windsor, Berkshire, England: NFER-NELSON, 1985, pp. 102-3.

8. Schieffelin, B., and E. Ochs. "Language socialization." Annual Review of Anthropology 15, 1986, pp. 163-91.

9. Schieffelin, B. Personal communication. August 1988.

10. Olson, S., et al. "Mother-child interaction and children's speech progress: A longitudinal study of the first two years." Merrill Palmer Quarterly 32 (1), 1986, pp.1-20.

11. Rinders, J., and M. Horrobin. "To give an EDGE: A guide for new parents of children with Down Syndrome." Minneapolis: Colwell Industries, 1984.

12. Wells, G. Op. cit., p. 135.

13. Squire, J. The Dynamics of Language Learning. NCRE/ERIC, 1987.

14. Kuczaj, S. A. "On the nature of syntactic development." In Kuczaj, S. A., ed., Language Development (vol. 1). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1982.

15. Bohannon, J., and L. Stanowicz. "The issue of negative evidence: Adult responses to children's language errors. Developmental Psychology 24 (5), 1988.

16. Zigler, E., and M. Frank, eds. The Parental Leave Crisis. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988.

17. Dumtschin, J. "Recognize lanuage development and delay in early childhood." Young Children, March 1988, p. 20.

18. Schieffelin, B. Personal communication. September 1988.

19. Wells, G., op. cit., p. 117.

20. Dunning, B. "Doesn't anybody here talk English any more?" Cleveland Plain Dealer, January 28, 1988.

21. Vail, P. Clear and Lively Writing. New York: Walker lit Co., 1981.

22. Vail, P. Smart Kids With School Problems. New York: NAL, 1989. 23. Pratt, A., and S. Brady. "Phonological awareness and reading disability." Journal of Educational Psychology 80 (3), 1988, pp. 319-23.

CHAPTER 5: SAGGING SYNTAX, SLOPPY SEMANTICS, AND FUZZY THINKING

1. Mandelbaum, D. G. Selected Writings of Edward Sapir in Language, Culture and Personality. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1958.

2. Whorf, B. Language, Thought and Reality. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1956.

3. Tyler, S. The Said and the Unsaid. New York: Academic Press, 1978.

4. Blount, B., and M. Sanches. Sociocultural Dimensions of Language Change. New York: Academic Press, 1977.

5. Luria, A. Language and Cognition. New York: Wiley, 1982.

6. Vocate, D. The Theory of A. R. Luria. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1987, p. 29.

7. Premack, D. "Minds with and without language." In L. Weiskrantz, ed., Thought Without Language. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988.

8. Cohen, M., and S. Grossberg. "Neural dynamics of speech and language coding." Human Neurobiology 5 (1), 1986, pp. 1-22.

9. Siegel, L., and E. Ryan. "Development of grammatical-sensitivity, phonological and short-term memory skills in normally achieving and learning disabled children." Developmental Psychology 24 (I), 1988, pp. 28-37.

10. Dennis, M. "Using language to parse the young damaged brain. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology 9 (6), 1987, pp. 723-53.

11. "Students said to lack writing skills." New York Times, December 4, 1986.

12. Benbow, C. "Neuropsychological perspectives on mathematical talent." In L. Obler and D. Fine, eds., The Exceptional Brain. New York: Guilford Press, 1988.

13. Orr, E. W. Twice as Less. New York: Norton, 1987.

14. Miura, I., and Y. Okamoto. "Comparisons of US and Japanese first graders' cognitive representation of number and understanding of place value." Journal of Educational Psychology 81 (I), 1989, pp. 109-13.

15. Sachs, J., Bard, B., and M. Johnson. "Language learning with restricted input." Applied Psycholinguistics 2, 1981, pp. 33-54.

16. Newport, E. "Maturation and language acquisition: Contrasting conceptualizations of critical periods for learning." Address given at annual conference: Jean Piaget Society. Philadelphia, June 1988.

17. Kay, P. "Language evolution and speech style." In Blount, B., and M. Sanches, eds., Sociocultural Dimensions of Language Change. New York: Academic Press, 1977.

18. Vocate, D. Op. cit., p. 19.

19. Gleitman, L. "Biological preprogramming for language learning?" In S. Friedman, K. Klivingdon, and R. Peterson, eds., The Brain, Cognition, and Education. New York: Academic Press, 1986.

20. Baker: R. "Swine by design." New York Times, October 2, 1988.

21. "Sassy: Like, you know, for kids." New York Times, September 18, 1988.

CHAPTER 6: LANGUAGE CHANGES BRAINS

1. Readers who may wish more amplification of hemispheric research as it relates to children may consult: Best, C. Hemispheric Function and Collaboration in the Child. New York: Academic Press, 1985. Molfese, D., and S. Segalowitz. Brain Lateralization in Children: Developmental Implications. New York: Guilford Press, 1988.

2. Snow, C. "Relevance of the notion of a critical period to language acquisition." In M. H. Bornstein, ed., Sensitive Periods in Development. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1987.

3. Witelson, S. "Neurobiologic aspects of language in children." Child Development 58, 1988, pp. 653-88.

4. Dennis, M., and H. Whitaker. "Language acquisition following hemidecortication: Linguistic superiority of left over the right hemisphere." Brain and Language 3, 1976, pp. 404-33.

5. Curtiss, S. 'The special talent of grammar acquisition." In Obler, L., and D. Fine, eds., The Exceptional Brain. New York: Guilford Press, 1988.

6. Levine, S. "Hemispheric specialization and implications for the education of the hearing impaired." American Annals of the Deaf 131 (3), 1986, pp. 238-42.

7. Marcotte, A., and R. La Barba. 'The effects of linguistic experience on cerebral lateralization for speech production in normal hearing and deaf adolescents. Brain and Language 31, 1987, pp. 276-300.

8. Neville, H., et al. "Altered visual-evoked potentials in congenitally deaf adults." Brain Research 226, 1983, pp. 127-32.

9. Neville, H. Personal communication. March 1989.

10. Simonds, R., and A. Scheibel. "The postnatal development of the motor speech area: A preliminary study." Brain and Language. In press.

11. Scheibel, A. Personal communication. June 1989.

12. Almli, C. R., and S. Finger. "Neural insult and critical period concepts." In M. H. Bornstein, ed., Sensitive Periods in Development. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1987.

13. Witelson, S. Personal communication. November 1988.

CHAPTER 7: LEARNING DISABILITIES: NEURAL WIRING GOES TO SCHOOL

1. Ohio ACLD Newsletter. Spring 1988.

2. Wang, M. C. "Commentary." Education Week, May 4, 1988.

3. ACID Newsbriefs 24 (I), January 1989, p. 12.

4. McGuinness, D. "Attention deficit disorder: The emperor's clothes, animal farm and other fiction." In S. Fisher and R. P. Greenberg, eds., How Effective Are Somatic Treatments for Psychological Problems? New York: Erlbaum. In press.

5. Lyytinen, H. "Attentional problems in children: Review of psychophysiological findings relevant to explaining their nature." Paper given at Annual Meeting, International Neuropsychological Society. Lahti, Finland, July 1988.

6. Yang, L. L., et al. "Perinatal hypoxia and cognitive functioning in relation to behavioral development of children." Paper given at Annual Meeting, International Neuropsychological Society. Lahti, Finland, July 1988.

7. Eichlseder, W. 'Ten years' experience with 1,000 hyperactive children in a private practice." The American Academy of Pediatrics 76, 1985, pp. 176-84.

8. "Debate grows on classroom's 'Magic Pill: " Education Week, October 21, 1987.

9. McGuinness, D. When Children Don't Learn. New York: Basic Books, 1985.

10. Obler, L. K., and D. Fein, eds. The Exceptional Brain. New York: Guilford Press, 1988, p. 7.

11. Pennington, B. "Genotype and phenotype analysis of familial dyslexia." Address presented at the Annual Meeting of the Orton Dyslexia Society. Tampa, FL, November 1988.

12. Vail, P. Smart Kids with School Problems. New York: Dutton, 1987.

13. Duffy, F., and N. Geshwind. Dyslexia. Boston: Little Brown, 1985.

14. Obler, L. K., and D. Fein, eds. Op. cit.

15. Geshwind,. N. "The brain of a learning disabled individual." Annals of Dyslexia 34, 1984.

16. Geshwind, N., and P. Behan. "Left-handedness: Association with immune disease, migraine, and developmental learning disorder." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, USA, 79, 1982, pp. 5097-5100.

17. Galaburda, A. Personal communication. November 1988.

18. Galaburda, A. "Ordinary and extraordinary brains: Nature, nurture, and dyslexia." Address presented at the Annual Meeting of the Orton Dyslexia Society. Tampa, FL, November 1988.

19. Duane, D. D. "Dyslexia: pure and plus: A model behavioral syndrome." Address presented at the Annual Meeting of the Orton Dyslexia Society. Tampa, FL, November 1988.

20. Rourke, B. "The syndrome of nonverbal learning disorders." The Clinical Neuropsychologist 2 (4), 1988, pp. 293-330.

21. Potchen, E. J. "Disorders of the language system including dyslexia and learning disabilities." Address presented at the Annual Meeting of the Orton Dyslexia Society. Tampa, FL, November 1988.

CHAPTER 8: WHY CAN'T THEY PAY ATTENTION?

1. Aubin, M. Personal communication. October 1988.

2. Picton, T., et al. "Attention and the brain." In S. Friedman et al., The Brain, Cognition, and Education. New York: Academic Press, 1986.

3. Posner, M. "Attention and the control of cognition." In S. Friedman et al., op. cit.

4. Johnston, W., and V. Dark. "Selective attention." Annual Review of Psychology 37, 1986, pp. 43-75.

5. Ceci, S., ed. Handbook of Cognitive, Social, and Neuropsychological Aspects of Learning Disabilities, Vol. II. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1987.

6. Whalen, C., and B. Henker. Hyperactive Children. New York: Academic Press, 1980.

7. Bigler, N., et al. "Educational perspectives on attention deficit disorder." Paper presented at the international ACLD Conference. Las Vegas, February 1988.

8. Whalen, C., and B. Henker. Hyperactive Children. New York: Academic Press, 1980.

9. Kirby, E., and L. Grimley. Understanding and Treating Attention Deficit Disorder. New York: Pergamon, 1986.

10. Pelham, W. "The combination of behavior therapy and methylphenidate in the treatment of attention deficit disorders: A therapy outcome study." In L. Bloomingdale, ed., Attention Deficit Disorder, Vol. 3. Oxford: Pergamon, 1988.

11. Silver, L. "The confusion relating to Ritalin." ACW Newsbriefs, September 1988.

12. McGuinness, D. When Children Don't Learn. New York: Basic Books, 1985, pp. 200-201.

13. Cohen, N. "Physiological concomitants of attention in hyperactive children." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, McGill University, 1970.

14. Barkley, R. "Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder." Address presented at symposium: The Many Faces of Intelligence. Washington, D.C., Kingsbury Center, September 1988.

15. Barkley, R. "An overview of attention deficit and related disorders in childhood and adolescence." Address presented at course: Neurodevelopment and Its Implications for Attention, Emotion, and Cognition: California Neuropsychology Services. Long Beach, CA, November 1988.

16. Jacobvitz, D., and L. Sroufe. 'The early caregiver-child relationship and attention deficit disorder with hyperactivity in kindergarten: A prospective study." Child Development 58, 1987, pp. 1496-1504.

17. Mattson, A., et al. "40 Hertz EEG activity in LD and normal children." Poster presentation, International Neuropsychological Society. Vancouver, BC, February 1989.

18. Best, C. T:, ed. Hemispheric Function and Collaboration in the Child. New York: Academic Press, 1985.

19. Welsh, M., and B. Pennington. "Assessing frontal lobe functioning in children: Views from developmental psychology." Developmental Neuropsychology 4 (3), 1988, pp. 199-230.

20. Brody, J. "Widespread abuse of drugs by pregnant women is found." New York Times, August 30, 1988.

21. Education Week, June 1, 1988.

22. "Get the lead out of your water." PTA Today, February 1988.

23. New York Times, April 12, 1989, p. 1.

24. Hartman, D. Neuropsychological Toxicology. New York: Pergamon, 1988.

25. Flax, E. "Pesticides in schools: Focus shifting from indifference to concern." Education Week, April 20, 1988.

26. "In California district, chemicals are used as last resort." Education Week, April 20, 1988.

27. Levine, A., and D. Krahn. "Food and behavior." In Morley, J., et al., eds., Nutritional Modulation of Neural Functioning. New York: Academic Press, 1988.

28. Wurtman, R., and J. Wurtman. Nutrition and the Brain, vols. 4, 6, and 7. New York: Raven, 1979, 1983, 1986.

29. Winick, M. Nutrition in Health and Disease. New York: Wiley, 1980.

30. Winick, M. Malnutrition and Brain Development. New York: Oxford University Press, 1976.

31. Kane, P. Food Makes the Difference. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1985.

32. Chollar, S. "Food for thought." Psychology Today, April 1988, pp. 30-34.

33. Conners, K. Feeding the Brain: How Foods Affect Children. New York: Plenum Press, 1989.

34. Conners, K. "The phenomenology and neurophysiology of attention: Foods, drugs and attention in children." Address presented at course: Neurodevelopment and Its Implications for Attention, Emotion, and Cognition: California Neuropsychology Services. Long Beach, CA, November 1988.

35. Wurtman, R., and E. Ritter-Walker. Dietary Phenylalanine and Brain Function. Boston: Birkhauser, 1988.

36. Nation's School Report 14 (2), 1988.

37. "Army softens basic training." Cleveland Plain Dealer, April 17, 1989, p. 1.

38. Allen, G. "Why we need to improve youth fitness." PTA Today, February 1987.

39. Nation's School Report 14 (2), 1988.

40. Miller, N., and L. Melamed. "Neuropsychological correlates of academic achievement." Poster presentation, International Neuropsychological Society. Vancouver, BC, February 1989.

41. Phillips, S. "The toddler and the preschooler." Unit for Child Studies, Selected Papers no. 29, New South Wales University, 1984 (ED 250 097).

42. Ayres, A. J. Sensory Integration and Learning Disorders. Los Angeles Western Psychological Services, 1972.

43. Ayres, A. J. "Improving academic scores through integration." Journal of Learning Disabilities 11, 1978, pp. 242-45.

44. Weikart, P. Round the Circle: Key Experiences in Movement. Ypsilanti, MI: High Scope Press, 1986.

45. Weilcart, P. Personal communication. November 1988.

46. Mills, J. "Noise and children." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 58 (4), 1975, p. 776.

47. Deutsch, D., ed. The Psychology of Music. New York: Academic Press, 1982.

48. Breitling, D., et al. "Auditory perception of music measured by brain electrical activity mapping." Neuropsychologia 25 (5), 1987, pp. 765-74.

49. Pareles, J. "What'd they say? Awop-bop a loo-bop." New York Times, August 8, 1988.

50. Pareles, J. "New-age music booms softly." New York Times, November 29, 1988.

51. Zentall, S., and T. Zentall. "Optimal stimulation: A model of disordered activity and performance in normal and deviant children." Psychological Bulletin 94 (3), 1983, pp. 446-71.

52. Luddington-Hoe, S. "Infant development and care." Symposium sponsored by Symposia Medicus. Cleveland, November 1988.

53. Levy, J. Personal communication. November 1988.

54. Schreckenberg, G., and H. Bird. "Neural plasticity of MUS musculus in response to disharmonic sound." Bulletin of the New Jersey Academy of Sciences 32, 1987, pp. 77-86.

CHAPTER 9: THE STARVING EXECUTIVE

1. Posner, M., and F. Friedrich. "Attention and the control of cognition." In Klivington et al., eds., The Brain, Cognition, and Education. New York: Academic Press, 1986, p. 100.

2. DenckIa, M. Personal communication. September 1988.

3. Snyder, V. "Use of self-monitoring of attention with LD students: Research and application." Learning Disability Quarterly 10 (2), 1987, pp. 139-51.

4. Palfrey et al. 'The emergence of attention deficits in early childhood: A prospective study." Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics 6 (6), 1986, pp. 339- 348.

5. Lambert, N. "Adolescent outcomes for hyperactive children." American Psychologist 43 (10), 1988, pp. 786-99.

6. Pollard, S., et al. "The effects of parent training and Ritalin on the parent-child interactions of hyperactive boys." Family and Behavior Therapy 5 (4), 1983, pp. 51-69.

7. Barkley, R. "What is the role of parent group training in the treatment of ADD children? Journal of Children in Contemporary Society 19 (1, 2), 1986, pp. 143-51.

8. Rapport, M. "Ritalin vs. response cost in the control of hyperactive children: A within-subject comparison." Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis 15 (2), 1982, pp. 205-16.

9. Wells, K. "What do we know about the use and effects of behavior therapies in the treatment of ADD?" Journal of Children in Contemporary Society 19 (1, 2), 1986, pp. 111-22.

10. Patemite, C., and J. Loney. "Childhood hyperkinesis and home environment." In C. Whalen and B. Henker, 005., Hyperactive Children. New York: Academic Press, 1980.

11. Campbell, W., et al. "Correlates and predictors of hyperactivity and aggression." Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology 14 (2), 1986, pp. 217-34.

12. Meichenbaum, D. Cognitive-Behavior Modification: An Integrative Approach. New York: Plenum, 1977.

13. Vocate, D. R. The Theory of A. R. Luria. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1987, p. 136.

14. Vygotsky, L. Thought and Language. A. Kozulin, ed. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1986.

15. Ibid., p. 228.

16. Waters, H., and V. Tinsley. "The development of verbal self-regulation." In Kuczai, S., ed., Language Development, Vol. 2. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1982.

17. Ibid.

18. Duckworth, E. "Understanding children's understandings." Paper presented at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. Toronto, 1981, pp. 51-52.

19. Cazden, C. Classroom Discourse. Portsmouth, New Hampshire: Heineman, 1988, p. 102.

20. Bruner, J. Actual Minds, Possible Worlds. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986.

21. Rakic, P., and P. Goldman-Rakic. Development and modifiability of the cerebral cortex." Neurosciences Research Program Bulletin 20 (4), 1982.

22. Noava, O., and A. Ardilla. "Linguistic abilities in patients with prefrontal damage." Brain and Language 30, 1987, pp. 206-25.

23. Goldman-Rakic, P: "Development of cortical circuitry and cognitive function." Child Development 58, pp. 601-22.

24. Becker, M., Isaac, W., and G. Hynd. "Neuropsychological development of nonverbal behaviors attributed to frontal lobe functioning." Developmental Neuropsychology 3 (3, 4), 1987, pp. 275-98.

25. Welsh, M., and B. Pennington. "Assessing frontal-lobe functioning in children." Developmental Neuropsychology 4 (3), 1988, pp. 199-230.

26. Friedman, S., K. Klivington, and R. Peterson. The Brain, Cognition, and Education. New York: Academic Press, 1986.

27. Klivington, K. Personal communication. August 1988.

CHAPTER 10: TV, VIDEO GAMES, AND THE GROWING BRAIN

1. e.g., Palmer, E. Television and American Children: A Crisis of Neglect. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988. Greenfield, P. Mind and Media. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984.

2. Fox, N., and M. Fanyo. "Turn off the television and turn on reading." Reading Today, April/May 1988, p. 11.

3. Winick, M., and J. Wehrenberg. Children and TV Two. Washington: ACEI, 1982.

4. Walberg, H., and T. Shanahan. "High school effects on individual students." Educational Researcher 12 (7), 1983, pp. 4-9.

5. Winn, M. Unplugging the Plug-In Drug. New York: Penguin, 1987.

6. Liebert, R., and J. Sprafkin. The Early Window. New York: Pergamon, 1988.

7. Languis, M., and M. Wittrock. "Integrating neuropsychological and cognitive research: A perspective for bridging the brain-behavior relationship." In J. Obrzut and G. Hynd, eds., Child Neuropsychology, vol. 1. New York: Academic Press, 1986.

8. Anderson, D., and P. Collins. The impact on children's education: Television's influence on cognitive development. Office of Educational Research and Improvement, U.S. Department of Education, April 1988, p. 34.

9. Anderson, D. Personal communication. March 1989.

10. Singer, J. Personal communication. March 1989.

11. Beentjes, J., and T. Van der Voort. "Television's impact on children's reading skills: A review of research." Reading Research Quarterly 23 (4), 1988, pp. 389-413.

12. Goleman, D. "Infants under 2 seem to learn from TV." New York Times, November 22, 1988.

13. Liebert, R. and J. Sprafkin. The Early Window. New York: Pergamon, 1988.

14. Reeves, B., et al. "Attention to television: Intrastimulus effects of movement and scene changes on alpha variation over time." International Journal of Neuroscience 27, 1985, pp. 241-55.

15. Moody, K. Growing Up on Television. New York: Times Books, 1980.

16. Mander, J. Four Arguments for the Elimination of Television. New York: Morrow Quill, 1978.

17. Emery, F., and M. Emery. A Choice of Futures: To Enlighten or Inform? Canberra: Center for Continuing Education, Australian National University, 1975.

18. Anderson, D., and P. Collins. Op. cit., p. 52.

19. Reeves, B. Personal communication. March 1989.

20. Bryant, J. Personal communication. March 1989.

21. Anderson, D. '''The influence of television on children's attentional abilities." Paper commissioned by Children's Television Workshop, University of Massachusetts, 1985.

22. Anderson, D., and •P. Collins. Op. cit., p. 34.

23. Ibid., p. 65.

24. Krugman, H. "Brain wave measures of media involvement." Journal of Advertising Research 2 (1), 1971, pp. 3-9.

25. Emery, M., and F. Emery. "The vacuous vision: The TV medium." Journal of University Film Association 32 (1, 2), 1980, pp. 27-31.

26. Mulholand, T. "Objective EEG methods for studying covert shifts in visual attention." In F. J. McGuigan and R. Schoonover, eds., The Psychophysiology of Thinking. New York: Academic Press, 1973.

27. Featherman, G., et al. Electroencephalographic and Electrooculographic Correlates of Television Viewing. Final Technical Report: National Science Foundation Student-Oriented Studies. Amherst: Hampshire College, 1979.

28. Walker, J. "Changes in EEG rhythms during television viewing." Perceptual and Motor Skills 51, 1980, pp. 255-61.

29. Radlick, M. "The processing demands of television." Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Troy, NY: Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, 1980.

30. Burns, J., and D. Anderson. "Cognition and watching television." In D. Tupper and K. Cicerone, eds., Neuropsychology of Everyday Life. Boston: Kluwer, in press.

31. Yosawitz, A. Personal communication. February 1989.

32. Turkle, S. The Second Self: Computers and the Human Spirit. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1984.

33. Bracy, O., et al. "Cognitive Retaining Through Computers: Fact or Fad? Cognitive Rehabilitation, March 1985, pp. 10-23.

34. Siegel, L. Personal communication, February 1989.

35. Harter, R. Personal communication. March 1989.

36. Singer, J. '''The power and limitations of television: A cognitive-affective analysis." In P. Tannenbaum, ed., The Entertainment Functional of Television. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1980, p. 61.

37. Winn, M. The Plug-In Drug. New York: Viking Press, 1977, pp. 42, 47.

38. Emery, M., and F. Emery. '''The vacuous vision: The TV medium." Journal of the University Film Association 32 (1, 2), 1980, p. 30.

39. See, e.g., S. Weinstein et al., "Brain-activity responses to magazine and television advertising." Journal of Advertising Research 20 (3), 1980, pp. 57-63.

40. Springer, S., and G. Deutsch. Left Brain, Right Brain, revised edition. New York: W. H. Freeman, 1985.

41. Kirk, U. Neuropsychology of Language, Reading, and Spelling. New York: Academic Press, 1983.

42. Calvert et al. '''The relation between selective attention to television forms and cl1iIdren's comprehension of content." Child Development 53, 1982, pp. 601-10.

43. de Kerckhove, D. "Critical brain processes." In D. de Kerckhove and C. Lumsden, eds., The Alphabet and the Brain. Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 1988, p. 417.

44. Ibid. General Introduction.

45. Maehara, K., et al. "Handedness in the Japanese." Developmental Neuropsychology 4 (2), 1988, pp. 117-27.

46. Springer, S., and G. Deutsch. Left Brain, Right Brain, revised edition. New York: W. H. Freeman, 1985.

47. Neville, H., et al. "ERP studies of cerebral specialization during reading." Brain and Language 16, 1982, pp. 316-37.

48. Bakker, D., and J. Vinke. "Effects of hemisphere-specific stimulation on brain activity and reading in dyslexics." Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology 7 (5), 1985, pp. 505-25.

49. Bakker, D. '''The brain as a dependent variable." Journal of Clinical Neuropsychology 6 (I), 1984, pp. 1-16.

50. Bakker, D., and S. Glaude. "Prediction and prevention of L- and P-type dyslexia." Poster Session, Annual Meeting: International Neuropsychological Society. Vancouver, BC, February 1989.

51. Heller, W. Personal communication. April 1989.

52. Best, C. Hemispheric Function and Collaboration in the Child. New York: Academic Press, 1985.

53. Witelson, S., and D. Kigar. "Anatomical development of the corpus callosum in humans." In D. Molfese and S. Segalowitz, eds., Brain Lateralization in Children: Developmental Implications. New York: Guilford Press, 1988.

54. Levy, J. "Single-mindedness in the asymmetric brain." In Best, op. cit., p. 27.

55. Levy, J. Personal communication. November 1989.

56. Segalowitz, S. Personal communication. February 1989.

57. Welsh, M., and K. Cuneo. "Perseveration in young children." Poster session, Annual Meeting: International Neuropsychological Society. Vancouver, BC, February 1989.

CHAPTER 11: SESAME STREET AND THE DEATH OF READING

1. Katz, L. Engaging Children's Minds. Norwood, NJ: Ablex, 1989.

2. Katz, L. "Engaging children's minds." Address presented at Annual Meeting, National Association of Independent Schools. Chicago, March 1989.

3. Sesame Street. Morning edition, National Public Radio, December 1988.

4. Kaufman, F., vice president for public affairs, Children's Television Workshop. Personal communication. March 1989.

5. Education Week, June 15, 1988, p. 5.

6. Mielke, K., vice president for research, Children's Television Workshop. Personal communication. March, 1989.

7. Benbow, M. "Development of handwriting." Lecture presented at Smith College Day School. Northampton, MA, October 1989.

8. Healy, J. Your Child's Growing Mind. New York: Doubleday, 1989.

9. Beck, I., and P. Carpenter. "Cognitive approaches to word reading." American Psychologist 41 (10), 1986, pp. 1098-1105.

10. Beck, I., and P. Carpenter. "Cognitive approaches to understanding reading." American Psychologist 41 (10), 1986, pp. 1098-1105.

11. Lundberg, I., and T. Hoien. "Case studies of reading development among normal and disabled readers in Scandinavia." Paper presented at 39th Annual Conference, Orton Dyslexia Society. Tampa, FL, November 1988.

12. Rice, M., and P. Haight. "'Motherese' of Mr. Rogers: A description of the dialogue of educational television programs." Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders 51, 1986, pp. 282-87.

13. Jensen, J., and D. Neff. "Differential maturation of auditory abilities in preschool children." Paper presented Annual Meeting: International Neuropsychological Society. Vancouver, BC, February 1989.

14. Jensen, J. Personal communication. February 1989.

15. Wood, K., and L. Richman. "Developmental trends within memory-deficient reading-disability subtypes." Developmental Neuropsychology 4 (4), 1988, pp. 261-74.

16. Rice, M., and L. Woodsmall. "Lessons from television." Child Development (in press).

17. Singer, J. ''The power and limitations of television: A cognitive-affective analysis." In P. Tannenbaum, ed., The Entertainment Functions of Television. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1980.

18. Rice, M., et al. Words from Sesame Street: Learning Vocabulary while Viewing. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, in press.

19. Cook, T., et al. Sesame Street Revisited. New York: Russell Sage, 1975.

20. Aulls, M. "Research into practice." Reading Today, February 3, 1988, p. 6.

21. Postman, N. Amusing Ourselves to Death. New York: Elizabeth Sifton/Viking, 1985.

22. Statement of instructional goals for the twentieth experimental season of Sesame Street (1988-89).

23. Meringoff, L. "Influence of the medium on children's story apprehension." Journal of Educational Psychology 72, 1980, pp. 240-49.

24. Tamis-LeMonda, C., and M. Bornstein. "Is there a 'sensitive period' in human mental development?" In M. Bornstein, ed., Sensitive Periods in Development. Hillsdale: NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1987.

25. Halpern, W. "Turned-on toddlers." Journal of Communication, Autumn 1975, pp. 66-70.

26. Singer, J., ibid., p. 55.

27. Singer, ibid., p. 54.

28. Ibid., p. 55.

29. Bums, J., and D. Anderson. "Cognition and watching television." In D. Tupper and K. Cicerone, eds., Neuropsychology of Everyday Life. Boston: Kluwer, in press.

30. Pressley, M., et al. "Short term memory, verbal competence, and age as predictors of imagery instructional effectiveness." Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 43, 1987, pp. 194-211.

31. Greenfield, P., et al. "Is the medium the message?" Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 7, 1986, pp. 201-18.

32. Sesame Street. Morning edition, National Public Radio, December 1988.

CHAPTER 12: "DISADVANTAGED" BRAINS

1. Lerner, R., and K. Hood. "Plasticity in development: Concepts and issues for intervention." Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 7, 1986, pp. 139-52.

2. Education Week, February 22, 1989, p. 15.

3. Winick, M., et al. "Malnutrition and environmental enrichment by early adoption." Science 190, 1975, pp. 1173-86.

4. Hechinger, F. "A better start." Address given at Annual Meeting, National Association of Independent Schools. New York, February 1988.

5. Brooks, A. "Children of fast-track parents." Address given at Annual Meeting, National Association of Independent Schools. New York, February 1988.

6. Brooks, A. Children of Fast-Track Parents, New York: Viking, 1989.

7. Brooks, A. Personal communication. March 1989.

8. New York Times, December 26, 1988.

9. Brislin, R. W. "Human diversity: Race, culture, class, and ethnicity." G. Stanley Hall Address presented at Annual Meeting, American Psychological Association. New York, August 1987.

10. Cazden, C. Classroom Discourse. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1988.

11. Havighurst, R. 'The relative importance of social class and ethnicity in human development." Human Development 19, 1976, pp. 56-64.

12. Graham, S. "Can attribution theory tell us something about motivation in blacks?" Educational Psychologist 23 (1), 1988, pp. 3-21.

13. Largo, R., et al. "Language development of term and preterm children during the first five years of life." Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology 28, 1986, pp. 333-50.

14. Gunarsa, S., et al. "Cognitive development of children." Symposium: Preparation for Adulthood, Third Asian Workshop on Child and Adolescent Development. Malaysia, 1984.

15. Reeves, S. "Self-interest and the common weal: Focusing on the bottom half." Education Week, April 27, 1988.

16. Wells, G. Language, Learning, and Education. Philadelphia: NFER-NELSON" 1985.

17. Thanks to Dr. Elyse Fleming for her suggestion of this term.

18. Schorr, L., and D. Schorr. Within Our Reach. New York: Anchor/Doubleday, 1988.

19: Laboratory of Comparative Human Cognition. "Contributions of cross-cultural research to educational practice." American Psychologist, October 1986, p. 1053.

20. McCall, R. "Developmental function, individual differences, and the plasticity of intelligence." In J. Gallagher and C. Ramey, 005., The Malleability of Children. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes, 1987, p. 33.

21. Pogrow, S. "Teaching thinking to at-risk elementary students." Educational Leadership, April 1988, p. 80.

22. Coles, R. The Call of Stories: Teaching and the Moral Imagination. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1989.

23. Whimbey, A., and J. Lockheed. Problem Soloing and Comprehension. Philadelphia: The Franklin Institute, 1982.

24. Smith, J., and J. Caplan. "Cultural differences in cognitive style development." Developmental Psychology 24 (I), 1988, pp. 46-52.

25. Laboratory of Comparative Human Cognition, op. cit., p. 1053.

26. Alvarez, G. "Effects of material deprivation on neurological functioning." Social Science and Medicine 17 (16), 1983, pp. 1097-1105.

27. Blount, B., and M. Sanches. Sociocultural Dimensions of Language Change. New York: Academic Press, 1977.

28. Siegel, L. "Home environmental influences of cognitive development in preterm and full-term children during the first five years." In A. Gottfried, ed., Home Environment and Early Cognitive Development. Orlando, FL: Academic Press, 1984.

29. Norman-Jackson, E. "Family interactions, language development and primary reading achievement of black children in families of low income." Child Development 53, 1982, pp. 349-58.

30. Cazden, C., op. cit.

31. Hemphill, L. "Context and conversational style. " Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, UMI no. 86-20, 1986, p. 703.

32. Cazden, C., op. cit., p. 192.

33. Bruner, J. Actual Minds, Possible worlds. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986.

34. Heath, S. "What no bedtime story means: Narrative skills at home and school." Language in Society 11, 1982, pp. 49-76.

35. Whitehurst, G., et al. '''The effects of parent questions on children's reading abilities." Developmental Psychology 24, 1988, pp. 552-59.

36. Alvarez, G., op. cit., pp. 1099, 1102.

37. Flashman, L., and I. Knopf. '''The relationship between sustained attention and short-term memory in kindergarten children." Poster session, Annual Meeting, International Neuropsychological Society. Vancouver, BC, February 1989.

38. Geffner, D., and I. Hochberg. "Ear laterality performance of children from low and middle socioeconomic levels on a verbal dichotic listening task." Cortex 7, 1971, pp. 193-203.

39. Borowy, R., and R. Goebel. "Cerebral lateralization of speech: The effects of age, sex, race, and social class." Neuropsychologia 14, 1976, pp. 363-70.

40. Barwick, M., L. Siegel, and J. Van Duzer. '''The nature of reading disability in an adult population." Poster session, Annual Meeting, International Neuropsychological Society. Vancouver, BC, February 1989.

41. Waber, D., et al. "SES-related aspects of neuropsychological performance." Child Development 55, 1984, pp. 1878-86.

42. Waber, D. 'The biological boundaries of cognitive styles: A neuropsychological analysis." In T. Globerson and T. Zelniker, eds., Cognitive Style and Cognitive Development. New York: Ablex, in press.

43. Springer, S., and G. Deutsch. Left Brain, Right Brain. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1981, p. 142.

44. Springer, S., and G. Deutsch. Left Brain, Right Brain, 2nd edition. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1985, p. 242.

45. Scott, S., et al. "Cerebral speech lateralization in the Native American Navajo." Neuropsychologia 17, 1979, pp. 89-92.

46. Rogers, L., et al. "Hemispheric specialization of language: An EEG study of bilingual Hopi Indian children." International Journal of Neuroscience 8, 1977, pp. 1-6.

47. McKeever, L., et al. "Language dominance in Navajo children: Importance of the language context." Poster session, Annual Meeting, International Neuropsychological Society. Vancouver, BC, February 1989.

48. Becker, M., et. al. "Neuropsychological development of nonverbal behaviors attributed to 'frontal lobe' functioning," Developmental Neuropsychology 3 (4), 1987, pp. 275-98.

49. Waber, D. Personal communication. March 1989.

50. Angoff, W. "The nature-nurture debate, aptitudes, and group differences." American Psychologist 43 (9), 1988, p. 713.

51. Scarr, S., and R. Weinberg. "IQ test performance of black children adopted by white families." American Psychologist 31, 1976, pp. 726-39.

52. Scarr, S., and J. Arnett. "Malleability: Lessons from intervention and family studies," In J. Gallagher and C. Ramey, eds., The Malleability of Children. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes, 1987, pp. 78-9.

53. Duyme, M. "School and social class: An adoption study." Developmental Psychology 24 (2), 1988, pp. 203-9.

54. Scarr, S., and R. Weinberg. 'The influence of "family background" on intellectual attainment." American Sociological Review 43, 1978, pp. 674-92.

55. Diamond, M. Enriching Heredity. New York: Free Press, 1988, p. 96.

56. Kiyono, S., et al. "Facilitative effects of maternal environmental enrichment on maze learning in rat offspring." Physiology & Behavior 34, 1985, pp. 431-35.

57. Scarr, S., and J. Arnett, op cit., p. 74.

58. Schorr, L., and D. Schorr, op. cit.

59. Scholnick, E. "Influences on plasticity: Problems of definition." Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology 7, 1986, pp. 131-38.

60. Manrique, B. Personal communication. June 1988.

61. Manrique, B. Personal communication. June 1988.

62. Caldwell, B. "Sustaining intervention effects," In Gallagher, J., and C. Ramey, eds., The Malleability of Children. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes, 1987, p. 91.

63. Rothman, R. "A district ties goals to success," Education Week, March 22, 1989.

64. Bracey, G. "Advocates of basic skills 'know what ain't so,'" Education Week, April 5, 1989.

65. Zigler, E., and J. Freedman. "Early experience, malleability, and Head Start," In J. Gallagher and C. Ramey, eds., The Malleability of Children. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes, 1987, p. 91.

CHAPTER 13: NEW BRAINS: NEW SCHOOLS?

1. Costa, A. "The school as home for the mind." Address delivered at Education Summit Conference. Fairfax, VA, June 1988.

2. Costa, A. Personal communication. June 1988.

3. White, Merry. The Japanese Educational Challenge. New York: The Free Press, 1987.

4. Kohn, A. No Contest: The Case Against Competition. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1986.

5. "Teachers complain of lack of parental support." New York Times, December 12, 1988.

6. Comer, J. Issues '88. Washington: National Education Association, 1988.

7. White, B. "Helping children actualize their potential." Human Intelligence Newsletter 9 (3), 1988, pp. 3-5.

8. Bartolome, Paz. "The changing family and early childhood education." In Changing Family Lifestyles. Washington: ACEI, 1982, p. 11.

9. Pratt, M., et al. "Mothers and fathers teaching 3-year-olds." .Developmental Psychology 24 (6), 1988, pp. 832-39.

10. McGuinness, D. "Reading failure: Causes and cures." Paper presented at Annual Meeting, Orton Dyslexia Society. Tampa, FL, November 1988.

11. Lindamood, P. Personal communication. November 1988.

12. Blachman, B. Discussant, Symposium on Phonological Processes in Literacy. Annual Meeting, Orton Dyslexia Society. Tampa, FL, November 1988.

13. Winn, D. "Develop listening skills as a part of the curriculum." The Reading Teacher, November 1988, pp. 144-46.

14. Cazden, C. Classroom Discourse. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1988.

15. Hamilton, A. J. "Challenging verbal passivity." NEATE Leaflet 85 (1), 1986, p. 22.

16. Taxonomy of questions adapted from B. Bloom et al. Taxonomy of Educational Objectives: Cognitive Domain. New York: McKay, 1956.

17. Goodman, K. What's Whole in Whole Language? Exeter, NH: Heinemann, 1986.

18. Calkins, L. The Art of Teaching Writing. Exeter, NH: Heinemann, 1986.

19. Newman, J. Whole Language: Theory in Use. Exeter, NH: Heinemann, 1985.

20. Altwerger, B., et al. "Whole Language: What's New?" The Reading Teacher, November 1987.

21. Harman, S., and C. Edelsky. 'The risks of whole language literacy: Alienation and connection." Language Arts 66 (4), 1989, pp. 392-406.

22. Heath, S., "Questioning at home and at school." In G. Spindler, ed., Doing the Ethnography of Schooling. New York: Holt, Rinehart, &: Winston, 1982.

23. Tharp, R. "Psychocultural variables and constants." American Psychologist 44 (2), 1989, pp. 349-59.

24. "Peer mediation: When students agree not to disagree." Education Week, May 25, 1988.

25. "Schoolyard diplomacy." Children, June. 1988.

26. Barbieri, E. "Talents unlimited." Educational Leadership, April 1988, p. 35.

CHAPTER 14: TEACHING THE NEW GENERATION TO THINK: HUMAN AND COMPUTER MODELS AT SCHOOL AND AT HOME

1. Wilson, M. "Critical thinking: Repackaging or revolution?" Language Arts 65 (6), 1988, pp. 543-51.

2. Perkins, D. "Mindware: The new science of learnable intelligence." Address delivered at Education Summit Conference. Fairfax, VA, June 1988.

3. Wiggins, G. "10 'radical' suggestions for school reform." Education Week, March 9, 1988, p. 28.

4. Education Week, October 19, 1988, p. 5.

5. Eisner, E. "The ecology of school improvement." Educational Leadership, February 1988, pp. 24-29.

6. Resnick, L. "On learning research." Educational Leadership, December 1988, p. 12.

7. Kiewra, B. "Verbal control processes and working memory." Educational Psychologist, Winter 1988, p. 42.

8. Feuerstein, R. "Mediated learning: An open system." Address delivered at Education Summit Conference. Fairfax, VA, June 1988.

9. Ibid.

10. Hirsch, E. D., Jr. Cultural Literacy: What Every American Needs to Know. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987.

11. Kett, J. Personal communication. October 1988.

12. New York Times, "Education Life," April 9, 1989.

13. Palmer, E. Television and America's Children: A Crisis of Neglect. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988.

14. Ibid., p. xxii.

15. Greenfield, P. Mind and Media. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984.

16. Posner, M. Personal communication. August 1988.

17. Herron, J. Personal communication. April 1989.

18. Schwartz, J. "Closing the gap between education and the schools," In M. A. White, ed., What Curriculum for the Information Age? Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1987, p. 70.

19. Weizenbaum, J. Computer Power and Human Reason. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1976.

20. Boden, M. Artificial intelligence and Natural Man. New York: Basic Books, 1987.

21. Rutkowsa, J., and C. Crook. Computers, Cognition, and Development. New York: John Wiley, 1987.

22. Forbes, August 27, 1984, p. 156.

23. Katz, L. Personal communication. March 1989.

24. Frith, U. Autism:, Explaining the Enigma. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989.

CHAPTER 15: EXPANDING MINDS

1. Ogbu, J. "Cultural influences on plasticity in human development," In J. Gallagher and C. Ramey, eds., The Malleability of Children. Baltimore: Paul H. Brookes, 1987, p. 159.

2. Gould, S. J. The Mismeasure of Man. New York: Norton, 1981, p. 325. 3. Ibid., p. 331.

4. Gould, S. J. Ever Since Darwin. New York: Norton, 1977, p. 45.

5. Potts, R. Quoted in U.S. News and World Report, January 27, 1989, p. 59.

6. Bruner, J. Personal communication. September 15, 1988.

7. Education for a Democratic Future. Committee on Correspondence on the Future of Public Education, New York, 1984.

8. Technology and the American Tradition. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1988.

9. Vail, P. Personal communication. June 1988.

10. White, M. A. "The third learning revolution." Electronic Learning, January 1988, p. 6.

11. Schwartz, J. "Closing the gap between education and the schools." In M. A. White, ed., What Curriculum for the Information Age? Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1987.

12. Zukav, G. The Dancing Wu Li Masters. New York: Bantam Books, 1979.

13. John-Steiner, V. Notebooks of the Mind. New York: Harper &: Row, 1985.

14. Ferguson, E. "The mind's eye: Nonverbal thought in technology." Science 197 (4306), 1977, pp. 827-36.

15. Grubb, R. Personal communication. June 1988.

16. Weiskrantz, L. Thought Without Language. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988.

17. O'Neill, C. Personal communication. October 1988.

18. Logan, R. The Alphabet Effect. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986.

19. de Kerckhove, D: "Critical brain processes involved in deciphering the Greek alphabet." In D. de Kerckhove and C. Lumsden, eds., The Alphabet and the Brain. New York: Springer-Verlag, 1987, pp. 416-17.

20. John-Steiner, V. Op. cit.

21. Hunt, M. The Universe Within. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1982, p. 315.

22. Ravitch, D. "Technology and the curriculum." In White, M. A., ed., What Curriculum for the Information Age? Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1987.
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Re: Endangered Minds: Why Children Don't Think, And What We

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Index

abortion, spontaneous, 59
abuse, child, 236
ACT (American College Testing
Program), 17
active learning, 71-73, 297-300
ADHD, see attention deficit with
or without hyperactivity disorder
adopted children, 262-64
Age of Reason, 87
air pollution, 164, 238
alcohol, fetal brain development
and, 60, 163-64
aliteracy, 23
Allen, George, 169
allergic (autoimmune) disease,
147
allergies, 166
AU the King's Men (Warren), 25
alphabet, 212, 223-26, 342-45
Alphabet and the Brain, The (de
Kerckhove), 212
Alphabet Effect, The (Logan), 343
alpha waves, 173, 203-4, 231
aluminum, 60, 164
Alvarez, Gonzalo, 253, 256-57
amblyopia, 76-77
American Academy of Pediatrics,
168
American College Testing Pro-
gram (ACT), 17
American Federation of Teachers,
20
American Psychological Association,
243
367
American Sign Language (ASL),
115
Amusing Ourselves to Death
(Postman), 87
Anderson, Daniel, 197-98, 200,
202-3, 204
Anderson, John, 169
Angoff, William H., 262
Animal Farm (Orwell), 98
animals:
brain of human beings vs., 53-
54, 149
music and, 175 .
antisocial behavior, 154, 158, 250,
306
Army, U.S., 168-69
arsenic, 60, 164
artificial intelligence, 322r-23
ASL (American Sign Language),
115
aspartame (NutraSweet), 166,
167-68, 169
Association for Children with
Learning Disabilities, 61
Association for Supervision and
Curriculum Development,
42, 153
attention deficit with or without
hyperactivity disorder
(ADHD), 13~1, 149, 153,
177, 186, 192, 250
antisocial behavior and, 154,
158
categories of, 154
cognitive therapy for, 156
attention deficit with or without
hyperactivity disorder
(ADHD) (cont.)
definition of, 139-40
diagnosis of, 155
dyslexia and, 146
emotional factors in, 156
environment and heredity and,
158-59, 178, 192
hyperactivity and, 139-41, 154,
157
learning disabilities and, 139-
141, 149
motivational control of, 157-58
rule-governed behavior and,
157-58
statistics on, 140, 179
attention spans, 13-15, 41-42,
137, 151-92, 302-3, 313
attention systems in, 159-62
brain development and, 138,
159-62
diet and, 162, 165-68
involuntary vs. voluntary, 231
learning and, 154
parental attention and, 177-82
reward systems and, 158-59
television and, 42, 153, 199,
215, 216, 228, 231
auditory cortex, 75
autoimmune (allergic) disease,
147
automatic codes, 125
autoplasticity, 314
axons, 51, 66
Ayres, Jean, 171

back-to-basics movements, 279
Baker, Russell, 120
Bakker, Dirk, 212-13
Barkley, Russell, 157-58
basal readers, 36, 298, 300
beat, internal sense of, 171-72
behavioral teratology, 59
Bernstein, Jane Holmes, 57-58,
73, 79-81
beta waves, 173
birds, neural development of, 149
birth defects, 58-59
birthweight, low, 162
blacks:
class and, 244-46
improved SAT scores of, 18
underclass as stereotype for,
244
whites' adoption of, 263
blood-brain barrier, 163, 164, 167
body language, 109, 125, 344
books:
textbooks, 36-37, 116
trade, 298
Bowers, Reveta, 241
Boyer, Ernest, 320
Bracey, Gerald W., 273
brain, 47-82
alcohol and, 50, 163-64
alphabet and, 212, 342-45
alpha waves of, 173, 2034, 231
animal vs. human, 53-54, 149
beta waves of, 173
blood barrier of, 163, 164, 167
cells of, 51
changing nature of, 13, 45-46,
49, 52, 55, 278
computers vs., 222-23, 321-29,
331
corpus callosum of, 125, 159,
213-14
cortex of, see cortex
damage to, recovering from, 53,
131
of disadvantaged children, 237-
240, 256-58
drugs and, 50, 163-64
emotional deprivation and, 239-
240
environment and, 47-82, 261
evolution of, 333-35
experience-dependent systems
of, 54, 68-69
experience-expectant systems
of, 54, 89, 108
first year in development of,
44, 93
future demands on, 331-46
glial cells of, 51, 56, 66, 71, 73
hearing problems and, 88, 130-
131, 212
"holes" in, 63
individuality of, 58, 141-43,
149, 150 .
internal competition in, 78-79,
127
language and, 86, 106-7, 123-
134
language deprivation and, 86
left hemisphere of, see left
hemisphere of brain
limbic system of, 160-61, 239
motor-speech area of, 131
myelination of, 66-67, 69, 70
neocortex of, 56
neural plasticity of, 47-65, 67,
346
neurons of, see neurons
nutrition and, 165-68, 238
oxygen deprivation of, 163
physical development of, 56
physical fitness and, 170-72
prefrontal development of,
162, 184, 18~90, 191, 215,
260
prenatal stimulation of, 64-65
P300 wave of, 77
of rats, 47-48, 70-72, 264-65
reading and, 211-12, 214, 215-
216, 261
removing one hemisphere of,
128
right hemisphere of, see right
hemisphere of brain
screening out stimulation of,
174
stress and, 62, 167, 174, 238
stroke and, 53
television and, 199, 200-204,
208-17
timing and, 73-78, 265-66
toxic exposure and, 58, 5~1,
62, 138, 162, 164-65, 238
uncommitted tissue of, 53-54
in verbal vs. nonverbal skills,
20, 40
visual system of, 75, 76, 130
weight of, 66
writing and, 211-12, 214, 215-
216, 261, 342-45
Brain, Cognition, and Education,
The (Friedman, Klivington,
and Peterson), 191
Brazelton, T. Barry, 43
breakfast, 167
breast milk, 61
Brislin, Richard, 243, 244, 245,
246
Brooks, Andree, 240-41
Bruner, Jerome, 85, 89, 188, 254,
334-35
Bryant, Jennings, 201-2
Buchwald, Jennifer, 77
bureaucratese, 120

cadmium, 60
California Achievement Test, 28
Call of Stories, The (Coles), 249
Cannell, James, 28, 29
carbohydrates, 166
caretakers, 43-44, 240-41
inadequate learning environments
created by, 240
low pay and low skill of, 241
see also day care
Carnegie Council on Adolescent
Development, 16
cataracts, 77
cats, 75, 76, 79-80
Cazden, Courtney, 186, 243-44,
293
Chelsea (hearing-impaired
woman), 130
chemical fertilizers, 60
children:
abused, 236
adopted, 262-64
caretakers for, 240-41
disadvantaged, see disadvantaged
children
divorce and, 282, 284
of single parents, 284
wild, 129-30
Children of Fast-Track Parents
(Brooks), 240
Children's Television Workshop,
202, 221, 222, 233
chimpanzees, 107
China, People's Republic of, 140
Chinese ideographs, 343
Chopin, Frederic, 174
cigarettes, 58
Classroom Discourse (Cazden),
243
Clear and Lively Writing (Vail),
102 Cliff Notes, 22
closed class (function) words,
118-19, 126, 129, 132
Coalition of Essential Schools, 311
cocaine, 50, 164
codeine, 60
codes:
automatic, 125
elaborated, 117-19, 121, 133
restricted, 116-19
switching of, 120-22
cognitive therapy, 156
Coles, Robert, 249
collaborative learning techniques,
283
College Board, 17
Comer, James, 284-85
Committee on Correspondence on
the Future of Public Education,
335
computer hackers, 21)7
computers, 22, 40, 45, 50, 308-29
brain vs., 222-23, 321-29, 331
as educational tool, 322, 324-
329, 335-37
learning abilities promoted by,
337-38
mediated learning and, 315
nonverbal thinking and, 341
talking to, 324-25
transfer and, 327
writing on, 325-26
zone of proximal development
and, 326-27
conflict resolution, 306-7
connective thinking, 312
Conners, Keith, 166-67, 168
content (open class) words, 118-
119
contextualized instruction, 305,
312
conversation, mealtime, 252
corporations:
middle management in, 279
remedial courses offered by, 16,
86
corpus callosum, 125, 159, 213-
214
cortex, 56, 70, 75, 128
frontal lobes of, 161, 184, 18~
190, 191, 203, 215, 260
cosmetic curriculum, 67
Costa, Arthur, 42, 279
Coulter, Dee, 44, 335
Council for Basic Education, 36
Countryman, Joan, 112
Country of the Pointed Firs, The
(Jewett), 25
critical thinking, 124, 133, 257-
259, 309, 317, 31~21)
Croxton, James, 164
Cullinan, Bernice, 23
cultural evolution, 333-35
cultural literacy, 318-19
Cultural Literacy: What Every
American Needs to Know
(Hirsch), 318
culture, language and, 86-88, 89
curriculum:
cosmetic, 67
rewriting of, 312
zero-based, 273
see also schools; teaching
Curtiss, Susan, 120-30

Dancing Wu Li Masters, The
(Zukav), 340
Darling-Hammond, Linda, 27
Darwin, Charles, 333
Darwin III (computer), 78
day care, 235-37, 239
availability of, 43
language skills in, 94-95
quality of, 44
socioeconomic mix in, 235-37
see also caretakers
deafness, 88, 130, 212
"Debate Grows on Classroom's
'Magic Pill,'" 141
defects, birth, 58-59
de Kerckhove, Derrick, 212, 343
delinquency, 154, 158, 250, 306
Denckla, Martha Bridge, 177-78
dendrites, 71, 76
environmental enrichment and,
131
function of, 51-52, 66
Denenberg, Victor H., 49
deprivation:
emotional, 239-40
of oxygen, 163
Deutsch, Georg, 259
Diamond, Marian, 47-49, 71, 72
Einstein's brain studied by, 73
on environmental enrichment,
48-49, 70, 264
rats' brain studied by: 47-48,
70, 264
on uniqueness of brain, 58
dichotomania, 213
disabilities, learning, see learning
disabilities
disadvantaged children, 235-74
brain of, 237-40, 256-68
definition of, 237
problem-solving abilities of,
248-51, 255-56
in school, 247-57, 304-7
divorce, 282, 284 .
"Doesn't Anybody Here Talk English
Any More?" (Dunning),
102
Down's syndrome, 91
dropout rates, 268
drugs:
brain damage and, 50, 163-64
hyperactivity and, 140-41, 154,
155-57
learning disabilities and, 138,
140-41, 154, 155-57
Duckworth, Eleanor, 185
Dunning, Brian, 102
dyes, food, 166
dysgraphia, 223
dyslexia, 145-48, 149, 192, 303

economics, GRE scoring gains in,
20
Eddy, Kristin, 25
Edelman, Gerald, 78-79
education:
intrauterine, 265
in Japan vs. U.S., 280-81
see also learning; schools; teaching
Educational Testing Service, 18,
262
Education Week, 36, 141
eggs, 167
egocentric speech, 184
Einstein, Albert, 73
Eisner, Eliot, 312-13
elaborated codes, 117-19, 121, 133
Electric Company, 201-2
Elementary School Center, 282
embedded information, 108
Emery, Fred, 203, 210
Emery, Merrelyn, 203, 210
emotional deprivation, 239-40
Engaging Children's Minds
(Katz), 220
engineering, GRE scoring gains
in, 20
English literature:
GRE scores declining in, 19
teachers' dislike of, 22-23
Enriching Heredity (Diamond),
48, 264
environment:
ADHD and, 158-59, 178, 192
brain and, 47-82, 261
enrichment of, 48-49, 70, 131,
264
heredity vs., 48, 49-51, 138,
145-50, 262-64
IQ tests and, 38, 39, 40, 50,
253
learning disabilities and, 50,
138, 145-50
Environmental Protection Agency
(EPA), 164
Epstein, Herman, 69
Eskenazi, Brenda, 59, 61
evolution:
cultural, 333-35
of language, 87
examinations, see tests
Exceptional Brain, The (Obler
and Fine), 145
exercise, 170
experience-dependent systems,
54, 68-69
experience-expectant systems, 54,
89, 108

facial expression, 109
Fairleigh Dickinson University,
175
family size, 38-39
Family Ties, 319
FAX machines, 332
Feeding the Brain (Conners), 166
fertilizers, chemical, 60
fetus:
alcohol and, 50, 163-64
artificial stimulation of, 64-65
music and, 174
toxins and, 58, 59-61, 162, 163
Feuerstein, Reuven, 314-15
Fine, Deborah, 145
Finland, 140
Flynn, James R., 39, 40
food, 165-68
additives in, 165, 166
allergies to, 166
dyes in, 166
junk, 162, 165-68
Food Makes the Difference
(Kane), 166
forced learning, 67-69, 242-43
foreign-born students, 19, 20, 21
foreign languages, 114
GRE scores declining in, 19
language development and, 241
learning of, 77-78, 124
Fortune, 16
Frames of Mind (Gardner), 64
France, 101
Freire, Paolo, 223
Friedrich, Frances, 177
function (closed• class) words,
118-19, 126, 129, 132
Futrell, Mary Hatwood, 284, 285

Galaburda, Albert, 146-48
Gardner, Howard, 64, 338
genetic engineering, 296
Genie (wild child), 129, 130
Germany, Federal Republic of
(West), 61, 140
Geshwind, Norman, 146-47
gesturing and prompting, 78
Gettysburg address, 87-88
Geyer, Georgie Anne, 88
glial cells, 51, 56, 66, 71, 73
global village, 45
Gould, Steven Jay, 333-34
Graduate Record Examinations
(GRE):
foreign-born students and, 19,
20
nature of, 18-19
scoring trends of, 18-20
Graham, Sandra, 244-45
grammar, see syntax
Great Britain, 101
Greenfield, Patricia, 320, 321
Greenough, William T., 54-55,
71, 72, 172
Grubb, Ralph, 341
Gulick, Rosemary, 42-43

hackers, computer, 207
Hamilton, A. Jane, 86
Harter, M. Russell, 208, 209
headphones, 81, 87, 103, 172,
175
Head Start, 265
hearing problems:
brain and, 130-31, 212
language skills and, 77, 114-15
math skills and, 112
heart disease, 168
Heath, Shirley Brice, 255-56, 304
Hechinger, Fred M., 25, 240
Heller, Wendy, 213
heredity, environment vs., 48,
49-51, 138, 145-50, 262-64
heroin, 60
Herron, Jeannine, 322
Hirsch, E. D., 318, 319
history, GRE scores declining in,
19
holistic thinking, 124, 125, 133,
257-59, 340
homelessness, 235, 236, 237, 238
Hopi, 259
How to Have a Smarter Baby
(Luddington-Hoe), 65
Hyperactive Children (Barkley),
157
hyperactivity, 139, 140-41, 154,
155-57, 178, 296
see also attention deficit with or
without hyperactivity disorder
hyperlexics, 26

IBM, 337, 341
illiteracy, 22, 212
infants, premature, 238, 245-46
information, embedded, 108
inner speech, 182-86, 190, 192,
314
instruction, see education; teaching
intelligence:
artificial, 322-23
language and, 106-7
see also IQ scores and tests
internal sense of beat, 171-72
International Reading Association,
227
intrauterine education, 265
intuition, 125
Inuits, 106
IQ scores and tests, 13, 37-40,
42, 103, 190
of adopted children, 263
of chimpanzees, 107
environmental factors in, 38,
39, 40, 50, 253
with half of brain removed, 128
increased difficulty of, 38
lead and, 59-60
nutrition and, 38
prefrontal development and,
162
uncertainty of, 38, 39
verbal vs. nonverbal sections of,
37-38
iron deficiency, 165, 167

Japan:
educational philosophy of U.S.
vs., 280-81
newspaper readership in, 24
publishing industry of, 24
Japanese language:
left and right hemisphere functions
in, 212
numbers in, 113-14
Jensen, Janet, 225
Jewett, Sarah Orne, 25
Johnny Tremaine (Forbes), 299
Jones, Anna, 287
junk food, 162, 165-68

Kamehameha Early Education
Program (KEEP), 305-6
Kaspar (wild child), 129, 130
Katz, Lillian, 220, 233, 319, 328
Kay, Paul, 117, 119-20
KEEP (Kamehameha Early Education
Program), 305-6
Kennedy Institute Neurobehavioral
Clinic, 177
Kett, Joseph, 318
kinesthetic (muscular) stimulation,
78
Kinsbourne, Marcel, 213
kittens, 75, 76, 79-80
Klivington, Kenneth. A., 51, 191
Korea, Republic of (South), 238

language, 85-134
body, 109, 125, 326, 344
brain and, 86, 106-7, 123-34
bureaucratic use of, 120
contemporary changes in, 119
culture and, 86-88, 89
in day-care and school, 94-97
deprivation of, 86
developing skills in, 54-55, 76-
78, 88-98, 129-31, 241, 283
disabilities in, 102, 109
evolution of, 87
foreign, see foreign languages
hearing problems and, 77, 114-
115
inner speech and, 182-86, 190,
192, 314
intelligence and, 106-7
listening skills and, 96, 101-4,
121, 143-44, 286-95
language (cont.)
music as model for, 103, 174
Native American, 259-60
parental teaching of, 77-78,
89-94, 103-4, 114-15, 131,
162, 183-86, 188, 286
physical effects of, 106-7, 123-
124
primitive, 116-17, 119-2O
separating words from pictures
in, 91-92, 133, 144
sign, 88
socioeconomics and, 119, 253-
256
syntax and, see syntax
teachers as models for, 95, 96-
97, 132
teenagers' code-switching and,
120-22
television as model for, 88, 94,
114, 115, 210, 225-26
thinking and, 97-99
Language Arts, 321
Lapointe, Archie E., 110
lazy eye, 76-77
lead, toxic effects of, 59-60, 164,
167, 238, 261
learned helplessness, 187
Learners' Model Technology
Project, 330
learning, 81
active, 71-73, 297-300
attention span and, 154
collaborative techniques of,
283
computers and, 322, 324-29,
335-38
forced, 67-69, 242-43
of foreign languages, 77-78, 124
listening skills and, 143-44
mediated, 314-15
passive, 73, 80, 95, 187, 199,
201-3, 230-31, 297, 298-99
receptive, 202
Sesame Street and, 221, 222-24
of syntax, 107-9, 288-90
visual imagery and, 232
see also education; schools;
teaching
learning disabilities, 137-50, 186
ADHD and, 139-41, 149
definition of, 141
diagnoses of, 139
drug treatment of, 138, 140-41,
154, 155-57
environment and heredity and,
50, 138, 145-50
hyperactivity and, 139, 140
individuality of, 141-43
language and, 102, 109
as middle-class phenomenon,
139, 140
nonverbal, 148-49
overstimulation and, 175
physical therapy for, 171
sedentary lifestyles and, 138
toxic exposure and, 59, 62, 138
Left Brain, Right Brain (Springer
and Deutsch), 259
left-handedness, 147
left hemisphere of brain, 123-34
critical thinking and, 124, 133,
257-59
dyslexia and, 146
function words and, 118, 126
hearing impairment and, 130
learning disabilities and, 160
musical appreciation by, 126,
173
Native American language use
of, 260
phonological awareness and,
103, 126
reading skills and, 127, 133,
210
right hemisphere interacting
with, 125, 126, 128, 132-34,
159, 160, 174, 209, 213-14,
215, 216
syntax and, 109, 110, 124, 126-
134
television's neglect of, 110, 127,
209, 210-11, 215, 216
of wild children, 129-30
Leiden University, 198
Lerner, Richard M., 52, 235
Levy, Jerre, 175, 214, 233
lifestyles, sedentary, 138
limbic system, 160-61, 239
Lindamood, Patricia, 287
listening skills:
importance of, 96
integrating other language skills
with, 297, 300-302
language problems and, 96,
101-4, 121, 143-44, 286-95
parental teaching of, 292
television and, 121, 144, 153,
228-29
literacy, 22, 112
cultural, 318-19
visual, 320, 321, 339-40
literature, see English literature
Logan, Robert, 343
LOGO, 327
lower class, 244, 246
Luddington-Hoe, Susan, 43-44,
65, 174-75
Lundberg, Ingvar, 224-25
Luria, Alexander, 85, 106-7, 117,
182-83, 190

Macbeth (Shakespeare), 232
McCall, Robert B., 248
McGuinness, Diane, 156-57
McKeever, Walter, 259-60
McLanguage, 102, 110
McLuhan, Marshall, 344
McMahon, Audrey, 61
MacNeil, Robert, 228
MacNeil/Lehrer Newshour, 228
magazines, increasing numbers of,
24
magic square, 189
Magna Carta, 343
magnetic resonance imaging, 149
malnutrition, 165, 238
manganese, 164
Manrique, Beatriz, 267
marijuana, 60, 164
math, 96
brain functions required by, 20,
125, 127, 148
declining skills in, 15, 16, 20,
21, 188
grammatical problems and, 110,
112-14
and internal sense of beat, 171-
172
nonverbal thinking in, 107, 250,
342
scoring trends in, 18, 19-20
visual imagery and, 232
Matthew (homeless child), 236
mealtime conversation, 252
mediated learning, 314-15
memorizing, 290
memory:
short-term auditory, 143
working, 231
mental retardation:
aspartame and, 167
lead and, 59
synaptic connections and, 75
mercury, 60, 164
metacognition, 313-15
metalinguistic awareness, 227
methadone, 60 .
methyl mercury, 60
Mexico, 164
mice, 175
Michelle (student), 289
middle class, 139, 140
milk, breast, 61
Mind and Media (Greenfield), 320
mindware, 311
"Missouri New Parents as Teachers
Project (NPAT)," 285-86
Mister Rogers' Neighborhood,
225, 231
monkeys, 68, 76
mothers, 265
gesturing and prompting by, 78
teenage, 237
working, 43, 94, 95, 240
see also parents
motor cortex, 161
motor-speech area of brain, 131
Motorola, 16
Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, 174
muscular (kinesthetic) stimulation,
78
music, 172-76
animal studies and, 175
fetal response to, 174
as language model, 103, 174
music (cont.)
left and right hemisphere
functions and, 103, 125,
126, 173
videos of, 196, 340
myelin, 66-67, 69, 70

Naropa Institute, 335
National Academy of Sciences,
312
National Assessment of Educational
Progress (NAEP), 17,
20, 21, 22, 25-26, 110, 188
National Council for Teachers of
English, 321
National Council of Teachers of
Mathematics, 153
Native American languages, 259-
260
nature-nurture question, see environment;
heredity
Navaho, 259-60, 305-6
Needleman, Herbert L., 60
neocortex, 56
Netherlands, 39
Neural Darwinism (Edelman), 78
neural plasticity of brain, 47-65,
67, 346
advantages and disadvantages
of, 55-56
definition of, 49, 50
studies of, 47-48, 49
neuromodulators, 52, 158
neuromotor development, 68
neurons, 51-52, 53, 63, 71, 127
dyslexia and, 146-48
excess numbers of, 57, 66, 74,
78
experience-expectant, 54
function of, 51-52
negative networks of, 69
prenatal migration of, 56, 59
structure of, 51
neurotransmitters, 52, 158
Neville, Helen, 130-31
Newport, Elissa, 115
newspapers:
numbers and readership of, 24
television news vs., 23
New York Times, 26, 164, 174,
240, 319
Niger, 321
"Nintendo, " 207
noise pollution, 173
nonverbal skills, 107, 250, 341-42
disorders with, 148-49
verbal skills vs., 20, 40
North Point Press, 24
numbers:
place value of, 113-14
see also math
nursery rhymes, 93
NutraSweet (aspartame), 166,
167-68, 169
nutrition, 266, 282
brain chemistry and, 165-68,
238
IQ and, 38
myelin and, 70
in pregnancy, 62, 63

obesity, 168
Obler, Lorraine, 145
Ogbu, John U., 330
On the Nature of Human Plasticity
(Lerner), 52
open class (content) words, 118-
119
oral tradition, 290
Orland, Martin, 246
O'Rourke, Shirley, 40-41
Orr, Eleanor Wilson, 113
oxygen deprivation, 163

Palmer, Edward, 320
Pareles, Jon, 174
parents:
attention spans and, 177-82
attitude of, 246, 266-67
caretakers as substitutes for,
240-41
connective thinking taught by,
312
language skills taught by, 77-
78, 89-94, 103-4, 114-15,
131, 162, 183-86, 188, 286
listening skills taught by, 292
mediated learning and, 314-15
overly ambitious demands of,
242-43
problem-solving abilities taught
by, 248-51, 255-56
reluctant self-assertion of, 45
schools and, '284-86
single, 284
see also mothers
Parent-Teacher Association (PTA),
164
passive learning, 73, 80, 95, 187,
199, 201-3, 230-31, 297,
298-99
passive voice, 108, 128
Paul (day-care child), 236-37
Paul, Diana, 37
PBBs, 60
PCBs, 60
Pennington, Bruce, 145, 190
perceptual defense, 229
perceptual-motor skills, 208
perceptual organization, 229
Perkins, David, 311
pesticides, 60, 61, 164-65
Peterson, Gary, 330
philosophy, GRE eliminated for,
19
phoneme segregation, 288
phonics, 25, 27, 127, 133, 228,
287-88
phonological awareness, 103, 126,
258, 287-88
physical abuse, 236
physical fitness, 168-72
physical therapy, 171
pictures, separating words from,
91-92, 133, 144
"Pig Latin, " 287
PKU, 167
placenta, 58, 62
Pogrow, Stanley, 248-49
political science, GRE scores declining
in, 19
pollution:
air, 238
noise, 173
Pope, Alexander, 49
Posner, Michael, 177, 321
Postman, Neil, 87, 228
Potchen, E. James, 149-50
poverty, 237, 238 .
prefrontal development of brain,
162, 184, 189-90, 191, 215,
260
pregnancy, 59-65
drug use in, 60
fetal brain artificially stimulated
in, 64-65
fetal exposure to toxins in, 58,
59-61, 162, 163
nutrition in, 62, 63
stress in, 62, 238
teenage, 237
Premack, David, 107
premature infants, 238, 245-46
prenatal care and stimulation, 38
"Prenatal University, " 65
preschoolers, reading and, 222-
223
Presidential Fitness Test, 168 .
President's Council on Physical
Fitness and Sports, 169
primitive languages, 116-17, 119-
120
print, 87
problem-solving models, 248-51,
255-56
processing, sequential and parallel,
322-23
prompting and gesturing, 78
protein, 167, 239
proximal development, zone of
(ZPD), 186, 190, 191, 326-
327
psychology, GRE ~ring gains in,
20
PTA (Parent-Teacher Association),
164
P300 wave, 77
publishing industry, 24

questioning, 295-96

race, 243, 244-45, 263
radio, 233
RAND, 27
Rapin, Isabelle, 63
ratio of senses, 344
rats:
Diamond's studies of, 47-48,
70-72, 264-65
maternal improvement study of,
265
stress study of, 62
Ravitch, Diane, 344
Reading Rainbow, 221
Reading Research Quarterly, 198
reading skills, 20-37
active learning of, 297-300
alphabet recognition and, 223-
226
brain and, 211-12, 214, 215-16,
261
decline of, 20, 21-26, 188
dumbing-down tests for, 27-29
dyslexia and, 145-46, 303
faulty testing of, 26-29, 36
integrating other language skills
with, 297, 300-302
and internal sense of beat, 171-
172
left-hemisphere deficiency and,
127, 133, 210
metalinguistic awareness and,
226
preschoolers and, 222-23
Sesame Street and, 221, 222-34
television and, 198-99, 203,
208-9, 221, 222-34
test samples for, 30-35
textbooks and, 36-37, 116
reasoning, see thinking
receptive learning, 202
Reeves, Byron, 200
relational thinking, 124, 125, 133,
251, 257-59, ~, 305-6
remedial courses, 16, 86, 2137
Renner, Michael, 71
restricted codes, 116-19
retardation, mental, see mental
retardation
reward systems, 158-59
Rhine River, 61
rhymes, nursery, 93
right hemisphere of brain, 123-
134, 212, 316, 317
dyslexia and, 146-47
holistic thinking and, 124, 125,
133, 257-59, 340
left hemisphere interacting
with, 125, 126, 1213, 132-34,
159, 160, 174, 209, 213-14,
215, 216
musical appreciation and, 103,
125, 173
Native American languages and,
259-60
nonverbal learning disorders
and, 148-49
syntax and, 109, 124-25, 1213-
129
television and, 210-11, 215,
216
video games and, 125, 127
of wild children, 129-30'
Ritalin, 140-41, 155-57, 170, 179
Rivera, Lourdes, 235-37, 241
"Roadville, " 255-56
Romagnano, Lew, 331
Roseanne, 319
Rosenzweig, Mark, 70-71
Round the Circle: Key Experiences
in Movement (Weikart),
171
rule-governed behavior, 157-58

Salt Institute, 130, 191
SAT, see Scholastic Aptitude Test
Scandinavia, 224
Scarr, Sandra, 263-64, 265
Scheibel, Arnold, 74, 131
Schieffelin, Bambi, 90-91, 95-96
Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT),
17-18, 39
bias criticisms of, 17
declining scores on, 17-18
improved minority scores on,
18
Scholnick, Ellin, 265
schools, 277-307
administrators of, 29
cultural responsibility of, 277-
278, 320
disadvantaged children in, 247-
257, 304-7
language in, 94-97
parents and, 284-86
schedule of, 282, 321
socioeconomics and, 268-72
structural changes suggested
for, 282, 321
see also teachers; teaching
Schorr, Lisbeth B., 247, 265
Schwartz, Judah, 324, 339
science, 96
declining skills in, 15, 16, 20,
188
grammatical problems and,
110
and rewriting curriculum, 312
visual imagery and, 232
secondary repertoires, 79
sedentary lifestyles, 138
Segalowitz, Sid, 215
senses, ratio of, 344
sensorimotor-perceptual skills,
170
Sensory Integration Therapy, 171
sensory skills, 76-78
sentence structure, 116-19
Sesame Street, 201, 202, 208, 217,
218-34, 288, 319
cultural messages of, 233
and declining reading and
learning skills, 221, 222-34
false message of, 220-21, 226
good television symbolized by,
219-20
incomprehensibility of, 230-31
lack of research on, 221-22,
234
as language model, 94, 114,
225-26
listening skills ignored by, 228-
229
manipulative format of, 200,
202, 218-19, 220, 225, 226,
228
number of viewers of, 221
passive learning and, 80, 230-
231
production cost of, 221
sensory overloading on, 229-
230
slapstick humor of, 233
socioeconomics and, 220, 225,
226
viewing habits institutionalized
by, 196, 220
see also television
Shakespeare, William, 340
Shanker, Albert, 20-21
Shedlin, Allan, 282
Shoemaker, Jack, 24
short-term auditory memory, 143
Siegel, Linda, 208
sign language, 88
Silas Marner (Eliot), 249
Simonds, Roderick, 131
Singer, Jerome, 198, 209, 230,
231
single parents, 284
Smart Kids with School Problems
(Vail), 102
Snow, Catherine, 91
socioeconomics:
academic achievement and,
235-37, 243-47, 257, 263-64,
268
differing values and, 244, 245
drug use and, 164
growing gulf in, 220, 226
IQ tests and, 50
language and, 119, 253-56
of learning disabilities, 139, 140
problems found at every level
of, 101, 179, 239, 240, 249,
252-53, 272
race vs., 244-45
school quality and, 268-72
status (SEC) and, 244, 245-46
teachers' understanding of, 244,
254, 305
of television viewing, 196, 238,
252, 321
sociology, GRE scores declining
in, 19
soft drinks, 166, 167, 168
solvents, 60
Soviet, Union, 170
"Space Invaders," 206
speech:
egocentric, 184
inner, 182-86, 190, 192, 314
spelling:
computer tutoring and, 326
hearing problems and, 77
left hemisphere and, 125, 146,
148, 210
listening skills and, 102
visualization and, 126-27
Spinelli, Nico, 77
spontaneous abortion, 59
Springer, Sally, 259
Stanford Achievement Test, 28
starches, 166
stimulation:
excessive, 175, 229-30
muscular, 78
prenatal, 64-65
screening of, 174
see also television
storytelling, 93, 104, 255, 256
stress, 62, 167, 174, 238
stroke victims, 53
sugar, 165, 166, 167, 266
superbabies, 242, 286
synapses, 51-52, 75, 76, 77, 86
brain power and, 52
definition of, 47
enriched conditions and, 71
"firming up" of, 53, 69, 74
increasing size of, 47
and internal competition in
brain, 79, 127
remodeling of, 242-43, 262-
265
syntax, 105-22
elaborated codes and, 117-19,
121, 133
function of, 88, 288
learning of, 107-9, 288-90
left and right hemisphere handling
of, 109, 110, 124-26,
128-34
mathematics and, 110, 112-14
restricted codes and, 116-19
simple, 117, 121
thinking and, 105-7, 110

tachistoscope, 258
taikyo, 265
"Talents Unlimited, " 307
teachers:
as language models, 95, 96-97,
132
mediated learning and, 315
qualities needed by, 283-84
remedial training needed by,
287
socioeconomic differences and,
244, 254, 305
subjects disliked by, 22
on worsening abilities, 14-15,
21-22, 40-43, 99-102, 111-
112, 137, 151, 227, 268-69,
316-17
see also education; schools
teaching:
as anachronism, 312
collaborative learning techniques
of, 283
computers and, 322, 324-29,
335-38
contextualized instruction and,
305, 312
group discussions and, 292
increased knowledge of, 16-17
to manipulate test scores, 29,
36, 268, 269-71, 273, 278
suggested changes in, 283-307
of thinking, 308-18
whole language movement and,
see whole language movement
see also education; learning;
schools; teachers
"Technology and the American
Transition," 337-38
teenagers:
code-switching by, 120-22
as mothers, 237
television, 42, 55, 73, 74, 90, 99,
127, 131, 195-217, 266, 319
attention spans and, 42, 153,
199, 215, 216, 228, 231
brain and, 199, 200-204, 208-
217
cognitive consequences of, 198-188
critical thinking and, 320
dysgraphia and, 223
foreign language experiment
with, 114
IQ tests and, 40
lack of research on, 195, 196-98
as language model, 88, 94, 114,
115, 210, 225-26
left hemisphere neglected by,
110, 127, 209, 210-11, 215,
216
listening skills and, 121, 144,
153, 228-29
manipulative techniques of,
199-201, 211
news presentation on, 23
passive learning and, 80, 187,
199, 201-3, 230-31
reading skills and, 198-99, 203,
208-9, 221, 222-34
right hemisphere stimulated by,
210-11, 215, 216
as scapegoat, 44, 87
simple syntax used on, 117, 121
socioeconomics of, 196, 238,
252, 321
viewing time of, 18, 23, 94,
169, 196, 216-17
visualization skills and, 232,
316, 342
writing skills and, 202
see also Sesame Street
Television and America's Children:
A Crisis of Neglect
(Palmer), 320
tense markers, 108
teratogens, 59
tests, 28d
California Achievement, 28
dumbing-down of, 27-29
faulty, 26-29, 36
Graduate Record Examinations,
see Graduate Record Examinations
IQ, see IQ tests and scores
manipulating scores of, 29. 36,
268, 269-71, 273, 278
Presidential Fitness, 168
of reading skills, 26-36
Scholastic Aptitude, see Scholastic
Aptitude Test
Stanford Achievement, 28
textbooks, 36-37, 116
thalidomide, 58
Tharp, Roland G., 305-6
therapy:
cognitive, 156
physical, 171
thinking:
connective, 312
critical, 124, 125, 133, 251,
257-59, 303-4, 305-6, 309,
317, 319-20
holistic, 124, 125, 133, 257-59,
340
language and, 97-99
metacognition and, 313-15
mindware and, 311
nonverbal, 107, 250, 341-42
relational, 124, 125, 133, 251,
257-59, 303-4, 305-6
syntax and, 105-7, 110
teaching of, 308-18
in writing, 110-12
Third World, 321
Thought and Language (Vygotsky),
183
time sequence, 108
toast, 167
Tom Sawyer (Twain), 116
toxic exposure, 58, 59-61, 62,
138, 162, 163, 164-65, 238
"Trackton, " 255
trade books, 298
transfer, 205-6, 208, 327
Twain, Mark, 121-22
Twice as Less (Orr), 113
twins, 50
two-tier society, 335

underclass, 244, 246, 335
United States:
educational philosophy of Japan
vs., 280-81
low performance levels in, 16, 39

"Vacuous Vision, The" (Emery
and Emery), 203
Vail, Priscilla, 102, 103-4, 109,
295, 338
Valenti, Jack, 36
Venezuela, 26'Z
verbal skills:
brain functions required for, 20,
40
decline of, 13-15, 21, 99-102
GRE scores declining in, 19
IQ test scores declining in, 37-
38
SAT scores declining in, 17-18
vertical feature detectors, 75
video games, 195-217
addictiveness of, 205
attention spans and, 154
emotional lures of, 207
limited educational potential of,
207-8
real-life situations substituted
by, 80-81, 87
right hemisphere and, 125, 127
transfer and, 205-6, 208
videos, music, 196, 340
visualization, 109, 232, 316, 342
visual literacy, 320, 321, 339-40
visual system of brain:
feature detectors of, 75, 76
hearing impairment and, 130
vitamin pills, 167
Vivaldi, Antonio, 174
Vygotsky, Lev, 183-84, 185, 186

Waber, Deborah, 258-59, 261
wait time, 293
Wall Street Journal, 16
Wang, Margaret C., 139
Washington Post, 25
Wechsler Scales, 38
Weikart, Phyllis, 171
Wells, Gordon, 90, 92, 96, 246
Welsh, Marilyn, 190
When Children Don't Learn
(McGuinness), 156
White, Burton, 285-86
White, Mary Alice, 338
whites, blacks adopted by, 263
whole language movement, 296-
304
active learning and, 297-300
integrating skills in, 297, 300-
302
misuses of, 303
source materials in, 297, 302
Wiggins, Grant, 311
wild children, 129-30
Wilson, Marilyn, 309
Winn, Marie, 196, 210
Witelson, Sandra, 133
Within Our Reach (Schorr), 247,
265
Woodward, Arthur, 36
wordcalling, 26
words:
closed class (function), 118-19,
126, 129, 132
open class (content), 115-19
separating pictures from, 91-92,
133, 144
Wordsworth, William, 85
working memory, 231
working mothers, 43, 94, 95, 240
writing:
brain and, 211-12, 214, 215-16,
261, 342-45
clear thinking in, 110-12
computers and, 325-26
declining skills in, 110-12
habits of, 68
integrating other language skills
with, 297, 300-302
as intellectual stimulation, 119,
290, 295
invention of, 87, 342
television and, 202
Writing to Learn Mathematics
(Countryman), 112
Wurtman, Judith, 166
Wurtman, Richard, 167-68

zero-based curriculum, 273
Zigler, Edward, 241, 273
zinc, 167
zone of proximal development
(ZPD), 186, 190, 191, 326-27
Zukav, Gary, 340-41
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Re: Endangered Minds: Why Children Don't Think, And What We

Postby admin » Fri Oct 11, 2013 6:34 pm

Dr. Diamond continues. "Here's a summary of the data comparing brain size and weight of rats reared in the standard cages, those who lived in the 'impoverished' environments, and here" -- she pauses dramatically -- "are the results with the animals who lived in the enrichment cages. Notice how, with increasing amounts of environmental enrichment, we see brains that are larger and heavier, with increased dendritic branching. That means those nerve cells can communicate better with each other. With the enriched environments we also get more support cells because the nerve cells are getting bigger. Not only that, but the junction between the cells -- the synapse -- also increases its dimensions. These are highly significant effects of differential experience. It certainly shows how dynamic the nervous system is and how responsive it is to its internal and external surroundings."
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Re: Endangered Minds: Why Children Don't Think, And What We

Postby admin » Fri Oct 11, 2013 6:34 pm

Another point: Has no one noticed that children are very culturally literate -- except that it's for a different culture? Just make up a list of any details from Roseanne, Family Ties, Sesame Street, etc. and most kids would come out looking as smart as they really are. The problem is that our children have exposed us to ourselves, and we don't like what we see. We have shown them what is really valued in our society, and those little cultural apprentices have happily soaked it up.

If we are serious about wanting them prepared by a knowledge base to gather the intellectual fruits of world cultures, the obvious expedient is to change the content of children's television programming and use other video as enrichment. In my opinion, this should be a major responsibility of both educational and commercial networks. Otherwise, we will soon be forced to revise university-level curricula to include in-depth studies of talking animals and human buffoons.

Schools cannot plaster children with a paste of "cultural literacy" that the culture itself repudiates. Nor can schools completely counteract the powerful effects of television programming that works at direct cross-purposes with our efforts to teach children to think.
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Re: Endangered Minds: Why Children Don't Think, And What We

Postby admin » Fri Oct 11, 2013 6:36 pm

While dining not long ago with a scientist who probes the workings of the brain, I enjoyed hearing about the intellectual exploits of his three-year-old daughter, clearly the apple of her Daddy's eye. I enjoyed his stories, that is, until we got to dinosaurs.

"She can recognize all the names when she sees them on the computer screen: Tyrannosaurus Rex, Brontosaurus, whatever -- and she matches them right up to the pictures'" he said happily. "The program we got her even teaches about what each one ate, and whether they could fly, and all kinds of stuff. It's amazing!"

I didn't say what was really on my mind at that point . . . something like, "I'm sure that will be really useful for her when she takes her first course in paleontology." Being something of a wimp in the presence of those who spend their days rooting around in other people's brains, I only said,

"And how long did it take her to learn all this?"

"Oh, she loves her computer. She spends a lot of time at it. When my wife and I are busy we would much rather see her there than watching TV. At least we know she's doing something educational."

"Does your little girl ever just play -- by herself, or with other little kids?"

"Oh, sure." He thought for a moment. "But she really loves that computer! Isn't it wonderful how much they can learn at this age?"

"What do you think that computer is doing to her brain?" I asked.

He paused. "You know," he said slowly, "I never thought about it. I really haven't a clue."
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