A Short Definition of Synarchism, by Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.

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Re: A Short Definition of Synarchism, by Lyndon H. LaRouche,

Postby admin » Wed Jul 01, 2015 11:21 pm

Synarchism: The Fascist Roots Of the Wolfowitz Cabal
by Jeffrey Steinberg

This article appears in the May 30, 2003 issue of Executive Intelligence Review.

In 1922, Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi launched the Pan European Union, at a founding convention in Vienna, attended by more than 6,000 delegates. Railing against the "Bolshevist menace" in Russia, the Venetian Count called for the dissolution of all the nation-states of Western Europe and the erection of a single, European feudal state, modeled on the Roman and Napoleonic empires. "There are Europeans," Coudenhove-Kalergi warned, who are "naïve enough to believe that the opposition between the Soviet Union and Europe can be bridged by the inclusion of the Soviet Union in the United States of Europe. These Europeans need only to glance at the map to persuade themselves that the Soviet Union in its immensity can, with the help of the [Communist] Third International, very quickly prevail over little Europe. To receive this Trojan horse into the European union would lead to perpetual civil war and the extermination of European culture. So long, therefore, as there is any will to survive subsisting in Europe, the idea of linking the Soviet Union with Pan Europe must be rejected. It would be nothing less than the suicide of Europe."

Elsewhere, Coudenhove-Kalergi echoed the contemporaneous writings of British Fabian Roundtable devotees H.G. Wells and Lord Bertrand Russell, declaring: "This eternal war can end only with the constitution of a world republic.... The only way left to save the peace seems to be a politic of peaceful strength, on the model of the Roman Empire, that succeeded in having the longest period of peace in the west thanks to the supremacy of his legions."

The launching of the Pan European Union was bankrolled by the Venetian-rooted European banking family, the Warburgs. Max Warburg, scion of the German branch of the family, gave Coudenhove-Kalergi 60,000 gold marks to hold the founding convention. Even more revealing, the first mass rally of the Pan European Union in Berlin, at the Reichstag, was addressed by Hjalmar Schacht, later the Reichsbank head, Economics Minister and chief architect of the Hitler coup. A decade later, in October 1932, Schacht delivered a major address before another PanEuropa event, in which he assured Coudenhove-Kalergi and the others, "In three months, Hitler will be in power.... Hitler will create PanEuropa. Only Hitler can create PanEuropa."

According to historical documents, Italy's Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini was initially skeptical about the PanEuropa idea, but was "won over" to the scheme, following a meeting with Coudenhove-Kalergi, during which, in the Count's words, "I gave him a complete harvest of Nietzsche's quotes for the United States of Europe.... My visit represented a shift in the behavior of Mussolini towards PanEuropa. His opposition disappeared."

At the founding congress of the Pan European Union in Vienna, the backdrop behind the podium was adorned with portraits of the movement's leading intellectual icons: Immanuel Kant, Napoleon Bonaparte, Giuseppe Mazzini, and Friedrich Nietzsche.

Bankers' Fascism

The pivotal role of Schacht in the Hitler coup and in the Pan European Union, highlights a critical dimension of the universal fascist scheme: the top-down role of the financial "overworld" and its banking technocrats. By all historical accounts, Schacht was the architect, in 1930, of the Bank for International Settlements (BIS), along with the Bank of England's Montagu Norman. Historian Carroll Quigley, in his epic book, Tragedy and Hope—A History of the World in Our Time (New York: MacMillan Company, 1966), described the BIS scheme to establish a dictatorship over world finance:

"The powers of financial capital had another far-reaching aim, nothing less than to create a world system of financial control in private hands able to dominate the political system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole. This system was to be controlled in a feudalist fashion by the central banks of the world acting in concert, by secret agreements arrived at in frequent private meetings and conferences. The apex of the system was to be the Bank for International Settlements in Basle, Switzerland, a private bank owned and controlled by the world's central banks which were themselves private corporations. Each central bank, in the hands of men like Montagu Norman of the Bank of England, Benjamin Strong of the New York Federal Reserve Bank, Charles Rist of the Bank of France, and Hjalmar Schacht of the Reichsbank, sought to dominate its government by its ability to control Treasury loans, to manipulate foreign exchanges, to influence the level of economic activity in the country, and to influence cooperative politicians by subsequent economic rewards in the business world."

Quigley highlighted the role of Schacht's closest ally in the BIS scheme, Bank of England Governor Norman, who headed the privately owned British institution for an unprecedented 24 years (1920-44). "Norman was a strange man," Quigley reported, "whose mental outlook was one of successfully suppressed hysteria or even paranoia. He had no use for governments and feared democracy. Both of these seemed to him to be threats to private banking, and thus to all that was proper and precious in human life. Strong-willed, tireless, and ruthless, he viewed his life as a kind of cloak-and-dagger struggle with the forces of unsound money which were in league with anarchy and Communism."

Montagu Norman and Hjalmar Schacht personified the banking overworld, that bankrolled and installed Hitler and the Nazis in power, in pursuit of their larger, universal fascist scheme.

Even more damning were the profiles of Schacht and Norman and their role in the Hitler project, in The Hitler Book, by a Schiller Institute research team, headed by Helga Zepp-LaRouche (New York: New Benjamin Franklin House, 1984):

"The BIS, nominally set up after the breakdown of 'normal' international financial relations in order to prevent a downward spiraling of international payments, in fact finished off the hapless Weimar Republic by its stern refusal to come to the help of a virtually bankrupt Germany in the crucial summer of 1931, after the Danat Bank collapse had brought the whole nation to its knees. Schacht, who had been a member of the original BIS team and was to return to its board from 1933 through 1938, had been campaigning since his 1930 resignation as head of the Reichsbank, for Anglo-American support for a takeover by the NSDAP [Nazi Party] and its leader, Herr Hitler. He had resigned on March 7, 1930 and the BIS was formally established in June. In September, he was off to London and the United States, to 'sell' the Nazi option to the Anglo-American leadership, notably Bank of England governor and BIS director Montagu Norman, and the already influential Dulles brothers of Sullivan & Cromwell law firm, one of America's most influential—and the attorneys for IG Farben, and many other large German companies and provincial governments. Schacht's Hamburg friend and colleague, patrician Nazi Gerhard Westrick, ran the correspondent law firm to Dulles's in Germany."

On March 16, 1933, a grateful Hitler brought Schacht back as head of the Reichsbank, explained The Hitler Book. A year later, Schacht was made Economics Minister. "Now, the BIS was going to help the Third Reich—by 1939 it had no less than several hundred million Swiss gold francs invested in Germany. On the BIS board were Baron Kurt von Schröder, by now a general in the SS Death's Head Brigade; Dr. Hermann Schmitz of IG Farben—whom Schacht had trained at the imperial economics ministry from 1915 on—and, later, Hitler's two personal appointees, Walter Funk and Emil Puhl of the Reichsbank."

File: 'Synarchist/Nazi-Communist'

The larger universal fascist schema, into which the Norman-Schacht "Hitler project" fit, was well known to leading American intelligence, military, and diplomatic figures of the Franklin Roosevelt era, who maintained exhaustive files under such headings as "Synarchist/Nazi-Communist."

U.S. government archives from the FDR era, which were made available to EIR researchers, feature extensive intelligence reports on the international fascist plots, from the files of the U.S. State Department; U.S. Army Intelligence and Navy Intelligence; and the Coordinator of Information (COI), and its successor, the Office of Strategic Services (OSS). These files are of immediate relevance today, given the ongoing coup d'état in Washington by the disciples of Leo Strauss, Alexandre Kojève, and Carl Schmitt inside the George W. Bush Administration. Kojève and Schmitt were leading figures in the wartime "Synarchist" conspiracy, and they personified the perpetuation of that universal fascist plan and apparatus into the postwar period.

Already, following EIR's lead, major American and European newspapers have identified such putschists as Paul Wolfowitz, Abram Shulsky, William Kristol, John Ashcroft, Steve Cambone, and Gary Schmitt as the offspring of the late University of Chicago Prof. Leo Strauss; Strauss, in turn, was the life-long collaborator and promoter of Nazi jurist Carl Schmitt, official Nazi philosopher and Nietzsche revivalist Martin Heidegger, and French Synarchist Alexandre Kojève—all unabashed advocates of tyranny as the only appropriate form of government. Although the May 4 Sunday New York Times feature off-handedly mentions Kojève as Strauss's colleague, without further identification, all of the major media coverage has been sanitized of any discussion of the overtly fascist/Synarchist roots of the Straussian creed.

Nevertheless, there are growing indications that some elements within the U.S. political institutions—particularly the military and intelligence communities, which comprise an important element of what Lyndon LaRouche refers to as "the institution of the U.S. Presidency"—are waking up to the cruel reality that a small group of universal fascists has seized the reins of power and is steering an ill-equipped President George W. Bush, the United States, and the rest of the world into a maelstrom of perpetual war and chaos.

A timely review of the history of the 20th-Century Synarchists is, therefore, in order, to enable those political circles already shocked into action, to understand the nature of the enemy, and exploit the greatest weakness of these Straussian would-be putschists—their open embrace of universal fascism, otherwise known as "Synarchism."

The Langer Study

As EIR reported on May 9 ("Dick Cheney Has a French Connection—To Fascism"), in 1947, OSS veteran and Harvard Prof. William L. Langer assembled the official history of the Roosevelt Administration's dealings with Vichy France. Our Vichy Gamble was based on an exhaustive review of wartime archives, buttressed by interviews with top American officials, including OSS head Gen. William Donovan and President Franklin Roosevelt himself.

Langer minced no words in discussing the Synarchist circles in Vichy France. Referring to Adm. Jean François Darlan, who, along with Pierre Laval, was among the most notorious of the Vichy collaborationists with the Nazis, Langer wrote: "Darlan's henchmen were not confined to the fleet. His policy of collaboration with Germany could count on more than enough eager supporters among French industrial and banking interests—in short, among those who even before the war, had turned to Nazi Germany and had looked to Hitler as the savior of Europe from Communism.... These people were as good fascists as any in Europe.... Many of them had long had extensive and intimate business relations with German interests and were still dreaming of a new system of 'synarchy,' which meant government of Europe on fascist principles by an international brotherhood of financiers and industrialists."

EIR is in possession of many of the documents that Langer reviewed, in preparing Our Vichy Gamble. They offer an in-depth study of a fascist apparatus, whose European-wide tentacles extended into France, Germany, Britain, Spain, Italy, the Netherlands—and, across the Atlantic, inside the United States. One particularly revealing document, prepared by the Coordinator of Information in November 1940, focussed on the Synarchist strategy towards England and America. The document was called, "Synarchie and the Policy of the Banque Worms Group."

The unnamed author began, "In recent reports there have been several references to the growing political power of the Banque Worms group in France, which includes amongst its members such ardent collaborationists as Pucheu, Benoist-Mechin, Leroy-Ladurie, Bouthillier, and representatives of big French industrial organizations." Under the subtitle, "Similarity of aims of 'Synarchie' and Banque Worms," the report continued, "The reactionary movement known as 'Synarchie' has been in existence in France for nearly a century. Its aim has always been to carry out a bloodless revolution, inspired by the upper classes, aimed at producing a form of government by 'technicians,' under which home and foreign policy would be subordinated to international economy. The aims of the Banque Worms group are the same as those of 'Synarchie,' and the leaders of the two groups are, in most cases, identical."

The "Banque Worms group" was closely allied with the Lazard banking interests in Paris, London, and New York, and with Royal Dutch Shell's Henri Deterding. Hippolyte Worms, the bank's founder, was one of 12 initial Synarchist Movement of Empire (SME) members, according to other French police and intelligence reports.

The report itemized the aims of the Synarchists, as of August 1940: "to check any new social schemes which might tend to weaken the power of the international financiers and industrialists; to work for the ultimate complete control of all industry by international finance and industry; to protect Jewish and Anglo-Saxon interests; ... to take advantage of Franco-German collaboration to conclude a series of agreements with German industries, thereby establishing a solid community of interests between French and German industrialists, which will tend to strengthen the hands of international finance and industry; ... to effect a fusion with Anglo-Saxon industry after the war."

The author of the COI study reported, "There is reason to believe that both [Hermann] Göring and Dr. [Walther] Funk are in sympathy with these aspirations," and that "Some headway is claimed to have been made in securing the adhesion of big U.S. industry to the movement."

Beaverbrook and Hoare

The COI study's segment regarding "Policy in regard to Great Britain," elaborated the following Synarchist plan: "To bring about the fall of the Churchill Government by creating the belief in the country that a more energetic government is needed to prosecute the war; it is recognized that an effective means of creating suspicion of the Government's efficiency would be to induce the resignation of Lord Beaverbrook; to bring about the formation of a new Government including Sir Samuel Hoare, Lord Beaverbrook and Mr. Hore-Belisha. (Note. The source has added that in the Worms group it is believed that those circles in Great Britain who are favorably disposed to their plan, are most critical of Mr. Churchill, Lord Halifax and Captain Margesson.); through the medium of Sir Samuel Hoare to bring about an agreement between British industry and the Franco-German 'bloc'; to protect Anglo-Saxon interests on the continent; to reach an agreement for the cessation of the reciprocal bombing of industrial centers. (Note. The source has added that Göring is reputed to have signified his entire approval of this project.)"

The naming of Lord Beaverbrook and Sir Samuel Hoare, two leading figures in the British Roundtable group, as Synarchist collaborators is of great significance, indicating that American intelligence, from no later than 1940, was tracking the high-level British involvement in the scheme for a postwar universal fascist "Europe of the oligarchs," along precisely the lines spelled out in Count Coudenhove-Kalergi's "Synarchist" manifesto, founding the Pan European Union. Indeed, other U.S. intelligence wartime documents identified the PEU as a project of the European Synarchist secret brotherhood. The Synarchist Movement of Empire (SME), according to various accounts in the wartime U.S. files, was founded in 1917 or 1922, and the first two major "projects" of the Synarchists were Mussolini's March on Rome and the launching of the Pan Europa movement.

Back on the British front: Sir Samuel Hoare was a leading figure in British intelligence, having been posted to Russia during the period of the Bolshevik Revolution, where he had a personal hand in the assassination of Grigori Rasputin, after Rasputin had warned that Russian participation in World War I would surely lead to the fall of the Romanovs. Hoare was the leading British military intelligence case-officer for instigating the overthrow of the Tsar and the Russian Revolution. He personified the upper echelons of what U.S. intelligence files characterized as the "Synarchist/Nazi-Communist" group. In his capacity as Foreign Secretary in 1935, he had negotiated the Hoare-Laval agreement, by which Great Britain and France mutually accepted Mussolini's conquest by invasion of Abyssinia, a major act of appeasement. He later served as British ambassador to Francisco Franco's Spain, and, according to several biographical accounts, remained secretly on Lord Beaverbrook's payroll as a policy advisor. Hoare, later "Lord Templewood," was also a leading British promoter of Frank Buchman and the Moral Rearmament Movement, the antecedent to Rev. Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church (see EIR, Dec. 20, 2002).

The case of Lord Beaverbrook (Max Aitken) has even more profound and enduring implications, given that two of the leading financial-political propagandists for today's neo-conservative revolution in Washington—press magnates Lord Conrad Black and Rupert Murdoch—are Beaverbrook protégés. The Australian Murdoch, on graduating Oxford, did an apprenticeship at Beaverbrook's London Daily Express, which Murdoch referred affectionately to as "Beaverbrook's brothel."

For Black, the connection ran deeper—through the wartime British secret intelligence high command. Conrad Black's father, George Montagu Black, worked directly under the Beaverbrook chain of command during World War II, when Beaverbrook was Minister of Aircraft Production, and when Black and Edward Plunkett Taylor ran the Canadian front company War Supplies, Ltd. out of the Willard Hotel in Washington, coordinating all British-American-Canadian military procurement arrangements. The $1.3 billion garnered by Taylor and Black from their wartime "private" arms deals provided the seed money for G.M. Black's postwar launching of the Argus Corp., which, today, is the Hollinger Corp. media cartel of Conrad Black.

Beaverbrook's transformation, from a leading promoter of an Anglo-German alliance following Hitler's takeover, to a leading war cabinet official, following Hitler's attack on Britain, was nothing short of miraculous. In 1935, when Hoare had conducted the secret negotiations with Laval, Beaverbrook had accompanied the Foreign Secretary on the trip and conducted his own back-channel work to assure positive media coverage of the deal in both England and France. That year, Beaverbrook traveled to Rome and Berlin for personal meetings with Mussolini and Hitler. A year later, Beaverbrook was the guest of Hitler's Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop, at the Munich Olympic Games.

But the most famous part that Beaverbrook played in the Hitler saga, had to do with the 1933 Reichstag fire—the arson attack on the Weimar Republic's parliament—which consolidated Hitler's death grip on absolute power. Beaverbrook had posted a trusted aide, Sefton Delmer, in charge of his Daily Express press bureau in Berlin, and Delmer had become a confidant of Hitler, traveling with him on the campaign trail during the 1933 elections. Delmer was one of the first "journalists" to arrive as the Reichstag burned, and his dispatch from the scene—complete with exclusive interviews with Hitler, Göring, and others—established the cover for the actual Nazi authors of the terror attack, which sealed Hitler's dictatorship. Delmer, in a 1939 article recounting the incident, stuck to his story, which countered the majority of the world media coverage, and blamed the fire on a communist—not on the Nazis.

Beaverbrook—even after his "Damascus road conversion" to war cabinet minister—retained his ties to the Nazi machine. When Nazi leader Rudolph Hess parachuted into Scotland, in a final vain effort to maintain the Anglo-Nazi alliance against the Soviet Union, Beaverbrook arranged a private prison interview with Hess. Details of the session are still sketchy, but one quote to emerge from the meeting, was Hess telling Beaverbrook: "Hitler likes you a great deal."

'Synarchism' Defined

Among the thousands of documents that EIR obtained from the U.S. wartime archives was an 18-page French military intelligence report, summarizing a 100-page dossier on the French Synarchist groups, dated July 1941. The report dealt with the Synarchist Movement of Empire (SME), the Synarchist Revolutionary Convention (SRC) and the Secret Committee of Revolutionary Action (SCRA), the military leadership arm of the SME, also known as the "Cagoulards" (the "hooded ones").

The report provided a brief history: "The Synarchist movement is an international movement born after the Versailles Treaty, which was financed and directed by certain financial groups belonging to the top international banking community. Its aim is essentially to overthrow in every country, where they exist, the parliamentary regimes which are considered insufficiently devoted to the interests of these groups and therefore, too difficult to control because of the number of persons required to control them.

"SME proposes therefore to substitute them by authoritarian regimes more docile and more easily manueverable. Power would be concentrated in the hands of the CEOs of industry and in designated representatives of chosen banking groups for each country. In a word, the idea is to give to each country a political constitution and an appropriate national economic structure organized for the following purposes:


"1. Place the political power directly into the hands of chosen people and eliminate all intermediaries.

2. Establish a maximum concentration of industries and suppress all unwarranted competition.

3. Establish an absolute control of prices of all goods (raw materials, semi-finished or finished goods).

4. Create judicial and social institutions that would prevent all extremes of action."

The dossier reported that, following failed Cagoulard insurrections in 1934 and 1937, the SME infiltrated all the economic and related ministries of the French government, conducted sabotage from within the regime, and set the basis for the Vichy government of 1940, which was dominated, from top to bottom, by Synarchist secret society members. The report named 40 top officials of the government of Marshal Henri Philippe Pétain, who were all SME members.

The dossier repeatedly emphasized that the French SME was but one component of an international Synarchist apparatus, "organized and financed in all countries by certain elements of industrial CEOs and high banking circles. Its objective on the international level is to subvert all of the democratic regimes in the world, and substitute them with stronger governments, more docile and whose leaders of command in each nation are centralized in the hands of a number of affiliates belonging to big business and international banking interests which coordinate their activities around the world." In France, under the Vichy regime, noted the dossier, "the main administrations of the country, have become the arms of Bank Worms whose administrative council controls all of the top administrators of the state."

The Synarchists did not concentrate all their efforts on infiltrating and controlling the Vichy regime. A U.S. military intelligence report, dated July 27, 1944, from the military attaché in Algiers, warned of Synarchist penetration of the upper echelons of the Free French government of Gen. Charles de Gaulle, headquartered in Algeria. "Some of the oldest and formerly most faithful supporters of General de Gaulle are worried by what they call a tendency to let 'Synarchism' penetrate even the highest brackets of the Algiers Administration," the report began. "It is believed that General de Gaulle up to recently, opposed Synarchism, which is a strongly reactionary movement, financed by the Haute Banque. He has even ordered a confidential study to be made on the subject, a copy of which has been seen by American officers." The report concluded, "If it is a fact that many individuals who are holding positions of importance in the cabinet and the immediate entourage of General de Gaulle, are also closely associated with political ideas alien to the program which de Gaulle and his government publicly endorse, then far-reaching political inferences may be drawn." Of course, a decade later, leading wartime "Gaullist" Jacques Soustelle would launch the Secret Army Organization (OAS), which would be responsible for repeated assassination attempts against de Gaulle, and would be implicated in the Permindex assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

While it is not certain that Soustelle was a wartime member of the Synarchist plot, it is certain, from French and American government records, that one leading Synarchist operative infiltrated into the de Gaulle Free French camp was Robert Marjolin, one of Alexandre Kojève's prize student/protégés of his 1933-39 courses on Hegel, Nietzsche, and the "end of history." Marjolin became Minister of Economy in the first de Gaulle postwar government, and he immediately brought Kojève into the ministry.

The Cult of Napoleon

At its core, the Synarchist international—like its front group Pan European Union—sought to create a one-world tyranny, modeled on the reign of Napoleon Bonaparte. The first "Synarchist" text was written in the 1860s by Joseph Alexandre Saint-Yves d'Alveydre (1842-1909), an occultist and follower of Napoleon Bonaparte's own mystical advisor, Antoine Fabre d'Olivet (1767-1825). Fabre d'Olivet had started out as a leading member of the Jacobins, participating personally in the foiled assassination plot against King Louis XVI in 1789. He later served as a top official of the Interior and War Ministries under Napoleon Bonaparte. His occult writings about "purgative violence" and the "will to power"—antecedents of the works of Nietzsche—were adopted by Saint-Yves d'Alveydre, who launched the idea of Synarchism as a counter to the anarchy that had destabilized all of Europe, from 1648.

Saint-Yves' successor, Gerard Vincent Encausse ("Papus"), founded the Saint-Yves School of Occult Sciences, and began a recruiting drive for a secret society, which he called the Synarchy Government. In his 1894 book Anarchie, Indolence & Synarchie, Papus spelled out an ambitious scheme to recruit all of the leaders of industry, commerce, finance, the military, and academia, to a single power scheme, aimed at destroying the "internal microbe" of society, anarchy.

Both Saint-Yves and Papus envisioned a global Synarchist empire, divided into five geographic areas: 1. the British Empire; 2. Euro-Africa; 3. Eurasia; 4. Pan-America; 5. Asia. Indeed, Alexandre Kojève is identified in Russian sources as a leader of the so-called "Eurasians," a group of Russian emigrés in the 1920s Berlin and Paris, led by Sir Samuel Hoare's Guchkov and tied into the Soviet secret service project called "the Trust." The "Eurasians" welcomed the Russian Revolution as a purgative force to wipe out corrupt Western civilization. Kojève's own cosmology of great tyrants counted Josef Stalin and Adolf Hitler as second only to Napoleon, in achieving the "end of history" goal of a true global tyranny.

Strauss, Kojève, Schmitt, and Schacht

While none of the American archive documents reviewed to date by EIR identify Nazi jurist Carl Schmitt as a Synarchist, circumstantial evidence points to that conclusion. Schmitt was an emissary to Spain, Portugal, France, and Italy, during the height of fascism, turning out a series of juridical documents, justifying the jackboot tyrannies. Schmitt was a protected asset of Göring, the leading Synarchist figure in Nazi Germany. Like the banker Hjalmar Schacht, Schmitt was cleared of war crimes by the Nuremberg Tribunals.

In effect, as documented in The Hitler Book, Schacht blackmailed the Tribunal, by aggressively asserting that he was only acting on behalf of the international financial establishment, represented by the Bank for International Settlements, in his incarnation as a top Nazi official. If backed against a wall, he threatened, he would provide evidence of the international financial cabal behind the "Hitler project." Schacht was acquitted, over the strenuous objections of both the American and Soviet judges.

In effect, the perpetrators of the Nazi Holocaust were brought to justice at Nuremberg, while the architects of the larger Synarchist scheme, like Schacht and Leo Strauss' mentor Carl Schmitt, were given a safe conduct, and, through the efforts of postwar occupation figures like John J. McCloy and Gen. William Draper, were vetted for future service.

A final note: In 1955, Schmitt was corresponding with Kojève, arranging for the Paris-based Russian emigré to address the Düsseldorf industrialists' association—which had been a focal point of Franco-German "Synarchist" collaboration between the Nazi and Vichy governments—and meet, during that visit, with Schmitt's close friend Schacht.

It was this Kojève who maintained the closest collaboration with Leo Strauss, and who promoted his theories of purgative violence and universal tyranny with such leading Strauss disciples as Allan Bloom (the mentor of Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz) and Francis Fukuyama. This Synarchist stew remains Vice President Dick Cheney's gang's "French Connection."

—Al and Rachel Douglas, Katherine Kantor, Pierre and Irene Beaudry, Anton Chaitkin, Stephanie Ezrol, Helga Zepp-LaRouche, and Barbara Boyd contributed vital research to this article.
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Re: A Short Definition of Synarchism, by Lyndon H. LaRouche,

Postby admin » Wed Jul 01, 2015 11:23 pm

PART 1 OF 2

Synarchy Against America
by Anton Chaitkin

This article appears in the September 2, 2003 issue of Executive Intelligence Review.

This article is the product of a task force of EIR historians studying the history of Synarchism for the past half year. Together with Lyndon LaRouche's treatment of the current strategic threat of Synarchism ("World Nuclear War When?" EIR, Aug. 29, 2003), and other material, it will be published in September in a LaRouche in 2004 campaign report. More articles are forthcoming.

Contributing to this article were Pierre Beaudry, Irene Beaudry, Jeffrey Steinberg, Antony Papert, and the late H. Graham Lowry.

Introduction: The Adversaries at Bowood

The menace now confronting humanity from Washington's Cheney-Rumsfeld regime is a usurpation of power by financier terror leaders; the final, mad phase of a two-centuries-long project—to counteract the stunning success of the American Revolution and America's intervention in world affairs. This enemy totalitarian project came to be self-named, about a century ago, as "Synarchism."

To defeat it requires historical understanding, which can never consist merely of stupid lists of crimes and plots, however complex. It must instead be the story of the central fight for man's mind—and for the strategic direction of nations—over the question: Does the Creator give man Reason to shape scientific and social progress, or must "authority" manage men, as indistinguishable from beasts?

This is the persistent, nagging problem in intelligence analysis generally: Here are perpetrators, associated for such and such a purpose; here are those we judge good, in their earnest projects; yes, but how have those, with the power to shape large events, intervened to fuel or stall these actors, in line with the global, paradigmatic ideas guiding the power of those strategy-shapers?

The creation of the American republic was projected and built for by Europe's republican philosophers and statesmen, from Plato's humanism through and beyond the revival of knowledge in the 15th-Century Golden Renaissance. The American settlements of the 1600s were designed to make a renewed Renaissance base, safe from the tyranny of Europe's Venice-centered imperial rulers and their manipulated wars of religion and revenge. The 1648 Peace of Westphalia gave Europe a respite and a direction for survival. But the world's real hope was in America. Increase and Cotton Mather, John Winthrop, Alexander Spotswood, and at length, the scientist Benjamin Franklin—allied in ideas and action with the greatest minds of Europe, Gottfried Leibniz, Jonathan Swift, and their friends—all together contesting with Europe's feudal-minded financial powers over the fate of the human race.

Benjamin Franklin's world-famous scientific inquiries were informed by Plato's teaching, and by Franklin's participation in the trans-Atlantic war for the mind,[1] led by Leibniz, against the British empiricist "dead universe" advocates Isaac Newton and John Locke.

Franklin was already to be seen, in the early 1770s, leading a world movement for self-government and scientific progress. Then living in England as the agent of the colonies, Franklin frequently visited the Earl of Shelburne at his Bowood estate. Shelburne chaired the all-powerful three-man "Secret Committee" of the East India Company, which also included Francis Baring of the banking house that bore his name. Shelburne was the most sophisticated representative of the frankly Satanic financier powers behind the British throne.

The East India Company, a Royal-chartered private joint-stock company, represented the pinnacle of mid-18th-Century power, of what was known as the "Venetian Party" of rentier-financier oligarchs, who derived their global power from near monopoly control over key raw materials and commodities, insurance, banking, and shipping routes. The East India Company of Shelburne's "Secret Committee" deployed a more modern and large-scale military force than did the British Crown, maintaining control over their private fiefdoms in India and other parts of the world. The Company represented the gradual merger of British and Dutch financier factions, and, thus, operated above any notion of individual national loyalties. In effect, Shelburne was the "doge" of the combined British and continental European financier oligarchy.

The two wary, urbane, chief opponents—Franklin and Shelburne—constantly took each others' measure. Shelburne had to be the negotiating partner: Franklin knew Shelburne favored some concessions to the Americans, fearing that simple, brutal British repression would lead to an uncontrolled colonial revolt.

Their overlapping international circles often met and mingled at Bowood for liberal colloquy and friendly, tense, mutual intelligence-gathering. One might see there, for example, Shelburne's pagan French priest, Abbé Morellet, jousting with Franklin over magic and reason; while Franklin's scientific protégé and agent, Joseph Priestley, arranged his employer Shelburne's library.

Soon the U.S. declared independence, and Franklin won the kingdom of France as its Revolutionary ally. He inspired, at England's back door, the anti-British freedom struggle in Ireland, now emboldened by Britain's united enemies. America's cause was increasingly popular, praised as just and rational, esteemed as mankind's future, from Russia, to Joseph II's Austria, to Charles III's Spain, to South America.

For the threatened imperialists, Shelburne raised a positively hellish counterattack against the increasing American momentum. Shelburne's cadres and occultist agents threw France into bloody confusion and terror, then "solved" the chaos with Napoleon's tyranny that plundered Europe, leaving France ruined and America isolated.

This criminal initiative echoed down through the 19th and 20th Centuries, the model for the Synarchist movement of leading bankers, who opposed the persisting American power by spawning fascism and fundamentalist terror.

Shelburne's Bestiary

The world saw in Franklin's America the resurgent principles of the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, that had ended Europe's Thirty Years' War: national sovereignty, coupled with renunciation of revenge, the banning of religious crusades and similar pretexts for eternal war. This orderly framework, with government protection for industry, and public credit, would lead to educated citizens, truth-seekers, inventors, who could increase their productive power and prosperity—man in the Divine image.

The British rulers and their Continental European factional allies went to total war to reverse the gears of mankind's progress, to obliterate the Peace of Westphalia they hated, and its American incarnation. Shelburne acted for the imperial looters, adventurers, and speculators who gained absolute power behind Britain's Kings George I, II, and III.

This oligarchy had spoken most bluntly through the shameless Mephistophelian writer, Bernard Mandeville (1670-1733). He demanded absolute "free market" lawlessness to satisfy man's alleged inherent evil, all his criminal appetites. He said the safety of the powerful depends on the maximum cheapness and brutalization of their subjects. "The surest wealth consists in a multitude of Laborious Poor.... To make the Society Happy ... it is requisite that great numbers ... should be Ignorant as well as Poor.... Going to School in comparison to Working is Idleness.... Men who are to remain and end their Days in a Laborious, tiresome and Painful Station of Life, the sooner they are put upon it at first, the more patiently they'll submit to it for ever after."

Mandeville argued that "the best policy is to preserve men in their native simplicity, strive not to increase their numbers; let them never be acquainted with strangers or superfluities, but remove and keep from them everything that might raise their desires or improve their understanding."[2]

Lord Shelburne's English estate housed the agents of influence for those financier powers, literary justifiers of their dominion over men, script-writers for managed insurrection. And Shelburne maintained Continental bases for his allies and subversive agents within French-speaking Switzerland, Geneva and its environs, and inside France proper, as will be described below.

Shelburne assigned two projects to East India Company propagandist Adam Smith. First, to prepare the research outline for a study of the Roman Empire, needed to aid conceptually in erecting a new such pagan empire with London as its headquarters. (This assignment was later turned over to another East India Company researcher, Edward Gibbon, and completed as The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, which blamed the intrusion of Christianity, the religion of the weak, for the collapse of the mighty.)

Shelburne also commissioned Smith's work on an apologia for Free Trade. This, Smith completed in 1776 as The Wealth of Nations. He claimed that the power of an "invisible hand," and each man's pursuit of his selfish interest rather than anyone's desire to do good, causes economic well-being. (Wise men have since asked, is this invisible hand, financiers who rig stock bubbles, or Shelburnes who rig insurrections?) Smith warned Americans and Frenchmen not to dare the "artificial," government-promoted change from agrarian to industrial society; he attacked specifically the protectionist tradition of Jean Baptiste Colbert, finance minister for France's Louis XIV.

In the 1780s, Shelburne installed as his agent the Nero-imitating writer Jeremy Bentham, in an apartment at Bowood. Bentham had written with contempt in October 1776, against the defense of human rights in America's July 4, 1776 Declaration of Independence: "This they 'hold to be' a 'truth self-evident.' At the same time, to secure these rights they are satisfied that Government should be instituted. They see not ... that nothing that was ever called Government ever was or ever could be exercised but at the expense of one or another of those rights, that ... some one or other of those pretended unalienable rights is alienated ... In these tenets they have outdone the extravagance of all former fanatics."

Bentham was to write speeches, translated by the Genevan Etienne Dumont, which went by diplomatic pouch and through other means to Paris, to be spoken by the street leaders of the Jacobin Terror: Marat, Danton, and Robespierre.

In preparation for this work, Bentham wrote a 1785 essay defending "Paederasty," arguing that penalties against men's sex with children stem from society's "irrational antipathy" to pleasure, especially sexual pleasure; and a 1787 pamphlet, In Defense of Usury, attacking all restrictions on the lenders' right to take the highest interest rates they could get away with.

The Shelburne-Bentham collaboration from this period is reliably considered the beginning of the modern British Secret Intelligence Service.

England, Switzerland, France

On the shores of Switzerland's Lake Geneva there were assembled, by the 1700s, a most peculiar set of banker-nobles. Some of these families descended from the Cathar chieftains, pagan buggerers who gravitated up the Rhône river. Some were well-to-do Protestant (Huguenot) emigrés from French religious strife. Most adhered to the sect of the earlier French emigré Genevan, John Calvin; this gave them ties to the Dutch financiers, and religious denominational affiliation with those Scots who served London's empire. They were joined later by embittered aristocratic refugees from the Terror in France. Thus for the corrupted Anglo-Dutch monarchies, French Switzerland became a knife pointed at the heart of France.

The misnamed 18th-Century Enlightenment stank from Geneva to Paris, from Amsterdam to London. The undead Cathar pagan reverence for possessed objects—such as gold, land, piles of grain, the bodies of serfs—yielded the doctrine of physiocracy: that wealth is simply transferred from natural earth and the treasure under it, so man's creative discoveries and scientific advancements have no economic value. Adam Smith formed his Free Trade notions from the physiocrats while in France and Switzerland in the 1760s. He only chided their assertion that manufacturing is not equally necessary (e.g., no cannons, uniforms, or ships; no empire), while adhering to the mania that conscious Reason, by its nature benevolent, must never be permitted to intrude in economics.

Geneva was ruled through the Council of 200, whose leading families intermarried and engaged jointly in espionage, covert propaganda, grain monopoly, colonial slave management, and foreign imperial military careers. Their life work often emulated the strategic tradition of Venice's higher aristocracy.

Among Geneva family names notable in the late-18th-Century political storms, were Necker, André, Gallatin, Mallet, de Saussure, du Pan, and Prevost.

The massively wealthy Geneva-born banker Jacques Necker was appointed the ambassador of Geneva to the court of France in 1764, and became French finance minister in 1777. Necker worked secretly with the British against the American-French alliance, and to wreck the French government. Necker's wife was formerly the fianceé of British imperial historian Edward Gibbon. Necker and his famous daughter, Germaine Necker de Staël, intrigued for both the "left" and "right" phases of the French turmoil.

British army officer John André, son of a Geneva merchant banker, returned to Geneva University to be militarily trained before going to America as a master spy. Gen. George Washington hanged André for procuring Benedict Arnold's treason. The André family merged into the de Neuflizes and joined with Schlumberger and Mallet, forming a politically powerful financier grouping to be of great influence in the project known as Synarchism. These combined interests also appeared in Schlumberger, the huge oil services and covert operations specialists paralleling Dick Cheney's Halliburton.

Albert Gallatin, raised on the knee of Geneva corruptionist writer Voltaire, hid out in the Maine woods during the American Revolution, then led the political attack, within Pennsylvania, against adoption of the U.S. Constitution. Later a U.S. Treasury Secretary, Gallatin led the Free Trade faction against American nationalists.

Banker Jacques Mallet du Pan founded the British branch of the Mallet family. An intimate of Voltaire, and Britain's main French-speaking intelligence officer, Mallet du Pan teamed with Necker and Joseph de Maistre in leading the opposition to an American-style constitution in Europe.

Gen. Augustin Prevost, very close to Voltaire, commanded Britain's invasion of South Carolina against the American Revolution. General Prevost introduced Britain's Scottish Rite Freemasonry onto American soil. His brother James Mark's widow married Aaron Burr and familiarized Burr with top British intelligence circles. Augustin's son Gen. George Prevost, the British Governor General of Canada, invaded New York state during the War of 1812. When Aaron Burr was in exile in England following his U.S. treason trial, the Mallet-Prevosts and Jeremy Bentham were Burr's co-hosts.

Geneva's de Saussure family, emigrating to become leaders of the South Carolina plantation owners, coordinated the Massachusetts Tories and southern secession agitators, for British intelligence. Their Swiss castle, Frontenex, remained a mecca for visiting British noblemen, and they would later boast of intimacy with Britain's statesman and spymaster Lord Palmerston.

In the lower social ranks, Jean-Paul Marat, from Neuchatel and Geneva, was trained for ten years by British intelligence in England before going on to murder thousands of France's intellectuals in the Reign of Terror. Geneva's Etienne Dumont was intimate with Gallatin, was the worldwide promoter and translator for Jeremy Bentham, and tutored Lord Shelburne's sons.

The Shelburne machine owned France's Philippe Duke of Orleans, cousin and enemy to Louis XVI, and opponent of the French nation-building tradition which was now being applied to the American cause. Shelburne and the Duke of Orleans employed creatures from the swamp of mystics and charlatans centered in the freemasonic lodges of Lyons, France, in particular the Martinist Order. Among the Martinists who performed in the staged 1780s-1790s French destabilizations were Franz Anton Mesmer, Count Cagliostro (real name Giuseppe Balsamo), Jacques Cazotte, Fabré d'Olivet, and Joseph de Maistre.

Martinism, a mocking perversion of Catholicism, considers Fallen Man to be in exile in this earthly existence, deprived of his powers. Man can only restore his original condition by initiation to the inner ranks of a secret society, through purgative violence—sado-masochistic rituals, torture, and human sacrifices. As a candidate learns to tolerate injury to others, he gives up his human identity, the sympathy which was celebrated in the Peace of Westphalia as the "Advantage of the Other." He loses the Platonic and Christian truth that men prosper by seeking to benefit others rather than themselves.

This pagan ritualism breeds heartless imperial soldiers and fanatic gang leaders, as Mithraic Stoicism did for the Roman Caesars. After Martinism guided successive French coups, its banker-proprietors spun it into Synarchy and fascism—while labeling it Conservatism or fundamentalist Christianity.

The Shelburne Revolution

France announced in the Spring of 1778 that it was joining America's war for independence. Franklin and his friends acted quickly to strike a winning blow.

Franklin's open letter to the Irish people, printed November 1778 in Dublin's Hibernian Journal, pleaded the common cause of America and Ireland against the British.

The following Spring, 1779, France and Spain agreed to send a joint fleet carrying 60,000 soldiers to invade England and decide the war. Elements of the fleet set sail into the English Channel. An invasion of Ireland was also contemplated. Lafayette, back from his first North American fighting, planned to lead that invasion. He told the pro-American foreign minister, Count Vergennes, "the thought of seeing England humiliated, crushed, makes me thrill with joy."[3] Indecision, smallpox, and faulty intelligence combined to wreck the plan, but the fleet's presence in the Channel, coupled with events to the west, cast a dark shadow over London.

Irish Protestant "Volunteers" began arming themselves, ostensibly to repel an expected American-French invasion. By late 1779, one hundred thousand Irishmen were drilling, and overtures for Catholic-Protestant solidarity were circulating. Thousands of handbills were distributed in Ireland: The American Congress offered Irish emigrants free land and full religious toleration.

Lord Shelburne wrote from Ireland that he found "all classes more animated about America than in England. In every Protestant or Dissenter's house the established toast is success to the Americans."[4] His spies informed Shelburne that Franklin personally coordinated Ireland's alliance with the American rebels.[5]

Meanwhile Shelburne acted through former East India Company director Thomas Walpole, to coordinate the treason of Walpole's close friend and banking colleague, Jacques Necker, the French finance minister. Necker and Walpole intrigued in France against Vergennes, to stop the "wasteful spending" for the French-American alliance. Another British spy, Geneva professor Paul-Henri Mallet, on King George III's payroll, "spent a good part" of Spring 1780 in the company of his cousin, Necker. He soon divulged Necker's views "under solemn oath of secrecy" to Lord Mountstuart, Mallet's intermediary to King George III and Lord Shelburne. " 'Were these talks to be disclosed,' he cautioned, they might 'greatly prejudice M. Necker,' who was now winning the support of the King [Louis XVI] ... Necker had been frank with the Swiss historian, according to the latter's own account. To introduce fiscal reforms, the court of France had to have peace [i.e., stop France's aid to the American Revolution, which was] a war he had never had nor could approve.... Necker ... was quoted by Mallet as expressing the fervent hope 'in God the English would be able to maintain their ground a little better this campaign.' "

Mountstuart reported to London that "Necker was prepared to go behind [French Foreign Minister] Vergennes' back and effect a peace without satisfying even the minimum goals of France's ... allies and without regard to Louis XVI's own honored commitments. On December 1st, Necker, in the full assurance of his growing power, dispatched a secret message to [British Prime Minister] Lord North.... 'You desire peace,' Necker wrote. 'I wish it also.'"[6]

Paul-Henri Mallet and Necker also proposed to the British government strategems to split the rebelling American colonies against each other, North versus South, in order to weaken their fight for independence.

But Necker was soon forced out of his cabinet post.

In the face of the tightening American-Irish-French-Spanish noose, Shelburne's protégé, British Col. Isaac Barré, wrote to Shelburne attacking the weakness and inept policy of the government: "We cannot stand aside and permit the country to take a cowardly course." The opposition should "by some bold and daring measure stun the Court, awake the people, and then take the reins of government into their hands."[7]

Weary of the failed prosecution of the war in North America, and convinced that the Ministry of Lord George North would ruin his dreams of permanent empire, Lord Shelburne, through the East India Company and its allied Baring Bank, bankrolled a Jacobin mob to descend on London in June of 1780. The pretext was the nervous North government's granting of extremely limited "reforms" of the longstanding legal oppression of Catholics.

Led by Lord George Gordon, the Protestant rabble stormed Westminster, sending parliamentarians and Lords alike down flights of stairs, out windows, and to the hospitals. For eight days, London was ransacked, culminating in the storming of the Newgate Prison and the freeing of all the prisoners, who joined in the assault on the Parliament. Eight hundred people died, with terrible property damage.

Lord Shelburne, as head of the interior committee of the House of Lords, personally assured the maximum terror by delaying the reading of the Riot Act which called out the Home Guard until violence had spread to every corner of the City. When the rioting began, Shelburne "was one of the few peers to reach the House of Lords without molestation. He was conspicuous in opposing the calling out of the military. 'I will ever resist and prevent such a matter if possible,' he [told the Lords]. The next day ... he defended the assemblages of the people, and felt that their shouts of 'No Popery!' ... came from sincere, if misguided, conviction."[8] The Lord Mayor of London was a spectator of the smashing and burning, declining to intervene on the grounds that "there are very great people at the bottom of the riot."[9]

After a brief incarceration in the Tower of London, foreshortened by Shelburne's personal intervention with the Crown, the useful Lord Gordon went off to friendlier ground in the Netherlands. There, to the astonishment of his Scottish Presbyterian cronies, he became a convert to Jewish Cabalism, taking the name Israel bar Abraham. He shortly thereafter surfaced in Paris, working with the magician Cagliostro as a provocateur against Queen Marie-Antoinette, while situated as an occult advisor of hers; and from that position participated in Shelburne's intrigues against the French state. Later, the Jacobin insurrection in Paris would replay on a grander scale the earlier Shelburne-instigated Gordon Riots, down to the storming of the Bastille Prison and the unleashing of the criminals.

When the London flames died, the Ministry of Lord North was in ashes as well. North held on to office, paralyzed and frightened, until the victory of the Washington's and Lafayette's American and French forces at Yorktown in October 1781, ushered him out.

Shelburne went into the new Rockingham cabinet (March-July 1782) as Foreign Secretary for the Northern District, subsuming the North American colonies. Shelburne became Prime Minister upon Rockingham's death. His brief personal command of the British government (July 1782 to April 1783) gave him imperial-overlord factional policy control at this decisive turning point. Shelburne set up parallel, separate peace negotiations with the U.S.A. and France, through which arrangement the seeds of the death of France were planted. Suspicions between the American and French allies were fanned; the pro-American faction, the intelligent inheritors of Colbertism, were weakened, as Shelburne prepared a new war within the peace.

By this time, King George III had declared himself wholly subservient to the Shelburne-led East India Company faction, the Venetian Party. As the result of these events, the shadow government formally took charge of the official state apparatus. The intelligence operations formerly housed at the East India Company were henceforth run out of the newly formed Foreign Office and the British Secret Intelligence Services (SIS).

The Company and its financiers reigned supreme in Britain. The new British Empire would focus on subduing India under the Company's private army of 300,000, far exceeding the regular British government's forces; conquering China with Indian opium; and looting the world through uneven trade relations. Shelburne's imperial bankers permanently controlled British strategy, even after the East India Company per se was phased out in the 19th Century.

Six months after Yorktown, General Washington's chief aide, Alexander Hamilton, who coordinated military intelligence for the alliance, described publicly the economic tradition which the American leaders would use to develop their country, when they had the necessary energetic government:

Rapid progress ... is in a great measure to be ascribed to the fostering care of government.... The trade of] France ... [would not] have been at this time in so prosperous a condition had it not been for the abilities and indefatigable endeavors of the great COLBERT. He laid the foundation of the French commerce, and taught the way to his successors to enlarge and improve it. The establishment of the woolen manufacture, in a kingdom, where nature seemed to have denied the means, is one among many proofs, how much may be effected in favour of commerce by the attention and patronage of a wise administration. The number of useful edicts passed by Louis the 14th, and since his time, in spite of frequent interruptions from the jealous enmity of Great Britain, has advanced that of France to a degree which has excited the envy and astonishment of its neighbors.[10]

In 1783, as Shelburne's new government signed a peace treaty, Adam Smith issued an updated version of the Wealth of Nations, complaining that "Mr. Colbert, the famous minister of Lewis XIV ... [endeavored to regulate] the industry and commerce of a great country upon the same model as the departments of a public office; and instead of allowing every man to pursue his own interest in his own way ... he bestowed upon certain branches of industry extraordinary privileges, while he laid others under as extraordinary restraints ... [Colbert preferred] the industry of the towns above that of the country."

This unfair policy—by which France had become a greater manufacturing power than England—said Smith, was responsible for provoking cycles of retaliation between France and England, and peace could only be secured on the basis of "free trade" between them.

Prime Minister Shelburne made his own public demand for unbridled free trade and usury on Jan. 27, 1783, while arguing in the House of Lords for ratification of the Treaty of Paris formally ending the American Revolution. Shelburne warned, "Situated as we are between the old world and the new, and between southern and northern Europe, all we ought to covet on earth is free trade.... With more industry, with more capital, with more enterprise than any trading nation on earth, it ought to be our constant cry: Let every market be open."

After the 1783 Peace treaty, before the Americans had a strong Federal government to protect their industry, British ships deluged U.S. ports with cheap goods, their brashly public purpose being to stifle America's infant manufacturing.

In France, Adam Smith's theory of free trade was popularized by Swiss banker Jacques Mallet du Pan, who called Smith "the most profound and philosophic of all the metaphysical writers who have dealt with economic questions." Mallet du Pan's cousin Pierre Prevost, professor at the University of Geneva, would translate the works of Adam Smith and East India Company professor Thomas Malthus.

Attacking Colbert's policies in 1786, Mallet du Pan lobbied strenuously with France's King Louis XVI to accept British Prime Minister William Pitt's offer of a treaty that would force France to give up all protective measures, and put the country at the mercy of Britain's "free trade" policies. At the same time the international banking houses, led by the Swiss, suddenly refused credit to the French government, and Louis XVI was forced to sign Pitt's Eden Treaty. The British trade war began immediately; they dumped cheap British manufactures on the French market and cut off the supply to France of vital Spanish wool.

Within France, employment, agriculture, and trade quickly collapsed and starvation followed. In 1789, credit was again withdrawn from the French government. King Louis XVI was forced to reinstall Genevan banker Jacques Necker as minister of finance—after having fired him several times before—in order to "regain the confidence" of the banking community. Necker proposed austerity as the only solution to the crisis. He told the people of France that their troubles stemmed from "wasteful spending" by the King and Queen. A showdown approached.

But in the years leading up to this decisive moment, the American faction had been battling the spooks swarming all about the Royal and wealthy circles of Paris.

King Louis had appointed Benjamin Franklin head of a nine-member commission to probe the pretenses of the Martinist, Franz Mesmer, whose hypnotism ("mesmerism") was attributed to Animal Magnetism flowing from his hands. Astronomer Jean Sylvain Bailly, secretary of the Academy of Sciences, wrote the report for Franklin's group, demolishing Mesmer's claims.

Lyons Martinist Jacques Cazotte made a chilling and self-fulfilling "prophecy" at a 1788 dinner of the Academy of Sciences. Cazotte declared that the pro-Americans sitting at the table, including Jean Sylvain Bailly, were going to be executed within the next few years—that Bailly would die on the scaffold.

Cagliostro had already published a Letter to the French (June 20, 1786) prophesying that "The Bastille shall be completely destroyed, and the land upon which it had been erected shall become a promenade area." The "Count" made this pronouncement after his meetings with the Scottish Rite Mother Lodge in London.

Queen Marie-Antoinette was the particular target of Shelburne's Martinists. The Queen's brother, Austrian Emperor Joseph II, sponsored Wolfgang Mozart, whose music illuminated Joseph's Vienna and his sister Marie-Antoinette's Paris. Marie personally acted in a performance of The Marriage of Figaro, a play by Franklin's arms supplier Caron de Beaumarchais, satirizing the pornographic, still-feudal oligarchy (Mozart's opera was based on the play). The enraged Orleanists repeatedly interfered, trying to stop the play's performance at the Royal court, just as the Duke of Orleans—"Philippe Égalité" as he called himself for the Jacobins—had forced Mozart himself out of Paris in 1778.

The gossip roiling Parisian streets against Marie-Antoinette came from the assassination warmup known as the Affair of the Necklace. Cagliostro and his occultist brothers enabled a designing countess, down on her luck, to embroil a Cardinal in a scam involving the purchase, for the Queen, of an exorbitantly expensive necklace she explicitly did not want. The arrest of the countess and Cardinal was played into a scandal vilifying Marie-Antoinette as extravagant, unfeeling, and foreign, amidst starvation. The Countess who stole the necklace escaped prison and fled to England where she was falsely celebrated as a poor victim of tyranny. The French King and Queen would be executed.
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Re: A Short Definition of Synarchism, by Lyndon H. LaRouche,

Postby admin » Wed Jul 01, 2015 11:23 pm

PART 2 OF 2

Terror Against a U.S.-Style Constitution

France, impoverished by British Free Trade, Necker's speculators, and ruinous debts, could only be prosperous again under the dignity of self-government and laws promoting productive economic growth. There had to be a written constitution, establishing the government's purpose and power to so promote the general welfare.

The American example presented itself. Delegates to the 1787 Constitutional Convention had met at Franklin's home to hear the program for the projected Constitutional government—nationally promoted industry and public credit. Gen. George Washington was duly inaugurated the first President on April 30, 1789, and brought in Hamilton as Treasury Secretary to implement the Franklin program.

On June 17, 1789, seven weeks after America's national government began, a French "national assembly" was put into action, with Jean Sylvain Bailly as its president. Bailly and General Lafayette, spokesmen for the republican alliance with America, proposed the necessity of a written constitution to place the king and the entire nation under law, allowing for publicly controlled credit to finance national development. This would be a leap far beyond the British "constitutional" monarchy, since Britain had no written constitution, and no real law other than the mere will of its private bankers, who dictated to the government and to the state church.

On June 20, the King having shut the assembly out of their hall, the members met on a tennis court. All but one signed an oath, as a revolutionary act, asserting that political authority derived from the people and their representatives, and vowing to continue meeting at all costs until a national constitution would be written, ratified, and put in force. This was France's day of glory. The Tennis Court Oath launched what should have become known as the French Revolution.

On July 11, Necker secretly left France on the King's advice. Savagely ignorant mobs were put into the streets protesting Necker's downfall—though he had not really been dismissed, and was himself manipulating the King. The mob carried busts of Necker and Orleans as heroes who should be in power.

Rumor management (including lies of murder screamed by the Marquis de Sade out of his Bastille cell window, leading to his transfer to a lunatic asylum) steered a mob to storm the Bastille prison, freeing its remaining prisoners—an assassin, two mental cases, and four forgers. The attacking mob paraded through the streets with sticks bearing the heads of the prison's governor and several guards, whom they had murdered. Necker returned to his office 18 days after leaving.

A struggle ensued. Lafayette was elected head of the national guard, and Bailly was chosen as Mayor of Paris. The "Jacobins" soon began meeting, haranguing the populace with bloodthirsty speeches crafted at Bowood. Though a Lafayette-Bailly constitution was adopted in 1791, by 1792 the terrorists had won the contest. All pretense of law was abolished, even as a Republic was declared. The republican Lazare Carnot led a brilliant military campaign to defend France from the kingdoms attacking it, but the Revolution's military defense was changed to outward imperial conquest.

The word "republic" was an abuse, as those in power mass-executed their rivals, and were themselves executed in turn. Bailly and Lavoisier (Priestley's co-discoverer of oxygen and Franklin's gunpowder supplier), scientists who were the treasure and strength of France, were decapitated. American friends of the Revolution such as Tom Paine pleaded unsuccessfully for the lives of the King and Queen, and an end to the butchery.

British historians adopted the lie that the French Revolution was a fight won by Left radicals over Right monarchists.

Thomas Jefferson wrote to Lafayette in 1815, that the British ran the (traditionally called "left-wing") anarchists in the French Revolution, and were running the Boston ("right-wing") banker-insurrectionists in the period of the War of 1812:

The foreigner gained time to anarchise by gold the government he could not overthrow by arms, to crush in their own councils the genuine republicans, by the fraternal embraces of exaggerated and hired pretenders, and to turn the machine of Jacobinism from the change to the destruction of order; and in the end, the limited monarchy [that Lafayette and Bailly] had secured was exchanged for the unprincipled and bloody tyranny of Robespierre.... The British ... fears of republican France being now done away, they are directed to republican America.... The Marats, the Dantons, and Robespierres of Massachusetts are in the same pay, under the same orders, and making the same efforts to anarchise us, that their prototypes in France did there."[11]

John Quincy Adams later told the U.S. Congress, in his eulogy for Lafayette, "The movements of the insurgent Power were ... guided by secret springs, prompted by vindictive and sanguinary ambition, directed by hands unseen to objects of individual agrandizement."[12]

During early 1789, Jacques Mallet du Pan wrote articles "On the British Constitution" and "On the Declaration of Rights," demanding France adopt the British parliamentary system, with a balance of power among the people, the nobles, and the crown, and an intermediary body of advisors such as the Privy Council, which must assure that authority over the issuance of credit would be kept strictly in the hands of central bankers, independent of the control of an elected government.

Necker and Mallet du Pan had long worked together against the spread of Franklin's American economics and constitutional ideas. Mallet complained that the American Revolution had spawned a "swarm of fanatics" in Europe.

Mallet du Pan's ultimate political theory may be summed up in his outburst in a letter he had written to his teacher Voltaire in 1772: "I shall exhaust all the feeble enlightenment that I owe to you in eradicating the work of St. Boniface."[13] The Eighth-Century missionary Boniface Christianized Germany. Thus, what Mallet means is, "I work to overturn Christianity's original takeover of Europe—this was a catastrophe which hindered the rightful unlimited rule of barbarian warlords."

So Mallet du Pan and Necker diligently collaborated with an "expert" enemy of the nation-state, Joseph de Maistre, a satanic Martinist deep in the lodge circle of Lyons. A Savoy nobleman, de Maistre in 1792 fled upon the advance into Savoy of the French Revolutionary armies. When Mallet du Pan and Necker and their families consulted with him, in Geneva and Lausanne 1792-1793, Necker was "retired" from French office, but deeply involved in managing events within the Revolutionary turmoil, and Mallet du Pan was the principal director of Continental intelligence for the British crown. They put de Maistre onto the world stage as the spokesman for the darkest feudal reaction within the modern era, directing the role he was to play in the creation of Napoleon Bonaparte.

The Beast Project, Napoleon

What did Necker and Mallet du Pan want from de Maistre?

Listen to Mallet spin out his scenario, published in January 1789, as Franklin's friends prepared to export the American Constitution to France. Mallet wrote of England's past, to suggest a future to be imposed on France:

The blood of Charles I and ten battles only submitted Parliament and the nation to their own army, which was soon enthralled to its cleverest chiefs. Democracy had destroyed the constitution; this democracy led to an oligarchy of generals; the Protectorate beat down everything, Parliament, army, sects, factions, and Cromwell reigned alone over a people whom frenzy had deprived of its vigor and its reason.[14]


Then, Mallet went on to say, the monarchy was restored and few states have been as free of political troubles as has England since then.

The discussions in the salon of Necker and his daughter, Mme. de Staël, led directly to de Maistre's writing his 1796 Considerations on France. Published the following year, the book transported the imagination of the upstart general Napoleon Bonaparte, who was a ready actor in the horrible order of events foreshadowed in Mallet's scenario.

Most of the themes in de Maistre's book, the evil nature of fallen man, the role of Providence, why the innocent victim must pay for the guilty, are taken from the work of Claude Louis Saint-Martin, high priest of the Martinist order of which de Maistre became the most prominent representative following his two decades of freemasonic work.[15]

It will be seen below, what Napoleon got from de Maistre, and where he went with it.

Corsican-born army officer Napoleon Bonaparte was known as a Jacobin and Robespierrist, a murderer and a bandit, a revolutionary executioner. Thus in 1795, when Paris rebels rose against yet another intended change of regimes, the then-head of the government, Paul Barras, appointed Napoleon to block the rebels' advance. The Corsican directed cannon grapeshot fire, and mowed down the rebellious people in the streets. Barras, who now advanced Napoleon upward in the army, was himself an extravagant corruptionist who took his orders from banker Jacques Necker.

Barras shared his mistress, Josephine de Beauharnais, with Napoleon. She was one of a set of political prostitutes along with Mme. de Staël (known as the "ugly beauty"), ladies on the lookout for available executioner-generals to take charge of French affairs. Napoleon married Josephine and became commander in chief of the French Army in Italy, under the Barras-led French regime called the Directory. The loot from his foreign conquests were shared among the Directory and its banker sponsors. In a notorious 1797 scene of staged female hysteria, recorded in Barras's memoires, Mme. de Staël compelled Barras to make her dissolute plaything, Charles Maurice Talleyrand-Perigord, the foreign minister. Napoleon came back from abroad in 1799 and made himself a dictator. Necker's Talleyrand was Napoleon's intermediary to obtain Barras's resignation, and Napoleon kept Talleyrand as foreign minister.

Talleyrand helped Napoleon conquer Germany and Italy, helped him become Emperor, helped him subdue the Pope, and held him off from invading England. Talleyrand's enormous wealth from bribes and theft was deposited in England. As the slaughter exhausted France and Europe, Talleyrand began moving to the next phase of things, betraying Napoleon—who accurately called him "shit in a silk stocking." The British and European nobility who finally crushed France and restored the monarchy, rewarded Talleyrand by reinstalling him as foreign minister.

Devil de Maistre Whispers to Napoleon

Joseph de Maistre's book Considerations on France appeared in 1797, giving Napoleon some two years to reflect on its message for him, before he seized power. British historian Isaiah Berlin reports, "Napoleon ... was impressed by the brilliance of de Maistre's writings, which he was said to find politically sympathetic." And de Maistre admired Napoleon, whose "clear grasp of the realities of power, his open contempt for democrats, liberals and intellectuals ... but above all the contrast between the stupidity and weakness of the Bourbons [royal line] and the military and the administrative genius of a man who once again lifted France to a pinnacle of glory, could not but appeal powerfully to the apostle of realism and authority."[16]

Through his book, at first published anonymously, de Maistre whispered in Napoleon's ear: I speak for the invisible ruling powers: Providence will adopt you, if you are bold enough to make yourself the Man of Destiny. You may commit all crimes, make limitless war on the world. God himself wants you to commit as many crimes as possible—through them you will become God on Earth.

Let us listen to de Maistre's own words—keeping in mind that the author is regarded today as a Christian authority by Dick Cheney's conservative supporters:

Unhappily, history proves that war is, in a certain sense, the habitual state of mankind, which is to say that human blood must flow without interruption somewhere or other on the globe, and that for every nation, peace is only a respite.... If you ... examine people in all possible conditions from the state of barbarism to the most advanced civilization, you always find war....

Yet there is room to doubt whether this violent destruction is, in general, such a great evil as is believed.... First, when the human soul has lost its strength through laziness, incredulity, and the gangrenous vices that follow an excess of civilization, it can be retempered only in blood.... Mankind may be considered as a tree which an invisible hand is continually pruning and which often profits from the operation. In truth the tree may perish if the trunk is cut or if the tree is overpruned; but who knows the limits of the human tree? What we do know is that excessive carnage is often allied with excessive population.... Now the real fruits of human nature—the arts, sciences, great enterprises, lofty conceptions, manly virtues—are due especially to the state of war. We know that nations have never achieved the highest point of the greatness of which they are capable except after long and bloody wars. [emphasis in the original][17]

Pagan or Christian, God loves human sacrifices! He protects the guilty, not the innocent!

We are continuously troubled by the wearisome sight of the innocent who perish with the guilty. But ... we can consider [this] solely in the light of the age-old dogma that the innocent suffer for the benefit of the guilty.

It was from this dogma ... that the ancients derived the custom of sacrifices that was practiced everywhere.... Christianity came to consecrate this dogma, which is perfectly natural to man although appearing difficult to arrive at by reason. [emphasis in original][18]

In telling Napoleon that destiny explains his success, and that the hand of God is guiding him, de Maistre wrote, "[It is] neither paper money nor the advantage of numbers [that] allows the French to invade Italy without cannons."[19]

(De Maistre's editors explain that "Napoleon in his first Italian campaign in April 1796 was short of artillery because of a lack of horses to move his cannon.")

You can destroy any opposition, de Maistre implied, if you are not squeamish!

Tyrants succeeded one another and the people always obeyed.... Their masters have gone so far as to crush them by mocking them. They told the people, ... 'If you dare to refuse [our law], we will shoot you down with grapeshot to punish you for not wanting what you want.' And they did."[20]

(De Maistre's editors explain that this referred to "the uprising ... which young General Bonaparte put down with grapeshot.")

Does Destiny call your name?

When Providence decrees the more rapid formation of a political constitution, there appears a man invested with an indefinable power: he speaks and makes himself obeyed. But these marvelous men belong perhaps only to the world of antiquity and to the youth of nations.[21]

Take it! Only the Unseen Powers decide who rules.

This is how counter-revolutions are made. God warns us that he has reserved to Himself the establishment of sovereignties by never confiding to the masses the choice of their masters.... Thus the Roman people gave themselves masters while believing they were opposing the aristocracy by following Caesar."[22]

Despite your lowly birth, all History has been waiting for you!

There has never existed a sovereign family to which one can assign a plebeian origin; if this phenomenon should appear it would be epoch-making.... We often hear it said, 'If Richard Cromwell [son of Oliver Cromwell, who seized England—remember Mallet's scenario] had had his father's genius, he would have made the Protectorate hereditary in his family.' How true!"[23]

Napoleon took the advice, to see himself as such a Man of Destiny. By insane wars throughout Europe, and a series of coups, he made himself Emperor, his rule secured by a pervasive secret police, censorship, arrest of dissenters. And though he was short, he made himself God. The Pope was forced to sign a treaty putting Napoleon in charge of the Church in the French Empire. Bishops and priests had to teach as he said, swear loyalty to him, take their pay from him, report political conspiracies to his spies. And he did as Cromwell did not, creating Kings and nobility out of his heirs, family and friends (a Mallet became a French Baron).

'America Is Not Possible!'

The fourth chapter of de Maistre's Considerations, entitled "Can the French Republic Last?", was, according to de Maistre's editors, "apparently a direct response to Benjamin Constant's 'Objections Drawn from Experience Against the Possibility of a Republic in a Large State.'"[24]

Benjamin Constant was the lover of Germaine Necker de Staël from 1794 until 1806. When de Maistre's book was published, Constant and de Staël were in Paris sponsoring Barras, and Constant took part in the 1799 coup establishing Napoleon's rule.

In this fourth chapter, de Maistre insisted that "nature and history together prove that a large indivisible republic is an impossibility ... a large and free nation cannot exist under a republican government." He "proves" this assertion: "If we are told that a die thrown a billion times had never turned up anything but five numbers—1, 2, 3, 4, and 5—could we believe that there was a 6 on one of the faces? NO ... one of the faces is blank or ... one of the numbers is repeated.... Fortune tirelessly throwing the die for over four thousand years. Has LARGE REPUBLIC ever been rolled? No. Therefore that number is not on the die." [emphasis in the original][25]

Note the queerly hysterical cheapness of this argument. He first hints at the real problem: "There is nothing but violence in the universe; but we are spoiled by a modern philosophy that tells us all is good, whereas evil has tainted everything, and in a very real sense, all is evil..." [emphasis in the original].

His editors explain, "de Maistre is castigating the 'best of all possible worlds' optimism that seemed to characterize some Eighteenth-Century thinkers. Of course de Maistre was not alone in this reaction; Voltaire's Candide, for example, included a brilliant satire on philosophical optimism."[26]

"This is the best of all possible worlds," is the loving idea Gottfried Leibniz gave the modern world from Plato and Christ, for which Voltaire mocked him in Candide. This Platonic, Leibnizian heritage, carried through the America of Cotton Mather and Benjamin Franklin, is the central issue.

De Maistre lets the underlying rage of his faction spill out in a way that shocks us across the centuries:

Not only do I doubt the stability of the American government, but the particular establishments of English America inspire no confidence in me. The cities, for example, animated by a hardly respectable jealousy, have not been able to agree as to where the Congress should meet; none of them wanted to concede the honour to another. In consequence they have decided to build a new city to be the capital. They have chosen a very favourable location on the banks of a great river and decreed that the city should be called Washington. The sites of all the public buildings have been marked out, the work has begun, and the plan of this queen city has already made the rounds in Europe. Essentially these is nothing in all this that surpasses human power; a city may easily be built. Nevertheless, there is too much deliberation, too much humanity in this business, and one could bet a thousand to one that the city will not be built, that it will not be called Washington, and that the Congress will not meet there. [emphasis in the original][27]

The madness and wreckage that the defeated Napoleon left behind, kept the American model out of Europe for the time being. But de Maistre was not an accurate forecaster on the destiny of nations. The United States survived a Civil War, 1861-1865, despite sponsorship of the insurgent slaveowners by the British and their French junior partner under Bonaparte's nephew, Napoleon III.

Not only survived: Did the impossible! Abraham Lincoln's radically nationalist economics transformed America into the world's greatest industrial power within 20 years. The example of America's Promethean success, under high tariffs and huge public investments, was deliberately placed before Bismarck's Germany, Alexander II's Russia, Meiji Japan, Sun Yat-sen's China, Arthur Griffith's Ireland, M.G. Ranade's India, Carlos de Olagíbel's Mexico, Rafael Nuñez's Colombia. The impending end of peasant backwardness, the age of electricity, steel mills, and powered transport, under explicitly anti-imperial politics, meant the coming end of world power for the old financier oligarchs.

In this global showdown, three U.S. Presidents were shot down: Lincoln, James Garfield, and William McKinley. And America's European enemies assembled a new version of the assault weapon earlier employed in France. Joseph de de Maistre's work was the glue for the imperial bankers' politics—including his insistence that the executioner (or assassin) is all that holds society together; and his demand for the Church to rule a world from which Reason and Progress have been banished—a world under Higher Powers which are, candidly, the opposite of God.

The new imperial techniques of that era were built upon the array of manipulation that had gone into the beast-project, Napoleon. A Martinist magician cohort of de Maistre's named Fabré d'Olivet had been hired as a top official of Napoleon's war department. As occult advisor, he too whispered to Bonaparte on Providence and the Triumph of the Will.

As the influence of America's sovereign-nation success began transforming Germany, in 1878, the students of d'Olivet and de Maistre were formed into the distinctive movement which was to become known as Synarchism. Saint-Yves d'Alveydre, in his book, Mission des Souverains, continued de Maistre's attack, calling the 1648 Peace of Westphalia "an anarchistic Republic of powers armed against each other, ... that the fundamental law of the sovereignty of force obliges, under penalty of death, to function in this fashion, until the abrogation and replacement of this law by a better one."[28] The "better law", Synarchism, is the dissolution of nations in the night of bankers' dictatorship.

George W.F. Hegel put his admiration for Bonaparte's evil at the center of his concept of the "end of history."

Robespierre set up ... Virtue and Terror [as] the order of the day.... This tyranny could not last; for ... all interests ... revolted against this terribly consistent Liberty ... [in] so fanatical a shape. An organized government is introduced, analogous to the one that had been displaced; [further coups] proved ... the necessity of a governmental power. Napoleon restored it as a military power, ... establishing himself as an individual will at the head of State: he knew how to rule, and soon settled the internal affairs of France.... But the antithesis of [Good Feeling] and Mistrust made its appearance.... Thus agitation and unrest are perpetuated." [emphasis in the original][29]

For Hegel, the cycle—witless Jacobin mobs, tyrants, and again, when necessary, new mobs—was now to be the permanent form of governing powerless mankind. (The pathetic Francis Fukuyama directly revived Hegel's end-of-history filth for today's neo-conservatives.)

Friedrich Nietzsche called the one whom de Maistre, d'Olivet, and Hegel summoned to bring order out of the chaos, the Superman. By acting without any humanity, the absolute, brilliant Beast soars above the contemptible ant-like rabble, in Nietzsche's nightmare fantasy.

These were the wells of experience and craft for the architects of Hitler and Mussolini: Bank of England Governor Montagu Norman; Lord Halifax; Lord Beaverbrook; the Warburgs; Lazard Frères; the French-Swiss banking axis; J.P. Morgan; Brown Brothers Harriman; Hjalmar Schacht; Richard Koudenhove-Kalergi.

This was the personal tradition of University of Chicago fascist Leo Strauss; his mentor, Hitler's jurist Carl Schmitt; and the Parisian Synarchist Alexandre Kojève. And it is the life model for Strauss, Schmitt, and Kojeve's followers—today's Cheney/Rumsfeld/Wolfowitz/Ashcroft berserkers—and the guide for their religious fundamentalist, actually pagan supporters. Unless they are removed from power, the city of Washington will be unbuilt, and the devil will win his bet.

_______________

Notes:

[1] H. Graham Lowry, How the Nation Was Won: America's Untold Story, Vol. I (Washington, D.C.: EIRNS, 1988).

[2] Bernard Mandeville, essay added into the 1723 re-issue of his Fable of the Bees.

[3] Richard B. Morris, The Peacemakers: The Great Powers and American Independence (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), p. 28.

[4] Shelburne to Richard Price, Sept. 5, 1779, quoted in Maurice R. O'Connell, Irish Politics and Social Conflict in the Age of the American Revolution (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1965), p. 124.

[5] O'Connell, op. cit., p. 191.

[6] Morris, op. cit., pp. 100-104.

[7] Morris, op. cit. p. 35.

[8] Morris, op. cit., pp. 85-86.

[9] Morris, op. cit., p. 80.

[10] April 8, 1782, New-York Packet, No. 5 in Hamilton's series called "The Continentalist."

[11] Feb. 14, 1815, The Writings of Thomas Jefferson (Washington D.C.: Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association, 1903-1904), Vol. XIV, pp. 246-251.

[12] Oration, Dec. 31, 1834 (Washington, D.C.: Duff & Green, 1835).

[13] March 21, 1772; quoted in Frances Acomb, Mallet du Pan (Durham: Duke University Press, 1973), p. 23.

[14] Mallet du Pan, in the Mercure, 1789, no 3. (Jan. 17), pp. 119, 122; quoted in Acomb, op. cit., p. 201.

[15] His sources could have included Saint-Martin's documentation later published in The Ministry of the Man-Spirit, 1801; Saint-Martin's Letter on the French Revolution, 1794; Saint-Martin's Man of Desire, 1790: and Saint-Martin's theme, the "desire for recognition" which became the favorite theme of 20th-Century Synarchist Alexandre Kojève.

[16] Isaiah Berlin, "Joseph de Maistre and the Origins of Fascism," in The Crooked Timber of Humanity (New York: Alfred A. Knopf), 1991, pp. 146-147.

[17] Joseph de Maistre, Considerations on France, translated by Richard Lebrun (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 23-29.

[18] De Maistre, Considerations, op. cit. p. 30.

[19] Ibid, p. 22.

[20] Ibid, p. 23.

[21] Ibid, p. 51.

[22] Ibid, p. 80.

[23] Ibid, p. 101.

[24] Editorial note in de Maistre, Considerations on France, op. cit., p. 32.

[25] Considerations, op. cit. p. 33.

[26] Ibid, p. 31.

[27] Ibid, pp. 60-61.

[28] Saint-Yves, Mission des Souverains, Paris: Nord-Sud, 1948, p. 272.

[29] The Philosophy of History, translated by J. Sibree (New York: Dover Publications, 1956), pp. 450-452.
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Re: A Short Definition of Synarchism, by Lyndon H. LaRouche,

Postby admin » Wed Jul 01, 2015 11:25 pm

PART 1 OF 2

WORLD NUCLEAR WAR WHEN?
McAuliffe's Deadly Delusions: or, How Harry Truman Defeated Himself
by Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.
Executive Intelligence Review

Aug. 17, 2003 (EIRNS)—The following is the text of a Democratic campaign policy paper released today by the LaRouche in 2004 Presidential campaign committee.

On Today's Failed Candidates:

At this moment of history, a virtually bankrupt U.S. government is challenged by a deadly complex of economic and other crises which neither the Bush Administration nor the Democratic National Committee is willing, so far, to acknowledge. The pivotal feature of this situation, is the reality, that the world has reached the terminal phase of existence of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)'s 1972-2003 "floating exchange-rate" monetary-financial system. Official Bush Administration Snow-jobs aside, the economic collapse in progress now, is, as a matter of fact, neither a recession, nor a mere cyclical depression, but the terminal phase of a general breakdown-crisis of that financial-monetary system. It is the failure to face the present reality of that economic breakdown crisis, which, as during 1928-1933, generates the explosive potential for spreading of wars and terrorist attacks around the world.

As I emphasize in the following pages, Vice President Cheney and his company of neo-conservative rascals have been committed, for more than a decade, to the use of nuclear weapons for so-called "preventive wars," against even minor-power targets. The impulse to begin using such weapons "early and often," is coming toward a boil with that crew, even while we are speaking. That is already bad enough. The additional danger, which I shall address here, is that the U.S. government's current tolerance for Cheney's virtual criminality, is producing a qualitative reaction around the world. His antics are provoking other nations to craft the near-to-medium-term potential for a new quality of nuclear-armed warfare beyond the implications of such elements of the current strategic nuclear Triad as carriers and today's nuclear-powered submarines. Unless we stop Cheney's antics soon, this development, which is now in progress, would confront the President of the U.S.A. elected in 2004 with problems beyond the present comprehension of most of our political leaders today.

It happens that I was engaged in studies of such new capabilities back during the early through middle 1980s, when I ran across them while I was in the middle of work with some relevant professional military and scientific circles. I must point out in that connection, that, sometimes, as in the past, when the brush is too wide, small things which could change history, such as atoms and nuclei, were not painted into the picture of what passes for conventional strategic assessments. Such changes, to a state of affairs beyond today's operating military doctrines, are already haunting the future, at least among those who know how to look for small anomalies which have a featured potential for production of strategic surprise.

However, once their existence is acknowledged, the technical nuts and bolts of this matter become of relatively secondary significance when compared with the economic and cultural strategic factors which will decide whether the threatened type of warfare is used, or not. Those economic and cultural factors are the principal object of this report; the rest is a matter of taking into account unavoidable related technical details.

From where I sit as a Presidential candidate, today, I begin this report by situating the way those strategic considerations intersect the current shaping of U.S. policy, as follows.

Under these conditions, at a time when the Democratic Party's presently sitting political opponent, President Bush, lacks the intellectual and emotional capacities to see either that world economic crisis, or rational solutions for even much lesser challenges, my putative rivals for the 2004 Democratic Presidential nomination have responded to Bush's blunders, by producing a statistical miracle of political folly as bad, or worse than his own.

When 2004 victory over an economic-crisis wracked, Bush re-election campaign should be almost a walk-in, these Democratic pre-candidates have, so far, flunked each and all of even the most elementary of those test-questions of today which would measure those Democrats' qualifications as candidates for their party's nomination. Statistically speaking, their collective, consistent failure to get right any question involving an actually needed policy-change, even by accident, must be seen as virtually miraculous, unless you knew what is going on in the Party's backroom, behind the scenes.

If this trend continues, the slaughter of the Democratic party in the next election could be not only certain, but awesome. Already, that slaughter might seem to be virtually inevitable, unless my candidacy reaches the floor of nominating convention next Summer. Even so, today's threatened virtual disintegration of the Democratic Party under its present leadership, is, unfortunately, not the worst part of our nation's situation.

I take a few moments here to preface the body of this report with some relevant observations on the effects of that failure of leadership currently rampant in the back rooms of the Democratic Party organization. Start with the following sketched images of some of those candidacies whose existence has been approved by the National Committee so far.

At first blink, the failure of each and all of those nine candidates—certainly eight of them (that is, excepting the worst, Lieberman)—might appear to have been the result of a set of coincidences. A closer look at all of the evidence says, "This was no coincidence."

To visualize the collective problem of the party now, compare the instinctive expertise with which a real-life, professional jackass herds cows or sheep (see the Figure). Compare that image with the way in which the Democratic National Committee sheep-herder, Chairman McAuliffe, supervises his bleating flock of selected, eminently cullable Presidential contenders. No policy which the National Committee would presently allow those candidates to utter, nor any debate which that Committee would even permit them to enter, has any beneficial relevance for the grave problems actually menacing our republic and its people today. The appearance is: these candidates are to be seen behaving less as men or women, than as McAuliffe's flock of dutifully doomed political sheep lining up for business at the slaughter-house gate! Some might even wonder, if that line-up was not, at bottom, a Karl Rove trick; it certainly appears to be the bottom of something.

For example, so far, at any meeting called for discussion of those points on which any candidates for U.S. President should show himself as one fit to assume leadership of this nation, those party-certified candidates now rival one another, chiefly, in their intellectual distance from the crucial issues of today's real world. As I have just said, these candidates not only lack the answers; so far, except for some isolated occasions, such as a particular action by Dennis Kucinich, they have failed, so far, as candidates, even to recognize any of the leading dangers.

Kucinich, for example, was functioning on that relatively exceptional, exculpatory occasion, as a member of Congress, rather than in his other capacity as a candidate. There is a growing show of spunk and sense among some members of the Congress, some of this truly admirable, but not when the members are acting as part of the approved list of candidates allowed under the present control of party boss McAuliffe's National Committee machine. It is as if McAuliffe refuses to permit any Democrat who could win the next Presidential election, to campaign for that office.

Take, for example, the case of one of the candidates with a convincing record of conservative predilections, banker-bred Howard Dean. At a time when increasing rations of entire categories of our people are threatened with increased death-rates through the impact of the HMO law, Dean shows his liberal enthusiasm for the practice of a law which must be urgently repealed and its murderous underlying "triage" policies expunged. Maybe, the voters sensitive to health-care problems would wish to put the "shareholder value" candidacy of Howard "toothpaste" Dean back into his tube, while they are still able to do so.

Don't be fooled by Dean's supposed anti-war position. On the matter of Cheney's wars, Dean has been the sincerely duplicitous self to which his record attests.

Ask Dean, "Hey, Howard, where's the beef?" Confidence-man Dean pretends to bake for the edification and nourishment of the young anti-war suckers, but, even as those suckers drool admiration at Howard's figurative bake-in, his figurative hot oven is scrupulously empty. He has slithered around the practical challenge of working to actually pull the lead nuclear warrior, the President's current controller Cheney, out of government, now, when new Cheney wars could have been actually prevented, but for lack of a little more help from the Democratic Party's National Committee.

In the smoking ruin of a post-nuclear-war Hell, Dean would doubtless insist, throughout eternity (wherever he might spend it), "Look at my record. I am on the record as having been a critic of that war." However the wind might spin weathercock Dean, that born-and-bred sly banker implies promises which he does not oblige himself to fulfill. Before you pay his penny, read the fine print. What seems to some people to be his anti-war rhetoric, is only the rustle of the political wrapping-paper inside an empty box, a box whose contents had therefore, prudently, cost him nothing. In HMO booster Dean's political kitchen, love for humanity is all sizzle, no steak.

I have referenced the cases of Kucinich and Dean, and implicitly Senator Graham, in terms which make mere passing reference to that fading candidate, rabid war-monger, and the ipecac of the current slate, Joe Lieberman. Senator Kerry, from whom I had hoped for better things, has, meanwhile, apparently sold his political soul to Stephen Vincent Benet's "Scratch," when he moved from evasive to awful, with his reach toward an arrangement to replace Joe Lieberman's role in the alliance with Lieberman's emotionally unstable Republican twin, Arizona Senator John McCain. McCain and Lieberman, notably, were leading among the earliest cosponsors of the current war-policies of Vice-President Cheney at Europe's Wehrkunde conference, and both have been the choice of candidates for a 2004 Presidential ticket of British war-hawk publisher Conrad Black's American Charenton, the Hudson Institute. Meanwhile, Representative Gephardt is himself.

As for candidate Senator Edwards, he is a man former President Clinton could safely endorse, because the Senator is in no presently visible danger of winning anything but a position as a just-in-case Vice-Presidential nominee. Under some conceivable circumstances, he might be proffered to balance the ticket with a Southerner. Edwards' current significance, is that the former President's endorsement might tend, for the moment, to free Clinton from pressures to endorse any other candidate.

As for the others, including Carol Moseley-Braun and Al Sharpton: Had they wished to be serious contenders, their only chance to gain national significance of substance, was my invitation to them to participate as rivals in my July 2 campaign event. They ducked the opportunity, and more or less dropped from sight for the time being.

So far, the snarling Democratic dog continues to herd its cullable sheep. That National Committee, like the dog in the story of "The Bone in the Brook," has organized what is, in effect, political protection for the impeachable "yellowcake" war-hawk Cheney's re-election chances, arguing that beating the irresponsible Bush in 2004, were a bigger bone than preventing the already culpable Cheney from unleashing more wars in 2003. The Committee argues against stopping impeachable war-maker Cheney now, in the Summer of 2003, on the pathetic pretext of pretending to save their ammunition for damaging the November 2004 re-election prospects of President Bush. As former President Nixon might have said it, that National Committee makes it "perfectly clear" that the only thing it has actually been doing recently, is running interference on behalf of Cheney's, or, perhaps, McCain's 2004 candidacy.

So, while our nation sits on the edge of Cheney's threatened new wars for the immediate future, including nuclear wars, wars aimed against targets such as Syria, Iran, and North Korea; and, while the United States' current policies are pushing it toward early national bankruptcy, McAuliffe's National Committee and its package of pre-selected candidates is aimed at the prospect of a miraculous defeat of its own party, that by a President Bush whose record on matters of the national interest is already, objectively, far worse than Herbert Hoover's, and failing fast.

Thus, each and all of these nine would-be rivals of mine, are already failed candidates from the start. Despite the actual differences among them, they have continued, in fact, to share one fatal flaw in common. That fact is, that the existential quality of our present national crisis, reflects the fateful outcome of certain changes in habits of national political behavior which had come to dominate our nation's policy-shaping practice, increasingly, since the fearful aftermath the 1962 Missiles Crisis and the assassination of President Kennedy. Those habits are the anchor to which these candidates cling, the anchor of a ship which is now rapidly sinking.

Those changes in habits since the early 1960s, are the cause of our nation's degeneration from the house that Franklin Roosevelt built, the world's leading producer society, into a mass of self-inflicted, post-industrial, "consumer society" wreckage today. Those accumulated habits of more than three recent decades, have become the choice of fantasy which each of these candidates regards today as that body of traditionally accepted popular opinion to which he or she is appealing. Kissing the backside of that recent forty years of U.S. cultural history, since the 1962 missiles crisis, in this way, had blocked their view of the future.

Future historians will probably write: "Refusing to see real world, those candidates acted like confused fish flopping on the beach, left behind by the outgoing tide of recent history."

That present show of indifference to reality by the Democratic National Committee brings our attention back to a relevant focus upon the practical political implications of that deadly topic announced at the beginning of this report: the danger of some general outbreak of a new dimension in nuclear warfare, now coming up as the relevant threat somewhere not too far down the line. Put the matter of the Democratic National Committee's diversionary defense of Cheney into the setting of that larger, nuclear-warfare perspective.

To see those issues of warfare more clearly, begin the following report with of review of the story which you must know in the context of today's nuclear-war dangers: of how the President Truman who was first to unleash the monster of nuclear war, was replaced by Dwight Eisenhower, and why both Truman and an anguished post-war U.S.A. so richly deserved that change to Eisenhower then.

1. Cheney & Rumsfeld: `The Unpopular Mechanics'

In August 1945, the U.S. air and sea blockade had successfully cut off the island nation of Japan from efficient access to the imported materials on which the continued existence of its economy, and its war-making capability depended. General MacArthur's leadership had brought the Japan military to its knees, doing to the military forces on the main island what MacArthur's strategy had done to Japan forces on many bypassed islands earlier. Great commanders are sometimes forced to order ferocious battles—as MacArthur had commanded in some during that war—but the object of modern strategic defense is not the slaughter. The object of the policy of strategic defense followed by all competent modern commanders since Lazare Carnot and Gerhard Scharnhorst, must be, as MacArthur chose, to win that peace which we must build upon the surviving foundations of victory, without any avoidable destruction of the enemy nation and its people, or our own.

In mid-1945, there was never any rational military need, under a policy of strategic defense, for our making a forced entry into the main island of Japan. The Emperor had already sought peace through the channel of Monsignor Montini's Vatican office; it was a matter of waiting out the Japan military's willingness to submit to the Emperor's will. In August, the sweating-out time would be in the order of weeks, perhaps between then and October. Unfortunately, the fire-bombing of Tokyo had already prolonged Japan's desire to fight, or peace might have already come. All the relevant available reports indicate that former Captain Truman did not consult General MacArthur, the relevant commander, on the matter of using nuclear weapons; but, the military implications of the reports from MacArthur's staff were clear. General Eisenhower, in Europe, was consulted, and did warn against such a use of nuclear weapons; but Truman went ahead, anyway.

That Truman decision was the beginning of the official status of that same utopian tradition of strategic lunacy which has seized the office of the President of the U.S.A., under "Svengali" Cheney's poor "Trilby," Bush, today.

The wind-up for that 1945 nuclear bombing of explicitly civilian targets, had been test-run during the last months of the war in Europe. Planned bombing of civilian populations of targeted cities, under so-called Lindemann/"Bomber Harris" doctrine, had, like Montgomery's "Market Garden" hoax, actually prolonged the war—and, thus, also killed more U.S. soldiers—by resuscitating what been Germany's fading willingness to continue to fight. The fire-bombing of Tokyo had been a similar piece of strategic folly. The needless use of the only existing nuclear weapons in the U.S. arsenal, was not the beginning of what became known as the Rand Corporation's post-war "utopian" revolution in military affairs. That evil uncle Bertrand Russell whom confused children have adored as a fighter for peace, was the actual inventor of that United State's doctrine of "preventive nuclear war" which was the actual motivation for the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. What that bombing accomplished, for the long run, was to set the precedent needed to institutionalize that utopian dogma of a U.S. nuclear revolution in military affairs, which is Cheney's doctrine today.

Apart from his exculpatory act of defeating Tom Dewey in the 1948 general election, Truman's actions, and support for utopian policies, created what became known as McCarthyism and led into the Korean war. The nation reacted to Truman's record by electing his successor, the military traditionalist Eisenhower, for two terms, rather than trying another Democrat, and breathed a deep sigh of relief when that was done.

That bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki thus divided the military and related factions of the U.S. chiefly, between the supporters of the U.S. traditional doctrine of strategic defense—as represented by those such as post-war Generals of the Armies MacArthur and Eisenhower—and, their opponents, the utopian followers of "preventive nuclear warrior" Bertrand Russell. Rumsfeld and his crew typify the "military-industrial complex" utopians at their worst, and most stupid today. A misguided President Truman had leaned toward the side of the same utopians who gave us, later, the 1964-72 Indo-China War, and have also pushed that so-called revolution in military affairs, which dumped us, by means of fraudulent pretexts, into both the 1964-1972 Indo-China war and the presently suppurating folly of rising bloody, irregular warfare attrition in Iraq.

That fact focuses attention on the cases of rabid utopians Dick Cheney and his Bobbsey Twin, Donald Rumsfeld. This pair represents a type known in the trade as what organized-crime studies term "mechanics." Both of these not-so-merry pranksters, a kind of contemporary Burke and Hare of the intelligence craft, have been known for their coup-cooking specialty since the mid-1970s, back during Ford Administration days. Either or both could be dumped, the sooner the better, but as long as they and their pack of "Chicken-hawk" neo-conservatives remain on the loose in key positions in government, neither the United States nor the world at large is a safe place in which to live.

I explain.

The Case of Cheney

As the Washington legend has it, in public, that taciturn parody of straight-man Bud Abbot, Dick Cheney, is usually not a runaway babbler like his clownish, motor-mouthed side-kick, "Lou" Rumsfeld. Contrasting that pair to Abbot and Costello, is like emphasizing the difference between Hollywood's "Three Stooges" and the Marx Brothers.

Cheney, for all his pure meanness, is no mental giant, and Rumsfeld certainly is not a "lovable Lou." Usually, it only by exception, especially when he is panicked, or ordered to do do so, that Cheney chooses to risk exposing his intrinsically hateful self to lengthy public speaking appearances. Typical such imprudent exceptions were his recent appearances at locations such as the friendly family setting of that neo-conservative rats' nest known as the American Enterprise Institute. At other times, when he has the choice, he has had the strength of nerve to keep his mouth shut in public; then, his public appearances tend to be limited more to a Dickens image of him sitting and scowling at the cameras, seeming to knit ominously, while waiting for heads, even of entire nations, fall from the knife of his Terror's guillotine into the waiting basket. He is, in a word, essentially a "mechanic."

As I have said, Cheney is not one we could describe as "excessively bright"; the twisted kind of substitute for genius he harbors, definitely does not lie in the domain of science or artistic cultivation, but in his Dracula-like predilection for nasty actions which moral folks would have tended to abhor as unspeakable. Adolf Hitler was of that Wagnerian type, although he did talk a lot. When you say "Cheney," think "Freddie" Cheney, as like a monster from the political zoo of Synarchist Alexander Kojève. He is, as Kojève described such would-be tyrants, the type ruled by unstoppable surges of Nietzschean-like rage, who would rather kill than speak, and, like a succession of Liberia's post-1980 tyrants, will not shrink from deeds so monstrous that they would astonish and disgust the imagination of merely wicked men.

Although Dick is "no genius," one does not have to be a genius to share Cheney's record for pushing "preventive nuclear warfare." That is the danger. However, being no genius, he is also, at the same time, like his co-thinkers, a pathetic fool in precisely the area of his greatest desire, strategic planning. It is important to understand this Cheney. Therefore, compare "Bugsy" Cheney with Murder, Incorporated's Abe "Kid Twist" Rellis, but a "Kid Twist" using nuclear weapons instead of ice-picks. Always remind yourself: the fact that he is vicious, does not mean that he is also intelligent. In short, he is ultimately as much a major security risk to the U.S.A. as to any of his choices of targets abroad.

As the continuing aftermath of Cheney's war in Iraq shows, the fact that the Vice-President is evil, does not mean that his desperado's schemes will actually work out as he proposes. At bottom, he neither knows, nor cares whether his war plans are competent or not; like a brutish professional killer who enjoys his trade, it is doing the dirty deed which fascinates him. If one of his crimes is a strategic failure, like the aftermath of the Iraq war, what does he care? The failure of one of his crimes merely impels him, as we have seen, to distract attention from that, by going ahead with a second military atrocity, perhaps more ambitious than the first. Those of us who are serious and responsible, must study the manifest stupidity of Cheney's long-standing, since 1990-91, design for the now escalating, ongoing phase of continuing war in Iraq. We are not looking for signs of genius, or even competence. We are determined not to underestimate his predilection for fatal miscalculations of even vast strategic implications.

For that reason, we must recognize that what he describes his intentions to be, are not exactly the same intentions which motivate his behavior. His actions are chosen as a means to an end. What end? Not what many of our citizens ae misled to believe, so far.

This and other evidence warns us, that Cheney, Rumsfeld, and their neo-conservative crew are essentially fantasists, playing with deadly toys. They are madmen like one holding a sawed-off shotgun he has aimed against a captive family of hostages, desperadoes far removed from competence in the axiomatic features of strategic assessment and planning. Do not, do not, make the potentially fatal blunder of assuming that their stated motives, or those of any other follower of Nazi Carl Schmitt's protégé Leo Strauss, are their true ones. That pack of perverts should remind us of some immature, emotionally off-balance boys shooting down fellow-students, for the sheer sport of real-life acting out of point-and-shoot video games. They are true utopians; it is the recipe, not the meal, which is their passion for cooking foul dishes. They are of the same type of menace to public welfare as deadly homicidal lunatics, whose primary motive is their existentialists' pleasure in their choice of act, not their often almost accidental choice of target.

In the course of EIR's report on Synarchism, the reader will come to recognize the apparently psychopathic behavior-pattern of these so-called neo-conservatives, as typical of the participants in an international association known since the early Twentieth Century as the Synarchist International. That is the association which produced dictators Benito Mussolini, Adolf Hitler, Francisco Franco, the Laval and Vichy governments of France, Belgium's Degrelle, Roumania's Iron Guard, and the German Nazi Party-directed organizations of Mexico and South America during the course of the 1930s and World War II. This is the same Synarchist International which U.S. military intelligence and OSS classified as "Synarchist; Nazi/Communist," operating in Europe and throughout South and Central America during the 1930s and 1940s.

The reader will learn, that that same Synarchist International, which figured in the terrorist waves of the 1970s and 1980s in Europe, is one of the principal sources of actual terrorist threats against the U.S.A. today. Go back to the 1780s, when that occult freemasonic association of Cagliostro, Joseph de Maistre, and others, which created Napoleon Bonaparte's career, was organized: You find precisely that pro-terrorist mentality, sometimes recognized as Nietzschean, which produced the Jacobin Terror, the bandit-Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, Mussolini, Hitler, Franco, and others. This was the association which become known, approximately a century later, as the Synarchists.

It is that mentality which is now known as Synarchism—not any ostensibly practical form of criminal objective—which prompted Hitler's Nietzschean holocaust against the Jews of Europe (Richard Wagner, Hitler's forerunner, did not say "the Jews;" he wrote, repeatedly, "The Jew," designating not persons, but, instead, a depersonalized collective object.) It was a crime typical of the Synarchists since July 1789, and of the Jacobin Terror in general. It was a crime, as described by Alexander Kojève, the Synarchist collaborator of Chicago Professor Leo Strauss, whose governing intent is to perpetrate a crime of such unbelievable horror as to reduce all who knew of it to terrified submission. What happened on Sept. 11, 2001 expresses that same quality of intent, the pleasure of committing a horrible crime, which we recognize as typical of Torquemada's Inquisition in the past, or of the contemporary Synarchist.

Only when you recognize that Nazi holocaust as specifically Nietzschean in motive and character, do you understand the danger to humanity in general, which it typifies, now as then. It is that same method which is to be recognized as the thermonuclear madness expressed by Synarchist accomplices Cheney, Rumsfeld, and their neo-conservative accomplices today.

That Cheney and his pack are currently impelling President Bush, a man of remarkably limited intellectual qualities, toward a build-up to a situation of medium- to long-term nuclear-warfare risks of a qualitatively new kind, risks of which neither they, nor that President, have the slightest comprehension. Nor, apparently, do any among those nine sheep being herded by the jackass-like kicks of McAuliffe's Democratic National Committee.

The question so posed is: How should we diagnose and cure the danger which that specific political form of madness poses to the world at large? To define the answer, there are several distinct elements which must now be considered, in succession. First, a crucial lesson from the referenced case of President Harry Truman.

The Trouble with Harry

To put these issues into a relevant historical perspective, I point our attention to a set of extended remarks by a relevant British military historian Correlli Barnett, as to be found beginning page 13 of the fourth volume of his series, his 2001 The Verdict of Peace. My purpose in referencing his work, is to emphasize a relevant comparison between the present logic of today's medium-term threat of major nuclear conflict, and the strategic situation which existed in 1949-1950 East Asia. I identify the character of the situation then, by reference to a quote which Barnett excerpted from President Truman's Undersecretary of State George Kennan:

...the U.S. [Truman] Administration did not consider that the Russians were preparing to enter the war. There were signs that they intended to leave themselves a way out and it was a reasonable assumption therefore that the Russians were merely making an important probing. There was no evidence that this adventure contained the seeds of a major war and it was important to cope with it in such a manner as to restrict it to minor proportions.
Thereafter, Barnett continues to develop the case in that location; you should read and study his argument, for its own sake, for yourselves. What I summarize is my own view of the matter, keeping Barnett's argument in view as I am doing now. With that reference in mind, look at those circumstances referenced by him from a slightly different vantage-point than his, from my already referenced view, above, of the situation inside the U.S. Government at that time. After that, return to the relevance, to the Democratic Party's way of choosing leading candidates, of Barnett's thesis, as it might be applied to the circumstances implied by Cheney's policies today.

Cheney and his Synarchist accomplices are fatally blinded by their bi-polar, brutishly egoistical, orgasmic faith in the imagined cleverness of their pathological impulses. They are also self-blinded, that to a most crucial strategic effect, by that kind of self-inflicted utopian folly which Barnett identifies with the Truman Administration's plunge into the setting of the war in Korea. The Bush Administration's lunatic policy toward Korea today, shows that Cheney's role in that administration is also an historical irony, a policy impelling the current Bush Administration toward an awful caricature of Truman's own earlier blunders.

Worse than the danger in their Korea policy itself, Cheney and his crew are impelling the United States toward a spread of the kind of nuclear warfare which no one, including the United States, could actually win by standards acceptable to the U.S. population. Nonetheless, such a new variety of doomsday war is, most unfortunately, possible under appropriate circumstances; but, for reasons I shall identify below, no side would win it in terms any sane member of modern European culture would consider acceptable. Cheney's continued presence in the Bush Administration now, could lead to such awful results, because he cares not about the outcome, but cares only for the evil satisfaction he derives from doing the deed.

As Barnett's account might imply to you, the trouble we face with Cheney began for us with Harry: President Harry Truman. Barnett's insights into those earlier British and Anglo-American predicaments in economy and military affairs, has a certain exceptional usefulness as background for studying the economic-policy aspects of the present strategic situation of the Americas and Europe today.

President Franklin Roosevelt had rescued the U.S. economy from the wreckage which the disastrous policies of the successive administrations of Presidents Calvin Coolidge and Herbert Hoover had produced. Hoover had been technically competent on numerous detailed accounts, but, as my associate Richard Freeman has documented, was on the wrong side—the Morgan-Mellon-Dupont side—in his choice of all turns in the forks of the economic road. What Hoover did to the U.S. economy paralleled the destruction which ministerial Chancellors Bruening and von Papen were doing to ruin Germany during most of that same period.

The chief external enemy which a recovering U.S. economy faced during the entire sweep of 1932-1945, was a legacy of the French Revolution and Napoleon Bonaparte which became notorious, during the period following the First World War, as the Synarchist International. This was the same Synarchist International, controlling important private banking houses on both sides of the Atlantic, which had put Adolf Hitler into power in 1933.

Consequently, by the time of the British flight from Dunkirk, in 1940, Roosevelt was faced with the following global threat to the U.S.A. itself. That global threat came from a organization known then as that same Synarchist International which, as I have already indicated above, had not only created and installed Hitler in Germany, but had put Mussolini in power in Italy earlier, had created the fascist Franco regime in Spain, and had created a network of smaller, but nonetheless incredibly nasty similar tyrannies elsewhere. In 1940, these Synarchists were about to establish fascist regimes in Laval's and Vichy France. This included a network, run from Nazi Party headquarters in Berlin, through fascist channels in Spain, directing the anti-U.S.A. Synarchist organizations of Mexico and South America, the ones impatient to be rid of Pope John Paul II today.

On the occasion of the Dunkirk incident, British minister Winston Churchill appealed to President Franklin Roosevelt. He emphasized that the Nazi leadership in Germany was at work with the Nazi sympathizers among the leading aristocratic circles of Britain, to the purpose of bringing Britain into an alliance with the fascists of Italy, Spain, and France. The Laval and Vichy governments which emerged during that period, were products of the Nazi coalition known as the Synarchist International. Such a development would create a combined power in Europe exceeding any other, and including the combined navies of Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Japan. The conquest of the targeted Soviet Union would thus be the final step toward consolidating a power capable of, and intent upon crushing Franklin Roosevelt's U.S.A.

Roosevelt and Churchill acted in time. As a typical, included immediate result, Germany's Admiral Canaris—who represented one of the most significant, if usually discreet elements of German military opposition to Hitler's rampage—warned Spain's Franco of what were in store for him if he did not refrain from the grab for Gibraltar which Hitler had demanded. The Hitler admirers in Britain's high-ranking circles were herded into line, or shot. Roosevelt and Churchill acted in concert, creating the extraordinarily difficult military alliance, later incorporating the Soviet Union and China, which won World War II. The unlikely allies, Roosevelt and Churchill, thus turned the tide against the Synarchist dreams of Hitler's world conquest. The war would continue, brutally, but what had seemed for a moment the assured victory of the Nazi-led drive for world empire, had already been snatched from the paws of Hitler and his Synarchist controllers.

But, the Synarchists had not been rooted out.

Unfortunately, the included effect of the successful Anglo-American Normandy breakthrough, was to assure those pro-Synarchist right-wing circles in the United States which had played a crucial role in putting Hitler into power, that the defeat of Hitler was now virtually inevitable. These pro-Synarchist circles of the U.S.A. and British Empire, which, for national-interest reasons, had reluctantly tolerated, and even sometimes cooperated with Roosevelt, especially during the early phases of that worldwide war, now turned to bring the Roosevelt era to an end. The successful push by them, to replace Wallace with Truman at the Summer 1944 Democratic Party nominating convention, set the stage for both Hiroshima and for the General Draper-led, post-war cover-up of that Synarchist financier cartel, pivoted on institutions such as Banque Worms, which had been part of the financing of Nazi Germany's war machine.

Truman's dropping the bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki was an effect, of the terrorist, Nietzschean type prescribed by Professor Leo Strauss's crony, Synarchist Alexander Kojève. It typified the right-wing, pro-Synarchist turn of the post-Roosevelt U.S.A. That expresses the essence of the trouble with Harry.

A dear friend's eyewitness account of OSS chief General Donovan's emerging, deeply saddened, from a visit at the failing President Roosevelt's office, reports Donovan sadly murmuring to the effect: "It's over." Many among the accomplishments of the U.S.A. under FDR's leadership could not be rooted out by the Truman Presidency, but Truman cleared the way for those who would ruin the FDR legacy as early and often as possible, the right-wing which had used the victory in Normandy as the signal to dump, as much as possible, the policies of a Roosevelt they had always disliked, and who they no longer considered indispensable. Truman cleared the way for an attempted, top-down takeover of U.S. strategic domestic and foreign policy by those utopians President Eisenhower later identified as a "military-industrial complex," the followers of the "preventive nuclear war" doctrines of Bertrand Russell. The other name for that crew of utopians was, and is "The Synarchist International."

It is that Synarchist International, again, which is behind what Cheney and his neo-conservative rascals represent inside the Bush Administration today. So, to understand the nature of the impetus driving the world toward a new kind of nuclear warfare under the post-2004 U.S. Presidency, we must first understand the present-day form of that Synarchist International as its specific kinds of war-aims. In the course of supplying that needed clarification, the story behind the story told by Correlli Barnett's series of four books will be brought into focus. The bombing of Hiroshima and the story of Truman's Korean war, then becomes transparent.

Now, consider the following summary of the essential relevancies of the Synarchist International. After that, I shall clarify the political-strategic developments, already under way, which define the probability for a new quality of warfare breaking out as early as under the next U.S. administration.

2. Economy and World-Wide Wars

"The Synarchist International" became rather widely known by that name about the time of the Versailles Treaty negotiations at the close of World War I. However, its existence dates, most notably, from the 1789-1815 interval of the successive rises of the "left-wing" Jacobin Terror and the "right- wing" tyranny of veteran Jacobin Napoleon Bonaparte. The right-left characteristics of the Synarchists, as illustrated by the case of Synarchist Jacques Soustelle, date from no later than that interval of France's history, to the present day. At first glance, the following picture might tend to appear arcane to all but qualified historians and intelligence specialists; but without this knowledge, no competent understanding of the present and continuing threat to civilization could be competently understood.

Both of those successive developments were orchestrated by a concert of private merchant-banking interests typified at that time by the like of the Schlumberger, de Neuflize, and Mallet banking interests, as also Mallet du Pan, and also Jacques Necker, the crony and asset of Britain's Lord Shelburne. These private family bankers used a passionately occult freemasonic association, known as the Martinists, as their adopted political mechanism. The ideology of that continuing cult is typified, symptomatically, to the present day, by the influence of extremely eccentric Joseph de Maistre.

During the late Nineteenth Century, this continued association adopted the term "synarchism" as ostensibly a reaction to the British Foreign Office's launching of the late Lord Palmerston's asset Bakunin as the founder of anarchism. It was during the period following Versailles, that the term Synarchist International came in its presently continuing use. The Synarchists of Mexico and South America, still today, are an example of the present-day continuation of the Nazi-directed, Martinist-style freemasonic forces, with typical right-left characteristics, classified as "Synarchism: Nazi/Communist" by U.S. intelligence services during the period of the 1930s and beyond.

The U.S. neo-conservatives associated with Cheney and the legacy of the late, Nazi-like Professor Leo Strauss today, are an active product of that Synarchist International. Carl Schmitt, the so-called "Crown Jurist" of the Nazi legal system and the original sponsor of Leo Strauss's career in Britain and the U.S.A., was a key figure of the Synarchist operations in Europe prior to and during World War II. Cheney, his neo-conservative gang, and their policies of practice can be understood competently only as an expression of the U.S. Straussians' adherence to that Synarchist tradition and its ideology.

Recently—over a period from late 2002 until recent months—the Synarchist International held a series of meetings, coordinated by veteran Franco fascist Blas Pinar, bringing together fascists from Italy, France, Spain, and South and Central America, for a campaign against the U.S.A. For those who know their history, the creation of the U.S.A. as a Federal Constitutional Republic, has been the chief target of Synarchism's enmity since July 14, 1789 France, to the present day. The two conflicting systems, our constitutional form of republic and Synarchism, can not continue to inhabit this planet together for much longer. The Synarchists are once again on the march toward the goal of world empire, as they were, earlier, in Hitler's time, in 1940. Cheney's crew are part of that Synarchists' utopian package.

The key to that conflict is expressed by that feudal relic of Venice's former status as a financier-oligarchical form of imperial maritime power. That relic is expressed today by what is known as the independent central banking system. This kind of central banking system is key to understanding the dynamic of the relationship between a more or less global form of Anglo-Dutch form of general monetary-financial system and so-called world wars such as those two of the 20th Century.

Under certain conditions, the modern sovereign nation-state and modern echoes of Venice's imperial system of usury tend toward a relatively stable, if uneasy peace. This state of affairs has prevailed during some periods of globally extended European civilization since the first emergence of the modern sovereign nation-states, Louis XI's France and Henry VII's England, during the period of Classical Greek revival, the Fifteenth-Century Renaissance. This Renaissance became possible under the circumstances of Europe's struggle to recover from that Fourteenth-Century "New Dark Age" which had been detonated by the general collapse of Venice's bankrupt Lombard banking system, a "Dark Age" in which one-third or more of Europe's population had been wiped away by the consequences of Venetian-orchestrated usury. Out of that chaos, the Augustinian tradition in Christianity mustered what became the pro-Greek Classical Renaissance, superseding the burdensome, ultramontane legacy of the Emperors Diocletian, Constantine, and that "Julian the Apostate" who figures as a model for British imperial utopia in Shelburne lackey Gibbon's account of the history of the Roman Empire.

The Fifteenth-Century emergence of modern European civilization was met by a resurgence of Venice's power. Since approximately 1511, what is presently globally extended modern European civilization, has been locked in recurring mortal conflicts between the emerging modern nation-states of Europe and the Americas, on the one side, and, on the other, the relics of that Venetian-Norman tyranny which had formerly dominated the Mediterranean region, and beyond, since the times of Malthilde of Tuscany and the Norman conquest of England. The leading reactionary role of Hapsburg Spain in the religious and related wars of 1511-1648, is typical of that conflict.

During the course of the Eighteenth Century, many of those leading minds of Europe dedicated to the cause of development of modern nation-states, came to view the development of the English-speaking colonies in North America as the best opportunity for establishing a new kind of true republic which could become a model for similar reforms in Europe itself. As the U.S. Declaration's principle of "the pursuit of happiness" attests, it was the influence of the ideas expressed by Gottfried Leibniz's condemnation of John Locke, as in Leibniz's New Essays on Human Understanding, which typified that European republicans' initiative toward North American intellectual leaders such as Cotton Mather and his most notable successor, Benjamin Franklin. As early as the 1750s, but emphatically the mid-1760s, the best minds of Europe—as only typified by England's Priestly, France's Lavoisier, and Germany's Abraham kästner—worked to assist Franklin in developing that youth movement, in North America, which emerged as the intellectual political leadership of the young republic.

At the time the 1787 draft of the U.S. Federal Constitution was in the final stage of adoption, in 1789, France's monarchy was plunged into the bankruptcy brought on as a consequence of France's 1783, pro-free-trade Peace Treaty with Britain. Two leading patriots of France, Bailly and Lafayette, led in the drafting of a constitution for the monarchy of France based on the precedent of the U.S. design. It might appear that the American model of republic already so popular among the national patriots of Europe, was to fulfill its destiny, with a wave of true republics erupting there.

The intervention of the British Foreign Office, through assets in France such as Louis "Egalité" and Swiss banker Jacques Necker, organized the July 14 Bastille incident, which began France's descent, aided by British Foreign Office agents Danton and Marat, into the Jacobin Terror. Much of the core of those influential French figures who had been associated with American cause, including Lavoisier, died in that Terror.

Then came the rise of the so-called turn to the right, Napoleon Bonaparte. By close of the Congress of Vienna, our republic was isolated, endangered, caught between the guile and threats from London, and the pure evil of the Habsburg-orchestrated Holy Alliance. The "left-right" syndrome typified by the succession of Jacobin Terror and ex-Jacobin Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, became the model of reference for not only blocking the influence of the U.S. republican model in Europe, but seeking to crush it in the Americas, as by the Anglo-French orchestration of the Confederacy and the installation of the Habsburg butcher Maximilian in Mexico. Since those developments of 1789-1815, the special, occult freemasonic association known today as Synarchism, has been a leading factor in globally extended European history in general.
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Re: A Short Definition of Synarchism, by Lyndon H. LaRouche,

Postby admin » Wed Jul 01, 2015 11:26 pm

PART 2 OF 2

That role of that Synarchist pollution of modern society, has been fostered by the existence of a crucial difference between today's typical, Anglo-Dutch Liberal model of parliamentary democracy, and the Constitution of the U.S. republic. That difference is key for understanding the connection between the past hundred years economic crises and world wars.

Our constitutional system of government is defined, as to principle, within the Preamble of our Federal Constitution. This Preamble consists of three multiply-connected, universal physical principles to which every other feature of that Constitution, and all Federal law are properly subject for their interpretation. These three principles are: 1) the perfect sovereignty of the nation and its people over all their territory, in all their internal and foreign affairs; 2) The general welfare of all of its people; and, 3) Accountability for efficient care for our posterity.

This notion of "general welfare," which rejects John Locke's and the Confederacy's notion of "property," or "shareholder value," is derived from the concept of agape which Plato's Republic presents through Socrates, and the same concept as presented by the Christian Apostle Paul in I Corinthians 13. This notion of general welfare is sometimes stated as "the common good," and is associated with the English usage of "commonwealth."

Another synonym for "general welfare," is Leibniz's "pursuit of happiness," a concept taken by the circles of Benjamin Franklin from Leibniz's denunciation of John Locke, in their reading of the belated publication of Leibniz's New Essays on Human Undertaking. "Pursuit of happiness" is a more sophisticated, more scientifically precise way of expressing the concept of agape or general welfare. It connotes the absolute distinction of man from beast; that the essential human need is to be human, to express that creativity, such as that of Classical science and art, which exists only in the human individual, and not in the beast. The efficient expression of that quality to the advantage of society, is that righteous state of happiness which the 1776 Declaration Independence commits our newborn republic to foster for each and all of our people.

Take the case of slavery as an example of the application of a constitutional form of natural law.

The recurring compromise expressed in connection with the original 1776-1789 approach to the intended process of eradicating slavery, was not a matter of principle, but of a compromise dictated by global strategic considerations. The restriction on elimination of slavery, was the need to defend the nation against our adversary's, the British monarchy's intent to destroy us, and to promote slavery, by playing among the heteronomic follies of the slaveholder interest within certain of the Federal states.

In principle, slavery was always an evil for us, from which our national economy never benefitted, although the British monarchy, the slave-owners, Spanish slave-traffickers, and the cotton manufacturers did. Indeed, the principal slave-taking nation of the Nineteenth Century was the Spanish monarchy. The British East India Company had abandoned its African slave-trade as unprofitable, leaving the continuation of the trade to Spain. Similarly, during the 1890s, our republic's principal treasonous faction of that time, the Essex Junto, had abandoned the slave-trade, to free their shipping for the role of partners in the more lucrative British drug trade. Slavery was, however, increased within the U.S.A., for the profit of British interests and allies, including Essex Junto textile manufacturers and the Spanish monarchy.

Our inability to make war on our enemies in Europe, held us hostage to that legacy of Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, and British slave-trading interests, until President Lincoln led the United States to defeat Britain's Confederacy asset, to become the power which the combined pro-oligarchical powers of Britain, the Napoleonic tradition, and the Habsburgs could no longer crush.

Under this Constitution, whose principles are so defined, the sovereign, our government, has an absolute monopoly, and exclusive will, to utter money and national credit, or debt of the republic as a whole. Thus, as our first Treasury Secretary, Alexander Hamilton, clarified this intent for practice, our required system is based on national banking, not so-called "independent central banking." This signifies that our form of government must be what is called "protectionist," to the included leading purpose of preventing the increase of the price of money from exceeding the increase of the price of physical wealth produced.

Under our republic's Constitution, we awarded to our Executive Branch those great powers which were needed to defend us against the weaknesses and follies customary among parliamentary government; but, we also created powerful checks against abuses by that Executive, especially in the matter of powers to make war.

Under the Anglo-Dutch Liberal model of parliamentary government no efficient sovereignty is assured. The permanent apparatus of government is not effectively controlled, and the parliamentary institutions are vulnerable. The worst feature is the existence of the so-called "independent central banking system," which is a kind of franchise, donated to private banking interest, to control the monetary and credit system of the nation. The interest embodied thus in such "independent central banking systems" or their functional equivalent, is the key to understanding the causes for two "world wars" in the last century, and a new one, or its like, threatened as early as sometime during the present decade.

The Factor of Financial Crisis

In the immediate post-war period, the protectionist features of the original Bretton Woods system, and the included provision of a gold-reserve—not gold standard—system of fixed exchange-rates, provided a check against the abuses typical of "independent central banking systems." The changes, in the Americas, in western Europe, and Japan, from a producer-oriented set of economies disciplined by a fixed-exchange-rate system, which were already under way, in fact, even prior to the 1971-72 wrecking of the original Bretton Woods design, was the origin of the "floating exchange-rate" monetary-financial system which is crashing down upon us now, as the Versailles system had done earlier. The anti-Constitutional corruption of the United States by the establishment of the Federal Reserve System, and the post-World War II monetarist lunacies introduced by Arthur Burns and others, undermined those Constitutional provisions which made possible the self-destruction of our economy over the recent several decades.

The soaring of the nominal prices of financial assets, relative to investment in technological progressive development of basic economic infrastructure and capital-intensive investment in technological progress of production of goods, produced an accelerating general trend in financial and monetary inflation. This, continued long enough, reaches the point of becoming a systemic crisis, even a threatened breakdown crisis, of the system as a whole. The question then posed is: "Who is going to eat the debt, the nation, or the financier interest?"

To the degree that existing governments are accountable for the welfare of the population as a whole, it is the duty and natural impulse of those governments to defend the sovereignty, general welfare, and posterity of the nation and its people, to such a degree that a corresponding portion of the responsibility for eliminating debt falls upon the class of financier creditors. That is the juncture at which a mobilized financier interest is impelled to crush governments which do not put financier interest above even the lives of their populations.

The establishment of the first true sovereign republic, the 1789 United States under its Federal Constitution, represented a deadly threat to the combined feudalistic and Liberal-financier interest of Europe. The risk that the U.S. model might become the basis for a constitutional reform of France's monarchy, was therefore a development which the leading private financier interests were determined to crush at all costs. A leading circle of such financier interests, composed of the rival but connected interests of Lord Shelburne's British East India Company and a circle of chiefly Protestant French-speaking Swiss private bankers, such as Jacques Necker and Mallet du Pan, created in France then, what has become known as the Synarchist International of the Twentieth Century and today.

This concoction, composed of a process of "left-right" transition of Napoleon Bonaparte, from Jacobin leftist to imperial fascist, is the model of left-right encirclement which has become the world's principal organized, financier-deployed force, used to crush republican forms of government, whenever a general, systemic monetary-financial crisis threatens to compel them to eat their share of that new general bankruptcy which their own practices had, chiefly, produced.

No one could produce immediate prosperity. Roosevelt could not; I could not. Roosevelt offered recovery from a depression which had halved the U.S. standard of living, or worse, just as the standard of living of the lower eighty percent of our family-income brackets has been approximately halved since 1977 (post-1962, hedonistic Federal Reserve "quality adjustment" statistical swindles taken into account). I could lead an early entry into a recovery process which would bring back prosperity within about a generation. There is no magic involved; all that iis needed is the competence in economics which my unique success as a long-range economic forecaster expresses.

The issue is, therefore, essentially political, a political conflict inside the United States between those who share the Constitutional general welfare commitment of a Franklin Roosevelt, and those who share today the commitments of Coolidge and Hoover. There is also a more deeply rooted institutional resistance to such recovery measures in Europe.

To any informed American patriot, who knows the actual history of both our national economy and modern economy in general, the lesson of the economic recovery led by President Franklin Roosevelt points toward a clear type of solution for the general monetary-financial collapse ongoing today. From that standpoint, the crucial question is: "Who is going to eat the bad paper?" Will it be the financiers whose speculation has wrecked our economy? Or will payment of those financier's highly inflated claims come out of the living bodies of our own, and other people? We know where our fascist U.S. Supreme Court Associate Justice Antonin Scalia stands on this controversy; we strongly suspect, on the premise of weighty evidence, where Howard Dean stands. We remember where Franklin Roosevelt stood; but so do the political heirs of Roosevelt's adversaries.

As a President, with the precedent of Franklin Roosevelt's and other U.S. economic recoveries in mind, I could lead our nation quickly into a long-term recovery phase today. No other visible candidate for that office could; they might learn, but, presently, left to their own devices, "they haven't a clue." They never learned the lesson of past recoveries from follies such as those of Coolidge, Hoover, Arthur Burns, Nixon, Brzezinski, and Volcker, the follies carried to an extreme by "Greenspin" today.

In Europe and elsewhere, the immediate source of resistance to any competent recovery program, is the strongly embedded prejudice of Anglo-Dutch Liberal traditions of parliamentary government, against any measures which violate the imagined sanctity of "independent central banking systems." That prejudice played into the hands of the Synarchists (fascists) in post-Versailles Europe; it is a crucial lever in the hands of the European and other Synarchist schemers today. It is desperate bankers, such as those behind the Martinists of 1789-1815, and the Synarchist International of the post-Versailles decades, or again today, who exploit the pro-monetarist mental weaknesses of governments and others today to bring dictatorships and wars upon the nations of modern European civilization, as Venice's bankers orchestrated the horrors of the medieval period from the launching of the Norman chivalry on.

These varieties of indicated resistance to the urgently needed approaches to general monetary-financial reform, are, therefore the principal factor pushing the world to general wars and dictatorships today, as prior to World War II.

3. If The Next World War Comes

Suppose you were, for example, Russia, China, or India. Suppose you knew that your nation was pre-designated for a medium-term nuclear-warfare attack, or for destruction by other means, if you failed to resist the attacker. Suppose that other nations of Asia shared that concern. How might you react?

How did Russia, China, and North Korea react, during the Korean War, to their conviction that they faced similar threats from the U.S. Truman Administration? How did they read a pattern of certain provocative moves from the Truman Administration. What did these nations, which believed themselves targets, read into the publication of the threat from the most evil living person of the world at that time, Bertrand Russell, in Russell's September 1946 publication of his argument for his doctrine of "preventive nuclear warfare" against the Soviet Union?"

Compare that with Cheney's repeated threats, since he was Secretary of Defense in the 1989-1993 Bush Administration, of nuclear warfare against, implicitly, post-Soviet Russia and other targets? Compare that with the impact of Cheney's escalating threats since the evening of Sept. 11, 2001. If you knew that powerful enemy was intent upon crushing your nation, and also others, out existence, and if you were such a targetted nation, which had the potential means to wreak a terrible penalty upon that foe, would you seek to define a defense, even at the risk of losing half of your population? The history of land wars in Asia on this account, including China's role in the Korean War, and the case of U.S. experience with its war in Indo-China, should give the wary a hint of something to think about.

If, for example, you, from a targetted nation, knew of ways to slip deadly devices into places where their detection were very difficult, and their effect, if activated, could be monumental, would you, as the military command of such a threatened nation, be inclined to do it? Do you recall the ration of the death tolls of German forces and the Soviet population, respectively, during World War II? Or, do you recall a slightly different, but relevant case, Lazare Carnot's successful defense of France up to the victory he achieved in 1794? Under certain circumstances, people will fight in a way which expresses a willingness to put the future existence of their nation and its culture above their own lives. This is a quality of human nature which inhuman tyrants like Hitler and the Synarchists are prone to overlook. It is a feature of real-life strategy absent from a Rand Corporation sand-box, or from game-theory calculations.

The solutions for all questions of national strategy, will never be found on a sand-box, in a computer, or even the human brain. They exist only in the creative potential of an appropriately developed human mind.

The matter of the specific combat systems is not our subject here. Our subject is preventing such warfare from occurring. If we do not end what Cheney typifies, such warfare will probably occur; and, probably, the next President of the United States elected, will have to fight it. The principle is the same which led into utopian Truman's Korea war, from which military traditionalist, and Presidential candidate Eisenhower extracted us. With Cheney allowed to run loose, the U.S.A. may not get off so cheaply, next time.

Take one relatively obvious example of the kind of systems and their measures presently in the making. Take relatively very small, very quiet submarines, much quieter than today's nuclear-powered military submarines, smaller submarines loaded with small objects to deposit in places relatively most difficult for defenses to detect. Or, consider very, very deep-diving submarines which can do special tricks. Meanwhile, nuclear and thermonuclear devices can be produced in a wide range of effects, many of these relatively small. Also, there are possibilities for producing global effects, which we, then involved in the proposed SDI, had considered, back during the mid-1980s, in our defining of the requirements to alter the environment for short, but significant intervals of time; that, on a relatively large scale.

The point being illustrated by the references made, is that there are many ways in which the U.S.A. nuclear Triad can be made relatively, assymmetrically obsolete; as by, in effect, bypassing it with warfare in a different technological space than it is designed to fight. This is not a matter of a particular weapons-system, but it could be a matter of a threatened adversary's dreaming up a feasible technological dimension which you, perhaps, had simply not thought about.

When a group of scientists is faced with what appear to be insuperable, technologically defined barriers, the ordinary scientist sees a boundary, within which all proposed solutions must be found; the other, true scientist, sees the vast universe of opportunity beyond that boundary, where he, or she knows all successful solutions to seemingly impossible barriers lie. The great military scientist, told that the adversary has a perfect, invincible weapons-system, smiles, and asks quietly: "Does he believe that?"

If the answer from the military experts is, "Yes," the scientist will smile, nodding: "Then, that is the way we shall defeat him."

The rampant incompetence in military and related matters shown by Bush Administration economists generally, and by Cheney's and Rumsfeld's pack of neo-conservatives—and, in that context, in events such as the recent, not really very secret meeting in Nebraska—demonstrates that any notion of an assumed invincible strategic doctrine in the intentions of these characters, is such that any capable, otherwise weaker nation, is intrinsically capable of discovering how to defeat, if they have not already defined such solutions.

The same stupidity on which the Bush Administration and others premise their absurd doctrines respecting the principles of economics, expresses precisely the kind of malady of their minds which would make a incumbent government like their own go down to self-inflicted defeat by its own blind faith in what it prizes as its super-weapons. The military incompetence shown by Cheney, Rumsfeld and their chicken-hawks in Afghanistan and Iraq, is an illustration of this factor of general scientific-technological incompetence permeating the Bush Administration, but not only that administration.

In some of the preceding paragraphs, I have listed a sampling of the directions in which some technological approaches to outflanking the current thinking of the U.S. utopians are already in progress. I know of the existence of others, but think it both unnecessary and counterproductive, for several reasons, to promote a spread of such possibilities in print on this present occasion. On this matter of development and deployment of existing and new strategic technologies, I return to the reference to Correlli Barnett's treatment of the manner and effects of the systemic ruin of the United Kingdom's once formidable capabilities, a process like that the United States underwent since approximately the same time as the official beginning of its Indo-China war.

The folly of Cheney and other Bush Administration Synarchists today, should turn our attention to the analogous kind of error, to be recognized in the way the pro-utopian U.S. Truman Administration was taken by surprise in Korea, twice, first by North Korea's forces, and then by China's. Truman refused to understand, that by adopting the bullying policy of making an existential quality of threat against both the Soviet Union and China, Truman was walking the United States into a kind of war which it was not prepared to expect.

The essential folly of the Truman Administration was, that it did not understand the implications of the fact that its threats were forcing both the Soviet Union and China to choose to fight war against the forces of both the U.S.A. and NATO, or be dismembered. The cited excerpt from Kennan points in that direction. The same kind of fateful error of assumption prevails among the neo-conservatives today.

The combination of Truman's order for the nuclear bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Bertrand Russell's publication of his September 1946 declaration of a policy of preventive nuclear warfare targeting the Soviet Union in particular, and President Harry Truman's endorsement of Winston Churchill's widely celebrated "Iron Curtain" address, had defined a situation in which both Stalin's Soviet Union and Mao Tse Tung's China shared the belief that the U.S.A. and Britain were determined to use nuclear weaponry to threaten them with virtual extinction as states. Against that background, the type of U.S. provocations conducted by the Truman Administration in Asia, as identified in the chapter of Barnett which I have referenced, brought matters to a threshold, in a way broadly analogous to the kind of "pre-World War" tension which the continuing antics of Svengali Cheney and the Trilbys of both the Bush Administration and Democratic Party have combined to create today.

Now, as Truman did in 1949-50, the Leo-Straussian neo-conservative bloc which still running its virtual puppet-Presidency of George W. Bush, is successfully forcing the deployment of operations which impel nations, including important powers from around the world, to perceive an intent to destroy both China and Russia; that, as the end-game phase of a process of piecemeal dividing and destroying of the nations of Europe and Asia generally.

Since the circles around Cheney are clinically insane and also strategic blunderers in the manner and degree I have described up to this point in this report, their obsession with their own schemes tends to blind them, as it might psychotic terrorists, to any reality which might raise grave strategic doubts about the characteristic features of their scheme itself. As happened with Truman during a relatively saner time, in the cases of the Soviet Union and China, these fools are driving an increasing number of the targetted powers of Eurasia to think and pre-deploy in anticipation of making the kinds of close-encounter and other end-game responses to U.S. attacks which we must expect from among Asian cultures—Asian cultures of today, with weighty modern scientific-technological capabilities.

So, in summary of that point: what Cheney et al. are doing today, with the resonating and repeatedly reenforced echo of President Bush's January 2002 "Axis of Evil" slogan, has generated a mounting reaction around much of the world, a reaction which poses the threat of more war than the Bush government dreams possible; war which must be anticipated, under a continuation of present trends, to confront the President elected in 2004. It appears that this Administration remembers everything it has learned about history, all of which is conveniently minimal, and that mostly false.

What is the world's political alternative?

The Synarchist Drive to Nuclear War

Presumably, the war-crimes procedures at the close of World War II, and the formation of the United Nations Organization, had outlawed "aggressive war." Since that time, we have had reason to regret that we had not also discovered a means to prevent actions, by means of which a stronger power might force a weaker, such as the Soviet client North Korea, to attack, perhaps "aggressively," in defense of plausible threats to the existence of its nation, such as the threats of the Truman Administration to the Soviet Union and China. On the latter account, since 1945, there are two prominent challenges facing the power which seeks to avoid a war with some foreign power. The first is to avoid threatening a war against that nation. The other, is to avoid provoking that nation into a sense, as Cheney et al. are doing, that the preservation of its existential interests require it to attack. In August 1946, World War II had not yet ended, when, for the sake of his utopian delusions, President Truman began to violate both of those latter rules of prudence.

Today, the lessons of that experience should compel us to redefine the policy to be accepted among sovereign nation-states, a policy shaped to uproot the very real, immediate threat of early wars whose ricocheting effects would be beyond the imagination of most leaders of the world's governments today.

In presenting a case for the alternative to such warfare here, we must begin by considering, at least briefly, the present-day practice of relics of ancient and medieval forms of imperialism. This must include some crucial highlights of that history since the exemplary imperial follies of Athens in launching the Peloponnesian war.

Today, Cheney et al. are violating every such and related lesson of the principal experience of ancient through modern European civilization. Duped President George Bush, for his part, is contributing to that folly with his frequent and foolish, schoolyard-bullying style in threatening "consequences." These cases are worse than those mighty fools who perpetuated the 1618-1648 Thirty Years' War, a war which was done by leaders for the sake of supposedly sacred, but evil oaths which had magically transformed the leaders of the contending forces, from men into the kinds of beasts which such as Cheney and his Chicken-hawks have shown themselves to be today. What Cheney represents is the worst imaginable form of that record of imperialism, one which, unless checked and uprooted, could soon destroy any form of civilization on this planet for generations to come.

From the onset of the Peloponnesian War until the Fifteenth-Century European Renaissance, the prevalent tradition of all Middle Eastern and European culture had been the kind of imperialism which had corrupted Pericles of Athens, had dominated the Roman and Byzantine culture, and, also, ruled Europe for nearly a thousand years since the Norman conquest of England, the latter under the imperial hegemony of the Venetian financier oligarchy and Venice's Norman partners. Today, the most poorly understood, but presently most influential form of imperialism in European history, is that inherited from a Europe under the boot of the Norman-enforced, ultramontane law associated with the so-called Crusades.

It is the power to impose some ultramontane form of law-making authority, which, as the experience of feudalism proves, is the essential feature of imperialism. The example of that Roman imperial doctrine of Pontifex Maximus traced from the Caesars, is the relevant model of imperialism, since Augustus and Tiberius, down to the present day. Today, ultramontane imperialism, akin to that of feudalism, is expressed chiefly in the specific interest of a specific, radically monetarist type of global financier-oligarchical monetary-financial system, the presently bankrupt IMF system.

Today, the general principle of civilized modern military and related strategy is, as I have emphasized above, a doctrine of strategic defense consistent with the definitions and practice of two great commanders, France's Lazare Carnot and Germany's Gerhard Scharnhorst.

Unfortunately, the Martinist (e.g., Synarchist) dictatorship of Napoleon Bonaparte revived the institution and methods of empire in a new form. This was a radically new form, later known as fascism, of an institution as imperial as the British and Habsburg empires, an institution of imperialism which had been the principal internal affliction of European civilization, since the Peloponnesian War in which Greece virtually destroyed itself. This was the affliction which modern Europe had momentarily banned with Cardinal Mazarin's leading role in bringing about that stroke of genius known as the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia. Today, since Hitler, that new form of imperialism introduced under Napoleon Bonaparte has often been identified by its pro-Synarchist proponents, such as Michael Ledeen, as "universal fascism."

As I have emphasized, earlier in this report, the birth of modern fascism in 1789-1815 France, was chiefly the ricocheted response of the combined forces of the both the emerging British Empire and its rival, the Habsburg tradition, to the mortal threat to those types of political systems which the American Revolution of 1776-1789 represented.

The immediate focus of this effort to crush the influence of U.S. Independence, was the 1781-1783 pre-orchestration of the French Revolution by the most powerful figure of the emerging British world empire, Lord Shelburne. Shelburne, who was the leading figure of both Barings bank and the British East India Company, was the chief original sponsor of this process of intervention leading into the French developments of 1789-1815. The most relevant developments which are to be attributed directly and explicitly to Shelburne, date from 1763. It was a network of private bankers and others, allied to Shelburne, a network built up and directed by that Shelburne, which operated through the Netherlands and down into the area of French-speaking Switzerland, which orchestrated the crucial features of the build-up toward and initiation of the French Revolution. This was most emphatically the case from the period of Shelburne's 1782-1783 role as British Prime Minister.

During the 1780s, Shelburne and, chiefly, his French and Swiss collaborators, had built up a lurid sort of occult freemasonic association, known as the Martinists, a cult including such notable figures as Mesmer and Cagliostro, which were among the key inside figures of both the Jacobin Terror and the rise to power of Napoleon Bonaparte. The case of the Queen's Necklace typifies the Martinists' role in preparing France for events including the decapitation of the same Queen later. This Martinist cult, together with Shelburne assets such as Philippe Egalité and Jacques Necker, set what became the Jacobin Terror of the Martinists into motion with the incident of the July 14, 1789 affair of the Bastille.

The historical point of reference for this Shelburne-directed scheme, is that elaborated by one of his numerous lackeys, Gibbon of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire notoriety. Not coincidentally, Gibbon was an associate of the circles of another Shelburne asset, Jacques Necker. The pivotal feature of Gibbon's proposal in that mammoth work, was a clearly implied apology for the notorious Emperor "Julian the Apostate." Gibbon's conclusion was that it was Christianity which had destroyed the Roman Empire from within, an empire which could be successfully restored by Shelburne's British East India Company as the British Empire, if only Christianity could be removed. The Martinist freemasonic cult was the chosen French-speaking instrument for the operations against France. The Martinists were well-suited to play that game assigned to them. Their handiwork appeared first as the left-wing Jacobin Terror, and then, as if by the hand of the Martinist Cagliostro, that Terror appeared in the "right-wing" uniform of the ex-Jacobin bandit-Emperor Napoleon.

It was not the Martinist freemasonic cult, with its Bavarian and other absorbed elements, which produced the left-right sequence of both the Jacobin Terror and Bonaparte's imperialism. The Martinists were selected by a network of European private bankers expressing the Venetian tradition, a network then led by Shelburne et al., and chosen, largely, by him personally, as the kind of ideological instruments selected by the British East India Company's intention to eradicate the influence of the American Revolution. The Martinists, as their ideology is represented by such authors as Joseph de Maistre, had the specific quality of being the kind of instrument described by the obsessed admirer of Napoleon Bonaparte, G.W.F. Hegel, and as the tyranny of the beast-man described by Friedrich Nietzsche as his "Superman" assigned to destroy Christianity. The terrorist controller Jeremy Bentham was the working head of Shelburne's British East India Company "Secret Committee," which directed the Jacobin Terror. Bentham, personally, reflects the same mentality as the Martinists, as shown by his relevant published writings still rather widely extant today.

The procession from the stormed Bastille—bearing the bust of its hero, Shelburne's Jacques Necker, at its head, babbling poor lunatics from the Bastille on the mob's shoulders, and the heads of the victims on the procession's pikes—typified the Martinist spirit of the event from which the Jacobin Terror, and Napoleon's tyranny subsequently ensued. This was surfacing of what was eventually to become what is known by the precise technical term of Synarchism, in Hitler's time, and today.

Was that horror really France? Lafayette who witnessed it, would say, "No." The French Revolution is a complex of contradictions, featuring such virtues as the military and scientific genius of Lazare Carnot as its "Organizer of Victory," and the sublime Bailly martyred by the Jacobins. As to France itself, the conclusion to be reached is, that human beings are naturally endowed with goodness. This is shown in that time not only by the magnificent Bailly, or Benjamin Franklin's collaborator, the great Lavoisier butchered by the Terror, but also the scientific work of the circles of Carnot and Monge. The proof is repeatedly delivered by that and other history, that human evil, while commonplace, shows itself, in the end, to be unnatural.

Which from that period, or any period, was man, and which was the disease which afflicted him?

To sort out more thoroughly than this summary of the evil done in that time; to separate more nicely what was done to France by Shelburne and the Martinists in this way, from what France accomplished; may be assigned to those, especially France's patriots, who make a fresh assessment of its history; writers who proceed in the light of crucial evidence which has been forced to broader attention by our fresh scrutiny of the combined evil represented by both Adolf Hitler's accomplices, and by Cheney and his accomplices today. In that same spirit, let U.S. patriots today look at the evil which Truman did after the death of President Franklin Roosevelt.

Apart from Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the most significantly tell-tale single piece of evidence against Truman, is that Roosevelt had intended to conclude the war with the liberation of the planet from colonialism and related practices. Truman acted to support the British policy of restoration of colonialism by military force, in places where it had been overthrown in the course of the war. Truman's action thus tipped the balance, to restore the institution of imperialism as a established feature of the United Nations Organization.

Not long after Truman's retirement, and the death of Josef Stalin, the most evil man of the world at that time, Bertrand Russell, negotiated an accommodation with the new Soviet leader Khrushchev, through the facility of a London Conference of World Parliamentarians for World Government. Russell's intention was, as usual for him, world government, and his own burning hatred against the existence of, above all, the United States. His often restated intent was to establish the kind of world government which he and H.G. Wells had prescribed in Wells' 1928 The Open Conspiracy. It was on behalf of world government, explicitly, that Russell had explicitly proposed preventive nuclear warfare as the road to utopia and peace, publically and repeatedly, from 1946 on.

Thus, after the succession of the Russell-negotiations around the 1962 Missiles Crisis, and the assassination of President Kennedy, the United Nations hosted an approximation of imperial world government in the emerging "detente" arrangements between the Anglo-American and Soviet nuclear superpowers. Wars among the superpower blocs were permitted, such as the U.S. Indo-China war, as long as they were "managed" according to the current vogue in Rand Corporation-type sand-box notions of "rules of the game." This arrangement continued until 1989, with the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, and, soon after that, the Soviet Union itself.

The collapse of Soviet power lured Anglo-American utopian madmen into the lust for immediate consolidation of a single world superpower, an Anglo-American world empire to rule the world forever, thus bringing history to an "end." Cheney represented the most fanatical of the dumb jocks pushing that policy within the 1989-1993 U.S. Bush Administration. In 1991-92, that Bush, the father of the presently incumbent President, had turned Cheney down; Cheney was more successful on and following Sept. 11, 2001. His intention is to use preventive nuclear warfare, as either threat or actual war, to bring about the imperial conquest of the world, including Russia and China, within his own lifetime. He pushes new wars now; some relatively cooler heads around that administration have proposed to postpone new wars until after the 2004 election.

If such a utopian military outlook as dumb jock Cheney's is not uprooted from the U.S. government now, the world as a whole is perched at the brink of an unfolding general state of warfare which will, rather soon, leave very little resembling civilized life on this planet, for a rather long time to come. That is, the prospect of a condition under which the elimination of as much as half or more of the population of a nation is a precalculated assumption of the kind of warfare which Cheney's impulses imply under those present real circumstances which the present Bush Administration stupidly refuses to take into account.

It is therefore urgent that the alternative should be made clear.

The Resort to Strategic Defense

Presuming that Cheney's plans for both wars and U.S. dictatorship are prevented, the principal option available to leading nations of the world, is a concerted decision to take the hopelessly bankrupt present world monetary-financial system into receivership. That is, the "floating-exchange-rate" IMF system. The general intent must be to re-establish a new, fixed-exchange-rate, protectionist form of monetary system, modelled upon the most successful features of the original Bretton Woods system.

Provided that new long-term, low-priced credit is generated, both by the combined means of government right to utter currency and by long-term international treaty agreements, the potential presently exists to expand productive employment substantially, somewhat as President Franklin Roosevelt combatted the Coolidge-Hoover-created U.S. economic depression, through an included heavy emphasis on public forms of development of basic economic infrastructure. Under those conditions, under the indicated reform of the world's monetary-financial system, the preconditions presently exist for a massive expansion of hard-commodity trade among the nations of Eurasia.

Under a world affected by those beneficial reforms, the common feature of interest among nations is the fostering and preservation of such institutions of long-term economic-development cooperation. Such a state of affairs is conducive to the kind of order among peoples which was stipulated by the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia, an order subsumed by the treaty-principle of "the advantage of the other." Under those conditions, the military relations among nations assume the form of institutions and policies of strategic defense.

Reflection on such excellent long-term remedies for our planet's chief present peril, requires attention chiefly to two distinct but interdependent problems: The need to settle accounts with the systemic defects of any method of superseding control over government by organized private financier interest, and to affirm the principle of sovereignty of nation-state republics. I conclude this report with my address to those two matters in that order. The present circumstance of terminal bankruptcy of the existing form of world monetary-financial system, should be used as the health-giving opportunity to rid the planet, at last, of the vestiges of that same Venetian system of banking practices which produced the so-called New Dark Age of Europe's Fourteenth Century, and fostered the launching of that monster known variously as Synarchism or fascism today.

The error so dramatically demonstrated by the long term, now hyperinflationary degeneration of the world's monetary-financial systems since the change of 1971-72, is that the security of and among nations requires that sovereign governments administer the issue of and circulation of currency, taxation, and conditions of investment and trade, to such effect that the price of money does not increase more rapidly than the intrinsic value of produced goods and the socially most essential services. This requires a fixed-exchange-rate monetary system, under which necessary forms of well-considered changes in prices of currencies may occur, but under which free-floating fluctuations, especially financial speculation, are forcefully prevented.

The experience of the recent three decades should have warned us, that the system of independent central banking should be abhorred and terminated, and replaced by notions of national banking already implicit in the U.S. Federal Constitution of 1789. The nation-state must be fully sovereign, and the management of its vital national interests therefore made efficiently transparent to its government and citizenry.

In such an arrangement, a gold reserve system, as absolutely opposed to a gold standard system, is uurivalled in its utility, at least for the duration of the visible future. This is to be conceived by a concert of nations as President Franklin Roosevelt, then, applied the relatively extraordinary power of the U.S.A. to such effect at that time. There is no natural price of gold other than its range of prices of production. For the case of the monetary gold of a gold-reserve system, the price of such reserve gold is determined by consideration of the amount of such gold required for the pool, as compared with the price of current production, on that scale, for investment and trade.

The proper function of banking in general, is the administration of a secure and regulated system of saving, directed toward investments in promotion of trade, production, and accumulation of useful physical capital of government, production, and households. The function of national banking is to coordinate the functioning of that combined system as a whole, with emphasis on both the monopoly of credit-creation authority exercised by government through national banking, and the relationship of this function to relevant matters of both the fostering of scientific and technological progress, and foreign relations.

This action removes the abuses, as by private banking in the Venice tradition, which have plagued civilization for centuries, and checks that power to do evil which is typified by the role of such banking in the Synarchist phenomenon.

The concluding topic to be addressed here, the matter of national sovereignty, is a matter in which law and other policy-shaping must be ruled by consideration of that higher authority represented by the ecumenical principle—as defined, for example, by biogeochemistry's V.I. Vernadsky—of the absolute physical distinction of man from beast.

There are chiefly two distinct, but interdependent principles at issue on this point. One, the need to eradicate the long-traditional practice of societies, to hunt down the relatively greater number of human beings as if they were wild or domesticated cattle, as the wicked neo-Cathar dogma of France's Francois Quesnay prescribes. The second, related consideration, is the essential role of the ironies peculiar to a culture in enabling the members of that society to participate in the conceptualization of such matters of principle as discovery and application of discoverable principles of physical science. The function of the sovereign nation in fostering the continuing, upward evolutionary development of such a process of national culture, is the prerequisite of the elevation of the individual from both the formal and virtual status, as human cattle, which the Physiocrats, and John Locke, projected for the families laboring on behalf of the desires of the shareholders.

The function of government which must be recognized as the purpose of the choice of the modern sovereign nation-state republic, is to free the individual person from subjection to those imposed conditions of life in which he, or she thinks of the individual as a variety of existentialist beast. This benefit is too be accomplished through fostering all persons' sense of themselves as contributing willfully to the progress of successive generations to increased degrees of mankind's mastery of the universe in which we live. This role of the citizen within that republic must become recognized as an essential, functional role of the republic, in furthering the corresponding common aims of past, present, and future mankind in general, each to the intended advantage of the other.

When we witness the resurgent horrors of Synarchism today, we must be inspired to resolve, not only to rid the world of policies such as those of Cheney and his Chicken-hawk warriors; but to establish a durable order of cooperation among sovereign nation-states, an order which not merely eradicates the present crop of the evil which the Martinists reflect, but uproots that evil by removing the preconditions under which such pestilences as those might recur in the future. We shall maintain the capabilities for strategic defense, but hope to employ this to prevent wars, rather than be obliged to fight them.
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