PART 2 OF 2
Terror Against a U.S.-Style Constitution
France, impoverished by British Free Trade, Necker's speculators, and ruinous debts, could only be prosperous again under the dignity of self-government and laws promoting productive economic growth. There had to be a written constitution, establishing the government's purpose and power to so promote the general welfare.
The American example presented itself. Delegates to the 1787 Constitutional Convention had met at Franklin's home to hear the program for the projected Constitutional government—nationally promoted industry and public credit. Gen. George Washington was duly inaugurated the first President on April 30, 1789, and brought in Hamilton as Treasury Secretary to implement the Franklin program.
On June 17, 1789, seven weeks after America's national government began, a French "national assembly" was put into action, with Jean Sylvain Bailly as its president. Bailly and General Lafayette, spokesmen for the republican alliance with America, proposed the necessity of a written constitution to place the king and the entire nation under law, allowing for publicly controlled credit to finance national development. This would be a leap far beyond the British "constitutional" monarchy, since Britain had no written constitution, and no real law other than the mere will of its private bankers, who dictated to the government and to the state church.
On June 20, the King having shut the assembly out of their hall, the members met on a tennis court. All but one signed an oath, as a revolutionary act, asserting that political authority derived from the people and their representatives, and vowing to continue meeting at all costs until a national constitution would be written, ratified, and put in force. This was France's day of glory. The Tennis Court Oath launched what should have become known as the French Revolution.
On July 11, Necker secretly left France on the King's advice. Savagely ignorant mobs were put into the streets protesting Necker's downfall—though he had not really been dismissed, and was himself manipulating the King. The mob carried busts of Necker and Orleans as heroes who should be in power.
Rumor management (including lies of murder screamed by the Marquis de Sade out of his Bastille cell window, leading to his transfer to a lunatic asylum) steered a mob to storm the Bastille prison, freeing its remaining prisoners—an assassin, two mental cases, and four forgers. The attacking mob paraded through the streets with sticks bearing the heads of the prison's governor and several guards, whom they had murdered. Necker returned to his office 18 days after leaving.
A struggle ensued. Lafayette was elected head of the national guard, and Bailly was chosen as Mayor of Paris. The "Jacobins" soon began meeting, haranguing the populace with bloodthirsty speeches crafted at Bowood. Though a Lafayette-Bailly constitution was adopted in 1791, by 1792 the terrorists had won the contest. All pretense of law was abolished, even as a Republic was declared. The republican Lazare Carnot led a brilliant military campaign to defend France from the kingdoms attacking it, but the Revolution's military defense was changed to outward imperial conquest.
The word "republic" was an abuse, as those in power mass-executed their rivals, and were themselves executed in turn. Bailly and Lavoisier (Priestley's co-discoverer of oxygen and Franklin's gunpowder supplier), scientists who were the treasure and strength of France, were decapitated. American friends of the Revolution such as Tom Paine pleaded unsuccessfully for the lives of the King and Queen, and an end to the butchery.
British historians adopted the lie that the French Revolution was a fight won by Left radicals over Right monarchists.
Thomas Jefferson wrote to Lafayette in 1815, that the British ran the (traditionally called "left-wing") anarchists in the French Revolution, and were running the Boston ("right-wing") banker-insurrectionists in the period of the War of 1812:
The foreigner gained time to anarchise by gold the government he could not overthrow by arms, to crush in their own councils the genuine republicans, by the fraternal embraces of exaggerated and hired pretenders, and to turn the machine of Jacobinism from the change to the destruction of order; and in the end, the limited monarchy [that Lafayette and Bailly] had secured was exchanged for the unprincipled and bloody tyranny of Robespierre.... The British ... fears of republican France being now done away, they are directed to republican America.... The Marats, the Dantons, and Robespierres of Massachusetts are in the same pay, under the same orders, and making the same efforts to anarchise us, that their prototypes in France did there."
John Quincy Adams later told the U.S. Congress, in his eulogy for Lafayette, "The movements of the insurgent Power were ... guided by secret springs, prompted by vindictive and sanguinary ambition, directed by hands unseen to objects of individual agrandizement."
During early 1789, Jacques Mallet du Pan wrote articles "On the British Constitution" and "On the Declaration of Rights," demanding France adopt the British parliamentary system, with a balance of power among the people, the nobles, and the crown, and an intermediary body of advisors such as the Privy Council, which must assure that authority over the issuance of credit would be kept strictly in the hands of central bankers, independent of the control of an elected government.
Necker and Mallet du Pan had long worked together against the spread of Franklin's American economics and constitutional ideas. Mallet complained that the American Revolution had spawned a "swarm of fanatics" in Europe.
Mallet du Pan's ultimate political theory may be summed up in his outburst in a letter he had written to his teacher Voltaire in 1772: "I shall exhaust all the feeble enlightenment that I owe to you in eradicating the work of St. Boniface." The Eighth-Century missionary Boniface Christianized Germany. Thus, what Mallet means is, "I work to overturn Christianity's original takeover of Europe—this was a catastrophe which hindered the rightful unlimited rule of barbarian warlords."
So Mallet du Pan and Necker diligently collaborated with an "expert" enemy of the nation-state, Joseph de Maistre, a satanic Martinist deep in the lodge circle of Lyons. A Savoy nobleman, de Maistre in 1792 fled upon the advance into Savoy of the French Revolutionary armies. When Mallet du Pan and Necker and their families consulted with him, in Geneva and Lausanne 1792-1793, Necker was "retired" from French office, but deeply involved in managing events within the Revolutionary turmoil, and Mallet du Pan was the principal director of Continental intelligence for the British crown. They put de Maistre onto the world stage as the spokesman for the darkest feudal reaction within the modern era, directing the role he was to play in the creation of Napoleon Bonaparte.
The Beast Project, Napoleon
What did Necker and Mallet du Pan want from de Maistre?
Listen to Mallet spin out his scenario, published in January 1789, as Franklin's friends prepared to export the American Constitution to France. Mallet wrote of England's past, to suggest a future to be imposed on France:
The blood of Charles I and ten battles only submitted Parliament and the nation to their own army, which was soon enthralled to its cleverest chiefs. Democracy had destroyed the constitution; this democracy led to an oligarchy of generals; the Protectorate beat down everything, Parliament, army, sects, factions, and Cromwell reigned alone over a people whom frenzy had deprived of its vigor and its reason.
Then, Mallet went on to say, the monarchy was restored and few states have been as free of political troubles as has England since then.
The discussions in the salon of Necker and his daughter, Mme. de Staël, led directly to de Maistre's writing his 1796 Considerations on France. Published the following year, the book transported the imagination of the upstart general Napoleon Bonaparte, who was a ready actor in the horrible order of events foreshadowed in Mallet's scenario.
Most of the themes in de Maistre's book, the evil nature of fallen man, the role of Providence, why the innocent victim must pay for the guilty, are taken from the work of Claude Louis Saint-Martin, high priest of the Martinist order of which de Maistre became the most prominent representative following his two decades of freemasonic work.
It will be seen below, what Napoleon got from de Maistre, and where he went with it.
Corsican-born army officer Napoleon Bonaparte was known as a Jacobin and Robespierrist, a murderer and a bandit, a revolutionary executioner. Thus in 1795, when Paris rebels rose against yet another intended change of regimes, the then-head of the government, Paul Barras, appointed Napoleon to block the rebels' advance. The Corsican directed cannon grapeshot fire, and mowed down the rebellious people in the streets. Barras, who now advanced Napoleon upward in the army, was himself an extravagant corruptionist who took his orders from banker Jacques Necker.
Barras shared his mistress, Josephine de Beauharnais, with Napoleon. She was one of a set of political prostitutes along with Mme. de Staël (known as the "ugly beauty"), ladies on the lookout for available executioner-generals to take charge of French affairs. Napoleon married Josephine and became commander in chief of the French Army in Italy, under the Barras-led French regime called the Directory. The loot from his foreign conquests were shared among the Directory and its banker sponsors. In a notorious 1797 scene of staged female hysteria, recorded in Barras's memoires, Mme. de Staël compelled Barras to make her dissolute plaything, Charles Maurice Talleyrand-Perigord, the foreign minister. Napoleon came back from abroad in 1799 and made himself a dictator. Necker's Talleyrand was Napoleon's intermediary to obtain Barras's resignation, and Napoleon kept Talleyrand as foreign minister.
Talleyrand helped Napoleon conquer Germany and Italy, helped him become Emperor, helped him subdue the Pope, and held him off from invading England. Talleyrand's enormous wealth from bribes and theft was deposited in England. As the slaughter exhausted France and Europe, Talleyrand began moving to the next phase of things, betraying Napoleon—who accurately called him "shit in a silk stocking." The British and European nobility who finally crushed France and restored the monarchy, rewarded Talleyrand by reinstalling him as foreign minister.
Devil de Maistre Whispers to Napoleon
Joseph de Maistre's book Considerations on France appeared in 1797, giving Napoleon some two years to reflect on its message for him, before he seized power. British historian Isaiah Berlin reports, "Napoleon ... was impressed by the brilliance of de Maistre's writings, which he was said to find politically sympathetic." And de Maistre admired Napoleon, whose "clear grasp of the realities of power, his open contempt for democrats, liberals and intellectuals ... but above all the contrast between the stupidity and weakness of the Bourbons [royal line] and the military and the administrative genius of a man who once again lifted France to a pinnacle of glory, could not but appeal powerfully to the apostle of realism and authority."
Through his book, at first published anonymously, de Maistre whispered in Napoleon's ear: I speak for the invisible ruling powers: Providence will adopt you, if you are bold enough to make yourself the Man of Destiny. You may commit all crimes, make limitless war on the world. God himself wants you to commit as many crimes as possible—through them you will become God on Earth.
Let us listen to de Maistre's own words—keeping in mind that the author is regarded today as a Christian authority by Dick Cheney's conservative supporters:
Unhappily, history proves that war is, in a certain sense, the habitual state of mankind, which is to say that human blood must flow without interruption somewhere or other on the globe, and that for every nation, peace is only a respite.... If you ... examine people in all possible conditions from the state of barbarism to the most advanced civilization, you always find war....
Yet there is room to doubt whether this violent destruction is, in general, such a great evil as is believed.... First, when the human soul has lost its strength through laziness, incredulity, and the gangrenous vices that follow an excess of civilization, it can be retempered only in blood.... Mankind may be considered as a tree which an invisible hand is continually pruning and which often profits from the operation. In truth the tree may perish if the trunk is cut or if the tree is overpruned; but who knows the limits of the human tree? What we do know is that excessive carnage is often allied with excessive population.... Now the real fruits of human nature—the arts, sciences, great enterprises, lofty conceptions, manly virtues—are due especially to the state of war. We know that nations have never achieved the highest point of the greatness of which they are capable except after long and bloody wars. [emphasis in the original]
Pagan or Christian, God loves human sacrifices! He protects the guilty, not the innocent!
We are continuously troubled by the wearisome sight of the innocent who perish with the guilty. But ... we can consider [this] solely in the light of the age-old dogma that the innocent suffer for the benefit of the guilty.
It was from this dogma ... that the ancients derived the custom of sacrifices that was practiced everywhere.... Christianity came to consecrate this dogma, which is perfectly natural to man although appearing difficult to arrive at by reason. [emphasis in original]
In telling Napoleon that destiny explains his success, and that the hand of God is guiding him, de Maistre wrote, "[It is] neither paper money nor the advantage of numbers [that] allows the French to invade Italy without cannons."
(De Maistre's editors explain that "Napoleon in his first Italian campaign in April 1796 was short of artillery because of a lack of horses to move his cannon.")
You can destroy any opposition, de Maistre implied, if you are not squeamish!
Tyrants succeeded one another and the people always obeyed.... Their masters have gone so far as to crush them by mocking them. They told the people, ... 'If you dare to refuse [our law], we will shoot you down with grapeshot to punish you for not wanting what you want.' And they did."
(De Maistre's editors explain that this referred to "the uprising ... which young General Bonaparte put down with grapeshot.")
Does Destiny call your name?
When Providence decrees the more rapid formation of a political constitution, there appears a man invested with an indefinable power: he speaks and makes himself obeyed. But these marvelous men belong perhaps only to the world of antiquity and to the youth of nations.
Take it! Only the Unseen Powers decide who rules.
This is how counter-revolutions are made. God warns us that he has reserved to Himself the establishment of sovereignties by never confiding to the masses the choice of their masters.... Thus the Roman people gave themselves masters while believing they were opposing the aristocracy by following Caesar."
Despite your lowly birth, all History has been waiting for you!
There has never existed a sovereign family to which one can assign a plebeian origin; if this phenomenon should appear it would be epoch-making.... We often hear it said, 'If Richard Cromwell [son of Oliver Cromwell, who seized England—remember Mallet's scenario] had had his father's genius, he would have made the Protectorate hereditary in his family.' How true!"
Napoleon took the advice, to see himself as such a Man of Destiny. By insane wars throughout Europe, and a series of coups, he made himself Emperor, his rule secured by a pervasive secret police, censorship, arrest of dissenters. And though he was short, he made himself God. The Pope was forced to sign a treaty putting Napoleon in charge of the Church in the French Empire. Bishops and priests had to teach as he said, swear loyalty to him, take their pay from him, report political conspiracies to his spies. And he did as Cromwell did not, creating Kings and nobility out of his heirs, family and friends (a Mallet became a French Baron).
'America Is Not Possible!'
The fourth chapter of de Maistre's Considerations, entitled "Can the French Republic Last?", was, according to de Maistre's editors, "apparently a direct response to Benjamin Constant's 'Objections Drawn from Experience Against the Possibility of a Republic in a Large State.'"
Benjamin Constant was the lover of Germaine Necker de Staël from 1794 until 1806. When de Maistre's book was published, Constant and de Staël were in Paris sponsoring Barras, and Constant took part in the 1799 coup establishing Napoleon's rule.
In this fourth chapter, de Maistre insisted that "nature and history together prove that a large indivisible republic is an impossibility ... a large and free nation cannot exist under a republican government." He "proves" this assertion: "If we are told that a die thrown a billion times had never turned up anything but five numbers—1, 2, 3, 4, and 5—could we believe that there was a 6 on one of the faces? NO ... one of the faces is blank or ... one of the numbers is repeated.... Fortune tirelessly throwing the die for over four thousand years. Has LARGE REPUBLIC ever been rolled? No. Therefore that number is not on the die." [emphasis in the original]
Note the queerly hysterical cheapness of this argument. He first hints at the real problem: "There is nothing but violence in the universe; but we are spoiled by a modern philosophy that tells us all is good, whereas evil has tainted everything, and in a very real sense, all is evil..." [emphasis in the original].
His editors explain, "de Maistre is castigating the 'best of all possible worlds' optimism that seemed to characterize some Eighteenth-Century thinkers. Of course de Maistre was not alone in this reaction; Voltaire's Candide, for example, included a brilliant satire on philosophical optimism."
"This is the best of all possible worlds," is the loving idea Gottfried Leibniz gave the modern world from Plato and Christ, for which Voltaire mocked him in Candide. This Platonic, Leibnizian heritage, carried through the America of Cotton Mather and Benjamin Franklin, is the central issue.
De Maistre lets the underlying rage of his faction spill out in a way that shocks us across the centuries:
Not only do I doubt the stability of the American government, but the particular establishments of English America inspire no confidence in me. The cities, for example, animated by a hardly respectable jealousy, have not been able to agree as to where the Congress should meet; none of them wanted to concede the honour to another. In consequence they have decided to build a new city to be the capital. They have chosen a very favourable location on the banks of a great river and decreed that the city should be called Washington. The sites of all the public buildings have been marked out, the work has begun, and the plan of this queen city has already made the rounds in Europe. Essentially these is nothing in all this that surpasses human power; a city may easily be built. Nevertheless, there is too much deliberation, too much humanity in this business, and one could bet a thousand to one that the city will not be built, that it will not be called Washington, and that the Congress will not meet there. [emphasis in the original]
The madness and wreckage that the defeated Napoleon left behind, kept the American model out of Europe for the time being. But de Maistre was not an accurate forecaster on the destiny of nations. The United States survived a Civil War, 1861-1865, despite sponsorship of the insurgent slaveowners by the British and their French junior partner under Bonaparte's nephew, Napoleon III.
Not only survived: Did the impossible! Abraham Lincoln's radically nationalist economics transformed America into the world's greatest industrial power within 20 years. The example of America's Promethean success, under high tariffs and huge public investments, was deliberately placed before Bismarck's Germany, Alexander II's Russia, Meiji Japan, Sun Yat-sen's China, Arthur Griffith's Ireland, M.G. Ranade's India, Carlos de Olagíbel's Mexico, Rafael Nuñez's Colombia. The impending end of peasant backwardness, the age of electricity, steel mills, and powered transport, under explicitly anti-imperial politics, meant the coming end of world power for the old financier oligarchs.
In this global showdown, three U.S. Presidents were shot down: Lincoln, James Garfield, and William McKinley. And America's European enemies assembled a new version of the assault weapon earlier employed in France. Joseph de de Maistre's work was the glue for the imperial bankers' politics—including his insistence that the executioner (or assassin) is all that holds society together; and his demand for the Church to rule a world from which Reason and Progress have been banished—a world under Higher Powers which are, candidly, the opposite of God.
The new imperial techniques of that era were built upon the array of manipulation that had gone into the beast-project, Napoleon. A Martinist magician cohort of de Maistre's named Fabré d'Olivet had been hired as a top official of Napoleon's war department. As occult advisor, he too whispered to Bonaparte on Providence and the Triumph of the Will.
As the influence of America's sovereign-nation success began transforming Germany, in 1878, the students of d'Olivet and de Maistre were formed into the distinctive movement which was to become known as Synarchism. Saint-Yves d'Alveydre, in his book, Mission des Souverains, continued de Maistre's attack, calling the 1648 Peace of Westphalia "an anarchistic Republic of powers armed against each other, ... that the fundamental law of the sovereignty of force obliges, under penalty of death, to function in this fashion, until the abrogation and replacement of this law by a better one." The "better law", Synarchism, is the dissolution of nations in the night of bankers' dictatorship.
George W.F. Hegel put his admiration for Bonaparte's evil at the center of his concept of the "end of history."
Robespierre set up ... Virtue and Terror [as] the order of the day.... This tyranny could not last; for ... all interests ... revolted against this terribly consistent Liberty ... [in] so fanatical a shape. An organized government is introduced, analogous to the one that had been displaced; [further coups] proved ... the necessity of a governmental power. Napoleon restored it as a military power, ... establishing himself as an individual will at the head of State: he knew how to rule, and soon settled the internal affairs of France.... But the antithesis of [Good Feeling] and Mistrust made its appearance.... Thus agitation and unrest are perpetuated." [emphasis in the original]
For Hegel, the cycle—witless Jacobin mobs, tyrants, and again, when necessary, new mobs—was now to be the permanent form of governing powerless mankind. (The pathetic Francis Fukuyama directly revived Hegel's end-of-history filth for today's neo-conservatives.)
Friedrich Nietzsche called the one whom de Maistre, d'Olivet, and Hegel summoned to bring order out of the chaos, the Superman. By acting without any humanity, the absolute, brilliant Beast soars above the contemptible ant-like rabble, in Nietzsche's nightmare fantasy.
These were the wells of experience and craft for the architects of Hitler and Mussolini: Bank of England Governor Montagu Norman; Lord Halifax; Lord Beaverbrook; the Warburgs; Lazard Frères; the French-Swiss banking axis; J.P. Morgan; Brown Brothers Harriman; Hjalmar Schacht; Richard Koudenhove-Kalergi.
This was the personal tradition of University of Chicago fascist Leo Strauss; his mentor, Hitler's jurist Carl Schmitt; and the Parisian Synarchist Alexandre Kojève. And it is the life model for Strauss, Schmitt, and Kojeve's followers—today's Cheney/Rumsfeld/Wolfowitz/Ashcroft berserkers—and the guide for their religious fundamentalist, actually pagan supporters. Unless they are removed from power, the city of Washington will be unbuilt, and the devil will win his bet.
 H. Graham Lowry, How the Nation Was Won: America's Untold Story, Vol. I (Washington, D.C.: EIRNS, 1988).
 Bernard Mandeville, essay added into the 1723 re-issue of his Fable of the Bees.
 Richard B. Morris, The Peacemakers: The Great Powers and American Independence (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), p. 28.
 Shelburne to Richard Price, Sept. 5, 1779, quoted in Maurice R. O'Connell, Irish Politics and Social Conflict in the Age of the American Revolution (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1965), p. 124.
 O'Connell, op. cit., p. 191.
 Morris, op. cit., pp. 100-104.
 Morris, op. cit. p. 35.
 Morris, op. cit., pp. 85-86.
 Morris, op. cit., p. 80.
 April 8, 1782, New-York Packet, No. 5 in Hamilton's series called "The Continentalist."
 Feb. 14, 1815, The Writings of Thomas Jefferson (Washington D.C.: Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association, 1903-1904), Vol. XIV, pp. 246-251.
 Oration, Dec. 31, 1834 (Washington, D.C.: Duff & Green, 1835).
 March 21, 1772; quoted in Frances Acomb, Mallet du Pan (Durham: Duke University Press, 1973), p. 23.
 Mallet du Pan, in the Mercure, 1789, no 3. (Jan. 17), pp. 119, 122; quoted in Acomb, op. cit., p. 201.
 His sources could have included Saint-Martin's documentation later published in The Ministry of the Man-Spirit, 1801; Saint-Martin's Letter on the French Revolution, 1794; Saint-Martin's Man of Desire, 1790: and Saint-Martin's theme, the "desire for recognition" which became the favorite theme of 20th-Century Synarchist Alexandre Kojève.
 Isaiah Berlin, "Joseph de Maistre and the Origins of Fascism," in The Crooked Timber of Humanity (New York: Alfred A. Knopf), 1991, pp. 146-147.
 Joseph de Maistre, Considerations on France, translated by Richard Lebrun (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 23-29.
 De Maistre, Considerations, op. cit. p. 30.
 Ibid, p. 22.
 Ibid, p. 23.
 Ibid, p. 51.
 Ibid, p. 80.
 Ibid, p. 101.
 Editorial note in de Maistre, Considerations on France, op. cit., p. 32.
 Considerations, op. cit. p. 33.
 Ibid, p. 31.
 Ibid, pp. 60-61.
 Saint-Yves, Mission des Souverains, Paris: Nord-Sud, 1948, p. 272.
 The Philosophy of History, translated by J. Sibree (New York: Dover Publications, 1956), pp. 450-452.