Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

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Club of Rome
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/18/19



The Club of Rome
Founded 1968 by Aurelio Peccei, David Rockefeller and Alexander King
Co- Presidents: Sandrine Dixson-Declève and Dr. Mamphela Ramphele
Type Non-profit
Winterthur, Canton Zurich, Switzerland
Fields Global warming, Well-being, Humanitarian challenges
Founded in 1968 at Accademia dei Lincei in Rome, Italy, the Club of Rome consists of current and former heads of state, UN bureaucrats, high-level politicians and government officials, diplomats, scientists, economists, and business leaders from around the globe.[1] It stimulated considerable public attention in 1972 with the first report to the Club of Rome, The Limits to Growth. Since 1 July 2008 the organization has been based in Winterthur, Switzerland.


The Club of Rome was founded in April 1968 by Aurelio Peccei, an Italian industrialist, and Alexander King, a Scottish scientist. It was formed when a small international group of people from the fields of academia, civil society, diplomacy, and industry met at Villa Farnesina in Rome, hence the name.[2]

The problématique

Central to the formation of the club was Peccei's concept of the problematic. It was his opinion that viewing the problems of mankind—environmental deterioration, poverty, endemic ill-health, urban blight, criminality—individually, in isolation or as "problems capable of being solved in their own terms", was doomed to failure. All are interrelated. "It is this generalized meta-problem (or meta-system of problems) which we have called and shall continue to call the "problematic" that inheres in our situation."[3]:12-13

In 1970, Peccei's vision was laid out in a document written by Hasan Özbekhan, Erich Jantsch, and Alexander Christakis. Entitled, The Predicament of Mankind; Quest for Structured Responses to Growing Worldwide Complexities and Uncertainties: A PROPOSAL.[3] The document would serve as the roadmap for the LTG project.

The Limits to Growth

The Club of Rome stimulated considerable public attention with the first report to the club, The Limits to Growth.[4] Published in 1972, its computer simulations suggested that economic growth could not continue indefinitely because of resource depletion. The 1973 oil crisis increased public concern about this problem. The report went on to sell 30 million copies in more than 30 languages, making it the best-selling environmental book in history.[5]

Even before The Limits to Growth was published, Eduard Pestel and Mihajlo Mesarovic of Case Western Reserve University had begun work on a far more elaborate model (it distinguished ten world regions and involved 200,000 equations compared with 1,000 in the Meadows model). The research had the full support of the club and its final publication, Mankind at the Turning Point was accepted as the official "second report" to the Club of Rome in 1974.[6] In addition to providing a more refined regional breakdown, Pestel and Mesarovic had succeeded in integrating social as well as technical data. The second report revised the scenarios of the original Limits to Growth and gave a more optimistic prognosis for the future of the environment, noting that many of the factors involved were within human control and therefore that environmental and economic catastrophe were preventable or avoidable.

In 1991, the club published The First Global Revolution.[7] It analyses the problems of humanity, calling these collectively or in essence the "problematique". It notes that, historically, social or political unity has commonly been motivated by enemies in common: "The need for enemies seems to be a common historical factor. Some states have striven to overcome domestic failure and internal contradictions by blaming external enemies. The ploy of finding a scapegoat is as old as mankind itself—when things become too difficult at home, divert attention to adventure abroad. Bring the divided nation together to face an outside enemy, either a real one, or else one invented for the purpose. With the disappearance of the traditional enemy, the temptation is to use religious or ethnic minorities as scapegoats, especially those whose differences from the majority are disturbing."[8] "Every state has been so used to classifying its neighbours as friend or foe, that the sudden absence of traditional adversaries has left governments and public opinion with a great void to fill. New enemies have to be identified, new strategies imagined, and new weapons devised."[8] "In searching for a common enemy against whom we can unite, we came up with the idea that pollution, the threat of global warming, water shortages, famine and the like, would fit the bill. In their totality and their interactions these phenomena do constitute a common threat which must be confronted by everyone together. But in designating these dangers as the enemy, we fall into the trap, which we have already warned readers about, namely mistaking symptoms for causes. All these dangers are caused by human intervention in natural processes, and it is only through changed attitudes and behaviour that they can be overcome. The real enemy then is humanity itself."[9]

In 2001 the Club of Rome established a think tank, called tt30, consisting of about 30 men and women, ages 25–35. It aimed to identify and solve problems in the world, from the perspective of youth.[citation needed]

A study by Graham Turner of the research organisation CSIRO in Australia in 2008 found that "30 years of historical data compare favorably with key features of a business-as-usual scenario called the "standard run" scenario, which results in collapse of the global system midway through the 21st century."[10]


According to its website, the Club of Rome is composed of "scientists, economists, businessmen, international high civil servants, heads of state and former heads of state from all five continents who are convinced that the future of humankind is not determined once and for all and that each human being can contribute to the improvement of our societies."

The Club of Rome is a membership organization and has different membership categories.[11] Full members engage in the research activities, projects, and contribute to decision-making processes during the Club's annual general assembly. Of the full members, 12 are elected to form the executive committee, which sets the general direction and the agenda.[12] Of the executive committee, two are elected as co-presidents and two as vice-presidents. The secretary-general is elected from the members of the executive committee. The secretary-general is responsible for the day-to-day operation of the club from its headquarters in Winterthur, Switzerland. Aside from full members there are associate members, who participate in research and projects, but have no vote in the general assembly.[13]

The club also has honorary members. Notable honorary members include Princess Beatrix of the Netherlands, Orio Giarini, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Mikhail Gorbachev, King Juan Carlos I of Spain, Horst Köhler, and Manmohan Singh.[14]

The annual general assembly of 2016 took place in Berlin on 10–11 November. Among the guest speakers were former German President Christian Wulff, German Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development Gerd Müller, as well as Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus.

National associations

The Club has national associations in 35 countries and territories.[15] The mission of the national associations is to spread the ideas and vision in their respective countries, to offer solutions and to lobby for a more sustainable and just economy in their nations, and to support the international secretariat of the Club with the organization of events, such as the annual general assembly.[16]

Current activities

As of 2017 there have been 43 reports to the club.[17] These are peer-reviewed studies commissioned by the executive committee, or suggested by a member or group of members, or by outside individuals and institutions. The most recent is Come On! Capitalism, Short-termism, Population and the Destruction of the Planet.[18]

In 2016, the club initiated a new youth project called "Reclaim Economics". With this project they support students, activists, intellectuals, artists, video-makers, teachers, professors and others to shift the teaching of economics away from the mathematical pseudo-science it has become.[19]

On 14 March 2019, the Club of Rome issued an official statement in support of Greta Thunberg and the school strikes for climate, urging governments across the world to respond to this call for action and cut global carbon emissions.[20]


Nobel prize-winning economist Robert Solow criticized The Limits to Growth as having "simplistic" scenarios. He has also been a vocal critic of the Club of Rome, ostensibly for amateurism. He has said that, "The one thing that really annoys me is amateurs making absurd statements about economics, and I thought that the Club of Rome was nonsense. Not because natural resources or environmental necessities might not at some time pose a limit, not on growth, but on the level of economic activity—I didn't think that was a nonsensical idea—but because the Club of Rome was doing amateur dynamics without a license, without a proper qualification. And they were doing it badly, so I got steamed up about that."[21]

An analysis of the world model used for The Limits to Growth by mathematicians Vermeulens and Jongh shown it to be "very sensitive to small parameter variations" and having "dubious assumptions and approximations".[22]

An interdisciplinary team at Sussex University's Science Policy Research Unit reviewed the structure and assumptions of the models used and published its finding in Models of Doom; showing that the forecasts of the world's future are very sensitive to a few unduly pessimistic key assumptions. The Sussex scientists also claim that the Meadows et Al. methods, data, and predictions are faulty, that their world models (and their Malthusian bias) do not accurately reflect reality.[23]

Notable members

• Hans-Peter Dürr (1929–2014)
• Mahdi Elmandjra (1933-2014)
• Călin Georgescu (born in 1962) - Chairman of the Board, European Support Centre for the Club of Rome, now European Research Center, Vienna and Konstanz (2010-)
• Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen (1906–1994), economist, author of The Entropy Law and the Economic Process
• Mikhail Gorbachev (born in 1931), last leader of the Soviet Union
• Dzhermen Gvishiani, son in law of Alexei Kosygin
• Václav Havel (1936–2011), last president of Czechoslovakia, first president of the Czech Republic
• Bohdan Hawrylyshyn (1926–2016) – Chairman International Management Institute – Kyiv (uk:IMI-Kyiv), Honorary Council of Ukraine
• Daisaku Ikeda
• Mugur Isărescu (born in 1949), the Governor of the National Bank of Romania in Bucharest
• Erich Jantsch, author of Technological Forecasting (1929–1980)
• Derrick de Kerckhove (born 1944)
• Alexander King (1909–2007) founding member[24]
• Max Kohnstamm (Netherlands), former Secretary General of the ECSC (1914–2010)
• David Korten
• Elisabeth Mann-Borgese - first female member since 1970
• Graeme Maxton
• Dennis Meadows (born 1942)
• Donella Meadows (1941–2001)
• Mihajlo D. Mesarovic
• George P. Mitchell (1919–2013)
• Mohan Munasinghe
• Aurelio Peccei (1908–1984) founding member [24]
• John R. Platt (1918–1992)
• Mamphela Ramphele
• Joseph Stiglitz (born 1943), Nobel prize-winning economist
• Ivo Šlaus
• Prince Hassan bin Talal
• Hugo Thiemann (1917–2012)
• Pierre Elliott Trudeau (1919–2000), former prime minister of Canada;
• Robert Uffen (1923–2009)
• Victor Urquidi (1919–2014)
• Frederic Vester (1925–2003)
• Ashok Khosla
• Fernando Henrique Cardoso

See also

• Club of Budapest
• Club of Madrid
• Club of Vienna
• Futures studies
• Global catastrophic risk
• Harlan Cleveland - DIKW
• Olduvai theory
• Peak Oil
• Survivalism
• The Revenge of Gaia
• The First Global Revolution


1. "The First Global Revolution". The Green Agenda. 19 November 2005. Retrieved 6 December 2012.
2. "History: 1968". Club of Rome. Retrieved 29 November 2017.
3. "The Predicament of Mankind" (PDF). 1970. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 February 2014. Retrieved 13 May 2016.
4. Meadows, Dennis. "30-Year Update of Limits to Growth finds global society in "Overshoot," Foresees social, economic, and environmental decline" (PDF). Club of Rome. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 May 2008. Retrieved 30 September 2016.
5. Simmons, Matthew R. (October 2000). "Revisiting The Limits to Growth: Could the Club of Rome Have Been Correct After All?" (PDF). Mud City Press. Retrieved 29 November 2017.
6. Mersarovic, Mihajlo; Pestel, Eduard (1975). Mankind at the Turning Point. Hutchinson. ISBN 0-09-123471-9.
7. "The First Global Revolution (Club of Rome) 1993 Edition". Scribd. 17 March 2008. Archived from the original on 26 October 2012. Retrieved 6 December 2012.
8. Alexander King & Bertrand Schneider. The First Global Revolution (The Club of Rome), 1993. p. 70
9. King & Schneider, p. 115
10. Turner, Graham M. (2008). "A comparison of The Limits to Growth with 30 years of reality" (PDF). Global Environmental Change. 18: 397–411. Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 September 2014. Retrieved 13 May 2016.
11. "Membership". Club of Rome. Retrieved 29 November 2017.
12. "Executive Committee". Club of Rome. Retrieved 29 November 2017.
13. "Associate Members". Club of Rome. Retrieved 29 November 2017.
14. "Honorary Members". Club of Rome. Retrieved 29 November 2017.
15. "National Associations". Club of Rome. Retrieved 29 November 2017.
16. "Annual Conference 2016". The Club of Rome. Retrieved 26 January 2018.
17. "Reports". Club of Rome. Retrieved 5 December 2017.
18. von Weizsaecker, Ernst; Wijkman, Anders (2018). Come On! Capitalism, Short-termism, Population and the Destruction of the Planet. New York: Springer. doi:10.1007/978-1-4939-7419-1. ISBN 978-1-4939-7418-4. Retrieved 29 November 2017.
19. "Reclaim Economics". Club of Rome. Retrieved 29 November 2017.
20. Alao, Sadikou Ayo; Alvarez-Pereira, Carlos; Andersen, Lene Rachel; AtKisson, Alan; Bamela Engo-Tjega, Ruth; Bardi, Ugo; Bastioli, Catia; Bateson, Nora; Benedikter, Roland; Berg, Christian; Bindé, Jérôme; Björkman, Tomas; Blom, Peter; Bologna, Gianfranco; Bozesan, Mariana; Brown, Peter G.; Chacón Domínguez, Susana Catalina; Cheng, Yi-Heng; Costanza, Robert; de Leeuw, Bas; Dixson-Declève, Sandrine; Dorsey, Michael K.; Dubee, Frederick C.; Dubrulle, Mark; Dunlop, Ian T.; Fainé Casas, Isidro; Fullerton, John B.; Gasparini, Alberto; Geier, Joerg; Georgescu, Călin; Gil-Valdivia, Gerardo; Giovannini, Enrico; Girardet, Herbert; Göpel, Maja; Güvenen, Orhan; Gurgulino de Souza, Heitor; Halonen, Tarja Kaarina; Hamilton, Carolyn; Hargroves, Karlson “Charlie”; Hayashi, Yoshitsugu; Heinonen, Sirkka; Hennicke, Peter; Hernández Colón, Rafael; Herren, Hans Rudolf; Higgs, Kerryn; Hoffman, Robert; Hudson, Cecil Ivan; Hughes, Barry B. (14 March 2019). "Statement in support of global student climate protests" (PDF). Winterthur, Switzerland: Club of Rome. Archived (PDF) from the original on 24 March 2019. Retrieved 18 March 2019.
21. Clement, Douglas (1 September 2002). "Interview with Robert Solow". Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis. Retrieved 29 November 2017.
22. Vermeulen P, De Jongh D (29 June 1976). "Parameter sensitivity of the 'Limits to Growth' world model". Applied Mathematical Modelling. 1 (1): 29–32. doi:10.1016/0307-904X(76)90021-4. Retrieved 2018-07-23.
23. Cole, H.S.D. (1973). Models of doom; a critique of The limits to growth. USA: Universe Books. p. 244 p., illus. ISBN 0876631847.
24. "The story of the Club of Rome". Club of Rome. Archived from the original on 31 May 2013. Retrieved 27 May 2013.

External links

• Last Call, documentary about The Limits to Growth (trailer)
• Club of Rome Reports and Bifurcations, a 40-year overview 17 March 2010 / Draft
• Analysis of Limits to Growth by Australian Broadcasting Corporation from 1999
• Donella Meadows Institute
• Suter, K. (1999). "The Club of Rome: The Global Conscience". Contemporary Review, 275 (1602), 1–5
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Fri Apr 19, 2019 1:53 am

Earth Charter
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/18/19



The Earth Charter is an international declaration of fundamental values and principles considered useful by its supporters for building a just, sustainable, and peaceful global society in the 21st century. Created by a global consultation process, and endorsed by organizations representing millions of people, the Charter "seeks to inspire in all peoples a sense of global interdependence and shared responsibility for the well-being of the human family, the greater community of life, and future generations."[1] It calls upon humanity to help create a global partnership at a critical juncture in history. The Earth Charter's ethical vision proposes that environmental protection, human rights, equitable human development, and peace are interdependent and indivisible. The Charter attempts to provide a new framework for thinking about and addressing these issues. The Earth Charter Initiative organization exists to promote the Charter.


The idea of the Earth Charter originated in 1987, by Maurice Strong and Mikhail Gorbachev as members of The Club of Rome, when the United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development [Brundtland Commission] called for a new charter to guide the transition to sustainable development. In 1992, the need for a charter was urged by then-Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali at the Rio de Janeiro Earth Summit, but the time for such a declaration was not believed to be right. The Rio Declaration became the statement of the achievable consensus at that time. In 1994, Maurice Strong (Chairman of the Earth Summit) and Mikhail Gorbachev, working through organizations they each founded (the Earth Council and Green Cross International respectively), restarted the Earth Charter as a civil society initiative, with the help of the government of the Netherlands.[2]

Strong died in November 2015.[2]

"The Ark of Hope[3] was created for a celebration of the Earth Charter held at Shelburne Farms, Vermont on September 9, 2001."[4]


The drafting of the text was done during a six-year worldwide consultation process (1994–2000), overseen by the independent Earth Charter Commission, which was convened by Strong and Gorbachev with the purpose of developing a global consensus on values and principles for a sustainable future. The Commission continues to serve as the steward of the Earth Charter text.

One of the members of the Earth Charter Commission and Steering Committee was Steven Clark Rockefeller, who, among other things is professor emeritus of Religion at Middlebury College and an advisory trustee of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund.[5] According to a 2001 interview with Rockefeller,[6] he "chaired the Earth Charter international drafting committee". Other members included Amadou Toumani Touré (Mali), Princess Basma bint Talal (Jordan), Mohamed Sahnoun (Algeria), A. T. Ariyaratne (Sri Lanka), Wakako Hironaka (Japan), Erna Witoelar (Indonesia), Ruud Lubbers (The Netherlands), Federico Mayor (Spain), Mercedes Sosa (Argentina), Leonardo Boff (Brazil), Yolanda Kakabadse (Ecuador), Shridath Ramphal (Guyana), Elizabeth May (Canada), Severn Cullis-Suzuki (Canada), and others.[7]

The final text of the Earth Charter was approved at a meeting of the Earth Charter Commission at the UNESCO headquarters in Paris in March 2000. The official launch was on 29 June 2000 in a ceremony at The Peace Palace in The Hague, Netherlands. Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands attended the ceremony.


The approximately 2,400 word document is divided into sections (called pillars), which have sixteen main principles containing sixty-one supporting principles.[8] The document opens with a preamble and ends with a conclusion entitled “The Way Forward”.


“ We stand at a critical moment in Earth's history, a time when humanity must choose its future. As the world becomes increasingly interdependent and fragile, the future at once holds great peril and great promise. To move forward we must recognize that in the midst of a magnificent diversity of cultures and life forms we are one human family and one Earth community with a common destiny. We must join together to bring forth a sustainable global society founded on respect for nature, universal human rights, economic justice, and a culture of peace. Towards this end, it is imperative that we, the peoples of Earth, declare our responsibility to one another, to the greater community of life, and to future generations.[9] ”


The four pillars and sixteen principles of the Earth Charter are:[9]

I. Respect and Care for the Community of Life

1. Respect Earth and life in all its diversity.
2. Care for the community of life with understanding, compassion and love.
3. Build democratic societies that are just, participatory, sustainable and peaceful.
4. Secure Earth's bounty and beauty for present and future generations.

II. Ecological Integrity

5. Protect and restore the integrity of Earth's ecological systems, with special concern for biological diversity and the natural processes that sustain life.
6. Prevent harm as the best method of environmental protection and, when knowledge is limited, apply a precautionary approach.
7. Adopt patterns of production, consumption and reproduction that safeguard Earth's regenerative capacities, human rights and community well-being.
8. Advance the study of ecological sustainability and promote the open exchange and wide application of the knowledge acquired.

III. Social and Economic Justice

9. Eradicate poverty as an ethical, social and environmental imperative.
10. Ensure that economic activities and institutions at all levels promote human development in an equitable and sustainable manner.
11. Affirm gender equality and equity as prerequisites to sustainable development and ensure universal access to education, health care and economic opportunity.
12. Uphold the right of all, without discrimination, to a natural and social environment supportive of human dignity, bodily health and spiritual well-being, with special attention to the rights of indigenous peoples and minorities.

IV. Democracy, Nonviolence, and Peace

13. Strengthen democratic institutions at all levels, and provide transparency and accountability in governance, inclusive participation in decision-making, and access to justice.
14. Integrate into formal education and lifelong learning the knowledge, values and skills needed for a sustainable way of life.
15. Treat all living beings with respect and consideration.
16. Promote a culture of tolerance, nonviolence and peace.


The Charter has been formally endorsed by organizations representing millions of people, including the UNESCO,[10] over 250 universities around the world,[11] the World Conservation Union of IUCN, the Indian National Capital Territory of Delhi,[12] the 2001 U.S. Conference of Mayors,[13] and dozens of youth organizations.[14]

Various religious groups from a wide range of religions support the Earth Charter. The Soka Gakkai International, representing more than 12 million Buddhists worldwide, has supported the Earth Charter since its inception.[15] The Unitarian Universalist Association of Congregations representing over 1000 Unitarian Universalist congregations in the United States supports the measure.[16] The official body of the Baha'i Faith religion reacted by saying "While not officially endorsing the Earth Charter, the Baha'i International Community considers the effort toward drafting it and activities in support of its essential objectives to be highly commendable, and it will continue to participate in related activities, such as conferences, forums and the like."[17] The World Pantheist Movement, which supports a naturalistic view of religion, endorses the plan.[18] The Leadership Conference of Women Religious, a Catholic organization in the United States approved the measure in 2004.[19] The Episcopal Diocese of Newark (New Jersey), an Episcopalian Christian organization, endorsed the Earth Charter in 2009.[20]

In May 1992, more than 650 representatives of indigenous peoples adopted their own 109-point Indigenous Peoples Earth Charter.[21] Representatives of indigenous peoples also participated in the Earth Charter consultations in 1996.[22] In 2000, the Russian Association of the Indigenous Peoples of the North (RAIPON), representing 31 indigenous peoples living in Siberia and far eastern Russia, formally endorsed the Earth Charter.[23]

Mayor Hsu of Tainan, a city of 750,000 in Taiwan, endorsed the charter in 2007.[24] The cities of Corvallis (Oregon), Berkeley (California), Pickering (Canada) and 21 towns in Vermont have endorsed the measure.[25][26][27] Nine other towns in Vermont rejected measures endorsing the Earth Charter.[28]

Engineers Without Borders, an international association whose mission is to help its member groups assist poor communities in their respective countries and around the world, also endorses the Earth Charter.[29] The Green Party of Botswana supports the plan.[30] The African Conservation Foundation describes the Earth Charter movement as a "partner".[31]

In the UK, Bournemouth Borough Council endorsed the Charter in 2008.[citation needed]

The Charter has received opposition from several groups. For example, in the United States, members of religious groups, such as the Religious Right have objected to the document on the grounds that it is secular, and espouses socialism. In addition, some conservatives cite an informal comment by Mikhail Gorbachev that the document is "a kind of Ten Commandments" and point to the fact that at the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg, South Africa, a copy of the document was placed symbolically in an "Ark of Hope"[32] — an independent project by the American artist Sally Linder.

Earth Charter International, the organization responsible for promoting the Charter, states in its literature that the Earth Charter is respectful and inclusive of all religious traditions. They say that the Charter itself makes no statements to support claims of intent to supplant any of the world's religions or to create a world government. ECI asserts that the Charter is a statement of common ethical values towards sustainability, that recognizes humanity's shared responsibility to the Earth and to each other.[33]

See also

• Globalization portal
• Universal Declaration of Human Rights
• University for Peace
• Earth Day
• World Ocean Day
• World Water Day


1. Earth Charter Initiative: "What is the Earth Charter?".
2. Maurice Strong: "History of the Earth Charter".
4. "Welcome". Retrieved 17 April 2018.
5. "Steven C. Rockefeller". Retrieved 2018-05-31.
6. Schwarz, Sherry (2001). "Charting a New Course: An Interview with Steven Rockefeller". Archived from the original on 2 May 2008. Retrieved 17 April 2018.
7. "Commission". Retrieved 2018-05-31.
8. Nigel Dower, University of Aberdeen (2004): "The Earth Charter as a Global Ethic", p. 4.
9. Earth Charter Initiative: "Text of the Earth Charter".
10. United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization: "Records of the General Conference", 32nd Session, Vol. 1, p.35
11. Earth Charter Initiative (March 26, 2009): "Universities that have endorsed the Earth Charter".
12. "One million saplings to be planted by 2010", The Hindu, Apr 21, 2007
13. "Adopted Resolutions: Energy and Environment, Endorsement of Earth Charter", 69th Annual Conference of U.S. Mayors, June 22–26, 2001
14. Earth Charter Initiative (March 26, 2009): "Youth Organizations that have endorsed the Earth Charter".
15. "SGI and the Earth Charter", SGI Resources, May 3, 2000
16. "Endorse the Earth Charter, 2002 Action of Immediate Witness", Unitarian Universalist Association of Congregations
17. "Baha'is participate in interreligious dialogue on faith and ecology", Baha'i World News Service, September 6, 2001
18. "World Pantheist Movement’s Help Centre", World Pantheist Movement website, retrieved March 9, 2010.
19. Leadership Conference of Women Religious (August 24, 2004): "2004 Resolutions" (press release)
20. Diocese of Newark (January 31, 2009). "135th Annual Convention Resolutions" (PDF). p. 7. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2010-10-21.
21. Brechin, Steven R., ed. (2003). Contested nature: promoting international biodiversity with social justice in the twenty-first century. Albany: State University of New York Press. p. 29. ISBN 0791457753. OCLC 51330533.
22. Schulthess, Beatriz (1996). "Participation of Indigenous Peoples in the Earth Charter Consultations". Retrieved 2018-05-31.
23. RAIPON (2015). "Endorsement of the Russian Association of the Indigenous Peoples of the North (RAIPON)". Retrieved 2018-05-31.
24. "Mayor Hsu endorsed the Earth Charter with 15 Miss Globalcities", Tainan City Government news bulltetin, January 19, 2007
25. "Council passes Earth Charter", Rebecca Barrett, Corvallis Gazette-Times, April 17, 2006
26. "Resolution 61,007-NS", Berkeley City Council, March 27, 2001
27. "Committee of the Whole Meeting Minutes", City of Pickering, Canada, July 22, 2002
28. "Earth Charter Supported in Middlebury Meeting",, March 13, 2002
29. one page organization summary, Engineers Without Borders — International, 2009
30. Retrieved February 25, 2009.
31. Partnerships , African Conservation Foundation. Retrieved February 25, 2009.
33. Earth Charter Initiative. September 2008: The Earth Charter Initiative Handbook, p. 47.

External links

• Earth Charter Initiative official website
• Earth Charter Community Network
• Text of the Earth Charter
• Earth Charter Future-Actions & Perspectives of an Earth Child
• American chapter of the Earth Charter Initiative
• YES! Questions for Students: Earth Charter teaching materials for classrooms.
• Earth Charter Community Action Tool
Site Admin
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Fri Apr 19, 2019 1:59 am

University for Peace
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/18/19



University for Peace / Universidad para la Paz
Other name
Motto in English
"If you want Peace, work for Peace..."
Type Graduate School
Established 1980
Founder Rodrigo Carazo Odio
Rector Dr. Francisco Rojas Aravena
Dean Dr. Juan Carlos Sainz-Borgo
Students 196 (2018-2019)
Alumni 2,200
Address Calle U. Paz, El Rodeo de Mora, San Jose, Costa Rica, Ciudad Colón, Costa Rica
Campus Campus in nature (includes a protected forest reserve)

Peace Park at the University for Peace

The University for Peace (UPEACE) is an intergovernmental organization with university status, established by treaty at the United Nations General Assembly in 1980 and having its main campus in Costa Rica. Its stated mission is "to provide humanity with an international institution of higher education for peace with the aim of promoting among all human beings the spirit of understanding, tolerance and peaceful coexistence, to stimulate cooperation among peoples and to help lessen obstacles and threats to world peace and progress, in keeping with the noble aspirations proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations."

The current Rector of UPEACE is Dr. Francisco Rojas Aravena.[1]


UPEACE Rodrigo Carazo Campus, Costa Rica

The creation of the University for Peace was set in motion by a treaty and endorsed by resolution 34/111 of 14 December 1979 of the United Nations General Assembly. By this Resolution, the UN General Assembly established an international commission which, in collaboration with the Government of Costa Rica, was requested to prepare the organization, structure and setting in motion of the University for Peace. Thereafter, by Resolution 35/55 of 5 December 1980,[2] the UN General Assembly endorsed the treaty establishing the University for Peace by adopting the International Agreement for the Establishment of the University for Peace (UPEACE) along with the Charter of the University for Peace.[3] The University has the unique status of not only being a dedicated institution for higher education in Peace and Conflict studies, but also an international treaty body organization mandated by the United Nations General Assembly.

It offers master's degree and doctoral programmes at its main headquarters in San José, Costa Rica, and carries out various activities related to the international peace and security objectives of the United Nations (UN) through centres and offices located in Addis Ababa, New York, Honduras, Geneva, Bonn, The Hague, Manila and Beijing, and through partnership arrangements with numerous other institutions worldwide (see Special Programmes below).

Relationship with United Nations

The University for Peace is part of the academic wing of the UN system, and has observer status at the UN General Assembly,[4] while maintaining its independence in academic, financial and management matters. The UN Secretary-General is the Honorary President of UPEACE. The UN General Assembly maintains a constant interest in the activities of UPEACE, and in periodic resolutions calls on the UN Secretary-General to report to it on its activities.[5] Accordingly, the UN Secretary-General reports to the General Assembly of the UN periodically on the progress of UPEACE.[6] The Council of the University for Peace is the supreme authority of the University. It is composed of five ex-officio members viz. the Rector, two representatives designated by the UN Secretary-General and by the Director-General of the UNESCO, the Rector of the United Nations University, two representatives designated by the Government of the host country and the Chancellor of UPEACE. In addition, the Council comprises ten representatives of the academic community or other persons eminent in the field of peace and security appointed by the Secretary-General of the UN in consultation with the Director-General of the UNESCO.


The University has "unique world-wide authorization to award academic degrees, recognized by all countries which are members of the General Assembly".[7] In addition, its MA programs in the Department of Environment, Peace and Development, received official accreditation from SINAES (the national Costa Rican accreditation body) in 2014.[8] Similarly, the MA programme in International Law and Human Rights, and the MA programme in International Law and the Settlement of Disputes received accreditation from SINAES in June 2016.[9]

Headquarters and main campus

The University for Peace (UPEACE) has its headquarters in Costa Rica, a country distinguished by a long tradition of democracy. Costa Rica abolished its army in 1948, the former President, H.E. Oscar Arias Sánchez was awarded The Nobel Peace Prize in 1987 and the country continues to develop strong efforts for natural conservation - not to mention the friendly locals. The main campus of the University - the Rodrigo Carazo Campus - is located 30 km Southwest of San Jose, within a natural reserve composed of a secondary forest and the last remnant of primary forest (200 ha) in the Central Valley of Costa Rica. Hence, this protected area is very rich in fauna. It shelters mammals such as monkeys and deer; reptiles; and over 300 species of birds, as well as approximately 100 varieties of trees. The University's installations and protected area make up 303 ha.[10]

The closest town to the mountain on which the University is perched, is Ciudad Colon. Most of the students, staff and faculty members of the University reside in Ciudad Colon, making it one of the most multi-cultural places in the world for its size.

The Rodrigo Carazo campus of the University for Peace is the principal location for the activities of the University. Most of its Masters programmes and its recently announced Doctoral programme are administered from this campus. Students coming from several countries study in a highly multi-cultural environment on the campus. The University boasts of a highly accomplished faculty, that comprises a mix of both resident and visiting faculty members. Because of the structure of the programmes and its unique global status, the University has an academic calendar that enables bringing on board the most highly acclaimed academicians and practitioners from around the world. The University has also started administering distance education courses, including an online Masters Programme from the main campus.

The University also carries out hands-on training beyond its Masters and Doctoral Programmes aimed at practitioners and policy makers rather than graduate students. The University has established two Centres for this purpose that are located on the main campus. The UPEACE Centre for Executive Education delivers dynamic training courses to leaders from around the world. The Centre reaches out to nonprofit leaders, business executives, educators at all levels, UN staff, students and other professional audiences. According to the Centre's website, the approach to all its courses is innovative, interactive, and participant-centered, using case-studies and field trips when appropriate. The Centre aims to develop key leadership skills by incorporating the crosscutting themes of Intercultural Communication, Negotiation and Conflict Resolution and Teambuilding.

The University has also established the UPEACE Human Rights Centre which was created within the contours of the broader mission of the University to provide humanity with an international institution of higher education for peace and with the aim of promoting among all human beings the spirit of understanding, tolerance and peaceful coexistence, to stimulate cooperation among peoples and to help lessen obstacles and threats to world peace and progress, in keeping with the noble aspirations proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations. In particular, the work of the UPEACE Human Rights Centre seeks to promote understanding, respect and enjoyment of universal human rights. The Centre carries out this objective through human rights education, training, research, capacity building and awareness raising activities. The website of the UPEACE Human Rights Centre states that the Centre takes a practice based approach to the respect, protection and fulfillment of human rights and promotes the integration of theory and practice. The Centre also takes a multi-disciplinary approach to human rights and attaches equal importance to all human rights. Over the last few years, the UPEACE Human Rights Centre has conducted several training courses for policy makers, staff members of the UN and other inter-governmental organizations, non-governmental organizations, practitioners, academics and civil servants.

The Headquarters and main campus of UPEACE also hosts the International Secretariat of the Earth Charter Initiative, whose stated mission is "to promote the transition to sustainable ways of living and a global society founded on a shared ethical framework that includes respect and care for the community of life, ecological integrity, universal human rights, respect for diversity, economic justice, democracy, and a culture of peace." This mission is carried out using 'The Earth Charter' as the principal guiding framework. The Earth Charter is an international declaration of fundamental values and principles considered useful by its supporters for building a just, sustainable, and peaceful global society in the 21st century. In 2012, the Earth Charter Initiative and UPEACE were jointly awarded the UNESCO Chair on Education for Sustainable Development and the Earth Charter.[11] The work related to this UNESCO Chair will be carried out at the newly constructed 'Earth Charter Center for Education for Sustainable Development' at the UPEACE main campus.

In addition to the activities at the Costa Rica Headquarters Campus, UPEACE works with an increasing number of partners in various parts of the world to ensure that the UPEACE mission is extended to reach as many individuals and institutions as possible.

Around the world


As a result of extensive international consultations, which have underlined the importance of according a high priority to activities in Africa, the University for Peace (UPEACE) officially launched its Africa Programme in January 2002.

The University for Peace (UPEACE) established its Africa Programme in 2002 on the basis of extensive consultations in the continent which aimed at developing a programme that responded to the true needs, aspirations and obstacles for education for building peace in Africa. From its inception, the programme focused on the necessity to stimulate and strengthen the capacity in Africa to teach, train and conduct research in areas of peace and conflict studies.

The first five years of the programme focused on the development of curricula and teaching materials and the delivery of a range of short courses, workshops, conferences and seminars in various parts of Africa. Within this period, the programme attracted close to one thousand participants from Academia, Policy makers and civil society organisations.

In a second five-year plan, which came out of a consultative meeting held in March 2007 with partners, the programme will additionally, work with a number of Partner Universities to develop full-fledged master's degree programmes to be based at African Universities. The principal aim of this endeavour is to further strengthen the African capacity and build a wide expertise for a better understanding of conflicts in Africa, their prevention and the creation of the environment favourable to lasting peace and development in the region.


In January 2012, UPEACE created a new Centre at The Hague, Netherlands (UPEACE The Hague), which is housed at the Academy Building of the Peace Palace, next to The Hague Academy of International Law. UPEACE The Hague will focus on education and research at the forefront of peace studies, closely cooperating with academic and policy-oriented institutions in The Hague region. UPEACE The Hague will initially advance three fields where it can be innovative and complementary: Peace & Conflict Studies, Water & Peace, and Urban Peace & Security. In addition, UPEACE The Hague will strengthen peace education in The Hague region by organising professional trainings, lectures, seminars, and workshops. Educational and research programmes will be characterised by the interaction between theory and practice, also contributing to policy innovations, and will therefore be appealing to both academics and professionals.

The Geneva Office of UPEACE, established in 2001, has continued to support the development of the overall activities of the University, in particular its regional programmes in Africa and Central Asia. The key focus of work undertaken by the Geneva office is contributing to the development of programme activities of the University in Africa and the Middle East, engaging with the academic community in Geneva to establish joint teaching and training courses on issues of particular relevance to the expertise available within the international community in Geneva and facilitation of relations within Europe and with the United Nations system, national delegations, donor community and academic institutions.


The Asia Leaders Programme, a Dual Campus Master Programme, is a shared initiative between the Nippon Foundation and the University for Peace, in collaboration with Ateneo de Manila University, which aims to provide students from Japan and other Asian countries with an opportunity to pursue a peace studies post graduate degree with a content-based language-training module. This offers the support for individuals who do not have a proficient command of English to work in this increasingly common international language and to become comfortable in their professional abilities as they gain academic skills. As part of the programme, students also have the opportunity to apply their academic and practical knowledge through a four-month internship at the end of the Master courses.

Affiliated institutions

Article 4 of the Charter of the University for Peace reads: "the University may enter into association or conclude agreements with Governments and intergovernmental and other organizations and institutions in the field of education." The University for Peace signed agreements with the governments of Serbia (formerly Yugoslavia), Colombia and Uruguay to open centres in those three countries. These centres have the necessary legal status to enjoy autonomy and academic freedom, while keeping its humanistic purpose within the framework of both the Charter of the University for Peace and the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The European Centre for Peace and Development (ECPD) in Belgrade, Serbia; the World Centre for Training and Research in Conflict Resolution (WCCR) in Bogotá, Colombia; and the World Centre for Research for Peace (CMIP) in Montevideo, Uruguay, have developed close links with their respective governments while being key UPEACE partners in areas of common interest. UPEACE keeps operational agreements with them and lends its logos when necessary in order to undertake joint activities within the framework of UPEACE's and the Centres’ mission. These activities, as with other partners, involve the cooperating parties working together at all stages of jointly agreed-upon projects.


UPEACE has been offering master's degree programmes at its Costa Rica campus for students from all parts of the world since its establishment. The following programmes are currently offered (academic year 2019-2020):

Regular programmes

• MA in International Law and the Settlement of Disputes
• MA in International Law and Human Rights
• MA in International Peace Studies
• MA in Gender and Peacebuilding
• MA in Peace Education
• MA in Media and Peace
• MA in Environment, Development and Peace
• MA in Responsible Management and Sustainable Economic Development
• Maestría en Resolución de Conflictos, Paz y Desarrollo (taught in Spanish)
• Maestría en Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos (taught in Spanish)
• Online MA in Sustainable Peace in the Contemporary World

Special programmes

• Dual MA in Natural Resources and Sustainable Development (with American University, Washington DC)
• Asia Peacebuilders Scholarship, a dual-campus MA in International Peace Studies (with Ateneo de Manila University, The Philippines)
• Dual MA programmes with Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, Seoul, Korea
• Joint M.A. degree in Human Rights and a Culture for Peace (with Pontificia Universidad Javeriana de Cali, Colombia)
• LL.M in Transnational Crime and Justice (with UNICRI, Turin, Italy)
• M.A. in Conflict Resolution and Coexistence (Brandeis University, USA) and an M.A. in International Law and Human Rights (UPEACE, Costa Rica)
• Water Cooperation and Diplomacy (UPEACE, Costa Rica; IHE-DELFT Water Institute, The Netherlands; Oregon State University, USA)

Study abroad programmes

UPEACE offers graduate and advance undergraduate students from other institutions the opportunity to enrol in UPEACE's Study Abroad Programme (SAP) in three ways:

• Semester Abroad Programme
• Undergraduate Credit Building

Distance education courses

Apart from its online MA in Sustainable Peace in the Contemporary World, UPEACE offers a series of individual online courses that can be taken for academic credits or for certificates.

Doctoral programme

The university's "Doctoral Programme in Peace & Conflict Studies" commenced in fall of 2012. According to the website of the University for Peace, "this Doctoral Programme is designed to respond to a growing demand for academic and professional training that addresses the complex and multidimensional issues of peace and conflict in societies." The programme offers a broad range of research foci and specializations including, though not limited to, Environmental Security and Peace, Gender and Peace Building, International Law and Human Rights, International Law and the Settlement of Disputes, International Peace Studies, Media, Peace and Conflict Studies, Natural Resources and Peace, Peace Education, Responsible Management and Sustainable Development, and Sustainable Urban Governance and Peace. The programme offers two tracks for achieving the doctorate: a research track and a professional track.[12]

Students and alumni

Students at UPEACE receive a high quality education in a unique atmosphere with a focus on multicultural perspectives, rigorous theory and practical applications. Thousands of students from over 100 countries have received graduate degrees from UPEACE. UPEACE alumni are working in peace related activities in their home countries and internationally, often in the front lines of conflict situations, for non-governmental organizations, academic and intergovernmental institutions, including the UN system. The University maintains a strong alumni network, all of whom get equipped with the necessary skills to pursue their chosen career paths at UPEACE. UPEACE aims to instill in their students a ‘sense of hope’ that forever ‘changes their lives’ and world vision in order to transform conflicts and promote sustainable peace and security. Notable UPEACE alumni include: Suzanne Hunt (2004) of X-Prize Foundation and Carbon War Room; Dan Juma (2006) former Deputy Director of Kenya Human Rights Commission; Hovig Etyemezian (2005) Director of the UNHCR Office in Mauritania; and Nick Martin (2006) Founder and President of TechChange.


The Peace and Conflict Review[13] is a free, fully peer reviewed open source academic journal published by the University for Peace. Articles featured in the review cover aspects of peace and violent conflict with a view to informing students, policymakers, non-governmental organizations and other interested parties of relevant analysis, empirical findings, policy options, and areas for further research. A number of interdisciplinary and multicultural papers are published every year, as well as some review articles of books and conference proceedings. Submissions can be sent online.

The Peace & Conflict Monitor is an online forum for informed debate and peace journalism. Drawing on contributions from the students, researchers, and journalists who make up the majority of its wide readership, the PCM offers unique perspectives on current events from around the world.

Africa Peace and Conflict Journal is an academic journal focused on African issues related to peace and security and is published by the UPEACE Africa office. The aim of the APCJ peer review process is to be rigorous and free of bias, ensuring that only high-quality, innovative work is published. The interdisciplinary emphasis of APCJ seeks to encourage the building of the field, combining the disciplines of peace and conflict studies, development, and human and social security in Africa.


The U.S. Association for the University for Peace is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization established in 2006 to advance the University for Peace and the practice of education for peace in the United States. UPEACE/US projects include DCPEACE, an initiative to empower teachers, youth, and families with the skills and knowledge necessary to effectively serve as peacebuilders in their communities and PeaceRooms, a program that connect classrooms of middle school students from Costa Rica and Washington D.C. through the use of innovative virtual networking technology for the purpose of developing core concepts of global citizenship and peace education.UPEACE/US website

The UPEACE Sharing Knowledge for Peace Program (SKP) is a distance learning initiative which ensures that those unable to attend courses in Costa Rica or in one of the other UPEACE locations are reached through state-of-the-art dissemination methods.

View from Costa Rica Campus

In 2017 the ECPD appointed London-based music producer Danny Briottet (founder of the group Renegade Soundwave ) Director of Music Programmes, as the organisation extends its aim to involve young people in the Balkan region and elsewhere in its work.[14][15][16]

See also

• Earth Charter Initiative
• UPEACE The Hague
• University for Peace Model United Nations
• United Nations
• The U.S. Association for the University for Peace
• Peace and conflict studies
• Religion and peacebuilding


1. "Message from UPEACE Rector". Retrieved 10 December 2013.
2. "UN General Assembly Resolution A/RES/35/55 on the Establishment of UPEACE". United Nations Official Document. United Nations. Archived from the original on 2019-02-28.
3. "Charter of the University for Peace annexed to the International Agreement Establishing the University for Peace" (PDF).
4. "See 'Other Resources' at". United Nations.External link in |title= (help)
5. "UN General Assembly Resolution A/RES/64/83" (PDF). United Nations.
6. "Report of the UN Secretary General on the University for Peace, A/64/281, dated 11 August 2009" (PDF).
7. "University for Peace". Retrieved 26 February 2018.
8. "University for Peace". Retrieved 26 February 2018.
9. "Two programmes from the International Law Department receive Official Quality Accreditation". University for Peace. Retrieved 26 February 2018.
10. "About UPEACE". University for Peace. Retrieved 26 February 2018.
11. "UNESCO Chair on ESD and Earth Charter, awarded jointly to EC Initiative and UPEACE".
12. "UPEACE Doctoral Programme in Peace and Conflict Studies". University for Peace.
13. "Peace & Conflict Review". Retrieved 26 February2018.
14. Coletti, Paul (2008-12-09). "The spectacular setting of Costa Rica's University for Peace is not the only thing about it that is idyllic". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 2019-02-26.
15. "Costa Rica: UN University for Peace". American University. Retrieved 2019-02-26.
16. "United Nations University for Peace". Youth Citizen Entrepreneurship Competition. Retrieved 2019-02-26.

External links

• University for Peace
• UPEACE Human Rights Centre
• UPEACE Centre for Executive Education
Site Admin
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sat Apr 20, 2019 12:01 am

World Resources Institute
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/19/19



World Resources Institute (WRI)
Formation 1982; 37 years ago
Founder James Gustave Speth
Headquarters Washington, D.C.
United States
President and CEO: Andrew Steer
Chairman of the Board: James Harmon
Revenue (2016): US$ 90 millions[1]:57
Expenses (2016) US$ 90 millions[1]:57

The World Resources Institute (WRI) is a global research non-profit organization that was established in 1982 with funding from the MacArthur Foundation[2] under the leadership of James Gustave Speth.[3]

James Gustave Speth
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/19/19

Gus Speth
James Gustave Speth in 2008.
Administrator of the United Nations Development Programme
In office: 1993–1999
Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali
Kofi Annan
Preceded by William Henry Draper III
Succeeded by Mark Malloch-Brown
Personal details
Born James Gustave Speth
March 4, 1942 (age 77)
Orangeburg, South Carolina, U.S.
Political party Democratic
Education Yale University (BA, JD)
Balliol College, Oxford (BLitt)

James Gustave (Gus) Speth (born March 4, 1942 in Orangeburg, South Carolina) is an American environmental lawyer and advocate.


He was born in Orangeburg, South Carolina in 1942. He graduated summa cum laude from Yale University in 1964, attended Balliol College, Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar and graduated from Yale Law School, where he was a member of the Yale Law Journal, in 1969. He served in 1969 and 1970 as a law clerk to U.S. Supreme Court Justice Hugo L. Black.

Speth was a co-founder of the Natural Resources Defense Council
, where he served as senior attorney from 1970 to 1977.

He served from 1977 to 1981 as a Member and then for two years as Chairman of the Council on Environmental Quality in the Executive Office of the President. As Jimmy Carter's Council on Environmental Quality Chairman, he was a principal adviser on matters affecting the environment and had overall responsibility for developing and coordinating the President's environmental program. In 1981 and 1982, he was Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center, teaching environmental and constitutional law.

In 1982, he founded the World Resources Institute,[1] a Washington, D.C.-based environmental think tank; served as its president until January 1993. He was a senior adviser to President-elect Bill Clinton's transition team, heading the group that examined the U.S.'s role in natural resources, energy and the environment.

In 1991, he chaired a U.S. task force on international development and environmental security which produced the report Partnership for Sustainable Development: A New U.S. Agenda.

In 1990 he led the Western Hemisphere Dialogue on Environment and Development which produced the report Compact for a New World.

From 1993 to 1999, he served as Administrator of the United Nations Development Programme; he served as Special Coordinator for Economic and Social Affairs under Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, piloted the United Nations Development Assistance Plan and also served as Chair of the United Nations Development Group.[2]

In 1999, he became the dean of the Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies at Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut. He served the school as the Carl W. Knobloch, Jr. Dean and Sara Shallenberger Brown Professor in the Practice of Environmental Policy when he retired from Yale in 2009 to assume a professorship at Vermont Law School in South Royalton, Vermont.[3] Speth was succeeded as Dean at Yale by Sir Peter Crane.[4]

In 2014 he published his memoir Angels by the River. In that year, he was also board member of the New Economy Coalition.[5]

Speth currently serves on the Advisory Council of Represent.Us, a nonpartisan anti-corruption organization.[6]

Environment work

Speth has been a leader or participant in many task forces and committees aimed at combating environmental degradation, including the President’s Task Force on Global Resources and Environment; the Western Hemisphere Dialogue on Environment and Development; and the National Commission on the Environment.


Among his awards are the National Wildlife Federation’s Resources Defense Award, the Natural Resources Council of America’s Barbara Swain Award of Honor, a 1997 Special Recognition Award from the Society for International Development, the Lifetime Achievement Award of the Environmental Law Institute, and the Blue Planet Prize. He holds honorary degrees from Clark University, the College of the Atlantic, Vermont Law School, Middlebury College, and the University of Massachusetts Boston.



• Globalization and the Environment (as an editor), Island Press (2003)
• Red Sky at Morning: America and the Crisis of the Global Environment (2004)
• Global Environmental Governance, Island Press (2006)
• The Bridge at the Edge of the World: Capitalism, the Environment, and Crossing from Crisis to Sustainability, Yale University Press (2008) ISBN 978-0-300-13611-1
• America the Possible: Manifesto for a New Economy, Yale University Press (2012) ISBN 978-0300180763
• Moral Ground: Ethical Action for a Planet in Peril (chapter), Nelson, Michael P. and Kathleen Dean Moore (eds.) Trinity University Press, (2010) ISBN 9781595340665
• Angels by the River, a memoir, Chelsea Green Publishing (2014)


• Beyond Reform Our Planet Magazine PDF
• America the Possible: A Manifesto, From decline to rebirth link
• America the Possible: A Manifesto, A new politics for a new dream link


1. World Resources Institute Biosketch of James Gustave Speth. Reuters. Retrieved March 27, 2012.
2. "Who we are & What we do". United Nations Development Programme. 2011. Archived from the original on 2011-08-26. Retrieved 2011-08-24.
3. "F&ES unearths new dean". Yale Daily News. Archived from the original on 2009-03-08. Retrieved 2009-03-05.
4. "Sir Peter Crane Appointed Dean of Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies". Yale Daily News. 2009-03-04. Archived from the original on 2011-07-24. Retrieved 2011-08-24.
5. "About the Author". Retrieved 8 February 2015.
6. "About | Represent.Us". End corruption. Defend the Republic. Retrieved 2016-11-02.

External links

• Angels by the River - book website
• Appearances on C-SPAN
• Works by or about James Gustave Speth in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
• James Gustave Speth home page at the Wayback Machine (archived July 1, 2007) Yale School of Forestry and Environmental Studies profile, Archived July 1, 2007
• Greenery and Justice for All - Jan 9, 2015, Pacific Standard interview


They maintain offices in the United States, China, India, Brazil, and Indonesia.[4] The organization's mission is to promote environmental sustainability, economic opportunity, and human health and well-being.[5] WRI partners with local and national governments, private companies, publicly held corporations, and other non-profits, and offers services including global climate change issues, sustainable markets, ecosystem protection, and environmental responsible governance services.[6][7][8]

In 2014, Stephen M. Ross, an American real estate developer, gave the organization 30 millions of dollars to establish WRI Ross Center for Sustainable Cities.[9]


WRI's activities are focused on seven areas: food, forests, water, energy,[10] cities, climate and ocean.

WRI initiatives include:

• The Access Initiative, a civil society network dedicated to ensuring that citizens have the right and ability to influence decisions about the natural resources that sustain their communities.[11]
• Aqueduct, an initiative to measure, map and understand water risks around the globe.[12]
• Champions 12.3, a coalition of executives to accelerate progress toward United Nations Sustainable Development Goal Target 12.3 to tackle food loss and waste.[13]
• Global Forest Watch, an online forest monitoring and alert system.
• The Greenhouse Gas Protocol provides standards, guidance, tools, and trainings for business and government to quantify and manage GHG emissions.[14]
• LandMark, a platform providing maps and information on lands that are collectively held and used by Indigenous peoples and local communities[15]
• Platform for Accelerating the Circular Economy (PACE), a public-private collaboration platform and project accelerating focusing on building the circular economy. PACE was launched during the 2018 World Economic Forum Annual meeting; from 2019, WRI is supporting the scale-up of PACE and establish an Action Hub in The Hague.[16]
• Renewable Energy Buyers Alliance, a partnership of NGOs, customers, suppliers and policymakers working to increase global use of clean and renewable energy.[17] It has 300 members including Google, GM, Facebook, Walmart, Disney and other large companies, and reached 6 GW capacity in 2018.[18]
• The Science Based Targets Initiative helps companies transition to a low-carbon economic profile by setting greenhouse gas emission reduction targets in line with climate science.[19]
• WRI Ross Center helps cities grow more sustainably and seeks to improve quality of life in developing countries around the world.[20]
• World Resources Report, WRI's flagship report series. Each report deals with a different topic.[21]


1. Rising to the Challenge; WRI Annual Report 2016–2017 (PDF). Washington DC: World Resources Institute (WRI). 2017. Retrieved 31 August2017.
2. Broder, John M. (March 14, 2012). "Climate Change Envoy to Lead Influential Institute". New York Times. Retrieved 6 August 2014.
3. "James Gustave Speth". World Resources Institute. Retrieved 6 August2014.
4. "Charity Navigator: World Resources Institute". Charity Navigator. Retrieved 11 October 2017.
5. "World Resources Institute Offices – Washington DC". Office Snapshots. Retrieved 11 October 2017.
6. Bloomberg (2017). "World Resources Institute". Retrieved 11 October 2017.
7. "Charitywatch: World Resources Institute". American Institute of Philanthropy. Retrieved 11 October 2017.
8. Bloomberg (2017). "World Resources Institute". Retrieved 11 October 2017.
9. Pogrebin, Robin. "Developer Gives $30 Million to Establish City Planning Center". New York Times. Retrieved 6 August 2014.
10. M.A. Siraj (September 15, 2017). "Powering cities with clean energy". Retrieved 9 October 2017.
11. The Access Initiative
12. Aqueduct
13. Champions 12.3
14. Greenhouse Gas Protocol
15. LandMark
17. Renewable Energy Buyers Alliance
18. Dzikiy, Phil (28 March 2019). "Google, GM, and more than 300 other companies launch Renewable Energy Buyers Alliance". Electrek. Retrieved 28 March 2019.
19. Science Based Targets Initiative
20. WRI Ross Center
21. World Resources Report

See also

• Rafe Pomerance
Site Admin
Posts: 32031
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sat Apr 20, 2019 12:24 am

Gestalt therapy
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/19/19



Gestalt therapy is an existential/experiential form of psychotherapy that emphasizes personal responsibility, and that focuses upon the individual's experience in the present moment, the therapist–client relationship, the environmental and social contexts of a person's life, and the self-regulating adjustments people make as a result of their overall situation.

Gestalt therapy was developed by Fritz Perls, Laura Perls and Paul Goodman in the 1940s and 1950s, and was first described in the 1951 book Gestalt Therapy.


Edwin Nevis, co-founder of the Gestalt Institute of Cleveland, founder of the Gestalt International Study Center, and faculty member at the MIT Sloan School of Management, described Gestalt therapy as "a conceptual and methodological base from which helping professionals can craft their practice".[1] In the same volume, Joel Latner stated that Gestalt therapy is built upon two central ideas: that the most helpful focus of psychotherapy is the experiential present moment, and that everyone is caught in webs of relationships; thus, it is only possible to know ourselves against the background of our relationships to others.[2] The historical development of Gestalt therapy (described below) discloses the influences that generated these two ideas. Expanded, they support the four chief theoretical constructs (explained in the theory and practice section) that comprise Gestalt theory, and that guide the practice and application of Gestalt therapy.

Gestalt therapy was forged from various influences upon the lives of its founders during the times in which they lived, including: the new physics, Eastern religion, existential phenomenology, Gestalt psychology, psychoanalysis, experimental theatre, as well as systems theory and field theory.[3] Gestalt therapy rose from its beginnings in the middle of the 20th century to rapid and widespread popularity during the decade of the 1960s and early 1970s. During the '70s and '80s Gestalt therapy training centers spread globally; but they were, for the most part, not aligned with formal academic settings. As the cognitive revolution eclipsed Gestalt theory in psychology, many came to believe Gestalt was an anachronism. Because Gestalt therapists disdained the positivism underlying what they perceived to be the concern of research, they largely ignored the need to use research to further develop Gestalt theory and Gestalt therapy practice (with a few exceptions like Les Greenberg, see the interview: "Validating Gestalt"[4]). However, the new century has seen a sea of change in attitudes toward research and Gestalt practice.

Gestalt therapy is not identical with Gestalt psychology but Gestalt psychology influenced the development of Gestalt therapy to a large extent.[5]

Gestalt therapy focuses on process (what is actually happening) over content (what is being talked about).[6] The emphasis is on what is being done, thought, and felt at the present moment (the phenomenality of both client and therapist), rather than on what was, might be, could be, or should have been. Gestalt therapy is a method of awareness practice (also called "mindfulness" in other clinical domains), by which perceiving, feeling, and acting are understood to be conducive to interpreting, explaining, and conceptualizing (the hermeneutics of experience).[7] This distinction between direct experience versus indirect or secondary interpretation is developed in the process of therapy. The client learns to become aware of what he or she is doing and that triggers the ability to risk a shift or change.[8]

The objective of Gestalt therapy is to enable the client to become more fully and creatively alive and to become free from the blocks and unfinished business that may diminish satisfaction, fulfillment, and growth, and to experiment with new ways of being.[9] For this reason Gestalt therapy falls within the category of humanistic psychotherapies. As Gestalt therapy includes perception and the meaning-making processes by which experience forms, it can also be considered a cognitive approach. Also, because Gestalt therapy relies on the contact between therapist and client, and because a relationship can be considered to be contact over time, Gestalt therapy can be considered a relational or interpersonal approach. As it appreciates the larger picture which is the complex situation involving multiple influences in a complex situation, it can also be considered a multi-systemic approach. In addition, the processes of Gestalt therapy are experimental, involving action, Gestalt therapy can be considered both a paradoxical and an experiential/experimental approach.[7]

When Gestalt therapy is compared to other clinical domains, a person can find many matches, or points of similarity. "Probably the clearest case of consilience is between gestalt therapy's field perspective and the various organismic and field theories that proliferated in neuroscience, medicine, and physics in the early and mid-20th century. Within social science there is a consilience between gestalt field theory and systems or ecological psychotherapy; between the concept of dialogical relationship and object relations, attachment theory, client-centered therapy and the transference-oriented approaches; between the existential, phenomenological, and hermeneutical aspects of gestalt therapy and the constructivist aspects of cognitive therapy; and between gestalt therapy's commitment to awareness and the natural processes of healing and mindfulness, acceptance and Buddhist techniques adopted by cognitive behavioral therapy."[10]

Contemporary theory and practice

The theoretical foundations of Gestalt therapy essentially rests atop four "load-bearing walls": phenomenological method, dialogical relationship, field-theoretical strategies, and experimental freedom.[11] Although all these tenets were present in the early formulation and practice of Gestalt therapy, as described in Ego, Hunger and Aggression (Perls, 1947) and in Gestalt Therapy, Excitement and Growth in the Human Personality (Perls, Hefferline, & Goodman, 1951), the early development of Gestalt therapy theory emphasized personal experience and the experiential episodes understood as "safe emergencies" or experiments. Indeed, half of the Perls, Hefferline, and Goodman book consists of such experiments. Later, through the influence of such people as Erving and Miriam Polster, a second theoretical emphasis emerged: namely, contact between self and other, and ultimately the dialogical relationship between therapist and client.[12] Later still, field theory emerged as an emphasis.[13] At various times over the decades, since Gestalt therapy first emerged, one or more of these tenets and the associated constructs that go with them have captured the imagination of those who have continued developing the contemporary theory of Gestalt therapy. Since 1990 the literature focused upon Gestalt therapy has flourished, including the development of several professional Gestalt journals. Along the way, Gestalt therapy theory has also been applied in Organizational Development and coaching work. And, more recently, Gestalt methods have been combined with meditation practices into a unified program of human development called Gestalt Practice, which is used by some practitioners.

Phenomenological method

The goal of a phenomenological exploration is awareness.[14] This exploration works systematically to reduce the effects of bias through repeated observations and inquiry.[15]

The phenomenological method comprises three steps: (1) the rule of epoché, (2) the rule of description, and (3) the rule of horizontalization.[16] Applying the rule of epoché one sets aside one's initial biases and prejudices in order to suspend expectations and assumptions. Applying the rule of description, one occupies oneself with describing instead of explaining. Applying the rule of horizontalization one treats each item of description as having equal value or significance.

The rule of epoché sets aside any initial theories with regard to what is presented in the meeting between therapist and client. The rule of description implies immediate and specific observations, abstaining from interpretations or explanations, especially those formed from the application of a clinical theory superimposed over the circumstances of experience. The rule of horizontalization avoids any hierarchical assignment of importance such that the data of experience become prioritized and categorized as they are received. A Gestalt therapist using the phenomenological method might say something like, “I notice a slight tension at the corners of your mouth when I say that, and I see you shifting on the couch and folding your arms across your chest ... and now I see you rolling your eyes back”. Of course, the therapist may make a clinically relevant evaluation, but when applying the phenomenological method, temporarily suspends the need to express it.[17]

Dialogical relationship

To create the conditions under which a dialogic moment might occur, the therapist attends to his or her own presence, creates the space for the client to enter in and become present as well (called inclusion), and commits him or herself to the dialogic process, surrendering to what takes place, as opposed to attempting to control it.[15] With presence, the therapist judiciously “shows up” as a whole and authentic person, instead of assuming a role, false self or persona. The word 'judicious' used above refers to the therapist's taking into account the specific strengths, weaknesses and values of the client. The only 'good' client is a 'live' client, so driving a client away by injudicious exposure of intolerable [to this client] experience of the therapist is obviously counter-productive. For example, for an atheistic therapist to tell a devout client that religion is myth would not be useful, especially in the early stages of the relationship. To practice inclusion is to accept however the client chooses to be present, whether in a defensive and obnoxious stance or a superficially cooperative one. To practice inclusion is to support the presence of the client, including his or her resistance, not as a gimmick but in full realization that this is how the client is actually present and is the best this client can do at this time. Finally, the Gestalt therapist is committed to the process, trusts in that process, and does not attempt to save him or herself from it (Brownell, in press, 2009, 2008)).

Field-theoretical strategies

Field theory is a concept borrowed from physics in which people and events are no longer considered discrete units but as parts of something larger, which are influenced by everything including the past, and observation itself. “The field” can be considered in two ways. There are ontological dimensions and there are phenomenological dimensions to one's field. The ontological dimensions are all those physical and environmental contexts in which we live and move. They might be the office in which one works, the house in which one lives, the city and country of which one is a citizen, and so forth. The ontological field is the objective reality that supports our physical existence. The phenomenological dimensions are all mental and physical dynamics that contribute to a person's sense of self, one's subjective experience—not merely elements of the environmental context. These might be the memory of an uncle's inappropriate affection, one's color blindness, one's sense of the social matrix in operation at the office in which one works, and so forth. The way that Gestalt therapists choose to work with field dynamics makes what they do strategic.[18] Gestalt therapy focuses upon character structure; according to Gestalt theory, the character structure is dynamic rather than fixed in nature. To become aware of one's character structure, the focus is upon the phenomenological dimensions in the context of the ontological dimensions.

Experimental freedom

Gestalt therapy is distinct because it moves toward action, away from mere talk therapy, and for this reason is considered an experiential approach.[19] Through experiments, the therapist supports the client's direct experience of something new, instead of merely talking about the possibility of something new. Indeed, the entire therapeutic relationship may be considered experimental, because at one level it is a corrective, relational experience for many clients, and it is a "safe emergency" that is free to turn out however it will. An experiment can also be conceived as a teaching method that creates an experience in which a client might learn something as part of their growth.[20] Examples might include: (1) Rather than talking about the client's critical parent, a Gestalt therapist might ask the client to imagine the parent is present, or that the therapist is the parent, and talk to that parent directly; (2) If a client is struggling with how to be assertive, a Gestalt therapist could either (a) have the client say some assertive things to the therapist or members of a therapy group, or (b) give a talk about how one should never be assertive; (3) A Gestalt therapist might notice something about the non-verbal behavior or tone of voice of the client; then the therapist might have the client exaggerate the non-verbal behavior and pay attention to that experience; (4) A Gestalt therapist might work with the breathing or posture of the client, and direct awareness to changes that might happen when the client talks about different content. With all these experiments the Gestalt therapist is working with process rather than content, the How rather than the What.

Noteworthy issues


In field theory, self is a phenomenological concept, existing in comparison with other. Without the other there is no self, and how one experiences the other is inseparable from how one experiences oneself. The continuity of selfhood (functioning personality) is something that is achieved in relationship, rather than something inherently "inside" the person. This can have its advantages and disadvantages. At one end of the spectrum, someone may not have enough self-continuity to be able to make meaningful relationships, or to have a workable sense of who she is. In the middle, her personality is a loose set of ways of being that work for her, including commitments to relationships, work, culture and outlook, always open to change where she needs to adapt to new circumstances or just want to try something new. At the other end, her personality is a rigid defensive denial of the new and spontaneous. She acts in stereotyped ways, and either induces other people to act in particular and fixed ways towards her, or she redefines their actions to fit with fixed stereotypes.

In Gestalt therapy, the process is not about the self of the client being helped or healed by the fixed self of the therapist; rather it is an exploration of the co-creation of self and other in the here-and-now of the therapy. There is no assumption that the client will act in all other circumstances as he or she does in the therapy situation. However, the areas that cause problems will be either the lack of self-definition leading to chaotic or psychotic behaviour, or the rigid self-definition in some area of functioning that denies spontaneity and makes dealing with particular situations impossible. Both of these conditions show up very clearly in the therapy, and can be worked with in the relationship with the therapist.

The experience of the therapist is also very much part of the therapy. Since we co-create our self-other experiences, the way a therapist experiences being with a client is significant information about how the client experiences themselves. The proviso here is that a therapist is not operating from their own fixed responses. This is why Gestalt therapists are required to undertake significant therapy of their own during training.

From the perspective of this theory of self, neurosis can be seen as fixed predictability—a fixed Gestalt—and the process of therapy can be seen as facilitating the client to become unpredictable: more responsive to what is in the client's present environment, rather than responding in a stuck way to past introjects or other learning. If the therapist has expectations of how the client should end up, this defeats the aim of therapy.


In what has now become a "classic" of Gestalt therapy literature, Arnold R. Beisser described Gestalt's paradoxical theory of change.[21] The paradox is that the more one attempts to be who one is not, the more one remains the same. Conversely, when people identify with their current experience, the conditions of wholeness and growth support change. Put another way, change comes about as a result of "full acceptance of what is, rather than a striving to be different."[22]

The empty chair technique

Empty chair technique or chairwork is typically used in Gestalt therapy when a patient might have deep-rooted emotional problems from someone or something in their life, such as relationships with themselves, with aspects of their personality, their concepts, ideas, feelings, etc., or other people in their lives. The purpose of this technique is to get the patient to think about their emotions and attitudes.[23] Common things the patient addresses in the empty chair are another person, aspects of their own personality, a certain feeling, etc., as if that thing were in that chair.[24] They may also move between chairs and act out two or more sides of a discussion, typically involving the patient and persons significant to them. It uses a passive approach to opening up the patient's emotions and pent-up feelings so they can let go of what they have been holding back. A form of role-playing, the technique focuses on exploration of self and is used by therapists to help patients self-adjust. Gestalt techniques were originally a form of psychotherapy, but are now often used in counseling, for instance, by encouraging clients to act out their feelings helping them prepare for a new job.[25] The purpose of the technique is so the patient will become more in touch with their feelings and have an emotional conversation that clears up any long-held feelings or reaction to the person or object in the chair.[26] When used effectively, it provides an emotional release and lets the client move forward in their life.

Historical development

Fritz Perls was a German-Jewish psychoanalyst who fled Europe with his wife Laura Perls to South Africa in order to escape Nazi oppression in 1933.[27] After World War II, the couple emigrated to New York City, which had become a center of intellectual, artistic and political experimentation by the late 1940s and early 1950s.

Early influences

Perls grew up on the bohemian scene in Berlin, participated in Expressionism and Dadaism, and experienced the turning of the artistic avant-garde toward the revolutionary left. Deployment to the front line, the trauma of war, anti-Semitism, intimidation, escape, and the Holocaust are further key sources of biographical influence.[27]

Perls served in the German Army during World War I, and was wounded in the conflict. After the war he was educated as a medical doctor. He became an assistant to Kurt Goldstein, who worked with brain-injured soldiers. Perls went through a psychoanalysis with Wilhelm Reich and became a psychiatrist. Perls assisted Goldstein at Frankfurt University where he met his wife Lore (Laura) Posner, who had earned a doctorate in Gestalt psychology.[28] They fled Nazi Germany in 1933 and settled in South Africa. Perls established a psychoanalytic training institute and joined the South African armed forces, serving as a military psychiatrist. During these years in South Africa, Perls was influenced by Jan Smuts and his ideas about "holism".

In 1936 Fritz Perls attended a psychoanalysts' conference in Marienbad, Czechoslovakia, where he presented a paper on oral resistances, mainly based on Laura Perls's notes on breastfeeding their children. Perls's paper was turned down. Perls did present his paper in 1936, but it met with "deep disapproval."[29] Perls wrote his first book, Ego, Hunger and Aggression (1942, 1947), in South Africa, based in part on the rejected paper. It was later re-published in the United States. Laura Perls wrote two chapters of this book, but she was not given adequate recognition for her work.

The seminal book

Perls's seminal work was Gestalt Therapy: Excitement and Growth in the Human Personality, published in 1951, co-authored by Fritz Perls, Paul Goodman, and Ralph Hefferline (a university psychology professor and sometime patient of Fritz Perls). Most of Part II of the book was written by Paul Goodman from Perls's notes, and it contains the core of Gestalt theory. This part was supposed to appear first, but the publishers decided that Part I, written by Hefferline, fit into the nascent self-help ethos of the day, and they made it an introduction to the theory. Isadore From, a leading early theorist of Gestalt therapy, taught Goodman's Part II for an entire year to his students, going through it phrase by phrase.

First instances of Gestalt therapy

Fritz and Laura founded the first Gestalt Institute in 1952, running it out of their Manhattan apartment. Isadore From became a patient, first of Fritz, and then of Laura. Fritz soon made From a trainer, and also gave him some patients. From lived in New York until his death, at age seventy-five, in 1993. He was known worldwide for his philosophical and intellectually rigorous take on Gestalt therapy. Acknowledged as a supremely gifted clinician, he was indisposed to writing, so what remains of his work is merely transcripts of interviews.[30]

Of great importance to understanding the development of Gestalt therapy is the early training which took place in experiential groups in the Perls's apartment, led by both Fritz and Laura before Fritz left for the West Coast, and after by Laura alone. These "trainings" were unstructured, with little didactic input from the leaders, although many of the principles were discussed in the monthly meetings of the institute, as well as at local bars after the sessions. Many notable Gestalt therapists emerged from these crucibles in addition to Isadore From, e.g., Richard Kitzler, Dan Bloom, Bud Feder, Carl Hodges, and Ruth Ronall. In these sessions, both Fritz and Laura used some variation of the "hot seat" method, in which the leader essentially works with one individual in front of an audience with little or no attention to group dynamics. In reaction to this omission emerged a more interactive approach in which Gestalt-therapy principles were blended with group dynamics; in 1980, the book Beyond the Hot Seat, edited by Feder and Ronall, was published, with contributions from members of both the New York and Cleveland Institutes, as well as others.

Fritz left Laura and New York in 1960, briefly lived in Miami, and ended up in California. Jim Simkin was a psychotherapist who became a client of Perls in New York and then a co-therapist with Perls in Los Angeles. Simkin was responsible for Perls's going to California, where Perls began a psychotherapy practice. Ultimately, the life of a peripatetic trainer and workshop leader was better suited to Fritz's personality—starting in 1963, Simkin and Perls co-led some of the early Gestalt workshops and training groups at Esalen Institute in Big Sur, California, where Perls eventually settled and built a home. Jim Simkin then purchased property next to Esalen and started his own training center, which he ran until his death in 1984. Simkin refined his precise version of Gestalt therapy, training psychologists, psychiatrists, counselors and social workers within a very rigorous, residential training model.

The schism

In the 1960s, Perls became infamous among the professional elite for his public workshops at Esalen Institute. Isadore From referred to some of Fritz's brief workshops as "hit-and-run" therapy, because of Perls's alleged emphasis on showmanship with little or no follow-through—but Perls never considered these workshops to be complete therapy; rather, he felt he was giving demonstrations of key points for a largely professional audience. Unfortunately, some films and tapes of his work were all that most graduate students were exposed to, along with the misperception that these represented the entirety of Perls's work.

When Fritz Perls left New York for California, there began to be a split with those who saw Gestalt therapy as a therapeutic approach similar to psychoanalysis. This view was represented by Isadore From, who practiced and taught mainly in New York, as well as by the members of the Cleveland Institute, which was co-founded by From. An entirely different approach was taken, primarily in California, by those who saw Gestalt therapy not just as a therapeutic modality, but as a way of life. The East Coast, New York–Cleveland axis was often appalled by the notion of Gestalt therapy leaving the consulting room and becoming a way of life on the West Coast in the 1960s (see the "Gestalt prayer").

An alternative view of this split saw Perls in his last years continuing to develop his a-theoretical and phenomenological methodology, while others, inspired by From, were inclined to theoretical rigor which verged on replacing experience with ideas.

The split continues between what has been called "East Coast Gestalt" and "West Coast Gestalt," at least from an Amerocentric point of view. While the communitarian form of Gestalt continues to flourish, Gestalt therapy was largely replaced in the United States by Cognitive Behavioral Therapy, and many Gestalt therapists in the U.S. drifted toward organizational management and coaching. At the same time, contemporary Gestalt Practice (to a large extent based upon Gestalt therapy theory and practice) was developed by Dick Price, the co-founder of Esalen Institute.[31] Price was one of Perls's students at Esalen.


In 1969, Fritz Perls left the United States to start a Gestalt community at Lake Cowichan on Vancouver Island, Canada. He died almost one year later, on 14 March 1970, in Chicago. One member of the Gestalt community was Barry Stevens. Her book about that phase of her life, Don't Push the River, became very popular. She developed her own form of Gestalt therapy body work, which is essentially a concentration on the awareness of body processes.[32]

The Polsters

Erving and Miriam Polster started a training center in La Jolla, California, which also became very well known, as did their book, Gestalt Therapy Integrated, in the 1970s.[33]

The Polsters played an influential role in advancing the concept of contact-boundary phenomena. The standard contact-boundary resistances in Gestalt theory were confluence, introjection, projection and retroflection. A disturbance described by Miriam and Erving Polster was deflection, which referred to a means of avoiding contact. Instances of boundary phenomena can have pathological or non-pathological aspects; for example, it is appropriate for an infant and mother to merge, or become "confluent," but inappropriate for a client and therapist to do so. If the latter do become confluent, there can be no growth, because there is no boundary at which one can contact the other: the client will not be able to learn anything new, because the therapist essentially becomes an extension of the client.

Influences upon Gestalt therapy

Some examples

There were a variety of psychological and philosophical influences upon the development of Gestalt therapy, not the least of which were the social forces at the time and place of its inception. Gestalt therapy is an approach that is holistic (including mind, body, and culture). It is present-centered and related to existential therapy in its emphasis on personal responsibility for action, and on the value of "I–thou" relationship in therapy. In fact, Perls considered calling Gestalt therapy existential-phenomenological therapy. "The I and thou in the Here and Now" was a semi-humorous shorthand mantra for Gestalt therapy, referring to the substantial influence of the work of Martin Buber—in particular his notion of the I–Thou relationship—on Perls and Gestalt. Buber's work emphasized immediacy, and required that any method or theory answer to the therapeutic situation, seen as a meeting between two people.[34] Any process or method that turns the patient into an object (the I–It) must be strictly secondary to the intimate, and spontaneous, I–Thou relation. This concept became important in much of Gestalt theory and practice.

Both Fritz and Laura Perls were students and admirers of the neuropsychiatrist Kurt Goldstein. Gestalt therapy was based in part on Goldstein's concept called Organismic theory. Goldstein viewed a person in terms of a holistic and unified experience; he encouraged a "big picture" perspective, taking into account the whole context of a person's experience. The word Gestalt means whole, or configuration. Laura Perls, in an interview, denotes the Organismic theory as the base of Gestalt therapy.[28]

There were additional influences on Gestalt therapy from existentialism, particularly the emphasis upon personal choice and responsibility.

The late 1950s–1960s movement toward personal growth and the human potential movement in California fed into, and was itself influenced by, Gestalt therapy. In this process Gestalt therapy somehow became a coherent Gestalt, which is the Gestalt psychology term for a perceptual unit that holds together and forms a unified whole.


Fritz Perls trained as a neurologist at major medical institutions and as a Freudian psychoanalyst in Berlin and Vienna, the most important international centers of the discipline in his day. He worked as a training analyst for several years with the official recognition of the International Psychoanalytic Association (IPA), and must be considered an experienced clinician.[27] Gestalt therapy was influenced by psychoanalysis: it was part of a continuum moving from the early work of Freud, to the later Freudian ego analysis, to Wilhelm Reich and his character analysis and notion of character armor, with attention to nonverbal behavior; this was consonant with Laura Perls's background in dance and movement therapy. To this was added the insights of academic Gestalt psychology, including perception, Gestalt formation, and the tendency of organisms to complete an incomplete Gestalt and to form "wholes" in experience.

Central to Fritz and Laura Perls's modifications of psychoanalysis was the concept of dental or oral aggression. In Ego, Hunger and Aggression (1947), Fritz Perls's first book, to which Laura Perls contributed[35] (ultimately without recognition), Perls suggested that when the infant develops teeth, he or she has the capacity to chew, to break food apart, and, by analogy, to experience, taste, accept, reject, or assimilate. This was opposed to Freud's notion that only introjection takes place in early experience. Thus Perls made assimilation, as opposed to introjection, a focal theme in his work, and the prime means by which growth occurs in therapy.

In contrast to the psychoanalytic stance, in which the "patient" introjects the (presumably more healthy) interpretations of the analyst, in Gestalt therapy the client must "taste" his or her own experience and either accept or reject it—but not introject or "swallow whole." Hence, the emphasis is on avoiding interpretation, and instead encouraging discovery. This is the key point in the divergence of Gestalt therapy from traditional psychoanalysis: growth occurs through gradual assimilation of experience in a natural way, rather than by accepting the interpretations of the analyst; thus, the therapist should not interpret, but lead the client to discover for him- or herself.

The Gestalt therapist contrives experiments that lead the client to greater awareness and fuller experience of his or her possibilities. Experiments can be focused on undoing projections or retroflections. The therapist can work to help the client with closure of unfinished Gestalts ("unfinished business" such as unexpressed emotions towards somebody in the client's life). There are many kinds of experiments that might be therapeutic, but the essence of the work is that it is experiential rather than interpretive, and in this way, Gestalt therapy distinguishes itself from psychoanalysis.

Principal influences: a summary list

• Otto Rank's invention of "here-and-now" therapy and Rank's post-Freudian book Art and Artist (1932), both of which strongly influenced Paul Goodman.
• Wilhelm Reich's psychoanalytic developments, especially his early character analysis, and the later concept of character armor and its focus on the body.
• Jacob Moreno's psychodrama, principally the development of enactment techniques for the resolution of psychological conflicts.
• Kurt Goldstein's holistic theory of the organism, based on Gestalt theory.
• Martin Buber's philosophy of relationship and dialogue ("I–Thou").
• Kurt Lewin's field theory as applied to the social sciences and group dynamics.
• European phenomenology of Franz Brentano, Edmund Husserl, Martin Heidegger, and Maurice Merleau-Ponty.
• The existentialism of Kierkegaard over that of Sartre, rejecting nihilism.
• Carl Jung's psychology, particularly the polarities concept.
• Some elements from Zen Buddhism.
• Differentiation between thing and concept from Zen and the works of Alfred Korzybski.
• The American pragmatism of William James, George Herbert Mead, and John Dewey.

Current status

Gestalt therapy reached a zenith in the United States in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Since then, it has influenced other fields like organizational development, coaching, and teaching. Many of its contributions have become assimilated into other current schools of therapy. In recent years, it has seen a resurgence in popularity as an active, psychodynamic form of therapy which has also incorporated some elements of recent developments in attachment theory. There are, for example, four Gestalt training institutes in the New York City metropolitan area alone, not to mention dozens of others worldwide.

Gestalt therapy continues to thrive as a widespread form of psychotherapy, especially throughout Europe, where there are many practitioners and training institutions. Dan Rosenblatt led Gestalt therapy training groups and public workshops at the Tokyo Psychotherapy Academy for seven years. Stewart Kiritz continued in this role from 1997 to 2006.

The form of Gestalt Practice initially developed at Esalen Institute by Dick Price has spawned numerous offshoots.

Training of Gestalt therapists

Pedagogical approach

Many Gestalt therapy training organizations exist worldwide. Ansel Woldt asserted that Gestalt teaching and training are built upon the belief that people are, by nature, health-seeking. Thus, such commitments as authenticity, optimism, holism, health, and trust become important principles to consider when engaged in the activity of teaching and learning—especially Gestalt therapy theory and practice.[36]


The Association for the Advancement of Gestalt Therapy (AAGT) holds a biennial international conference in various locations—the first was in New Orleans, in 1995. Subsequent conferences have been held in San Francisco, Cleveland, New York, Dallas, St. Pete's Beach, Vancouver (British Columbia), Manchester (England), and Philadelphia. In addition, the AAGT holds regional conferences, and its regional network has spawned regional conferences in Amsterdam, the Southwest and the Southeast of the United States, England, and Australia. Its Research Task Force generates and nurtures active research projects and an international conference on research.[37]

The European Association for Gestalt Therapy (EAGT), founded in 1985 to gather European individual Gestalt therapists, training institutes, and national associations from more than twenty European nations.[38]

Gestalt Australia and New Zealand (GANZ) was formally established at the first "Down Under" Gestalt Therapy Conference held in Perth in September 1998.[39]

See also

• Topdog vs. underdog
• Violet Oaklander


1. Nevis, E. (2000) Introduction, in Gestalt therapy: Perspectives and Applications. Edwin Nevis (ed.). Cambridge, MA: Gestalt Press. p. 3.
2. Latner, J. (2000) The Theory of Gestalt Therapy, in Gestalt therapy: Perspectives and Applications, Edwin Nevis (ed.) Cambridge, MA: Gestalt Press.
3. Mackewn, J. (1997) Developing Gestalt Counselling. London, UK: Sage publications; Bowman, C. & Brownell, P. (2000) Prelude to Contemporary Gestalt Therapy. Gestalt!, vol. 4, no. 3, available at Archived 6 February 2011 at the Wayback Machine
4. Validating Gestalt. An Interview with Researcher, Writer, and Psychotherapist Leslie Greenberg by Leslie Grennberg and Philip Brownell; in: Gestalt!, 1/1997.[1] Archived 8 February 2007 at the Wayback Machine
5. Some Gestalt psychologists distanced themselves strongly from Gestalt therapy, like Henle, M. (1978): Gestalt psychology and Gestalt therapy, in: Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 14 (1), pg. 23-32. Henle, however, restricts herself explicitly to only three of Perls' books from 1969 and 1972, leaving out Perls' earlier work, and Gestalt therapy in general. See Barlow criticizing Henle: Allen R. Barlow: Gestalt Therapy and Gestalt Psychology. Gestalt – Antecedent Influence or Historical Accident, in: The Gestalt Journal, Volume IV, Number 2, Fall, 1981.
6. John Sommers-Flanagan; Rita Sommers-Flanagan (2012). Counseling and Psychotherapy Theories in Context and Practice: Skills, Strategies, and Techniques, 2nd edition. John Wiley & Sons. p. 199. ISBN 0470617934.
7. Brownell, P. (2010) Gestalt Therapy: A Guide to Contemporary Practice. New York, NY: Springer Publishing
8. Beisser, A. (1970) The Paradoxical Theory of Change. In J. Fagan & I. Shepherd (eds.) Gestalt Therapy Now: Theory, Techniques, and Applications, pp. 77-80. Palo Alto, CA: Science and Behavior Books
9. Joseph Zinker (1977). The Creative Process in Gestalt Therapy. New York, Vintage Books.
10. Brownell, P. (2010) Gestalt Therapy: A Guide to Contemporary Practice. New York, NY: Springer Publishing. p. 174.
11. Brownell, P., ed.(2008) Handbook for Theory, Research, and Practice in Gestalt Therapy, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
12. Polster, E. & Polster, M. (1973) Gestalt Therapy Integrated: Contours of theory and practice. New York, NY: Brunner-Mazel.
13. Wheeler, G. (1991) Gestalt : A new approach to contact and resistance. New York, NY: Gardner.
14. Yontef, G. (1993) Awareness, Dialogue, and Process, essays on Gestalt therapy. Highland, NY: The Gestalt Journal Press, Inc.
15. Yontef, G. (2005) Gestalt Therapy Theory of Change, in Gestalt Therapy, History, Theory, and Practice. Ansel Woldt & Sarah Toman (eds). London, UK: Sage Publications
16. Spinelli, E. (2005) The interpreted world, an introduction to phenomenological psychology, 2nd edition. London, UK: Sage Publications.
17. Brownell, P. (2009) Gestalt therapy in The Professional Counselor's Desk Reference, Mark A. Stebnicki, Ph.D. and Irmo Marini, Ph.D. (eds.), New York, NY: Springer Publishing Company.
18. Brownell, P. (2010) Gestalt Therapy: A Guide to Contemporary Practice, New York, NY: Springer Publishing Company.
19. Crocker, S. (1999) A well-lived life, essays in Gestalt therapy. Cambridge, MA: Gestalt Press.
20. Melnick, J., March Nevis, S. (2005) Gestalt Therapy Methodology in Gestalt Therapy, History, Theory, and Practice. Ansel Woldt & Sarah Toman (eds). London, UK: Sage Publications
21. Beisser, A. (1970) The paradoxical theory of change, in J.Fagan & I Shepherd (eds) Gestalt Therapy Now: Theory, Techniques, Applications. Palo Alto, CA: Science and Behavior Books.
22. Houston, G. (2003) Brief Gestalt Therapy. London, UK: Sage Publications.
23. gdh. "Chapter15 - page 21 of 108".
24. Nichol, M. P. & Schwartz, R. C. (2008). Family Therapy: Concepts and Methods (8th ed.). New York: Pearson Education. p. 227. ISBN 978-0-205-54320-5.
25. Daniel L. Schacter; Daniel T. Gilbert; Daniel M. Wegner (2011). Psychology(2nd ed.). New York, NY: Worth Publishers. p. 602–603. ISBN 1429237198.
26. "Cool Intervention #9: The Empty Chair". Psychology Today.
27. Bernd Bocian (2010). Fritz Perls in Berlin 1893 - 1933. Expressionism - Psychoanalysis - Judaism. EHP Verlag Andreas Kohlhage, Bergisch Gladbach.
28. For Goldstein's influence on the theory and practice of Gestalt therapy see: Allen R. Barlow: Gestalt Therapy and Gestalt Psychology. Gestalt-antecedent influence or historical accident, The Gestalt Journal, Volume IV, Number 2, (Fall, 1981)
29. Perls, F., (1969) In and Out the Garbage Pail Lafayette, CA: Real People Press.
30. "Oral Link".
31. "Esalen Founders - Esalen".
32. Stevens, B. (1970) Don't Push the River (It Flows by Itself), Lafaette, CA: Real People Press.
33. Gestalt therapy integrated : contours of theory and practice, by Erving Polster and Miriam Polster, New York : Vintage Books, 1974
34. Buber, Martin; Rogers, Carl Ransom; Anderson, Rob; Cissna, Kenneth N. (14 August 1997). "The Martin Buber - Carl Rogers Dialogue: A New Transcript With Commentary". SUNY Press – via Google Books.
35. "Oral Link".
36. Woldt, A. (2005) Pre-text: Gestalt pedagogy: Creating the field for teaching and learning, in Ansel Woldt & Sarah Toman (eds), Gestalt Therapy, History, Theory, and Practice. London, UK: Sage Publications.
37. "AAGT – Association for the Advancement of Gestalt Therapy".
38. ... "EAGT European Association for Gestalt Therapy".
39. GANZ Gestalt Australia & New Zealand

Further reading

• Perls, F. (1969) Ego, Hunger, and Aggression: The Beginning of Gestalt Therapy. New York, NY: Random House. (originally published in 1942, and re-published in 1947)
• Perls, F. (1969) Gestalt Therapy Verbatim[permanent dead link]. Moab, UT: Real People Press.
• Perls, F. (1969) In and Out the Garbage Pail. Lafayette, CA: Real People Press.
• Perls, F., Hefferline, R., & Goodman, P. (1951) Gestalt Therapy: Excitement and growth in the human personality. New York, NY: Julian.
• Perls, F. (1973) The Gestalt Approach & Eye Witness to Therapy. New York, NY: Bantam Books.
• Brownell, P. (2012) Gestalt Therapy for Addictive and Self-Medicating Behaviors. New York, NY: Springer Publishing.
• Levine, T.B-Y. (2011) Gestalt Therapy: Advances in Theory and Practice. New York, NY: Routledge.
• Bloom, D. & Brownell, P. (eds)(2011) Continuity and Change: Gestalt Therapy Now. Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing
• Mann, D. (2010) Gestalt Therapy: 100 Key Points & Techniques. London & New York: Routledge.
• Bocian, B. (2010): "Fritz Perls in Berlin 1893 - 1933. Expressionism - Psychonalysis - Judaism". Bergisch Gladbach: EHP Verlag Andreas Kohlhage. ISBN 978-3-89797-068-7
• Brownell, P. (2010) Gestalt Therapy: A Guide to Contemporary Practice. New York, NY, US: Springer Publishing
• Truscott, D. (2010) Gestalt therapy. In Derek Truscott, Becoming An Effective Psychotherapist: Adopting a Theory of Psychotherapy That's Right for You and Your Client, pp. 83–96. Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association.
• Brownell, P. (2009) Gestalt therapy. In Irmo Marini and Mark Stebnicki (eds) The Professional Counselor's Desk Reference, pp. 399–407. New York, NY, US: Springer Publishing Co.
• Staemmler, F-M. (2009) Aggression, Time, and Understanding: Contributions to the Evolution of Gestalt Therapy. New York, NY, US: Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group; GestaltPress Book
• Brownell, P. (ed.) (2008) Handbook for Theory, Research, and Practice in Gestalt Therapy. Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing
• Polster, E. & Polster, M. (1973) Gestalt Therapy Integrated: Contours of theory and practice. New York, NY: Brunner-Mazel.
• Shorkey, C. & Uebel, M. (2008). Gestalt Therapy. In Terry Mizrahi and Larry Davis (eds) Encyclopedia of Social Work, 20th Edition. New York: Oxford University Press.
• Woldt, A. & Toman, S. (2005) "Gestalt Therapy: History, Theory and Practice." Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
• Bretz, HJ. (1994) "A Meta-Analysis of the Effectiveness of Gestalt Therapy" {Pub Med}
• Yontef, Gary (1993). Awareness, Dialogue, and Process (pbk. ed.). The Gestalt Journal Press. ISBN 0939266202.
• Crocker, Sylvia Fleming (1999). A Well-Lived Life, Essays in Gestalt Therapy (pbk. ed.). SAGE Publications. ISBN 0881632872.
• Toman, Sarah; Woldt, Ansel, eds. (2005). Gestalt Therapy History, Theory, and Practice (pbk. ed.). Gestalt Press. ISBN 0761927913.

External links

• Resources in your library
• Resources in other libraries
• Gestalt therapy at Curlie
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

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Paul R. Ehrlich
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/19/19



Paul R. Ehrlich
Ehrlich in 1974.
Born Paul Ralph Ehrlich
May 29, 1932 (age 86)
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, U.S.
Residence Stanford, California, U.S.
Alma mater
University of Pennsylvania (AB)
University of Kansas (MA, PhD)
Known for The Population Bomb
Spouse(s) Anne Howland (m. 1954)
Children 1
Crafoord Prize (1990)
The Heinz Awards (1995, with Anne Ehrlich)
Tyler Prize for Environmental Achievement (1998)
Fellow of the Royal Society (2012)[1]
Scientific career
Population studies
Institutions Stanford University
Thesis The Morphology, Phylogeny and Higher Classification of the Butterflies (Lepidoptera: Papilionoidea) (1957)
Doctoral advisor C. D. Michener

Paul Ralph Ehrlich (born May 29, 1932) is an American biologist, best known for his warnings about the consequences of population growth and limited resources.[2] He is the Bing Professor of Population Studies of the Department of Biology of Stanford University and president of Stanford's Center for Conservation Biology.

Ehrlich became well known for his controversial 1968 book The Population Bomb, which asserted that the world's human population would soon increase to the point where mass starvation ensued.[3][4] Among the solutions he suggested in that book was population control, to be used in his opinion if voluntary methods were to fail. Ehrlich has been criticized for his opinions; for example, Ronald Bailey termed Ehrlich an "irrepressible doomster".[5] However, Carl Haub observed that Ehrlich's warnings had encouraged governments to change their policies to avert disaster.[6] Ehrlich has acknowledged that some of what he predicted has not occurred, but maintains that his predictions about disease and climate change were essentially correct, and that human overpopulation is a major problem.[7]

Early life, education, and academic career

Ehrlich circa 2010

Ehrlich was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, the son of William Ehrlich and Ruth (Rosenberg) Ehrlich. His father was a shirt salesman, his mother a Greek and Latin scholar[8] and public school teacher.[3] Ehrlich's mother's Reform-Jewish German ancestors arrived in the United States in the 1840s, and his paternal grandparents immigrated there later from the Galician and Romanian part of the Austrian Empire.[9] During his childhood his family moved to Maplewood, New Jersey, where he attended high school.[3]

Ehrlich earned a bachelor's degree in zoology from the University of Pennsylvania in 1953, an M.A. from the University of Kansas in 1955, and a Ph.D. from the University of Kansas in 1957, supervised by the prominent bee researcher Charles Duncan Michener (the title of his dissertation: "The Morphology, Phylogeny and Higher Classification of the Butterflies (Lepidoptera: Papilionoidea)").[10] During his studies he participated with surveys of insects in the areas of the Bering Sea and Canadian Arctic, and then with a National Institutes of Health fellowship, investigated the genetics and behavior of parasitic mites. In 1959 he joined the faculty at Stanford University, being promoted to professor of biology in 1966. By training he is an entomologist specializing in Lepidoptera (butterflies); he published a major paper about the evolution of plants and insects.[11] He was appointed to the Bing Professorship in 1977.[12][13]

He is president of the Center for Conservation Biology at Stanford University.[14] He is a fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, the United States National Academy of Sciences, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the American Philosophical Society.[12]

Overpopulation debate

Further information: Human overpopulation

The case for a population bomb: human population has dramatically increased.

The case against a population bomb: Since the 1950s population growth rate has decreased, and is projected to decline further.

A lecture that Ehrlich gave on the topic of overpopulation at the Commonwealth Club of California was broadcast by radio in April 1967.[15] The success of the lecture caused further publicity, and the suggestion from David Brower the executive director of the environmentalist Sierra Club, and Ian Ballantine of Ballantine Books to write a book concerning the topic. Ehrlich and his wife, Anne Ehrlich, collaborated on the book, The Population Bomb, but the publisher insisted that a single author be credited.[16]

Although Ehrlich was not the first to warn about population issues – concern had been widespread during the 1950s and 1960s – his charismatic and media-savvy methods helped publicize the topic.[17]


The Population Bomb (1968)

The original edition of The Population Bomb began with this statement: "The battle to feed all of humanity is over. In the 1970s hundreds of millions of people will starve to death in spite of any crash programs embarked upon now. At this late date nothing can prevent a substantial increase in the world death rate ..."[18] Ehrlich argued that the human population was too great, and that while the extent of disaster could be mitigated, humanity could not prevent severe famines, the spread of disease, social unrest, and other negative consequences of overpopulation. By the end of the 1970s, this prediction proved to be incorrect. However, he continued to argue that societies must take strong action to decrease population growth in order to mitigate future disasters, both ecological and social.

In the book Ehrlich presented a number of "scenarios" detailing possible future events, some of which have been used as examples of errors in the years since. Of these scenarios, Ehrlich has said that although, "we clearly stated that they were not predictions and that 'we can be sure that none of them will come true as stated,’ (p. 72) – their failure to occur is often cited as a failure of prediction. In honesty, the scenarios were way off, especially in their timing (we underestimated the resilience of the world system). But they did deal with future issues that people in 1968 should have been thinking about." Ehrlich further states that he still endorses the main thesis of the book, and that its message is as apt now as it was in 1968.[16]

Ehrlich's opinions have evolved over time, and he has proposed different solutions to the problem of overpopulation. In The Population Bomb he wrote, "We must have population control at home, hopefully through a system of incentives and penalties, but by compulsion if voluntary methods fail. We must use our political power to push other countries into programs which combine agricultural development and population control."[18] Voluntary measures he has endorsed include the easiest possible availability of birth control and abortion. In 1967 he had expressed his belief that aid should only be given to those countries that were not considered to be "hopeless" to feed their own populations.[19]

The Population Explosion (1990)

In their sequel to The Population Bomb, the Ehrlichs wrote about how the world's growing population dwarfs the Earth's capacity to sustain current living standards. The book calls for action to confront population growth and the ensuing crisis:[20]

When is an area overpopulated? When its population can't be maintained without rapidly depleting nonrenewable resources [39] (or converting renewable resources into nonrenewable ones) and without degrading the capacity of the environment to support the population. In short, if the long-term carrying capacity of an area is clearly being degraded by its current human occupants, that area is overpopulated.

Optimum Human Population Size (1994)

In this paper, the Ehrlichs discuss the 'optimal size' for human population, given current technological realities. They refer to establishing "social policies to influence fertility rates."[21]

Ehrlich speaking in 2008

After 2000

During a 2004 interview, Ehrlich answered questions about the predictions he made in The Population Bomb. He acknowledged that some of what he had published had not occurred, but reaffirmed his basic opinion that overpopulation is a major problem. He noted that, "Fifty-eight academies of science said that same thing in 1994, as did the world scientists' warning to humanity in the same year. My view has become depressingly mainline!"[7] Ehrlich also stated that 600 million people were very hungry, billions were under-nourished, and that his predictions about disease and climate change were essentially correct.[7] Retrospectively, Ehrlich believes that The Population Bomb was "way too optimistic".[15]

In a 2008 discussion hosted by the website Salon, Paul Ehrlich has become more critical of the United States specifically, claiming that it should control its population and consumption as an example to the rest of the world. He has disavowed some of what he said in The Population Bomb. He still thinks that governments should discourage people from having more than two children, suggesting, for example, a higher tax rate for larger families.[22]

In 2011, as the world's population passed the seven billion mark Ehrlich has argued that the next two billion people on Earth would cause more damage than the previous two billion because we are now increasingly having to resort to using more marginal and environmentally damaging resources.[23] As of 2013, Ehrlich continues to perform policy research concerning population and resource issues, with an emphasis upon endangered species, cultural evolution, environmental ethics, and the preservation of genetic resources. Along with Dr. Gretchen Daily, he has performed work in countryside biogeography; that is, the study of making human-disturbed areas hospitable to biodiversity. His research group at Stanford University examines extensively natural populations of the Bay checkerspot butterfly (Euphydryas editha bayensis).[24] The population-related disasters Ehrlich predicted have largely failed to materialize, with population growth rates slowing and new food production technologies increasing the food supply faster than the population.[25] Ehrlich endorses his general thesis that the human population is too large, posing a direct threat to human survival and the environment of the planet.[25]


Wheat yields have grown rapidly in least developed countries since 1961, however, they have recently levelled off.[26]

Critics have disputed Ehrlich's main thesis about overpopulation and its effects on the environment and human society, and his solutions, as well as some of his specific predictions made since the late 1960s. One criticism concerns Ehrlich's allegedly alarmist and sensational statements and inaccurate "predictions". Ronald Bailey of Reason Magazine has termed him an "irrepressible doomster ... who, as far as I can tell, has never been right in any of his forecasts of imminent catastrophe."[5] On the first Earth Day in 1970, he warned that "n ten years all important animal life in the sea will be extinct. Large areas of coastline will have to be evacuated because of the stench of dead fish."[5][27] In a 1971 speech, he predicted that: "By the year 2000 the United Kingdom will be simply a small group of impoverished islands, inhabited by some 70 million hungry people." "If I were a gambler," Professor Ehrlich concluded before boarding an airplane, " I would take even money that England will not exist in the year 2000."[5][27] When this scenario did not occur, he responded that "When you predict the future, you get things wrong. How wrong is another question. I would have lost if I had had taken the bet. However, if you look closely at England, what can I tell you? They're having all kinds of problems, just like everybody else."[5] Ehrlich wrote in The Population Bomb that, "India couldn't possibly feed two hundred million more people by 1980."[18]

Carl Haub of the Population Reference Bureau has replied that it was precisely the alarmist rhetoric that prevented the catastrophes of which Ehrlich warned. According to Haub, "It makes no sense that Ehrlich is now criticized as being alarmist because his dire warnings did not, in the main, come true. But it was because of such warnings from Ehrlich and others that countries took action to avoid potential disaster."[6] During the 1960s and 70s when Ehrlich made his most alarming warnings, there was a widespread belief among experts that population growth presented an extremely serious threat to the future of human civilization, although differences existed regarding the severity of the situation, and how to decrease it.[17][28]

[i]A large increase in global food production since the 1960s and a slowing of population growth have, within the current context of continued depletion of non-renewable resources, averted the scale of food shortage, famine and catastrophe foretold by the Ehrlichs.

Dan Gardner argues that Ehrlich has been insufficiently forthright in acknowledging errors he made, while being intellectually dishonest or evasive in taking credit for things he claims he got "right". For example, he rarely acknowledges the mistakes he made in predicting material shortages, massive death tolls from starvation (as many as one billion in the publication Age of Affluence) or regarding the disastrous effects on specific countries. Meanwhile, he is happy to claim credit for "predicting" the increase of AIDS or global warming. However, in the case of disease, Ehrlich had predicted the increase of a disease based on overcrowding, or the weakened immune systems of starving people, so it is "a stretch to see this as forecasting the emergence of AIDS in the 1980s." Similarly, global warming was one of the scenarios that Ehrlich described, so claiming credit for it, while disavowing responsibility for failed scenarios is a double standard. Gardner believes that Ehrlich is displaying classical signs of cognitive dissonance, and that his failure to acknowledge obvious errors of his own judgement render his current thinking suspect.[17]

Barry Commoner has criticized Ehrlich's 1970 statement that "When you reach a point where you realize further efforts will be futile, you may as well look after yourself and your friends and enjoy what little time you have left. That point for me is 1972."[29] Gardner has criticized Ehrlich for endorsing the strategies proposed by William and Paul Paddock in their book Famine 1975!. They had proposed a system of "triage" that would end food aid to "hopeless" countries such as India and Egypt. In Population Bomb, Ehrlich suggests that "there is no rational choice except to adopt some form of the Paddocks' strategy as far as food distribution is concerned." Had this strategy been implemented for countries such as India and Egypt, which were reliant on food aid at that time, they would almost certainly have suffered famines.[17] Instead, both Egypt and India have greatly increased their food production and now feed much larger populations without reliance on food aid.[19]

Left-wing critics

Another group of critics, generally of the political left, argues that Ehrlich emphasizes overpopulation too much as a problem in itself instead of distribution of resources.[16] Barry Commoner argued that Ehrlich emphasized overpopulation too much as the source of environmental problems, and that his proposed solutions were politically unacceptable because of the coercion that they implied, and because they would cost poor people disproportionately. He argued that technological, and above all social development would result in a natural decrease of both population growth and environmental damage.[30] Ehrlich denies any type of racism, and has argued that if his policy ideas were implemented properly they would not be repressive.[31]

In a 2018 interview with The Guardian, Ehrlich advocated for an "unprecedented redistribution of wealth" in order to mitigate the problem of overconsumption of resources by the wealthy, but said "the rich who now run the global system – that hold the annual ‘world destroyer’ meetings in Davos – are unlikely to let it happen."[32]

Simon–Ehrlich wager

Julian Simon, a cornucopian economist, argued that overpopulation is not a problem in itself, and that humanity will adapt to changing conditions. Simon argued that eventually human creativity will improve living standards, and that most resources were replaceable.[33] Simon stated that over hundreds of years, the prices of virtually all commodities have decreased significantly and persistently.[34] Ehrlich termed Simon the proponent of a "space-age cargo cult" of economists convinced that human creativity and ingenuity would create substitutes for scarce resources and reasserted the idea that population growth was outstripping the earth's supplies of food, fresh water and minerals.[4] This exchange resulted in the Simon–Ehrlich wager, a bet about the trend of prices for resources during a ten-year period that was made with Simon in 1980.[4] Ehrlich was allowed to choose ten commodities that he predicted would become scarce and thus increase in price. Ehrlich chose mostly metals, and lost the bet, as their average price decreased by about 30% in the next 10 years. Simon and Ehrlich could not agree about the terms of a second bet.

Ehrlich's response to critics

Ehrlich has argued that humanity has simply deferred the disaster by the use of more intensive agricultural techniques, such as those introduced during the Green Revolution. Ehrlich claims that increasing populations and affluence are increasingly stressing the global environment, due to such factors as loss of biodiversity, overfishing, global warming, urbanization, chemical pollution and competition for raw materials.[35] He maintains that due to growing global incomes, reducing consumption and human population is critical to protecting the environment and maintaining living standards, and that current rates of growth are still too great for a sustainable future.[36][37][38][39]

Other activities

Ehrlich was one of the initiators of the group Zero Population Growth (renamed Population Connection) in 1968, along with Richard Bowers and Charles Remington. In 1971, Ehrlich was elected to the Common Cause National Governing Board. He and his wife Anne were part of the board of advisers of the Federation for American Immigration Reform until 2003. He is currently a patron of Population Matters, (formerly known as the Optimum Population Trust).[40]

Consistent with his concern about the impact of pollution and in response to a doctoral dissertation by his student Edward Goth III, Ehrlich wrote in 1977 that, “Fluorides have been shown to concentrate in food chains, and evidence suggesting a potential for significant ecological effects is accumulating.”[41]

Ehrlich has spoken at conferences in Israel on the issue of desertification. He has argued that "True Zionists should have small families".[42]

Personal life

Ehrlich has been married to Anne H. Ehrlich (née Howland) since December 1954; they have one daughter, Lisa Marie.[43]

Ehrlich has said he has had a vasectomy.[44]

Awards and honors

• The John Muir Award of the Sierra Club
• The Gold Medal Award of the World Wildlife Fund International
• A MacArthur Prize Fellowship
• The Crafoord Prize, awarded by the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences and considered the highest award given in the field of ecology
• ECI Prize winner in terrestrial ecology, 1993
• A World Ecology Award from the International Center for Tropical Ecology, University of Missouri, 1993
• The Volvo Environmental Prize, 1993
• The United Nations Sasakawa Environment Prize, 1994
• The 1st Annual Heinz Award in the Environment (with Anne Ehrlich), 1995[45]
• The Tyler Prize for Environmental Achievement, 1998
• The Dr A.H. Heineken Prize for Environmental Sciences, 1998
• The Blue Planet Prize, 1999
• The Eminent Ecologist Award of the Ecological Society of America, 2001
• The Distinguished Scientist Award of the American Institute of Biological Sciences, 2001
• Ramon Margalef Prize in Ecology and Environmental Sciences of the Generalitat of Catalonia, 2009.
• Fellow of the Royal Society of London 2012 [1]
• 2013 BBVA Foundation Frontiers of Knowledge Award in Ecology and Conservation Biology



• How to Know the Butterflies (1960)
• Process of Evolution (1963)
• Butterflies and Plants: A Study in Coevolution (1964)
• The Population Bomb (1968, revised 1971, updated 1978, re-issued 1988, 1998, 2008 and 2018)
• Population, Resources, Environments: Issues in Human Ecology (1970)
• How to Be a Survivor (1971)
• Man and the Ecosphere: Readings from Scientific American (1971)
• Population, Resources, Environments: Issues in Human Ecology Second Edition (1972)
• Human Ecology: Problems and Solutions (1973)
• Introductory Biology (1973)
• The End of Affluence (1975)
• Biology and Society (1976)
• Ecoscience: Population, Resources, Environment (1978)
• The Race Bomb (1978)
• Extinction (1981)
• The Golden Door: International Migration, Mexico, and the United States(1981)
• The Cold and the Dark: The World after Nuclear War (1984, with Carl Sagan, Donald Kennedy, and Walter Orr Roberts)
• The Machinery of Nature: The Living World Around Us and How it Works(1986)
• Earth (1987, co-authored with Anne Ehrlich)
• Science of Ecology (1987, with Joan Roughgarden)
• The Cassandra Conference: Resources and the Human Predicament(1988)
• The Birder's Handbook: A field Guide to the Natural History of North American Birds (1988, with David S. Dobkin and Darryl Wheye)
• New World, New Mind: Moving Towards Conscious Evolution (1988, co-authored with Robert Ornstein)[46]
• The Population Explosion (1990, with Anne Ehrlich)
• Healing the Planet: Strategies for Resolving the Environmental Crisis(1991, co-authored with Anne Ehrlich)
• Birds in Jeopardy: The Imperiled and Extinct Birds of the United States and Canada, Including Hawaii and Puerto Rico (1992, with David S. Dobkin and Darryl Wheye)
• The Stork and the Plow : The Equity Answer to the Human Dilemma (1995, with Anne Ehrlich and Gretchen C. Daily)
• A World of Wounds: Ecologists and the Human Dilemma (1997)
• Betrayal of Science and Reason: How Anti-Environment Rhetoric Threatens Our Future (1998, with Anne Ehrlich)
• Wild Solutions: How Biodiversity is Money in the Bank (2001, with Andrew Beattie)
• Human Natures: Genes, Cultures, and the Human Prospect (2002)
• One With Nineveh: Politics, Consumption, and the Human Future (2004, with Anne Ehrlich)
• On the Wings of Checkerspots: A Model System for Population Biology(2004, edited volume, co-edited with Ilkka Hanski)
• The Dominant Animal: Human Evolution and the Environment (2008, with Anne Ehrlich)
• Humanity on a Tightrope: Thoughts on Empathy, Family, and Big Changes for a Viable Future (2010, with Robert E. Ornstein)
• Conservation Biology for All (2010, edited volume, co-edited with Navjot S. Sodhi)
• Hope on Earth: A Conversation (2014, co-authored with Michael Charles Tobias) ISBN 978-0-226-11368-5
• Killing the Koala and Poisoning the Prairie: Australia, America and the Environment (2015, co-authored with Corey J. A. Bradshaw)
• The Annihilation of Nature: Human Extinction of Birds and Mammals(2015, with Anne Ehrlich and Gerardo Ceballos)


• Ehrlich, P. R. (2010). "The MAHB, the Culture Gap, and Some Really Inconvenient Truths". PLoS Biology. 8 (4): e1000330. doi:10.1371/journal.pbio.1000330. PMC 2850377. PMID 20386722.
• Ceballos, Gerardo; Ehrlich, Paul R.; Barnosky, Anthony D.; García, Andrés; Pringle, Robert M.; Palmer, Todd M. (2015). "Accelerated modern human–induced species losses: Entering the sixth mass extinction". Science Advances. 1 (5): e1400253. doi:10.1126/sciadv.1400253. PMC 4640606. PMID 26601195.
• Ceballos, Gerardo; Ehrlich, Paul R.; Dirzo, Rodolfo (23 May 2017). "Biological annihilation via the ongoing sixth mass extinction signaled by vertebrate population losses and declines". PNAS. 114 (30): E6089–E6096. doi:10.1073/pnas.1704949114. PMC 5544311. PMID 28696295.

See also

• Demography
• Passenger pigeon
• Population Connection
• Malthusianism
• Netherlands fallacy



1. Professor Paul R. Ehrlich ForMemRS, The Royal Society, retrieved September 26, 2012.
2. Mieszkowski, Katharine (2008-09-17). "Do we need population control?". Retrieved 2012-09-27.
3. Leaders from the 1960s: A Biographical Sourcebook of American Activism. Greenwood Press, 1994. 1994. p. 318. ISBN 9780313274145.
4. Tierney, John (December 2, 1990). "Betting on the Planet". The New York Times. Retrieved September 26, 2012.
5. Ronald Bailey (30 December 2010). "Cracked Crystal Ball: Environmental Catastrophe Edition". – Free minds and free markets. Reason Foundation. Retrieved 4 March 2013.
6. Haub, Carl (5 November 2008). "In Defense of Paul Ehrlich". Behind the Numbers: The PRB blog on population, health, and the environment. Retrieved 10 February 2011.
7. Ehrlich, Paul (13 August 2004). "When Paul's Said and Done". Grist Magazine. Archived from the original on 15 November 2004. Retrieved 24 Sep 2015. Some things I predicted have not come to pass.
8. Phillip Adams; Kate MacDonald (19 November 2009). "PAUL EHRLICH". Radio National. ABC. Retrieved 4 March 2013.
9. Inherit the Holy Mountain: Religion and the Rise of American Environmentalism. Oxford University Press, 2015. 2017-09-15. p. 260. ISBN 9780190697945.
10. Ehrlich, Paul R., "The Morphology, Phylogeny and Higher Classification of the Butterflies (Lepidoptera: Papilionoidea)," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Kansas, May 1957.
11. Ehrlich, Paul R.; Raven, Peter H. (1964). "Butterflies and Plants: A Study in Coevolution". Evolution. 18 (4): 586–608. doi:10.2307/2406212. JSTOR 2406212.
12. Paul R. Ehrlich (2001). "PAUL R. EHRLICH" (PDF). Paul R. Ehrlich Resume. Stanford University. Retrieved 4 March 2013.
13. Lewis, J. "Biologist Paul R. Ehrlich. Six billion and counting". Scientific American October 2000, pages 30, 32.
14. "Paul R. Ehrlich". Center for Conservation Biology – Department of Biology. Stanford University. 2013. Retrieved 4 March 2013.
15. Tom Turner (2011). "Story: Paul Ehrlich, the Vindication of a Public Scholar". (first published by The Earth Island Journal). American Public Media. Retrieved 4 March 2013.
16. Paul R. Ehrlich; Anne H. Ehrlich (2009). "The Population Bomb Revisited" (PDF). Electronic Journal of Sustainable Development. 1 (3): 63–71. Retrieved September 26, 2012.
17. Dan Gardner (2010). Future Babble: Why Expert Predictions Fail – and Why We Believe Them Anyway. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart.
18. Ehrlich, Paul R. (1968). The Population Bomb. Ballantine Books.
19. Lomborg, Bjørn (2002). The skeptical environmentalist : measuring the real state of the world. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. p. 350. ISBN 978-0-521-01068-9. In 1967 Paul Ehrlich predicted that the world was headed for massive starvation. In order to limit the extent of this, he believed – reasonably enough given his point of view – that aid should be given only to those countries that would have a chance to make it through. According to Ehrlich, India was not among them. We must "announce that we will no longer send emergency aid to countries such as India where sober analysis shows a hopeless imbalance between food production and population . . . Our inadequate aid ought to be reserved for those which can survive."
20. Ehrlich, Paul R.; Ehrlich, Anne H. (1990). The population explosion. London: Hutchinson. pp. 39–40. ISBN 978-0091745516. Retrieved 20 July 2014.
21. Daily, Gretchen C.; Ehrlich, Anne H. and Ehrlich, Paul R. Optimum Human Population Size. Population and Environment: A Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies Volume 15, Number 6, July 1994 01994 Human Sciences Press.
22. Katharine Mieszkowski (17 Sep 2008). "Do we need population control?".
23. Hall, Eleanor (31 October 2011). "Population analyst warns of catastrophe". The World Today. Retrieved 31 October 2011.
24. "Longterm studies of the Bay checkerspot butterfly and feasibility of reintroduction". Archived from the original on 2006-09-02.
25. Haberman, Clyde (2015-05-31). "The Unrealized Horrors of Population Explosion". The New York Times. Retrieved 2015-05-31.
26. "Wheat yields are levelling off, even in some developing countries". June 25, 2012.
27. Maxim Lott (December 30, 2010). "Eight Botched Environmental Forecasts". FOX News. Retrieved 2015-10-31. Again, not totally accurate, but I never claimed to predict the future with full accuracy
28. Leonhardt, David (September 30, 2013). "Lessons From a Famous Bet". New York Times. Retrieved 24 October 2013.
29. Barry Commoner (May 1972). "A Bulletin Dialogue: on "The Closing Circle" — Response". Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists: 17–56.
30. Barry Commoner (May 1972). "A Bulletin Dialogue: on "The Closing Circle" — Response". Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists: 17–56. Population control (as distinct from voluntary, self-initiated control of fertility), no matter how disguised, involves some measure of political repression, and would burden the poor nations with the social cost of a situation — overpopulation — which is the current outcome of their previous exploitation, as colonies, by the wealthy nations.
31. Paul Ehrlich; Shirley Feldman (1978). The Race Bomb. Ballantine Books.
32. Carrington, Damian (March 22, 2018). "Paul Ehrlich: 'Collapse of civilisation is a near certainty within decades'". The Guardian. Retrieved April 4, 2018.
33. Simon, JL (June 27, 1980). "Resources, Population, Environment: An Oversupply of False Bad News". Science. 208 (4451): 1431–1437. doi:10.1126/science.7384784. JSTOR 1684670. PMID 7384784.
34. Ronald Bailey (2015). The End of Doom. St. Martin's Press. pp. 38, 59. ISBN 978-1-250-05767-9. ...nearly all resources in the past were much more expensive than they are today
35. Paul Ehrlich; Anne Ehrlich (2004). One with Nineveh:politics, consumption, and the human future. Island Press.
36. Patt Morrison (12 February 2011). "Paul R. Ehrlich: Saving Earth". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 4 March 2013. Consumption is equally important. I'd think the biggest problem is figuring out what to do on consumption. We don't have any consumption condoms.
37. Cristina Luiggi (1 December 2010). "Still Ticking". The Scientist. LabX Media Group. Retrieved 4 March 2013.
38. Ehrlich, Paul R.; Ehrlich, Anne H. (March 7, 2013). "Can a collapse of global civilization be avoided?". Proceedings of the Royal Society. B. 280 (1754): 20122845. doi:10.1098/rspb.2012.2845. PMC 3574335. PMID 23303549. Retrieved January 27, 2013. Also see: Comment by Prof. Michael Kelly, disagreeing with the paper by Ehrlich and Ehrlich; and response by the authors.
39. Colin Fraser (3 February 2008). "Green revolution could still blow up in our face". The Age. Fairfax Media. Retrieved 4 March 2013.
40. "Population Matters Patron". Archived from the original on 2014-06-25.
41. Zelko F. Optimizing nature: Invoking the “natural” in the struggle over water fluoridation. History of Science. 2018; 1–22.
42. "'True Zionists should have small families' suggests Paul Ehrlich, 40 years after writing 'The Population Bomb'".
43. "Whitney R. Harris World Ecology Center: Dr. Paul Ehrlich". Retrieved June 21, 2010.
44. Dowbiggen 2008, p. 168.
45. "The Heinz Awards, Paul and Anne Ehrlich profile". Retrieved 2012-05-20.
46. "New World New Mind - Pdf Edition". Archived from the original on 2012-02-05. Retrieved 2012-05-24.

Cited books

• Dowbiggin, Ian Robert (2008). The Sterilization Movement and Global Fertility in the Twentieth Century. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195188585.

Further reading

• Robertson, Thomas. (2012) The Malthusian Moment: Global Population Growth and the Birth of American Environmentalism, Rutgers University Press: New Brunswick, New Jersey. ISBN 0813552729.

External links

• Paul R. Ehrlich Papers
• Paul R. Ehrlich's faculty web page at Stanford University
• Biographical page at the International Center for Tropical Ecology, University of Missouri, St. Louis
• Paul R. Ehrlich on IMDb
• "The Population Bomb Revisited", Electronic Journal of Sustainable Development, 2009
• Several online Paul Ehrlich interviews
• "Plowboy Interview" of Paul Ehrlich, 1974 from The Mother Earth News
• Paul R. Ehrlich and the prophets of doom A look at Ehrlich's treatment of exponential growth.
• Paul Ehrlich, a prophet of global population doom who is gloomier than ever. The Guardian. October 2011.
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sat Apr 20, 2019 1:05 am

Edward Cornish
Accessed: 4/19/19

Biographical Information

"Edward Cornish is the founder of the World Future Society and editor of its flagship publication, THE FUTURIST magazine.

"Mr. Cornish has been a student and proponent of futures studies for nearly five decades. He became interested in the impact of science and technology on human life while working as a National Geographic magazine science writer in the late 1950s. In 1966, he published a six-page newsletter consisting of brief reports on books and activities related to the future. Favorable response encouraged him to contemplate an association for people interested in forecasts and social and technological change. The World Future Society was officially launched in October 1966 with the support of comprehensive designer Buckminster Fuller, Nobel Prize winning chemist Glenn T. Seaborg, former U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Orville Freeman, and many other futurist thinkers. The first issue of THE FUTURIST appeared in early 1967.

"As a futurist, he has served as an advisor for three U.S. presidents, co-authored a report by the White House’s National Goals Research Staff, and served as chief investigator of future studies for the National Science Foundation and the Library of Congress. Mr. Cornish penned "Your Changing World," a weekly syndicated column, from 1984 to 1986.

"Mr. Cornish is the author of The Study of the Future: An Introduction to the Art and Science of Understanding and Shaping Tomorrow’s World (1977) and has written and edited many publications for the World Future Society. He lives in Bethesda, Maryland[1]


1. World Future Society Edward Cornish, organizational web page, accessed May 10, 2012.
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sat Apr 20, 2019 9:05 pm

Gregory Bateson
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/20/19



Gregory Bateson
Rudolph Arnheim (L) and Bateson (R) speaking at the American Federation of Arts 48th Annual Convention, 1957 Apr 6 / Eliot Elisofon, photographer. American Federation of Arts records, Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution.
Born 9 May 1904
Grantchester, England
Died 4 July 1980 (aged 76)
San Francisco, California, U.S.
Known for Double bind, ecology of mind, deuterolearning, schismogenesis
Spouse(s) Margaret Mead
(m. 1936; div. 1950)
Elizabeth Sumner
(m. 1951; div. 1957)
Lois Cammack
(m. 1961)
Children 5, including Mary C. Bateson
Scientific career
Fields Anthropology, social sciences, linguistics, cybernetics, systems theory
Influences Margaret Mead, Conrad Hal Waddington, Warren McCulloch, Norbert Wiener, John von Neumann, Evelyn Hutchinson, Julian Bigelow
Influenced John C. Lilly, Heinz von Foerster, Jerry Brown, Richard Bandler, Stewart Brand, Gilles Deleuze, John Grinder, Félix Guattari, Jay Haley, Don D. Jackson, Bradford Keeney, Stephen Nachmanovitch, William Irwin Thompson, R. D. Laing, Paul Watzlawick, Carl Whitaker, Niklas Luhmann, Sharon Traweek; biosemiotics, application of type theory in social sciences, communication theory, ethnicity theory,[1] evolutionary biology, family therapy, brief therapy, neuro-linguistic programming, systemic coaching, anti-psychiatry, visual anthropology

Gregory Bateson (9 May 1904 – 4 July 1980) was an English anthropologist, social scientist, linguist, visual anthropologist, semiotician, and cyberneticist whose work intersected that of many other fields. In the 1940s, he helped extend systems theory and cybernetics to the social and behavioral sciences. He spent the last decade of his life developing a "meta-science" of epistemology to bring together the various early forms of systems theory developing in different fields of science.[2] His writings include Steps to an Ecology of Mind (1972) and Mind and Nature (1979). Angels Fear (published posthumously in 1987) was co-authored by his daughter Mary Catherine Bateson.

In Palo Alto, California, Bateson and his colleagues Donald Jackson, Jay Haley and John H. Weakland developed the double-bind theory (see also Bateson Project).[3]

Bateson's interest in systems theory and cybernetics forms a thread running through his work. He was one of the original members of the core group of the Macy conferences in Cybernetics, and the later set on Group Processes, where he represented the social and behavioral sciences. Bateson was interested in the relationship of these fields to epistemology. His association with the editor and author Stewart Brand helped to widen his influence. From the 1970s until his last years, a broader audience of university students and educated people working in many fields came to know his thought.

In 1956, he became a naturalised citizen of the United States. Bateson was a member of William Irwin Thompson's Lindisfarne Association. In the 1970s, he taught at the Humanistic Psychology Institute (renamed the Saybrook University) in San Francisco;[4] and in 1972 joined the faculty of Kresge College at the University of California, Santa Cruz.[5] He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1976.[6] In 1976, California Governor Jerry Brown appointed Bateson to the Regents of the University of California,[7] in which position he served until his death (although he resigned from the Special Research Projects committee in 1979, in opposition to the university's work on nuclear weapons). He died on Independence Day, 1980, in the guest house of the San Francisco Zen Center.[8]

Personal life

Bateson was born in Grantchester in Cambridgeshire, England, on 9 May 1904. He was the third and youngest son of (Caroline) Beatrice Durham and the distinguished geneticist William Bateson. He was named Gregory after Gregor Mendel, the Austrian monk who founded the modern science of genetics.[9]

The younger Bateson attended Charterhouse School from 1917 to 1921, obtained a Bachelor of Arts in biology at St. John's College, Cambridge, in 1925, and continued at Cambridge from 1927 to 1929. Bateson lectured in linguistics at the University of Sydney in 1928. From 1931 to 1937, he was a Fellow of St. John's College, spent the years before World War II in the South Pacific in New Guinea and Bali doing anthropology. During 1936–1950, he was married to Margaret Mead.[10] At that time he applied his knowledge to the war effort before moving to the United States.

Bateson's life, according to Lipset (1982), was greatly affected by the death of his two brothers. John Bateson (1898–1918), the eldest of the three, was killed in World War I. Martin Bateson (1900–1922), the second brother, was then expected to follow in his father's footsteps as a scientist, but came into conflict with his father over his ambition to become a poet and playwright. The resulting stress, combined with a disappointment in love, resulted in Martin's public suicide by gunshot under the statue of Anteros in Piccadilly Circus on 22 April 1922, which was John's birthday. After this event, which transformed a private family tragedy into public scandal, all William and Beatrice's ambitious expectations fell on Gregory, their only surviving son.[11]

Bateson's first marriage, in 1936, was to American cultural anthropologist Margaret Mead.[12] Bateson and Mead had a daughter, Mary Catherine Bateson (born 1939), who also became an anthropologist.[13] Bateson separated from Mead in 1947, and they were divorced in 1950.[14] In 1951, he married his second wife Elizabeth "Betty" Sumner (1919–1992), the daughter of the Episcopalian Bishop of Oregon, Walter Taylor Sumner.[15] They had a son, John Sumner Bateson (1951–2015), as well as twins who died shortly after birth in 1953. Bateson and Sumner were divorced in 1957, after which Bateson married his third wife, the therapist and social worker Lois Cammack (born 1928), in 1961. They had one daughter, Nora Bateson (born 1969).[14]

Bateson was a lifelong atheist, as his family had been for several generations.[16]

The 2014 novel Euphoria by Lily King is a fictionalized account of Bateson's relationships with Mead and Reo Fortune in pre-WWII New Guinea.[17]


Where others might see a set of inexplicable details, Bateson perceived simple relationships.[18] In "From Versailles to Cybernetics," Bateson argues that the history of the twentieth century can be perceived as the history of a malfunctioning relationship. In his view, the Treaty of Versailles exemplifies a whole pattern of human relationships based on betrayal and hate. He therefore claims that the treaty of Versailles and the development of cybernetics—which for him represented the possibility of improved relationships—are the only two anthropologically important events of the twentieth century.[19]


WWII and Office of Strategic Services career

Although initially reluctant to join the intelligence services, served in OSS during World War II along with dozens of other anthropologists.[20] He was stationed in the same offices as Julia Child (then Julia McWilliams), Paul Cushing Child, and others.[21] He spent much of the war designing 'black propaganda' radio broadcasts. He was deployed on covert operations in Burma and Thailand, and worked in China, India, and Ceylon as well. Bateson used his theory of schismogenesis to help foster discord among enemy fighters. He was upset by his wartime experience and disagreed with his wife over whether science should be applied to social planning or used only to foster understanding rather than action.[20]

Early Work: New Guinea and Bali

Bateson's beginning years as an anthropologist were spent floundering, lost without a specific objective in mind. He began first with a trip to New Guinea, spurred by mentor A. C. Haddon.[22] His goal, as suggested by Haddon, was to explore the effects of contact between the Sepik natives and whites. Unfortunately for Bateson, his time spent with the Baining of New Guinea was halted and difficult. The Baining turned out to be secretive and excluded him from many aspects of their society. On more than one occasion he was tricked into missing communal activities, and they held out on their religion.[22] He left them, frustrated. He next studied the Sulka, another native population of New Guinea. Although the Sulka were dramatically different from the Baining and their culture much more "visible" to the observer, he felt their culture was dying, which left him feeling dispirited and discouraged.[22]

He experienced more success with the Iatmul people, another indigenous people of the Sepik River region of New Guinea. He would always return to the idea of communications and relations or interactions between and among people. The observations he made of the Iatmul allowed him to develop his concept of schismogenesis. He studied the 'naven', an honorific ceremony among the Iatmul, still continued today, that celebrates first-time cultural achievements. The ceremony entails many antics that are normally forbidden during everyday social life. For example, men and women reverse and exaggerate gender roles; men dress in women's skirts, and women dress in men's attire and ornaments.[22] Additionally, certain categories of female kin smear mud in the faces of other relatives, beat them with sticks, and hurl bawdy insults. Mothers may drop to the ground so their celebrated 'child' walks over them. And during a male rite, a mother's brother may slide his buttocks down the leg of his honoured sister's son, a complex gesture of masculine birthing, pride, and insult, rarely performed before women, that brings the honoured sister's son to tears.[23] Bateson suggested the influence of a circular system of causation, and proposed that:

Women watched for the spectacular performances of the men, and there can be no reasonable doubt that the presence of an audience is a very important factor in shaping the men's behavior. In fact, it is probable that the men are more exhibitionistic because the women admire their performances. Conversely, there can be no doubt that the spectacular behavior is a stimulus which summons the audience together, promoting in the women the appropriate behavior.[22]

In short, the behaviour of person X affects person Y, and the reaction of person Y to person X's behaviour will then affect person X's behaviour, which in turn will affect person Y, and so on. Bateson called this the "vicious circle."[22] He then discerned two models of schismogenesis: symmetrical and complementary.[22] Symmetrical relationships are those in which the two parties are equals, competitors, such as in sports. Complementary relationships feature an unequal balance, such as dominance-submission (parent-child), or exhibitionism-spectatorship (performer-audience). Bateson's experiences with the Iatmul led him to publish a book in 1936 titled Naven: A Survey of the Problems suggested by a Composite Picture of the Culture of a New Guinea Tribe drawn from Three Points of View (Cambridge University Press). The book proved to be a watershed in anthropology and modern social science.[24]

Until Bateson published Naven, most anthropologists assumed a realist approach to studying culture, in which one simply described social reality. Bateson's book argued that this approach was naive, since an anthropologist's account of a culture was always and fundamentally shaped by whatever theory the anthropologist employed to define and analyse the data. To think otherwise, stated Bateson, was to be guilty of what Alfred North Whitehead called the "fallacy of misplaced concreteness." There was no singular or self-evident way to understand the Iatmul naven rite. Instead, Bateson analysed the rite from three unique points of view: sociological, ethological, and eidological. The book, then, was not a presentation of anthropological analysis but an epistemological account that explored the nature of anthropological analysis itself.

The sociological point of view sought to identify how the ritual helped bring about social integration. In the 1930s, most anthropologists understood marriage rules to regularly ensure that social groups renewed their alliances. But Iatmul, argued Bateson, had contradictory marriage rules. Marriage, in other words, could not guarantee that a marriage between two clans would at some definite point in the future recur. Instead, Bateson continued, the naven rite filled this function by regularly ensuring exchanges of food, valuables, and sentiment between mothers' brothers and their sisters' children, or between separate lineages. Naven, from this angle, held together the different social groups of each village into a unified whole.

The ethological point of view interpreted the ritual in terms of the conventional emotions associated with normative male and female behaviour, which Bateson called ethos. In Iatmul culture, observed Bateson, men and women lived different emotional lives. For example, women were rather submissive and took delight in the achievement of others; men fiercely competitive and flamboyant. During the ritual, however, men celebrated the achievement of their nieces and nephews while women were given ritual license to act raucously. In effect, naven allowed men and women to experience momentarily the emotional lives of each other, and thereby to achieve a level of psychological integration.

The third and final point of view, the eidological, was the least successful. Here Bateson endeavoured to correlate the organisation structure of the naven ceremony with the habitual patterns of Iatmul thought. Much later, Bateson would harness the very same idea to the development of the double-bind theory of schizophrenia.

In the Epilogue to the book, Bateson was clear: "The writing of this book has been an experiment, or rather a series of experiments, in methods of thinking about anthropological material." That is to say, his overall point was not to describe Iatmul culture of the naven ceremony but to explore how different modes of analysis, using different premises and analytic frameworks, could lead to different explanations of the same sociocultural phenomenon. Not only did Bateson's approach re-shape fundamentally the anthropological approach to culture, but the naven rite itself has remained a locus classicus in the discipline. In fact, the meaning of the ritual continues to inspire anthropological analysis.[25]

Bateson next travelled to Bali with his new wife Margaret Mead. They studied the people of the Balinese village Bajoeng Gede. Here, Lipset states, "in the short history of ethnographic fieldwork, film was used both on a large scale and as the primary research tool."[22] Indeed, Bateson took 25,000 photographs of their Balinese subjects.[26]

Bateson discovered that the people of Bajoeng Gede raised their children very unlike children raised in Western societies. Instead of attention being paid to a child who was displaying a climax of emotion (love or anger), Balinese mothers would ignore them. Bateson notes, "The child responds to [a mother's] advances with either affection or temper, but the response falls into a vacuum. In Western cultures, such sequences lead to small climaxes of love or anger, but not so in Bali. At the moment when a child throws its arms around the mother's neck or bursts into tears, the mother's attention wanders".[22] This model of stimulation and refusal was also seen in other areas of the culture. Bateson later described the style of Balinese relations as stasis instead of schismogenesis. Their interactions were "muted" and did not follow the schismogenetic process because they did not often escalate competition, dominance, or submission.[22]

After Bali, Bateson and Mead returned to the Sepik River in 1938, and settled into the village of Tambunum, where Bateson spent three days in the 1920s. They aimed to replicate the Balinese project on the relationship between childraising and temperament, and between conventions of the body – such as pose, grimace, holding infants, facial expressions, etc. – reflected wider cultural themes and values. Bateson snapped some 10,000 black and white photographs, and Mead typed thousands of pages of fieldnotes. But Bateson and Mead never published anything substantial from this research.[27]

Bateson and Margaret Mead contrasted first and Second-order cybernetics with this diagram in an interview in 1973.[28]

Bateson's encounter with Mead on the Sepik river (Chapter 16) and their life together in Bali (Chapter 17) is described in Mead's autobiography Blackberry Winter: My Earlier Years (Angus and Robertson. London. 1973). Catherine's birth in New York on 8 December 1939 is recounted in Chapter 18.

Double bind

In 1956 in Palo Alto, Bateson and his colleagues Donald Jackson, Jay Haley, and John Weakland[3] articulated a related theory of schizophrenia as stemming from double bind situations. The double bind refers to a communication paradox described first in families with a schizophrenic member. The first place where double binds were described (though not named as such) was according to Bateson, in Samuel Butler's The Way of All Flesh (a semi-autobiographical novel about Victorian hypocrisy and cover-up).[29]

Full double bind requires several conditions to be met:[citation needed]

1. The victim of double bind receives contradictory injunctions or emotional messages on different levels of communication (for example, love is expressed by words, and hate or detachment by nonverbal behaviour; or a child is encouraged to speak freely, but criticised or silenced whenever he or she actually does so).
2. No metacommunication is possible – for example, asking which of the two messages is valid or describing the communication as making no sense.
3. The victim cannot leave the communication field.
4. Failing to fulfill the contradictory injunctions is punished (for example, by withdrawal of love).

The strange behaviour and speech of schizophrenics was explained by Bateson et al. as an expression of this paradoxical situation, and were seen in fact as an adaptive response, which should be valued as a cathartic and transformative experience.

The double bind was originally presented (probably mainly under the influence of Bateson's psychiatric co-workers) as an explanation of part of the etiology of schizophrenia. Currently, it is considered to be more important as an example of Bateson's approach to the complexities of communication which is what he understood it to be.[citation needed]

The role of somatic change in evolution

According to Merriam-Webster's dictionary the term somatic is basically defined as the body or body cells of change distinguished from germplasm or psyche/mind. Bateson writes about how the actual physical changes in the body occur within evolutionary processes.[30] He describes this through the introduction of the concept of "economics of flexibility".[30] In his conclusion he makes seven statements or theoretical positions which may be supported by his ideology.

The first is the idea that although environmental stresses have theoretically been believed to guide or dictate the changes in the soma (physical body), the introduction of new stresses do not automatically result in the physical changes necessary for survival as suggested by original evolutionary theory.[30] In fact the introduction of these stresses can greatly weaken the organism. An example that he gives is the sheltering of a sick person from the weather or the fact that someone who works in an office would have a hard time working as a rock climber and vice versa. The second position states that though "the economics of flexibility has a logical structure-each successive demand upon flexibility fractioning the set of available possibilities".[30] This means that theoretically speaking each demand or variable creates a new set of possibilities. Bateson's third conclusion is "that the genotypic change commonly makes demand upon the adjustive ability of the soma".[30] This, he states, is the commonly held belief among biologists although there is no evidence to support the claim. Added demands are made on the soma by sequential genotypic modifications is the fourth position. Through this he suggests the following three expectations:[30]

1. The idea that organisms that have been through recent modifications will be delicate.
2. The belief that these organisms will become progressively harmful or dangerous.
3. That over time these new "breeds" will become more resistant to the stresses of the environment and change in genetic traits.

The fifth theoretical position which Bateson believes is supported by his data is that characteristics within an organism that have been modified due to environmental stresses may coincide with genetically determined attributes.[30] His sixth position is that it takes less economic flexibility to create somatic change than it does to cause a genotypic modification. The seventh and final theory he believes to be supported is the idea that in rare occasions there will be populations whose changes will not be in accordance with the thesis presented within this paper. According to Bateson, none of these positions (at the time) could be tested but he called for the creation of a test which could possibly prove or disprove the theoretical positions suggested within.[30]

Ecological anthropology and cybernetics

In his book Steps to an Ecology of Mind, Bateson applied cybernetics to the field of ecological anthropology and the concept of homeostasis.[31] He saw the world as a series of systems containing those of individuals, societies and ecosystems. Within each system is found competition and dependency. Each of these systems has adaptive changes which depend upon feedback loops to control balance by changing multiple variables. Bateson believed that these self-correcting systems were conservative by controlling exponential slippage. He saw the natural ecological system as innately good as long as it was allowed to maintain homeostasis[31] and that the key unit of survival in evolution was an organism and its environment.[31]

Bateson also viewed that all three systems of the individual, society and ecosystem were all together a part of one supreme cybernetic system that controls everything instead of just interacting systems.[31] This supreme cybernetic system is beyond the self of the individual and could be equated to what many people refer to as God, though Bateson referred to it as Mind.[31] While Mind is a cybernetic system, it can only be distinguished as a whole and not parts. Bateson felt Mind was immanent in the messages and pathways of the supreme cybernetic system. He saw the root of system collapses as a result of Occidental or Western epistemology. According to Bateson, consciousness is the bridge between the cybernetic networks of individual, society and ecology and the mismatch between the systems due to improper understanding will result in the degradation of the entire supreme cybernetic system or Mind. Bateson thought that consciousness as developed through Occidental epistemology was at direct odds with Mind.[31]

At the heart of the matter is scientific hubris. Bateson argues that Occidental epistemology perpetuates a system of understanding which is purpose or means-to-an-end driven.[31] Purpose controls attention and narrows perception, thus limiting what comes into consciousness and therefore limiting the amount of wisdom that can be generated from the perception. Additionally Occidental epistemology propagates the false notion that man exists outside Mind and this leads man to believe in what Bateson calls the philosophy of control based upon false knowledge.[31]

Bateson presents Occidental epistemology as a method of thinking that leads to a mindset in which man exerts an autocratic rule over all cybernetic systems.[31] In exerting his autocratic rule man changes the environment to suit him and in doing so he unbalances the natural cybernetic system of controlled competition and mutual dependency. The purpose-driven accumulation of knowledge ignores the supreme cybernetic system and leads to the eventual breakdown of the entire system. Bateson claims that man will never be able to control the whole system because it does not operate in a linear fashion and if man creates his own rules for the system, he opens himself up to becoming a slave to the self-made system due to the non-linear nature of cybernetics. Lastly, man's technological prowess combined with his scientific hubris gives him the potential to irrevocably damage and destroy the supreme cybernetic system, instead of just disrupting the system temporally until the system can self-correct.[31]

Bateson argues for a position of humility and acceptance of the natural cybernetic system instead of scientific arrogance as a solution.[31] He believes that humility can come about by abandoning the view of operating through consciousness alone. Consciousness is only one way in which to obtain knowledge and without complete knowledge of the entire cybernetic system disaster is inevitable. The limited conscious must be combined with the unconscious in complete synthesis. Only when thought and emotion are combined in whole is man able to obtain complete knowledge. He believed that religion and art are some of the few areas in which a man is acting as a whole individual in complete consciousness. By acting with this greater wisdom of the supreme cybernetic system as a whole man can change his relationship to Mind from one of schism, in which he is endlessly tied up in constant competition, to one of complementarity. Bateson argues for a culture that promotes the most general wisdom and is able to flexibly change within the supreme cybernetic system.[31]

Other terms used by Bateson

• Abduction. Used by Bateson to refer to a third scientific methodology (along with induction and deduction) which was central to his own holistic and qualitative approach. Refers to a method of comparing patterns of relationship, and their symmetry or asymmetry (as in, for example, comparative anatomy), especially in complex organic (or mental) systems. The term was originally coined by American Philosopher/Logician Charles Sanders Peirce, who used it to refer to the process by which scientific hypotheses are generated.
• Criteria of Mind (from Mind and Nature A Necessary Unity):[31]
1. Mind is an aggregate of interacting parts or components.
2. The interaction between parts of mind is triggered by difference.
3. Mental process requires collateral energy.
4. Mental process requires circular (or more complex) chains of determination.
5. In mental process the effects of difference are to be regarded as transforms (that is, coded versions) of the difference which preceded them.
6. The description and classification of these processes of transformation discloses a hierarchy of logical types immanent in the phenomena.
• Creatura and Pleroma. Borrowed from Carl Jung who applied these gnostic terms in his "Seven Sermons To the Dead".[32] Like the Hindu term maya, the basic idea captured in this distinction is that meaning and organisation are projected onto the world. Pleroma refers to the non-living world that is undifferentiated by subjectivity; Creatura for the living world, subject to perceptual difference, distinction, and information.
• Deuterolearning. A term he coined in the 1940s referring to the organisation of learning, or learning to learn:[33]
• Schismogenesis – the emergence of divisions within social groups.
• Information – Bateson defined information as "a difference which makes a difference." For Bateson, information in fact mediated Alfred Korzybski's map–territory relation, and thereby resolved, according to Bateson, the mind-body problem.[34][35][36]

Continuing extensions of Bateson's work

His daughter Mary Catherine Bateson published a joint biography of her parents (Bateson and Margaret Mead) in 1984.[37] Bateson's legacy was reintroduced to new audiences by his daughter the filmmaker Nora Bateson, with the release of An Ecology of Mind, a documentary that premiered at the Vancouver International Film Festival.[38] This film was selected as the audience favourite with the Morton Marcus Documentary Feature Award at the 2011 Santa Cruz Film Festival,[39] and honoured with the 2011 John Culkin Award for Outstanding Praxis in the Field of Media Ecology by the Media Ecology Association.[40] The Bateson Idea Group (BIG) initiated a web presence in October 2010. The group collaborated with the American Society for Cybernetics for a joint meeting in July 2012 at the Asilomar Conference Grounds in California.

See also

• Ray Birdwhistell
• Coherence therapy § Hierarchical organization of constructs
• Complex systems
• Constructivist epistemology
• Cybernetics
• Family therapy
• Holism
• Ignacio Matte Blanco
• Macy Conferences
• Systems science portal
• Margaret Mead
• Mary Catherine Bateson
• Mind-body problem
• Niklas Luhmann
• Second-order cybernetics
• Systems philosophy
• Systems theory in anthropology
• Systems thinking



• Bateson, Gregory (1944). An Analysis of the Film "Hitlerjunge Quex" (1933). New York?. OCLC 41057404.
• Bateson, G. (1958). Naven: A Survey of the Problems suggested by a Composite Picture of the Culture of a New Guinea Tribe drawn from Three Points of View (1936). Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-0520-8.
• Bateson, G.; Mead, M. (1942). Balinese Character: A Photographic Analysis. New York Academy of Sciences. ISBN 0-89072-780-5.
• Ruesch, J.; Bateson, G. (2009) [1951]. Communication: The Social Matrix of Psychiatry. W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-1-4128-0614-5. Retrieved 19 March 2013.
• Bateson, G. (2000) [1972]. Steps to an Ecology of Mind: Collected Essays in Anthropology, Psychiatry, Evolution, and Epistemology. Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-03905-6. Retrieved 19 March 2013.
• Bateson, G. (1979). Mind and Nature: A Necessary Unity (Advances in Systems Theory, Complexity, and the Human Sciences). Hampton Press. ISBN 1-57273-434-5.
• (published posthumously), Bateson, G.; Bateson, MC (1988). Angels Fear: Towards an Epistemology of the Sacred. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-553-34581-0.
• (published posthumously), Bateson, G.; Donaldson, Rodney E. (1991). A Sacred Unity: Further Steps to an Ecology of Mind. Harper Collins. ISBN 0-06-250100-3.
Articles, a selection
• 1956, Bateson, The message 'this is play.' In B. Schaffner (Ed.), Group Processes: Transactions of the Second Conference (pp. 145–242) New York: Josiah Macy, Jr. Foundation.
• 1956, Bateson, G., Jackson, D. D., Jay Haley & Weakland, J., "Toward a Theory of Schizophrenia", Behavioral Science, vol.1, 1956, 251–264. (Reprinted in Steps to an Ecology of Mind)
• Bateson, G.; Jackson, D. (1964). "Some varieties of pathogenic organization. In Disorders of Communication". Research Publications. Association for Research in Nervous and Mental Disease. 42: 270–283.
• 1978, Malcolm, J., "The One-Way Mirror" (reprinted in the collection "The Purloined Clinic"). Ostensibly about family therapist Salvador Minuchin, essay digresses for several pages into a meditation on Bateson's role in the origin of family therapy, his intellectual pedigree, and the impasse he reached with Jay Haley.
Documentary film
• Trance and Dance in Bali, a short documentary film shot by cultural anthropologist Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson in the 1930s, but it was not released until 1952. The film was an inductee of the 1999 National Film Registry list.[41]
• An Ecology of Mind, a documentary film shot by Nora Bateson and released in 2010 through The Impact Media Group, includes segments from Bateson's early films made in Bali.


1. Thomas Hylland Eriksen, "Bateson and the North Sea Ethnicity paradigm",
2. Lipset, David (1980). Gregory Bateson: Legacy of a Scientist. Prentice-Hall. ISBN 0133650561.
3. Bateson, G.; Jackson, D. D.; Haley, J.; Weakland, J. (1956). "Toward a theory of schizophrenia". Behavioral Science. 1 (4): 251–264. doi:10.1002/bs.3830010402.
4. Gordon, Susan (2013). "Editor's Introduction". In Susan Gordon (ed.). Neurophenomenology and Its Applications to Psychology. New York: Springer Publishing. p. xxxii. ISBN 978-1-4614-7238-4.
5. Per the jacket copy of the first edition of Mind and Nature (1979)
6. "Book of Members, 1780–2010: Chapter B" (PDF). American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Retrieved 21 May 2011.
7. "The Regents of the University of California (list)" (PDF). University of California. Retrieved 31 August 2014.
8. 'Gregory Bateson: Old Men Ought to be Explorers', Stephen Nachmanovitch, CoEvolution Quarterly, Fall 1982
9. Koestler, Arthur (1926). The Case of the Midwife Toad.
10. NNDB, Gregory Bateson, Soylent Communications, 2007.
11. Schuetzenberger, Anne. The Ancestor Syndrome. New York, Routledge. 1998.
12. Encyclopædia Britannica (2007). "Gregory Bateson". Retrieved from Britannica Concise, 5 August 2007
13. "Mary Catherine Bateson". Mary Catherine Bateson. Retrieved 27 July2013.
14. To Cherish the Life of the World: Selected Letters of Margaret Mead. Margaret M. Caffey and Patricia A. Francis, eds. With foreword by Mary Catherine Bateson. New York. Basic Books. 2006.
15. "Walter Taylor Sumner". Find a Grave. 21 August 2011. Retrieved 28 February 2016.
16. Noel G. Charlton (2008). Understanding Gregory Bateson: mind, beauty, and the sacred earth. SUNY Press. p. 29. ISBN 9780791474525. This was to be the last large-scale work of lifelong atheist Bateson, seeking to understand the meaning of the sacred.
17. Eakin, Emily (6 June 2014). "Going Native: 'Euphoria,' by Lily King". The New York Times. Retrieved 29 September 2017.
18. Tognetti, Sylvia S. (2002). "Bateson, Gregory". In Peter Timmerman (ed.). Encyclopedia of Global Environmental Chang e (PDF). Chichester: Wiley. pp. 183–184. ISBN 0-471-97796-9. Retrieved 15 August 2012. Instead, Bateson stressed the importance of relationships that provide the basis for organization, and that are a greater limiting factor than energy. Relationships, which are sustained through communication of information rather than by energy flows, are also important as a source of information about context and meaning.
19. Bateson, Gregory (21 April 1966). ""Versailles to Cybernetics"". Steps to an Ecology of Mind. pp. 477–485. Retrieved 15 August 2012. This is what mammals are about. They are concerned with patterns of relationship, with where they stand in love, hate, respect, dependency, trust, and similar abstractions, vis-à-vis somebody else.
20. Gregory Bateson and the OSS: World War II and Bateson's Assessment of Applied Anthropology, by Dr David H. Price,
21. Conant, Jennet (2011). A Covert Affair Julia Child and Paul Child in the OSS. Simon and Schuster. p. 43.
22. Lipset, 1982[page needed]
23. ^ Silverman, Eric Kline (2001) Masculinity, Motherhood and Mockery: Psychoanalyzing Culture and the Iatmul Naven Rite in Ne Guinea. University of Michigan Press
24. Marcus, George (1985) A Timely Rereading of Naven: Gregory Bateson as Oracular Essayist. Raritan 12:66–82.
25. See, most recently, Michael Houseman and Carlo Seviri, 1998, Naven or the Other Self: A Relational Approach to Ritual Action (Leiden: Brill); Eric Kline Silverman, 2001, Masculinity, Motherhood and Mockery: Psychoanalyzing Culture and the Iatmul Naven Rite in New Guinea (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press); Andrew Moutu, 2013, Names are Thicker than Blood: Kinship and Ownership amongst the Iatmul (Oxford University Press).
26. Harries-Jones, Peter (1995). A Recursive Vision: Ecological Understanding and Gregory Bateson. University of Toronto Press.
27. Silverman, Eric Kline. Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson in the Sepik, 1938: A Timely Polemic From a Lost Anthropological Efflorescence. Pacific Studies 28 (3/4) 2005:128-41.
28. Interview Archived 26 November 2010 at the Wayback Machine with Gregory Bateson and Margaret Mead, in: CoEvolutionary Quarterly, June 1973.
29. Bateson, Steps to an ecology of mind
30. Bateson, Gregory (December 1963). "The Role of Somatic Change in Evolution". Evolution. 17 (4): 529–539. doi:10.2307/2407104. JSTOR 2407104.
31. Bateson, Gregory (1972). Steps to an Ecology of Mind: Collected Essays in Anthropology, Psychiatry, Evolution, and Epistemology. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-03905-6.
32. Carl Jung, Memories, Dreams, Reflections, Vintage Books, 1961, ISBN 0-394-70268-9, p. 378
33. Visser, Max (2002). Managing knowledge and action in organizations; towards a behavioral theory of organizational learning. EURAM Conference, Organizational Learning and Knowledge Management, Stockholm, Sweden.
34. Form, Substance, and Difference, in Steps to an Ecology of Mind, p. 448-466
35. David A Reid. "". Archived from the original on 4 February 2012. Retrieved 27 July 2013.
36. "". Retrieved 27 July 2013.
37. Bateson, M. C. (1984). With a daughter's eye: A memoir of Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson. New York: Pocket Books.
38. [1][dead link]
39. "2011 SCFF Award Winners". Santa Cruz Film Festival. Archived from the original on 29 July 2013. Retrieved 27 July 2013.
40. "The 2011 MEA Awards". Retrieved 27 July 2013.
41. ... y-listing/ | accessed 3/18/2018

Sources and further reading

• 1982 Carol Wilder and John Weakland, Rigor and Imagination: Essays from the Legacy of Gregory Bateson. New York: Praeger.
• Lipset, David (1982). Gregory Bateson: the Legacy of a Scientist. Beacon Press.
• 1982, Stephen Nachmanovitch, Gregory Bateson: Old Men Ought to be Explorers, CoEvolution Quarterly, Fall 1982.
• 1992, Gregory Bateson's Theory of Mind : Practical Applications to Pedagogy by Lawrence Bale. Nov. 1992, (Published online by Lawrence Bale, D&O Press, Nov. 2000).
• Article The Double Bind: The Intimate Tie Between Behaviour and Communication by Patrice Guillaume
• 1995, Paper Gregory Bateson: Cybernetics and the social behavioral sciences by Lawrence S. Bale, PhD: First Published in: Cybernetics & Human Knowing: A Journal of Second Order Cybernetics & Cyber-Semiotics, Vol. 3 no. 1 (1995), pp. 27–45.
• 1996, Paradox and Absurdity in Human Communication Reconsidered by Matthijs Koopmans.
• 1997, Schizophrenia and the Family: Double Bind Theory Revisited by Matthijs Koopmans.
• 2005, Perception in pose method rumng by Dr. Romanov
• 2005, "Gregory Bateson and Ecological Aesthetics" Peter Harries-Jones, in: Australian Humanities Review (Issue 35, June 2005) as are the following three articles:
• 2005, "Chasing Whales with Bateson and Daniel" by Katja Neves-Graça
• 2005, "Pattern, Connection, Desire: In honour of Gregory Bateson" by Deborah Bird Rose
• 2005, "Comments on Deborah Rose and Katja Neves-Graca" by Mary Catherine Bateson
• 2007, Stephen Nachmanovitch, "Bateson and the Arts," Kybernetes, 36:7/8.
• 2008. Jesper Hoffmeyer (ed.), A Legacy for Living Systems: Gregory Bateson as Precursor to Biosemiotics, Berlin: Springer
• 2008, Stephen Nachmanovitch, "It don't mean a thing if it ain't got that swing: Bateson's epistemology and the rhythms of life," Journal of Meaning and Ultimate Reality, 30:1.
• 2009, Stephen Nachmanovitch, "This is play," New Literary History, vol. 40.
• 2010. "An Ecology of Mind". A film portrait of Gregory Bateson, produced and directed by his daughter, Nora Bateson. Film Website at An Ecology Of Mind, A Daughter's Portrait of Gregory Bateson
• 2013, Stephen Nachmanovitch, "An Old Dinosaur: Gregory Bateson's Ecology of Ideas, 1980/2012," Kybernetes, 2013, Vol 42/no 9-10.

External links

• Book "A Recursive Vision: Ecological Understanding and Gregory Bateson" by Peter Harries-Jones
• Book "Understanding Gregory Bateson" by Noel Charlton
• "Institute for Intercultural Studies"
• "Six days of dying"; essay by Catherine Bateson describing Gregory Bateson's death
• "Bateson's Influence on Family Therapy" ; inside details by MindForTherapy
• Movie and website "An Ecology of Mind" A daughter's portrait of Gregory Bateson by Nora Bateson
• The Bateson Idea Group
• Gregory Bateson on IMDb
• Ansgar Fabri, Burkhart Brückner: Biography of Gregory Bateson in: Biographical Archive of Psychiatry (BIAPSY).
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CHAPTER THREE: Freud, Haeckel, and Jung


EVOLUTIONARY THEORY was the topic on everyone's tongue in the latter half of the nineteenth century after the publication of The Origin of the Species by Means of Natural Selection by Charles Darwin (1809-1882) on 24 November 1859. With Darwin's work the field of evolutionary biology was born. Darwin's highly articulated mechanistic theories of evolution surpassed all previous efforts and stimulated an interest in origins, in the creative or regenerative processes of ontogeny (individual development), and in phylogeny (the evolution of an entire species, or the birth of new ones) from the perspective of scientific materialism. [1]

Prior to Darwin, at least in the minds of many supposedly skeptical Enlightenment theorists, the only "origins" and "variations" were degenerations from perfect or ideal original types that had been created by the Judeo-Christian God. [2] Between 1790 and 1830, several different schools of Naturphilosophie dominated the scientific community in German Europe, in which philosophical and literary speculation was combined with empirical science. [3] These schools of Naturphilosophie have also been generically referred to as "essentialism" or "morphological idealism."

The word archetype was used in the mid-1800s in this Romantic biological context by the last great morphological idealist, Richard Owen (1804-1892) in his On the Archetype and Homologies of the Vertebrate Skeleton of 1848. [4] For most early biologists, there was no descent, as species did not evolve -- especially not from one into another. The search for the Urform or original form (or Urtyp, the original type or archetype) of each species -- studied by comparing similar structures in the different organisms -- was known as the idealistic science (Wissenschaft) of morphology, a term coined by Goethe in 1807. Goethe used the terms Urbild or "primordial image" and Urtyp, and these were later borrowed by Jung. These archetypes were eternal and transcendent, shaping man and the natural world in mysterious, but observable, ways.

Some of Jung's earliest and most powerful influences were among the speculative and metaphysical Naturphilosophen of the Romantic era, who after 1800 increasingly confined their studies to medical theory and practice. [5] C. G. Jung the Elder practiced medicine in this metaphysical Romantic mode. The most influential Naturphilosophen included F.W.J. Schelling (1775-1854), Goethe, Lorenz Oken (1779-1851), and a man that Goethe much admired, Carl Gustav Carus (1789-1869), a comparative anatomist who insisted that the divine essence of life would only be recognized through initiation into these insights through spiritual development:

Insofar as the idea of life is no other than the idea of an eternal manifestation of the divine essence through nature, it belongs among those original insights of reason that do not come to man from outside .... These insights open up in the inwardness of man; they must reveal themselves and, once a man has reached a certain level of development, they will always reveal themselves. [6]

This view is precisely the affirmation of the belief of the Naturphilosophen that, as historian of science Timothy Lenoir succinctly puts it, "when properly trained in the method of philosophical reflection, the understanding is capable, primarily through a higher faculty of judgment, of penetrating and comprehending the structure of the life process itself." [7] Thus, as living beings at the peak of the great chain of being (as historian of ideas Arthur O. Lovejoy called it), humans were uniquely capable of an intuitive grasp of the very pulse of life itself in its more elemental forms. Jung's twentieth-century psychological methods -- including that of "active imagination" -- are direct survivors of this Romantic praxis.

As Ellenberger and others have briefly pointed out, it is with these early Romantic Naturphilosophen that we feel closest to a living tradition -- albeit one that was driven underground -- that resurfaces in the work of Jung. [8] Jung's own biological position and his fascination with the Urtyp seem to place him directly within the speculative or metaphysical schools of Naturphilosophie, despite his later attempts to integrate this idealism regarding mechanistic evolutionary concepts with his own phylogenetic theories. [9] Jung mentions Carus throughout his life, in the same breath with von Hartmann, as a major influence on his idea of a collective unconscious, and he read both men during his student years. [10] Jung was particularly taken with Carus's Psyche (1846). In Mysterium Coniunctionis (1955-1956), a late work that comprises CW 14, Jung says:

the psychology of the unconscious that began with C. G. Carus took up the trail that had been lost by the alchemists. This happened, remarkably enough, at a moment in history when the apparitions of the alchemists had found their highest poetic expression in Goethe's Faust. At the time Carus wrote, he certainly could not have guessed that he was building the philosophical bridge to an empirical psychology of the future. [11]

A few of the philosophical perspectives associated with Naturphilosophie (teleology, etc.) survived in the nineteenth-century biophysics movement that Freud and Jung both encountered as part of their medical training, Freud in the 1870s and Jung in the 1890s. Although psychiatric historian Iago Galdston has argued for a greater acknowledgment of the influence of the vitalism of the romantic Naturphilosophen on Freud through his influential friend Wilhelm Fliess and his vitalistic theories based on ideas of periodicity, polarity, and bisexuality -- all familiar concepts in romantic Naturphilosophie -- other scholars such as Frank Sulloway and Paul Cranefield have challenged this. [12] Freud's first-degree intellectual ancestors were, in part, the reductionistic scientific materialists, including his beloved mentor, Ernst von Brucke. [13] However, the affinities between the Naturphilosophen and Jung, as we have seen, were acknowledged repeatedly by Jung himself. It is tempting to speculate that the eventual incompatibility of ideas between Jung and Freud can be attributed to their very partisan participation in a greater battle in the biological sciences between vitalistic Naturphilosophie and mechanistic Naturwissenschaft.

This idealism of Naturphilosophie was eventually challenged and successfully replaced by the work of the Kantian "teleomechanists" or "vital materialists" such as Johann Blumenbach, Karl Kielmeyer, Johann Christian Reil, and Karl Ernst von Baer; [14] by "scientific materialists" such as Karl Vogt, Jacob Moleschott, Ludwig Buchner, and Heinrich Czolbe; [15] and by the mechanism of evolutionists such as Darwin and German zoologist Ernst Haeckel. It was Haeckel who, along with Freud (but in a different vein), took scientific renown one step further and designed secular paths of cultural renewal or regeneration that were greatly influenced by evolutionary biological training. [16]


It may seem outrageous to write a book on Jung without devoting considerable space to his relationship with Freud, but that relationship has been discussed in so many other volumes, and at such great length, that it would be impossible to do justice to yet another retelling of the Freud/Jung myth here. Perhaps the best such exposition is John Kerr's A Most Dangerous Method: The Story of Jung, Freud, and Sabina Spielrein. [17] It is time to step out of this important -- but limiting -- intellectual context. Instead, I would like to briefly draw attention to some alternative perspectives on Jung's involvement with Freud and psychoanalysis that, to my knowledge, have not been adequately addressed. In particular, I am interested in the historical role of psychoanalysis as a type of Lebensphilosophie and revitalization movement in a fin-de-siecle world of degeneration and decay.

In his autobiographical statements, seminars, and filmed interviews, Jung always acknowledges that Freud was a great man and his master. It would not be unreasonable to say that Freud was Jung's first experience of someone he considered a true living genius. In this regard, their relationship was analogous to Nietzsche's relationship with Richard Wagner, "the Master." In the presence of genius, both Nietzsche and Jung wisely observed, absorbed, and imitated. After repeated exposure to the genius and his ever-changing ideas (so true to the inconstant, mercurial nature of a genius!), however, the luster of divinity began to wear. In Jung's case, it was the seven weeks he spent with Freud on ships and in America in autumn 1909, each of them analyzing the other's dreams daily; for Nietzsche, it was the repeated personal contact with Wagner and especially the cult-like atmosphere the Meister himself encouraged at the first Bayreuth festival in 1876. Nietzsche's rupture with Wagner and Jung's dissociation from Freud are played out according to nineteenth-century scripts of "genius": once one recognizes the spark of genius in oneself, there is no longer any need for discipleship. [18]

What attracted Jung to Freud and his ideas for so many years (1905-1912) and with such devotion? Volumes have been written trying to understand this relationship. In addition to Freud's charisma as a living exemplum of "genius," I propose that Jung was attracted to the practical aspects of Freudian psychoanalysis:

1. as a way to overcome the onus of hereditary degeneration in his institutionalized patients (and perhaps in himself)

2. by its later role as an agent of cultural revitalization through its core Nietzschean themes of uncovering, bond-breaking, and of irrationality and sexuality

Psychoanalysis was originally a supposedly medical and then a cultural movement that promised a better existence (freedom from symptoms, self-knowledge) for the successfully analyzed. Full access to memory was the key to revitalization. These memories were sexual, infantile, and above all personal. This was indeed the basic message of the work that drew the world's attention to Freud and his mentor Josef Breuer, Studies on Hysteria (1895). [19]

It has been persuasively argued that Freud's conceptualization of psychoanalysis as a cultural movement was a "scientific" path (unlike political paths such as Marxism) to achieve liberal political revolution for marginalized groups such as Jews in an increasingly conservative and anti-Semitic Vienna. [20] Yet we must remember that psychoanalysis was absolutely unknown to the common citizen of Austria-Hungary at the time. It is often still forgotten that although he named and began practicing what he called psychoanalysis in his Viennese office in the mid-1890s, until 1900 or so Freud, working in his "splendid isolation," was the psychoanalytic movement. By 1902 Freud found four Jewish physicians (primarily internists) -- Alfred Adler, Max Kahane, Rudolph Reitler, and Wilhelm Stekel -- who were interested enough in his ideas to meet with him weekly at 19 Bergasse at meetings dominated by his intellect. This was the famous Psychological Wednesday Evening Circle, which grew to seventeen members by 1906 (the year that Freud and Jung began their correspondence; they first met in early 1907). In 1908 the First International Congress was held in Salzburg, Austria, attended by forty participants from six countries and in that same year Freud's Wednesday group was renamed the Vienna Psychoanalytic Society. In 1910 the International Psychoanalytic Association was founded, with Jung as its first president. By 1910 there were two official psychoanalytic journals.

The Viennese psychoanalytic movement grew rapidly in professional circles in Europe and America only after 1911 or so, but its first fateful success was the relative conversion of a group of eminent Swiss alienists (Bleuler, Jung, and their colleagues) at the Burgholzli by 1904 or so. [21] Bleuler (1857-1939), as chief of the Burgholzli, also held the prestigious Chair in Psychiatry at the University of Zurich, which, along with the other such Chairs in Vienna and Berlin, made him and his clinic one of the top three centers of modern psychiatry in Europe -- indeed, in the whole world. When Bleuler and the Swiss took Freud seriously, others in Europe and elsewhere began to do so as well.

An often unacknowledged advantage of Freud's psychoanalytic theory was its shift of etiological significance from biological hereditarian factors (degeneration) to psychodynamic ones (repressed traumatic memories, etc.) in its earliest theoretical formations. Thus one was not doomed by the fate of one's "bad blood" and indeed, one could be renewed through psychoanalytic treatment. This made psychoanalysis especially attractive to the "tainted," including those tainted in Central European culture by their ethnicity, such as Jews. [22] According to psychiatric historian Sander Gilman, Freud "repudiated the model of degeneracy" despite the other dominant nineteenth-century biological assumptions of his theories. [23]

The introduction of a method of treatment that seemed to bypass the biological fate of degeneration and perhaps even reverse its symptoms must have seemed particularly attractive to those -- like Jung -- who were toiling in institutions where hopeless cases seemed to be the rule and not the exception. Other than ordering and perhaps administering the usual somatic treatments (baths, electrotherapy, work therapy, opiates and barbiturates, muffs, camisoles, and other physical restraints), psychiatrists in such institutions engaged in typical medical examination and the diagnostic classification of patients. The claims that Freud was making about psychoanalysis circa 1905 would seem like a ray of hope to the psychiatrist confined with his patients in the back wards of asylums, which were storerooms of human degeneration. Dementia praecox, as Kraepelin first defined it in his famous textbook in 1893, was a degenerative psychotic disorder. Jung, despite his obvious philosophical nature, was always interested in the practical application of ideas in the form of therapeutic methods. Although in his writings at this time (1904-1905) Freud actually said very little about how one should perform psychoanalysis, Jung and his fellow physicians at the Burgholzli attempted to read between the lines of Freud's writings and practice psychoanalysis on their patients. It was the first step towards liberation from hereditary taint that Jung would complete with his own unique formulations in 1916.

The evolution of the psychoanalytic movement from one based on primarily clinical concerns to a totalizing cultural revitalization has been documented by Kerr. [24] Conspicuously few scholars have dared to examine the psychoanalytic movement from the perspective of the sociology of religion even though, as Sulloway notes, "the discipline of psychoanalysis, which has always tapped considerable religious fervor among its adherents, has increasingly come to resemble a religion in its social organization" with its "secular priesthood of soul doctors." [25]

No single study of Freud's branch of the psychoanalytic movement as a charismatic group has been conducted, although, indeed, during the rise of psychoanalysis that was precisely how many viewed the energetic efforts and genius-cult of the "secret committee" circle surrounding Freud and the worldwide movement they promoted. As many other charismatic groups did, following the urgings of the Lebensphilosophen, Freudians appealed to "experience." They believed and violently argued that one could only understand Freud or psychoanalysis after being analyzed by a Freudian psychoanalyst. This reliance upon a specialist elite -- initiated into secret, "occult" knowledge -- who proceeded by an essentially "intuitive" method, illustrates the basis of psychoanalysis in an "aristocratic epistomology." Ironically, given Freud's alliance with reductionist materialism and atheism, in the twentieth century the psychoanalytic movement took on a more than passing resemblance to the nineteenth-century German vitalistic or Lebensphilosophie traditions that left the confines of academia and became social and cultural movements of Lebensreform. [26] The proselytizing Freudians did give Weber, the German "father of sociology," some serious concern, for in private correspondence as early as 1907 he singled out Freud's movement as a quasi-mystical charismatic group based on the personality and ideas of a charismatic leader who was considered to have almost divine qualities. [27]

Others noted the cult-like nature of the psychoanalytic movement as well. Starting in 1909, after the Clark Conference, Freud and psychoanalysis took the American psychiatric community by storm. [28] An apocryphal story about the 1909 ocean voyage to America has Freud turning to Jung and saying, as they arrive in New York harbor, "Don't they know that we're bringing them the plague?" History cannot deny that Freudianism began to infect the North American psychiatric community after this visit, but some critics were immune to the virus. The eminent Columbia University experimental psychologist Robert S. Woodworth charged Freudian psychoanalysis was an "uncanny religion." [29] Another prominent American psychologist, Knight Dunlap, asserted in his early polemical work, Mysticism, Freudianism, and Scientific Psychology, that "psychoanalysis attempts to creep in wearing the uniform of science, and to strangle it from the inside."  [30] Many others also rejected psychoanalysis as an atheistic and materialistic cult. [31]


Another European movement explicitly designed to be an "anti-Christian" path of Lebensreform was the "Monistic Religion" of Ernst Haeckel (1834-1919). From his post as professor of zoology at the University of Jena, Haeckel dominated German evolutionary biology in the second half of the nineteenth century and was the most prominent proponent of the social implications of Darwinian theory. Over the years Haeckel made many creative departures from Darwin, so many in fact that the tenets of Darwinism were occluded by the renovations of Haeckelism. Since he was a prolific author, and wrote books and articles for both the scholarly and popular presses, it has been said that he dominated the discussion of evolutionary theory in German Europe by providing "the most comprehensive surveys of the Darwinist position authored by a German." [32]

Haeckel published his views on human evolution in 1868, before Darwin did so in 1871 with The Descent of Man. [33] Darwin himself acknowledged Haeckel's priority by several years in formulating the theory of the descent of humans from simian ancestors. Historian of science and evolutionary biologist Ernst Mayr credits Haeckel for being "perhaps the first biologist to object vigorously to the notion that all science had to be like the physical sciences or to be based on mathematics." [34] Mayr says Haeckel was the first to insist that evolutionary biology was a historical science involving the historical methodologies of embryology, paleontology, and especially phylogeny.

In particular it was Haeckel's influential "Biogenetic Law" -- "ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny" -- based on the evidence of these historical methods in biology that eventually had profound implications not only for evolutionary biology, but for psychiatry and psychoanalysis, especially Jung's analytical psychology. Haeckel considered this law as a universal truth -- indeed, for much of his early career, perhaps the only universal truth. That the stages of individual development (ontogeny) could be shown to replicate, in order, the states of the development of the human race (phylogeny) was a compelling theory. Each adult human being, then, in both development and structure, was a living museum of the entire history of the species.

Taking this principle as a starting point, as early as 1866 Haeckel proposed a new "natural religion" based on the natural sciences, since "God reveals himself in all natural phenomena." [35] In many later publications he promoted his pantheistic natural religion based on scientific principles -- a philosophy he called "Monism" -- as a way of linking science and religion. Haeckel was interested in theorizing about the driving natural force of life and evolution, which he insisted Darwin left out of his (therefore) incomplete theories. His somewhat quasi-vitalistic descriptions of monism provided that. However, his first specific recommendations for a monistic religion came in 1892 in a speech in Altenburg. He argued fervently for a monism as a new faith founded on a "scientific Weltanschauung," thus going beyond a mere substitution of atheistic materialism for Christianity (as he was generally perceived as doing by his contemporaries and even by many historians today).....

In 1911 Nobel-laureate Wilhelm Ostwald of Leipzig University, a physical chemist, became president of the Monistenbund and founded a "monistic cloister" devoted to initiating Social Darwinian cultural reforms in the areas of eugenics, euthanasia, and economics. An elite devoted to the preservation of the Monistic Religion clustered around the charismatic Ostwald and his volkisch metaphysical works. [45] Indeed, it is these works of speculative philosophy (Ostwald even embraced the term Naturphilosopllie for this exercise) that made him an international figure long before his 1909 Nobel Prize, and many considered him a prophet of the modern age. [46][/size][/b]

We know that Ostwald was a significant influence on Jung in the formation of his theory of psychological types. Jung mentions Ostwald's division of men of genius into "classics" and "romantics" in his very first public presentation on psychological types at the Psychoanalytical Congress in Munich in September 1913 (published in a French translation in December of that year in Archives de Psychologie), [47] The classics and romantics correspond, according to Jung, to the "introverted type" and the "extraverted type" respectively. Long quotations from Ostwald appear in other of Jung's works between 1913 and 1921 -- precisely the period of Ostwald's most outspoken advocacy of eugenics, nature worship, and German imperialism through the Monistenbund. An entire chapter of Jung's Psychological Types is devoted favorably to these same ideas of Ostwald. [48] Except for a one-sentence comment that "the concept of energy in Ostwald's monism" is "an example of the superstitious overvaluation of facts," Ostwald is often cited at length and frequently favorably. [49] We have evidence that Jung read the Annalen der Naturphilosophie that Ostwald founded in 1901 and that contains some of his essays on his vitalistic "modern theory of energetics," which may have influenced Jung's own later theoretical work on "psychic energy." [50]....

The best documented [volkish] circle is the Guido von List Society, founded in Vienna in March 1908. Von List (1848-1919) was a Viennese mystic and magician who, among many other activities, participated in ancient German pagan rites in a Hungarian castle with his colleague Jorg Lanz von Liebenfels and playwright August Strindberg. As a youth List had an unusual experience in a cathedral that he later interpreted as his call to become an initiate into the mysteries of the ancient Teutons. He experienced a pagan mystery initiatory experience, he claimed, as a fourteen-year-old exploring the subterranean crypt of St. Stephen's Cathedral in Vienna. Through visionary experiences, the secret wisdom of the ages were passed down to him from the ancient Aryan brotherhood of spiritual beings known as the Armanen. The similarities between this idea and Blavatsky's secret doctrine and brotherhood are many, for indeed List and his closest followers had extensive connections with Eckstein's Vienna Theosophical Society and other Theosophical groups.

Among the important information imparted to List was the true occult interpretation of the Nordic runes. Also, since the "life-force" of the universe flowed from nature, List believed that being close to nature brought one closest to "truth." List trained his closest disciples to enter trances and attempt to listen to nature and "see with one's soul." The highest initiates in the hierarchical List society were said to possess the capacity to communicate directly with the spiritual Teutonic brotherhood of the Armanen. In "Ariosophist" organizations such as this, then, volkisch utopian theories are pursued with practical methodologies derived from spiritualism and Theosophy.

"We must read with our souls the landscape which archeology reconquers with the spade," List often said about his method of achieving "Intuitionen," according to his biographer Joseph Baltzli. [12] Such a methodology finds similarities with those of the Romantic Naturphilosophen, Blavatsky circa 1875 and, circa 1916, Jung and his technique of "active imagination."....

Like any educated Germanic European from this era with interests in Lebensphilosophie in its manifold forms, Jung's personal library contains many volumes published by the Eugen Diederichs Verlag, including editons of the Eddas and books by one of the analysts of the Zurich School who defected with Jung in 1914, Adolph Keller. [38] Indeed, Diederichs was perhaps the most important disseminator of Lebensphilosophie in Central Europe from 1896 to 1930. Diederichs personally chose the types of volumes he wished to reprint and that he felt should be read by his contemporaries, and his agenda was to deliberately resurrect the vitalism of the Lebensphilosophen to "help [it] achieve a greater contemporary effect." [39] Not surprisingly, many of the topics converge remarkably with the sources of Jung's intellectual influences. For example, in 1901 Diederichs began printing a multivolume series under the title Gott-Natur (God-Nature) that reprinted the works of Giordano Bruno, Paracelsus, Lamarck, Goethe, Carus, and other early nineteenth-century proponents of speculative Naturphilosophie upon which Jung built his theory of the archetypes.....


In a symbolic gesture of the volkisch sympathy between Jung and Keyserling, Jung wrote an essay on how the "earthly environment" shapes the human soul specifically for a book that Keyserling edited, Mensch und Erde (1927). By this point Jung had already moved away from a purely biological or racial model of the unconscious mind (in fact, he had done so by 1916 when he proposed a collective unconscious) and instead embraced the more transcendental claims of mysticism and old Romantic Naturphilosophie. However, as we saw, the volkisch movement, with the prominent backing of Haeckel, continued to embrace quasi-Lamarckian notions of Darwinian pangenesis that gave scientific justification for such environmental influences.

The idea of Bodenbeschaffenheit gained further scientific credibility in an age of increasing materialism through a volume by the German natural scientist Bernhard von Cotta, Deutschlands Boden: Sein Bau und dessen Einwirkung auf das Leben der Menschen (Germany's Soil: Its Construction and Effect on the Life of Humans), published in 1853. [75] Cotta's thesis was to demonstrate "what influence the geological structures of countries have on their peoples." [76] The union of Volk with landscape, of Blut und Boden, was supported by Cotta's vision of "ideal natural regions" that were interpreted by other volkisch commentators as justification for the idea of a German nation-state as an organic, natural body. Such "soft inheritance" was still a credible idea in some German scientific circles at the turn of the century. Sounding very much like Keyserling in his Travel Diary, Jung makes the following claims of pangenesis:

Just as, in the process of evolution, the mind has been molded by earthly conditions, so the same process repeats itself under our eyes today. Imagine a large section of some European nation transplanted to a strange soil and another climate. We can confidently expect this human group to undergo certain psychic and perhaps also physical changes in the course of a few generations, even without the admixture of foreign blood. [77]

As evidence, Jung cites the "marked differences" between Spanish, North African, German, and various Russian "varieties of Jews." He then goes on to predict the "Indianization of the American people," who were originally a "predominantly Germanic people." As evidence, Jung recalls watching "a stream of workers coming out of a factory" in 1912 in Buffalo and remarking to a friend that "I should never have thought there was such a high percentage of Indian blood." His American friend laughingly told Jung there wasn't a drop of Indian blood in any of them. Backpedaling, Jung deduced that it must have been the geography that shaped their phenotypic expression, not "Mendelian units" (genes). In an effort to further back up this typically volkisch logic, Jung cites the anthropometric work of the noted American anthropologist Franz Boas, whom Jung claims "has shown that anatomical changes begin already in the second generation of immigrants, chiefly in the measurements of the skull." [78]

The first indication of Jung's fascination with the idea of Bodenbeschaffenheit that was used so extensively by members of the Volkstumbewegung (especially by its most racist and anti- Semitic elements) is a report in a letter to Freud dated 6 April 1910 that he is reading a book by Maurice Low, The American People: A Study in National Psychology (1909), that "holds the climate largely responsible for the frequency of neurosis in America." Although the effect of climate in causing psychopathology is an idea dating to the ancient Greeks, Jung then gives it a decided volkisch twist by surmising, "Perhaps a harshly continental climate really is ill-suited to a race sprung from the sea." [79] Such logic could be reversed to argue that Jews whose ancestors were Semites from an arid, dry desert land do not fit in in Europe. Although Freud does not respond to Jung's comment, he was acutely aware that such logic was a major element in anti- Semitic rhetoric at this time....

Jung's use of the geological metaphor of the fiery magma of the earth's core as the central fire that connects all life, human and nonhuman, is related to an image that Jung invokes frequently during this period: that of the sun as the core of the human personality. This image of the psyche is represented in Jung's very first mandala drawing of 1916. [92] Indeed, geographical diagrams depicting a cross-sectioning of the earth and its magma core can indeed be seen as representing a fiery sun or star embedded at the center of the earth. If one accepts the theory that the earth was originally jettisoned from the sun, then indeed the hot core of the Earth is truly "sun." In a sense Jung owes this metaphor of the human personality, in part, to the Naturphilosophen for whom the earth was an anthropomorphized entity with its own soul or, indeed, psyche. [93] Psychotherapy could thus be imagined as a mining expedition or geographical exploration to reach the central source of life at the "core." As we shall see in a later chapter, this was indeed the case in the analysis of Hermann Hesse by one of Jung's disciples.

Both scientists and occultists have proposed a dynamic hot core similar to a sun deep within the planet. The French naturalist and philosopher the Comte de Buffon (1707-1788) believed that the earth had once been a fireball flung off from the sun, and that the crust was therefore the cooling exterior of a still volatile and extremely hot core of star matter. The material of the human body, it could thus be claimed, was made of star matter, making us all Sonnenkinder, "children of the sun." The often-cited maxim of the alchemists that was so dear to Jung, "as above, so below," thus takes on new meaning, as does another of Jung's favorite images -- the account of Apuleius (through the character Lucius) in Metamorphoses (Book 11) who claims "I saw the sun in the middle of the night" ("nocte media vidi solem") during a subterranean Isaic mystery-cult rite of initiation. Naturalists since the eighteenth century cited the worldwide prevalence of volcanoes and their lava flows as compelling scientific evidence of a hot molten core beneath the earth's crust, and the hypothesis of central heat or a central fire was a primary assumption of the vulcanist or plutonist school of geologists in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. [94] Geophysics and Naturphilosophie commonly overlapped at many junctures.

Thus, cross-sectional images of the planet since that time show a mandala-like sequence of concentric circles, indicating the Earth's various geological strata, with a central glowing spherical core of intense heat at its center. Such illustrations were common in the German popular-science journals that began to appear in the 1850s and would have been familiar images to the adolescent Jung. Jung's "geology of the personality" is hence based on a vulcanist or plutonist geophysical vision borrowed from his training in the natural sciences.

Also significant in Jung's 1925 lecture is his clear statement that he does not consider the collective unconscious to be solely inside the brain and nervous system. Since it can be located outside the brain, Jung says that "on this basis the main body of the collective unconscious cannot be strictly said to be psychological, but psychical." [95] This is an early appearance of a theoretical distinction Jung would make later in his career (in 1946) about the transcendental, quasi-physical, quasi-psychological, "psychoid" nature of the archetypes. Jung borrowed the term "psychoid" (as an adjective, not a noun) from the twentieth-century version of speculative Naturphilosophie and vitalism expounded by Bleuler, on "the natural history of the soul." [96] Both Bleuler and Jung attempted to distinguish themselves from the more nakedly vitalistic use of the term "die Psychoide" by Hans Driesch (1867-1941). [97] Jung's own full return to Naturphilosophie is never so clear as when he remarks,

We cannot repeat this distinction too often, for when I have referred to the collective unconscious as "outside" our brains, it has been assumed that I meant hanging somewhere in mid-air. After this explanation it will become clear to you that the collective unconscious is always working upon you through trans-subjective facts which are probably inside as well as outside yourselves. [98]

By documenting this phylogenetic layer of the unconscious mind one also learns about the earliest origins of the human race. Therefore, we learn something new about not only archaeology, but evolutionary biology. What Jung doesn't explicitly say -- but it is fundamental to his project to demonstrate the utility of psychoanalysis as the new Wissenschaft -- is that we also learn about the origins of the very planet we live on, and that this method can add to our knowledge of the earth sciences. The strong implication by Jung, especially after a brief flirtation with the cultural stages of Bachofenian theory circa 1912-1913, is that (1) the universality of solar symbolism in material from the phylogenetic unconscious and (2) evidence of still-existing sun worship in primitive societies around the world (which Jung would one day see for himself in Africa and in the American Southwest) are expressions of prephylogenetic memories from our inanimate history. As the earth sprang from the sun and took many millions of years to cool off before life emerged from nonlife and began the process of evolution, these memories of being torn from the sun must somehow be in the very matter that comprise our physical bodies. This is one of the areas in which Jung's line of thought parallels Henri Bergson's ideas and indeed may have been informed by them, for Bergson's hypothesis of a biological unconscious in which humans can intuit the memories of their evolutionary past was put forth in his books Mattiere et Memoire (Matter and Memory) in 1896 and L'Evolution Creatrice in 1907. Libido, Bergsonian elan vital, Lebenskraft (the old term of the Naturphilosophen and the vitalists for the "force of life"), and the sun are therefore indeed one. [57]....

Jung never deviated from vitalism throughout the remainder of his career. It was with the vitalistic school of evolutionary biology and it origins in the Naturphilosophie of the Romantics that Jung was always to remain -- even when new discoveries in genetics and other areas seemed to legitimize the predominant scientific worldview in the twentieth century that includes a biology based only on mechanistic materialism. As we shall see, Jung was most modern in his scientific worldview during these student years, after which his ideas slowly retreated further back into a philosophy that more closely resembled early nineteenth-century biological science and its Romantic idealism.....


Besides Jung's vigorous rejection of the Christian god and his guerilla war against the organized Judeo-Christian religions of his day, Jung also rejected the science of the early twentieth century and instead embraced the world view and methodologies of early nineteenth-century romantic conceptions of science. With the creation of his religious cult and its transcendental notions of a collective unconscious in 1916 Jung had already left the scientific world and academia, never to really return (despite later pleas for the scientific nature of his analytical psychology). The adoption of the additional theory of dominants or archetypes completed this break and formally allied Jung with Goethe, Cams, and the morphological idealists of the romantic or metaphysical schools of Naturphilosophie that reigned supreme between 1790 and 1830 in German scientific circles. [34]....

On the three basic types of Naturphilosophie (transcendental, romantic, and metaphysical Naturphilosophie) see Timothy Lenoir, "The Gottingen School and the Development of Transcendental Naturphilosophie in the Romantic Era," in William Coleman and Camille Limoges, eds., Studies in the History of Biology, Volume 5 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), pp. 111-205. See also the following: D. M. Knight, "The Physical Sciences and the Romantic Movement," History of Science 9 (1970): 54-75; H.A.M. Snelders, "Romanticism and Naturphilosophie and the Inorganic Natural Sciences, 1798-1840. An Introductory Survey," Studies in Romanticism 9 (1970): 193-215; Charles Culotta, "German Biophysics, Objective Knowledge and Romanticism," Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences 4 (1975): 3-38; Elke Hahn, "The Philosophy of Living Things: Schelling's Naturphilosophie as a Transition to the Philosophy of Identity," in Woodward and Cohen, World Views and Scientific Discipline Formation pp. 339-50; L. H. LeRoy, "Johann Christian Reil and Naturphilosophie in Physiologie" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1985); Helmut Muller-Sievers, "Epigenesis: Wilhelm von Humbolt und die Naturphilosophie" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1990); and Gunther B. Risse, "Kant, Schelling and the Early Search for a Philosophical Science of Medicine in Germany," Journal for the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 27 (1972): 145-58. Two useful essays on Naturphilosophie appear in the volume edited by G. S. Rousseau and Roy Porter, The Ferment of Knowledge: Studies in the Historiography of Eighteenth-Century Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980): Simon Schaffer, "Natural Philosophy" (pp. 55-91), and J. L. Heilbron, "Experimental Natural Philosophy" (pp. 357-87). The best collection of essays on Naturphilosophie, however, can be found in Herbert Harz, Rolf Lather, and Siegfried Wollgast, ed., Naturphilosophie van der Spekulation zur Wissenschaft (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1969).

-- The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement, by Richard Noll

Naturphilosophie (German for "nature-philosophy") is a term used in English-language philosophy to identify a current in the philosophical tradition of German idealism, as applied to the study of nature in the earlier 19th century. German speakers use the clearer term Romantische Naturphilosophie, the philosophy of nature developed at the time of the founding of German Romanticism. It is particularly associated with the philosophical work of Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph von Schelling[1] and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel[1]—though it has some clear precursors also. More particularly it is identified with some of the initial works of Schelling during the period 1797–9, in reaction to the views of Fichte, and subsequent developments from Schelling's position. Always controversial, some of Schelling's ideas in this direction are still considered of philosophical interest, even if the subsequent development of experimental natural science had a destructive impact on the credibility of the theories of his followers in Naturphilosophie.[2]

Naturphilosophie attempted to comprehend nature in its totality and to outline its general theoretical structure, thus attempting to lay the foundations for the natural sciences. In developing their theories, the German Naturphilosophen found their inspiration in the natural philosophy of the Ancient Greek Ionian philosophers.

As an approach to philosophy and science, Naturphilosophie has had a difficult reception. In Germany, neo-Kantians came to distrust its developments as speculative and overly metaphysical.[3] For most of the 19th and early 20th centuries, it was poorly understood in Anglophone countries. Over the years, it has been subjected to continuing criticism. Since the 1960s, improved translations have appeared, and scholars have developed a better appreciation of the objectives of Naturphilosophie.

Outline of development

The German Idealist philosopher Fichte had attempted to show that the whole structure of reality follows necessarily from the fact of self-consciousness. Schelling took Fichte's position as his starting-point, and in his earliest writings posited that nature must have reality for itself. In this light Fichte's doctrines appeared incomplete. On the one hand, they identified the ultimate ground of the universe of reason too closely with finite, individual Spirit. On the other, they threatened the reality of the world of nature by seeing it too much in the manner of subjective idealism. Fichte, in this view, had not managed to unite his system with the aesthetic view of nature to which Immanuel Kant's Critique of Judgment had pointed.

Naturphilosophie is therefore one possible theory of the unity of nature. Nature as the sum of what is objective, and intelligence as the complex of all the activities making up self-consciousness, appear as equally real. The philosophy of nature and transcendental idealism would be the two complementary portions making up philosophy as a whole.

German philosophy

Naturphilosophie translated into English would mean just "philosophy of nature", and its scope began to be taken in a broad way. Johann Gottfried Herder, particularly taken in opposition to Immanuel Kant, was a precursor of Schelling:

Herder's dynamic view of nature was developed by Goethe and Schelling and led to the tradition of Naturphilosophie[...][4]

Later Friedrich Schlegel theorised about a particular German strand in philosophy of nature, citing Jakob Böhme, Johannes Kepler and Georg Ernst Stahl, with Jan Baptist van Helmont as an edge case.[5] Frederick Beiser instead traces Naturphilosophie as developed by Schelling, Hegel, Schlegel and Novalis to a crux in the theory of matter, and identifies the origins of the line they took with the vis viva theory of matter in the work of Gottfried Leibniz.[6]

Subsequently Schelling identified himself with Baruch de Spinoza, to whose thought he saw himself as approaching. The Darstellung meines Systems, and the expanded treatment in the lectures on a System der gesamten Philosophie und der Naturphilosophie insbesondere given in Würzburg in 1804, contain elements of Spinoza's philosophy.


In a short space of time Schelling produced three works: Ideen zu einer Philosophie der Natur als Einleitung in das Studium dieser Wissenschaft, 1797 (Ideas for a Philosophy of Nature as Introduction to the Study of this Science); Von der Weltseele, 1798 (On the World Soul); and Erster Entwurf eines Systems der Naturphilosophie, 1799 (First Plan of a System of the Philosophy of Nature). As criticism of scientific procedure, these writings retain a relevance. Historically, according to Richards:

Despite the tentativeness of their titles, these monographs introduced radical interpretations of nature that would reverberate through the sciences, and particularly the biology, of the next century. They developed the fundamental doctrines of Naturphilosophie.

In System des transzendentalen Idealismus, 1800 (System of Transcendental Idealism) Schelling included ideas on matter and the organic in Part III. They form just part of a more ambitious work that takes up other themes, in particular aesthetics. From this point onwards Naturphilosophie was less of a research concern for him, as he reformulated his philosophy. However, it remained an influential aspect of his teaching. For a short while, he edited a journal, the Neue Zeitschrift für speculative Physik (bound volume 1802).[7]

Schelling's Naturphilosophie was a way in which he worked himself out of the tutelage of Fichte, with whom he quarrelled decisively towards the end of the 1790s. More than that, however, it brought him within the orbit of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, both intellectually and (as a direct consequence of Goethe's sympathetic attitude) by a relocation; and it broke with basic Kantian tenets. Grant writes:

Schelling's postkantian confrontation with nature itself begins with the overthrow of the Copernican revolution ...[8]

Schelling held that the divisions imposed on nature, by our ordinary perception and thought, do not have absolute validity. They should be interpreted as the outcome of the single formative energy which is the soul or inner aspect of nature. In other words he was a proponent of a variety of organicism. The dynamic series of stages in nature, the forms in which the ideal structure of nature is realized, are matter, as the equilibrium of the fundamental expansive and contractive forces; light, with its subordinate processes (magnetism, electricity, and chemical action); organism, with its component phases of reproduction, irritability and sensibility. The continual change presented to us by experience, taken together with the thought of unity in productive force of nature, leads to the conception of the duality through which nature expresses itself in its varied products.

In the introduction to the Ideen he argues against dogmatism, in the terms that a dogmatist cannot explain the organic; and that recourse to the idea of a cosmic creator is a feature of dogmatic systems imposed by the need to explain nature as purposive and unified.[9] Fichte's system, called the Wissenschaftslehre, had begun with a fundamental distinction between dogmatism (fatalistic) and criticism (free), as his formulation of idealism.[10]

Beiser divides up the mature form of Schelling's Naturphilosophie into the attitudes of transcendental realism (the thesis that "nature exists independent of all consciousness, even that of the transcendental subject") and transcendental naturalism (the thesis that "everything is explicable according to the laws of nature, including the rationality of the transcendental subject").[11] He notes how Naturphilosophie was first a counterbalance to Wissenschaftslehre, and then in Schelling's approach became the senior partner. After that, it was hardly to be avoided that Schelling would become an opponent of Fichte, having been a close follower in the early 1790s.

We are able to apprehend and represent nature to ourselves in the successive forms which its development assumes, since it is the same spirit of which we become aware in self-consciousness, though here unconsciously. The variety of its forms is not imposed on it externally, since there is no external teleology in nature. Nature is a self-forming whole, within which only natural explanations can be sought. The function of Naturphilosophie is to exhibit the ideal as springing from the real, not to deduce the real from the ideal.

Influence and critics of Naturphilosophie

Criticism of Naturphilosophie has been widespread, over two centuries. Schelling's theories, however influential in terms of the general culture of the time, have not survived in scientific terms. Like other strands of speculation in the life sciences, in particular, such as vitalism, they retreated in the face of experiment, and then were written out of the history of science as Whig history. But critics were initially not scientists (a term not used until later); rather they came largely from within philosophy and Romantic science, a community including many physicians. Typically, the retrospective views of scientists of the 19th century on "Romantic science" in general erased distinctions:

Scientific criticism in the nineteenth century took hardly any notice of the distinctions between Romantic, speculative and transcendental, scientific and aesthetic directions.[12]

One outspoken critic was the chemist Justus von Liebig, who compared Naturphilosophie with the Black Death.[13] Another critic, the physiologist Emil du Bois-Reymond, frequently dismissed Naturphilosophie as "bogus".[14]

Role in aesthetics

Isaiah Berlin summed up the reasons why Naturphilosophie had a wide-ranging impact on views of art and artists:

if everything in nature is living, and if we ourselves are simply its most self-conscious representatives, the function of the artist is to delve within himself, and above all to delve within the dark and unconscious forces which move within him, and to bring these to consciousness by the most agonising and violent internal struggle.[15]

Philosophical criticism

Fichte was very critical of the opposition set up in Schelling's Naturphilosophie to his own conception of Wissenschaftslehre. In that debate, Hegel then intervened, largely supporting his student friend Schelling, with the work usually called his Differenzschrift, the Differenz des Fichteschen und Schellingschen Systems der Philosophie (The Difference Between Fichte's and Schelling's System of Philosophy); a key publication in his own philosophical development, his first book, it was published in September 1801.[16]

Schelling's Absolute was left with no other function than that of removing all the differences which give form to thought. The criticisms of Fichte, and more particularly of Hegel (in the Preface to the Phenomenology of Spirit), pointed to a defect in the conception of the Absolute as mere featureless identity. It was ridiculed by Hegel as "the night in which all cows are black."[17][18]

Other views in Romantic science

Ignaz Paul Vitalis Troxler, a follower of Schelling, later broke with him.[19] He came to the view that the Absolute in nature and mind is beyond the intellect and reason.[12]


• Adam Karl August von Eschenmayer, engaged in controversy with Schelling from 1801, published Grundriss der Natur-Philosophie in 1832
• Carl Friedrich Kielmeyer, an influence on Schelling's thinking, he was a founder rather than a follower, and a proponent of recapitulation theory
• Johann Friedrich Meckel[20]
• Lorenz Oken[21]
• Hans Christian Ørsted[22]
• Johann Wilhelm Ritter[22]
• Henrik Steffens
• August Ludwig Hülsen
• Gottfried Reinhold Treviranus[23]
• Karl Joseph Hieronymus Windischmann


1. Frederick C. Beiser(2002), German Idealism: The Struggle Against Subjectivism 1781–1801, Harvard university Press, p. 506.
4. ... ew/160/269
5. Paola Mayer, Jena Romanticism and Its Appropriation of Jakob Böhme: Theosophy, Hagiography, Literature (1999), p. 127.
6. Frederick Beiser, 'The Enlightenment and Idealism', pp. 21–42, esp. pp. 32–33, in Karl Ameriks (editor) (2000), The Cambridge Companion to German Idealism.
7. Online text
8. Grant p. 6.
9. Dale E. Snow, Schelling and the end of Idealism (1996), p. 83.
10. Beiser 2002, p. 261.
11. Beiser 2002, p. 483.
12. ^ Dietrich von Engelhardt, Romanticism in Germany p. 112, in Roy Porterand Mikulaš Teich, editors, Romanticism in National Context (1988).
13. Siegbert Prawer (editor), The Romantic Period in Germany (1970), Introduction by Prawer p. 5.
14. du Bois-Reymond, Emil (1912). Reden. Leipzig: Veit. pp. vol. 2: 143, 258.
15. Isaiah Berlin, The Roots of Romanticism (Henry Hardy, editor) (2000), p. 89.
16. Terry Pinkard, Hegel (2000), p. 109.
17. Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich; (tr.), A. V. Miller (1998-01-01). Phenomenology of Spirit. Motilal Banarsidass Publ. p. 9. ISBN 9788120814738.
18. Hegel, Georg W. F. (2013-03-01). Phänomenologie des Geistes (in German). Meiner Verlag. ¶ 13. ISBN 378732464X.
19. ... xler-e.htm
20. Stephen Jay Gould, Ontogeny and Phylogeny (1977), p. 45.
21. Stephen Jay Gould, Ontogeny and Phylogeny (1977), p. 39.
22. ... ecture.htm


19th century

• F. W. J. Schelling, Einleitung zu den Ersten Entwurf (Sämtliche Werke Vol. III) – the most accessible account of Naturphilosophie in Schelling's own work.
• Kuno Fischer, Geschichte der neueren Philosophie, Vol. VI, pp. 433–692 – a detailed discussion by a 19th-century historian of philosophy.
• Frederick C. Beiser (2002), German Idealism: The Struggle Against Subjectivism 1781-1801
• Robert J. Richards (2002), The Romantic Conception of Life: Science and Philosophy in the Age of Goethe
• Iain Hamilton Grant (2006), Philosophies of Nature after Schelling
• Slavoj Žižek (1996), The Indivisible Remainder: Essays on Schelling and Related Matters, London: Verso.
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

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Society for Psychical Research
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/26/19



The second generation of the Cecil Bloc was famous at the time that it was growing up (and political power was still in the hands of the first generation) as "The Souls," a term applied to them partly in derision and partly in envy but used by themselves later. This group, flitting about from one great country house to another or from one spectacular social event to another in the town houses of their elders, has been preserved for posterity in the autobiographical volumes of Margot Tennant Asquith and has been caricatured in the writings of Oscar Wilde. The frivolity of this group can be seen in Margot Tennant's statement that she obtained for Milner his appointment to the chairmanship of the Board of Inland Revenue in 1892 merely by writing to Balfour and asking for it after she had a too brief romantic interlude with Milner in Egypt. As a respected scholar of my acquaintance has said, this group did everything in a frivolous fashion, including entering the Boer War and the First World War.

One of the enduring creations of the Cecil Bloc is the Society for Psychical Research, which holds a position in the history of the Cecil Bloc similar to that held by the Royal Institute of International Affairs in the Milner Group. The Society was founded in 1882 by the Balfour family and their in-laws, Lord Rayleigh and Professor Sidgwick. In the twentieth century it was dominated by those members of the Cecil Bloc who became most readily members of the Milner Group. Among these we might mention Gilbert Murray, who performed a notable series of experiments with his daughter, Mrs. Arnold J. Toynbee, in the years before 1914, and Dame Edith Lyttelton, herself a Balfour and widow of Arthur Balfour's closest friend, who was president of the Society in 1933-1934.

-- The Anglo-American Establishment: From Rhodes to Cliveden, by Carroll Quigley

Society for Psychical Research
Abbreviation SPR
Formation 1882; 137 years ago
Legal status Non-profit organisation
Purpose Parapsychology
1 Vernon Mews, West Kensington, London W14 0RL
Region served
Psi researchers
Prof Chris Roe
Main organ
SPR Council
Website SPR

The Society for Psychical Research (SPR) is a nonprofit organisation in the United Kingdom. Its stated purpose is to understand events and abilities commonly described as psychic or paranormal. It describes itself as the "first society to conduct organised scholarly research into human experiences that challenge contemporary scientific models."[1] It does not, however, since its inception in 1882, hold any corporate opinions: SPR members assert a variety of beliefs with regard to the nature of the phenomena studied.[2]


Henry Sidgwick, first president of the SPR

The Society for Psychical Research (SPR) originated from a discussion between journalist Edmund Rogers and the physicist William F. Barrett in autumn 1881. This led to a conference on the 5 and 6 January 1882 at the headquarters of the British National Association of Spiritualists which the foundation of the Society was proposed.[3] The committee included Barrett, Rogers, Stainton Moses, Charles Massey, Edmund Gurney, Hensleigh Wedgwood and Frederic W. H. Myers.[4] The SPR was formally constituted on the 20 February 1882 with philosopher Henry Sidgwick as its first president.[5][6][7]

The SPR was the first organisation of its kind in the world, its stated purpose being "to approach these varied problems without prejudice or prepossession of any kind, and in the same spirit of exact and unimpassioned enquiry which has enabled science to solve so many problems, once not less obscure nor less hotly debated."[8]

Other early members included the author Jane Barlow,[9] the renowned chemist Sir William Crookes, physicist Sir Oliver Lodge, Nobel laureate Charles Richet and psychologist William James.[10]

Members of the SPR initiated and organised the International Congresses of Physiological/Experimental psychology.[11][12]

Areas of study included hypnotism, dissociation, thought-transference, mediumship, Reichenbach phenomena, apparitions and haunted houses and the physical phenomena associated with séances.[11][13][14] The SPR were to introduce a number of neologisms which have entered the English language, such as 'telepathy', which was coined by Frederic Myers.[15]

The Society is run by a President and a Council of twenty members, and is open to interested members of the public to join. The organisation is based at 1 Vernon Mews, London, with a library and office open to members, and with large book and archival holdings in Cambridge University Library, Cambridgeshire, England.[16] It publishes the peer reviewed quarterly Journal of the Society for Psychical Research (JSPR), the irregular Proceedings and the magazine Paranormal Review. It holds an annual conference, regular lectures and two study days per year[1][17] and supports the LEXSCIEN on-line library project.[18]


Psychical research

Among the first important works was the two-volume publication in 1886, Phantasms of the Living, concerning telepathy and apparitions, co-authored by Gurney, Myers and Frank Podmore.[19] This text, and subsequent research in this area, was received negatively by the scientific mainstream,[12] though Gurney and Podmore provided a defense of the society's early work in this area in mainstream publications.[20][21][22][23][24]

The SPR "devised methodological innovations such as randomized study designs" and conducted "the first experiments investigating the psychology of eyewitness testimony (Hodgson and Davey, 1887), [and] empirical and conceptual studies illuminating mechanisms of dissociation and hypnotism"[11]

In 1894, the Census of Hallucinations was published which sampled 17,000 people. Out of these, 1, 684 persons reported having experienced a hallucination of an apparition.[25] Such efforts were claimed to have undermined "the notion of dissociation and hallucinations as intrinsically pathological phenomena"[11]

The SPR investigated many spiritualist mediums such as Eva Carrière and Eusapia Palladino.[26]

During the early twentieth century, the SPR studied a series of automatic scripts and trance utterances from a group of automatic writers, known as the cross-correspondences.[27]

Famous cases investigated by the Society include Borley Rectory and the Enfield Poltergeist.

In 1912 the Society extended a request for a contribution to a special medical edition of its Proceedings to Sigmund Freud. Though according to Ronald W. Clark (1980) "Freud surmised, no doubt correctly, that the existence of any link between the founding fathers of psychoanalysis and investigation of the paranormal would hamper acceptance of psychoanalysis" as would any perceived involvement with the occult. Nonetheless, Freud did respond, contributing an essay titled "A Note on the Unconscious in Psycho-Analysis"[28] to the Medical Supplement to the Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research.[29]

Exposures of fraud

Much of the early work involved investigating, exposing and in some cases duplicating fake phenomena. In the late 19th century, SPR investigations into séance phenomena led to the exposure of many fraudulent mediums.[30]

Richard Hodgson distinguished himself in that area. In 1884, Hodgson was sent by the SPR to India to investigate Helena Blavatsky and concluded that her claims of psychic power were fraudulent.[31]

In 1886 and 1887 a series of publications by S. J. Davey, Hodgson and Sidgwick in the SPR journal exposed the slate writing tricks of the medium William Eglinton.[32] Hodgson with his friend, S. J. Davey, had staged fake séances for educating the public (including SPR members). Davey gave sittings under an assumed name, duplicating the phenomena produced by Eglinton, and then proceeded to point out to the sitters the manner in which they had been deceived. Because of this, some spiritualist members such as Stainton Moses resigned from the SPR.[32]

In 1891, Alfred Russel Wallace requested for the Society to properly investigate spirit photography.[33] Eleanor Sidgwick responded with a critical paper in the SPR which cast doubt on the subject and discussed the fraudulent methods that spirit photographers such as Édouard Isidore Buguet, Frederic Hudson and William H. Mumler had utilised.[34]

Due to the exposure of William Hope and other fraudulent mediums, Arthur Conan Doyle led a mass resignation of eighty-four members of the Society for Psychical Research, as they believed the Society was opposed to spiritualism.[35] Science historian William Hodson Brock has noted that "By the 1900s most avowed spiritualists had left the SPR and gone back to the BNAS (the London Spiritualist Alliance since 1884), having become upset by the sceptical tone of most of the SPR's investigations."[36]

Criticism of the SPR

The Society has been criticised by both spiritualists and sceptics.

Criticism from spiritualists

Prominent spiritualists at first welcomed the SPR and cooperated fully. But relations soured when spiritualists discovered that the SPR would not accept outside testimony as proof, and the society accused some prominent mediums of fraud. Spiritualist Arthur Conan Doyle resigned from the SPR in 1930, to protest what he regarded as the SPR's overly restrictive standards of proof. Psychic investigator and believer in spiritualism Nandor Fodor criticised the SPR for its "strong bias" against physical manifestations of spiritualism.[37]

Criticism from sceptics

Trevor H. Hall, a critic of the SPR

Sceptics have criticised members of the SPR for having motives liable to impair scientific objectivity. According to SPR critics John Grant and Eric Dingwall (a member of the SPR), early SPR members such as Henry Sidgwick, Frederic W. H. Myers, and William Barrett hoped to cling to something spiritual through psychical research.[38][39] Myers stated that "[T]he Society for Psychical Research was founded, with the establishment of thought-transference--already rising within measurable distance of proof--as its primary aim."[40] Defenders of the SPR have stated in reply that "a ‘will to believe’ in post-mortem survival, telepathy and other scientifically unpopular notions, does not necessarily exclude a "will to know" and thus the capacity for thorough self-criticism, methodological rigour and relentless suspicion of errors."[41]

The sceptic and physicist Victor J. Stenger has written:

The SPR ... on occasion exposed blatant cases of fraud even their own credulous memberships could not swallow. But their journals have never succeeded in achieving a high level of credibility in the eyes of the rest of the scientific community. ... most articles usually begin with the assumption that psychic phenomena are demonstrated realities.[42]

Ivor Lloyd Tuckett an author of an early sceptical work on psychical research wrote that although the SPR have collected some valuable work, most of its active members have "no training in psychology fitting them for their task, and have been the victims of pronounced bias, as sometimes they themselves have admitted."[43] Trevor H. Hall, an ex-member of the Society for Psychical Research, criticised SPR members as "credulous and obsessive wish... to believe." Hall also claimed SPR members "lack knowledge of deceptive methods."[44]

Writer Edward Clodd asserted that the SPR members William F. Barrett and Oliver Lodge had insufficient competence for the detection of fraud and suggested that their spiritualist beliefs were based on magical thinking and primitive superstition.[45] Clodd described the SPR as offering "barbaric spiritual philosophy", and characterised the language of SPR members as using such terms as "subliminal consciousness" and "telepathic energy," as a disguise for "bastard supernaturalism."[46]

A 2004 psychological study involving 174 members of the Society for Psychical Research completed a delusional ideation questionnaire and a deductive reasoning task. As predicted, the study showed that "individuals who reported a strong belief in the paranormal made more errors and displayed more delusional ideation than sceptical individuals". There was also a reasoning bias which was limited to people who reported a belief in, rather than experience of, paranormal phenomena. The results suggested that reasoning abnormalities may have a causal role in the formation of paranormal belief.[47]

Some sceptical members have resigned from the SPR. Eric Dingwall resigned and wrote " After sixty years' experience and personal acquaintance with most of the leading parapsychologists of that period I do not think I could name half a dozen whom I could call objective students who honestly wished to discover the truth. The great majority wanted to prove something or other: They wanted the phenomena into which they were inquiring to serve some purpose in supporting preconceived theories of their own."[38]


The following is a list of presidents:

Society for Psychical Research

1882-1884 Henry Sidgwick (1838–1900), Professor, Trinity College, Cambridge; Philosopher and Economist
1885-1887 Balfour Stewart (1827–1887), Professor, Owenham College, Manchester; Physicist
1888-1892 Henry Sidgwick (→ 1882), Professor, Trinity College, Cambridge; Philosopher and Economist
1893 Arthur Balfour KG, OM, PC, DL (1848–1930), later Prime Minister, known for the Balfour Declaration
1894-1895 William James (1842–1910) Professor, Harvard University; American Psychologist, Philosopher and Physician
1896-1899 Sir William Crookes (1832–1919), Physical Chemist, discovered the element Thallium, invented the Crookes tube
1900 Frederic W. H. Myers (1843–1901), Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge; Classicist and Philosopher
1901-1903 Sir Oliver Lodge (1851–1940), Professor, University College, Liverpool; Physicist and Mathematician, developer of wireless telegraphy
1904 William F. Barrett FRS (1845–1926), Professor, Royal College of Science, Dublin; Experimental Physicist
1905 Charles Richet (1850–1935), Professor, Collège de France, Paris; French Physiologist, Nobel Prize in Medicine/Physiology 1913
1906-1907 Gerald Balfour (1853–1945), Politician, brother of Arthur Balfour; Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge
1908-1909 Eleanor Sidgwick (1845–1936), Principal, Newnham College, Cambridge; Physicist
1910 Henry Arthur Smith (1848–1922), Barrister-at-Law, Middle Temple, London; Lawyer and author of legal treatises
1911 Andrew Lang (1844–1912), Fellow, Merton College, Oxford; Classicist and writer on folklore, mythology, and religion
1912 William Boyd Carpenter KCVO (1841–1918), Pastoral Lecturer, Theology, Cambridge; Bishop of Ripon
1913 Henri Bergson (1859–1941) Professor, Collège de France, Paris; Chair of Modern Philosophy; Nobel Prize, Literature 1927
1914 F. C. S. Schiller (1864–1937), Fellow, Corpus Christi College, Oxford; Philosopher
1915-1916 Gilbert Murray (1866–1957), Regius Professor of Greek, University of Oxford; Classicist
1917-1918 Lawrence Pearsall Jacks (1860–1955), Professor, Manchester College, Oxford; Philosopher and Theologian
1919 John William Strutt, 3rd Baron Rayleigh OM, PRS (1842–1919), Cavendish Professor, Trinity College, Cambridge; Physicist, Nobel Prize, Physics 1904
1920-1921 William McDougall FRS (1871–1938), Professor, Duke University; Psychologist, founder J B Rhine Parapsychology Lab
1922 Thomas Walker Mitchell (1869–1944), Physician and Psychologist, Publisher of the British Journal of Medical Psychology 1920-1935
1923 Camille Flammarion (1842–1925), founder and first president of the Société Astronomique de France, author of popular science and science fiction works
1924-1925 John George Piddington (1869–1952), Businessman, John George Smith & Co., London
1926-1927 Hans Driesch (1867–1941), Professor, Universitaet Leipzig; German Biologist and Natural Philosopher, performed first animal cloning 1885
1928-1929 Sir Lawrence Evelyn Jones (1885–1955) Honorary Fellow, Balliol College, Oxford; Author
1930-1931 Walter Franklin Prince (1863–1934), Clergyman
1932 Eleanor Sidgwick (→ 1908) and Oliver Lodge (→ 1901)
1933-1934 Edith Lyttelton (born as Edith Balfour; 1865–1948), Writer
1935-1936 C. D. Broad (1887–1971), Philosopher
1937-1938 Robert Strutt, 4th Baron Rayleigh (1875–1947), Physicist
1939-1941 H. H. Price (1899–1984), Philosopher
1942-1944 Robert Henry Thouless (1894–1984), Psychologist
1945-1946 George Nugent Merle Tyrrell (1879–1952), Mathematician
1947-1948 William Henry Salter (1880–1969), Lawyer
1949 Gardner Murphy (1895–1979), Director of Research, Menninger Foundation, Topeka, Kansas; Psychologist
1950-1951 Samuel Soal (1889–1975), Mathematician
1952 Gilbert Murray (→ 1915)
1953-1955 F. J. M. Stratton (1881–1960), Astrophysicist, Professor in Cambridge University
1956-1958 Guy William Lambert (1889–1984), Diplomat
1958-1960 C. D. Broad (→ 1935)
1960-1961 H. H. Price (→ 1939)
1960-1963 E. R. Dodds (1893–1979), Hellenist, Professor in Birmingham and Oxford
1963-1965 Donald J. West (born 1924), Psychiatrist and criminologist
1965-1969 Sir Alister Hardy (1896–1985), Zoologist
1969-1971 W. A. H. Rushton (1901–1980), Physiologist, Professor in Cambridge
1971-1974 Clement Mundle (1916–1989), Philosopher
1974-1976 John Beloff (1920–2006), Psychologist at the University of Edinburgh
1976-1979 Arthur J. Ellison (1920–2000), Engineer
1980 Joseph Banks Rhine (1895–1980), Biologist and Parapsychologist
1980 Louisa Ella Rhine (1891–1983), Parapsychologist, wife of Joseph Rhine
1981-1983 Arthur J. Ellison (→ 1976)
1984-1988 Donald J. West (→ 1963)
1988-1989 Ian Stevenson (1918–2007), Psychiatrist
1992-1993 Alan Gauld (born 1932), Psychologist
1993-1995 Archie Roy (1924–2012), Professor of Astronomy in Glasgow, founded the Scottish SPR in 1987
1995-1998 David Fontana (1934–2010), Professor of Psychology in Cardiff
1998-1999 Donald J. West (→ 1963, → 1984)
2000-2004 Bernard Carr, Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy in London
2004-2007 John Poynton, Professor Emeritus of Biology, University of Natal
2007-2011 Deborah Delanoy, Parapsychologist
2011-2015 Richard S. Broughton, senior lecturer in psychology at The University of Northampton, UK
2015-2018 John Poynton (→2004)
2018- Chris Roe, Professor of Psychology, University of Northampton


The Society publishes Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research, the Journal of the Society for Psychical Research, and the Paranormal Review, as well as the online Psi Encyclopedia.[48][49][50]

Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research

First published in 1882 as a public record of the activities of the SPR, the Proceedings are now reserved for longer pieces of work, such as Presidential Addresses, and are only occasionally published.[51] The current editor is Dr David Vernon.

Journal of the Society for Psychical Research

The Journal of the Society for Psychical Research has been published quarterly since 1884. It was introduced as a private, members-only periodical to supplement the Proceedings.[51] It now focuses on current laboratory and field research, but also includes theoretical, methodological and historical papers on parapsychology. It also publishes book reviews and correspondence. The current editor is Dr David Vernon.

Paranormal Review

The Paranormal Review is the magazine of the Society for Psychical Research. Formerly known as the Psi Researcher, it has been published since 1996. Previous editors have included Dr Nicola J. Holt.[52] The current editor is Dr Leo Ruickbie.[49]

Other societies

A number of other psychical research organisations use the term 'Society for Psychical Research' in their name.

• Australia - In 1977 the Australian Institute of Parapsychological Research was founded.[53]
• Austria - Founded in 1927 as the Austrian Society for Psychical Research, today the Austrian Society for Parapsychology.[54]
• Canada - From 1908 to 1916 the Canadian Society for Psychical Research existed in Toronto.[55]
• Denmark - Selskabet for Psykisk Forskning (The Danish Society for Psychical Research) was founded in 1905.[56]
• Finland - Sällskapet för Psykisk Forskning (The Finnish Society for Psychical Research) was formed in 1907 by Arvi Grotenfelt as a first chairman, and the society existed until 2002. A splinter group for Finnish speaking people, Suomen parapsykologinen tutkimusseura (Parapsychological research society of Finland), still exists today.
• France - In 1885, a society called the Société de Psychologie Physiologique (Society for Physiological Psychology) was formed by Charles Richet, Théodule-Armand Ribot and Léon Marillier. It existed until 1890 when it was abandoned due to lack of interest.[57][58]
• Iceland - Sálarrannsóknarfélag Íslands (Icelandic Society for Psychical Research) was formed in 1918. It has a predecessor called the Experimental Society, which was founded in 1905.[59][60]
• Netherlands - The Studievereniging voor Psychical Research (Dutch for Society for Psychical Research) was founded in 1917.[61]
• Poland - The Polish Society for Psychical Research was very active before the second world war.[62]
• Scotland - The Scottish Society for Psychical Research is active today.[63]
• Sweden - Sällskapet för Parapsykologisk Forskning (the Swedish Society for Parapsychological Research) was founded in 1948.[64]
• USA - An American branch of the Society was formed as the American Society for Psychical Research (ASPR) in 1885, which became independent in 1906.[65] A splinter group, the Boston Society for Psychical Research existed from May 1925 to 1941.[66]

See also

• American Society for Psychical Research
• Institut suisse des sciences noétiques
• List of parapsychology topics


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4. Luckhurst, Roger. (2002). The Invention of Telepathy, 1870-1901. Oxford University Press. p. 51. ISBN 978-0199249626
5. Schultz, Bart. (2004). Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe: An Intellectual Biography. Cambridge University Press. p. 276. ISBN 978-0521829670
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20. Gurney, Edmund. (1887). Thought-transference. Science, 233-235.
21. Gurney, Edmund. (1887). Thought-transference. National Review, 9, 437-439
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24. Podmore, Frank. (1895). What Psychical Research Has Accomplished. The North American Review. Vol. 160, No. 460. pp. 331-344
25. Williams, William F. (2000). Encyclopedia of Pseudoscience: From Alien Abductions to Zone Therapy. Routledge. p. 49. ISBN 1-57958-207-9
26. Anderson, Rodger. (2006). Psychics, Sensitives and Somnambules: A Biographical Dictionary with Bibliographies. McFarland & Company. pp. 14-132. ISBN 978-0786427703
27. Edmunds, Simeon. (1966). Spiritualism: A Critical Survey. Aquarian Press. pp. 178-180. ISBN 978-0850300130
28. 1912 Proceedings of the Society for Psychical Research, 26 (Part 66), 312-18.
29. Keeley, James P. "Subliminal Promptings: Psychoanalytic Theory and the Society for Psychical Research." American Imago, vol. 58 no. 4, 2001, pp. 767-791. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/aim.2001.0021
30. Moreman, Christopher M. (2010). Beyond the Threshold: Afterlife Beliefs and Experiences in World Religions. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. p. 163. ISBN 978-0-7425-6228-8 "SPR investigators quickly found that many mediums were indeed, as skeptics had alleged, operating under cover of darkness in order to perpetrate scams. They used a number of tricks facilitated by darkness: sleight of hand was used to manipulate objects and touch people eager to make contact with deceased loved ones; flour or white lines would give the illusion of spectral white hands or faces; accomplices were even stashed under tables or in secret rooms to lent support in the plot... As the investigations of the SPR, and other skeptics, were made public, many fraudulent mediums saw their careers ruined and many unsuspecting clients were enraged at the deception perpetrated."
31. Oppenheim, Janet. (1988). The Other World: Spiritualism and Psychical Research in England, 1850-1914. pp. 175-176. ISBN 978-0521347679
32. Oppenheim, Janet. (1988). The Other World: Spiritualism and Psychical Research in England, 1850-1914. Cambridge University Press. pp. 139-140. ISBN 978-0521347679
33. "The Belief in Spirit Photography". Martyn Jolly.
34. Edmunds, Simeon. (1966). Spiritualism: A Critical Survey. Aquarian Press. p. 115. ISBN 978-0850300130 "The early history of spirit photography was reviewed by Mrs Henry Sidgwick in the Proceedings of the SPR in 1891. She showed clearly not only that Mumler, Hudson, Buguet and their ilk were fraudulent, but the way in which those who believed in them were deceived."
35. Nelson, G. K. (2013). Spiritualism and Society. Routledge. p. 159. ISBN 978-0415714624
36. Brock, William Hodson. (2008). William Crookes (1832–1919) and the Commercialization of Science. Ashgate Publishing. p. 206. ISBN 978-0754663225
37. Nandor Fodor, An Encyclopedia of Psychic Science (Secaucus, N.J.: Citadel, 1966) 350-352.
38. Dingwall, Eric. (1985). The Need for Responsibility in Parapsychology: My Sixty Years in Psychical Research. In Paul Kurtz. A Skeptic's Handbook of Parapsychology. Prometheus Books. pp. 161-174. ISBN 0-87975-300-5 Author John Grant stated that prominent member F. W. H. Myers held that telepathy, according to some speculative explanations, might, in demonstrating that mind could communicate with mind apart from recognised channels, provide evidence supporting the proposition that human personality could continue after the death of the body. "Thus the supernatural might be proved by science, and psychical research might become, in the words of Sir William Barrett, a handmaid to religion."
39. Grant, John. (2015). Spooky Science: Debunking the Pseudoscience of the Afterlife. Sterling Publishing. pp. 23-24. ISBN 978-1-4549-1654-3
40. Woerlee, G. M. (2011). "Review of Consciousness Beyond Life by Pim van Lommel". Retrieved 2016-12-19.
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45. Clodd, Edward. (1917). The Question: A Brief History and Examination of Modern Spiritualism. Grant Richards, London. pp. 265-301
46. Luckhurst, Roger. (2002). The Invention of Telepathy: 1870-1901. Oxford University Press. p. 163. ISBN 978-0199249626
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Further reading

SPR histories

• Bennett, Edward T. (1903). The Society for Psychical Research: Its Rise & Progress & A Sketch of its Work. London: R. Brimley Johnson.
• Gauld, Alan. (1968). The Founders of Psychical Research. Routledge & Kegan Paul. ISBN 978-0710060679
• Haynes, Renee. (1982). The Society for Psychical Research 1882-1982: A History. London: MacDonald & Co. ISBN 978-0356078755
• Salter, William Henry. (1948). The Society for Psychical Research: An Outline of its History. Society for Psychical Research.
Scholarly studies
• Cerullo, John. (1982). Secularization of the Soul: Psychical Research in Modern Britain. Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues. ISBN 978-0897270281
• Luckhurst, Roger. (2002). The Invention of Telepathy, 1870-1901. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0199249626
• McCorristine, Shane. (2010). Spectres of the Self: Thinking about Ghosts and Ghost-Seeing in England, 1750-1920. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521747967
• Oppenheim, Janet. (1988). The Other World: Spiritualism and Psychical Research in England, 1850-1914. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521347679
• McCabe, Joseph. (1920). Scientific Men and Spiritualism: A Skeptic's Analysis. The Living Age. June 12. pp. 652–657. A sceptical look at SPR members who had supported Spiritualism, concludes they were duped by fraudulent mediums.
• Brandon, Ruth. (1983). The Spiritualists: The Passion for the Occult in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-0394527406
• Hyman, Ray. (1989). The Elusive Quarry: A Scientific Appraisal of Psychical Research. Prometheus Books. ISBN 978-0879755041

External links

• SPR home page
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