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John Ruskin
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/3/19



John Ruskin
Ruskin in 1863
Born: 8 February 1819, 54 Hunter Street, Brunswick Square, London, England
Died: 20 January 1900 (aged 80), Brantwood, Coniston, Lancashire, England
Occupation: Writer, art critic, draughtsman, watercolourist, social thinker
Nationality: English
Alma mater: Christ Church, Oxford, King's College, London
Period: Victorian era
Notable works: Modern Painters 5 vols. (1843–1860), The Seven Lamps of Architecture (1849), The Stones of Venice 3 vols. (1851–1853), Unto This Last (1860, 1862), Fors Clavigera (1871–1884), Praeterita 3 vols. (1885–1889).
Spouse: Effie Gray, (m. 1848; ann. 1854)

John Ruskin (8 February 1819 – 20 January 1900) was the leading English art critic of the Victorian era, as well as an art patron, draughtsman, watercolourist, a prominent social thinker and philanthropist. He wrote on subjects as varied as geology, architecture, myth, ornithology, literature, education, botany and political economy.

His writing styles and literary forms were equally varied. He penned essays and treatises, poetry and lectures, travel guides and manuals, letters and even a fairy tale. He also made detailed sketches and paintings of rocks, plants, birds, landscapes, and architectural structures and ornamentation.

The elaborate style that characterised his earliest writing on art gave way in time to plainer language designed to communicate his ideas more effectively. In all of his writing, he emphasised the connections between nature, art and society.

He was hugely influential in the latter half of the 19th century and up to the First World War. After a period of relative decline, his reputation has steadily improved since the 1960s with the publication of numerous academic studies of his work. Today, his ideas and concerns are widely recognised as having anticipated interest in environmentalism, sustainability and craft.

Ruskin first came to widespread attention with the first volume of Modern Painters (1843), an extended essay in defence of the work of J. M. W. Turner in which he argued that the principal role of the artist is "truth to nature." From the 1850s, he championed the Pre-Raphaelites, who were influenced by his ideas. His work increasingly focused on social and political issues. Unto This Last (1860, 1862) marked the shift in emphasis. In 1869, Ruskin became the first Slade Professor of Fine Art at the University of Oxford, where he established the Ruskin School of Drawing. In 1871, he began his monthly "letters to the workmen and labourers of Great Britain", published under the title Fors Clavigera (1871–1884). In the course of this complex and deeply personal work, he developed the principles underlying his ideal society. As a result, he founded the Guild of St George, an organisation that endures today.

Early life (1819–1846)


Ruskin was the only child of first cousins.[1] His father, John James Ruskin, (1785–1864), was a sherry and wine importer,[1] founding partner and de facto business manager of Ruskin, Telford and Domecq (see Allied Domecq). John James was born and brought up in Edinburgh, Scotland, to a mother from Glenluce and a father originally from Hertfordshire.[1][2] His wife, Margaret Cock (1781–1871), was the daughter of a publican in Croydon.[1] She had joined the Ruskin household when she became companion to John James's mother, Catherine.[1]

John James had hoped to practice law, and was articled as a clerk in London.[1] His father, John Thomas Ruskin, described as a grocer (but apparently an ambitious wholesale merchant), was an incompetent businessman. To save the family from bankruptcy, John James, whose prudence and success were in stark contrast to his father, took on all debts, settling the last of them in 1832.[1] John James and Margaret were engaged in 1809, but opposition to the union from John Thomas, and the problem of his debts, delayed the couple's wedding. They finally married, without celebration, in 1818.[3] John James died on 3 March 1864 and is buried in the churchyard of St John the Evangelist, Shirley, Croydon.

The grave of John James Ruskin in the churchyard of St John the Evangelist, Shirley, Croydon

Childhood and education

Ruskin as a young child, painted by James Northcote.

Ruskin was born on 8 February 1819 at 54 Hunter Street, Brunswick Square, London (demolished 1969), south of St Pancras railway station.[4] His childhood was shaped by the contrasting influences of his father and mother, both of whom were fiercely ambitious for him. John James Ruskin helped to develop his son's Romanticism. They shared a passion for the works of Byron, Shakespeare and especially Walter Scott. They visited Scott's home, Abbotsford, in 1838, but Ruskin was disappointed by its appearance.[5] Margaret Ruskin, an evangelical Christian, more cautious and restrained than her husband, taught young John to read the Bible from beginning to end, and then to start all over again, committing large portions to memory. Its language, imagery and parables had a profound and lasting effect on his writing.[6] He later wrote:

She read alternate verses with me, watching at first, every intonation of my voice, and correcting the false ones, till she made me understand the verse, if within my reach, rightly and energetically.

— Praeterita, XXXV, 40

Ruskin's childhood was spent from 1823 at 28 Herne Hill (demolished c. 1912), near the village of Camberwell in South London.[7] He had few friends of his own age, but it was not the friendless and toyless experience he later claimed it was in his autobiography, Praeterita (1885–89).[4] He was educated at home by his parents and private tutors, and from 1834 to 1835 he attended the school in Peckham run by the progressive evangelical, Thomas Dale (1797–1870).[8] Ruskin heard Dale lecture in 1836 at King's College, London, where Dale was the first Professor of English Literature.[4] Ruskin went on to enroll and complete his studies at King's College, where he prepared for Oxford under Dale's tutelage.[9][10]


10 Rose Terrace, Perth (on the right), where Ruskin spent boyhood holidays with Scottish relatives

Ruskin was greatly influenced by the extensive and privileged travels he enjoyed in his childhood. It helped to establish his taste and augmented his education. He sometimes accompanied his father on visits to business clients at their country houses, exposing him to English landscapes, architecture and paintings. Family tours took them to the Lake District (his first long poem, Iteriad, was an account of his tour in 1830)[11] and to relatives in Perth, Scotland. As early as 1825, the family visited France and Belgium. Their continental tours became increasingly ambitious in scope, so that in 1833 they visited Strasbourg, Schaffhausen, Milan, Genoa and Turin, places to which Ruskin frequently returned. He developed his lifelong love of the Alps, and in 1835 he first visited Venice,[12] that 'Paradise of cities' that provided the subject and symbolism of much of his later work.[13]

The tours provided Ruskin with the opportunity to observe and to record his impressions of nature. He composed elegant if largely conventional poetry, some of which was published in Friendship's Offering.[14] His early notebooks and sketchbooks are full of visually sophisticated and technically accomplished drawings of maps, landscapes and buildings, remarkable for a boy of his age. He was profoundly affected by Samuel Rogers's poem, Italy (1830), a copy of which was given to him as a 13th birthday present. In particular, he admired deeply the accompanying illustrations by J. M. W. Turner, and much of Ruskin's art in the 1830s was in imitation of Turner, and Samuel Prout whose Sketches Made in Flanders and Germany (1833) he also admired. His artistic skills were refined under the tutelage of Charles Runciman, Copley Fielding and J. D. Harding.

First publications

Ruskin's journeys also provided inspiration for writing. His first publication was the poem "On Skiddaw and Derwent Water" (originally entitled "Lines written at the Lakes in Cumberland: Derwentwater" and published in the Spiritual Times) (August 1829).[15] In 1834, three short articles for Loudon's Magazine of Natural History were published. They show early signs of his skill as a close "scientific" observer of nature, especially its geology.[16]

From September 1837 to December 1838, Ruskin's The Poetry of Architecture was serialised in Loudon's Architectural Magazine, under the pen name "Kata Phusin" (Greek for "According to Nature").[17] It was a study of cottages, villas, and other dwellings centred on a Wordsworthian argument that buildings should be sympathetic to their immediate environment and use local materials. It anticipated key themes in his later writings. In 1839, Ruskin's 'Remarks on the Present State of Meteorological Science' was published in Transactions of the Meteorological Society.[18]


In Michaelmas 1836, Ruskin matriculated at the University of Oxford, taking up residence at Christ Church in January of the following year.[19] Enrolled as a gentleman-commoner, he enjoyed equal status with his aristocratic peers. Ruskin was generally uninspired by Oxford and suffered bouts of illness. Perhaps the keenest advantage of his time in residence was found in the few, close friendships he made. His tutor, the Rev Walter Lucas Brown, was always encouraging, as were a young senior tutor, Henry Liddell (later the father of Alice Liddell) and a private tutor, the Rev Osborne Gordon.[20] He became close to the geologist and natural theologian, William Buckland. Among Ruskin's fellow undergraduates, the most important friends were Charles Thomas Newton and Henry Acland.

His biggest success came in 1839 when at the third attempt he won the prestigious Newdigate Prize for poetry (Arthur Hugh Clough came second).[21] He met William Wordsworth, who was receiving an honorary degree, at the ceremony.

Ruskin never achieved independence at Oxford. His mother lodged on High Street and his father joined them at weekends. His health was poor and he was devastated to hear that his first love, Adèle Domecq, second daughter of his father's business partner, was engaged to a French nobleman. In the midst of exam revision, in April 1840, Ruskin coughed blood, raising fears of consumption, and leading to a long break from Oxford.[22]

Before he returned, Ruskin answered a challenge set down by Effie Gray, whom he later married. The twelve-year-old Effie had asked him to write a fairy story. During a six-week break at Leamington Spa to undergo Dr Jephson's (1798–1878) celebrated salt-water cure, Ruskin wrote his only work of fiction, the fable, The King of the Golden River (not published until December 1850 (but imprinted 1851) with illustrations by Richard Doyle).[23] A work of Christian sacrificial morality and charity, it is set in the Alpine landscape Ruskin loved and knew so well. It remains the most translated of all his works.[24] Back at Oxford, in 1842 Ruskin sat for a pass degree, and was awarded an uncommon honorary double fourth-class degree in recognition of his achievements.

Modern Painters I (1843)

Engraving of John Ruskin by Henry Sigismund Uhlrich

For much of the period from late 1840 to autumn 1842, Ruskin was abroad with his parents, mainly in Italy. His studies of Italian art were chiefly guided by George Richmond, to whom the Ruskins were introduced by Joseph Severn, a friend of Keats (whose son, Arthur Severn, later married Ruskin's cousin, Joan). He was galvanised into writing a defence of J. M. W. Turner when he read an attack on several of Turner's pictures exhibited at the Royal Academy. It recalled an attack by the critic Rev John Eagles in Blackwood's Magazine in 1836, which had prompted Ruskin to write a long essay. John James had sent the piece to Turner who did not wish it to be published. It finally appeared in 1903.[25]

Before Ruskin began Modern Painters, John James Ruskin had begun collecting watercolours, including works by Samuel Prout and Turner. Both painters were among occasional guests of the Ruskins at Herne Hill, and 163 Denmark Hill (demolished 1947) to which the family moved in 1842.

What became the first volume of Modern Painters (1843), published by Smith, Elder & Co. under the anonymous authority of "A Graduate of Oxford," was Ruskin's answer to Turner's critics.[26] Ruskin controversially argued that modern landscape painters—and in particular Turner—were superior to the so-called "Old Masters" of the post-Renaissance period. Ruskin maintained that, unlike Turner, Old Masters such as Gaspard Dughet (Gaspar Poussin), Claude, and Salvator Rosa favoured pictorial convention, and not "truth to nature". He explained that he meant "moral as well as material truth".[27] The job of the artist is to observe the reality of nature and not to invent it in a studio—to render imaginatively on canvas what he has seen and understood, free of any rules of composition. For Ruskin, modern landscapists demonstrated superior understanding of the "truths" of water, air, clouds, stones, and vegetation, a profound appreciation of which Ruskin demonstrated in his own prose. He described works he had seen at the National Gallery and Dulwich Picture Gallery with extraordinary verbal felicity.

Although critics were slow to react and the reviews were mixed, many notable literary and artistic figures were impressed with the young man's work, including Charlotte Brontë and Elizabeth Gaskell.[28] Suddenly Ruskin had found his métier, and in one leap helped redefine the genre of art criticism, mixing a discourse of polemic with aesthetics, scientific observation and ethics. It cemented Ruskin's relationship with Turner. After the artist died in 1851, Ruskin catalogued nearly 20,000 sketches that Turner gave to the British nation.

1845 tour and Modern Painters II (1846)

Ruskin toured the continent with his parents again in 1844, visiting Chamonix and Paris, studying the geology of the Alps and the paintings of Titian, Veronese and Perugino among others at the Louvre. In 1845, at the age of 26, he undertook to travel without his parents for the first time. It provided him with an opportunity to study medieval art and architecture in France, Switzerland and especially Italy. In Lucca he saw the Tomb of Ilaria del Carretto by Jacopo della Quercia, which Ruskin considered the exemplar of Christian sculpture (he later associated it with the then object of his love, Rose La Touche). He drew inspiration from what he saw at the Campo Santo in Pisa, and in Florence. In Venice, he was particularly impressed by the works of Fra Angelico and Giotto in St Mark's Cathedral, and Tintoretto in the Scuola di San Rocco, but he was alarmed by the combined effects of decay and modernisation on the city: "Venice is lost to me," he wrote.[29] It finally convinced him that architectural restoration was destruction, and that the only true and faithful action was preservation and conservation.

Drawing on his travels, he wrote the second volume of Modern Painters (published April 1846).[30] The volume concentrated on Renaissance and pre-Renaissance artists rather than on Turner. It was a more theoretical work than its predecessor. Ruskin explicitly linked the aesthetic and the divine, arguing that truth, beauty and religion are inextricably bound together: "the Beautiful as a gift of God".[31] In defining categories of beauty and imagination, Ruskin argued that all great artists must perceive beauty and, with their imagination, communicate it creatively by means of symbolic representation. Generally, critics gave this second volume a warmer reception although many found the attack on the aesthetic orthodoxy associated with Sir Joshua Reynolds difficult to accept.[32] In the summer, Ruskin was abroad again with his father, who still hoped his son might become a poet, even poet laureate, just one among many factors increasing the tension between them.

Middle life (1847–1869)

Effie Gray painted by Thomas Richmond. She thought the portrait made her look like "a graceful Doll".[33]

Marriage to Effie Gray

During 1847, Ruskin became closer to Effie Gray, the daughter of family friends. It was for Effie that Ruskin had written The King of the Golden River. The couple were engaged in October. They married on 10 April 1848 at her home, Bowerswell, in Perth, once the residence of the Ruskin family.[34] It was the site of the suicide of John Thomas Ruskin (Ruskin's grandfather). Owing to this association and other complications, Ruskin's parents did not attend. The European Revolutions of 1848 meant that the newlyweds' earliest travels together were restricted, but they were able to visit Normandy, where Ruskin admired the Gothic architecture.

Their early life together was spent at 31 Park Street, Mayfair secured for them by Ruskin's father (later addresses included nearby 6 Charles Street, and 30 Herne Hill). Effie was too unwell to undertake the European tour of 1849, so Ruskin visited the Alps with his parents, gathering material for the third and fourth volumes of Modern Painters. He was struck by the contrast between the Alpine beauty and the poverty of Alpine peasants, stirring his increasingly sensitive social conscience.

The marriage was unhappy, with John's reportedly cruel and distrustful behaviour towards Effie the cause. The marriage was never consummated and was annulled in 1854.[35]


Ruskin's developing interest in architecture, and particularly in the Gothic, led to the first work to bear his name, The Seven Lamps of Architecture (1849).[36] It contained 14 plates etched by the author. The title refers to seven moral categories that Ruskin considered vital to and inseparable from all architecture: sacrifice, truth, power, beauty, life, memory and obedience. All would provide recurring themes in his work.

Seven Lamps promoted the virtues of a secular and Protestant form of Gothic. It was a challenge to the Catholic influence of A. W. N. Pugin

The Stones of Venice

In November 1849, Effie and John Ruskin visited Venice, staying at the Hotel Danieli.[37] Their different personalities are thrown into sharp relief by their contrasting priorities. For Effie, Venice provided an opportunity to socialise, while Ruskin was engaged in solitary studies. In particular, he made a point of drawing the Ca' d'Oro and the Doge's Palace, or Palazzo Ducale, because he feared that they would be destroyed by the occupying Austrian troops. One of these troops, Lieutenant Charles Paulizza, became friendly with Effie, apparently with Ruskin's consent. Her brother, among others, later claimed that Ruskin was deliberately encouraging the friendship to compromise her, as an excuse to separate.

Meanwhile, Ruskin was making the extensive sketches and notes that he used for his three-volume work, The Stones of Venice (1851–53).[38][39] Developing from a technical history of Venetian architecture from the Romanesque to the Renaissance, into a broad cultural history, Stones reflected Ruskin's view of contemporary England. It served as a warning about the moral and spiritual health of society. Ruskin argued that Venice had slowly degenerated. Its cultural achievements had been compromised, and its society corrupted, by the decline of true Christian faith. Instead of revering the divine, Renaissance artists honoured themselves, arrogantly celebrating human sensuousness.

The chapter, "The Nature of Gothic" appeared in the second volume of Stones.[40] Praising Gothic ornament, Ruskin argued that it was an expression of the artisan's joy in free, creative work. The worker must be allowed to think and to express his own personality and ideas, ideally using his own hands, rather than machinery.

We want one man to be always thinking, and another to be always working, and we call one a gentleman, and the other an operative; whereas the workman ought often to be thinking, and the thinker often to be working, and both should be gentlemen, in the best sense. As it is, we make both ungentle, the one envying, the other despising, his brother; and the mass of society is made up of morbid thinkers and miserable workers. Now it is only by labour that thought can be made healthy, and only by thought that labour can be made happy, and the two cannot be separated with impunity.

— John Ruskin, The Stones of Venice vol. II: Cook and Wedderburn 10.201.

This was both an aesthetic attack on, and a social critique of, the division of labour in particular, and industrial capitalism in general. This chapter had a profound impact, and was reprinted both by the Christian socialist founders of the Working Men's College and later by the Arts and Crafts pioneer and socialist, William Morris.[41]


John Ruskin painted by the Pre-Raphaelite artist John Everett Millais standing at Glenfinlas, Scotland, (1853–54)[42]

John Everett Millais, William Holman Hunt and Dante Gabriel Rossetti had established the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood in 1848. The Pre-Raphaelite commitment to 'naturalism' – "paint[ing] from nature only",[43] depicting nature in fine detail, had been influenced by Ruskin.

Ruskin came into contact with Millais after the artists made an approach to Ruskin through their mutual friend Coventry Patmore.[44] Initially, Ruskin had not been impressed by Millais's Christ in the House of His Parents (1849–50), a painting that was considered blasphemous at the time, but Ruskin wrote letters defending the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood to The Times in May 1851.[45] Providing Millais with artistic patronage and encouragement, in the summer of 1853 the artist (and his brother) travelled to Scotland with Ruskin and Effie where, at Glenfinlas, he painted the closely observed landscape background of gneiss rock to which, as had always been intended, he later added Ruskin's portrait.

Millais had painted Effie for The Order of Release, 1746, exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1852. Suffering increasingly from physical illness and acute mental anxiety, Effie was arguing fiercely with her husband and his intense and overly protective parents, and sought solace with her own parents in Scotland. The Ruskin marriage was already fatally undermined as she and Millais fell in love, and Effie left Ruskin, causing a public scandal.

In April 1854, Effie filed her suit of nullity, on grounds of "non-consummation" owing to his "incurable impotency,"[46][47] a charge Ruskin later disputed.[48] Ruskin wrote, "I can prove my virility at once."[49] The annulment was granted in July. Ruskin did not even mention it in his diary. Effie married Millais the following year. The complex reasons for the non-consummation and ultimate failure of the Ruskin marriage are a matter of enduring speculation and debate.

Ruskin continued to support Hunt and Rossetti. He also provided an annuity of £150 in 1855–57 to Elizabeth Siddal, Rossetti's wife, to encourage her art (and paid for the services of Henry Acland for her medical care).[50] Other artists influenced by the Pre-Raphaelites also received both critical and financial support from Ruskin, including John Brett, John William Inchbold, and Edward Burne-Jones, who became a good friend (he called him "Brother Ned").[51] His father's disapproval of such friends was a further cause of considerable tension between them.

During this period Ruskin wrote regular reviews of the annual exhibitions at the Royal Academy under the title Academy Notes (1855–59, 1875).[52] They were highly influential, capable of making or breaking reputations. The satirical magazine Punch published the lines (24 May 1856), "I paints and paints,/hears no complaints/And sells before I'm dry,/Till savage Ruskin/He sticks his tusk in/Then nobody will buy."[53]

Ruskin was an art-philanthropist: in March 1861 he gave 48 Turner drawings to the Ashmolean in Oxford, and a further 25 to the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge in May.[54] Ruskin's own work was very distinctive, and he occasionally exhibited his watercolours: in the United States in 1857–58 and 1879, for example; and in England, at the Fine Art Society in 1878, and at the Royal Society of Painters in Watercolour (of which he was an honorary member) in 1879. He created many careful studies of natural forms, based on his detailed botanical, geological and architectural observations.[55] Examples of his work include a painted, floral pilaster decoration in the central room of Wallington Hall in Northumberland, home of his friend Pauline Trevelyan. The stained glass window in the Little Church of St Francis Funtley, Fareham, Hampshire is reputed to have been designed by him. Originally placed in the St. Peter's Church Duntisbourne Abbots near Cirencester, the window depicts the Ascension and the Nativity.[56]

Ruskin's theories also inspired some architects to adapt the Gothic style. Such buildings created what has been called a distinctive "Ruskinian Gothic".[57] Through his friendship with Sir Henry Acland, Ruskin supported attempts to establish what became the Oxford University Museum of Natural History (designed by Benjamin Woodward)—which is the closest thing to a model of this style, but still failed to satisfy Ruskin completely. The many twists and turns in the Museum's development, not least its increasing cost, and the University authorities' less than enthusiastic attitude towards it, proved increasingly frustrating for Ruskin.[58]

Ruskin and education

The Museum was part of a wider plan to improve science provision at Oxford, something the University initially resisted. Ruskin's first formal teaching role came about in the mid-1850s,[59] when he taught drawing classes (assisted by Dante Gabriel Rossetti) at the Working Men's College, established by the Christian socialists, Frederick James Furnivall and Frederick Denison Maurice.[60] Although Ruskin did not share the founders' politics, he strongly supported the idea that through education workers could achieve a crucially important sense of (self-)fulfilment.[61] One result of this involvement was Ruskin's Elements of Drawing (1857).[62] He had taught several women drawing, by means of correspondence, and his book represented both a response and a challenge to contemporary drawing manuals.[63] The WMC was also a useful recruiting ground for assistants, on some of whom Ruskin would later come to rely, such as his future publisher, George Allen.[64]

From 1859 until 1868, Ruskin was involved with the progressive school for girls at Winnington Hall in Cheshire. A frequent visitor, letter-writer, and donor of pictures and geological specimens to the school, Ruskin approved of the mixture of sports, handicrafts, music and dancing encouraged by its principal, Miss Bell.[65] The association led to Ruskin's sub-Socratic work, The Ethics of the Dust (1866), an imagined conversation with Winnington's girls in which he cast himself as the "Old Lecturer".[66] On the surface a discourse on crystallography, it is a metaphorical exploration of social and political ideals. In the 1880s, Ruskin became involved with another educational institution, Whitelands College, a training college for teachers, where he instituted a May Queen festival that endures today.[67] (It was also replicated in the 19th century at the Cork High School for Girls.) Ruskin also bestowed books and gemstones upon Somerville College, one of Oxford's first two women's colleges, which he visited regularly, and was similarly generous to other educational institutions for women.[68][69]

Modern Painters III and IV

Both volumes III and IV of Modern Painters were published in 1856.[70] In MP III Ruskin argued that all great art is "the expression of the spirits of great men".[71] Only the morally and spiritually healthy are capable of admiring the noble and the beautiful, and transforming them into great art by imaginatively penetrating their essence. MP IV presents the geology of the Alps in terms of landscape painting, and their moral and spiritual influence on those living nearby. The contrasting final chapters, "The Mountain Glory" and "The Mountain Gloom"[72] provide an early example of Ruskin's social analysis, highlighting the poverty of the peasants living in the lower Alps.[73][74]

Public lecturer

In addition to leading more formal teaching classes, from the 1850s Ruskin became an increasingly popular public lecturer. His first public lectures were given in Edinburgh, in November 1853, on architecture and painting. His lectures at the Art Treasures Exhibition, Manchester in 1857, were collected as The Political Economy of Art and later under Keats's phrase, A Joy For Ever.[75] In these lectures, Ruskin spoke about how to acquire art, and how to use it, arguing that England had forgotten that true wealth is virtue, and that art is an index of a nation's well-being. Individuals have a responsibility to consume wisely, stimulating beneficent demand. The increasingly critical tone and political nature of Ruskin's interventions outraged his father and the "Manchester School" of economists, as represented by a hostile review in the Manchester Examiner and Times.[76] As the Ruskin scholar Helen Gill Viljoen noted, Ruskin was increasingly critical of his father, especially in letters written by Ruskin directly to him, many of them still unpublished.[77]

Ruskin gave the inaugural address at the Cambridge School of Art in 1858, an institution from which the modern-day Anglia Ruskin University has grown.[78] In The Two Paths (1859), five lectures given in London, Manchester, Bradford and Tunbridge Wells,[79] Ruskin argued that a 'vital law' underpins art and architecture, drawing on the labour theory of value.[80] (For other addresses and letters, Cook and Wedderburn, vol. 16, pp. 427–87.) The year 1859 also marked his last tour of Europe with his ageing parents, during which they visited Germany and Switzerland.

Turner Bequest

Ruskin had been in Venice when he heard about Turner's death in 1851. Being named an executor to Turner's will was an honour that Ruskin respectfully declined, but later took up. Ruskin's book in celebration of the sea, The Harbours of England, revolving around Turner's drawings, was published in 1856.[81] In January 1857, Ruskin's Notes on the Turner Gallery at Marlborough House, 1856 was published.[82] He persuaded the National Gallery to allow him to work on the Turner Bequest of nearly 20,000 individual artworks left to the nation by the artist. This involved Ruskin in an enormous amount of work, completed in May 1858, and involved cataloguing, framing and conserving.[83] 400 watercolours were displayed in cabinets of Ruskin's own design.[50] Recent scholarship has argued that Ruskin did not, as previously thought, collude in the destruction of Turner's erotic drawings,[84] but his work on the Bequest did modify his attitude towards Turner.[85] (See below, Controversies: Turner's Erotic Drawings)

Religious "unconversion"

In 1858, Ruskin was again travelling in Europe. The tour took him from Switzerland to Turin where he saw Paolo Veronese's Presentation of the Queen of Sheba. He would later claim (in April 1877) that the discovery of this painting, contrasting starkly with a particularly dull sermon, led to his "unconversion" from Evangelical Christianity.[86] He had, however, doubted his Evangelical Christian faith for some time, shaken by Biblical and geological scholarship that had undermined the literal truth and absolute authority of the Bible:[87] "those dreadful hammers!" he wrote to Henry Acland, "I hear the chink of them at the end of every cadence of the Bible verses."[88] This "loss of faith" precipitated a considerable personal crisis. His confidence undermined, he believed that much of his writing to date had been founded on a bed of lies and half-truths.[89] He later returned to Christianity.[90]

Social critic and reformer: Unto This Last

Whenever I look or travel in England or abroad, I see that men, wherever they can reach, destroy all beauty.

-- John Ruskin, Modern Painters V (1860): Ruskin, Cook and Wedderburn, 7.422–423.

Although in 1877 Ruskin said that in 1860, "I gave up my art work and wrote Unto This Last ... the central work of my life" the break was not so dramatic or final.[91] Following his crisis of faith, and influenced in part by his friend, Thomas Carlyle (whom he had first met in 1850), Ruskin shifted his emphasis in the late 1850s from art towards social issues. Nevertheless, he continued to lecture on and write about a wide range of subjects including art and, among many other things, geology (in June 1863 he lectured on the Alps), art practice and judgement (The Cestus of Aglaia), botany and mythology (Proserpina and The Queen of the Air). He continued to draw and paint in watercolours, and to travel extensively across Europe with servants and friends. In 1868, his tour took him to Abbeville, and in the following year he was in Verona (studying tombs for the Arundel Society) and Venice (where he was joined by William Holman Hunt). Yet increasingly Ruskin concentrated his energies on fiercely attacking industrial capitalism, and the utilitarian theories of political economy underpinning it. He repudiated his sometimes grandiloquent style, writing now in plainer, simpler language, to communicate his message straightforwardly.[92]

There is no wealth but life. Life, including all its powers of love, of joy, and of admiration. That country is the richest which nourishes the greatest number of noble and happy human beings; that man is richest who, having perfected the function of his own life to the utmost, has always the widest helpful influence, both personal, and by means of his possessions, over the lives of others.

-- John Ruskin, Unto This Last: Cook and Wedderburn, 17.105

Ruskin's social view broadened from concerns about the dignity of labour to consider issues of citizenship and notions of the ideal community. Just as he had questioned aesthetic orthodoxy in his earliest writings, he now dissected the orthodox political economy espoused by John Stuart Mill, based on theories of laissez-faire and competition drawn from the work of Adam Smith, David Ricardo and Thomas Malthus. In his four essays, Unto This Last, Ruskin rejected the division of labour as dehumanising (separating the labourer from the product of his work), and argued that the false "science" of political economy failed to consider the social affections that bind communities together. Ruskin articulated an extended metaphor of household and family, drawing on Plato and Xenophon to demonstrate the communal and sometimes sacrificial nature of true economics.[93] For Ruskin, all economies and societies are ideally founded on a politics of social justice. Ruskin's ideas influenced the concept of the "social economy" characterised by networks of charitable, co-operative and other non-governmental organisations.

The essays were originally published in consecutive monthly instalments of the new Cornhill Magazine between August and November 1860 (and published in a single volume in 1862).[94] However, the Cornhill's editor, William Makepeace Thackeray, was forced to abandon the series by the outcry of the magazine's largely conservative readership and the fears of a nervous publisher (Smith, Elder & Co.). The reaction of the national press was hostile, and Ruskin was, he claimed, "reprobated in a violent manner".[95] Ruskin's father also strongly disapproved.[96] Others were enthusiastic, including Ruskin's friend, Thomas Carlyle, who wrote, "I have read your paper with exhilaration... such a thing flung suddenly into half a million dull British heads... will do a great deal of good."[97]

Ruskin's political ideas, and Unto This Last in particular, later proved highly influential. The essays were praised and paraphrased in Gujarati by Mohandas Gandhi, a wide range of autodidacts cited their positive impact, the economist John A. Hobson and many of the founders of the British Labour party credited them as an influence.[98]

Ruskin believed in a hierarchical social structure. He wrote "I was, and my father was before me, a violent Tory of the old school."[99] He believed in man's duty to God, and while he sought to improve the conditions of the poor, he opposed attempts to level social differences and sought to resolve social inequalities by abandoning capitalism in favour of a co-operative structure of society based on obedience and benevolent philanthropy, rooted in the agricultural economy.

If there be any one point insisted on throughout my works more frequently than another, that one point is the impossibility of Equality. My continual aim has been to show the eternal superiority of some men to others, sometimes even of one man to all others; and to show also the advisability of appointing such persons or person to guide, to lead, or on occasion even to compel and subdue, their inferiors, according to their own better knowledge and wiser will.

— John Ruskin, Unto This Last: Cook and Wedderburn 17.34

Ruskin's explorations of nature and aesthetics in the fifth and final volume of Modern Painters focused on Giorgione, Paolo Veronese, Titian and Turner. Ruskin asserted that the components of the greatest artworks are held together, like human communities, in a quasi-organic unity. Competitive struggle is destructive. Uniting Modern Painters V and Unto This Last is Ruskin's "Law of Help":[100]

Government and cooperation are in all things and eternally the laws of life. Anarchy and competition, eternally, and in all things, the laws of death.

— John Ruskin, Modern Painters V and Unto This Last: Cook and Wedderburn 7.207 and 17.25.

Ruskin's next work on political economy, redefining some of the basic terms of the discipline, also ended prematurely, when Fraser's Magazine, under the editorship of James Anthony Froude, cut short his Essays on Political Economy (1862–63) (later collected as Munera Pulveris (1872)).[101] Ruskin further explored political themes in Time and Tide (1867),[102] his letters to Thomas Dixon, the cork-cutter in Sunderland, Tyne and Wear who had a well-established interest in literary and artistic matters. In these letters, Ruskin promoted honesty in work and exchange, just relations in employment and the need for co-operation.

Ruskin's sense of politics was not confined to theory. On his father's death in 1864, Ruskin inherited a considerable fortune of between £120,000 and £157,000 (the exact figure is disputed).[103] This considerable fortune inherited from the father he described on his tombstone as "an entirely honest merchant"[104] gave him the means to engage in personal philanthropy and practical schemes of social amelioration. One of his first actions was to support the housing work of Octavia Hill (originally one of his art pupils): he bought property in Marylebone to aid her philanthropic housing scheme.[105] But Ruskin's endeavours extended to the establishment of a shop selling pure tea in any quantity desired at 29 Paddington Street, Paddington (giving employment to two former Ruskin family servants) and crossing-sweepings to keep the area around the British Museum clean and tidy. Modest as these practical schemes were, they represented a symbolic challenge to the existing state of society. Yet his greatest practical experiments would come in his later years.
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Part 2 of 3

Lectures in the 1860s

Ruskin lectured widely in the 1860s, giving the Rede lecture at the University of Cambridge in 1867, for example.[106] He spoke at the British Institution on 'Modern Art', the Working Men's Institute, Camberwell on "Work" and the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich on 'War'. Ruskin's widely admired lecture, Traffic, on the relation between taste and morality, was delivered in April 1864 at Bradford Town Hall, to which he had been invited because of a local debate about the style of a new Exchange building.[107] "I do not care about this Exchange," Ruskin told his audience, "because you don't!"[108] These last three lectures were published in The Crown of Wild Olive (1866).[109]

"For all books are divisible into two classes: the books of the hour, and the books of all time" – Sesame and Lilies

The lectures that comprised Sesame and Lilies (published 1865), delivered in December 1864 at the town halls at Rusholme and Manchester, are essentially concerned with education and ideal conduct. "Of Kings' Treasuries" (in support of a library fund) explored issues of reading practice, literature (books of the hour vs. books of all time), cultural value and public education. "Of Queens' Gardens" (supporting a school fund) focused on the role of women, asserting their rights and duties in education, according them responsibility for the household and, by extension, for providing the human compassion that must balance a social order dominated by men. This book proved to be one of Ruskin's most popular books, and was regularly awarded as a Sunday School prize.[110] The book's reception over time, however, has been more mixed, and twentieth-century feminists have taken aim at "Of Queens' Gardens" in particular, as an attempt to "subvert the new heresy" of women's rights by confining women to the domestic sphere.[111] Although indeed subscribing to the Victorian belief in "separate spheres" for men and women, Ruskin was however unusual in arguing for parity of esteem, a case based on his philosophy that a nation's political economy should be modelled on that of the ideal household.

Later life (1869–1900)

Oxford's first Slade Professor of Fine Art

Caricature by Adriano Cecioni published in Vanity Fair in 1872

Ruskin was unanimously appointed the first Slade Professor of Fine Art at Oxford University in August 1869, largely through the offices of his friend, Henry Acland.[112] He delivered his inaugural lecture on his 51st birthday in 1870, at the Sheldonian Theatre to a larger-than-expected audience. It was here that he said, "The art of any country is the exponent of its social and political virtues.". It has been claimed that Cecil Rhodes cherished a long-hand copy of the lecture, believing that it supported his own view of the British Empire.[113]

In 1871, John Ruskin founded his own art school at Oxford, The Ruskin School of Drawing and Fine Art.[114] It was originally accommodated within the Ashmolean Museum but now occupies premises on High Street. Ruskin endowed the drawing mastership with £5000 of his own money. He also established a large collection of drawings, watercolours and other materials (over 800 frames) that he used to illustrate his lectures. The School challenged the orthodox, mechanical methodology of the government art schools (the "South Kensington System").[115]

Ruskin's lectures were often so popular that they had to be given twice—once for the students, and again for the public. Most of them were eventually published (see Select Bibliography). He lectured on a wide range of subjects at Oxford, his interpretation of "Art" encompassing almost every conceivable area of study, including wood and metal engraving (Ariadne Florentina), the relation of science to art (The Eagle's Nest) and sculpture (Aratra Pentelici). His lectures ranged through myth, ornithology, geology, nature-study and literature. "The teaching of Art...," Ruskin wrote, "is the teaching of all things."[116] Ruskin was never careful about offending his employer. When he criticised Michelangelo in a lecture in June 1871 it was seen as an attack on the large collection of that artist's work in the Ashmolean Museum.[117]

Most controversial, from the point of view of the University authorities, spectators and the national press, was the digging scheme on Ferry Hinksey Road at North Hinksey, near Oxford, instigated by Ruskin in 1874, and continuing into 1875, which involved undergraduates in a road-mending scheme.[118] The scheme was motivated in part by a desire to teach the virtues of wholesome manual labour. Some of the diggers, which included Oscar Wilde, Alfred Milner and Ruskin's future secretary and biographer, W. G. Collingwood, were profoundly influenced by the experience: notably Arnold Toynbee, Leonard Montefiore and Alexander Robertson MacEwen. It helped to foster a public service ethic that was later given expression in the university settlements,[119] and was keenly celebrated by the founders of Ruskin Hall, Oxford.[120]

In 1879, Ruskin resigned from Oxford, but resumed his Professorship in 1883, only to resign again in 1884.[121] He gave his reason as opposition to vivisection,[122] but he had increasingly been in conflict with the University authorities, who refused to expand his Drawing School.[115] He was also suffering increasingly poor health.

Fors Clavigera and the Whistler libel case

In January 1871, the month before Ruskin started to lecture the wealthy undergraduates at Oxford University, he began his series of 96 (monthly) "letters to the workmen and labourers of Great Britain" under the title Fors Clavigera (1871–84). (The letters were published irregularly after the 87th instalment in March 1878.) These letters were personal, dealt with every subject in his oeuvre, and were written in a variety of styles, reflecting his mood and circumstances. From 1873, Ruskin had full control over all his publications, having established George Allen as his sole publisher (see Allen & Unwin).

In the July 1877 letter of Fors Clavigera, Ruskin launched a scathing attack on paintings by James McNeill Whistler exhibited at the Grosvenor Gallery. He found particular fault with Nocturne in Black and Gold: The Falling Rocket, and accused Whistler of "ask[ing] two hundred guineas for flinging a pot of paint in the public's face".[123][124] Whistler filed a libel suit against Ruskin. Whistler won the case, which went to trial in Ruskin's absence in 1878 (he was ill), but the jury awarded damages of only one farthing to the artist. Court costs were split between the two parties. Ruskin's were paid by public subscription, but Whistler was bankrupt within six months. The episode tarnished Ruskin's reputation, however, and may have accelerated his mental decline.[125] It did nothing to mitigate Ruskin's exaggerated sense of failure in persuading his readers to share in his own keenly felt priorities.[126]

Guild of St George

Ruskin founded his utopian society, the Guild of St George, in 1871 (although originally it was called St George's Fund, and then St George's Company, before becoming the Guild in 1878). Its aims and objectives were articulated in Fors Clavigera.[127] A communitarian protest against nineteenth-century industrial capitalism, it had a hierarchical structure, with Ruskin as its Master, and dedicated members called "Companions".[128] Ruskin wished to show that contemporary life could still be enjoyed in the countryside, with land being farmed by traditional means, in harmony with the environment, and with the minimum of mechanical assistance.[129] He also sought to educate and enrich the lives of industrial workers by inspiring them with beautiful objects. As such, with a tithe (or personal donation) of £7,000, Ruskin acquired land and a collection of art treasures.[130]

Ruskin purchased land initially in Totley, near Sheffield, but the agricultural scheme established there by local communists met with only modest success after many difficulties.[131] Donations of land from wealthy and dedicated Companions eventually placed land and property in the Guild's care: in the Wyre Forest, near Bewdley, Worcestershire, called Ruskin Land today;[132] Barmouth, in Gwynedd, north-west Wales; Cloughton, in North Yorkshire; Westmill in Hertfordshire;[133] and Sheepscombe, Gloucestershire.[134][135]

In principle, Ruskin worked out a scheme for different grades of "Companion", wrote codes of practice, described styles of dress and even designed the Guild's own coins.[136] Ruskin wished to see St George's Schools established, and published various volumes to aid its teaching (his Bibliotheca Pastorum or Shepherd's Library), but the schools themselves were never established.[137] (In the 1880s, in a venture loosely related to the Bibliotheca, he supported Francesca Alexander, publishing some of her tales of peasant life.) In reality, the Guild, which still exists today as a charitable education trust, has only ever operated on a small scale.[138]

Ruskin also wished to see traditional rural handicrafts revived. St. George's Mill was established at Laxey, on the Isle of Man producing cloth goods. The Guild also encouraged independent, but allied, efforts in spinning and weaving at Langdale, in other parts of the Lake District and elsewhere, producing linen and other goods exhibited by the Home Arts and Industries Association and similar organisations.[139]

The Guild's most conspicuous and enduring achievement was the creation of a remarkable collection of art, minerals, books, medieval manuscripts, architectural casts, coins and other precious and beautiful objects. Housed in a cottage museum high on the hill in the Sheffield district of Walkley, it opened in 1875, and was curated by Henry and Emily Swan.[140] Ruskin had written in Modern Painters III (1856) that, "the greatest thing a human soul ever does in this world is to see something, and to tell what it saw in a plain way."[141] Through the Museum, Ruskin aimed to bring to the eyes of the working man many of the sights and experiences otherwise reserved for the wealthy who could afford to travel across Europe. The original Museum has been digitally recreated online.[142] In 1890, the Museum relocated to Meersbrook Park. The collection is now on display at Sheffield's Millennium Gallery.[143]

Rose La Touche

Rose La Touche, as sketched by Ruskin

Ruskin had been introduced to the wealthy Irish La Touche family by Louisa, Marchioness of Waterford. Maria La Touche, a minor Irish poet and novelist, asked Ruskin to teach her daughters drawing and painting in 1858. Rose La Touche was ten, Ruskin nearly 39. Ruskin gradually fell in love with her. Their first meeting came at a time when Ruskin's own religious faith was under strain. This always caused difficulties for the staunchly Protestant La Touche family who at various times prevented the two from meeting.[144] Ruskin's love for Rose was a cause alternately of great joy and deep depression for him, and always a source of anxiety.[145] Ruskin proposed to her on or near her eighteenth birthday in 1867, but she asked him to wait three years for an answer, until she was 21. A chance meeting at the Royal Academy in 1869 was one of the few occasions they came into personal contact thereafter. She finally rejected him in 1872, but they still occasionally met, for the final time on 15 February 1875. After a long illness, she died on 25 May 1875, at the age of 27. These events plunged Ruskin into despair and led to increasingly severe bouts of mental illness involving a number of breakdowns and delirious visions. The first of these had occurred in 1871 at Matlock, Derbyshire, a town and a county that he knew from his boyhood travels, whose flora, fauna, and minerals helped to form and reinforce his appreciation and understanding of nature.

Ruskin turned to spiritualism. He attended seances at Broadlands, which he believed gave him the ability to communicate with the dead Rose, which, in turns, both comforted and disturbed him. Ruskin's increasing need to believe in a meaningful universe and a life after death, both for himself and his loved ones, helped to revive his Christian faith in the 1870s.

Travel guides

Ruskin continued to travel, studying the landscapes, buildings and art of Europe. In May 1870 and June 1872 he admired Carpaccio's St Ursula in Venice, a vision of which, associated with Rose La Touche would haunt him, described in the pages of Fors.[146] In 1874, on his tour of Italy, Ruskin visited Sicily, the furthest he ever travelled.

Ruskin embraced the emerging literary forms, the travel guide (and gallery guide), writing new works, and adapting old ones "to give," he said, "what guidance I may to travallers..."[147] The Stones of Venice was revised, edited and issued in a new "Travellers' Edition" in 1879. Ruskin directed his readers, the would-be traveller, to look with his cultural gaze at the landscapes, buildings and art of France and Italy: Mornings in Florence (1875–77), The Bible of Amiens (1880–85) (a close study of its sculpture and a wider history), St Mark's Rest (1877–84) and A Guide to the Principal Pictures in ... Venice (1877).

Final writings

John Ruskin in 1882

In the 1880s, Ruskin returned to some literature and themes that had been among his favourites since childhood. He wrote about Walter Scott, Byron and Wordsworth in Fiction, Fair and Foul (1880)[148] and returned to meteorological observations in his lectures, The Storm-Cloud of the Nineteenth-Century (1884),[149] describing the apparent effects of industrialisation on weather patterns. Ruskin's Storm-Cloud has been seen as foreshadowing environmentalism and related concerns in the 20th and 21st centuries.[150] Ruskin's prophetic writings were also tied to his emotions, and his more general (ethical) dissatisfaction with the modern world with which he now felt almost completely out of sympathy.

His last great work was his autobiography, Praeterita (1885–89)[151] (meaning, 'Of Past Things'), a highly personalised, selective, eloquent but incomplete account of aspects of his life, the preface of which was written in his childhood nursery at Herne Hill.

The period from the late 1880s was one of steady and inexorable decline. Gradually it became too difficult for him to travel to Europe. He suffered a complete mental collapse on his final tour, which included Beauvais, Sallanches and Venice, in 1888. The emergence and dominance of the Aesthetic movement and Impressionism distanced Ruskin from the modern art world, his ideas on the social utility of art contrasting with the doctrine of "l'art pour l'art" or "art for art's sake" that was beginning to dominate. His later writings were increasingly seen as irrelevant, especially as he seemed to be more interested in book illustrators such as Kate Greenaway than in modern art. He also attacked aspects of Darwinian theory with increasing violence, although he knew and respected Darwin personally.

Brantwood and final years

Grave of John Ruskin, in Coniston churchyard

In August 1871, Ruskin purchased, from W. J. Linton, the then somewhat dilapidated Brantwood house, on the shores of Coniston Water, in the English Lake District, paying £1500 for it. Brantwood was Ruskin's main home from 1872 until his death. His estate provided a site for more of his practical schemes and experiments: he had an ice house built, and the gardens comprehensively rearranged. He oversaw the construction of a larger harbour (from where he rowed his boat, the Jumping Jenny), and he altered the house (adding a dining room, a turret to his bedroom to give him a panoramic view of the lake, and he later extended the property to accommodate his relatives). He built a reservoir, and redirected the waterfall down the hills, adding a slate seat that faced the tumbling stream and craggy rocks rather than the lake, so that he could closely observe the fauna and flora of the hillside.[152]

Although Ruskin's 80th birthday was widely celebrated in 1899 (various Ruskin societies presenting him with an elaborately illuminated congratulatory address), Ruskin was scarcely aware of it.[153] He died at Brantwood from influenza on 20 January 1900 at the age of 80. He was buried five days later in the churchyard at Coniston, according to his wishes.[154] As he had grown weaker, suffering prolonged bouts of mental illness, he had been looked after by his second cousin, Joan(na) Severn (formerly "companion" to Ruskin's mother) and she and her family inherited his estate. Joanna's Care was the eloquent final chapter of Ruskin's memoir, which he dedicated to her as a fitting tribute.[155]

Joan Severn, together with Ruskin's secretary, W. G. Collingwood, and his eminent American friend, Charles Eliot Norton, were executors to his Will. E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn edited the monumental 39-volume Library Edition of Ruskin's Works, the last volume of which, an index, attempts to demonstrate the complex interconnectedness of Ruskin's thought. They all acted together to guard, and even control, Ruskin's public and personal reputation.[156]

The centenary of Ruskin's birth was keenly celebrated in 1919, but his reputation was already in decline and sank further in the fifty years that followed.[157] The contents of Ruskin's home were dispersed in a series of sales at auction, and Brantwood itself was bought in 1932 by the educationist and Ruskin enthusiast, collector and memorialist, John Howard Whitehouse.[158]

Brantwood was opened in 1934 as a memorial to Ruskin and remains open to the public today.[159] The Guild of St George continues to thrive as an educational charity, and enjoys an international membership.[160] The Ruskin Society organises events throughout the year.[161] A series of public celebrations of Ruskin's multiple legacies took place in 2000, on the centenary of his death, and events are planned throughout 2019, to mark the bicentenary of his birth.[162]

Note on Ruskin's personal appearance

In middle age, and at his prime as a lecturer, Ruskin was described as slim, perhaps a little short,[163] with an aquiline nose and brilliant, piercing blue eyes. Often sporting a double-breasted waistcoat, a high collar and, when necessary, a frock coat, he also wore his trademark blue neckcloth.[164] From 1878 he cultivated an increasingly long beard, and took on the appearance of an "Old Testament" prophet.

Ruskin in the eyes of a student

The following description of Ruskin as a lecturer was written by an eyewitness, who was a student at the time (1884):

[Ruskin’s] election to the second term of the Slade professorship took place in 1884, and he was announced to lecture at the Science Schools, by the park. I went off, never dreaming of difficulty about getting into any professorial lecture; but all the accesses were blocked, and finally I squeezed in between the Vice-Chancellor and his attendants as they forced a passage. All the young women in Oxford and all the girls’ schools had got in before us and filled the semi-circular auditorium. Every inch was crowded, and still no lecturer; and it was not apparent how he could arrive. Presently there was a commotion in the doorway, and over the heads and shoulders of tightly packed young men, a loose bundle was handed in and down the steps, till on the floor a small figure was deposited, which stood up and shook itself out, amused and good humoured, climbed on to the dais, spread out papers and began to read in a pleasant though fluting voice. Long hair, brown with grey through it; a soft brown beard, also streaked with grey; some loose kind of black garment (possibly to be described as a frock coat) with a master’s gown over it; loose baggy trousers, a thin gold chain round his neck with glass suspended, a lump of soft tie of some finely spun blue silk; and eyes much bluer than the tie: that was Ruskin as he came back to Oxford.

— Stephen Gwynn, Experiences of a Literary Man (1926)[165]

An incident where the Arts and Crafts guru William Morris had aroused the ire of Dr William Bright, Master of University College, Oxford served to demonstrate Ruskin's charisma:

William Morris had come to lecture on “Art and plutocracy” in the hall of University College. The title did not suggest an exhortation to join a Socialist alliance, but that was what we got. When he ended, the Master of University, Dr Bright, stood up and instead of returning thanks, protested that the hall had been lent for a lecture on art and would certainly not have been made available for preaching Socialism. He stammered a little at all times, and now, finding the ungracious words literally stick in his throat, sat down, leaving the remonstrance incomplete but clearly indicated. The situation was most unpleasant. Morris at any time was choleric and his face flamed red over his white shirt front: he probably thought he had conceded enough by assuming against his usage a conventional garb. There was a hubbub, and then from the audience Ruskin rose and instantly there was quiet. With a few courteous well chosen sentences he made everybody feel that we were an assembly of gentlemen, that Morris was not only an artist but a gentleman and an Oxford man, and had said or done nothing which gentlemen in Oxford should resent; and the whole storm subsided before that gentle authority.

— Stephen Gwynn, Experiences of a Literary Man (1926)[165]



Ruskin's influence reached across the world. Tolstoy described him as "one of the most remarkable men not only of England and of our generation, but of all countries and times" and quoted extensively from him, rendering his thoughts into Russian.[166] Proust not only admired Ruskin but helped translate his works into French.[167] Gandhi wrote of the "magic spell" cast on him by Unto This Last and paraphrased the work in Gujarati, calling it Sarvodaya, "The Advancement of All".[citation needed] In Japan, Ryuzo Mikimoto actively collaborated in Ruskin's translation. He commissioned sculptures and sundry commemorative items, and incorporated Ruskinian rose motifs in the jewellery produced by his cultured pearl empire. He established the Ruskin Society of Tokyo and his children built a dedicated library to house his Ruskin collection.[168][169]

Cannery operation in the Ruskin Cooperative, 1896

A number of utopian socialist Ruskin Colonies attempted to put his political ideals into practice. These communities included Ruskin, Florida, Ruskin, British Columbia and the Ruskin Commonwealth Association, a colony in Dickson County, Tennessee in existence from 1894 to 1899.

Ruskin's work has been translated into numerous languages including, in addition to those already mentioned (Russian, French, Japanese): German, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, Hungarian, Polish, Romanian, Swedish, Danish, Dutch, Czech, Chinese, Welsh, several Indian dialects, and even Esperanto and Gikuyu.

Art, architecture and literature

Theorists and practitioners in a broad range of disciplines acknowledged their debt to Ruskin. Architects including Le Corbusier, Louis Sullivan, Frank Lloyd Wright and Walter Gropius incorporated Ruskin's ideas in their work.[170] Writers as diverse as Oscar Wilde, G. K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc, T. S. Eliot, W. B. Yeats and Ezra Pound felt Ruskin's influence.[171] The American poet Marianne Moore was an enthusiastic Ruskin reader. Art historians and critics, among them Herbert Read, Roger Fry and Wilhelm Worringer knew Ruskin's work well.[172] Admirers ranged from the British-born American watercolourist and engraver, John William Hill to the sculptor-designer, printmaker and utopianist, Eric Gill. Aside from E. T. Cook, Ruskin's editor and biographer, other leading British journalists influenced by Ruskin include J. A. Spender, and the war correspondent, H. W. Nevinson.

No true disciple of mine will ever be a "Ruskinian"! – he will follow, not me, but the instincts of his own soul, and the guidance of its Creator.

-- Cook and Wedderburn, 24.357.

Craft and conservation

William Morris and C. R. Ashbee (of the Guild of Handicraft) were keen disciples, and through them Ruskin's legacy can be traced in the arts and crafts movement. Ruskin's ideas on the preservation of open spaces and the conservation of historic buildings and places inspired his friends, Octavia Hill and Hardwicke Rawnsley, to help found the National Trust.[173]

Society, education and sport

Pioneers of town planning, such as Thomas Coglan Horsfall and Patrick Geddes called Ruskin an inspiration and invoked his ideas in justification of their own social interventions. The same is true for the founders of the garden city movement, Ebenezer Howard and Raymond Unwin.[174]

Edward Carpenter's community in Millthorpe, Derbyshire was partly inspired by Ruskin, and John Kenworthy's colony at Purleigh, Essex, which was briefly a refuge for the Doukhobors, combined Ruskin's ideas and Tolstoy's.

The most prolific collector of Ruskiniana was John Howard Whitehouse, who saved Ruskin's home, Brantwood, and opened it as a permanent Ruskin memorial. Inspired by Ruskin's educational ideals, Whitehouse established Bembridge School, on the Isle of Wight, and ran it along Ruskinian lines. Educationists from William Jolly to Michael Ernest Sadler wrote about and appreciated Ruskin's ideas.[175] Ruskin College, an educational establishment in Oxford originally intended for working men, was named after him by its American founders, Walter Vrooman and Charles A. Beard.

Ruskin's innovative publishing experiment, conducted by his one-time Working Men's College pupil, George Allen, whose business was eventually merged to become Allen & Unwin, anticipated the establishment of the Net Book Agreement.

Ruskin's Drawing Collection, a collection of 1470 works of art he gathered as learning aids for the Ruskin School of Drawing and Fine Art, which he founded at Oxford, is at the Ashmolean Museum. The Museum has promoted Ruskin's art teaching, utilising the collection for in-person and online drawing courses.[176]

Pierre de Coubertin, the innovator of the modern Olympic Games, cited Ruskin's principles of beautification, asserting that the games should be "Ruskinized" to create an aesthetic identity that transcended mere championship competitions.[177]

Politics and economics

Ruskin was an inspiration for many Christian socialists, and his ideas informed the work of economists such as William Smart and J. A. Hobson, and the positivist, Frederic Harrison.[178] Ruskin was discussed in university extension classes, and in reading circles and societies formed in his name. He helped to inspire the settlement movement in Britain and the United States. Resident workers at Toynbee Hall such as the future civil servants Hubert Llewellyn Smith and William Beveridge (author of the Report ... on Social Insurance and Allied Services), and the future Prime Minister Clement Attlee acknowledged their debt to Ruskin as they helped to found the British welfare state. More of the British Labour Party's earliest MPs acknowledged Ruskin's influence than mentioned Karl Marx or the Bible.[179] More recently, Ruskin's works have also influenced Phillip Blond and the Red Tory movement.[180]

Ruskin in the 21st century

In 2019, Ruskin200 was inaugurated as a year-long celebration marking the bicentenary of Ruskin's birth.[181]

Admirers and scholars of Ruskin can visit the Ruskin Library at Lancaster University, also Ruskin's home, Brantwood, and the Ruskin Museum, both in Coniston in the English Lake District. All three mount regular exhibitions open to the public all the year round.[182][183][184] Barony House in Edinburgh is home to a descendant of John Ruskin. She has designed and hand painted various friezes in honour of her ancestor and it is open to the public.[185][186][187][188][189] Ruskin's Guild of St George continues his work today, in the fields of education, the arts, crafts, and the rural economy.

John Ruskin Street in Walworth, London

Many streets, buildings, organisations and institutions bear his name: The Priory Ruskin Academy in Grantham, Lincolnshire; John Ruskin College, South Croydon; and Anglia Ruskin University in Chelmsford and Cambridge, which traces its origins to the Cambridge School of Art, at the foundation of which Ruskin spoke in 1858. Also, the Ruskin Literary and Debating Society, (founded in 1900 in Toronto, Ontario, Canada), the oldest surviving club of its type, and still promoting the development of literary knowledge and public speaking today; and the Ruskin Art Club in Los Angeles, which still exists. In addition, there is the Ruskin Pottery, Ruskin House, Croydon and Ruskin Hall at the University of Pittsburgh.

Ruskin, Florida, United States—site of one of the short-lived American Ruskin Colleges—is named after John Ruskin. There is a mural of Ruskin titled, "Head, Heart And Hands" on a building across from the Ruskin Post Office.[190]

Since 2000, scholarly research has focused on aspects of Ruskin's legacy, including his impact on the sciences; John Lubbock and Oliver Lodge admired him. Two major academic projects have looked at Ruskin and cultural tourism (investigating, for example, Ruskin's links with Thomas Cook);[191] the other focuses on Ruskin and the theatre.[192] The sociologist and media theorist, David Gauntlett, argues that Ruskin's notions of craft can be felt today in online communities such as YouTube and throughout Web 2.0.[193] Similarly, architectural theorist Lars Spuybroek has argued that Ruskin's understanding of the Gothic as a combination of two types of variation, rough savageness and smooth changefulness, opens up a new way of thinking leading to digital and so-called parametric design.[194]

Notable Ruskin enthusiasts include the writers Geoffrey Hill and Charles Tomlinson, and the politicians, Patrick Cormack, Frank Judd,[195] Frank Field[196] and Tony Benn.[197] In 2006, Chris Smith, Baron Smith of Finsbury, Raficq Abdulla, Jonathon Porritt and Nicholas Wright were among those to contribute to the symposium, There is no wealth but life: Ruskin in the 21st Century.[198] Jonathan Glancey at The Guardian and Andrew Hill at the Financial Times have both written about Ruskin,[199] as has the broadcaster Melvyn Bragg.[200]

Theory and criticism

Steel-plate engraving of Ruskin as a young man, c. 1845, print made c. 1895.

Ruskin in middle-age, as Slade Professor of Art at Oxford (1869–1879). From 1879 book.

John Ruskin in old age by Frederick Hollyer. 1894 print.

Ruskin wrote over 250 works, initially art criticism and history, but expanding to cover topics ranging over science, geology, ornithology, literary criticism, the environmental effects of pollution, mythology, travel, political economy and social reform. After his death Ruskin's works were collected in the 39-volume "Library Edition", completed in 1912 by his friends Edward Tyas Cook and Alexander Wedderburn.[201] The range and quantity of Ruskin's writing, and its complex, allusive and associative method of expression, causes certain difficulties. In 1898, John A. Hobson observed that in attempting to summarise Ruskin's thought, and by extracting passages from across his work, "the spell of his eloquence is broken".[202] Clive Wilmer has written, further, that, "The anthologizing of short purple passages, removed from their intended contexts..." is "...something which Ruskin himself detested and which has bedevilled his reputation from the start."[203] Nevertheless, some aspects of Ruskin's theory and criticism require further consideration.

Art and design criticism

Ruskin's early work defended the reputation of J. M. W. Turner.[204] He believed that all great art should communicate an understanding and appreciation of nature. Accordingly, inherited artistic conventions should be rejected. Only by means of direct observation can an artist, through form and colour, represent nature in art. He advised artists in Modern Painters I to: "go to Nature in all singleness of heart... rejecting nothing, selecting nothing and scorning nothing."[205] By the 1850s. Ruskin was celebrating the Pre-Raphaelites whose members, he said, had formed "a new and noble school" of art that would provide a basis for a thoroughgoing reform of the art world.[206] For Ruskin, art should communicate truth above all things. However, this could not be revealed by mere display of skill, and must be an expression of the artist's whole moral outlook. Ruskin rejected the work of Whistler because he considered it to epitomise a reductive mechanisation of art.[citation needed]

Ruskin's strong rejection of Classical tradition in The Stones of Venice typifies the inextricable mix of aesthetics and morality in his thought: "Pagan in its origin, proud and unholy in its revival, paralysed in its old age... an architecture invented, as it seems, to make plagiarists of its architects, slaves of its workmen, and sybarites of its inhabitants; an architecture in which intellect is idle, invention impossible, but in which all luxury is gratified and all insolence fortified."[207] Rejection of mechanisation and standardisation informed Ruskin's theories of architecture, and his emphasis on the importance of the Medieval Gothic style. He praised the Gothic for what he saw as its reverence for nature and natural forms; the free, unfettered expression of artisans constructing and decorating buildings; and for the organic relationship he perceived between worker and guild, worker and community, worker and natural environment, and between worker and God. Attempts in the 19th century, to reproduce Gothic forms (such as pointed arches), attempts he had helped inspire, were not enough to make these buildings expressions of what Ruskin saw as true Gothic feeling, faith, and organicism.

For Ruskin, the Gothic style in architecture embodied the same moral truths he sought to promote in the visual arts. It expressed the 'meaning' of architecture—as a combination of the values of strength, solidity and aspiration—all written, as it were, in stone. For Ruskin, creating true Gothic architecture involved the whole community, and expressed the full range of human emotions, from the sublime effects of soaring spires to the comically ridiculous carved grotesques and gargoyles. Even its crude and "savage" aspects were proof of "the liberty of every workman who struck the stone; a freedom of thought, and rank in scale of being, such as no laws, no charters, no charities can secure."[208] Classical architecture, in contrast, expressed a morally vacuous and repressive standardisation. Ruskin associated Classical values with modern developments, in particular with the demoralising consequences of the industrial revolution, resulting in buildings such as The Crystal Palace, which he criticised.[209] Although Ruskin wrote about architecture in many works over the course of his career, his much-anthologised essay "The Nature of Gothic" from the second volume of The Stones of Venice (1853) is widely considered to be one of his most important and evocative discussions of his central argument.

Ruskin's theories indirectly encouraged a revival of Gothic styles, but Ruskin himself was often dissatisfied with the results. He objected that forms of mass-produced faux Gothic did not exemplify his principles, but showed disregard for the true meaning of the style. Even the Oxford University Museum of Natural History, a building designed with Ruskin's collaboration, met with his disapproval. The O'Shea brothers, freehand stone carvers chosen to revive the creative "freedom of thought" of Gothic craftsmen, disappointed him by their lack of reverence for the task.

Ruskin's distaste for oppressive standardisation led to later works in which he attacked Laissez-faire capitalism, which he thought was at the root of it. His ideas provided inspiration for the Arts and Crafts Movement, the founders of the National Trust, the National Art Collections Fund, and the Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings.

John Ruskin's Study of Gneiss Rock, Glenfinlas, 1853. Pen and ink and wash with Chinese ink on paper, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, England.

Ruskin's views on art, wrote Kenneth Clark, "cannot be made to form a logical system, and perhaps owe to this fact a part of their value." Ruskin's accounts of art are descriptions of a superior type that conjure images vividly in the mind's eye.[210] Clark neatly summarises the key features of Ruskin's writing on art and architecture:

1. Art is not a matter of taste, but involves the whole man. Whether in making or perceiving a work of art, we bring to bear on it feeling, intellect, morals, knowledge, memory, and every other human capacity, all focused in a flash on a single point. Aesthetic man is a concept as false and dehumanising as economic man.

2. Even the most superior mind and the most powerful imagination must found itself on facts, which must be recognised for what they are. The imagination will often reshape them in a way which the prosaic mind cannot understand; but this recreation will be based on facts, not on formulas or illusions.

3. These facts must be perceived by the senses, or felt; not learnt.

4. The greatest artists and schools of art have believed it their duty to impart vital truths, not only about the facts of vision, but about religion and the conduct of life.

5. Beauty of form is revealed in organisms which have developed perfectly according to their laws of growth, and so give, in his own words, 'the appearance of felicitous fulfilment of function.'

6. This fulfilment of function depends on all parts of an organism cohering and co-operating. This was what he called the 'Law of Help,' one of Ruskin's fundamental beliefs, extending from nature and art to society.

7. Good art is done with enjoyment. The artist must feel that, within certain reasonable limits, he is free, that he is wanted by society, and that the ideas he is asked to express are true and important.

8. Great art is the expression of epochs where people are united by a common faith and a common purpose, accept their laws, believe in their leaders, and take a serious view of human destiny.[211]

Historic preservation

Ruskin's belief in preservation of ancient buildings had a significant influence on later thinking about the distinction between conservation and restoration. Ruskin was a strong proponent of the former, while his contemporary, Eugène Viollet-le-Duc, promoted the latter. In The Seven Lamps of Architecture, (1849) Ruskin wrote:

Neither by the public, nor by those who have the care of public monuments, is the true meaning of the word restoration understood. It means the most total destruction which a building can suffer: a destruction out of which no remnants can be gathered: a destruction accompanied with false description of the thing destroyed. Do not let us deceive ourselves in this important matter; it is impossible, as impossible as to raise the dead, to restore anything that has ever been great or beautiful in architecture.

— Seven Lamps ("The Lamp of Memory") c. 6; Cook and Wedderburn 8.242.

This abhorrence of restoration is in marked contrast to Viollet-le-Duc, who wrote that restoration is a "means to reestablish [a building] to a finished state, which may in fact never have actually existed at any given time."[212]

For Ruskin, the "age" of a building was crucially significant as an aspect in its preservation: "For, indeed, the greatest glory of a building is not in its stones, not in its gold. Its glory is in its Age, and in that deep sense of voicefulness, of stern watching, of mysterious sympathy, nay, even of approval or condemnation, which we feel in walls that have long been washed by the passing waves of humanity."[213]

Social theory

Ruskin attacked orthodox, 19th-century political economy principally on the grounds that it failed to acknowledge complexities of human desires and motivations (broadly, "social affections"). He began to express such ideas in The Stones of Venice, and increasingly in works of the later 1850s, such as The Political Economy of Art (A Joy For Ever), but he gave them full expression in the influential essays, Unto This Last.

Nay, but I choose my physician and my clergyman, thus indicating my sense of the quality of their work. By all means, also, choose your bricklayer; that is the proper reward of the good workman, to be "chosen." The natural and right system respecting all labour is, that it should be paid at a fixed rate, but the good workman employed, and the bad workman unemployed. The false, unnatural, and destructive system is when the bad workman is allowed to offer his work at half-price, and either take the place of the good, or force him by his competition to work for an inadequate sum.

-- Cook and Wedderburn, 17.V.34 (1860).

At the root of his theory, was Ruskin's dissatisfaction with the role and position of the worker, and especially the artisan or craftsman, in modern industrial capitalist society. Ruskin believed that the economic theories of Adam Smith, expressed in The Wealth of Nations had led, through the division of labour to the alienation of the worker not merely from the process of work itself, but from his fellow workmen and other classes, causing increasing resentment. (See section, "Stones of Venice", above.)

He argued that one remedy would be to pay work at a fixed rate of wages, because human need is consistent and a given quantity of work justly demands a certain return. The best workmen would remain in employment because of the quality of their work (a focus on quality growing out of his writings on art and architecture). The best workmen could not, in a fixed-wage economy, be undercut by an inferior worker or product.

In the preface to Unto This Last (1862), Ruskin recommended that the state should underwrite standards of service and production to guarantee social justice. This included the recommendation of government youth-training schools promoting employment, health, and 'gentleness and justice'; government manufactories and workshops; government schools for the employment at fixed wages of the unemployed, with idlers compelled to toil; and pensions provided for the elderly and the destitute, as a matter of right, received honourably and not in shame.[214] Many of these ideas were later incorporated into the welfare state.[215]


Turner's erotic drawings

Until 2005, biographies of both J. M. W. Turner and Ruskin had claimed that in 1858 Ruskin burned bundles of erotic paintings and drawings by Turner to protect Turner's posthumous reputation. Ruskin's friend Ralph Nicholson Wornum, who was Keeper of the National Gallery, was said to have colluded in the alleged destruction of Turner's works. In 2005, these works, which form part of the Turner Bequest held at Tate Britain, were re-appraised by Turner Curator Ian Warrell, who concluded that Ruskin and Wornum had not destroyed them.[216][217]


Ruskin's sexuality has been the subject of a great deal of speculation and critical comment. His one marriage, to Effie Gray, was annulled after six years owing to non-consummation. Effie, in a letter to her parents, claimed that Ruskin found her "person" repugnant.

He alleged various reasons, hatred of children, religious motives, a desire to preserve my beauty, and finally this last year he told me his true reason... that he had imagined women were quite different to what he saw I was, and that the reason he did not make me his Wife was because he was disgusted with my person the first evening 10th April [1848].

Ruskin told his lawyer during the annulment proceedings.

It may be thought strange that I could abstain from a woman who to most people was so attractive. But though her face was beautiful, her person was not formed to excite passion. On the contrary, there were certain circumstances in her person which completely checked it.[218]

The cause of Ruskin's "disgust" has led to much conjecture. Mary Lutyens speculated that he rejected Effie because he was horrified by the sight of her pubic hair. Lutyens argued that Ruskin must have known the female form only through Greek statues and paintings of nudes which lacked pubic hair.[219] However, Peter Fuller in his book Theoria: Art and the Absence of Grace wrote, "It has been said that he was frightened on the wedding night by the sight of his wife's pubic hair; more probably, he was perturbed by her menstrual blood."[220] Ruskin's biographers Tim Hilton and John Batchelor also took the view that menstruation was the more likely explanation, though Batchelor also suggests that body-odour may have been the problem. There is no evidence to support any of these theories. William Ewart Gladstone said to his daughter, Mary, "should you ever hear anyone blame Millais or his wife, or Mr. Ruskin [for the breakdown of the marriage], remember that there is no fault; there was misfortune, even tragedy. All three were perfectly blameless."[221] The fullest story of the Ruskins' marriage to date has been told by the scholar, Robert Brownell.[222]

Ruskin's later relationship with Rose La Touche has led to claims that he was a paedophile, on the grounds that he stated that he fell in love with her when he met her at the age of nine.[223] In fact, he did not approach her as a suitor until on or near her eighteenth birthday. She asked him to wait for her until she was 21. Receiving no answer, he repeated his proposal.

Ruskin is not known to have had any sexually intimate relationships. During an episode of mental derangement after Rose died, he wrote a letter in which he insisted that Rose's spirit had instructed him to marry a girl who was visiting him at the time.[224] It is also true that in letters from Ruskin to Kate Greenaway he asked her to draw her "girlies" (as he called her child figures) without clothing:

Will you – (it's all for your own good – !) make her stand up and then draw her for me without a cap – and, without her shoes, – (because of the heels) and without her mittens, and without her – frock and frills? And let me see exactly how tall she is – and – how – round. It will be so good of and for you – And to and for me.[225]

In a letter to his physician John Simon on 15 May 1886, Ruskin wrote:

I like my girls from ten to sixteen—allowing of 17 or 18 as long as they're not in love with anybody but me.—I've got some darlings of 8—12—14—just now, and my Pigwiggina here—12—who fetches my wood and is learning to play my bells.[226][227]

Ruskin's biographers disagree about the allegation of "paedophilia". Tim Hilton, in his two-volume biography, boldly asserts that Ruskin "was a paedophile" but leaves the claim unexplained, while John Batchelor argues that the term is inappropriate because Ruskin's behaviour does not "fit the profile".[228] Others point to a definite pattern of "nympholeptic" behaviour with regard to his interactions with girls at a Winnington school.[229] However, there is no evidence that Ruskin ever engaged in any sexual activity with anyone at all. According to one interpretation, what Ruskin valued most in pre-pubescent girls was their innocence; the fact that they were not (yet) fully developed sexual beings is what attracted him.[230] The most complete exploration of this topic is that by James L. Spates, who concludes that "whatever idiosyncratic qualities his erotic expressions may have possessed, when it comes to matters of sexual capability and interest, there is every reason to conclude that John Ruskin was physically and emotionally normal.".[231]

Common law of business balance

Ruskin is frequently identified as the originator of the "common law of business balance"—a statement about the relationships of price and quality as they pertain to manufactured goods, and often summarised as: "The common law of business balance prohibits paying a little and getting a lot." This is the core of a longer statement usually attributed to Ruskin, although Ruskin's authorship is disputed among Ruskin scholars. Shapiro maintains that the statement does not appear anywhere in Ruskin's works,[232] and Landow is likewise sceptical of the claim of Ruskin's authorship.[233] In a posting of the Ruskin Library News, a blog associated with the Ruskin Library (a major collection of Ruskiniana located at Lancaster University), an anonymous library staff member briefly mentions the statement and its widespread use, saying that, "This is one of many quotations ascribed to Ruskin, without there being any trace of them in his writings – although someone, somewhere, thought they sounded like Ruskin."[234] In an issue of the journal, Heat Transfer Engineering, Bell quotes the statement and mentions that it has been attributed to Ruskin. While Bell believes in the veracity of the content of the statement, he adds that the statement does not appear in Ruskin's published works.[235]

Early in the 20th century, this statement appeared—without any authorship attribution—in magazine advertisements,[236][237][238][239] in a business catalogue,[240] in student publications,[241] and, occasionally, in editorial columns.[242][243] Later in the 20th century, however, magazine advertisements, student publications, business books, technical publications, scholarly journals, and business catalogues often included the statement with attribution to Ruskin.[232][244][245][246][247][248][249][250][251]

Now in the 21st century, and based upon the statement's applicability of the issues of quality and price, the statement continues to be used and attributed to Ruskin -- despite the questionable nature of the attribution.[252][253][254][255]

For many years, various Baskin-Robbins ice cream parlours prominently displayed a section of the statement in framed signs. ("There is hardly anything in the world that someone cannot make a little worse and sell a little cheaper, and the people who consider price alone are that man's lawful prey.") [233][256][257][258][259][234] The signs listed Ruskin as the author of the statement, but the signs gave no information on where or when Ruskin was supposed to have written, spoken, or published the statement. Due to the statement's widespread use as a promotional slogan, and despite questions of Ruskin's authorship, it is likely that many people who are otherwise unfamiliar with Ruskin now associate him with this statement.
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John Ruskin in the 1850s, photo from Life magazine.

• Pathetic fallacy: Ruskin coined this term in Modern Painters III (1856) to describe the ascription of human emotions to inanimate objects and impersonal natural forces, as in "Nature must be gladsome when I was so happy" (Charlotte Brontë, Jane Eyre).[260]
• Fors Clavigera: Ruskin gave this title to a series of letters he wrote "to the workmen and labourers of Great Britain" (1871–84). The name was intended to signify three great powers that fashion human destiny, as Ruskin explained at length in Letter 2 (February 1871). These were: force, symbolised by the club (clava) of Hercules; Fortitude, symbolised by the key (clavis) of Ulysses; and Fortune, symbolised by the nail (clavus) of Lycurgus. These three powers (the "fors") together represent human talents and abilities to choose the right moment and then to strike with energy. The concept is derived from Shakespeare's phrase "There is a tide in the affairs of men/ Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune" (Brutus in Julius Caesar). Ruskin believed that the letters were inspired by the Third Fors: striking out at the right moment.[261][262]
• Theoria: Ruskin's 'theoretic' faculty – theoretic, as opposed to aesthetic – enables a vision of the beautiful as intimating a reality deeper than the everyday, at least in terms of the kind of transcendence generally seen as immanent in things of this world.[263] For an example of the influence of Ruskin's concept of theoria, see Peter Fuller.[264]
• Modern Atheism: Ruskin applied this label to "the unfortunate persistence of the clergy in teaching children what they cannot understand, and in employing young consecrate persons to assert in pulpits what they do not know."
• Illth: Used by Ruskin as the antithesis of wealth, which he defined as life itself; broadly, where wealth is 'well-being', illth is "ill-being".
• Excrescence: Ruskin defined an "excrescence" as an outgrowth of the main body of a building that does not harmonise well with the main body. He originally used the term to describe certain gothic revival features[265] also for later additions to cathedrals and various other public buildings, especially from the Gothic period.[266]

Fictional portrayals

• Ruskin figures as Mr Herbert in The New Republic (1878), a novel by one of his Oxford undergraduates, William Mallock (1849–1923).[267]
• The Love of John Ruskin (1912) a silent movie about Ruskin, Effie and Millais.[268]
• Edith Wharton's False Dawn novella, the first in the 1924 Old New York series has the protagonist meet John Ruskin.
• Ruskin was the inspiration for either the Drawling Master or the Gryphon in Alice's Adventures in Wonderland.[269][270]
• Dante's Inferno (1967) Ken Russell's biopic for television of Rossetti, in which Ruskin is played by Clive Goodwin[271]
• The Love School (1975) a BBC TV series about the Pre-Raphaelites, starring David Collings (Ruskin), Anne Kidd (Effie), Peter Egan (Millais).[272]
• McDonald, Eva (1979). John Ruskin's Wife. Chivers. ISBN 978-0745113005. A novel about the marriage of John Ruskin.
• Dear Countess (1983) a radio play by Elizabeth Morgan, with Derek Jacobi (Ruskin), Bridget McCann (Gray), Timothy West (Old Mr Ruskin) Michael Fenner (Millais). The author played Ruskin's mother.[273]
• Peter Hoyle's novel, Brantwood: The Story of an Obsession (1986, ISBN 9780856356377) is about two cousins who pursue their interest in Ruskin to his Coniston home.
• The Passion of John Ruskin (1994), a film directed by Alex Chapple.[274]
• Modern Painters (1995) an opera about Ruskin by David Lang.[275]
• Parrots and Owls (1994) a radio play by John Purser about Ruskin's attempt to revive Gothic architecture and his connection to the O'Shea brothers.[272]
• The Countess (1995), a play written by Gregory Murphy, dealing with Ruskin's marriage.[276]
• Morazzoni, Marta (1995). The Invention of Truth. Ecco Pr. ISBN 978-0880013765. A novel in which Ruskin makes his last visit to Amiens cathedral in 1879.
• The Order of Release (1998), a radio play by Robin Brooks about Ruskin (Bob Peck), Effie (Sharon Small) and Millais (David Tennant).[277]
• Ruskin and the Hinksey diggings form the backdrop to Ann Harries' novel, Manly Pursuits (1999).[278]
• Donoghue, Emma (2002). The Woman Who Gave Birth to Rabbits. Virago. ISBN 978-1860499548. A collection of short stories that includes Come, Gentle Nightabout Ruskin and Effie's wedding night.
• Mrs Ruskin (2003), a play by Kim Morrissey dealing with Ruskin's marriage.[279]
• "Sesame and Roses" (2007), a short story by Grace Andreacchi that explores Ruskin's twin obsessions with Venice and Rose La Touche.[280]
• Desperate Romantics (2009), a six-part BBC drama serial about the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood. Ruskin is played by Tom Hollander.[272]
• Benjamin, Melanie (2010). Alice I Have Been. ISBN 0385344139. A fictionalized account of the life of Alice Liddell Hargreaves, the inspiration for Lewis Carroll's Alice's Adventures in Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass.
• Mr. Turner (2014), a biopic of J. M. W. Turner with Ruskin portrayed as a precocious prig by Joshua McGuire.[281]
• Effie Gray (2014), a biopic about the Ruskin/Gray/Millais love triangle, written by Emma Thompson and featuring Greg Wise (Ruskin), Dakota Fanning (Gray) and Tom Sturridge (Millais).[282]
• Light, Descending[283] (2014) is a biographical novel about John Ruskin by Octavia Randolph.


Lion's profile

View of Amalfi

Self Portrait with Blue Neckcloth

River Seine and its Islands

Falls of Schaffhausen

Rocks in Unrest

Fribourg Suisse


Select bibliography

• Cook, E. T.; Wedderburn, Alexander (eds.). The Works of John Ruskin. (39 vols.). George Allen, 1903–12. It is the standard scholarly edition of Ruskin's work, the Library Edition, sometimes called simply Cook and Wedderburn. The volume in which the following works can be found is indicated in the form: (Works [followed by the volume number]).[284]

Works by Ruskin

• Poems (written 1835–46; collected 1850) (Works 2)
• The Poetry of Architecture (serialised The Architectural Magazine 1837–38; authorised book, 1893) (Works 1)
• Letters to a College Friend (written 1840–45; published 1894) (Works 1)
• The King of the Golden River, or the Black Brothers. A Legend of Stiria (written 1841; published 1850) (Works 1)
• Modern Painters (5 vols.) (1843–60) (Works 3–7)
o Vol. I (1843) (Parts I and II) Of General Principles and of Truth (Works 3)
o Vol. II (1846) (Part III) Of the Imaginative and Theoretic Faculties (Works 4)
o Vol. III (1856) (Part IV) Of Many Things (Works 5)
o Vol. IV (1856) (Part V) Mountain Beauty (Works 6)
o Vol. V (1860) (Part VI) Of Leaf Beauty (Part VII) Of Cloud Beauty (Part VIII) Of Ideas of Relation (1) Of Invention Formal (Part IX) Of Ideas of Relation (2) Of Invention Spiritual (Works 7)
• The Seven Lamps of Architecture (1849) (Works 8)
• The Stones of Venice (3 vols) (1851–53)
o Vol. I. The Foundations (1851) (Works 9)
o Vol. II. The Sea–Stories (1853) (Works 10) – containing the chapter "The Nature of Gothic"
o Vol. III. The Fall (1853) (Works 11)
• Notes on the Construction of Sheepfolds (1851) (Works 12)
• Pre-Raphaelitism (1851) (Works 12)
• Letters to the Times on the Pre-Raphaelite Artists (1851, 1854) (Works 12)
• Lectures on Architecture and Painting (Edinburgh, 1853) (1854) (Works 12)
• Academy Notes (Annual Reviews of the June Royal Academy Exhibitions) (1855–59, 1875) (Works 14)
• The Harbours of England (1856) (Works 13)
• The Elements of Drawing, in Three Letters to Beginners (1857) (Works 15)
• 'A Joy Forever' and Its Price in the Market: being the substance (with additions) of two lectures on The Political Economy of Art (1857, 1880) (Works 16)
• The Two Paths: being Lectures on Art, and Its Application to Decoration and Manufacture, Delivered in 1858–9 (1859) (Works 16)
• The Elements of Perspective, Arranged for the Use of Schools and Intended to be Read in Connection with the First Three Books of Euclid (1859) (Works 15)
• Unto This Last: Four Essays on the First Principles of Political Economy (serialised Cornhill Magazine 1860, book 1862) (Works 17)
• Munera Pulveris: Six Essays on the Elements of Political Economy (serialised Fraser's Magazine 1862–63, book 1872) (Works 17)
• The Cestus of Aglaia (serialised Art Journal 1864–64, incorporated (revised) in On the Old Road (1882) (Works 19)
• Sesame and Lilies: Two Lectures delivered at Manchester in 1864 (1865) (i.e., "Of Queens' Gardens" and "Of Kings' Treasuries" to which was added, in a later edition of 1871, "The Mystery of Life and Its Arts") (Works 18)
• The Ethics of the Dust: Ten Lectures to Little Housewives on the Elements of Crystallisation (1866) (Works 18)
• The Crown of Wild Olive: Three Lectures on Work, Traffic and War (1866) (to a later edition was added a fourth lecture (delivered 1869), called "The Future of England") (1866) (Works 18)
• Time and Tide, by Weare and Tyne: Twenty-five Letters to a Working Man of Sunderland on the Laws of Work (1867) (Works 17)
• The Queen of the Air: A Study of the Greek Myths of Cloud and Storm (1869) (Works 19)
• Lectures on Art, Delivered before the University of Oxford in Hilary term, 1870 (Works 20)
• Aratra Pentelici: Six Lectures on the Elements of Sculpture Given before the University of Oxford in Michaelmas term, 1870 (1872) (Works 20)
• Lectures on Landscape, Delivered at Oxford in [Lent term| Lent Term], 1871 (1898) ("Works" 22)
• Fors Clavigera: Letters to the Workmen and Labourers of Great Britain (1871–84) ("Works" 27–29) (originally collected in 8 vols., vols. 1–7 covering annually 1871–1877, and vol. 8, Letters 85–96, covering 1878–84)
o Volume I. Letters 1–36 (1871–73) (Works 27)
o Volume II. Letters 37–72 (1874–76) (Works 28)
o Volume III. Letters 73–96 (1877–84) (Works 29)
• The Eagle's Nest: Ten Lectures on the Relation of Natural science to Art, Given before the University of Oxford in Lent term, 1872 (1872) (Works 22)
• Ariadne Florentina': Six Lectures on Wood and Metal Engraving, with Appendix, Given before the University of Oxford, in Michaelmas Term, 1872 (1876) (Works 22)
• Love's Meinie: Lectures on Greek and English Birds (1873–81) (Works 25)
• Val d'Arno: Ten Lectures on the Tuscan Art, directly antecedent to the Florentine Year of Victories, given before the University of Oxford in Michaelmas Term, 1873 (1874) (Works 23)
• The Aesthetic and Mathematic School of Art in Florence: Lectures Given before the University of Oxford in Michaelmas Term, 1874 (first published 1906) (Works 23)
• Mornings in Florence: Simple Studies of Christian Art, for English Travellers (1875–77) (Works 23)
• Deucalion: Collected Studies of the Lapse of Waves, and Life of Stones (1875–83) (Works 26)
• Proserpina: Studies of Wayside Flowers, While the Air was Yet Pure Among the Alps, and in the Scotland and England Which My Father Knew (1875–86) (Works 25)
• Bibliotheca Pastorum (i.e., 'Shepherd's Library', consisting ofmultiple volumes) (ed. John Ruskin) (1876–88) (Works 31–32)
• Laws of Fésole: A Familiar Treatise on the Elementary Principles and Practice of Drawing and Painting as Determined by the Tuscan Masters (arranaged for the use of schools) (1877–78) (Works 15)
• St Mark's Rest (1877–84, book 1884) (Works 24)
• Fiction, Fair and Foul (serialised Nineteenth Century 1880–81, incorporated in On the Old Road (1885)) (Works 34)
• The Bible of Amiens (the first part of Our Fathers Have Told Us) (1880–85) (Works 33)
• The Art of England: Lectures Given in Oxford, During his Second Tenure of the Slade Professorship (delivered 1883, book 1884) (Works 33)
• The Storm-Cloud of the Nineteenth Century: Two Lectures Delivered at the London Institution, 4 and 11 February 1884 (1884) (Works 34)
• The Pleasures of England: Lectures Given in Oxford, During his Second Tenure of the Slade Professorship (delivered 1884, published 1884–85) (Works 33)
• Præterita: Outlines of Scenes and Thoughts Perhaps Worthy of Memory in My Past Life (3 vols.) (1885–89) (Works 35)
• Dilecta: Correspondence, Diary Notes, and Extracts from Books, Illustrating 'Praeterita' (1886, 1887, 1900) (Works 35)

Selected diaries and letters

• The Diaries of John Ruskin eds. Joan Evans and John Howard Whitehouse (Clarendon Press, 1956–59)
• The Brantwood Diary of John Ruskin ed. Helen Gill Viljoen (Yale University Press, 1971)
• A Tour of the Lakes in Cumbria. John Ruskin's Diary for 1830 eds. Van Akin Burd and James S. Dearden (Scolar, 1990)
• The Winnington Letters: John Ruskin‟s correspondence with Margaret Alexis Bell and the children at Winnington Hall ed. Van Akin Burd (Harvard University Press, 1969)
• The Ruskin Family Letters: The Correspondence of John James Ruskin, his wife, and their son John, 1801–1843 ed. Van Akin Burd (2 vols.) (Cornell University Press, 1973)
• The Correspondence of John Ruskin and Charles Eliot Norton ed. John Lewis Bradley and Ian Ousby (Cambridge University Press, 1987)
• The Correspondence of Thomas Carlyle and John Ruskin ed. George Allen Cate (Stanford University Press, 1982)
• John Ruskin's Correspondence with Joan Severn: Sense and Nonsense Letters ed. Rachel Dickinson (Legenda, 2008)

Selected editions of Ruskin still in print

• Praeterita [Ruskin's autobiography] ed. Francis O' Gorman (Oxford University Press, 2012)
• Unto this Last: Four essays on the First Principles of Political Economy intro. Andrew Hill (Pallas Athene, 2010)
• Unto This Last And Other Writings ed. Clive Wilmer (Penguin, 1986)
• Fors Clavigera: Letters to the Workmen and Labourers of Great Britain ed. Dinah Birch (Edinburgh University Press, 1999)
• The Storm-Cloud of the Nineteenth-Century preface by Clive Wilmer and intro. Peter Brimblecombe (Pallas Athene, 2012)
• The Nature of Gothic (Pallas Athene, 2011) [facsimile reprint of Morris's Kelmscott Edition with essays by Robert Hewison and Tony Pinkney]
• Selected Writings ed. Dinah Birch (Oxford University Press, 2009)
• Selected Writings (originally Ruskin Today) ed. Kenneth Clark (Penguin, 1964 and later impressions)
• The Genius of John Ruskin: Selections from his Writings ed. John D. Rosenberg (George Allen and Unwin, 1963)
• Athena: Queen of the Air (Annotated) (originally The Queen of the Air: A Study of the Greek Myths of Cloud and Storm) ed. Na Ding, foreword by Tim Kavi, brief literary bio by Kelli M. Webert (TiLu Press, 2013 electronic book version, paper forthcoming)

See also

• John Henry Devereux
• Ruskin, Nebraska
• Ruskin's diggers in Ferry Hinksey (1874)
• Ruskin's Ride, a bridleway in Oxford
• Trenton, Missouri, home of the first Ruskin College in the United States
• Charles Augustus Howell
• The English House


1. Hewison, Robert. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/24291. Missing or empty |title= (help)(Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
2. Helen Gill Viljoen, Ruskin's Scottish Heritage: A Prelude (University of Illinois Press, 1956)[page needed].
3. Helen Gill Viljoen, Ruskin's Scottish Heritage (University of Illinois Press, 1956)[page needed]
4. ODNB (2004) "Childhood and education"
5. [1][permanent dead link]
6. Lemon, Rebecca, et al., eds. The Blackwell Companion to the Bible in English Literature. Vol. 36. John Wiley & Sons, 2010. p. 523
7. J. S. Dearden, John Ruskin's Camberwell (Brentham Press for Guild of St George, 1990)[page needed].
8. "UCL Bloomsbury Project". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
9. "King's College London – John Keats". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
10. "John Ruskin Biography >> Classic Stories". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
11. John Ruskin, Iteriad, or Three Weeks Among the Lakes, ed. James S. Dearden (Frank Graham, 1969)[page needed]
12. Robert Hewison, Ruskin and Venice: The Paradise of Cities (Yale University Press, 2009)[page needed]
13. Cook and Wedderburn, 1.453n2.
14. Cook and Wedderburn, Introduction.
15. Cook and Wedderburn, 2.265-8.
16. Cook and Wedderburn, 1.191-6.
17. Cook and Wedderburn, 1.4-188.
18. Cook and Wedderburn, 1.206-10.
19. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 17 October 2011. Retrieved 5 September 2011.
20. Cynthia Gamble, John Ruskin, Henry James and the Shropshire Lads (New European Publications, 2008) chapters 3–4.
21. For his winning poem, "Salsette and Elephanata", Cook and Wedderburn 2.90–100.
22. Derrick Leon, Ruskin: The Great Victorian (Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1949), pp. 54–56.
23. Cook and Wedderburn, 1.VI.305-54.
24. James S. Dearden, "The King of the Golden River: A Bio-Bibliographival Study" in Robert E. Rhodes and Del Ivan Janik, Studies in Ruskin: Essays in Honor of Van Akin Burd (Ohio University Press, 1982), pp. 32–59.
25. Dinah Birch (ed.) Ruskin on Turner (Cassell, 1990)[page needed]
26. "the electronic edition of John Ruskin's "Modern Painters" Volume I". 28 June 2002. Retrieved 18 July2017.
27. Cook and Wedderburn, 3.104.
28. Tim Hilton, John Ruskin: The Early Years (Yale University Press, 1985) p. 73.
29. Q. in Harold I. Shapiro (ed.), Ruskin in Italy: Letters to His Parents 1845 (Clarendon Press, 1972), pp.200–01.
30. Cook and Wedderburn, 4.25-218.
31. Cook and Wedderburn, 4.47 (Modern Painters II).
32. See J. L. Bradley (ed.), Ruskin: The Critical Heritage (Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1984), pp. 88–95.
33. "NPG 5160; Effie Gray (Lady Millais) – Portrait". National Portrait Gallery. 26 December 2016. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
34. "May 7th 1828". Perthshire Diary. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
35. For the wider context, see Robert Brownell, A Marriage of Inconvenience: John Ruskin, Effie Gray, John Everett Millais and the surprising truth about the most notorious marriage of the nineteenth century (Pallas Athene, 2013).
36. Cook and Wedderburn, 8.3-274.
37. Mary Lutyens, Effie in Venice (John Murray, 1965); reprinted as Young Mrs. Ruskin in Venice: Unpublished Letters of Mrs. John Ruskin written from Venice, between 1849–1852 (Vanguard Press, 1967; new edition: Pallas Athene, 2001).
38. "Ruskin's Venetian Notebooks 1849–50". 20 March 2008. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
39. For The Stones of Venice see Cook and Wedderburn vols. 9–11.
40. Cook and Wedderburn, 10.180–269.
41. Fiona MacCarthy, William Morris (Faber and Faber, 1994) pp. 69–70, 87.
42. Grieve, Alastair (1996). "Ruskin and Millais at Glenfinals". The Burlington Magazine. 138 (1117): 228–234. JSTOR 886970.
43. Cook and Wedderburn, 12.357n.
44. Derrick Leon, Ruskin: The Great Victorian (Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1949), pp. 137–49.
45. Cook and Wedderburn, 12.319–335.
46. Mary Lutyens, Millais and the Ruskins (John Murray, 1968) p. 236.
47. Sir William James, The Order of Release, the story of John Ruskin, Effie Gray and John Everett Millais, 1946, p. 237
48. Phyllis Rose, Parallel Lives: Five Victorian Marriages, 1983, p. 87
49. Mary Lutyens, Millais and the Ruskins (John Murray, 1968) p. 192.
50. ODNB: "Critic of Contemporary Art".
51. W. G. Collingwood, Life and Work of John Ruskin (Methuen, 1900) p. 402.
52. Cook and Wedderburn, vol. 14.
53. [2][dead link]
54. "Fitzwilliam Museum Collections Explorer". Archived from the original on 3 September 2014. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
55. The relation between Ruskin, his art and criticism, was explored in the exhibition Ruskin, Turner and the Pre-Raphaelites (Tate Britain, 2000), curated by Robert Hewison, Stephen Wildman and Ian Warrell.
56. Malcolm Low & Julie Graham, The stained glass window of the Little Church of St. Francis, private publication August 2002 & April 2006, for viewing Fareham Library reference Section or the Westbury Manor Museum Ref: section Fareham, hants; The stained glass window of the Church of St. Francis. Funtley, Fareham, Hampshire Archived 30 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine
57. J. Mordaunt Crook, "Ruskinian Gothic" in The Ruskin Polygon: Essays on the Imagination of John Ruskin ed. John Dixon Hunt and Faith M. Holland (Manchester University Press, 1982), pp. 65–93.
58. Michael Brooks, John Ruskin and Victorian Architecture (Thames and Hudson, 1991), p. 127.
59. "John Ruskin on education". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
60. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 5 August 2011. Retrieved 5 September 2011.
61. Cook and Wedderburn, 13.553.
62. Cook and Wedderburn, 15.23-232.
63. ODNB.
64. Robert Hewison, Ruskin and Oxford: The Art of Education (Clarendon Press, 1996), p. 226.
65. The Winnington Letters: John Ruskin's correspondence with Margaret Alexis Bell and the children at Winnington Halled. Van Akin Burd (Harvard University Press, 1969)[page needed]
66. Cook and Wedderburn, 18.197–372.
67. Malcolm Cole, "Be Like Daisies": John Ruskin and the Cultivation of Beauty at Whitelands College (Guild of St George Ruskin Lecture 1992) (Brentham Press for The Guild of St George, 1992).
68. Manuel, Anne (2013). Breaking New Ground: A History of Somerville College as seen through its Buildings. Oxford: Somerville College. p. 12.
69. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 8 January 2015. Retrieved 15 September 2014.
70. Respectively, Cook and Wedderburn vols. 5 and 6.
71. Cook and Wedderburn, 5.69.
72. Francis O'Gorman, "Ruskin's Mountain Gloom" in Rachel Dickinson and Keith Hanley (eds), Ruskin's Struggle for Coherence: Self-Representation through Art, Place and Society (Cambridge Scholars Press, 2006), pp. 76–89.
73. Cook and Wedderburn, 5.385–417, 418–68.
74. Alan Davis, "Ruskin's Dialectic: Mountain Gloom and Mountain Glory" in Ruskin Programme Bulletin, no. 25 (January 2001), pp. 6–8
75. Cook and Wedderburn, 16.9-174.
76. J. L. Bradley (ed.), Ruskin: The Critical Heritage (Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1984), pp. 202–205.
77. Most of Viljoen's work remains unpublished, but has been explored by Van Akin Burd and James L. Spates. An Introduction to Helen Gill Viljoen's Unpublished Biography of Ruskin by Van Akin Burd; Editor's Introductory Comments on Viljoen's Chapter by James L. Spates and Ruskin in Milan, 1862": A Chapter from Dark Star, Helen Gill Viljoen's Unpublished Biography of John Ruskin by James L. Spates.
78. For the address itself, see Cook and Wedderburn 16.177–206, and for the wider context: Clive Wilmer, "Ruskin and Cambridge" in The Companion (Newsletter of The Guild of St. George) no.7 (2007), pp.8–10. [Revised version of inaugural Ruskin Lecture, Anglia Ruskin University, 11 October 2006)]
79. Cook and Wedderburn, 16.251–426.
80. Cook and Wedderburn, 16.251.
81. Cook and Wedderburn, 13.9–80.
82. Cook and Wedderburn, 13.95–186.
83. For the catalogues, Cook and Wedderburn 19.187–230 and 351–538. For letters, see 13.329-50 and further notes, 539–646.
84. Ian Warrell "Exploring the 'Dark Side': Ruskin and the Problem of Turner's Erotica", British Art Journal, vol. IV, no. 1 (Spring 2003), pp. 15–46.
85. Alan Davis, "Misinterpreting Ruskin: New light on the 'dark clue' in the basement of the National Gallery, 1857–58" in Nineteenth-Century Prose, vol. 38, no. 2 (Fall 2011), pp. 35–64.
86. Cook and Wedderburn, 29.89.
87. Michael Wheeler, Ruskin's God (Cambridge University Press, 1999)[page needed].
88. Cook and Wedderburn, 36.115.
89. "Chapter Four, Section II. Loss of Belief". 25 July 2005. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
90. ... s/4.3.html
91. E. T. Cook, The Life of John Ruskin (2 vols., 2nd edn., George Allen, 1912), vol. 2, p. 2.
92. On the importance of words and language: Cook and Wedderburn 18.65, 18.64, and 20.75.
93. For the sources of Ruskin's social and political analysis: James Clark Sherburne, John Ruskin or The Ambiguities of Abundance: A Study in Social and Economic Criticism (Harvard University Press, 1972[page needed]
94. Cook and Wedderburn, 17.15–118.
95. Cook and Wedderburn 4.122n. For the press reaction: J. L. Bradley (ed.) Ruskin: The Critical Heritage (Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1984), pp. 273–89.
96. Cook and Wedderburn, 36.415.
97. Q. in James S. Dearden, John Ruskin (Shire Publications Ltd., 2004), pp. 34–35.
98. For the influence of Ruskin's social and political thought: Gill Cockram, Ruskin and Social Reform: Ethics and Economics in the Victorian Age (I.B. Tauris, 2007) and Stuart Eagles, After Ruskin: The Social and Political Legacies of a Victorian Prophet, 1870–1920 (Oxford University Press, 2011).
99. Cook and Wedderburn 27.167 and 35.13.
100. "Ruskin MP I Notes". 6 July 2002. Archived from the original on 8 October 2012. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
101. Cook and Wedderburn, 17.129–298.
102. Cook and Wedderburn, 17.309–484.
103. Francis O' Gorman gives the figure as £120,000, in idem, John Ruskin (Sutton Publishing Ltd., 1999) p. 62 as does James S. Dearden (who adds that property, including paintings, was valued at £3000), in idem, John Ruskin (Shire Publications Ltd., 2004), p. 37. Robert Hewison's Oxford Dictionary of National Biography entry for Ruskin, however, states £157,000 plus £10,000 in pictures (section: "A Mid-Life Crisis"). The National Probate Calendar states simply, 'under £200,000.
104. Cook and Wedderburn, 17.lxxvii.
105. Gillian Darley, Octavia Hill: A Life (Constable, 1990)[page needed]
106. Cook and Wedderburn, 19.163-94.
107. "Moral Taste in Ruskin's "Traffic"". 13 November 2006. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
108. Cook and Wedderburn, 18.433.
109. Cook and Wedderburn, 18.383–533.
110. Cook and Wedderburn, 18.19-187.
111. Kate Millett, Sexual Politics. New York: Doubleday and Co., 1970, p. 91
112. Tim Hilton, John Ruskin: The Later Years (Yale University Press, 2000), pp. 165–68.
113. Richard Symonds, 'Oxford and the Empire', in M. G. Brock and M. C. Curthoys (eds.), The History of the University of Oxford, vol. VII: Nineteenth-Century Oxford, part 2 (Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 689–716, specifically p. 691.
114. "Oxford University Archives | Home" (PDF). Retrieved 18 July 2017.
115. See Robert Hewison, Ruskin and Oxford: The Art of Education (Clarendon Press, 1996)[page needed]
116. Cook and Wedderburn, 29.86.
117. Francis O' Gorman, John Ruskin (Pocket Biographies) (Sutton Publishing Ltd., 1999) p. 78.
118. "John Ruskin green plaque". Open Plaques. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
119. Stuart Eagles, After Ruskin: The Social and Political Legacies of a Victorian Prophet, 1870–1920 (Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 103–09.
120. Stuart Eagles, "Ruskin the Worker: Hinksey and the Origins of Ruskin Hall, Oxford" in Ruskin Review and Bulletin, vol. 4, no. 3 (Autumn 2008), pp. 19–29.
121. Tim Hilton, John Ruskin: The Latter Years (Yale University Press, 2000), pp. 399–400, 509–10.
122. Jed Mayer, "Ruskin, Vivisection, and Scientific Knowledge" in Nineteenth-Century Prose, vol. 35, no. 1 (Spring 2008) (Guest Editor, Sharon Aronofsky Weltman), pp. 200–22.
123. Cook and Wedderburn, 29.160.
124. Linda Merrill, A Pot of Paint: Aesthetics on Trial in Whistler v. Ruskin. – book review, Art in America, January 1993, by Wendy Steiner Archived 27 August 2006 at the Wayback Machine
125. For an exploration of Ruskin's rejection of dominant artistic trends in his later life, see Clive Wilmer, "Ruskin and the Challenge of Modernity" in Nineteenth-Century Prose, vol. 38, no. 2 (Fall 2011), pp. 13–34.
126. Cook and Wedderburn 29.469, the passage in Sesame and Lilies printed in "blood-red".
127. Cook and Wedderburn, 27–29.
128. For the Guild's original constitution and articles of association: Cook and Wedderburn 30.3–12
129. [3] Archived 24 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine
130. On the origins of the Guild: Mark Frost, The Lost Companions and John Ruskin's Guild of St George, a revisionary history (Anthem Press, 2014); amd Edith Hope Scott, Ruskin's Guild of St George (Methuen, 1931).
131. See Sally Goldsmith, Thirteen Acres: John Ruskin and the Totley Communists (Guild of St George Publications, 2017).
132. See Peter Wardle and Cedric Quayle, Ruskin and Bewdley (Brentham Press, 2007).
133. ' See Liz Mitchell, Treasuring things of the least': Mary Hope Greg, John Ruskin and Westmill, Hertfordshire (Guild of St George Publications, 2017).
134. See Stuart Eagles, Miss Margaret E. Knight and St George's Field, Sheepscombe (Guild of St George Publications, 2015).
135. "Ruskinland". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
136. Cook and Wedderburn, 28.417–38 and 28.13–29.
137. Sara Atwood, Ruskin's Educational Ideals (Ashgate, 2011), pp. 151–64.
138. For a short, illustrated history of the Guild: James S. Dearden, John Ruskin's Guild of St George (Guild of St George, 2010).
139. Sara E. Haslam, John Ruskin and the Lakeland Arts Revival, 1880–1920 (Merton Priory Press Ltd., 2004)[page needed]
140. Janet Barnes, Ruskin and Sheffield (Guild of St Georgel, 2018).
141. Cook and Wedderburn, 5.333.
142. "Ruskin at Walkley". Ruskin at Walkley. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
143. "eMuseum". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
144. Robert Dunlop, Plantation of Renown: The Story of the La Touche Family of Harristown and the Baptist Church at Brannockstown in Co. Kildare [1970]. Revised and enlarged edition, 1982; "Ruskin‟s "Wild Rose of Kildare", pp. 29–41.
145. See Van Akin Burd, John Ruskin and Rose La Touche: Her unpublished Diaries of 1861 and 1867 (Clarendon Press, 1979).
146. Cook and Wedderburn, 27.344.
147. Cook and Wedderburn 23.293. For further study, see Keith Hanley and John K. Walton, Constructing Cultural Tourism: John Ruskin and the Tourist Gaze (Channel View Publications, 2010).
148. Cook and Wedderburn, 34.265–397.
149. Cook and Wedderburn, 34.7–80.
150. Michael Wheeler (ed.), Ruskin and Environment: The Storm-Cloud of the Nineteenth Century (Manchester University Press, 1995).
151. Cook and Wedderburn, 35.5-562.
152. For an illustrated history of Brantwood, see James S. Dearden, Brantwood: The Story of John Ruskin's Coniston Home (Ruskin Foundation, 2009).
153. [4] Archived 24 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine
154. "Look and Learn History Picture Library". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
155. For Ruskin's relationship with Joan Severn, see John Ruskin's Correspondence with Joan Severn: Sense and Nonsense Letters ed. Rachel Dickinson (Legenda, 2008).
156. James Spates has written about the effects of this, based on the research work of Helen Viljoen. See James L. Spates, 'John Ruskin‟s Dark Star: New Lights on His Life Based on the Unpublished Biographical Materials and Research of Helen Gill Viljoen', Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester, vol. 82, no. 1, Spring 2000 [published 2001], 135–91.
157. Stuart Eagles, After Ruskin: The Social and Political Legacies of a Victorian Prophet, 1870–1920 (Oxford University Press, 2011), pp. 246–48.
158. See James S. Dearden, Ruskin, Bembridge and Brantwood: the Growth of the Whitehouse Collection (Ryburn, 1994).
159. "Museum, Arts Centre & Self Catering Accommodation Coniston". 14 April 2017. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
160. See "The Guild of St George". Retrieved 23 January 2019.
161. See "The Ruskin Society". Retrieved 23 January 2019.
162. See "Ruskin200". Retrieved 23 January 2019.
163. Alexander MacEwen, who attended Ruskin's lectures at Oxford, reported that the papers described him thus. See David Smith Cairns, Life and times of Alexander Robertson MacEwen, D.D (Hodder and Stoughton, 1925), pp. 30–31.
164. See H. W. Nevinson, Changes and Chances (James Nisbet, 1923), pp. 53–55 and J. A. Spender, Life, Journalism and Politics (Cassell & Co., 1927), p. 192.
165. Stephen Gwynn, Experiences of a Literary Man, Thornton Butterworth, 1926, pages 39-41
166. Stuart Eagles, Ruskin and Tolstoy (2nd edn) (Guild of St George, 2016) p. 12.
167. Cynthia J. Gamble, Proust as Interpreter of Ruskin. The Seven Lamps of Translation (Summa Publications, 2002)[page needed]
168. Masami Kimura, "Japanese Interest in Ruskin: Some Historical Trends" in Robert E. Rhodes and Del Ivan Janik (eds.), Studies in Ruskin: Essays in Honor of Van Akin Burd (Ohio University Press, 1982), pp. 215–44.
169. Catalogue of the Ryuzo Mikimoto Collection : Ruskin Library, Tokyo 2004. 1 April 2017. OCLC 56923207.
170. Rebecca Daniels and Geoff Brandwood (ed.), Ruskin and Architecture (Spire Books, 2003)[page needed]
171. W. G. Collingwood, Life and Work of John Ruskin (Methuen, 1900) p. 260.
172. Giovanni Cianci and Peter Nicholls (eds.) Ruskin and Modernism (Palgrave, 2001) and Toni Cerutti (ed.) Ruskin and the Twentieth Century: the modernity of Ruskinism (Edizioni Mercurio, 2000).
173. Download Samuel Jones (ed.), The Enduring Relevance of Octavia Hill Archived 18 June 2012 at the Wayback Machine and see specifically, Robert Hewison, "'You are doing some of the work that I ought to do': Octavia Hill and Ruskinian values", pp. 57–66.
174. Michael H. Lang Designing Utopia: John Ruskin's Urban Vision for Britain and America (Black Rose Books Ltd., 1999)[page needed]
175. For a full discussion of Ruskin and education, see Sara Atwood, Ruskin's Educational Ideals (Ashgate, 2011).
176. "The Elements of Drawing". Retrieved 4 August 2017.
177. Arnd Krüger. 'The masses are much more sensitive to the perfection of the whole than to any separate details': The Influence of John Ruskin's Political Economy on Pierre de Coubertin, in: Olympika, 1996 Vol. V, pp. 25–44. ... c.pdf;Arnd Krüger. Coubertin's Ruskianism, in: R. K. BARNEY u. a. (eds): Olympic Perspectives. 3rd International Symposium for Olympic Research. London, Ont.: University of Western Ontario 1996, pp. 31–42. ... R1996h.pdf
178. Gill Cockram, Ruskin and Social Reform: Ethics and Economics in the Victorian Age (Tauris, 2007)[page needed]
179. Stuart Eagles, After Ruskin: the social and political legacies of a Victorian prophet, 1870–1920 (Oxford University Press, 2011) and Dinah Birch (ed.), Ruskin and the Dawn of the Modern (Oxford University Press, 1999).
180. Bunting, Madeleine (30 March 2010). "Red Tory intrigues and infuriates". The Guardian.
181. See "Ruskin200". Retrieved 21 January 2019.
182. "Ruskin Library". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
183. "Museum, Arts Centre & Self Catering Accommodation Coniston". 14 April 2017. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
184. "Ruskin Museum". Ruskin Museum. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
185. House, Barony (23 January 2019). "JOHN RUSKIN my famous ancestor, read my story". BARONY HOUSE - Edinburgh Hotel Edinburgh B&B. Retrieved 1 December 2019.
186. "Five-star award for Capital B&B". The Edinburgh Reporter. 19 June 2018. Retrieved 28 August 2018.
187. "Barony House". Retrieved 28 August 2018.
188. "Barony House, Edinburgh – B&B". Retrieved 28 August 2018.
189. "The Ruskin Museum". Retrieved 28 August 2018.
190. "Ruskin Community Mural". YouTube. 4 March 2009. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
191. Keith Hanley and John K. Walton, Constructing Cultural Tourism: John Ruskin and the Tourist Gaze (Channel View Publications, 2010).
192. Katherine Newey and Jeffrey Richards John Ruskin and the Victorian Theatre (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010).
193. David Gauntlett Making Is Connecting: the social meaning of creativity from DIY and knitting to YouTube and Web 2.0(Polity, 2011), pp. 25–36, 217–19; specifically on YouTube, see pp. 85–87.
194. Lars Spuybroek, The Sympathy of Things: Ruskin and the Ecology of Design (V2_NAI Publishers, 2011), pp. 65–68.
195. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 12 October 2011. Retrieved 22 July 2011.
196. Frank Field spoke at the Art Workers Guild on Ruskin, 6 February 2010. Stuart Eagles, The Economic Symposium. John Ruskin and the Modern World: Art and Economics, 1860–2010 in The Companion no. 10 (2010), pp. 7–10.
197. Omnibus. Ruskin: The Last Visionary , tx. BBC1, 13 March 2000.
198. Robert Hewison (ed.) There is no wealth but life: Ruskin in the 21st Century (Ruskin To-Day, 2006).
199. Andrew Hill, Introduction in John Ruskin, Unto This Last (Pallas Athene, 2010), pp. 9–16.
200. Melvyn Bragg, Foreword in John Ruskin, On Genius (Hesperus, 2011), pp. vii–xiv. He also appeared on an edition of Broadcasting House on BBC Radio 4 on 20 January 2019.
201. "Ruskin MP I Notes". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
202. J. A. Hobson, John Ruskin: Social Reformer (J. Nisbet & Co., 1898), p. viii.
203. Clive Wilmer (ed.), Unto This Last and Other Writings (Penguin, 1985; and Kindle), pp. 36–37.
204. "Was Ruskin the most important man of the last 200 years?".
205. Cook and Wedderburn, 3.624.
206. "Ruskin, Turner and The Pre-Raphaelites". 7 January 2000. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
207. Ruskin, The Stones of Venice, iii, ch. iv, §35; Cook and Wedderburn 11.227.
208. John Unrau, Ruskin, the Workman and the Savageness of Gothic, in New Approaches to Ruskin, ed Robert Hewison, 1981, pp. 33–50
209. Cook and Wedderburn 12.417–32. Cynthia J. Gamble, "John Ruskin: conflicting responses to Crystal Palace" in Françoise Dassy and Catherine Hajdenko-Marshall (eds.), Sociétés et conflit: enjeux et représentation (L‟Harmattan et l‟Université de Cergy-Pontoise, 2006), pp. 135–49.
210. Fowler, Alastair (1989). The History of English Literature. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. p. 245. ISBN 0-674-39664-2.
211. Kenneth Clark, "A Note on Ruskin's Writings on Art and Architecture," in idem, Ruskin Today (John Murray, 1964) (reissued as Selected Writings, Penguin, 1991), pp. 133–34.
212. Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc. ([1854] 1990). The foundations of architecture. New York: George Braziller. p. 195. (Translated by Kenneth D. Whitehead from the original French.)
213. Seven Lamps ("The Lamp of Memory") c. 6; Cook and Wedderburn 8.233–34.
214. Cook and Wedderburn, 17.17–24.
215. Jose Harris, "Ruskin and Social Reform" in Dinah Birch (ed.), Ruskin and the Dawn of the Modern (Clarendon Press, 1999), pp. 7–33, specifically p. 8.
216. The Guardian report on the discovery of Turner's drawings. Also see Warrell "Exploring the 'Dark Side': Ruskin and the Problem of Turner's Erotica", British Art Journal, vol. IV, no. 1, Spring 2003, pp. 15–46.
217. Lyall, Sarah (13 January 2005). "A Censorship Story Goes Up in Smoke – No Bonfire Devoured J.M.W. Turner's Erotica". The New York Times. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
218. Mary Lutyens, Millais and the Ruskins, p. 191
219. Lutyens, M., Millais and the Ruskins, p. 156
220. Peter Fuller, Theoria: Art and the Absence of Grace, Chatto & Windus, 1988, pp. 11–12
221. Q. in J. Howard Whitehouse, Vindication of Ruskin (George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1950), p. 53.
222. See Robert Brownell, A Marriage of Inconvenience: John Ruskin, Effie Gray, John Everett Millais and the surprising truth about the most notorious marriage of the nineteenth century (Pallas Athene, 2013).
223. Current evidence suggests that she was ten when they met, but Ruskin states in his autobiography that she was only nine. Hewison, R, John Ruskin, The Argument of the Eye, p.160; The Guardian, review of Batchelor, J., John Ruskin: No Wealth but Life, 2000
224. Hilton, T. John Ruskin: The Later Years, p. 553, "absolutely under her [Rose's] orders I have asked Tenny Watson to marry me and come abroad with her father."
225. Lurie, Alison (20 July 1998). Don't Tell the Grown-Ups: The Subversive Power of Children's Literature. Little, Brown. ISBN 9780316246255.
226. [5][permanent dead link] Philological Quarterly, Fall, 2007 by Van Akin Burd
227. Pigwiggina is a nickname Ruskin used for the girl as she looked after (lambs and) piglets; c.f. Letters to M. G. and H. G.
228. Hilton, T., John Ruskin: A Life, vol. 1, pp. 253–54; Batchelor, J, John Ruskin: No Wealth but Life, p. 202.
229. Wolfgang Kemp and Jan Van Heurck, The Desire of My Eyes: The Life & Work of John Ruskin , p. 288.
230. John Ruskin. The Last Visionary, tx. 13 March 2000 (BBC1).
231. See James L. Spates, "Ruskin's Sexuality: Correcting Decades of Misperception and Mislabelling" "victoriaweb0". Retrieved 23 January 2019.
232. Fred R. Shapiro (2006). The Yale Book of Quotations. New Haven: Yale University Press. p. 657. ISBN 9780300107982. Retrieved 7 January 2013.
233. Landow, George P. (27 July 2007). "A Ruskin Quotation?". Retrieved 7 January 2013.
234. Ruskin Library (23 May 2011). "On the present economic situation". Ruskin Library. Archived from the originalon 15 June 2013. Retrieved 28 January 2013.
235. Bell, Kenneth J. (1992). "Go Figure--Some Reflections on John Ruskin, Bid Evaluation, and the Accidental Triumph of Good Engineering". Heat Transfer Engineering. 13 (4): 5. doi:10.1080/01457639208939784.
236. Lewis C. Bowers; Sons, Inc. (9–15 March 1952). "Construction Costs". Town Topics. Princeton, NJ: Donald C. Stuart, Jr. and Dan D. Coyle. p. 11. Retrieved 2 January 2015.
237. Plymouth Cordage, Co. (December 1913). "Mississippi River Improvements". Plymouth Products (21). Retrieved 7 January 2013.
238. Anonymous. (August 1917). "Ain't it the Truth". Northwestern Druggist. 18 (8): 53. Retrieved 23 January 2013.
239. Anonymous. (July 1919). "How an Old Masonry Arch Bridge Was Rebuilt". Railway Maintenance Engineer. 15 (7): 228–30. Retrieved 23 January 2013.
240. Pittsburgh Reflector Co. Permaflector Lighting Catalog. Pittsburgh, Pa.: Pittsburgh Reflector Co. p. 3. Retrieved 2 January 2014.
241. Art's Beauty Salon (1938). Sweet Briar YWCA (ed.). "Advertisement". Students' Handbook: Sweet Briar College. Sweet Briar, Va.: Sweet Briar College. 1938–1939: ii. Retrieved 2 January 2015.
242. F.E.C. [F.E. Charles] (8 February 1933). "Progress of Kansas Press". Kansas Industrialist. Manhattan, Kansas: Kansas State College of Agriculture and Applied Science. 59 (17): 4. Retrieved 2 January 2015.
243. Skoog, Jr., Charles V. (21 April 1958). "Advertising in the Barter Basement: Is Pitch More Potent than Payoff?"(PDF). Broadcasting: The Businessweekly of Television and Radio. Washington, DC: Broadcasting Publications, Inc.: 133. Retrieved 2 January 2015.
244. Lehman Sprayshield Company (1938). Shower Bath Enclosures by Lehman. Philadelphia, Pa.: Lehman Sprayshield Company. p. 4. Retrieved 2 January 2015.
245. "Don't You be the Goat". The Carleton. Ottawa, Ontario, Canada: Carleton College. 10 (8): 6. 12 October 1954. Retrieved 2 January 2015.
246. Lamb, Geo[rge] N[ewton] (1940). How to Identify Genuine Mahogany and Avoid Substitutes. Chicago, Illinois: Mahogany Association, Inc. p. 24. Retrieved 2 January 2015.
247. Shore High School (1934). The Log. Euclid, Ohio: Shore High School. p. 41. Retrieved 2 January 2014.
248. Lamb, George N[ewton] (1947). The Mahogany Book (6th ed.). Chicago, Illinois: Mahogany Association, Inc. p. 47. Retrieved 2 January 2015.
249. Woods, Baldwin M.; Raber, Benedict F. (March 1935). "Air Conditioning for California Homes". Bulletin. Berkeley, Ca.: University of California, College of Agriculture, Agricultural Experiment Station. 589: 43. Retrieved 2 January 2015.
250. Charles T. Bainbridge's Sons (February 1965). "Advertisement". Today's Art. New York: Syndicate Magazines, Inc. 13 (2): 3. Retrieved 2 January 2015.
251. Dobkin, Allen B.; Harland, John N.; Fedoruk, Sylvia (1961). "Chloroform and Halothane in a Precision System: Comparison of Some Cardiovascular, Respiratory and Metabolic Effects in Dogs". British Journal of Anaesthesia. 33 (5): 239–57. doi:10.1093/bja/33.5.239. PMID 13723251.
252. Walker, J. (5 December 2014). "See Ruskin". British Dental Journal. 217 (11): 612. doi:10.1038/sj.bdj.2014.1059. PMID 25476615.
253. Miles, Edward W. (2016). The Past, Present, and Future of the Business School. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 92. ISBN 9783319336398. Retrieved 10 May 2019.
254. Gunning, J.G.; McCallion, E.M. (2007). "TQM in Large Northern Ireland Contracting Organizations" (PDF). Proceedings of the 23rd Annual ARCOM Conference, 3-5 September 2007, Belfast, U.K., Association of Researchers in Construction Management. Edinburgh, UK: Association of Researchers in Construction Management. p. 578. Retrieved 10 May 2019.
255. Wertheimer, Mark B. (2018). "Pursuit of Excellence: A Forgotten Quest?" (PDF). APOS Trends in Orthodontics. 8(1): 12. doi:10.4103/apos.apos_3_18. Archived from the original (PDF) on 10 May 2019. Retrieved 10 May 2019.
256. Mariotti, John L. (2008). The Complexity Crisis: Why Too Many Products, Markets, and Customers Are Crippling Your Company and What to Do About It. Avon, Massachusetts: Platinum Press. ISBN 9781605508535. Retrieved 6 February 2013.
257. Philip, Bruce (2011). Consumer Republic: Using Brands to Get What You Want, Make Corporations Behave, and Maybe Even Save the World. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart. p. 141. ISBN 9780771070068. Retrieved 1 February2016.
258. Falcone, Marc (3 July 1973). "Paradise Lost Or, Baskin-Robbins Rated". New York. 6 (27). Retrieved 22 January 2013.
259. North, Gary (August 1974). "Price Competition and Expanding Alternatives" (PDF). The Freeman. 24 (8): 467–76. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 July 2013. Retrieved 23 January 2013.
260. Modern Painters III (see Part VI, "Of Many Things", c. XII, "Of the Paethetic Fallacy") see Works 5.201–220.
261. See Works 27.27–44 and 28.106–7.
262. For a full and concise introduction to the work, see Dinah Birch, "Introduction", in John Ruskin, Fors Clavigera, ed. Dinah Birch (Edinburgh University Press, 2000), pp. xxxiii–xlix.
263. "The Fortnightly Review › Ruskin and the distinction between Aesthesis and Theoria". 7 April 2009. Archived from the original on 29 September 2017. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
264. Peter Fuller, Theoria: Art and the Absence of Grace (Chatto and Windus, 1988).
265. Ruskin, John (1989). The Seven Lamps of Architecture. Dover Publications. p. 210.
266. Ruskin, John (1989). The Seven Lamps of Architecture. Dover Publications. p. 396.
267. Brewer, E. Cobham (1909). "New Republic (The)". The Historic Note-book: With an Appendix on Battles. p. 616.
268. "The Love of John Ruskin". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
269. Macdonald, Marianne (25 June 1995). "Who was who in Alice's Wonderland". The Independent. Retrieved 2 February 2019.
270. Hollingsworth, Cristopher (December 2009). Alice Beyond Wonderland: Essays for the Twenty-first Century. University of Iowa Press. p. 70. ISBN 9781587298196.
271. Dante's Inferno at the British Film Institute
272. Johnson, Chloe (2010). "Presenting the Pre-Raphaelites: From Radio Reminiscences to Desperate Romantics". Visual Culture in Britain. 11: 67–92. doi:10.1080/14714780903509847.
273. Morgan, Elizabeth (2 May 1983). "Dear Countess". Retrieved 2 February 2019 – via
274. "The Passion of John Ruskin". Canadian Film Centre. Retrieved 2 February 2019.
275. "Modern Painters (the Opera)". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
276. "Gregory Murphy". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
277. "Robin Brooks radio drama, plays – Diversity". 15 February 2014. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
278. "MANLY PURSUITS by Ann Harries". Kirkus Reviews. 1 March 1999. Retrieved 2 February 2019.
279. Marlowe, Sam (20 September 2003). "Mrs Ruskin". The Times. ISSN 0140-0460. Archived from the original on 3 February 2019. Retrieved 2 February 2019.
280. Grace Andreacchi. "Sesame and Roses". Retrieved 18 July 2017.
281. Hoare, Philip (7 October 2014). "John Ruskin: Mike Leigh and Emma Thompson have got him all wrong". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 24 June 2015.
282. Effie Gray at the TCM Movie Database
283. Randolph, Octavia. "Light, Descending, a biographical novel by Octavia Randolph".
284. "The Works of John Ruskin". Retrieved 18 July 2017.


• Robert Hewison, "Ruskin, John (1819–1900)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (ODNB) Oxford University Press, 2004; online edition.
• Francis O'Gorman (1999) John Ruskin (Pocket Biographies) (Sutton Publishing Ltd.)
• James S. Dearden (2004), John Ruskin (Shire Publications)

Further reading


• Helen Gill Viljoen, Ruskin‟s Scottish Heritage: A Prelude. University of Illinois Press, 1956.
• John D. Rosenberg, The Darkening Glass: A Portrait of Ruskin's Genius. (Columbia University Press, 1961.
• Robert Hewison, John Ruskin: The Argument of the Eye. Thames and Hudson, 1976.
• Patrick Conner, "Savage Ruskin." New York: Macmillan Press, 1979.
• Sarah Quill, Ruskin's Venice: The Stones Revisited. Ashgate, 2000.
• Kevin Jackson, The Worlds of John Ruskin. Pallas Athene, 2010.
• Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope: A History Of The World In Our Time. GSG & Associates, 1966.
• Hanley, Keith; Hull, Caroline S., eds. (2016). John Ruskin's Continental Tour 1835: The Written Records and Drawings. Cambridge: Legenda. ISBN 978-1-906540-85-2.
• Charles Waldstein, "The Work of John Ruskin: Its Influence Upon Modern Thought and Life," Harper's Magazine, vol. 78, no. 465 (Feb. 1889), pp. 382–418.
• Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Ruskin, John" . Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
• "Ruskin, John" . Dictionary of National Biography (1st supplement). London: Smith, Elder & Co. 1901.

Biographies of Ruskin

• W. G. Collingwood (1893) The Life and Work of John Ruskin 1–2. Methuen. (The Life of John Ruskin, sixth edition (1905).) – Note that the title was slightly changed for the 1900 2nd edition and later editions.
• E. T. Cook (1911) The Life of John Ruskin 1–2. George Allen. (The Life of John Ruskin, vol. 1 of the second edition (1912); The Life of John Ruskin, vol. 2 of the second edition (1912))
• Derrick Leon (1949) Ruskin: The Great Victorian (Routledge & Kegan Paul)
• Tim Hilton (1985) John Ruskin: The Early Years (Yale University Press)
• Tim Hilton (2000) John Ruskin: The Later Years (Yale University Press)
• John Batchelor (2000) John Ruskin: No Wealth But Life (Chatto & Windus)
• Robert Hewison (2007) John Ruskin (Oxford University Press)

External links

• Ruskin Today
• The Eighth Lamp, Ruskin Studies Today. Ruskin journal
• Portraits of John Ruskin at the National Portrait Gallery, London
Library collections[edit]
• UK Museum, Library and Archive collections relating to Ruskin at Retrieved
• John Ruskin texts in the Baldwin Library of Historical Children's Literature Digital Collection. Retrieved 2010-10-19

Electronic editions

• Works by John Ruskin at Project Gutenberg
• Works by John Ruskin at Faded Page (Canada)
• Works by or about John Ruskin at Internet Archive
• Works by John Ruskin at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
• Liverpool Museums audio files on Ruskin

Archival material

• Ruskin letter to Brantwood at Mount Holyoke College
• Ruskin letter to Simon at Mount Holyoke College
• John Ruskin on In Our Time at the BBC
• Birmingham Museums & Art Gallery's online biography and gallery. Retrieved 2010-10-19
• Sources for the Study of John Ruskin and the Guild of St George. Produced by Sheffield City Council's Libraries and Archives.
• "Archival material relating to John Ruskin". UK National Archives.
• Lewin, Walter (15 July 1893). "Review of The Life and Work of John Ruskin by W. G. Collingwood". The Academy. 44 (1106): 45–46.
• Archival material at Leeds University Library
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Thu Dec 05, 2019 7:00 am

Damodar K. Mavalankar
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/4/19



Blavatsky described Damodar Mavalankar as her one “full success.” Hundreds of aspirants were called to Tibet, she said. Damodar actually tried to go, and she thought that he was destined to become a mahatma himself.51 Olcott loved him for his energy and his obedience – in contrast to Dharmapala’s disobedience.

Among other real helpers whom we had found in India, there was poor, slender, fragile Damodar Mavalankar, who had thrown himself heart and soul into the work with a devotion which could not be surpassed. Frail as a girl though he was, he could sit at his table writing, sometimes all night, unless I caught him at it and drove him to bed. No child was ever more obedient to a parent, no foster-son more utterly selfless in his love to a foster-mother, than he to H.P.B….. When a lad, brought near to death by fever and tossing in delirium, he had had a vision of a benignant sage, who came and took his hand and told him he should not die but should live for useful work. After meeting H.P.B., his interior vision gradually opened, and in him whom we know as Master K.H., Damodar saw revealed the visitor of his youthful crisis. That sealed his devotion to our cause, and his discipleship to H.P.B. (Sarnath Notebook no. 53)52

Dharmapala knew of Damodar, having met him in 1880 when he came to Lanka as part of the Theosophical party, and he took pride in Blavatsky’s calling him the “Ceylon Damodar.”53 [53. Old Diary Leaves, 2:292. Olcott remembered that Damodar identified so thoroughly with the Theosophists that he became a Buddhist himself and drove other members of his family out of the Theosophical Society and provoked them to attack Olcott back in Bombay. [???!!!!]]

Damodar remained a devotee of Master Koot Hoomi and an enthusiastic worker for the society until 1885. Having taken the vows of a sannyasin and practicing various austerities – “regulating his diet, devoting specified hours to meditation, cultivating a spirit of perfect unselfishness, and working night and day …. on the duties [Olcott] gave him in the Society” – he resided at Theosophical headquarters in Adyar and traveled with Olcott on trips through India.54 According to Olcott, he was enjoying “rapid psychical development,” making nightly astral visits to the master’s ashram in the Himalayas. Koot Hoomi responded to those visits by sending astral emissaries to Dharmapala and Olcott camping near Lahore.[?] On another occasion, while staying with the maharajah of Kashmir in his summer place in Jammu, Damodar made an astral visit that lasted sixty hours; described as “frail” and “girlish” before, he returned “robust, tough, and wiry, bold and energetic.”55 While Olcott was away in Burma, Damodar left Adyar for Tibet and was never seen again.56

-- Rescued from the Nation: Anagarika Dharmapala and the Buddhist World, by Steven Kemper

Damodar K. Mavalankar

H.P. Blavatsky standing behind Henry Steel Olcott (middle seated) and Damodar Mavalankar (seated to his left). Bombay 1881

Damodar K. Mavalankar (born September 1857 in Ahmedabad - departed for the Himalayas 1885)[1][2] was an Indian Theosophist.


He was born in the family of the Karhâda Mahârashtra caste of Brâhmanas,[3] a wealthy Indian family. Apart from learning the tenets of his religion by his father from an early age, he also received a very good English education.[3]

In 1879 he met Henry Steel Olcott and H. P. Blavatsky in Bombay, after they had just established the Theosophical Society's temporary Indian headquarters there. Damodar joined the Society in 1879, giving up his caste, and in 1880, he officially became a Buddhist while in Sri Lanka, along with Henry Steel Olcott and H. P. Blavatsky.[2][4] His actions displeased his family and led to conflict, due to them desiring him to return home and live with his wife who was betrothen to him in his childhood, or face the consequences of being cut out of his will. In response to this, Damodar gave up an income of 50,000 Indian rupees to provide for the future of his wife, and continued to live and work with the Theosophical founders.[4]

He continued his work in this way until 1885, when he went to Tibet.[5]


1. Sri Raghavan Iyer, 'Damodar K. Mavalankar'
2. Sven Eek (comp.), Dâmodar and the Pioneers of the Theosophical Movement, Theosophical Publishing House (TPH), 1965
3. Damodar K. Mavalankar, 'Castes in India', The Theosophist, May 1880
4. Henry Steel Olcott, 'Old Diary Leaves', Vol. 2, 1900
5. Henry Steel Olcott, 'Old Diary Leaves', Vol. 3, 1904, pp. 265-6

External links

• 'Damodar K. Mavalankar' by Sri Raghavan Iyer
• 'Damodar, The Writings of a Hindu Chela', Compiled by Sven Eek
• 'Damodar, The Writings of a Hindu Chela', Compiled by Sven Eek -- Biographical notes
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Thu Dec 05, 2019 7:21 am

Migettuwatte Gunananda Thera
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/5/19



As a boy Dharmapala frequented the temple of the orator Migettuvatte Gunananda, who “was thundering week after week by his denunciations against the Catholic faith.” Migettuvatte told his listeners about the founding of the Theosophical Society “for the study of religion” and that the two principal members were themselves Buddhists; Dharmapala recalled that “the very utterance made a profound impression in my mind.” He was still more impressed when Migettuvatte “commenced to issue a pamphlet about the doings of the T.S. and about Tibetan Mahatmas. I became more and more interested” (Sarnath Notebook no. 4). As Dharmapala was becoming more interested in Theosophy, the two leading Theosophists were becoming more interested in Asia, settling in Bombay in 1879.

It was in 1878 when the late Miggettuwatta Priest first announced at a bana preaching in the Pahala pansala that a TS had been formed in America. In 1878 I read the first number of the Theosophist. Since then devotedly I followed the path of the Theosophist. In 1883 Nov I sent my application but it was refused as I was young. Then I sent a letter to the “Unknown Brother,” c/o HPB having read Sinnett’s Occult World. In 1884 Jany: I joined the TS along with Peter D’Abrew L. Ed: Silva. Walking, talking eating etc. I knew only one thing: -- “Mahatma.” (Diary, September 21, 1905)

For the rest of his life, he remained committed to that mahatma, Koot Hoomi, the adept most closely associated with Buddhism....

The first link in the chain that joined Dharmapala to the Theosophical movement reached back to the public debate between Migettuvatte and a group of local Christians.33 The Panadura vadaya (controversy or debate) came as the last of several exchanges marked by vituperation from both parties as Buddhists began to resist the hegemony of Christianity in the local public sphere.34 Following the Panadura debate, these encounters were reported in the Ceylon Times and later published with revisions made by the two parties, along with an introduction and annotations by an American Methodist minister with spiritualist interests. When Olcott read Reverend Peebles’s account, he made contact with Migettuvatte, sending him a copy of Isis Unveiled and a Theosophical pamphlet.35 ....

Migettuvatte was attracted to Olcott because of his hostility to Christian missionizing, not his interest in universal human spirituality. But the monk was interested enough to publish a pamphlet discussing the Tibetan mahatmas, and Dharmapala thus acquired some of his knowledge of the mahatmas in a pamphlet with a Buddhist imprimatur: “Then the priest commenced to issue a pamphlet about the doings of the T.S. and about Tibetan Mahatmas. I became more and more interested” (Sarnath Notebook no. 4).

-- Rescued from the Nation: Anagarika Dharmapala and the Buddhist World, by Steven Kemper

Migettuwatte Gunananda Thera
පූජ්‍ය මිගෙට්ටුවත්තේ ගුණානන්ද හිමි
Title Waadibhasinha (Lion in oratory)
Born Mohottiwatta
February 9, 1823
Mohottiwatta (Migettuwatta), Balapitiya, British Ceylon
Died September 21, 1890 (aged 67)
Colombo, British Ceylon
Religion Theravada Buddhism
School Theravada
Senior posting
Teacher Thelikada Sonutthara Thera
Based in Deepaduttaaramaya, Kotahena, Colombo

Migettuwatte Gunananda Thera or Mohottiwatte Gunananda Thera (Sinhala: පූජ්‍ය මිගෙට්ටුවත්තේ ගුණානන්ද හිමි) (February 9, 1823, Balapitiya – 21 September 1890, Colombo) was a Sri Lankan ( Sinhala ) Buddhist orator. He is known for leading the Buddhist side in debates that occurred between the Buddhists and the Christians in Baddegama, Udanwita, Waragoda, Liyanagemulla, Gampola, and in the most famous of the debates in Panadura. As a result of the debates, Buddhism in Sri Lanka saw a revival.[1]

Early life

He was born 1823 in a village called Migettuwatta or Mohottiwatta near Balapitiya to a rich Buddhist Salagama caste family. His name was Wanigamuni Migel Mendis Wimalarathna before becoming a Buddhist monk [1][2] He was taught first by his parents and exhibited oratory skills from a young age. He had close contact with a Roman Catholic priest who resided in a nearby church, and gained knowledge of the Bible and Christian doctrine.[3] He had the intention of becoming a Christian priest but changed his mind after coming into contact with Buddhist monks of the nearby temples. He was ordained while in his twenties in the Dodanduwa Gala Uda Vihara by Venerable Thelikada Sonutthara Thera, the chief incumbent of the temple. His eloquent first sermon was given on the night that he was ordained; the people gathered in the temple exclaimed that the young Thera would cause Buddhism to prosper in the country and pledged their support for his religious work.[2][3] Subsequently, he gained proficiency in Buddhism and oriental languages while he was in the temple.

One day, while he was reading a magazine Bauddha Sahodaraya (Sinhalese Buddhist Brotherhood), he learned that Buddhists in Colombo were subject to religious discrimination by Christians.[3] Disturbed by the news, Gunananda Thera decided to moved to Colombo, and reside in Deepaduttaaramaya in Kotahena, the first Buddhist temple in Colombo with a history of 300 years.[4] From there the Thera begins his speeches defending Buddhism against the arguments of the Christian missionaries.

Great debates

The Christian missionaries were propagating the religion through the pamphlets and the books. Rev. D.J. Gogerly of the Wesleyan mission published Christian Pragnapthi in 1849.[1][5] Gunananda Thera replied with Durlabdi Vinodini in 1862 for Buddhists. Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Thera wrote Christiani Vada Mardanaya and Samyak Darshanaya in 1862-63. Soon after, publications were replaced by public debates.

The Baddegama debate originated from an argument arising between a young monk named Sumangala and a Christian priest in the temple of Baddegama.[1] Gunananda Thera and many other monks including Bulatgama Dhammalankara, Sri Sumanatissa, Kahawe Nanananda, Hikkaduwe Sumangala, Weligama Sri Sumangala, Pothuwila Gunaratana participated in the debate.[3] The debate was not held face-to-face. This is because if the manner of the behavior of the Christian debaters had led to conflicts, the Buddhists, as the majority, would naturally be blamed. Considering the situation the two parties agreed to carry out the debate in writing. Originally the text was composed in Baddegama, though later writings were carried out in Galle. The Waragoda debate was also held in 1865.[5]

A third debate was conducted in Udanwita in Hathara korele present day Kegalle District. The Creator, the Redeemer and the Eternal heaven were the debating topics.[1] The debate was carried out on 1 February 1866. John Edwards Hunupola (Hunupola nilame) represented the Christian side; he was a former Buddhist monk and Christian convert.[5] As agreed before the debate Gunananda Thera published the summary of the debate.[2] In response Hunupola Nilame also published his own version of a summary. Gunananda Thera issued more publications to counter the Hunupola nilame's summary. There are no records of the Liyanagemulla debate, the only known fact being that it was held in 1866.[1][2]

As the intensity of the debate rose between Buddhist and Christian sides, both parties agreed to debate in Gampola on June 9 and 10 of 1871. Gunananda Thera displayed his oratory skills in this debate and in appreciation the crowd cried in joy[3]; afterwards, they paraded Gunananda Thera around Gampola. After the Thera delivered several sermons at various places in Gampola, people arranged a procession, taking the Thera to the Peradeniya railway station and sending him back to Colombo. In Colombo, people collected the sum of £75.00 to print the sermons the thera had delivered.

Panadura Debate (පානදුරාවාදය)

All these debates culminated in the most notable of all debates, the "Panadura" debate, two years after the Gampola debate in 1873. The cause for debate arose when Rev. David de Silva delivered a sermon on the Soul at the Wesleyan Chapel, Panadura on 12 June 1873.[5] Gunananda Thera delivered a sermon a week later criticising the points raised by Rev. David de Silva. The two parties signed an agreement on 24 July 1873 to hold another debate at Panadura, although this was not the only cause of the debate [3] as debating on religious issues had commenced more than 10 years previously.

The Christians may have thought that the Buddhists were not educated and hence could be easily defeated in debate.[3] But this could be described as a miscalculation on the part of Christians. The Buddhist monks were familiar with Pali and Sanskrit texts like Nyaya Bindu written by Dignāga and Tarka sastra by Dharmakirti, which were written on art of debating, and were not hesitant in accepting the challenge of debating in public.[3]

The debate was held on 24 and 26 August 1873 at the site where the Rankot Vihara stands today.[1][5] The ablest debaters were summoned on the side of the Christians. Gunananda Thera was the debater on the side of the Buddhists while Rev. David de Silva and Catechist S.F. Sirimanna represented the Christian side. The debate revolved around topics ranged from the nature of God, the Soul and resurrection, to the concept of Karma, Rebirth, Nirvana and the principle of Pratītyasamutpāda or dependent origination.[1] Dr. K.D.G. Wimalaratna, Director of National Archives wrote;

Rev. David de Silva, a fluent speaker in Pali and Sanskrit addressed the audience of around 6000-7000 - but only a very few understood him. In complete contrast was Mohottiwatte Gunananda Thera who used plain language to counter the arguments of his opponents.[5]

Dr. Vijaya Samaraweera in his article "The Government and Religion: Problems and Policies c1832 to c1910", stated;

The Rev. Migettuwatte Gunananda proved himself to be a debater of very high order, mettlesome, witty and eloquent, if not especially erudite. The emotions generated by this debate and the impact of Migettuwatte Gunananda's personality had lasting effects on the next generation of Buddhist activities.

Migettuwatte Gunananda's triumph at Panadura set the seal on a decade of quiet recovery of Buddhist confidence. In retrospect the establishment of the 'Society for the Propagation of Buddhism' at Kotahena, and the Lankaprakara Press at Galle would seem to mark the first positive phase in this recovery.[5]

At the end of the second day of the debate, the jubilant crowd uttered "sadhu, sadhu".[1] The Christians were not pleased with the noise the Buddhists audience were making. When atmosphere became heated Migettuwatte Gunananda Thera raised his voice and ordered "everybody should be silent". After that remark the crowd was dispersed without making any further scenarios.

Impact of the debate

The impact of the debate was phenomenal, both locally and internationally. Locally it was the principal factor behind reviving the identity and pride of Sinhala Buddhists.[1] Internationally, it was instrumental in raising awareness of Buddhism in the west.[6] The editor of Ceylon Times newspaper, John Cooper, arranged for Edward Perera to write a summary of the debate, thousands of copies of which were published. This translation was also published as a book, Buddhism and Christianity Face to Face by J.M. Peebles in United States with an introduction in 1878.[7] After reading a copy of the book Henry Steel Olcott, the co-founder of the Theosophical Society came to Sri Lanka on 17 May 1880.[1] With arrival of Colonel Olcott the activities of the revival movement accelerated. Olcott had described Gunananda thera as;

“ the most brilliant Polemic Orator of the Island, the terror of the missionaries, with a very intellectual head, most brilliant and powerful champion of the Sinhalese Buddhism.[4] ”

Rev. S. Langden, who was present when the Thera spoke in the Panadura debate remarked;

“ There is that in his manner as he rises to speak which puts one in mind of some orators at home. He showed a consciousness of power with the people. His voice is of great compass and he has a clear ring above it. His action is good and the long yellow robe thrown over one shoulder helps to make it impressive. His power of persuasion, shows him to be a born orator.[4] ”

Gunananda Thera continued work to revive Buddhism in the country and had published many Buddhist periodicals which included Riviresa, Lakmini Kirana and Sathya Margaya.[4] The thera was also served in the committee that designed the Buddhist flag in 1885.[8]

Migettuwatte Gunananda Thera died in 1890 September 21 at about 11.00 am at the age of 67.[2]

In popular culture

The biographical film of Thero titled Gunananda Himi Migettuwatte will be screened in future, where Roger Seneviratne acted as Gunananda Thero.[9]

See also

• Buddhism in Sri Lanka
• Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Thera
• Weligama Sri Sumangala


1. Wijenayake, Walter (2008-09-20). "Ven Migettuwatte Gunananda". The Island. Retrieved 2009-04-29.
2.Dharmabandu, T.S. (2002). Pancha Maha Waadaya (in Sinhala). Colombo: Gunasena Publishers. pp. 172–176. ISBN 955-21-0043-7.
3. Kariyawasam, Prof. Tilak (19 August 2003). "Ven. Migettuwatte Gunananda Thera – the debator par excellence". Daily News. Retrieved 2017-06-16.
4. Rajapakse, C. V. (25 January 2003). "Ven. Migettuwatte Gunananda Thera, the indomitable orator". Dailynews. Retrieved 2017-06-16.
5. Ranatunga, D. C. (2003-08-24). "That controversial clash". The Sunday Times. Retrieved 2009-04-29.
6. Lopez, Jr., Donald S. "Modern Buddhism: So New, So Familiar". Tricycle: The Buddhist Review. Retrieved September 3, 2018.
7. "Buddhism and Christianity face to face..." Retrieved 2009-04-30.
8. "Flag of faith flies high". Ananda College. Archived from the original on 2012-08-02. Retrieved 2009-04-30.
9. "Film on greatest religious icon". The Sunday Times. Retrieved 3 April 2018.

Further reading

• The Great Debate
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Thu Dec 05, 2019 8:24 am

S. [St.] Thomas' College, Mount Lavinia
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/5/19



S. Thomas' College
S. Thomas' College is located in Colombo DistrictS. Thomas' CollegeS. Thomas' College
Location in Colombo District
Mount Lavinia, Colombo
Sri Lanka
Coordinates 6°50′14.64″N 79°51′54.12″E
Type Private School
Motto Esto Perpetua Prodeo et Eclisias
(Be thou forever For God and For Church!)
Established 3 February 1851
Founder James Chapman (bishop)
Principal Rev. Marc Billimoria
Grades 1-13
Gender Boys
Colour(s) Dark blue and Black.
Song College Song
Affiliation Anglican
Former pupils Old Thomians

S. Thomas' College, Mount Lavinia (STC), is a selective entry boys' private Anglican school providing primary and secondary education in Sri Lanka. It is considered to be one of the most prestigious schools in the country; its former pupils include four former Prime Ministers of Sri Lanka.[1]



The Rt. Rev. James Chapman

S. Thomas’ College was founded by the first Bishop of Colombo, the Rt. Rev. James Chapman, D. D. It was his foremost vision to build a college and cathedral for the new Diocese of Colombo of the Church of Ceylon. Chapman's objective was to train a Christian clergy and to make children good citizens under the discipline and supervision of Christianity.[2][3][4][5][6][7][8] An old boy of Eton College, Bishop Chapman founded the college on the Etonian model, and even borrowed the school motto, Esto Perpetuas from the prestigious English Public School.[9] In 1852 Bishop Chapman laid the foundation stone of the college chapel on a hill in the school grounds. The chapel became Christ Church Cathedral of the Colombo Diocese of the Church of Ceylon when it was dedicated on 21 September 1854.[10]

Mount Lavinia

S. Thomas' College, Mount Lavinia

In 1918, the school moved away from the "dusty environs" of Mutwal, which was near the Colombo harbour, to a more picturesque location near the sea in Mount Lavinia.[8] Here, on 13 October 1923, the foundation stone for what would become The Chapel of the Transfiguration was laid by the Bishop of Colombo, Rt. Rev. Ernest Arthur Copleston, and the chapel was completed on 12 February 1927, when it was consecrated by the Rt. Rev. Mark Carpenter-Garnier, Bishop of Colombo.[10] In 1968, well known Sri Lankan artist David Paynter completed his mural of the Transfiguration of Jesus upon the interior of the East wall of the chapel, which included a then unusual "beardless Christ".[10]

In 1951, S. Thomas' became a private fee-levying school.[8]


The College which is under the Anglican Church of Ceylon, is run by a Board of Governors which is chaired by the Anglican Bishop of Colombo, who is also known as the "Visitor of the College". The administration of the College itself is headed by a warden. Admission to the College is at the sole discretion of the warden.


• S. Thomas' College, Bandarawela
• S. Thomas' College, Gurutalawa
• S. Thomas' Preparatory School


There are five houses at STC, four of which are "day houses", for those who do not live in the Boarding House. It was in the time of Warden McPherson that an organized house system was introduced, so to encourage boys to take part in extracurricular activities. In 1926, the day boys were divided first into 5 houses, namely Wood, Buck, Stone, De Saram, and Miller-Copleston. Boys were allotted in them according to the location of their residences. Wood house consisted of boys from Ratmalana, further south and from Nugegoda and Borella. Stone and Buck housed children from Mount Lavinia, the former consisting of those whose surnames starts from A to M, while the latter of the rest. Baly housed boys who lived in Wellawatte and Bambalapitiya. Children who were from Dehiwala, Slave Island & Fort were allotted in Jermyn House. This system was not found successful.

De Saram House

• Colours : Green, Black
• Motto : Strive, Achieve, Preserve

Wood House

• Colours : Sky Blue, Maroon
• Motto : Fulfillment of Prophecy

Buck House

• Colours : Sky Blue, Silver Grey,
• Motto : Mens Sana in Copore Sano (Sound in mind & body)

Stone House

• Colours : Maroon, Silver Grey
• Motto : Sauitier in modo; Fortiter in re (Gentle in manner, Brave in action)

Boarding House

• Colours: Maroon, White
• Motto: Ducimus Nos Sequnter Alli (We lead, others follow)


The most prominent sports are those classified as the "Royal-Thomian". These sports take precedence because of the importance given to the clash between S. Thomas' oldest rival, the Royal College, Colombo.

A cricket match between these colleges takes place in the first term of Lent every year. As the rains begin in Michaelmas Term, the rugby season has kicked off and the main encounter is the Royal-Thomian Rugby match. As the year ends with the term of Yuletide, the highlights are the Royal Thomian Regatta and the Boat Race for the oarsmen of the two Colleges and simultaneously the two leg Water Polo matches for the R.L. Hayman trophy.[11]


Main article: Royal-Thomian

A Thomian flag at the 129th Royal Thomian

The Royal-Thomian, is the annual cricket match between the Royal College, Colombo and S Thomas' College, Mt Lavinia is the second longest uninterrupted cricket match series in the world and, first and oldest in Sri Lanka, even older than the Ashes, having been played for more than 130 years continuously.[12] The original match was played between the Colombo Academy and S. Thomas' College, Mutwal[13][14][15][16][17][18][19][20][21][22][23] in 1879, with schoolmasters participating as well as schoolboys. From 1880 onwards, only schoolboys were allowed to play in the match. The match is played for the D.S. Senanayake Memorial Shield, which was first presented in 1928. From 1979 matches were played for 3 days except in 1985 which was a 2-day match. A limited overs match (50 overs) was introduced in 1975 and is played for Mustangs Trophy.


Royal Thomian Rugby Encounter

The Royal Thomian rugby encounter held annually in the Michaelmas Term of S. Thomas. and between the two sessions of Bradby Shield Encounter of Royal since 1955. It is played for the Michael Gunaratne Trophy.

Trinity Thomian Rugby Encounter

Traditional encounter played for the R. S. de Saram Trophy.

Royal-Thomian Regatta

Main article: Royal Thomian Regatta

The Royal-Thomian Regatta (or Boat Race) is the annual rowing race between Royal College, Colombo and S. Thomas' College, Mt Lavinia, having begun in 1962 the event has evolved into the Royal Thomian Regatta or The Regatta in 1966 and now is made up of 8 events which carry points and 3 exhibition events. The races are rowed over a distance of 1000 yards and take place on the Beira Lake in Colombo. The regatta takes place in the month of October and is usually held on the last Saturday of the month at the Colombo Rowing Club. The Royal Thomian Regatta is the oldest inter-mural rowing regatta in Sri Lanka.

Royal-Thomian Tennis Encounter

The Royal Thomian Tennis is the annual tennis tournament between Royal College and S. Thomas' College, Mount Lavinia.

Dr. R.L. Hayman Trophy Royal-Thomian Water Polo matches

The Dr. R.L. Hayman Trophy is the annual 2 leg Water Polo fixture between Royal College, Colombo and S. Thomas' College, Mt Lavinia. While Water Polo matches between the two schools have been held on and off through the annals of the two schools shared histories, the matches were made a permanent fixture as part of the two schools sporting calendars in 1992 as the Dr.R.L.Hayman Trophy Royal-Thomian Water Polo matches. The event was initially played in two legs much like the Bradby Shield in home and away pools. However, while it is still a two leg event, for the past several years it has been held at the Sugathadasa Stadium Swimming Pool allowing for much larger participation and making it the best patronised Water Polo matches in Sri Lanka and Asia.

Wardens of S. Thomas' College

1. The Rev. Cyril William Wood D.D. 1851 - 1853
2. The Rev. Joseph Baly M.A. 1854 - 1860
3. The Rev. George Bennet 1863 - 1866
4. The Rev. James Bacon B.D. 1871 - 1877
5. The Rev. Edward Miller M.A. 1878 - 1891
6. The Rev. Philip Read M.A. Lit.Hum. 1892 - 1895
7. The Rev. W. Armstrong Buck M.A. 1896 - 1901
8. The Rev. William Arthur Stone M.A. 1901-1924
9. The Ven. Kenneth C. McPherson M.A. 1925-1931 (Archdeacon Emeritus of Bombay)
10. The Rev. Canon Reginald Stewart de Saram M.A. O.B.E. 1932-1958 (The First Ceylonese & Old Boy Warden)
11. Mr. Charles Henry Lambert Davidson M.A. Dip in Ed. 1959-1965 (The First Lay Warden)
12. The Rev. Anton John Chandiah Selvaratnam B.A. B.D. Dip. in Ed. 1965-1970
13. Mr. Samuel James Anandanayagam B.Sc. 1970-1977
14. Mr. Michael Llewelyn Christopher Ilangakoon M.Sc. 1977-1982
15. Mr. Wilfred Michael Neville de Alwis B.A. L.L.B. L.L.M. 1983-1998
16. Dr. David Arjunan Ponniah B.Sc. M.Eng. PhD. MBA. CEng. MICE. 2001-2008
17. The Rev. John Charles Puddefoot M.A. (Oxon) B.D 2009 - 2011
18. Prof. Indra De Soysa 2012-2014
19. Rev. Marc Billimoria 2014-

Sub-wardens of S.Thomas' College

1. The Rev. G. Bennet B.D. (Lambeth) 1870-1871
2. The Rev. T.F. Faulkner B.A. F.S.A. (Cantab) 1872-1879
3. The Rev. P. Gethen M.A. (Cantab) 1888-1892
4. The Rev. G.A.H. Arndt B.A. (Calcutta) 1892- 1908
5. The Rev. J. Parker M.A. (Oxon) 1908-1910
6. The Rev. O.J.C. Bevan M.A. (Cantab) 1911-1917
7. The Rev. Canon P.L. Jansz M.A. (Oxon) 1917-1919
8. The Rev. G.M. Withers M.A. (Oxon) 1919-1926
9. The Rev. R. S. de Saram B.A. (Oxon) 1926-1932
10. Dr. R.L. Hayman D.Phil. M.A. (Oxon) 1935-1957 (The Longest Serving Sub-Warden)
11. Mr. C.H.L. Davidson M.A. (Lond.) Dip-in-Ed. 1957-1958
12. Mr. F.J. Senaratne 1959-1962
13. Mr. S.J. Anandanayagam B.Sc. (Lond.) 1962-1966
14. Mr. F. Jayasinghe B.A. (Lond.) 1968-1971
15. Mr. E.St.P. Gunawardene B.A. Dip-in-Ed. 1972-1977
16. Dr.D.Salitha Siva
17. Mr. O.A. Abeynaike 1977-1981
18. Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha D.Phil. (Oxon) 1981-1982
19. The Rev. D.K. de Chickera B.Th. (Cey) M.Sc. (Oxon) 1983-1989
20. Mr. D.A.Pakianathan M.Sc. (Lond.) Dip-in-Ed 1991- 2002
21. Mr. H D Perera L.L.B 2002 - 2011
22. The Rev. Marc Billimoria 2011-2014
23. Mr. Asanka. Perera 2016-

Old Thomians

Main article: List of St. Thomas' College alumni

Past students of S. Thomas' are referred to as Old Thomians. STC educated the first Prime Minister of Sri Lanka.[24]

See also

• List of schools in Sri Lanka
• Big Match
• Battle of the Blues


1. "The Saravanamuttu Prize at S. Thomas College, Daily News". Archived from the original on 2005-01-05. Retrieved 2008-10-20.
2. Reminiscences of a teacher Archived 2005-08-28 at the Wayback Machine
3. Hundred and twenty fifth anniversary : St. James Church, Mutwal Archived 2004-10-27 at the Wayback Machine
4. Romancing Gurutalawa
5. The Cathedral of the Diocese of Colombo Archived 2016-03-04 at the Wayback Machine
6. "The Sunday Times News Section".
7. "The Sunday Leader Online".
8. ... story.html
9. "The Arms and Motto - Eton College".
11. "Thomian win Dr. R. L. Hayman Trophy19th Royal - Thomian water-polo annual encounter". Retrieved 2014-04-10.
12. "134 unbroken years: The historical Royal-Thomian encounter (2013) :: The largest library of cricket videos".
13. "The Island".
14. "Funday Times".
15. "Battle of the Blues".
16. S. Thomas' College
17. "sports04".
18. "A Tribute to C.E.L. ("Kalla") De Silva on his 100th Birth Anniversary".
19. "Ranjan Madugalle, A fine Cricketing Ambassador".
20. So, Royal really lost 1885 match to S. Thomas' Archived 2011-06-05 at the Wayback Machine
21. "The College History". Archived from the original on 2013-05-08. Retrieved 2013-05-28.
22. "OBA History". Archived from the original on 2015-09-24. Retrieved 2013-05-28.
23. "The Royal – Thomian - 130 Years on".
24. Another first by St Thomas' - "Blind student Ishan Jaleel first to row", The Sunday Observer

External links

• Official website of S. Thomas' College, Mount Lavinia
• [1]
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Fri Dec 06, 2019 4:39 am

Sarat Chandra Das
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/5/19



During the 19th century the Government of India employed various types of local people to obtain information about Tibet. The most important of these were the pandits (trained surveyors, native to the Indian Himalayas, who travelled in various disguises to clandestinely map Tibet), and the school teacher Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Das CIE. (1849-1917).[2]

The pandits' main duty was to gather geographical data, and they were extremely successful in this task. But whereas they travelled among the lower social classes in Tibet, Chandra Das's mission was to contact powerful figures in Tibetan society in order to collect political information. Just as Political officers were directed to 'cultivate the friendship of the local Ruling Chiefs', Das was under instructions to 'cultivate the friendship of influential persons'.[3]

Chandra Das, a Tibetan speaking Bengali, was the first headmaster of the Bhotia [Bhutia] Boarding School in Darjeeling, which was opened in 1874 specifically to train Bhotia and Sikkimese intermediaries in preparation for the opening of Tibet to the British. In 1891 the Bhotia school merged with the Darjeeling school to become Darjeeling High School.[4]

Das became the first of many intermediaries from the school when he was given a nominal government post as a school inspector, freeing him to travel to Tibet. He was accompanied by Rai Bahadur Urgyen Gyatso, a Sikkimese lama from an aristocratic family, who had been employed as a teacher at the Bhotia School after serving on the staff of the Rajah of Sikkim. Urgyen Gyatso made a number of journeys to Tibet under British auspices, alone, or accompanying Chandra Das. Unlike the pandits, the two schoolteachers continued to be employed as Tibetan specialists after their return to India. [5]

When the Tibetan Government later discovered that Chandra Das had visited Lhasa, and correctly assumed that he had been spying for the British, the strength of their reaction underlined the Lhasa Government's determination to preserve Tibet's isolation. The Panchen Lama's Prime Minister, Kyabying Sengchen Tulku, an incarnate lama from Dongtse Monastery who had been Das's principal sponsor, was executed, and the Dongtse ruling family, the Palhes, close associates of Sengchen Tulku, were severely punished.[6]

The last re-incarnate Lama bearing this title [Re-embodied Lama in western Tibet, Sen-c'en-Rin-po-ch'e], and the tutor of the Tashi Grand Lama, was beheaded about 1886 for harbouring surreptitiously Sarat C. Das, who is regarded as an English spy; and although the bodies of his predecessors were considered divine and are preserved in golden domes at Tashi-lhunpo, his headless trunk was thrown ignominiously into a river to the S.W. of Lhasa, near the fort where he had been imprisoned. On account of his violent death, and under such circumstances, this re-incarnation is said to have ceased. From the glimpse got of him in Sarat's narrative and in his great popularity, he seems to have been a most amiable man.

-- The Buddhism of Tibet, or Lamaism With Its Mystic Cults, Symbolism and Mythology, and in its Relation to Indian Buddhism, by Laurence Austine Waddell

The ruin thus brought about by the Babu's visit extended also to the unfortunate Lama's relatives, the governor of Gyantsé (the Phal Dahpön) and his wife (Lha-cham), whom he had persuaded to befriend Sarat C. Das. These two were cast into prison for life, and their estates confiscated, and several of their servants were barbarously mutilated, their hands and feet were cut off and their eyes gouged out, and they were then left to die a lingering death in agony, so bitterly cruel was the resentment of the Lamas against all who assisted the Babu in this attempt to spy into their sacred city.

-- Laurence Austine Waddell, Lhasa and Its Mysteries: With a Record of the Expedition of 1903-1904, Cosimo, Inc., 2007, 740 pages, p. 79

The decision to force the Tibetans to open diplomatic relations with British India meant that a new type of intermediary was required, one who was accustomed to dealing with the Lhasa aristocracy. Such people were particularly difficult to locate in such an isolationist society as Tibet, where the ruling class appeared to present a united front against high-level foreign contact. Increasing Western contact with Tibet in the late 19th century had produced a small body of men with experience in guiding European travellers there, but these guides, such as caravan leader Mahmood Isa, were mostly members of the Central Asian trading class, and they had little social status. [7]

Individuals of low social status had neither the contacts, nor the prestige and social skills, necessary to approach and influence the Tibetan ruling class. However the punishment inflicted on the aristocratic Palhe family had alienated them from the Lhasa ruling classes, creating an opportunity for the British to exploit their estrangement, as well as to reward the assistance they had given the British agents.

Kusho Palhese, (later Dewan Bahadur Palhese) exiled scion of the Palhe family, came to Kalimpong when Bell was seeking a suitable Tibetan instructor, and he became Bell's personal assistant. Bell's notebooks reveal the enormous contribution Palhese made to his understanding of Tibet, and Bell was, by the standards of the time, generous in his praise of the Tibetan's contribution to his work. The two men became close friends, and Bell brought Palhese to Britain in the 1920s to assist his research. Palhese's association with the British enabled him to restore the family estates, although Bell's account attributes his primary motivation to more personal factors.[8]

The punishment of the Palhe family also provided O'Connor with his principal assistant, a Buriat monk, Sherab Gyatso (later Rai Sahib Sherab Gyatso; d.1909), known as Shabdrung Lama. He had been a personal attendant of Sengchen Tulku when the lama was executed for assisting Chandra Das. Imprisoned and tortured along with his master, Shabdrung Lama escaped to Darjeeling. There he was given employment as a teacher at the Bhotia school, and as a British agent gathering information from Tibetans in Darjeeling bazaar, before being employed by O'Connor as his personal secretary on the Younghusband Mission. [9]

-- Tibet and the British Raj, 1904-47: The Influence of the Indian Political Department Officers, by Alexander McKay

The usual lessons in the Tibetan grammar and Buddhism over, the suspicious monk, who posed for a learned scholar, suddenly addressed me, saying that having been in India, I must have seen Sarat Chandra Das, who explored Tibet. I replied that I did not know him, even by name. There were three hundred millions of people in India, and however famous a man might be, he must always be unknown to some. There was a great difference between India and[224] Tibet, and I asked to hear something about the man the monk referred to. The monk then narrated how Sarat Chandra Das, twenty-three years ago, had cheated the Tibetan authorities with a passport; how he had robbed Tibet of her Buddhism, with which he had returned to India; how on the discovery of the affair, the greatest scholar and sage in Tibet, Sengchen Dorjechan, had been executed, not to mention many other priests and laymen who were put to death and many others whose property was confiscated.

After this the monk added that as Sarat Chandra Das was a renowned personage in India, it was impossible for me not to be acquainted with him. Probably I pretended not to know him. These words were spoken in a most unpleasant manner, but I put him off with a smile, saying that I had never seen the face of the Queen of England, who was so renowned, and that such a big country as India made such investigations hopeless. The stories about Sarat Chandra Das are quite well known in Tibet, even children being familiar with them; but there are few who know him by his real name, for he goes by the appellation of the ‘school bābū’ (school-master). The story of the Tibetans who smuggled a foreigner into Tibet and were killed, and of those who concealed the fact from the Government and forfeited their property, are tales that Tibetan parents everywhere tell to their children.

Owing to the discovery of the adventures of Sarat Chandra Das, all the Tibetans have become as suspicious as detectives, and exercise the greatest vigilance towards foreigners. I was fully acquainted with these facts, so that I too exercised great caution even in dropping a single word, however innocent and empty that word might be. But the Tibetans were very cunning questioners; and the monk was one of the most cunning. When I tried to laugh away his questions, he put other queries on every imaginable point. Other Tibetans who were[225] equally suspicious joined him in harassing me. I felt for the moment just as though I were besieged by an overwhelming force of the enemy.

-- Three Years in Tibet, by Shramana Ekai Kawaguchi

Sarat Chandra Das
শরৎচন্দ্র দাস
Born: 1849, Chittagong, Bengal, British India
Died: 1917
Nationality: British India
Occupation: Explorer, Scholar

Sarat Chandra Das (Bengali: শরৎচন্দ্র দাস) (1849–1917) was an Indian scholar of Tibetan language and culture most noted for his two journeys to Tibet in 1879 and in 1881–1882.


Born in Chittagong, eastern Bengal to a Bengali Hindu Vaidya-Brahmin family, Sarat Chandra Dash attended Presidency College, as a student of the University of Calcutta. In 1874 he was appointed headmaster of the Bhutia Boarding School at Darjeeling. In 1878, a Tibetan teacher, Lama Ugyen Gyatso arranged a passport for Sarat Chandra to go the monastery at Tashilhunpo. In June 1879, Das and Ugyen-gyatso left Darjeeling for the first of two journeys to Tibet. They remained in Tibet for six months, returning to Darjeeling with a large collection of Tibetan and Sanskrit texts which would become the basis for his later scholarship. Sarat Chandra spent 1880 in Darjeeling poring over the information he had obtained. In November 1881, Sarat Chandra and Ugyen-gyatso returned to Tibet, where they explored the Yarlung Valley, returning to India in January 1883.[1] Along with Satish Chandra Vidyabhusan, he prepared Tibetan-English dictionary.[2]

Officers such as Bell and Gould, who wrote Tibetan dictionaries, helped define the Tibetan language in European understanding, just as the British defined the Tibetan border with India. They imposed a linguistic standard which complemented other contemporary definitions, of Tibet's territory, leadership and so on, which were required if Tibet was to be within European definitions of a modern nation state. The Tibetans' separate language was, and is, an important part of their claim to a separate identity, and hence separate state, from the Chinese. Thus the cadre's language studies helped to bring out Tibet's separate status, enhancing the political aims of the British and their Tibetan allies.

The effect of this classification of identity was to impose conformity to European definitions as a pre-condition for acceptance of elements as 'Tibetan'. The power of definition was appropriated by European authority. For example, Tibetans were seen by the British as reliant on astrological calculations as to the most auspicious date on which to carry out significant activities. Yet when the Dalai Lama was to visit Calcutta, Bell noted that 'not until I reminded them of the necessity of doing so did the Dalai Lama and party remember to enquire as to auspicious dates’.[4]

-- Tibet and the British Raj, 1904-47: The Influence of the Indian Political Department Officers, by Alexander McKay

For a time, he worked as a spy for the British, accompanying Colman Macaulay on his 1884 expedition to Tibet[3] to gather information on the Tibetans, Russians and Chinese. After he left Tibet, the reasons for his visit were discovered and many of the Tibetans who had befriended him suffered severe reprisals.[4]

For the latter part of his life, Das settled in Darjeeling. He named his house "Lhasa Villa" and played host to many notable guests including Sir Charles Alfred Bell and Ekai Kawaguchi. Johnson stated that, in 1885 and 1887 Das met with Henry Steel Olcott, co-founder and first President of the Theosophical Society.[5]


• Contributions on the religion, history &c., of Tibet: Rise and progress of Jin or Buddhism in China. Publisher: s.n. (1882).
• Narrative of a journey to Lhasa in 1881-82. Publisher: s.n. (1885).
• Narrative of a journey round Lake Yamdo (Palti), and in Lhokha, Yarlung, and Sakya, in 1882. publisher: s.n (1887).
• Avadānakalpalatā: a collection of legendary stories about the Bodhisattvas. Asiatic Society (1890).
• The doctrine of transmigration. Buddhist Text Society (1893).
• Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow. Originally published at the end of the 19th century. Reprint: Rupa (2006).ISBN 978-8129108951.
• Sarat Chandra Das, Graham Sandberg & Augustus William Heyde A Tibetan-English dictionary, with Sanskrit synonyms. 1st Edition - Calcutta, 1902. Reprint: Sri Satguru Publications, Delhi, 1989 and Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1970, 1973, 1976, 1979, 1983, 1991, 1995 and 2000.
• Journey To Lhasa & Central Tibet. 1st Edition: John Murray (England) (1902). Reprint: Kessinger Publishing, LLC (2007). ISBN 978-0-548-22652-0. Republished as: Lhasa and Central Tibet, Cosmo (Publications, India); New edition (2003). ISBN 978-81-7020-435-0.
• An introduction to the grammar of the Tibetan language;: With the texts of Situ sum-tag, Dag-je sal-wai melong, and Situi shal lung. Darjeeling Branch Press, 1915. Reprint: Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1972 and 1983.
• Autobiography: Narratives of the incidents of my early life. Reprint: Indian studies: past & present (1969).


1. Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet, Das, Sarat Chandra, pp xi–xiii, Paljor Publications, New Delhi, 2001
2. Padmanabh S. Jaini. "Collected Papers on Buddhist Studies". Retrieved 2 May 2018.
3. Arora, Vibha (2008). "Routing the Commodities of Empire through Sikkim (1817-1906)". Commodities of Empire: Working Paper No.9 (PDF). Open University. p. 12. ISSN 1756-0098.
4. Laurence Austine Waddell, Lhasa and Its Mysteries: With a Record of the Expedition of 1903-1904, Cosimo, Inc., 2007, 740 pages, p. 79: "The ruin thus brought about by the Babu's visit extended also to the unfortunate Lama's relatives, the governor of Gyantsé (the Phal Dahpön) and his wife (Lha-cham), whom he had persuaded to befriend Sarat C. Das. These two were cast into prison for life, and their estates confiscated, and several of their servants were barbarously mutilated, their hands and feet were cut off and their eyes gouged out, and they were then left to die a lingering death in agony, so bitterly cruel was the resentment of the Lamas against all who assisted the Babu in this attempt to spy into their sacred city."
5. The Masters Revealed: Madame Blavatsky and the Myth of the Great White Lodge, Johnson, Paul K., p 191-192, State University of New York Press, Albany, 1994

External links

• Subramanian, Samanth (16 March 2016). "The Indian Spy Who Fell for Tibet". The New York Times.
• Map of Tashilhunpo in 1902, Perry–Castañeda Library Map Collection
• Grand Temple at Lhasa in 1902, Perry–Castañeda Library Map Collection
• Fort of Shigatse in 1902, Perry–Castañeda Library Map Collection


The Scholar-Spy Who Saw Tibet's Densatil Monastery in All Its Glory
by Asia Society
April 11th, 2014

A historic photograph of the Densatil Monastery taken by an anonymous photographer at an unknown date. Image courtesy of David Holler.

"There's Nirvana to be glimpsed in much of the art here," is how The New Yorker recently described Asia Society Museum's exhibition Golden Visions of Densatil: A Tibetan Buddhist Monastery, on view in New York City through May 18. Co-curated by Olaf Czaja and Adriana Proser, Asia Society Museum's John H. Foster Senior Curator for Traditional Asian Art, the exhibition explores the history, iconography, and extraordinary artistic production associated with the central Tibetan Buddhist monastery called Densatil until its destruction during China's Cultural Revolution (1966—1978).

Below, Adriana Proser introduces one of the two foreign observers whose descriptions of the Densatil Monastery became a critical resource for later generations of art historians and scholars of Tibetan Buddhism. A fuller version of this chapter in the Densatil story appears in the official Golden Visions of Densatil exhibition catalogue.

Sarat Chandra Das

Sarat Chandra Das (1849–1917) was born in eastern Bengal and began to learn the Tibetan language during his appointment as headmaster of Bhutia Boarding School in Darjeeling. He first traveled to Tibet with the school's Tibetan language teacher, lama Ugyen-gyatso, and studied there for six months in 1879. He made a second visit in 1881, also accompanied by Ugyen-gyatso, and stayed for another 14 months.

Das became a prolific Tibetan scholar, but his exploits in Tibet were not limited to academic study. He also played a role in what became known as the Great Game, the imperial struggle between Victorian Britain and Tsarist Russia for supremacy in regions from the Caucasus to China. Tibet was one of the places the British wished to explore and chart, in the hopes of preventing the Russians from finding alternate access to India that avoided the difficult Khyber Pass route. Disguised as an explorer, Das aided the British in this covert mission. Along with his descriptive notations about the places where he traveled, he included what might serve as strategic details about geography, distances, and altitudes.

While making his way through central Tibet, Das noted the following about Densatil Monastery:

At the village of Jong we began the ascent of the steep hill on whose summit is the old lamasery of Densa-til, the principal building nestled amidst frowning crags, on which grow here and there a few firs and juniper trees.…Of all the monasteries in Tibet, this is perhaps the richest in religious treasures, and the Government of Lhasa takes particular care of it. Among the curious objects placed before the images of the gods in the principal temple, I saw some bowls filled with various kinds of seed and some fossils, among which some grains of barley.

— From Sarat Chandra Das, Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet. Edited by William Woodville Rockhill. Published by J. Murray, London, 1902.


The Indian Spy Who Fell for Tibet: Sent by Britain to carry out a secret survey, Sarat Chandra Das became enchanted instead.
by Samanth Subramanian
New York Times
March 16, 2016

Portrait by Martine Johanna

If it hadn’t been for a bout of malaria, Sarat Chandra Das might never have become a spy. As a civil engineer, he might have worked in Calcutta forever. But in 1874, upon recovering from his illness, he was offered a position as headmaster of the Bhutia Boarding School in Darjeeling. The mountain air would do him good, he thought, so he accepted. This was how, at 25, Das came to run a school for spies, training agents to work along the India-Tibet border, growing so besotted with Tibet himself that he made two surreptitious journeys to the kingdom.

In the European imagination, Tibet and its capital, Lhasa, were a fantasy, a fabled paradise of spirituality locked away from the world. In the late 1700s, Tibet began denying entry to Westerners, its government — under pressure from China — reluctant to play the games of imperial geopolitics. For Britain, Tibet’s inward turn was ill timed, disrupting its plans to dominate Central Asia. In desperation, as the scholar Derek Waller found, the British cultivated ‘‘pundits,’’ Indians who had helped map the subcontinent and were now dispatched, in disguise, into Tibet, equipped with compasses and 100-bead rosaries to discreetly count their steps.

Among the pundits, Das stood out, a scholar who offered his services as a spy in order to pursue his academic interests. It was as if James Bond volunteered to hunt down Blofeld, booking his own flights and hotels, all to improve his Japanese. Das persuaded his assistant, a lama named Ugyen Gyatso, to visit the Tashilhunpo monastery, in south-central Tibet, and talk him up as a theology student. The monastery’s prime minister was keen to learn Hindi, so Ugyen Gyatso, promising that Das was a fine tutor, wangled a passport for him. Presented with this document, Indian officials, now enthusiastic, gave Das indefinite leave and a crash course in spycraft. During his first trip, to Tashilhunpo in 1879, he studied Tibetan customs and so impressed the prime minister that he was invited back. In November 1881, Das returned, the vision of Lhasa glimmering before him.

The two reports Das wrote about his second, 14-month journey were kept confidential until the 1890s and then published, with severe redactions, in small print runs. In 1902, they were compiled into a book, ‘‘Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet.’’ The opening pages are tough going, brimming with place names: ‘‘On ascending about 3,000 feet above the Kalai valley, we enjoyed distant views of Pema-yangtse, Yantang, Hi, Sakyang, and other villages.’’ Still, all this was valuable information. In those days, so little was known that even the most quotidian details — the appearance of houses, the location of a pasture — shone with significance.

The first month wasn’t easy. The Himalayas are punishing in early winter. ‘‘How exhausted we were with the fatigue of the day’s journey, how overcome by the rarefication of the air, the intensity of the cold, and how completely prostrated by hunger and thirst, is not easy to describe,’’ Das writes. Das’s guide is frequently drunk. Suspicions must be allayed everywhere. One village council permits his party to pass only after testing Das’s knowledge of Buddhism; even so, someone hollers, ‘‘That Hindu will surely die in the snows.’’ But Das makes it to Tashilhunpo, where he remains for five months, absorbing the news. China is flexing its muscle. Tibetans who rebuff a Chinese official’s attempts at extortion receive ‘‘four hundred blows with the bamboo.’’

Just before summer, Das departs for Lhasa, attired as a monk in dark goggles. For a while, he travels with a princess but falls so ill midway that she leaves him behind. Smallpox has seized Tibet, but Das finds only quacks to treat his fever. One night, he writes, ‘‘I felt so weak and ill that . . . I called my companions to my side and wrote my will.’’ Food is scarce, the hamlets of the Tibetan steppe are poor and miserable. Finally, one May evening, Das and his company trudge around a hill, and Lhasa reveals itself: ‘‘It was a superb sight, the like of which I have never seen. On our left was Potala’’ — the legendary palace — ‘‘with its lofty buildings and gilt roofs; before us, surrounded by a green meadow, lay the town with its tower-like, whitewashed houses and Chinese buildings with roofs of blue glazed tiles. Long festoons of inscribed and painted rags hung from one building to another, waving in the breeze.’’

We expect paroxysms of wonder from Das in Lhasa; instead, he turns all business, recording every conceivable detail: the dimensions of lintels, the tallow stirred into tea, the offerings at temples. He slips into Potala, joining pilgrims who have finagled an audience with the Dalai Lama, ‘‘a child of eight with a bright and fair complexion and rosy cheeks.’’ Lhasa is both squalid and grand, the filthy lanes of the inner city close by the magnificent 1,200-year-old Jokhang Temple and the majestic nine-storied Potala. One fat chapter in ‘‘Journey’’ explains Tibet’s political and religious hierarchies, the judiciary and the structure of taxation. This is Das pleasing his sponsors, singing for the supper he has already consumed.

In the end, Das lingers in Lhasa for only two weeks and returns, via Tashilhunpo, to Darjeeling. In a sense, though, he never leaves Tibet. He names his house Lhasa Villa, and he spends the remainder of his life translating Tibetan texts, compiling a Tibetan-English dictionary, thinking incessantly about the land he left behind.

The epilogue mars the tale. After the nature of Das’s trip was discovered, the Chinese persecuted anyone who assisted him. Tashilhunpo’s prime minister was murdered, his body thrown into a river. In 1903-4, a British expedition finally broke into Lhasa, and soldiers freed a former official, imprisoned for 20 years for helping Das. The old man, The North China Herald reported, blinked ‘‘at the unaccountable light like a blind man whose sight had been miraculously restored.’’ The analogy is impossible to miss: Tibet, too, had been released from China’s iron fist into the light. But much of this was ephemeral. Half a century later, China snatched Tibet back into its orbit; the Dalai Lama fled into exile. Only Das’s beloved Lhasa endures, the gleaming white walls of Potala still draped over their outcrop of rock like fresh snow upon a mountaintop.

Samanth Subramanian is the author of ‘‘The Divided Island: Life, Death and the Sri Lankan War.’’
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

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Bhutia Boarding School, Darjeeling [Bhotia Boarding School] [Darjeeling High School] [Darjeeling School]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 12/5/19



The Indians, moreover, were probably not wholly naive about Gyalo's clandestine activities over the previous years. Gossip, after all, flowed freely in the Tibetan refugee community. In addition, the Indians had a prime window into activities in Darjeeling beginning in late 1956, when Gyalo hired an Indian (a former Morse operator and government employee who had served at India's consulate in Lhasa) to give English lessons to six Tibetans he was preening as future translators and assistants. Only a fool or an innocent would believe that this tutor kept what he saw and heard from his former bosses. [5]

-- The CIA's Secret War in Tibet, by Kenneth Conboy and James Morrison

Staff and students of the Bhutia Boarding School, Darjeeling, 1888. Private collection. Sarat Chandra Das is standing, third from the left, and Ugyen Gyatso is seated in the back row, fifth from the right.

The Bhutia Boarding School in Darjeeling is a school founded in 1874. Its first director was Sarat Chandra Das and Professor of Tibetan Ugyen Gyatso, a monk of Tibeto-Sikkimese origin. It was opened by order of the Lieutenant Governor of British Bengal, Sir George Campbell. Its purpose was to provide education to young Tibetans and Sikkimese boys resident in Sikkim or the Darjeeling area. However, according to Derek Wallers, it aimed to train interpreters, geographers and explorers [who] may be useful in the event of an opening of Tibet to the English.[1] Students learnt English, Tibetan and topography. In 1879, Sarat Chandra Das, sometimes disguised as a Tibetan lama, sometimes as a merchant from Nepal and Ugyen Gyatso made several trips to Tibet as secret agents of British India services in order to establish and collect cards.[2]

The opening coincided with the school's educational initiatives [similar to those created by] William Macfarlane, a Scottish missionary in the region [and John Anderson Graham]. If there was no link between these two initiatives, there was also no tension between them, sharing the same goals and methods with mutual benefit.[3]

In 1891, the boarding school merged with the Darjeeling Zilla School to form the Darjeeling High School.[4]

[Former Students of?] Bhutia Boarding School

Kazi Dawa Samdup
David Macdonald, (1870-1962)[5]

The Government of India wanted a local officer at Yatung for financial reasons. While this meant that the Trade Agent there would have less status than a British officer, this factor would, if Bell was correct, be balanced by his greater ability to cultivate the friendship of local officials, which was of paramount importance to his role (an issue that is discussed in Chapter Four). In the event, the officer chosen signified a compromise. He was an Anglo-Sikkimese, David Macdonald, a local government employee who had served on the Younghusband Mission. While not from an aristocratic family, he was intelligent and got on extremely well with Tibetans, and even the Chinese.

Macdonald was uniquely well qualified, and thoroughly conversant with British concepts of prestige. As he later recalled 'There was the prestige and pomp of the empire to be maintained and this meant one reflected the glory.' In contrast, when the Lhasa Mission was headed by a local officer of Tibetan origin in the 1940s, it was felt that 'the want of a Political Officer [i.e. a British officer] in charge of the Mission was felt by our friends'. [33]

Questions of manpower and economy, allied to the need to reward local supporters, meant that local employees had to be given positions of authority, but they were generally kept away from the key positions in which policy decisions were made. MacDonald was the only local officer given a Political post in Tibet until the late 1930s, and he was originally appointed to Yatung, which had little or no influence on policy formation.

Ultimately, although the British had to use local employees, they felt that, with the exception of an exceptional individual such as Macdonald, their prestige could only be fully represented by British officers. Local officers had not been trained to command at British public schools, and thus could not be expected to understand and maintain public school codes of behaviour. In consequence, if a local officer failed to maintain the required status and standards of behaviour, his failure was blamed on his race or class, whereas if a British officer failed, it was the individual who was blamed: 'A man who does not play the game at the outposts is a traitor to our order.'[34]....

One Anglo-Indian was chosen for a Political post in Tibet, David MacDonald, the son of a Scottish tea planter, who became an important figure on the frontier. Although his father had left India when MacDonald was five years old, the boy was well provided for, receiving the then generous sum of twenty rupees a month in trust. His Sikkimese mother, Aphu Drolma, entered him in the Bhotia Boarding School, from where he entered local government service, before joining the Younghusband Mission.[33] While MacDonald began regular Tibetan service as a Trade Agent, not an intermediary, unlike the other two local officers classified here as Tibet cadre (Norbhu Dhondup and Pemba Tsering) he shared a similar background to the intermediaries, and his career may be more appropriately considered in this section.

MacDonald had a truly multi-cultural background. Raised as a Buddhist with the name of Dorji MacDonald, he converted to Christianity and adopted the name David under the influence of his wife, the Anglo-Nepalese, Alice Curtis. These various influences gave him command of all of the principal languages of the region, Tibetan, Nepali, Hindi, Lepcha and English, and insight into both Buddhist and Christian religious cultures. MacDonald had the character and skills needed to attract the patronage of British officers, a necessary quality for an ambitious individual of his background. He assisted both Charles Bell and Colonel Waddell, Chief Medical Officer on the Younghusband Mission and early scholar of Tibetan Buddhism, to learn Tibetan, and their support gained him Political employ.[34]

Bell's patronage was crucial; MacDonald was held in high regard by Bell, and owed his position to Bell's support. When his patron left, MacDonald lost influence. His efforts to support his son John, and his son-in-law Frank Perry, in various employment schemes on the frontier brought him into conflict with Bailey, the new Political Officer Sikkim, and his final years in Tibet were difficult ones. In retirement however, he ensured the family security by turning his Kalimpong home into a successful hotel, which still exists today. [35]....

I have previously examined the Political Officers' attempts to gain access to Lhasa during the period 1910-20, when, after a change of policy by Whitehall, their efforts culminated in Charles Bell being permitted to take up a long-standing invitation from the Dalai Lama to visit Lhasa. [17]

The genesis of this invitation lay in the assistance given to the Dalai Lama by David Macdonald at Yatung in 1910. Macdonald had been specifically instructed that while he could shelter the Dalai Lama in the Trade Agency, he was to maintain neutrality in the Chinese-Tibetan conflict. But as the Tibetan leader fled south from the pursuing Chinese forces, Macdonald not only offered the Dalai Lama and his followers sanctuary in the Trade Agency, but deployed the Agency escort to protect him. [18]

Macdonald's interpretation of his orders attracted no censure from government. There can be little doubt that his actions were tacitly approved of by his immediate superior, the Political Officer Charles Bell, who was soon to benefit from the goodwill gained by Macdonald's action. Bell later described MacDonald's assistance to the Dalai Lama as being 'perhaps the chief reason why the British name stands high in Tibet.'[19]

During the Dalai Lama's period of exile, Bell succeeded in cultivating the personal friendship of the Tibetan leader and a number of his court followers. In practice, Bell was able to give the Tibetans very little concrete assistance, for Whitehall, and even many in the Government of India, considered the Dalai Lama was no longer an important political force. The Secretary of State, Lord Morley, for example, described the Dalai Lama as 'a pestilent animal... [who] should be left to stew in his own juice'.[20]

Even when the Dalai Lama returned to rule Tibet in 1912, Whitehall objected to any gestures of support being given to him. Bell and the Tibet cadre, however, offered what support they could. Bell instructed Basil Gould to escort the Dalai Lama as he passed Gyantse, and Macdonald played host to the Dalai Lama in Yatung for five days. Macdonald naturally gained great prestige from this with the local Tibetan community.[21]

-- Tibet and the British Raj, 1904-47: The Influence of the Indian Political Department Officers, by Alexander McKay

[Former Students of?] Darjeeling High School

Norbu Dhondup [Rai Bahadur], (1884-1944)[5]
• Pemba Tsering, (1905-1954)[5]
Ekai Kawaguchi
Karma Sumdhon Paul (alias Karma Babu). He later became director of the school.

Karma Sumdhon Paul (alias Karma Babu) worked as a translator and assistant for various British colonial officials in both India -- he accompanied the Sixth Panchen Lama's Indian pilgrimage in 1905-6 -- and Tibet. He was also employed by a number of other Europeans, including missionaries, before meeting and working for the Dutch orientalist John van Manen [1877-1943] at the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Karma Babu went on to become Tibetan lecturer at Calcutta University in 1924 and later published an English translation of the story of Drime Kunden (Dri-med Kun-Idan) from the Tibetan; see Richardus (1998:73-159) and Evans-Wentz (1954:89-91).

-- The Holy Land Reborn: Pilgrimage and the Tibetan Reinvention of Buddhist India, by Toni Huber


1. Derek Wallers, The Pundits, Lexington University of Kentucky Press, 1990, p. 193
2. Donald S. Lopez Fascination tibétaine: du bouddhisme, de l'Occident et de quelques mythes, p. 256
3. Alex McKay, Their Footprints Remain Biomedical Beginnings Across the Indo-Tibetan Frontier, p. 71
4. H. Louis Fader, Called from obscurity: the life and times of a true son of Tibet, 2004, "It may be of further interest to note that this British High School at Darjeeling (better known as Darjeeling High School) had as its antecedent two schools which in 1891 merged to become the DHS. These were the Bhotia Boarding School (that from its very inception in 1874 had as its Headmaster the renowned Babu and Pundit mentioned earlier, Sarat Chandra Das) and the Darjeeling School."
5. Alex McKay, Tibet and the British Raj: the frontier cadre, 1904-1947, p. 226
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Re: Freda Bedi, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Fri Dec 06, 2019 8:20 am

The Holy Spy [Ugyen Gyatso] [Excerpt], from Spying for the Raj: The Pundits and the Mapping of the Himalaya
by Jules Stewart



Chapter 7: The Holy Spy

With Chandra Das's cover effectively blown, the duty of carrying on exploration work in Tibet fell to his natural successor, Ugyen Gyatso. The jolly lama entered the Survey's secret files as agent UG and was sent to join Colonel H.C.B. Tanner's workshop to be trained in the finer points of undercover surveying. This entailed learning to use a few simple and easily concealed instruments, before the lama could be sent to Tibet 'on special duty'. Ugyen Gyatso had obviously picked up some basic skills during the months spent on the trail with his travelling companion, Chandra Das. After a week's basic training, Tanner was satisfied with the monk's ability to use a prismatic compass and determine his altitude by the hypsometer. Colonel Sir Thomas Holdich, a Survey officer who had been attached to the Russo-Afghan Border Commission, mentions in his report on Ugyen Gyatso's journey that the lama had been briefed on the methods of collecting specimens for the Calcutta Botanical Society. Whether this was a genuine spin-off from the surveying assignment or a cover-up activity is anybody's guess. Holdich adds, tantalisingly, that the monk had also been 'fully instructed by Mr Macaulay, the Secretary to the Bengal Government, as to the information which it was desirable to collect'. For a government that was desperate to gain topographical knowledge of a country into which it would soon dispatch an invasion force, the British showed themselves astonishingly parsimonious when it came to outfitting their spies. As was the case with Chandra Das's expeditions, Ugyen Gyatso's third voyage to Tibet was to be a labour of love. 'He [the lama] made his own arrangement for the purchase of cloth, needles, tobacco, &c., to be carried as merchandise, and took care to be well provided with medicines and funds for his journey.'1

In the midst of one of the torrential cloudbursts that relentlessly lash Darjeeling in the monsoon season, on 9 June 1883 Ugyen Gyatso gathered his travel kitbag, along with his wife and brother-in-law, and started off on the first leg of his journey to Tibet. As he strolled up the town's cobbled streets through the Main promenade, he stopped to inform 'certain inquisitive neighbours' that he was travelling on a visit to his home at Yangong in Sikkim, three days' march to the north. The Pundit lama and his family did indeed stop at the Yangong monastery, where he picked up a party of coolies to shoulder their loads for the demanding trek that lay ahead across the mountains. Ugyen Gyatso, or, one should say, the Survey, could not have picked a worse time to start off on a journey through this part of India. Hardly a day passes without the monsoon hitting Bengal and its northern neighbour Sikkim with an unbelievable fury, unleashing massive landslides onto the roads and sweeping away bridges across the swollen rivers. The latter almost proved to be the lama's undoing. A few hours from Yangong, he and his party were first forced to spend a morning constructing a flimsy bamboo bridge across the River Rungum, and several marches ahead they needed to employ three full days in repairing what was left of the slatted bridge over the Teesta, which roared in full flood a few inches below their terrified footsteps. So thankful was Ugyen Gyatso for his safe crossing of these torrents that, upon reaching the hamlet of Ringim, in north Sikkim, he purchased a pig, half of which he gave to his Lepcha coolies, and the other half of which he dried and carried with him as a gift for the people of Lachung, one of the last villages below the high passes into Tibet, which he reached in a few days' time.

Lachung lies along one of the main trade routes for yak caravans passing between Darjeeling and Tibet. The Lhasa government had therefore stationed an official in the village to keep a watchful eye on travellers entering the Land of Snow. It took the Pundit several days of stubborn negotiations to convince the Tibetan agent that he was but an innocent pilgrim desirous of prostrating himself before the holy shrines of Buddhism. In this he met with success, thanks, in Ugyen Gyatso's opinion, to the presence of his wife, for one could hardly conceive of a spy taking his spouse along on an espionage mission. 'The presence of his wife in his camp', writes Holdich, 'seemed to have a reassuring effect -- it was a sort of guarantee that he was a bona fide pilgrim.' 2

By early July preparations had been finalised for the crossing into Tibet. Yaks and ponies had been hired for transporting the party 's baggage on the week-long slog through rain-soaked grassland and deep mud to the 18,100-foot Donkhya La Pass. There is a widely held belief that anyone endowed with a pair of Tibetan lungs enjoys a kind of genetic immunity to altitude sickness. The fact is that Sherpas, Bhotias and other people of Tibetan stock are as vulnerable to the effects of oxygen starvation as any European, Ugyen Gyatso being no exception to this biological reality. The lama was hit by a crippling bout of altitude sickness on the summit of the pass, suffering from the usual symptoms of shortness of breath. spasms of nausea and migraine. Nevertheless, this is where his masters at the Survey had instructed him to begin his surveying work, so, steeling himself to the task, the Pundit assembled his various pieces of equipment and set about taking the relevant bearings of the River Teesta, a dark thread snaking its way across the grey rocky landscape thousands of feet below.

Two months out of Darjeeling, Ugyen Gyatso found himself standing on the summit of Pongong La, the 16,500-foot pass, where, at the distant head of the valley, he could make out the silhouette of the bustling Tibetan commercial and administrative centre of Gyantse. The Pundit received word through the grapevine that several Sikkimese traders, personal acquaintances of his from Darjeeling, were conducting their business affairs in Gyangtse. It would have been too risky to take a chance on being recognised deep within Tibetan territory, so Ugyen Gyatso and his party set up camp in a secluded spot on the south bank of the river to wait for the all-clear signal before hustling his little caravan into the city. Three days later, the Pundit entered the gates of Gyantse, where his clandestine survey work in and around the city was to prove extremely valuable to the British forces of the Younghusband expedition, who advanced on Gyantse with the aid of reliable maps in the first stage of the 1903 Tibet invasion, a campaign that garnered official support from almost all quarters, from King Edward VII to the Government of India and The Times of London.

Early August found the Pundit and his companions travelling across a far more agreeable landscape of farming villages, gardens and barley fields, lying roughly along the course of the swift-flowing Nyang Chhu river. They were now in rain shadow territory and little troubled by the torrential deluge of the summer monsoon. Ugyen Gyatso's reports to Survey headquarters on Tibetan village and religious life left few doubts in the minds of British officialdom as to the uncivilised nature of these alien tribes north of the great Himalayan divide. At Shalu monastery, a famous centre of Tantric practices, Ugyen Gyatso describes a magic rite in which an anchorite is introduced into a cave large enough for one man, where he remains for twelve years engaged in deep meditation on certain esoteric mysteries. At the end of this period, the hermit signals his readiness to return to civilisation by blowing on a trumpet made from a human thigh bone. The mystic emerges through a small hole in the ground, cross-legged in the Buddha lotus posture. He is then subjected to various tests, such as sitting on a heap of barley without displacing a single grain, to determine if he has indeed acquired esoteric powers. If the aspirant passes the test, he becomes a guru lama; if not, he is simply left to take up the routine of his previous worldly existence. Reports like this, and others depicting the oddities of Tibetan customs, were greeted with derision by Survey officers. 'Such grotesque superstitions point to a more degraded condition of the national religion of Tibet in the heart of the country than the admirers of the Light of Asia would care to credit.’3

The Pundit was now wending his way toward familiar terrain, with Shigatse and its sprawling monastery complex of Tashilunpo in his sights, 50 miles north-west of Gyantse. It must be remembered that Ugyen Gyatso, surveyor, explorer, botanist, was also a Buddhist monk ordained at Pemayangtse, one of the holiest lamaseries in the Tibetan religious hierarchy. His quest for spiritual attainment was fired by the sacred site of Shigatse, and he spent a good deal of his time visiting the city's most venerated shrines. On one of these occasions a high lama persuaded him to take a vow to repeat certain forms of prayer to the god Idam 3,000 times a day. Albeit having the best of intentions, the Pundit found this performance 'quite incompatible with his secular duties', that is, his surveying tasks, so he revisited the lama and begged to be released from his oath. To his relief, Ugyen Gyatso was let off with 1,000 incantations a day and 'as many more as he could manage'.

Sleep and Dream in the Vedas

Among the paradoxes of life, one of the greatest is the paradox of sleep: human beings cannot live without sleep; it renews life, but in sleep, vitality, activity, and all that is characteristic of life, diminish and fade away as in death. Reat notes that in the Vedas, the derivatives of the verb root Vjiv (life) not only meant life as opposed to death, but activity as opposed to sleep. The vital faculties are all associated with wakefulness and activity.24 The Vedic mind was preoccupied with augmenting life, strength, and vitality; sleep was regarded as a dangerous phenomenon associated with evils such as death and destruction. The following passage gives a good idea of the general Vedic view of the nature of sleep:

We know thy place of birth (janitra), O sleep; thou art son of seizure (grahi),25 agent of Yama (the Lord of Death); ender art thou, death art thou; so, O sleep, do we comprehend thee here; do thou, O sleep, protect us from evil dreaming. 2. We know thy place of birth, O sleep; thou art son of perdition … 3 … son of ill-success … 4. … son of extermination … 5. … son of calamity … 6. We know thy place of birth, O sleep; thou art son of the wives (sisters) of the gods, agent of Yama; ender art thou, death art thou; so, O sleep, do we comprehend thee here; do thou, O sleep, protect us from evil-dreaming.26

Here Sleep is regarded as a powerful deity associated with death and destruction. Sleep is called upon to protect one from evil dreams as well as to bring the forces of destruction and calamity upon one's enemies. The following passage uses words associated with the nature of sleep to curse the enemy:

[W]ith ill-success I pierce him; with extermination I pierce him; with calamity I pierce him; with seizure I pierce him; with darkness I pierce him.

Now (idam) do I wipe off evil-dreaming on him of such-and-such lineage,27 son of such-and-such a mother.28

-- Dreamworlds of Shamanism and Tibetan Buddhism: The Third Place, by Angela Sumegi

The blithesome, rotund lama seemed to have a knack for blundering into awkward situations - evoking an image of a Peter Ustinov character swathed in a crimson robe. Yet there was nothing frivolous about the information of commercial and military value that he contrived to gather on his journey across Tibet, at a critical time in British India's relations with its northern neighbour. From Shigatse, whose height the Pundit fixed at 12,350 feet above sea level, he set a course eastward along the southern bank of the Tsangpo, following Chandra Das's route toward the great lake complex of Yamdo Tso. Ugyen Gyatso discovered that the river is navigable by ferry service for 50 miles east of Shigatse. Below this point begin the lesser-known reaches of the Tibetan waterway, where it takes a bend southward and becomes 'rough and rapid ', quite impracticable for the hide-built coracles of the country. After a difficult crossing of the Tsangpo, depicted in his report as 'a black, turbid flood', the Pundit and his wife marched ahead to the system of lakes that he spent several days exploring and surveying in great detail -- in spite of the frequent rain and thick mists that enveloped the nearby mountains. The terrain in this region was more reminiscent of the drizzly Sikkim he had left behind than of the arid Tibetan plateau.

The Pundit ran into 'serious difficulty' a few days after completing his survey of the Yamdrock Tso network of lakes. Ugyen Gyatso had climbed a rocky eminence near the small village of Lha-khang to admire the rugged grandeur of the surrounding countryside. On his return to the house in which he had been offered lodgings, he found his wife and brother-in-law in a state of great distress. In their sleeping quarters stood several burly Tibetans whose scowling faces left little to the imagination of an undercover surveyor. The men had been sent by the local Jongpen, or district official, to examine the Pundit's belongings. Ugyen Gyatso's wife had concealed most of the surveying instruments, but there was enough evidence around to convince the Tibetans that they had captured a high-ranking spy. The Tibetan officials were in no mood for excuses. The Pundit, his wife and brother-in-law were arrested and kept in confinement for several days, until they were summoned before two Jongpens, one a lay official and the other a priest, who were to decide how to deal with the interloper. The Pundit could expect little mercy from his judges, who were clearly not amused by the pile of instruments, maps, botanical specimens and books before them. The decision was immediate and chilling: this was a most grievous case, warranting the involvement of the central government in Lhasa, to where all these artefacts were to be sent as evidence of a clear breach of the orders that had recently been issued, strictly forbidding anyone to draw up maps of the country. Ugyen Gyatso knew that he had to act swiftly or risk the same fate that had been dealt to other explorers found guilty of spying, namely a public beheading. Whatever funds he had on his person were judiciously slipped to his host and a few of the junior officials, who were thus persuaded to intercede on his behalf. Some of the bribe money undoubtedly found its way into the Jongpens' pockets, for during the ensuing cross-examination their hearts suddenly softened. The Pundit was let off with a stem warning and, what is more astonishing, with the return of all his property, except for his notebook, which the Tibetans took pains to destroy, lest they were to find themselves compromised by it later falling into the hands of higher officials. Ugyen Gyatso was forced to give an undertaking not to set foot in Lhasa or mention a word to anyone about his detention in Lha-khang. The day after his release, the Pundit stole out of the vilIage at daybreak and casually resumed his surveying work of the Tsanpo valley, while setting a course northward on the road to Lhasa.

The stone-covered expanses along this stage of the journey were infested with robbers 'with blackened faces' who preyed upon small, unarmed parties travelling to Lhasa. Ugyen Gyatso came across a lonely hut, called a jikkyop, standing forlorn in the middle of the plain, where he took shelter for the night. It was like stepping back several centuries in time, for the hut was kept by a 'half-savage old couple' whose bare survival seemed to depend on providing passing travellers with animal dung for fuel, in exchange for food. The Pundit, who had spent many a night shivering in caves or in open fields, was repulsed by this wretched place, which he hurriedly abandoned the following morning. The closer Ugyen Gyatso drew to the villages and vast monastery complexes on the approach to Lhasa, the more care he needed to take with his pilgrim guise in order to avoid being unmasked. At one point, the party crossed paths with a royal procession led by the Regent of Tibet -- the temporal ruler as opposed to the spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama -- who was on a periodic tour of his domains. This proved very inconvenient for Ugyen Gyatso, as he was unable to restrain himself from engaging in cheerful banter with the royal retainers about his adventures on the road. As the chatter rambled on, a few of the king's bodyguards began to take a keener interest in the Pundit's travels, suspecting a possible hidden motive behind his journey to Lhasa. Ugyen Gyatso only escaped being handed over to the authorities at the last minute by dispensing liberal bribes to his inquisitive companions.

On 9 October, four months to the day after his departure from Darjeeling, the Pundit surmounted a low pass, from which the lights of the holy city of Lhasa could be spotted in the distance. He took the precaution of crossing the Ki Chhu river, which he measured as 500 paces across, by moonlight, in a ferry piloted by several hopelessly drunk boatmen. The Pundit refers in passing to being almost 'torn to pieces' by savage Tibetan mastiffs when he alighted on the north bank of the river. Ugyen Gyatso had been forewarned about these ferocious beasts and took pains to supply himself with a sack stuffed with bones and scraps of meat 'with which he beguiled the dogs as they disputed his way'. By two o'clock in the morning the Pundit, not to mention his long-suffering wife, sat down under a tree to catch their breath, unsuspecting of the tribulations that lay ahead. His first task was to devise a plan to conceal his instruments and notes. Lhasa was no place to risk having these incriminating instruments exposed to the authorities, who were unlikely to be bought off so easily as a provincial Jongpen. He hit upon the idea of sealing all his surveying equipment and records in a bag, which he would leave in the care of a fellow monk at the nearby Daphung monastery, a short walk along the road to Lhasa. With this problem resolved, the Pundit settled in for a few hours' rest, only to be abruptly roused from his sleep at dawn by a group of angry villagers, who told him that the tree under which he had chosen to bed down was a place of holy veneration, and that he had only to lay a finger on a twig to be guilty of offending the guardian deities. To make matters worse, he found out that he was lucky still to be drawing breath, for this was also a meeting spot for local robbers and freebooters of every stripe, who took advantage of the neighbourhood's seclusion to plan their evil doings.

When Ugyen Gyatso reached Daphung, a short distance south of Lhasa, he explained his predicament to his friend over a cup of buttered tea. The Pundit's possessions were duly secreted behind locked doors and he went out to have a look around the great city and find a place for his party to spend the night. His first encounter was with a Chinese army sergeant who kept a tidy guesthouse near the monastery. This seemed an ideal place to spend the night. Most importantly, there was no danger of his Chinese landlord demanding to examine his baggage, as might easily have been the case in a Tibetan household. Once again, Ugyen Gyatso's proclivity for loose chatter nearly brought about his demise. Relaxing by the fire, the Pundit happened to make some indiscreet enquiries about the status of the Nepalese Resident in Lhasa, an unfortunate subject to bring up at a time when relations between Tibet and Nepal were strained to breaking point. His Chinese host's mood suddenly turned sullen. Just why, he wanted to know, was this alleged religious pilgrim taking such an avid interest in the country's political affairs? The conversation quickly turned into a cross-examination, and, fearing that he had let a spy into his midst, the Chinese officer let loose a torrent of abuse and unceremoniously turned the Pundit and his party out of his house.

Ugyen Gyatso, with his wife and brother-in-law in tow, spent the rest of the day roaming the streets of Lhasa in search of new lodgings. He eventually came across some long-lost Nepalese friends living in town, who could put him up in a spare room, in which the Pundit gratefully dropped his bags for a night's well-earned rest. However, his fame had gone before him, and it was not long before the police, who had been tipped off by the Chinese sergeant, came knocking at the door, demanding to have a look at his baggage. They left no stone unturned in their search, but fortunately failed to find any possessions of an incriminating nature, all of them having been safely stashed away at Daphung monastery. In view of the prevailing tensions between the authorities and the local Nepalese community, the Pundit's new hosts were equally indisposed to having a suspect, talkative monk from Sikkim under their roof. But they had a plan that might help him out of his predicament: Ugyen Gyatso's monastery, Pemayangtse, had a close historical kinship with the Buddhist red-hat sect of Nepal. A discreet message sent across town procured the Pundit an invitation from the Resident himself, who was only too happy to welcome a pilgrim from Pemayangtse into his house, a four-storey building that stood close to the home of his Chinese counterpart. The Nepalese Resident found the garrulous monk from Sikkim an engaging house guest, to the extent that Ugyen Gyatso's position in Lhasa was 'secured', meaning he could move freely about the city to carry out the real duties that had brought him to the Tibetan capital.

One week after arriving in Lhasa the Pundit commenced his survey of the Tibetan capital, using as his cover, quite literally, an umbrella under which he concealed the equipment that had been retrieved from its hiding place in Daphung monastery. He seemed to thrive in this environment of high intrigue, for he knew that to sit under an umbrella in full public view of Lhasa's paranoid officialdom was an open flirtation with danger. Yet he was also aware that he was engaged in trail-blazing work that, on his return, was certain to earn him the kudos of the exalted Survey of India. So for two days on end, thinking himself beyond reach of recognition, Ugyen Gyatso walked, observed and measured, painstakingly putting into practice the skills learnt in Darjeeling, so that he was able to calculate, for example, that it took exactly 9,500 paces to do a full circuit of the city.

The Pundit also found it necessary to discourage his wife from forming too close a friendship with the Resident's spouse, although, after the months of swashbuckling along the road to Lhasa, the poor woman must have been bored to distraction, spending her days confined within the four walls of the Residency. The fear was that the lama's wife might carelessly reveal the truth behind her husband's fondness for strolling about town under his umbrella. At the same time, Ugyen Gyatso took advantage of every spare moment to pump the Resident for information about the Tibetan government, its structure, its leadership and how it exercised its powers, most of which served to confirm the information that had been gathered by Chandra Das on his expedition to Lhasa.

The Pundit's luck ran out less than a week into his fieldwork. Within the pantheon of Tibetan liturgy there is a ceremony called the sky burial, in which a corpse is borne by ragapas, literally 'carriers of the dead', to a spot, usually a hilltop, where the body is dismembered by these men and fed to vultures that hover restlessly overhead, waiting to pounce on their gruesome meal. The ragapas are outcasts from society, the Tibetan equivalent of Indian untouchables, who have in most cases been branded pariahs because of past criminal offences. ‘They are only permitted to live in houses or huts made of horns, no matter what their present wealth or former position may have been. These ragapas appear to be the pests of Lhasa. Hardened by crime, and deadened by their occupation to all sense of humanity, they band together in a turbulent and unruly crowd, and endeavour to extort blackmail from all strangers and travellers.'4 It was Ugyen Gyatso's misfortune to have fallen foul of these wretched creatures, who prowled the streets like pariah dogs. The reason behind the ragapas' attack was never made clear, but the lama's eccentric appearance was undoubtedly enough to set their teeth gnashing. The upshot was that one morning a band of these snarling ragapas surrounded Ugyen Gyatso while at his work and proceeded to chase him into one of the city's central squares. They hurled abuse at the terrified lama, and then began chorusing the words he least wanted to hear: 'British spy! British spy!' It was something other than sheer chance that had led them to denounce what was really happening beneath that umbrella. To his alarm, one of this gang turned out to be a native of Darjeeling who claimed to recognise the Pundit. His plight was now alarming enough for Ugyen Gyatso to send in haste for his Nepalese friends. They came rushing to the scene, along with a friendly Tibetan official. The way out of this predicament was quite straightforward: once again the Pundit was obliged to dig into his pocket to buy his tormentors' silence, at least long enough to allow him to make a safe getaway from Lhasa.

Ugyen Gyatso's main dilemma was that by now, having liberally dispensed bribes to all and sundry to buy his way out of trouble, his funds were starting to run dangerously low. This, however, did not present an insurmountable problem for the resourceful Pundit. He first needed to purchase ponies and saddles for the long journey home. Fortunately, the wife of one of the Nepalese residents in Lhasa happened to be visiting Darjeeling at that time, so by pleading his case to these acquaintances he succeeded in issuing what he called a 'promissory note' for 125 rupees, sufficient to start him on his voyage in comfort.

Ugyen Gyatso had hardly stirred from his house for days, fearful of being spotted by one of the ragapas or, even worse, the Chinese officials who by now had collected enough circumstantial evidence to order the lama's arrest on suspicion of spying. At dawn on 19 October he gathered his belongings and slipped out of Lhasa, not failing to take his final observations -- always under cover of his umbrella -- even before he was clear of town. Nearly a month later Ugyen Gyatso closed his extensive survey while crossing the Cho La Pass, moving southward over well-trodden ground toward Pemayangtse monastery. Once at his spiritual home, the Pundit entertained his brother lamas with the remainder of the funds he had obtained from Darjeeling, while leaving a small sum on deposit for one monk to turn the monastery's huge mani or prayer-wheel day and night. He received the blessings of the head lama of Pemayangtse, and not a moment too soon as it turned out, for when he reached Darjeeling a month later he was told that the old monk had died almost immediately after Ugyen Gyatso's departure.

Holdich, summing up the achievements of this remarkable Pundit's six-month odyssey, hailed it as 'one of the best records of Tibetan travels that has yet been achieved by any agent of the Survey of India'.5 In a later report, published in 1889, on the work of the Pundits, the Surveyor General of India, Colonel H.R. Thuillier, lavished praise on the plucky monk from Pemayangtse, whom he credited for filling in a crucial gap of the Great Trigonometrical Survey's North-East Trans-Frontier map single-handed, on a mission that took him only slightly longer than six months. Thuillier waxed enthusiastic about Ugyen Gyatso's work at Yamdrok Tso lake, 'the curious double peninsula which he [the Pundit] has completely mapped'. Ugyen Gyatso was also the first to map the upper course of the River Lhobrak that flows eastward to meet the Manas in Assam. He surveyed and mapped areas of north-east Tibet 'over country till then absolutely unknown to us'. Thuillier concludes: 'The valuable geographical information which he has thus collected is interspersed with references to the social and religious customs of the Tibetans, which will doubtless prove very acceptable to the general reader.’6

The Pundit Ugyen Gyatso retired from active service with the Survey of India to spend his post-exploration years as Sub-Inspector of Schools in Darjeeling. On certain occasions, as one of the monks on the monastery's roll, he travelled through the valleys of his native Sikkim to attend high religious ceremonies at Pemayangtse. From time to time he would be coaxed into emerging from his retirement, when the Survey officers had need of his expertise in a liaison role to help guide their work in trans-Himalayan exploration. Ugyen Gyatso was called upon to translate the exploits of a Mongolian monk, Serap Gyatso (no relation), who turned up in Darjeeling with a tale of his travels through the lower Tsangpo valley undertaken nearly thirty years before. The monk's narrative was confined chiefly to a list of names of monasteries, sacred places and villages, with an occasional digression into history and descriptions of wild beasts, throwing little light on the geography of the Tsangpo, according to Ugyen Gyatso's account. The Mongolian lama's account was drawn from memory and, as the Survey report states, must be accepted with caution. His recollection proved surprisingly accurate, as was later confirmed in a debriefing by the explorer Kinrup, although the information he brought back proved to be of minor value to the Survey's objectives of the day. 'Nevertheless, from the information, such as it is, combined with the account of K.P. [the explorer Kintup] ... Colonel Tanner was able to compile a sketch map of the course of the Lower Tsangpo and thus furnish the first contribution to the geography of that unknown tract. '7 Every scrap of information was of value to the Survey's data-gathering mission regarding the people and terrain that lay between British India and that uncharted land beyond the Himalaya, where lurked the Russian enemy. If nothing else, Serap Gyatso's findings helped 'in cross-checking many of the routes of which the authorities in the Survey Department had only heard'.8
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Journal of the Buddhist Text Society of India, Volume 4
edited by Sarat Chandra Das, C.I.E.,
Vol. IV. 1896 Part I.
Printed at the Baptist Mission Press
Publishers: Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Messrs. Luzac & Co., opposite British Museum, London.
Continental Agents: Messrs. Otto Harrassowitz, Karl Hiersemann, M. Spirgatis, Liepzig.
Published at the Buddhist Text Society
86/2 Jaun Bazar Street, Calcutta.
Annual Subscription: In the Far East and America, 2-1/2 $; in India and Ceylon, 5 Rupees; in Europe, 8 shillings.



Dharma Cakra at Mrigadav Varanasi

Table of Contents:


The Burmese Ramazat


1. A brief survey of the Doctrines of Salvation
2. The Story of Virudhaka
3. The Madhyamika Aphorisms, Ch. II.
4. Buddhism in India
5. A Translation of three Buddhist Tracts of Korea
(1) Precepts for young students
(2) Prayers and Chants
(3) Precepts for the Cultivation of the Heart
Appendix I. The Lepcha people and their notions of Heaven and Hell
Appendix II. The History of Sikkim
Appendix III. Kachari Folk-Tales


The Quarterly General Meeting of the Buddhist Text Society of India was convened in the Hall of the Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science on the 1st February, 1896.

In the absence of Sir Alfred Croft, the President, Dr. Mahendra Lal Sarcar, the Vice-President, took the chair.

Amongst others, the following gentlemen were present: --

Dr. Hubbe Schleiden of Germany.
Professor A. Foucher of the University of Paris.
Col. H.S. Olcott.
Rev. K.S. MacDonald, M.A., D.D.
The Hon’ble Dr. Mahendra Lal Sarcar, M.D., C.I.E.
Rev. A Tomory, M.A.
Dr. R.K. Sen, M.D.
Rai Sarat Chandra Das Bahadur, C.I.E.
Babu Radha Charan Das.
Mr. R.D. Mehta.
Mr. H. Dharmapala.
Sri. Shiva Prasanna Bhattacharyya.
Mr. Caddy.
Sri Bholanath Chakravarti.
Sri Dinanath Ganguli.

The Honorary Secretary then announced a donation of Rs. 25 from Sri Radha Charan Das Zemindar of Balasore, for which he received the thanks of the meeting.

After this, the present made to the Society of books and pamphlets by different public bodies was announced, and the donors received thanks for the same.

The Meeting then confirmed the appointment of the following Corporate Members made by the Council:

Prince Henri D’Orleans.
Professor Foucher.
Sri Radha Charan Das.

Professor A. Foucher then exhibited photographs of Buddhist deities, taken by him from old Palm-lead manuscripts of Nepal, with some remarks. The Meeting thanked the professor for the trouble he took in placing the photographs before the members.

Sri Dinanath Ganguli then read the notes on the exorcism of spirits in Korea communicated by Dr. Landis.

Sri Dinanath Ganguli made the following remarks in connection with these notes:

In this country, the popular belief is that, those who commit suicide become ghosts and occupy trees. It is necessary to propitiate them with offerings of food as is done in Korea, but the method is different. Here the children or relations of the deceased offer rice and vegetables to the manes at Gaya: and when this is done, the ghosts quit the trees being set free from the ghostly state. The trees occupied by the ghosts then fall down, and this indicates that the ghosts have received salvation.

There is also another belief among the people that, those who are vindictive whilst in body, continue to be so after death. These spirits trouble their neighbours when alive, and they cease not to do so after death. This shows the necessity of our leading peaceful lives, so that, we may pass our days comfortably, and, after our death, do not molest our neighbours and others; but, on the contrary, become ministering angels to them.

After this, Col. Olcott made some remarks with reference to the notes on the exorcism of spirits in Korea.

Dr. R.K. Sen then read a note on the “origin of the Maurayas of Magadha and of Chanakya.” The note was a very interesting one, and the Doctor was thanked for it.

After this, Col. Olcott exhibited a picture of sleeping Buddha on a grain of rice; and Mr. Caddy placed before the meeting some photographs of Buddhist architecture by Greek Buddhism, one being of Cakya Muni before he became Buddha. With regard to these photographs, Rai Sarat Chandra Das Bahadur made a few remarks, and said that, the architecture explained the probability that Sambhala the head quarter of the Mahayana Buddhism was the Capital of the Bactrian Greeks who were Buddhists, and that it was in the Swat Valley.

The Burmese Rama Zat.
Translated by Cri Ishwar Chandra Gupta.


Journal of the Buddhist Text Society of India.
A Brief Survey of the Doctrines of Salvation.
By Prof. Satic Chandra Vidyabhushan, M.A.


The Story of Virudhaka, from the Avadana Kalpalata
by Babu Lachmi Narayan Sinha, M.A., B.L.


The Madhyamika Aphorisms. Chapter II. Doctrine of Passing and Staying.
by Prof. Satic Ch. Vidyabhusan, M.A.


Buddhism in India.
by Professor Satischandra Vidyabhushana, M.A.


A Translation of Three Buddhist Tracts From Korea.
by E.G. Landis, M.D., M.R.A.S.


Appendix I. The Lepcha People and Their Notions of Heaven and Hell
by Cri Kali Kumar Das.


Appendix II. History of Sikkim.
by the Honourable H.H. Risley, C.S., C.I.E.


Appendix III. Kachari Folk-Tales.
by J.D. Anderson, Esq., I.C.S.


A Note on the Ancient Geography of Asia, Compiled From Valmiki-Ramayana.
by Nobin Chandra Das, M.A.

Of the Bengal Provincial Service, (formerly Law-Lecturer of the Chittagong College), Translator of Raghuvamsa of Kali Dasa and “Miracles of Buddha.”

Hail Valmiki, sweet ko’il on Poesy’s spray,
Who sang Ram in ever-melodious lay!

Hare Press: Calcutta.
Printed and Published by R. Dutt.
Hare Press:
46, Bechu Chatterjee’s Street
Dedicated to Ralph T.H. Griffith Esqr. M.A., C.I.E., Formerly Principal of the Benares College and Director of Public Instruction, N.W.P. and Oudh, whose earnest and sympathetic labours, in the field of ancient Sanskrit literature have placed within each reach of English-speaking people.
The Vast Treasures of the Vedas and the Ramayana,
By his humble admirer,
Nobin Chandra Das
17 February 1896.

Table of Contents:

1. Preface
2. General scope of the work
3. Rama’s journey to Mithila
4. Descent of the Ganges from the Himalayas
5. Bharat’s journey from Giri-vraja to Ajodhya
6. Rama’s route from Ajodhya to Lanka
7. The kingdom of Kishkindhya.
8. The world as known in Ramayanic time
I. The army of the East
II. The army of the South
III. The army of the West
IV. The army of the North.
Appendix I. The Ramayana as a history
Appendix II. Dharmaranya.
Appendix III. Prachi or Prachina (Eastern country) and Dravida
Appendix IV. Sapta Sindhu
Appendix V. Alluvial formations by the action of rivers


Other Works by the Same Author.
Raghu Vamsa.
(In Bengali Verse.)
Complete in 3 Parts, Price Rs. 2


Babu Chandra Nath Bose, M.A., Bengali Translator to Government, writes:



A Special General Meeting of the Buddhist Text Society of India,
Held at the Town Hall, Darjeeling
On the 4th November, 1896.

Distinguished Visitors and Members.

The Hon’ble Sir A. Mackenzie, K.C.S.I., Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal
Lady Mackenzie
The Hon’ble Sir Griffith Evans, Barrister-At-Law; Member of the Supreme Council.
Sir Alfred Croft, K.C.I.E., M.A., President.
The Hon’ble M. Finucane, M.A., I.C.S., Secretary to the Government of Bengal
Dr. C.A. Martin, M.A.,, LL.D., Offg. Director of Public Instruction.
Mr. A. Pedler, F.R.S., President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
The Revd. Rylands Brown.

The Hon’ble Mr. M. Finucane, C.S., M.A. in the chair. The proceedings were opened by the Honorary Secretary, Rai Sarat Chandra Das, C.I.E., Bahadur, introducing a deputation of three Lamas, the Venerable Lama Sherab Gya-tsho, Rai Bahadur Lama Ugyen Gya-tsho and Sikyong Tulku, the Avatar Prince of Sikkim. Lama Sherab read a farewell address in Tibetan to Sir Alfred Croft. The Honorary Secretary read an English translation of the same, the text of which is as follows:

Gentlemen, We have come to-day to express our satisfaction at the restoration to health of Sir Alfred Croft, the President of this Society. We were unhappy before on account of his illness. We rejoice now.

We understand he is about to proceed home. We hope he will long enjoy the fruit of his good Karma, and a true Lama as he has been throughout his life, our fervent prayer is that he may be reborn in the world of Bliss called Sukavata (De-wa-chan), about which the saints of old have sung:

The Venerable Lama Sherab next raised a low chant, his colleagues joining him in chorus. This was a Tibetan hymn from the Dharani (charm) called the “Undying Drum-sound.” At the conclusion of the chant, Mr. W.B. Livingstone rose and said that he had been requested to read an English translation of the hymn, but on perusing it he had found that it contained a most compromising confession of the inner tents of the Buddhist religion, and he could not do so without first recording his profession of unswerving faith as a Christian. He then read the translation:

Far to the west lies De-wa-chan,
That happy land of Buddhist bliss;
Where reigns the saintly sovereign,
Amitabha, of Light-boundless.

Who e’er His name in faith implores,
On rebirth gains that blessed land;
His dying eyes shall see the Lord—
The Teacher and his priestly band.

No women there, nor fleshly birth;
But from a diamond lotus flower
Bursts blooming forth the new born soul.

In the glorious company of
Amitabha our needs are few,
But food and drink and raiment rare
And alms-bowl all appear when wished.

The Buddhas of the quarters ten,
Unite in praise of De-wa-chan;
Our prayer hence will e’er be this,
“To be born in that paradise.”

The Chairman said that as a formal address to a public official was prohibited by law, the address of the Lamas had taken the above form.

Mr. Livingstone then went on to address the meeting, saying that there was no doubt of the good done by great travelers and the benefits conferred upon civilization by such explorers as Rai Sarat Chandra Das, Bahadur, was incalculable. After giving several illustrations of the benefits of travel in the promotion of knowledge, the speaker proceeded to dwell upon the Rai Bahadur’s explorations and researches in a very complimentary strain, and likened that gentleman to Dr. Livingstone.

The Honourable Sir Griffith Evans, K.C.I.E., in moving a resolution to record the good wishes of the Lamas and also the regret of the meeting at the retirement of the President of the Society, said he would not attempt to make a speech after the eloquent speaker whom they had just heard. He referred to the enlightened Lamas who were present and said that he rejoiced that the British Government was now able to prove to such enlightened men that in their desire to open intercourse with Tibet they were actuated by no desire to disturb the country and its rulers, but only prompted by a wish to promote trade and also by an intellectual desire to learn as much as possible of Northern or Tibetan Buddhism. He referred to Sir Alfred Croft whose good qualities were known to all present, most of whom were his personal friends. He had done great work in India as they all know, during his tenure of the post of Director of Public Instruction, which he had held for 20 years. He it was who first realized the possibility of penetrating into Tibet in order to get access to Buddhist records. There had been no intercourse with that exclusive country for nearly a century before Sir Alfred Croft’s time. Not since the Governorship of Warren Hastings who indeed had succeeded for a time in opening up communication, but he was an exceptional man and one who pretty generally succeeded in getting his own way. In the present day the credit was due to Sir Alfred Croft and was one of the many good things which the public owed to him. He realized the possibility of training some of our Indian subjects, instructing them in the Tibetan language and sending them over the border. Government allotted funds for the purpose and the result was that Rai Sarat Chandra Das, Bahadur, devoted himself to the work. He was the only man who had succeeded in so mastering the Tibetan language that he would be welcomed by the Tibetans themselves. His perfect knowledge of the language was his passport, and he had succeeded in going where no one but himself could pass. In the course of his travels he had to cross stupendous mountain ranges on levels of eternal snow. He had shewn himself gifted with the greatest physical endurance. He could speak from his own personal knowledge as the Rai Bahadur’s power of endurance as he had been in his company to the borders of Tibet in 1881 during a journey involving much fatigue and exposure. The Rai Bahadur had a delight in hardship and adventure which was quite European. It was due to his capacity for overcoming difficulties as well as his great learning that he had been able to penetrate where he had been and return to give the result of his explorations. And it was due to Sir Alfred Croft that the opportunity had been offered him of displaying his powers in so worthy a cause.

The Hon’ble Mr. Finucane in putting Sir. Griffith Evans’ resolution to the meeting said: It needs no words from me to commend this resolution to this assembly. Sir Alfred Croft’s presence and the rules of Government preclude me from making any lengthened complimentary remarks, but I think I may say without trenching on forbidden ground that as the public and Sir Alfred Croft’s numerous friends were deeply grieved and distressed on hearing of his illness so they are now, in a corresponding degree, rejoiced at his restoration to health. Allusion has been made to his approaching relinquishment of the Presidentship of this Society. On this point I will only say that when Sir Alfred relinquishes this and other similar offices which he has adorned, the public, native and European, will lose a friend who has conferred upon them great benefits; and his many friends will lose a highly cultured gentleman and charming companion. As to the loss to Government by his retirement this is not the occasion, nor am I authorized to speak upon the subject.

Sir Alfred Croft said he would make but a few remarks. All three Lamas present were personal friends of his own. The Lama Sherab was a man of great learning who had come from the remotest borders of Mongolia. He passed through Darjeeling sixteen years ago on his way to Nepal. Lama Sherab’s fame as a scholar had preceded him; and he had the satisfaction of securing the service of the Lama’s great learning for the promotion of Tibetan study. He also alluded in high terms to the services of Lama Ugyen Gya-tsho. The Avatar Lama was another friend whom he had known for a year and found him a young man of much ability. In that short space he had learned to read and write Hindi. He could also understand English, and had begun to speak it.

Sir Alfred Croft further remarked that his position as President of the Buddhist Text Society was a peculiar one, for he regretted to say that he was entirely ignorant of Buddhist Texts. But to the great knowledge which Rai Sarat Chandra Das, Bahadur, had acquired the world was much indebted. It was to his researches that the Tibetan books now before the world were due. The books issued from and now being printed in the Government Press at Darjeeling, were of European interest. He referred to the recent article in the Academy on the subject of Buddhist texts and said that such articles had been rendered possible by the explorations and researches of the Rai Bahadur. It was a source of great satisfaction to the speaker that he had been able to help this work from the beginning. No such society as the Buddhist Text Society was possible, without Buddhist books and therefore to Rai Sarat Chandra Das, Bahadur, was due its success. The object in sending Sarat Chandra to Tibet had fully succeeded. He had been able to interest the rulers and the Lamas, in his work, and he had brought back a yak load of Buddhist books of the utmost value. The result of this exploration had been manifested in two ways. Rai Sarat Chandra’s researches had resulted in a large number of papers on the religious, philosophy and history of Tibet, many of which had been published in the proceedings of the Asiatic Society; and the Tibetan books now being published would be of the utmost value to the learned world of Europe. Finally, Sir Alfred Croft observed that his connexion with the Buddhist Text Society had been a source of much interest and gratification to him, and he should always look on the proceedings of this day with satisfaction and pride.

Rai Sarat Chandra Das, Bahadur, C.I.E., then gave a short lecture on the Lake which he had named Yamdo Croft, in honour of Sir Alfred Croft. He spoke as follows, often referring to maps which he handed round to His Honor and Lady Mackenzie and others present:

I will now trace the history of the name of the great lake of Tibet called Palti in our English maps, and show justification for connecting its real name Yamdo with the good name of Sir Alfred Croft.

In 1730, Orazio Della Penna, a Capuchin missionary, visited the great lake of Tibet and described it as follows: “The easternmost place is called Kambala, which is the name of a great mountain, on the slopes of which are many places, and in the plain at the foot to the south is a great lake called Iandro, which is eighteen days’ journey round, according to those who have made the circuit, but within are some hilly islands. The same lake has no outlet that I know of, and during a day and a half’s march round it, I can vouch that I saw none; while as regards the remaining portion, I have the authority of those who have made its circuit.” The lake indeed has no outlet.

In 1735 D’Anville, a Jesuit missionary, conducted the survey of the whole of Tibet under the orders of emperor Kanghi. He trained up some Lamas to do the work of survey and with their help prepared the first map of Tibet. Unfortunately the art of plotting map was then little known, in consequence of which D’Anville’s map was badly done.

In it the lake was called Peiti. This name was derived from Pede, the name of a small town with a fort situated on the margin of the lake.

In 1762, Georgi, in his Alphetum Tibetanum, first mentioned the name Palte, which was evidently derived from Pal-de the written form of the name Pede.

Klaproth, who obtained some account of the lake from Tibetan travelers visiting Peking, designated it by the name Phal-dhi Yum-tsho, i.e., turquoise lake of Pal-de town.

The Chinese name of the lake is Paite (another form of Peite) or Pai-che, t in Chinese, being convertible to ch. Colonel Montgomery’s explorer who visited the lake in 1874, brought the name Yamdo-Chho, i.e., the lake of Yamdo, which is the same as Landro of Della Penna. The real name of the lake is Yamdo, written Ya-hbrog which phonetically, becomes Yamdo, (ya) means up or high, and hbrog pronounced as (do) means herdman’s encampment; Yamdo-chho meaning the lake of the highland herdsman’s encampment. There is a second lake called Dumo chho the devil’s lake which is 14,300 ft. above the sea level within the mountainous peninsula inside the great lake called Donang or Doranang. Do or Dora means an enclosed field used for pasture, i.e., croft. Hence the name Yamdo-Croft was literally suitable for that very interesting lake of Tibet. The speaker knew not another lake which was so wonderful to exist on the surface of the globe 13,800 feet above the sea level and holding another lake on its breast inside its hilly croft which was a thousand and three hundred feet higher than itself. The hilly peninsula of Donang is dotted with villages, monasteries, and cultivated fields. It is largely used as pasture land for yaks, sheep and goat of the lake country of Yamdo.

The Chairman said: From the history of the lake just traced it appeared that the lake has passed through a vicissitude of names. He hoped this last name so deservedly given would endure.

The Honorary Secretary announced the names of the following gentlemen who were appointed corporate members by the Council of the Society:

Mr. J.D. Anderson, C.S.
Cri Nobin Chandra Das, M.A., B.L.

He also said that E. Landis, M.D., of Chemalpo in Corea, was appointed a corresponding member.

The publications of the Society that were placed on the table consisted of two texts of the Northern School, called Samadhi Raj and Madhyamika Vritti, and one of the Southern School called Visuddhi Magga, and also Journal, Part I, Vol. IV of the current year. The last contained two very interesting papers, one by Dr. E. Landis on Corean Buddhism, and the other by Mr. J.D. Anderson, C.S., sometime Deputy Commissioner of Darrang, on the Folk-tales of Kachar.

The Honorary Secretary then exhibited a drawing of the Fort of Shiga-tse and addressed the meeting on the Monasteries and Temples of Tibet, handing over to the members a printed list of the Monasteries and Temples of Tibet, which covered twelve closely printed folio pages.

He exhibited a large drawing of the grand monastery of Tashi-lh-unpo which was prepared with the help of a Tibetan artist. It contained five to six hundred houses, with the court of the Tashi Lama, the grand Hall of Congregation, and the five Mausoleums with their roofs gilt with gold built for the memory of the five illustrious grand Lamas. He pointed out the Mausoleums of the Tashi Lama to whose court Warren Hastings had sent George Bogle and Captain Samuel Turner. Captain Turner had brought home a sketch of the Mausoleums and published it in 1800, A.D. The lecturer exhibited it and said that 4,800 monks daily congregated in the grand Hall and chanted the glories of Buddha and the Bodhisattvas three times in the day in the manner Lama Sherab and his colleagues had chanted in chorus the hymn in the presence of the meeting. These buildings of the grand Monastery were all terrace roofed three to four storeys high. The Mausoleums were lofty structures like the wings of the Calcutta High Court. He also shewed another building called Kugopeh, which was nine storeys high, each of which was ten to twelve feet high.

The lecturer went on saying:

Tibet abounds in monasteries and temples. No other Buddhist country in Asia, whether in the past or in the present time, could be compared with modern Tibet in the number of her Buddhist priests and monasteries. During my residence in Tibet, I obtained a list of some of the well known monasteries, compiled by Sumpa Khanpo. The number of monasteries in the provinces of U, and Tsang in 1725 A.D. was 325, and under the hierarchy of the Dalai Lama in Tibet was 1,026, with a monk population of 491,242. I was told by the spiritual minister of the Tashi Lama that the number of monasteries since the time of Sumpa had increased not less than three-fold, and the number of monks had doubled. So, the number of monks in the monasteries of Tibet at the present day might, according to him, be estimated at a million. According to my estimate which is based partly on Tibetan official documents and partly on records left by eminent Tibetan writers, Tibet has a population of six million, though the country is nearly equal in extent to Russia, its population is no larger than that of London. The proportion of its monks to the entire population was therefore 1 to 6. If one half of the population be females, then the proportion of the monks to the male population would be 1 to 3. This appeared to me too large a proportion for the monks. I, therefore, thought it safe to state that the monk population was half a million to make the proportion 1 to 6, as it is generally held by some of the most well-informed men of Tibet. Though the number of the monasteries is so large the number of nunneries is disproportionately small. It is doubtful if there are even a hundred convents in whole Tibet. We find that the first class monasteries which have state endowments for their support, contain an average of 1,000 monks in each; but in the larger convents the average number of nuns does not exceed 20. It may be asked what may be the reason for this remarkable disproportion in the two classes of institutions. The custom of polyandry which prevails in Tibet would rather suggest an increase of the nunneries with a corresponding increase in their population. But in fact the very reverse is the case. It has been a puzzle to European scholars who have taken interest in the matter of the institutions of Tibet, to account for the number and occupation of the women who remain unmarried. If it is true that all the brothers in a family club together in matrimony with one wife, then what becomes of the majority of the female population who remain unmarried? During my residence as well as in my travels in Tibet, I paid some attention to this subject.

When in the evening I approached the Lama’s tent, I heard noises inside which suggested a fearful quarrel at its height. On entering, I saw that a wonderful metamorphosis had come over the erstwhile beauty. Her face was burning red and undergoing the most disagreeable contortions I had ever seen, as she went on calling her husband names and otherwise insulting him in the vilest language imaginable. It was all about “another woman” and also about the husband’s partiality for his own relatives. A man of quiet disposition as the Lama was, he heroically maintained his self-composure and silence until she dared to call him “beast,” when he rose and feigned to beat her. He probably did so because he was irritated at my appearance on the scene just at that juncture. But that was a blundering move on his part, for the moment he raised his fist, the now thoroughly maddened termagant threw herself at his feet, and, with eyes shut, shouted, shrieked and howled, daring him to kill and eat her! What could I do? I played the part of a peace-maker, and it was lucky that I succeeded in the office. I got the woman to go to bed on the one hand, and persuaded the Lama to spend the night with the Ladak trader, to whose tent I accompanied him. And so the last night I spent with my kind host brought me a rude awakening, which caused me to shed tears of deep sympathy, not necessarily for Alchu Tulku only, but for all my brethren of the Order, whose moral[103] weakness had betrayed them into breaking their vows of celibacy, and who in consequence were forced to go through scenes as I have described.

-- Three Years in Tibet, by Shramana Ekai Kawaguchi

The “tantric female sacrifice”

But are we really justified in speaking of a “tantric female sacrifice”? We shall attempt to find an answer to this difficult question. Fundamentally, the Buddhist tantric distinguishes three types of sacrifice: the outer, the inner and the secret. The “outer sacrifice” consists of the offering to a divinity, the Buddhas, or the guru, of food, incense, butter lamps, perfume, and so on. For instance in the so-called “mandala sacrifice” the whole universe can be presented to the teacher, in the form of a miniature model, whilst the pupil says the following. “I sacrifice all the components of the universe in their totality to you, O noble, kind, and holy lama!” (Bleichsteiner, 1937, p. 192)

In the “inner sacrifice” the pupil (Sadhaka) gives his guru, usually in a symbolic act, his five senses (sight, hearing, smell, taste, and touch), his states of consciousness, and his feelings, or he offers himself as an individual up to be sacrificed. Whatever the master demands of him will be done — even if the sadhaka must cut the flesh from his own limbs, like the tantric adept Naropa.

Behind the “secret sacrifice” hides, finally, a particular ritual event which attracts our especial interest, since it is here that the location of the “tantric female sacrifice” is to be suspected. It concerns — as can be read in a modern commentary upon the Kalachakra Tantra — “the spiritual sacrifice of a dakini to the lama” (Henss, 1985, p. 56). Such symbolic sacrifices of goddesses are all but stereotypical of tantric ceremonies. “The exquisite bejeweled woman ... is offered to the Buddhas” (Gäng, 1988, p. 151), as the Guhyasamaja Tantra puts it. Often eight, sometimes sixteen, occasionally countless “wisdom girls” are offered up in “the holy most secret of offerings” (quoted by Beyer, 1978, p. 162)

The sacrifice of samsara:

A sacrifice of the feminine need not be first sought in Tantrism, however; rather it may be found in the logic of the entire Buddhist doctrine. Woman per se– as Buddha Shakyamuni repeatedly emphasized in many of his statements — functions as the first and greatest cause of illusion (maya), but likewise as the force which generates the phenomenal world (samsara). It is the fundamental goal of every Buddhist to overcome this deceptive samsara. This world of appearances experienced as feminine, presents him with his greatest challenge. “A woman”, Nancy Auer Falk writes, “was the veritable image of becoming and of all the forces of blind growth and productivity which Buddhism knew as Samsara. As such she too was the enemy — not only on a personal level, as an individual source of temptation, but also on a cosmic level” (Gross, 1993, p. 48). In this misogynist logic, it is only after the ritual destruction of the feminine that the illusory world (maya) can be surmounted and transcended.

Is it for this reason that maya (illusion), the mother of the historical Buddha, had to die directly after giving birth? In her early death we can recognize the original event which stands at the beginning of the fundamentally misogynist attitude of all Buddhist schools. Maya both conceived and gave birth to the Sublime One in a supernatural manner. It was not a sexual act but an elephant which, in a dream, occasioned the conception, and Buddha Shakyamuni did not leave his mother’s body through the birth canal, but rather through her hip. But these transfeminine birth myths were not enough for the tellers of legends. Maya as earthly mother had, on the path to enlightenment of a religion which seeks to free humanity from the endless chain of reincarnation, to be proclaimed an “illusion” (maya) and destroyed. She receives no higher accolade in the school of Buddha, since the woman — as mother and as lover — is the curse which fetters us to our illusory existence.

Already in Mahayana Buddhism, the naked corpse of a woman was considered as the most provocative and effective meditation object an initiand could use to free himself from the net of Samsara. Inscribed in the iconography of her body were all the vanities of this world. For this reason, he who sank bowed over a decaying female body could achieve enlightenment in his current life. To increase the intensity of the macabre observation, it was usual in several Indian monastic orders to dismember the corpse. Ears, nose, hands, feet, and breasts were chopped off and the disfigured trunk became the object of contemplation. “In Buddhist context, the spectacle of the mutilated woman serves to display the power of the Buddha, the king of the Truth (Dharma) over Mara, the lord of the Realm of Desire.”, writes Elizabeth Wilson in a discussion of such practices, “By erasing the sexual messages conveyed by the bodies of attractive women through the horrific spectacle of mutilation, the superior power of the king of Dharma is made manifest to the citizens of the realm of desire.” (Wilson, 1995, p. 80).

In Vajrayana, the Shunyata doctrine (among others) of the nonexistence of all being, is employed to conduct a symbolic sacrifice of the feminine principle. Only once this has evaporated into a “nothing” can the world and we humans be rescued from the curse of maya (illusion). This may also be a reason why the “emptiness” (shunyata), which actually by definition cannot possess any characteristics, is hypostasized as feminine in the tantras. This becomes especially clear in the Hevajra Tantra. In staging of the ritual we encounter at the outset a real yogini (karma mudra) or at least an imagined goddess (inana mudra), whom the yogi transforms in the course of events into a “nothing” using magic techniques. By the end the tantric master has completely robbed her of her independent existence, that is, to put it bluntly, she no longer exists. “She is the Yogini without a Self” (Farrow and Menon, 1992, pp. 218–219). Thus her name, Nairatmya, literally means ‘one who has no self, that is, non-substantial’ (Farrow and Menon, 1992, p. 219). The same concept is at work when, in another tantra, the “ultimate dakini” is visualized as a “zero-point” and experienced as “indivisible pleasure and emptiness” (Dowman, 1985, p. 74). Chögyam Trungpa sings of the highest “lady without being” in the following verses:

Always present, you do not exist ...
Without body, shapeless, divinity of the true.
-- Trungpa, 1990, p. 40

Only her bodilessness, her existential sacrifice and her dissolution into nothing allow the karma mudra to transmute into the maha mudra and gynergy to be distilled out of the yogini in order to construct the feminine ego of the adept with this “stuff”. “Relinquishing her form [as] a woman, she would assume that of her Lord” the Hevajra Tantra establishes at another point (Snellgrove, 1959, p. 91).

The maha mudra has, it is said, an “empty body” (Dalai Lama I, 1985, p. 170). What can be understood by this contradictory metaphor? In his commentary on the Kalachakra Tantra, Ngawang Dhargyey describes how the “empty body” can only be produced through the destruction of all the “material” elements of a physical, natural “body of appearance”. In contrast to such, “their bodies are composed simply of energy and consciousness” (Dhargyey, 1985, p. 131). The physical world, sensuality, matter and nature — considered feminine in not just Buddhism — thus become pure spirit in an irreconcilable opposition. But they are not completely destroyed in the process of their violent spiritualization, but rather “sublated” in the Hegelian sense, namely “negated” and “conserved” at the same time; they are — to make use of one of the favorite terms of the Buddhist evolutionary theorist, Ken Wilber — “integrated”. This guarantees that the creative feminine energies are not lost following the material “dissolution” of their bearers, and instead are available solely to the yogi as a precious elixir. A sacrifice of the feminine as an autonomous principle must therefore be regarded as the sine qua non for the universal power of the tantric master. These days this feminine sacrifice may only be performed entirely in the imagination. But this need not have always been the case.

“Eating” the gynergy:

But Vajrayana is concerned with more than the performance of a cosmic drama in which the feminine and its qualities are destroyed for metaphysical reasons. The tantric recognizes a majority of the feminine properties as extremely powerful. He therefore has not the slightest intention of destroying them as such. In contrast, he wishes to make the feminine forces his own. What he wants to destroy is solely the physical and mental bearer of gynergy — the real woman. For this reason, the “tantric female sacrifice” is of a different character to the cosmogonic sacrifice of the feminine of early Buddhism. It is based upon the ancient paradigm in which the energies of a creature are transferred to its killer. The maker of the sacrifice wants to absorb the vital substance of the offering, in many cases by consuming it after it has been slaughtered. Through this he not only “integrates” the qualities of the killed, but also believes he may outwit death, by feeding upon the body and soul of the sacrificial victim.

In this connection the observation that world wide the sacred sacrifice is contextually linked with food and eating, is of some interest. It is necessary to kill plants and animals in order to nourish oneself. The things killed are subsequently consumed and thus appear as a necessary condition for the maintenance and propagation of life. Eating increases strength, therefore it was important to literally incorporate the enemy. In cannibalism, the eater integrates the energies of those he has slaughtered. Since ancient humans made no basic distinction between physical, mental or spiritual processes, the same logic applied to the “eating” of nonbodily forces. One also ate souls, or prana, or the élan vital.

In the Vedas, this general “devouring logic” led to the conception that the gods nourished themselves from the life fluids of ritually slaughtered humans, just as mortals consume the bodies of animals for energy and nourishment. Thus, a critical-rational section of the Upanishads advises against such human sacrifices, since they do not advance individual enlightenment, but rather benefit only the blood-hungry supernatural beings.

Life and death imply one another in this logic, the one being a condition for the other. The whole circle of life was therefore a huge sacrificial feast, consisting of the mutual theft and absorption of energies, a great cosmic dog-eat-dog. Although early Buddhism gave vent to keen criticism of the Vedic rites, especially the slaughter of people and animals, the ancient sacrificial mindset resurfaces in tantric ritual life. The “devouring logic” of the Vedas also controls the Tantrayana. Incidentally, the word tantra is first found in the context of the Vedic sacrificial gnosis, where it means ‘sacrificial framework’ (Smith, 1989, p. 128).

Sacred cannibalism was always communion, holy union with the Spirit and the souls of the dead. It becomes Eucharistic communion when the sacrifice is a slaughtered god, whose followers eat of him at a supper. God and man are first one when the man or woman has eaten of the holy body and drunk the holy blood of his or her god. The same applies in the relation to the goddess. The tantric yogi unites with her not just in the sexual act, but above all through consuming her holy gynergy, the magical force of maya. Sometimes, as we shall see, he therefore drinks his partner’s menstrual blood. Only when the feminine blood also pulses in his own veins will he be complete, an androgyne, a lord of both sexes.

To gain the “gynergy” for himself, the yogi must “kill” the possessor of the vital feminine substances and then “incorporate” her. Such an act of violence does not necessarily imply the real murder of his mudra, it can also be performed symbolically. But a real ritual murder of a woman is by like measure not precluded, and it is not surprising that occasional references can be found in the Vajrayana texts which blatantly and unscrupulously demand the actual killing of a woman. In a commentary on the Hevajra Tantra, at a point where a lower-caste wisdom consort (dombi) is being addressed, states bluntly, “I kill you, O Dombi, I take your life!” (Snellgrove, 1987, vol. 1, p. 159).

-- The Shadow of the Dalai Lama: Sexuality, Magic and Politics in Tibetan Buddhism, by Victor and Victoria Trimondi

The People's Republic of China and its predecessors have a history of female infanticide spanning 2000 years.[1]

-- Female infanticide in China, by Wikipedia

As the way to wealth, fame and official power is open to those who enter monasteries to study religion and literature, and also to pass a life of celibacy, people find it humiliating to remain in their homes to lead a worldly life. They run to monasteries in large numbers, but such of them are permitted to remain in them as can commit to memory the largest number of pages of the sacred books. So, many come back to their homes unsuccessful and discomfited by failures. These generally not liking to return to their homes betake themselves to trade and to service in distant places.

Marriage is considered as a very difficult and troublesome institution in Tibet. It only takes place in families which possess wealth. The eldest brother in a family marries; the bed of the married-wife is shared by the rest of the brothers who are addressed and treated by her as so many junior husbands. Although the Tibetans are not subject to jealousy in the proportion that other nations are where polygamy prevails, yet the junior husbands generally do not find it convenient to share the conjugal comforts with their eldest brother; so they leave their home and property in disgust. They often take separate wives relinquishing thereby claims to their ancestral property. According to the laws of Tibet, the eldest brother who has the right to marry inherits the ancestral property. The other brothers can only enjoy the same as long as they live with him in the same house and with his wife. I was present at a Tibetan marriage, the father of the bride in giving her away to the bridegroom, addressing his father said: Henceforth my daughter becomes the wife of your sons, both born and unborn. She will be theirs conjointly.

In consequence of tedious ceremonies and long terms of waiting before getting the bride, and also troublesome conditions imposed on the candidate for her hand, marriage seldom takes place in Tibet. The majority of men and women remain unmarried, and as the fair sex share both the agricultural and pastoral industries with the opposite sex, the women in Tibet are generally of easy morals. In a corresponding degree the men are also immoral in spite of all their religion and high morality inculcated so elaborately in Buddhist sacred books.

The President then concluded the proceedings of the meeting by thanking the lecturer for his interesting address.


Journal of the Buddhist Text Society of India

A Record of a Vision of Avalokitecvara.1
Translated by E.B. Landis, M.D., M.R.A.S.


The Madhyamika Aphorisms. Chap. III. The Examination of the Senses.
By Cri Satica Candra Vidyabhusana, M.A.


The Philosophy of Prajnaparamita
by Prof. Satica Chandra Vidyabhusana, M.A.


The Philosopher Dinnaga – A Contemporary of the Poet Kalidasa
by Prof. Satica Chandra Vidyabhusana, M.A.


The Story of Sundari and Nanda.


The Story of Kiratarjuniya,
As Narrated in the Mahabharata and Also in the Poem Kiratarjuniyam of Bharabi


Appendix I. The Limbu or the Kirati People of Eastern Nepal and Sikkim.
by Cri Kalikumar Das




Buddhist Text and Anthropological Society.

The Buddhist Text Society was established in August, 1893. Since then it has occupied itself in making researches into the religious and social literature of the ancient Indian Buddhists found in original Sanskrit works, as also in Pali, Tibetan, Burmese, Siamese, Chinese, Coreau and Japanese literature.

Its object is to furnish materials for a history of Indo-Aryan thoughts on Buddhism, as also, of a history and geography of ancient India and all Buddhist countries. This is does through its Journal (in English) and Texts (in Sanskrit, Tibetan and Pali.)

The Society has, within the short period of its existence, attracted the attention of the oriental scholars of the West, and the work done by it has been favourably noticed by the Press both in India and in foreign countries. The Government of Bengal also have given encouragement to it. In March, 1897, its scope was enlarged by the addition of Anthropology to it.

The Texts, which used to be included in the Journal, are now published separately. The amount of subscription to the Journal in four parts in India, Ceylon and Burma is Rs. 5, and to the Texts in 4 parts is Rs. 4. The Texts for the current year will deal with the following subjects – Suvarna Prabha, Madhyamika Vritti, and Samadhi Raja in Sanskrit and Vicuddhi Magga, and Dhammapada in Pali. The latter, i.e. the Buddhist Text Series, will be given at half rates to all corporate members, Buddhist monks and Tol Pandits and to poor libraries.

The Society consists of 3 classes of members, vis.: -- I. Corporate Members. They are entitled to all the publications of the Society including the Buddhist Text Series, free of charge. They pay a subscription of Rs. 7 per annum (5 Rs. for the Journal and 2 Rs. for the Texts). II. Honorary Members. They are entitled to the Journals and Texts of the Society without payment of subscription. Persons eminent for their learning in the Castras, in Sanskrit, Pali, Tibetan, Mongolian, Chinese, Japanese, Corean, Burmese or in Siamese literature are nominated as such. III. Corresponding Members. They contribute to the Journal and Texts of the Society which they get gratis.



The Hon’ble H. H. Risley, M.A., I.C.S., C.I.E., President
G. A Grierson, Esq., Ph.D., I.C.S., C.I.E., Vice President
Dr. Mahendra Lal Sircar, M.D., C.I.E., Vice President
Cri Narendra Nath Sen., Vice-President
The Hon’ble Justice Gurudas Banerjea, M.A., D.L.
Dr. R. K. Sen, M.D.
Cri Nirodh Nath Mukhopadhyaya
Vidyaratna Nrisimha Chandra Mukhopadhyaya, M.A., B.L.
S. J. Padshah, Esq.
Cri Civaprasanna Battacharya, B.L.
Prof. Satis Chandra Acharya Vidyabhusana, M.A.
Rai Cri Sarat Chandra Das, Bhadur, C.I.E., Secretary
Cri Dina Nath Ganguly, Joint Secretary.
Pandit Sarat Chandra Sastri, Pandit to the Society.

Publications of the Buddhist Text Society of India.

In English.

Indian Pandits in the land of snow containing an account of the missionary work done by the Buddhist sages of old in Tibet, China, Korea, Mongolia, Yarkhand and Kabul; by Cri Carat Candra Das, C.I.E. Prince 1 Re.

The Miracles of Buddha being a translation in English verse from Ksemendra’s Kalpalata (recovered from Tibet) by Cri Nobin Candra Das, M.A., B.L. Price 1 Re.

Geography of India of Valmiki’s time with copious notes and index illustrated by a large Map, by Cri Nobin Candra Das, M.A., B.L. Price 1 Re.

Raghuvamca of Kalidasa translated in Bengali verse by Cri Nobin Candra Das, M.A., B.L. complete in three parts. Price 3 Rs.

Atmatattvaprakaca – a treatise in Bengali prose on the existence, immortality, transmigration and emancipation of the soul, -- based on the Nyaya School of Indian Philosophy, by Prof. Satica Candra Vidyabhusana, M.A. Price 6 As.

Life of Chaitanya, by Cri Dina Nath Ganguli. Price 1 Re.

In Devanagari.

Bhakticatakam by Rama Candra Kavibharati of Gour, of the thirteenth century, (recovered from the Simhalese) with commentary in Sanskrit by Rev. Seelakhanda Thera (with or without translation in English). Price 1 Re.

Bodhicaryyavatara in two parts by Acarya Canti Prabha – a work of a considerable antiquity recovered from Tibet; it elucidates the doctrines of the Mahayana or the Northern School of Buddhism. Price 1 Re.

Madhyamika Vritti – The Philosophy of the Mahayana School containing the aphorisms of Nagarjuna with the commentary of Acaryya Candra Kirti, recovered from Nepal, complete in four parts. Price 3 Rs.

Vicuddhimagga – The celebrated work of Buddha Ghosa in Pali printed in Devanagari with a commentary by Rev. Seelakhanda Thera complete in two parts. Price 2 Rs.

Dhammapada – The standard scripture of the Southern school of Buddhism in Pali written in Devanagari characters with a commentary by Rev. Seelakhanda Thera. Price 1 Re.

Samadhiraja – One of the earliest Buddhist scriptures written in Sanskrit and Gatha languages, complete in three parts edited by Pandit Carat Candra Castri, complete in two parts. Price 2 Rs.

Ratnamala – a Buddhist story depicting Hinduism and Buddhism in the early centuries of Christ. Price 1 Re.

Candra Vyakarana – A Sanskrit Grammar of a remote antiquity, recovered by Tibet, in the press. Price 1 Re.

Suvarnaprabha – A Buddhist Scripture of the Northern School in Sanskrit and Gatha, recovered from Tibet. In the press. Price 1 Re.

Journals of the Society – Journal of the Buddhist Text Society of India – Royal 8vo. Edited by Cri Carat Candra Das., C.I.E.; the yearly subscription for four parts is Rs. 5, up to this time four volumes have been issued. [Twenty per cent. Commission will be allowed to Agents.]

Apply to the Manager – Cri Satica Candra Vidyabhusana, M.A.
Buddhist Text Society of India,
86/2 Jaun Bazar Street,

Gentlemen desirous of becoming Corporate Members of the Society are requested to address the Honorary Secretary.


Proceedings of a Special General Meeting of the Buddhist Text Society of India, Held at the Town Hall, Darjeeling, on the 23rd June 1896.

Note on the Ancient Geography of India,
by Sri Nobin Chandra Das, M.A.,
Has Been Issued as a Supplementary Paper to This Publication.
Darjeeling: Printed at the Bengal Secretariat Press, 1896.
Sir Alfred Croft, K.C.I.E., M.A. President in the Chair.

Distinguished visitors.

The Hon’ble Sir A. Mackenzie, K.C.S.I., C.I.E., Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal
Lady Mackenzie
The Hon’ble C.W. Bolton, C.S.
The Hon’ble H.H. Risley, C.S., M.A., C.I.E.
Mr. D. R. Lyall, C.S.
Lieut. Col. Hunt
Revd. C.H. Moore
Revd. Mr. Turnbull

1. The Honorary Secretary, after announcing the presentations, exhibited his map of Tibet and a curious Burmese picture of the war between the gods and the demons.

2. (a) Mr. Polhill Turner read a short note on the Origin of Man, compiled from the legendary history of Tibet by the Honorary Secretary.

(b) Sri Sarat Chandra Das read a short note on the “Lakes and Rivers of Tibet.”

3. Mr. R.T. Greer, C.S., exhibited an old conch shell with curious marks on it, and “the enchanted dagger” of the Tibetan Lamas; he also described the latter.

4. Revd. G.H. Rouse, M.A., read a brief account of the Lepcha people and of their notions of Heaven and Hell, communicated by Sri Kali Kumar Das, tutor to the second son of the Maharaja of Sikkim.

5. The Honorary Secretary read a short note on a Sanskrit Buddhist charm, (sent for explanation by Mr. W.H. Rouse, M.A., of Cambridge), illustrating its use by means of a picture of the Buddhist Ensign or Banner of Victory.

The President, in opening the business of the evening, gave a resume of the proceedings of the last special general meeting, and euologised the Honorary Secretary, whose services the Government of India had lately recognized by conferring on him the title of Rai Bahadur, and had rewarded in a still more substantial form by giving him a Jagir in his own district. The list of newly elected members, read out by the President, showed the names of Prince Henri d’Orleans and the High priest of Bangkok, a brother of the King of Siam.

Rai Sarat Chandra Das, in announcing the presentations, said that among the publications received during last few months the most important was “A Note on the Geography of Asia” according to the “Valmiki Ramayana” by his brother Sri Nobin Chandra Das, M.A., B.I., an officer of the Provincial Executive Service of Bengal. Nobin Chandra, by a careful study of the Original Sanskrit Text of the Ramayana, has come to the conclusion that Valmiki, the author of the great epic, was a veracious writer who described the events and occurrences, and the places known in his time in a faithful manner, and delineated the character of Rama and Sita properly. Divested of poetry and legend, the Ramayana is a store-house of historical events and deeds; it was possible to prepare a map of the places mentioned in the epic. Nobin Chandra has, in consultation with Mr. R.T. Griffiths C.I.E., M.A., the renowned translator of the Ramayana in English, prepared a map, to illustrate the Geography he has compiled. He has presented the work to this Society, with a request that it may be published by us. He has borne the cost of printing the work together with the map. The Honorary Secretary was asked to convey the cordial thanks of the Society to Sri Nobin Chandra Das for the gift. The work was declared to be a valuable addition to the Geographical literature of Ancient India.

The Honorary Secretary exhibited his map of Tibet, and gave an account of his travels in 1879, 1881 and 1882 in that country. Lake Palti, which had hitherto been known as a ring of water, he discovered, as one of its native names indicated, to be scorpion-shaped. Many other spots in the neighborhood were explored for the first time by him. But Sir A. Croft (then Mr. Croft), to make assurance doubly sure, had all his sketches and discoveries tested by Lama (now Rai Bahadur) Ugyen Gya-tsho, whom he sent out in 1883. In dwelling on the encouragement and help which the Secretary received from the Director of Public Instruction, and but for which he could never have undertaken his travels, he asked the permission of the meeting to connect one of his chief discoveries with the name of Sir A. Croft, after whom he proposed to call it. Lake Palti, he said, was a misnomer. Nowhere in Tibet was the name Palti known. This most interesting lake of Tibet was known in that country under the names of Yamdo-tsho, Yamdo yum-tsho, Yamdo dig-tsho, meaning the lake of highland shepherds, the turquoise lake, the scorpion lake, and so on. The Department of the Survey of India called it Yamdo Palti. As Palti was a misnomer, he saw no reason why a wrong name should be kept up, and the mistake perpetuated by coupling the name Yamdo with Palti. With the permission of the meeting, he would venture to call the lake by the name Yamdo-Croft. There was a precedent for him to adopt such a course. Livingstone connected the name of Nyanza with the names of Albert and Victoria – the Royal patrons of the Geographical Society of England. The two great lakes of Africa which he discovered are called Victoria Nyanza and Albert Nyanza. The highest mountain in the world was called after the name of Sir G. Everest – under whose direction that mountain was discovered. The proposal was received with cheers. He would only add that in thus honouring a gentleman, who so fully deserved to be honoured, he had only honoured himself.

A curious Burmese picture of the war between the gods and the demons was then shown and explained by the Secretary. The proceedings were closed by the exhibition and explanation of a Sanskrit Buddhist Charma and its use by the educational pictures of the Buddhist Ensign or Banner of Victory, one of which was presented to Lady Mackenzie and another to the Rev. Dr. G.H. Rouse.
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