Neuschwanstein: A fairy tale darling's dark Nazi past

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Part 1 of 2

Fast Food Nation: The Dark Side of the All-American Meal [EXCERPT]
by Eric Schlosser
© 2002, 2001 by Eric Schlosser

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Chapter 1: The American Way

The Founding Fathers


CARL N. KARCHER is one of the fast food industry's pioneers. His career extends from the industry's modest origins to its current hamburger hegemony. His life seems at once to be a tale by Horatio Alger, a fulfillment of the American dream, and a warning about unintended consequences. It is a fast food parable about how the industry started and where it can lead. At the heart of the story is southern California, whose cities became prototypes for the rest of the nation, whose love of the automobile changed what America looks like and what Americans eat.

Carl was born in 1917 on a farm near Upper Sandusky, Ohio. His father was a sharecropper who moved the family to new land every few years .. The Karchers were German-American, industrious, and devoutly Catholic. Carl had six brothers and a sister. "The harder you work." their father always told them, "the luckier you become." Carl dropped out of school after the eighth grade and worked twelve to fourteen hours a day on the farm, harvesting with a team of horses, baling hay, milking and feeding the cows. In 1937, Ben Karcher, one of Carl's uncles, offered him a job in Anaheim, California. After thinking long and hard and consulting with his parents, Carl decided to go west He was twenty years old and six-foot-four, a big strong farm boy. He had never set foot outside of northern Ohio. The decision to leave home felt momentous, and the drive to California took a week. When he arrived in Anaheim - and saw the palm trees and orange groves, and smelled the citrus in the air - Carl said to himself, "This is heaven."

Anaheim was a small town in those days, surrounded by ranches and farms. It was located in the heart of southern California's citrus belt, an area that produced almost all of the state's oranges, lemons, and tangerines. Orange County and neighboring Los Angeles County were the leading agricultural counties in the United States, growing fruits, nuts, vegetables, and flowers on land that only a generation earlier had been a desert covered in sagebrush and cactus. Massive irrigation projects, built with public money to improve private land, brought water from hundreds of miles away. The Anaheim area alone boasted about 70,000 acres of Valencia oranges, as well as lemon groves and walnut groves. Small ranches and dairy farms dotted the land, and sunflowers lined the back roads. Anaheim had been settled in the late nineteenth century by German immigrants hoping to create a local wine industry and by a group of Polish expatriates trying to establish a back-to-the-land artistic community. The wineries flourished for three decades; the art colony collapsed within a few months. After World War I, the heavily German character of Anaheim gave way to the influence of newer arrivals from the Midwest, who tended to be Protestant and conservative and evangelical about their faith. Reverend Leon L. Myers - pastor of the Anaheim Christian Church and founder of the local Men's Bible Club - turned the Ku Klux Klan into one of the most powerful organizations in town. During the early 1920s, the Klan ran Anaheim's leading daily newspaper, controlled the city government for a year, and posted signs on the outskirts of the City greeting newcomers with the acronym "KIGY" (Klansmen I Greet You).

Carl's uncle Ben owned Karcher's Feed and Seed Store, right in the middle of downtown Anaheim. Carl worked there seventy-six hours a week, selling goods to local farmers for their chickens, cattle, and hogs. During Sunday services at St. Boniface Catholic Church, Carl spotted an attractive young woman named Margaret Heinz sitting in a nearby pew. He later asked her out for ice cream, and the two began. dating. Carl became a frequent visitor to the Heinz farm on North Palm Street. It had ten acres of orange trees and a Spanish-style house where Margaret, her parents, her seven brothers, and her seven sisters lived. The place seemed magical. In the social hierarchy of California's farmers, orange growers stood at the very top; their homes were set amid fragrant evergreen trees that produced a lucrative income. As a young boy in Ohio, Carl had been thrilled on Christmas mornings to receive a single orange as a gift from Santa. Now oranges seemed to be everywhere.

Margaret worked as a secretary at a law firm downtown. From her office window on the fourth floor, she could watch Carl grinding feed outside his uncle's store. After briefly returning to Ohio, Carl went to work for the Armstrong Bakery in Los Angeles. The job soon paid $.24 a week, $6 more than he'd earned at the feed store - and enough to start a family. Carl and Margaret were married in 1939 and had their first child within a year.

Carl drove a truck for the bakery, delivering bread to restaurants and markets in west L.A. He was amazed by the number of hot dog stands that were opening and by the number of buns they went through every week. When Carl heard that a hotdog cart was for sale - on Florence Avenue across from the Goodyear factory - he decided to buy it. Margaret strongly opposed the idea, wondering where he'd find the money. He borrowed $311 from the Bank of America, using his car as collateral for the loan, and persuaded his wife to give him $15 in cash from her purse. ''I'm in business for myself now," Carl thought, after buying the cart, "I'm on my way." He kept his job at the bakery and hired two young men to work the cart during the hours he was delivering bread. They sold hot dogs, chili dogs, and tamales for a dime each, soda for a nickel. Five months after Carl bought the cart, the United States entered World War II, and the Goodyear plant became very busy. Soon he had enough money to buy a second hot dog cart, which Margaret often ran by herself, selling food and counting change while their daughter slept nearby in the car.

Southern California had recently given birth to an entirely new lifestyle -- and a new way of eating. Both revolved around cars. The cities back East had been built in the railway era, with central business districts linked to outlying suburbs by commuter train and trolley. But the tremendous growth of Los Angeles occurred at a time when automobiles were finally affordable. Between 1920 and 1940, the population of southern California nearly tripled, as about 2 million people arrived from across the United States. While cities in the East expanded through immigration and became more diverse, Los Angeles became more homogenous and white. The city was inundated with middle-class arrivals from the Midwest, especially in the years leading up to the Great Depression. Invalids, retirees, and small businessmen were drawn to southern California by real estate ads promising a warm climate and a good life. It was the first large-scale migration conducted mainly by car. Los Angeles soon became unlike any other city the world had ever seen, sprawling and horizontal, a thoroughly suburban metropolis of detached homes - a glimpse of the future, molded by the automobile. About 80 percent of the population had been born elsewhere; about half had rolled into town during the previous five years. Restlessness, impermanence, and speed were embedded in the culture that soon emerged there, along with an openness to anything new. Other cities were being transformed by car ownership, but none was so profoundly altered. By 1940, there were about a million cars in Los Angeles, more cars than in forty-one states.

The automobile offered drivers a feeling of independence and control. Daily travel was freed from the hassles of rail schedules, the needs of other passengers, and the location of trolley stops. More importantly, driving seemed to cost much less than using public transport - an illusion created by the fact that the price of a new car did not include the price of building new roads. Lobbyists from the oil, tire, and automobile industries, among others, had persuaded state and federal agencies to assume that fundamental expense. Had the big auto companies been required to pay for the roads - in the same way that trolley companies had to lay and maintain track - the landscape of the American West would look quite different today.

The automobile industry, however, was not content simply to reap the benefits of government-subsidized road construction. It was determined to wipe out railway competition by whatever means necessary. In the late 1920s, General Motors secretly began to purchase trolley systems throughout the United States, using a number of front corporations. Trolley systems in Tulsa, Oklahoma, and Montgomery, Alabama, in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, and El Paso, Texas, in Baltimore, Chicago, New York City, and Los Angeles - more than one hundred trolley systems in all- were purchased by GM and then completely dismantled, their tracks ripped up, their overhead wires torn down. The trolley companies were turned into bus lines, and the new buses were manufactured by GM.

General Motors eventually persuaded other companies that benefited from road building to help pay for the costly takeover of America's trolleys. In 1947, GM and a number of its allies in the scheme were indicted on federal antitrust charges. Two years later, the workings of the conspiracy, and its underlying intentions, were. exposed during a trial in Chicago. GM, Mack Truck, Firestone, and Standard Oil of California were all found guilty on one of the two counts by the federal jury. The investigative journalist Jonathan Kwitny later argued that the case was "a fine example of what can happen when important matters of public policy are abandoned by government to the self-interest of corporations." Judge William J. Campbell was not so outraged. As punishment, he ordered GM and the other companies to pay a fine of $5,000 each. The executives who had secretly plotted and carried out the destruction of America's light rail network were fined $1 each. And the postwar reign of the automobile proceeded without much further challenge.

The nation's car culture reached its height in southern California, inspiring innovations such as the world's first motel and the first drive-in bank. A new form of eating place emerged. "People with cars are so lazy they don't want to get out of them to eat!" said Jesse G. Kirby, the founder of an early drive-in restaurant chain. Kirby's first "Pig Stand" was in Texas, but the chain soon thrived in Los Angeles, alongside countless other food stands offering "curb service." In the rest of the United States, drive-ins were usually a seasonal phenomenon, closing at the end of every summer. In southern California, it felt like summer all year long, the drive-ins never closed, and a whole new industry was born.

The southern California drive-in restaurants of the early 1940s tended to be gaudy and round, topped with pylons, towers, and flashing signs. They were "circular-meccas of neon," in the words of drive-in historian Michael Witzel, designed to be easily spotted from the road. The triumph of the automobile encouraged not only a geographic separation between buildings, but also a manmade landscape that was loud and bold. Architecture could no longer afford to be subtle; it had to catch the eye of motorists traveling at high speed. The new drive-ins competed for attention, using all kinds of visual lures, decorating their buildings in bright colors and dressing their waitresses in various costumes. Known as "carhops," the waitresses - who carried trays of food to patrons in parked cars - often wore short skirts and dressed up like cowgirls, majorettes, Scottish lasses in kilts. They were likely to be attractive, often received no hourly wages, and earned their money through tips and a small commission on every item they sold. The carhops had a strong economic incentive to be friendly to their customers, and drive-in restaurants quickly became popular hangouts for teenage boys. The drive-ins fit perfectly with the youth culture of Los Angeles. They were something genuinely new and different, they offered a combination of girls and cars and late-night food, and before long they beckoned from intersections all over town.

Speedee Service

BY THE END OF 1944, Carl Karcher owned four hot dog carts in Los Angeles. In addition to running the carts, he still worked full-time for the Armstrong Bakery. When a restaurant across the street from the Heinz farm went on sale, Carl decided to buy it. He quit the bakery, bought the restaurant, fixed it up, and spent a few weeks learning how to cook. On January 16, 1945, his twenty-eighth birthday, Carl's Drive-In Barbeque opened its doors. The restaurant was small, rectangular, and unexceptional, with red tiles on the roof. Its only hint of flamboyance was a five-pointed star atop the neon sign in the parking lot. During business hours, Carl did the cooking, Margaret worked behind the cash register, and carhops served most of the food. After closing time, Carl stayed late into the night, cleaning the bathrooms and mopping the floors. Once a week, he prepared the "special sauce" for his hamburgers, making it in huge kettles on the back porch of his house, stirring it with a stick and then pouring it into one-gallon jugs.

After World War II, business soared at Carl's Drive-In Barbeque, along with the economy of southern California. The oil business and the film business had thrived in Los Angeles during the 1920s and 1930s. But it was World War II that transformed southern California into the most important economic region in the West. The war's effect on the state, in the words of historian Carey McWilliams, was a "fabulous boom." Between 1940 and 1945, the federal government spent . nearly $20 billion in California, mainly in and around Los Angeles, building airplane factories and steel mills, military bases and port facilities. During those six years, federal spending was responsible for nearly half of the personal income in southern California. By the end of World War II, Los Angeles was the second-largest manufacturing center in America, with an industrial output surpassed only by that of Detroit. While Hollywood garnered most of the headlines, defense spending remained the focus of the local economy for the next two decades, providing about one-third of its jobs.

The new prosperity enabled Carl and Margaret to buy a house five blocks away from their restaurant. They added more rooms as the family grew to include twelve children: nine girls and three boys. In the early 1950s Anaheim began to feel much less rural and remote. Walt Disney bought 160 acres of orange groves just a few miles from Carl's Drive-In Barbeque, chopped down the trees, and started to build Disneyland. In the neighboring town of Garden Grove, the Reverend Robert Schuller founded the nation's first Drive-in Church, preaching on Sunday mornings at a drive-in movie theater, spreading the Gospel through the little speakers at each parking space, attracting large crowds with the slogan "Worship as you are ... in the family car." The city of Anaheim started to recruit defense contractors, eventually persuading Northrop, Boeing, and North American Aviation to build factories there. Anaheim soon became the fastest-growing city in the nation's fastest-gr-owing state. Carl's Drive-In Barbeque thrived, and Carl thought its future was secure. And then he heard about a restaurant in the "Inland Empire." sixty miles east of Los Angeles, that was selling high-quality hamburgers for 15 cents each - 20 cents less than what Carl charged. He drove to E Street in San Bernardino and saw the shape of things to come. Dozens of people were standing in line to buy bags of "McDonald's Famous Hamburgers."

Richard and Maurice McDonald had left New Hampshire for southern California at the start of the Depression, hoping to find jobs in Hollywood. They worked as set builders on the Columbia Film Studios back lot, saved their money, and bought a movie theater in Glendale. The theater was not a success. In 1937 they opened a drive-in restaurant in Pasadena, trying to cash in on the new craze, hiring three carhops and selling mainly hot dogs. A few years later they moved to a larger building on E Street in San Bernardino and opened ,the McDonald Brothers Burger Bar Drive-In. The new restaurant was located near a high school, employed twenty carhops, and promptly made the brothers rich. Richard and "Mac" McDonald bought one of the largest houses in San Bernardino, a hillside mansion with a tennis court and a pool.

By the end of the 1940s the McDonald brothers had grown dissatisfied with the drive-in business. They were tired of constantly looking for new carhops and short-order cooks - who were in great demand - as the old ones left for higher-paying jobs elsewhere. They were tired of replacing the dishes, glassware, and silverware their teenage customers constantly broke or ripped off. And they were tired of their teenage customers. The brothers thought about selling the restaurant. Instead, they tried something new.

The McDonalds fired all their carhops in 1948, closed 'their restaurant, installed larger grills, and reopened three months later with a radically new method of preparing food. It was designed to increase .the speed, lower prices, and raise the volume of sales. The brothers eliminated almost two-thirds of the items on their old menu. They got rid of everything that had to be eaten with a knife, spoon, or fork. The only sandwiches now sold were hamburgers or cheeseburgers. The brothers got rid of their dishes and glassware, replacing them with paper cups, paper bags, and paper plates. They divided the food preparation into separate tasks performed by different workers. To fill a typical order, one person grilled the. hamburger; another "dressed" and wrapped it; another prepared the milk shake; another made the fries; and another worked the counter. For the first time, the guiding principles of a factory assembly line were applied to a commercial kitchen. The new division of labor meant that a worker only had to be taught how to perform one task. Skilled and expensive short-order cooks were no longer necessary. All of the burgers were sold with the same condiments: ketchup, onions, mustard, and two pickles. No substitutions were allowed. The McDonald brothers' Speedee Service System revolutionized the restaurant business. An ad of theirs seeking franchisees later spelled out the benefits of the system: "Imagine -- No Carhops - No Waitresses - No Dishwashers "- No Bus Boys - The McDonald's System is Self-Service!"

Richard McDonald designed a new building for the restaurant, hoping to make it easy to spot from the road. Though untrained as an architect, he came up with a design that was simple, memorable, and archetypal. On two sides of the roof he put golden arches, lit by neon at night, that from a distance formed the letter M. The building effortlessly fused advertising with architecture and spawned one of the most famous corporate logos in the world.

The Speedee Service System, however, got off to a rocky start. Customers pulled up to the restaurant and honked their horns, wondering what had happened to the carhops, still expecting to be served. People were not yet accustomed to waiting in line and getting their own food. Within a few weeks, however, the new system gained acceptance, as word spread about the low prices and good hamburgers. The McDonald brothers now aimed for a much broader clientele. They . employed only young men, convinced that female workers would attract teenage boys to the restaurant and drive away other customers. Families soon lined up to eat at McDonald's. Company historian John F. Love explained the lasting significance of McDonald's new self-service system: "Working-class families could finally afford to feed their kids restaurant food."

San Bernardino at the time was an ideal setting for all sorts of cultural experimentation. The town was an odd melting-pot of agriculture and industry located 'on the periphery of the southern California boom, a place that felt out on the edge. Nicknamed "San Berdoo," it was full of citrus' groves, but sat next door to the smokestacks and steel mills of Fontana. San Bernardino had just sixty thousand inhabitants;· but millions of people passed through there every year. It was the last stop on Route 66, end of the line for truckers, tourists, and migrants from the East. Its main street was jammed with drive-ins and cheap motels. The same year the McDonald brothers opened their new self-service restaurant, a group of World War II veterans in San Berdoo, alienated by the dullness of civilian life, formed a local motorcycle club, borrowing the nickname of the U.S. Army's Eleventh Airborne Division: "Hell's Angels." The same town that gave the world the golden arches also gave it a biker gang that stood for a totally antithetical set of values. The Hell's Angels flaunted their dirtiness, celebrated disorder, terrified families and small children instead of trying to sell them burgers, took drugs, sold drugs, and injected into American pop culture an anger and a darkness and a fashion statement - T-shirts and tom jeans, black leather jackets and boots, long hair, facial hair, swastikas, silver skull rings and other satanic trinkets, earrings, nose rings, body piercings, and tattoos - that would influence a long line of rebels from Marlon Brando to Marilyn Manson. The Hell's Angels were the anti-McDonald's, the opposite of clean and cheery. They didn't care if you had a nice day, and yet were as deeply American in their own way as any purveyors of Speedee Service. San Bernardino in 1948 supplied the nation with a new yin and yang, new models of conformity and rebellion. "They get angry when they read about how filthy they are," Hunter Thompson later wrote of the Hell's Angels, "but instead of shoplifting some deodorant, they strive to become even filthier."

Burgerville USA

AFTER VISITING SAN BERNARDINO and seeing the long lines at McDonald's, Carl Karcher went home to Anaheim and decided to open his own self-service restaurant. Carl instinctively grasped that the new car culture would forever change America. He saw what was coming, and his timing was perfect. The first Carl's Jr. restaurant opened' in 1956 - the same year that America got its first shopping mall and that Congress passed the Interstate Highway Act. President Dwight D. Eisenhower had pushed hard for such a bill; during World War II, he'd been enormously impressed by Adolf Hitler's Reichsautobahn, the world's first superhighway system. The Interstate Highway Act brought autobahns to the United States and became the largest public works project in the nation's history, building 46,000 miles of road with more than $130 billion of federal money. The new highways spurred car sales, truck sales, and the construction of new suburban homes. Carl's first self-service restaurant was a success, and he soon opened others near California's new freeway off-ramps. The star atop his drive-in sign became the mascot of his fast food chain. It was a smiling star in little booties, holding a burger and a shake.

Entrepreneurs from all over the country went to San Bernardino, visited the new McDonald's, and built imitations of the restaurant in their hometowns. "Our food was exactly the same as McDonald's." the founder of a rival chain later admitted. "If I had looked at McDonald's . and saw someone flipping hamburgers while he was hanging by his feet, I would have copied it." America's fast food chains were not launched by large corporations relying upon focus groups and market research. They were started by door-to-door salesmen, short-order cooks, orphans, and dropouts, by eternal optimists looking for a piece of the next big thing. The start-up costs of a fast food restaurant were low, the profit margins promised to be high, and a wide assortment of ambitious people were soon buying grills and putting up signs.

William Rosenberg dropped out of school at the age of fourteen, delivered telegrams for Western Union, drove an ice cream truck, worked as a door-to-door salesman, sold sandwiches and coffee to factory workers in Boston, and then opened a small doughnut shop in 1948, later calling it Dunkin' Donuts. Glen W. Bell, Jr., was a World War II veteran, a resident of San Bernardino who ate at the new McDonald's and decided to copy it, using the assembly-line system to make Mexican food and founding a restaurant chain later known as Taco Bell. Keith G. Cramer, the owner of Keith's Drive-In Restaurant in Daytona Beach, Florida, heard about the McDonald brothers' new restaurant, flew to southern California, ate at McDonald's, returned to Florida, and with his father-in-law, Matthew Burns, opened the first Insta-Burger-King in 1953. Dave Thomas started working in a restaurant at the age of twelve, left his adoptive father, took a room at the YMCA, dropped out of school at fifteen, served as a busboy and a cook, and eventually opened his own place in Columbus, Ohio, calling it Wendy's Old-Fashioned Hamburgers restaurant. Thomas S. Monaghan spent much of his childhood in a Catholic orphanage and a series of foster homes, worked as a soda jerk, barely graduated from high school, joined the Marines, and bought a pizzeria in Ypsilanti, Michigan, with his brother, securing the deal through a down payment of $75. Eight months later Monaghan's brother decided to quit and accepted a used Volkswagen Beetle for his share of a business later known as Domino's.

The story of Harland Sanders is perhaps the most remarkable. Sanders left school at the age of twelve, worked as a farm hand, a mule tender, and a railway fireman. At various times he worked as a lawyer without having a law degree, delivered babies as a part-time obstetrician without having a medical degree, sold insurance door to door, sold Michelin tires, and operated a gas station in Corbin, Kentucky. He served home-cooked food at a small dining-room table in the back, later opened a popular restaurant and motel, sold them to pay off debts, and at the age of sixty-five became a traveling salesman once again, offering restaurant owners the "secret recipe" for his fried chicken. The first Kentucky Fried Chicken restaurant opened in 1952, near Salt Lake City, Utah. Lacking money to 'promote the new chain, Sanders dressed up like a Kentucky colonel, sporting a white suit and a black string tie. By the early 19605, Kentucky Fried Chicken was the largest restaurant chain in the United States, and Colonel Sanders was a household name. In his autobiography, Life As I Have Known It Has Been "Finger-lickin' Good," Sanders described his ups and downs, his decision at the age of seventy-four to be rebaptized and born again, his lifelong struggle to stop cursing. Despite his best efforts and a devout faith in Christ, Harland Sanders admitted that it was still awfully hard "not to call a no-good, lazy, incompetent, dishonest s.o.b. by anything else but his rightful name."

For every fast food idea that swept the nation, there were countless others that flourished briefly - or never had a prayer. There were chains with homey names, like Sandy's, Carrol's, Henry's, Winky's, and Mr. Fifteen's. There were chains with futuristic names, like the Satellite Hamburger System and Kelly's Jet System. Most of all, there were chains named after their main dish: Burger Chefs, Burger Queens, Burgerville USAs, Yumy Burgers, Twitty Burgers, Whataburgers, Dundee Burgers, Biff-Burgers, O.K. Big Burgers, and Burger Boy Food-O-Ramas.

Many of the new restaurants advertised an array of technological wonders. Carhops were rendered obsolete by various remote-control ordering systems, like the Fone-A-Chef, the Teletray, and the ElectroHop. The Motormat was an elaborate rail system that transported food and beverages from the kitchen to parked cars. At the Biff-Burger chain, Biff-Burgers were "roto-broiled" beneath glowing quartz tubes that worked just like a space heater. Insta-Burger-King restaurants featured a pair of "Miracle Insta Machines," one to make milk shakes, the other to cook burgers. "Both machines have been thoroughly perfected," the company assured prospective franchisees, "are of foolproof design - can be easily operated even by a moron." The InstaBurger Stove was an elaborate contraption. Twelve hamburger patties entered it in individual wire baskets: circled two electric heating elements, got cooked on both sides, and then slid down a chute into a pan of sauce, while hamburger buns toasted in a nearby slot. This Miracle Insta Machine proved overly complex, frequently malfunctioned, and was eventually abandoned by the Burger King chain.

The fast food wars in southern California - the birthplace of Jack in the Box, as well as McDonald's, Taco Bell, and Carl's Jr. - were especially fierce. One by one, most of the old drive-ins closed, unable to compete against the less expensive, self-service burger joints. But Carl kept at it, opening new restaurants up and down the state, following the new freeways. Four of these freeways - the Riverside, the Santa Ana, the Costa Mesa, and the Orange - soon. passed through Anaheim. Although Carl's Jr. was a great success, a few of Carl's other ideas should have remained on the drawing board. Carl's Whistle Stops featured employees dressed as railway workers, "Hobo Burgers," and toy electric trains that took orders to the kitchen. Three were built in 1966 and then converted to Carl's Jr. restaurants a few years later. A coffee shop chain with a Scottish theme also never found its niche. The waitresses at "Scot's" wore plaid skirts, and the dishes had unfortunate names, such as "The Clansman."

The leading fast food chains spread nationwide; between 1960 and 1973, the number of McDonald's restaurants grew from roughly 250 to 3,000. The Arab oil embargo of 1973 gave the fast food industry a bad scare, as long lines at gas stations led many to believe that America's car culture was endangered. Amid gasoline shortages, the value of McDonald's stock fell. When the crisis passed, fast food stock prices recovered, and McDonald's intensified its efforts to open urban, as well as suburban, restaurants. Wall Street invested heavily in the fast food chains, and corporate managers replaced many of the early pioneers. What had begun as a series of small, regional businesses became a fast food industry, a major component of the American economy.

Progress

IN 1976, THE NEW HEADQUARTERS of Carl Karcher Enterprises, Inc. (CKE) was built on the same land in Anaheim where the Heinz farm had once stood. The opening-night celebration was one of the high points of Carl's life. More than a thousand people gathered for a black-tie party at a tent set up in the parking lot. There was dinner and dancing on a beautiful, moonlit night. Thirty-five years after buying his first hot dog cart, Carl Karcher now controlled one of the largest privately owned fast food chains in the United States. He owned hundreds of restaurants. He considered many notable Americans to be his friends, including Governor Ronald Reagan, former president Richard Nixon, Gene Autry, Art Linkletter, Lawrence Welk, and Pat Boone. Carl's nickname was "Mr. Orange County." He was a benefactor of Catholic charities, a Knight of Malta, a strong supporter of right-to-life causes. He attended private masses at the Vatican with the Pope. And then, despite all the hard work, Carl's luck began to change.

During the 1980s CKE went public, opened Carl's Jr. restaurants in Texas, added higher-priced dinners to the menu, and for the first time began to expand by selling franchises. The new menu items and the restaurants in Texas fared poorly. The value of CKE's stock fell. In 1988, Carl and half a dozen members of his family were accused of insider trading by the Securities, and Exchange Commission (SEC). They had sold large amounts of CKE stock right before its price tumbled. Carl vehemently denied the charges and felt humiliated by the publicity surrounding the case. Nevertheless, Carl agreed to a settlement with the SEC - to avoid a long and expensive legal battle, he said - and paid more than half a million dollars in fines.

During the early 1990s, a number of Carl's real estate investments proved unwise. When new subdivisions in Anaheim and the Inland Empire went bankrupt, Carl was saddled with many of their debts. He had allowed real estate developers to use his CKE stock as collateral for their bank loans. He became embroiled in more than two dozen lawsuits. He suddenly owed more than $70 million to various banks. The falling price of CKE stock hampered his ability to repay the loans. In May of 1992, his brother Don - a trusted adviser and the president of CKE - died. The new president tried to increase sales at Carl's Jr. restaurants by purchasing food of a lower quality and cutting prices. The strategy began to drive customers away.

As the chairman of CKE, Carl searched for ways to save his company and payoff his debts. He proposed selling Mexican food at Carl's Jr. restaurants as part of a joint venture with a chain called Green Burrito. But some executives at CKE opposed the plan, arguing that it would benefit Carl much more than the company. Carl had a financial stake in the deal; upon its acceptance by the board of CKE, he would receive a $6 million personal loan from Green Burrito. Carl was outraged that his motives were being questioned and that his business was being run into the ground. CKE now felt like a much different company than the one he'd founded. The new management team had ended the longtime practice of starting every executive meeting with the prayer of St. Francis of Assisi and the pledge of allegiance to the flag. Carl insisted that the Green Burrito plan would work and demanded that the board of directors vote on it. When the board rejected the plan, Carl tried to oust its members. Instead, they ousted him. On March 1, 1993, CKE's board voted five to two to fire Carl N. Karcher. Only Carl and his son Carl Leo opposed the dismissal. Carl felt deeply betrayed. He had known many of the board members for years; they were old friends; he had made them rich. In a statement released after the firing, Carl described the CKE board as "a bunch of turncoats" and called it "one of the saddest days" of his life. At the age of seventy-six, more than five decades after starting the business, Carl N. Karcher was prevented from entering his own office, and new locks were put on the doors.

The headquarters of CKE is still located on the property where the Heinz family once grew oranges. Today there's no smell of citrus in the air, no orange groves in sight. In a town that once had endless rows of orange and lemon trees, stretching far as the eye could see, there's not an acre of them left, not a single acre devoted to commercial citrus growing. Anaheim's population is now about three hundred thousand, roughly thirty times what it was when Carl first arrived. On the comer where Carl's Drive-In Barbeque once stood, there's a strip mall. Near the CKE headquarters on Harbor Boulevard, there's an Exxon station, a discount mattress store, a Shoe City, a Las Vegas Auto Sales store, and an off-ramp of the Riverside Freeway. The CKE building has a modern, Spanish design, with white columns, red brick arches, and dark plate-glass. windows. When I visited recently, it was cool and quiet inside. After passing a life-size wooden statue of St. Francis of Assisi on a stairway landing, I was greeted at the top of the stairs by Carl N. Karcher.

Carl looked like a stylish figure from the big-band era, wearing a brown checked jacket, a white shirt, a brown tie, and jaunty two-tone shoes. He was tall and strong, and seemed in remarkably good shape. The walls of his office were covered with plaques and mementos, with photographs of Carl beside presidents, famous ballplayers, former employees, grandchildren, priests, cardinals, Mikhail Gorbachev, the Pope. Carl proudly removed a framed object from the wall and handed it to me. It was the original receipt for $326, confirming the purchase of his first hot dog cart.

Eight weeks after being locked out of his office in 1993, Carl engineered a takeover of the company. Through a complex series of transactions, a partnership headed by financier William P. Foley II assumed some of Carl's debts, received much of his stock in return, and took control of CKE. Foley became the new chairman of the board. Carl was named chairman emeritus and got his old office back. Almost all of the executives and directors who had opposed him subsequently left the company. The Green Burrito plan was adopted and proved a success. The new management at CKE seemed to have turned the company around, raising the value of its stock. In July of 1997, CKE purchased Hardee's for $327 million, thereby becoming the fourth-largest hamburger chain in the United States, joining· McDonald's, Burger King, and Wendy's at the top. And signs bearing the Carl's Jr. smiling little star started going up across the United States.

Carl seemed amazed by his own life story as he told it. He'd been married to Margaret for sixty years. He'd lived in the same Anaheim house for almost fifty years. He had twenty granddaughters and twenty grandsons. For a man of eighty, he had an impressive memory, quickly rattling off names, dates, and addresses from half a century ago. He exuded the genial optimism and good humor of his old friend Ronald Reagan. "My whole philosophy is - never give up," Carl told me. "The word 'can't' should not exist ... Have a great attitude ... Watch the pennies and the dollars will take care of themselves ... Life is beautiful, life is fantastic, and that is how I feel about every day of my life." Despite CKE's expansion, Carl remained millions of dollars in debt. He'd secured new loans to payoff the old ones. During the worst of his financial troubles, advisers pleaded with him to declare bankruptcy. Carl refused; he'd borrowed more than $8 million from family members and friends, and he would not walk away from his obligations. Every weekday he was attending Mass at six o'clock in the morning and getting to the office by seven. "My goal in the next two years," he said, "is to payoff all my debts."

1 looked out the window and asked how he felt driving through Anaheim today, with its fast food restaurants, subdivisions, and strip malls. "Well, to be frank about it." he said, "I couldn't be happier." Thinking that he'd misunderstood the question, 1 rephrased it, asking if he ever missed the old Anaheim, the ranches and citrus groves.

"No," he answered. "I believe in Progress."

Carl grew up on a farm without running water or electricity. He'd escaped a hard rural life. The view outside his office window was not disturbing to him, I realized. It was a mark of success.

"'When I first met my wife." Carl said, "this road here was gravel ... and now it's blacktop."

Chapter 2: Your Trusted Friends

BEFORE ENTERING the Ray A. Kroc Museum, you have to walk through McStore. Both sit on the ground floor of McDonald's corporate headquarters, located at One McDonald's Plaza in Oak Brook, Illinois. The headquarters building has oval windows and a gray concrete facade - a look that must have seemed space-age when the building opened three decades ago. Now it seems stolid and drab, an architectural relic of the Nixon era. It resembles the American embassy compounds that always used to attract antiwar protesters, student demonstrators, flag burners. The eighty-acre campus of Hamburger University, McDonald's managerial training center, is a short drive from headquarter~. Shuttle buses constantly go back and forth between the campus and McDonald's Plaza, ferrying clean-cut young men and women in khakis who've come to study for their "Degree in Hamburgerology." The course lasts two weeks and trains a few thousand managers, executives, and franchisees each year. Students from out of town stay at the Hyatt on the McDonald's campus. Most of the classes are devoted to personnel issues, teaching lessons in teamwork and employee motivation, promoting "a common McDonald's language" and "a common McDonald's culture." Three flagpoles stand in front of McDonald's Plaza, the heart of the hamburger empire. One flies the Stars and Stripes, another flies the Illinois state flag, and the third flies a bright red flag with golden arches.

You can buy bean-bag McBurglar dolls at McStore, telephones shaped like french fries, ties, clocks, key chains, golf bags and duffel bags, jewelry, baby clothes, lunch boxes, mouse pads, leather jackets, postcards, toy trucks, and much more, all of it bearing the stamp of McDonald's. You can buy T-shirts decorated with a new version of the American flag. The fifty white stars have been replaced by a pair of golden arches.

At the back of McStore, past the footsteps of Ronald McDonald stenciled on the floor, past the shelves of dishes and glassware, a bronze bust of Ray Kroc marks the entrance to his museum. Kroc was the founder of the McDonald's Corporation, and his philosophy of QSC and V - Quality, Service, Cleanliness, and Value - still guide it. The man immortalized in ,bronze is balding and middle-aged, with smooth cheeks and an intense look in his eyes. A glass display case nearby holds plaques, awards, and letters of praise. "One of the highlights of my sixty-first birthday celebration." President Richard Nixon wrote in 1974, "was when Tricia suggested we needed a 'break' on our drive to Palm Springs, and we turned in at McDonald's. I had heard for years from our girls that the 'Big Mac' was really something special, and while I've often credited Mrs. Nixon with making the best hamburgers in the world, we -are both convinced that McDonald's runs a close second ... The next time the cook has a night off we will know where to go for fast service, cheerful hospitality - and probably one of the best food buys in America." Other glass cases contain artifacts of Kroc's life, mementos of his long years of struggle and his twilight as a billionaire. The museum is small and dimly lit, displaying each object with reverence. The day I visited, the place was empty and still. It didn't feel like a traditional museum, where objects are coolly numbered, catalogued, and described. It felt more like a shrine.

Many of the exhibits at the Ray A. Kroc Museum incorporate neat technological tricks. Dioramas appear and then disappear when certain buttons are pushed. The voices of Kroc's friends and coworkers - one of them identified as a McDonald's "vice president of individuality" - boom from speakers at the appropriate cue. Darkened glass cases are suddenly illuminated from within, revealing their contents. An artwork on the wall, when viewed from the left, displays an image of Ray Kroc. Viewed from the right, it shows the letters QSC and V. The museum does not have a life-size, Audio-Animatronic version of McDonald's founder telling jokes and anecdotes. But one wouldn't be out of place. An interactive exhibit called "Talk to Ray" shows video clips of Kroc appearing on the Phil Donahue Show, being interviewed by Tom Snyder, and chatting with Reverend Robert Schuller at the altar of Orange County's Crystal Cathedral. "Talk to Ray" permits the viewer to ask Kroc as many as thirty-six predetermined questions about various subjects; old videos of Kroc supply the answers. The exhibit wasn't working properly the day of my visit. Ray wouldn't take my questions, and so I just listened to him repeating the same speeches.

The Disneyesque tone of the museum reflects, among other things, many of the similarities between the McDonald's Corporation and the Walt Disney Company. It also reflects the similar paths of the two men who founded these corporate giants. Ray Kroc and Walt Disney were both from Illinois; they were born a year apart, Disney in 1901, Kroc in 1902; they knew each other as young men, serving together in the same World War I ambulance corps; and they both fled the Midwest and settled in southern California, where they played central roles in the creation of new American industries. The film critic Richard Schickel has described Disney's powerful inner need "to order, control, and keep clean any environment he inhabited." The same could easily be said about Ray Kroc, whose obsession with cleanliness and control became one of the hallmarks of his restaurant chain. Kroc cleaned the holes in his mop wringer with a toothbrush.

Kroc and Disney both dropped out of high school and later added the trappings of formal education to their companies. The training school for Disney's theme-park employees was named Disneyland University. More importantly, the two men shared the same vision of America, the same optimistic faith in technology, the same conservative political views. They were charismatic figures who provided an overall corporate vision and grasped the public mood, relying on others to handle the creative and financial details. Walt Disney neither wrote, nor drew the animated classics that bore his name. Ray Kroc's attempts to add new dishes to McDonald's menu - such as Kolacky, a Bohemian pastry, and the Hulaburger, a sandwich featuring grilled pineapple and cheese - were unsuccessful. Both men, however, knew how to find and motivate the right talent. While Disney was much more famous and achieved success sooner, Kroc may have been more influential. His company inspired more imitators, wielded more power over the American economy - and spawned a mascot even more famous than Mickey Mouse.

Despite all their success as businessmen and entrepreneurs, as cultural figures and advocates for a particular brand of Americanism, perhaps the most significant achievement of these two men lay elsewhere. Walt Disney and Ray Kroc were masterful salesmen. They perfected the art of selling things to children. And their success led many others to aim marketing efforts at kids, turning America's youngest consumers into a demographic group that is now avidly studied, analyzed, and targeted by the world's largest corporations.


Walt and Ray

RAY KROC TOOK THE McDonald brothers' Speedee Service System and spread it nationwide, creating a fast food empire. Although he founded a company that came to symbolize corporate America, Kroc was never a buttoned-down corporate type. He was a former jazz musician who'd played at speakeasies - and at a bordello, on at least one occasion - during Prohibition. He was a charming, funny, and indefatigable traveling salesman who endured many years of disappointment, a Willy Loman who finally managed to hit it big in his early sixties. Kroc grew up in Oak Park, Illinois, not far from Chicago. His father worked for Western Union. As a high school freshman, Ray Kroc discovered the joys of selling while employed at his uncle's soda fountain. "That was where I learned you could influence people with a smile and enthusiasm." Kroc recalled in his autobiography, Grinding It Out, "and sell them a sundae when what they'd come for was a cup of coffee."

Over the years, Kroc sold coffee beans, sheet music, paper cups, Florida real estate, powdered instant beverages called "Malt-a-Plenty" and "Shake-a-Plenty," a gadget that could dispense whipped cream or shaving lather, square ice cream scoops, and a collapsible table-and-bench combination called "Fold-a-Nook" that retreated into the wall like a Murphy bed. The main problem with square scoops of ice cream, he found, was that they slid off the plate when you tried to eat them. Kroc used the same basic technique to sell all these things: he tailored his pitch to fit the buyer's tastes. Despite one setback after another, he kept at it, always convinced that success was just around the corner. "If you believe in it, and you believe in it hard." Kroc later told audiences, "it's impossible to fail. I don't care what it is - you can get it!"

Ray Kroc was selling milk-shake mixers in 1954 when he first visited the new McDonald's Self-Service Restaurant in San Bernardino. The McDonald brothers were two of his best customers. The Multi~ mixer unit that Kroc sold could make five milk shakes at once. He wondered why the McDonald brothers needed eight of the machines. Kroc had visited a lot of restaurant kitchens, out on the road, demonstrating the Multimixer - and had never seen anything like the McDonald's Speedee Service System. "When I saw it." he later wrote, "I felt like some latter-day Newton who'd just had an Idaho potato caromed off his skull." He looked at the restaurant "through the eyes of a salesman" and envisioned putting a McDonald's at busy intersections all across the land.

Richard and "Mac" McDonald were less ambitious. They were clearing $100,000 a year in profits from the restaurant, a huge sum in those days. They already owned a big house and three Cadillacs. They didn't like to travel. They'd recently refused an offer from the Carnation Milk Company, which thought that opening more McDonald's would increase the sales of milk shakes. Nevertheless, Kroc convinced the brothers to sell him the right to franchise McDonald's nationwide. The two could stay at home, while Kroc traveled the country, making them even richer. A deal was signed. Years later Richard McDonald described his first memory of Kroc, a moment that would soon lead to the birth of the world's biggest restaurant chain: "This little fellow comes in, with a high voice, and says, 'hi.'"

After finalizing the agreement with the McDonald brothers, Kroc sent a letter to Walt Disney. In 1917 the two men had both lied about their ages to join the Red Cross and see battle in Europe. A long time had clearly passed since their last conversation. "Dear Walt," the letter said. "I feel somewhat presumptuous addressing you in this way yet I feel sure you would not want me to address you any other way. My name is Ray A. Kroc ... I look over the Company A picture we had taken at Sound Beach, Conn., many times and recall a lot of pleasant memories." After the warm-up came the pitch: "I have very recently taken over the national franchise of the McDonald's system. I would like to inquire if there may be an opportunity for a McDonald's in your Disneyland Development."

Walt Disney sent Kroc a cordial reply and forwarded his proposal to an executive in charge of the theme park's concessions. Disneyland was still under construction, its opening was eagerly awaited by millions of American children, and Kroc may have had high hopes. According to one account, Disney's company asked Kroc to raise the price of McDonald's french fries from ten cents to fifteen cents; Disney would keep the extra nickel as payment for granting the concession; and the story ends with Ray Kroc refusing to gouge his loyal customers. The account seems highly unlikely, a belated effort by someone at McDonald's to put the best spin on a sales pitch that went nowhere. When Disneyland opened in July of 1955 - an event that Ronald Reagan cohosted for ABC - it had food stands run by Welch's, Stouffer's, and Aunt Jemima's, but no McDonald's. Kroc was not yet in their league. His recollection of Walt Disney as a young man, briefly mentioned in Grinding It Out, is not entirely flattering. "He was regarded as a strange duck," Kroc wrote of Disney, "because whenever we had time off and went out on the town to chase girls, he stayed in camp drawing pictures."

Whatever feelings existed between the two men, Walt Disney proved in many respects to be a role model for Ray Kroc. Disney's success had come much more quickly. At the age of twenty-one he'd left the Midwest and opened his own movie studio in Los Angeles. He was famous before turning thirty. In The Magic Kingdom (1997) Steven Watts describes Walt Disney's efforts to apply the techniques of mass production to Hollywood moviemaking. He greatly admired Henry Ford and introduced an assembly line and a rigorous division of labor at the Disney Studio, which was soon depicted as a "fun factory." Instead of drawing entire scenes, artists were given narrowly defined tasks, meticulously sketching and inking Disney characters while supervisors watched them and timed how long it took them to complete each cel. During the 1930s the production system at the studio was organized to function like that of an automobile plant. "Hundreds of young people were being trained and fitted," Disney explained, "into a machine for the manufacture of entertainment."
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Re: Neuschwanstein: A fairy tale darling's dark Nazi past

Postby admin » Sat Sep 21, 2019 5:43 am

Part 2 of 2

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Henry Ford II and Walt Disney in 1962, Viewing the 1964-65 New York World's Fair Ford Pavilion Model. For their pavilion at the 1964-65 New York World's Fair, Ford Motor Company brought in Walt Disney to design a "unique and memorable entertainment adventure" that would outshine its competitors. This became the Magic Skyway ride, in which guests sat in Ford convertibles through a Disney-designed show. Here, Walt Disney reviews the attraction model with Henry Ford II.


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Letter from Walt Disney regarding Making a Ford Motor Company War Work for Women Film, February 18, 1943

WALT DISNEY
 
February 18, 1943.
 
Dear Mr. [John W.] Thompson [Director, Ford News Bureau]:
 
I have been thinking about your problem of how to get women interested in working in industry and here is a thought that might be the basis for a film which was suggested to me by a recent newspaper item.
 
During the Civil War women played a big part in industry – they worked in foundries and factories at a time when working conditions were really bad. I believe you will also find that we had a large percentage of women working in industry in the last war. This might be an interesting theme for the opening of a film and then lead up to our present working conditions, showing the wonderful rest-rooms, commissaries, medical facilities and so on.
 
Big industry, these days, every often looks after its people in a far better manner than they do, themselves. Contrast these facts with conditions of the past and I believe you can build up something very interesting.
 
Then from the amusing side, you could bring in the costumes of the Civil War period – women working in their bustles, with the long, full skirts and quaint hats. You could also show the styles current during World War I. Perhaps some wood cuts of the Civil War could be used with an interesting commentary, against these amusing shots, building up the modern industrial setup which I believe would make something that would be enticing to the theatre-man to run.
 
I shall try to locate the newspaper item that suggested this thought and mail it on to you.
 
Vern Caldwell has made arrangements with the RKO Exchange in Detroit to make available to you all Disney theatrical films, and I am trying to get the CORN and MALARIA films sent to you for a showing.
 
Just heard from Caldwell and he is carrying on with the Ford Liberator insignia sketches and he will be contacting you very soon.
 
I enjoyed my visit to the Ford plant very much, especially the informal chat with Mr. Edsel Ford. I am quite enthused about the theatre film idea you discussed on the history of Ford. This idea affords very interesting material and I think something good could be made from it.
 
With kindest regards,
 
Sincerely,
 
Walt Disney
 
Mr. John W. Thompson, Director,
Ford News Bureau
Administration Building,
3000 Schaefer Road,
Dearborn, Michigan.
 
WD:DV

P.S. - The OWI through its Film Bureau, headed by Arch Mercey, made a film for the Martin plant for the same purposes as the one you have in mind, that is to interest women. It might be worth your while to see this, or through the OWI you might get them to make one for the Detroit interests. W.D.


The working conditions at Disney's factory, however, were not always fun. In 1941 hundreds of Disney animators went on strike, expressing support for the Screen Cartoonists Guild. The other major cartoon studios in Hollywood had already signed agreements with the union. Disney's father was an ardent socialist, and Disney's films had long expressed a populist celebration of the common man. But Walt's response to the strike betrayed a different political sensibility. He fired employees who were sympathetic to the union, allowed private guards to rough up workers on the picket line, tried to impose a phony company union, brought in an organized crime figure from Chicago to rig a settlement, and placed a full-page ad in Variety that accused leaders of the Screen Cartoonists Guild of being Communists. The strike finally ended when Disney acceded to the union's demands. The experience left him feeling embittered. Convinced that Communist agents had been responsible for his troubles, Disney subsequently appeared as a friendly witness before the House Un-American Activities Committee, served as a secret informer for the FBI, and strongly supported the Hollywood blacklist. During the height of labor tension at his studio, Disney had made a speech to a group of employees, arguing that the solution to their problems rested not with a labor union, but with a good day's work. "Don't forget this," Disney told them, "it's the law of the universe that the strong shall survive and the weak must fall by the way, and I don't give a damn what idealistic plan is cooked up, nothing can change that."

Decades later, Ray Kroc used similar language to outline his own political philosophy. Kroc's years on the road as a traveling salesman - carrying his own order forms and sample books, knocking on doors, facing each new customer alone, and having countless doors slammed in his face - no doubt influenced his view of humanity. "Look, it is ridiculous to call this an industry," Kroc told a reporter in 1972, dismissing any high-minded analysis of the fast food business. "This is not. This is rat eat rat, dog eat dog. I'll kill 'em, and I'm going to kill 'em before they kill me. You're talking about the American way of survival of the fittest."

While Disney backed right-wing groups and produced campaign ads for the Republican Party, Kroc remained aloof from electoral politics - with one notable exception. In 1972, Kroc gave $250,000 to President Nixon's reelection campaign, breaking the gift into smaller donations, funneling the money through various state and local Republican committees. Nixon had every reason to like McDonald's, long before tasting one of its hamburgers. Kroc had never met the president; the gift did not stem from any personal friendship or fondness. That year the fast food industry was lobbying Congress and the White House to pass new legislation - known as the "McDonald's bill" - that would allow employers to pay sixteen- and seventeen- year-old kids wages 20 percent lower than the minimum wage. Around the time of Kroc's $250,000 donation, McDonald's crew members earned about $1.60 an hour. The subminimum wage proposal would reduce some wages to $1.28 an hour.

The Nixon administration supported the McDonald's bill and permitted McDonald's to raise the price of its Quarter Pounders, despite the mandatory wage and price controls restricting other fast food chains. The size and the timing of Kroc's political contribution sparked Democratic accusations of influence peddling. Outraged by the charges, Kroc later called his critics "sons of bitches." The uproar left him wary of backing political candidates. Nevertheless, Kroc retained a soft spot for Calvin Coolidge, whose thoughts on hard work and self-reliance were prominently displayed at McDonald's corporate headquarters.

Better Living

DESPITE A PASSIONATE OPPOSITION to socialism and to any government meddling with free enterprise, Walt Disney relied on federal funds in the 1940s to keep his business afloat. The animators' strike had left the Disney Studio in a precarious financial condition. Disney began to seek government contracts - and those contracts were soon responsible for 90 percent of his studio's output. During World War II, Walt Disney produced scores of military training and propaganda films, including Food Will Win the War, High-Level Precision Bombing, and A Few Quick Facts About Venereal Disease. After the war, Disney continued to work closely with top military officials and military contractors, becoming America's most popular exponent of Cold War science. For audiences living in fear of nuclear annihilation, Walt Disney became a source of reassurance, making the latest technical advances seem marvelous and exciting. His faith in the goodness of American technology was succinctly expressed by the title of a film that the Disney Studio produced for Westinghouse Electric: The Dawn of Better Living.

Disney's passion for science found expression in "Tomorrowland." the name given to a section of his theme park and to segments of his weekly television show. Tomorrowland encompassed everything from space travel to the household appliances of the future, depicting progress as a relentless march toward greater convenience for consumers. And yet, from the very beginning, there was a dark side to this Tomorrowland. It celebrated technology without moral qualms. Some of the science it espoused later proved to be not so benign - and some of the scientists it promoted were unusual role models for the nation's children.

In the mid-1950s Wernher von Braun cohosted and helped produce a series of Disney television shows on space exploration. "Man in Space" and the other Tomorrowland episodes on the topic were enormously popular and fueled public support for an American space program. At the time, von Braun was the U.S. Army's leading rocket scientist. He had served in the same capacity for the German army during World War II. He had been an early and enthusiastic member of the Nazi party, as well as a major in the SS. At least 20,000 slave laborers, many of them Allied prisoners of war, died at Dora-Nordhausen, the factory where von Braun's rockets were built. Less than ten years after the liberation of Dora-Nordhausen, von Braun was giving orders to Disney animators and designing a ride at Disneyland called Rocket to the Moon. Heinz Haber, another key Tomorrowland adviser - and eventually the chief scientific consultant to Walt Disney Productions - spent much of World War II conducting research on high-speed, high-altitude flight for the Luftwaffe Institute for Aviation Medicine. In order to assess the risks faced by German air force pilots, the institute performed experiments on hundreds of inmates at the Dachau concentration camp near Munich. The inmates who survived these experiments were usually killed and then dissected. Haber left Germany after the war and shared his knowledge of aviation medicine with the U.S. Army Air Force. He later cohosted Disney's "Man in Space" with von Braun. When the Eisenhower administration asked Walt Disney to produce a show championing the civilian use of nuclear power, Heinz Haber was given the assignment. He hosted the Disney broadcast called "Our Friend the Atom" and wrote a popular children's book with the same title, both of which made nuclear fission seem fun, instead of terrifying. "Our Friend the Atom" was sponsored by General Dynamics, a manufacturer of nuclear reactors. The company also financed the atomic submarine ride at Disneyland's Tomorrowland.

The future heralded at Disneyland was one in which every aspect of American life had a corporate sponsor. Walt Disney was the most beloved children's entertainer in the country. He had unrivaled access to impressionable young minds - and other corporations, with other agendas to sell, were eager to come along for the ride. Monsanto built Disneyland's House of the Future, which was made of plastic. General Electric backed the Carousel of Progress, which featured an Audio-Animatronic housewife, standing in her futuristic kitchen, singing about "a great big beautiful tomorrow." Richfield Oil offered utopian fantasies about cars and a ride aptly named Autopia. "Here you leave Today," said the plaque at the entrance to Disneyland, "and enter the world of Yesterday, Tomorrow, and Fantasy."

At first, Disneyland offered visitors an extraordinary feeling of escape; people had never seen anything like it. The great irony, of course, is that Disney's suburban, corporate world of Tomorrow would soon become the Anaheim of Today. Within a decade of its opening, Disneyland was no longer set amid a rural idyll of orange groves, it was stuck in the middle of cheap motels, traffic jams on the Santa Ana freeway, fast food joints, and industrial parks. Walt Disney frequently slept at his small apartment above the firehouse in Disneyland's Main Street, USA. By the early 1960s, the hard realities of Today were more and more difficult to ignore, and Disney began dreaming of bigger things, of Disney World, a place even farther removed from the forces he'd helped to unleash, a fantasy that could be even more thoroughly controlled.

Among other cultural innovations, Walt Disney pioneered the marketing strategy now known as "synergy." During the 1930s, he signed licensing agreements with dozens of firms, granting them the right to use Mickey Mouse on their products and in their ads. In 1938 Snow White proved a turning point in film marketing: Disney had signed seventy licensing deals prior to the film's release. Snow White toys, books, clothes, snacks, and records were already for sale when the film opened. Disney later used television to achieve a degree of synergy beyond anything that anyone had previously dared. His first television broadcast, One Hour in Wonderland (1950), culminated in a promotion for the upcoming Disney film Alice in Wonderland. His first television series, Disneyland (1954), provided weekly updates on the construction work at his theme park. ABC, which broadcast the show, owned a large financial stake in the Anaheim venture. Disneyland's other major investor, Western Printing and Lithography, printed Disney books such as The Walt Disney Story of Our Friend the Atom. In the guise of televised entertainment, episodes of Disneyland were often thinly disguised infomercials, promoting films, books, toys, an amusement park - and, most of all, Disney himself, the living, breathing incarnation of a brand, the man who neatly tied all the other commodities together into one cheerful, friendly, patriotic idea.


Ray Kroc could only dream, during McDonald's tough early years, of having such marketing tools at his disposal. He was forced to rely instead on his wits, his charisma, and his instinct for promotion. Kroc believed completely in whatever he sold and pitched McDonald's franchises with an almost religious fervor. He also knew a few things about publicity, having auditioned talent for a Chicago radio station in the 1920s and performed in nightclubs for years. Kroc hired a publicity firm led by a gag writer and a former MGM road manager to get McDonald's into the news. Children would be the new restaurant chain's target customers. The McDonald brothers had aimed for a family crowd, and now Kroc improved and refined their marketing strategy. He'd picked the right moment. America was in the middle of a baby boom; the number of children had soared in the decade after World War II. Kroc wanted to create a safe, clean, all-American place for kids. The McDonald's franchise agreement required every new restaurant to fly the Stars and Stripes. Kroc understood that how he sold food was just as important as how the food tasted. He liked to tell people that he was really in show business, not the restaurant business. Promoting McDonald's to children was a clever, pragmatic decision. "A child who loves our TV commercials," Kroc explained, "and brings her grandparents to a McDonald's gives us two more customers."

The McDonald's Corporation's first mascot was Speedee, a winking little chef with a hamburger for a head. The character was later renamed Archie McDonald. Speedy was the name of Alka-Seltzer's mascot, and it seemed unwise to imply any connection between the two brands. In 1960, Oscar Goldstein, a McDonald's franchisee in Washington, D.C., decided to sponsor Bozo's Circus, a local children's television show. Bozo's appearance at a McDonald's restaurant drew large crowds. When the local NBC station canceled Bozo's Circus in 1963, Goldstein hired its star - Willard Scott, later the weatherman on NBC's Today show - to invent a new clown who could make restaurant appearances. An ad agency designed the outfit, Scott came up with the name Ronald McDonald, and a star was born. Two years later the McDonald's Corporation introduced Ronald McDonald to the rest of the United States through a major ad campaign. But Willard Scott no longer played the part. He was deemed too overweight; McDonald's wanted someone thinner to sell its burgers, shakes, and fries.

The late-1960s expansion of the McDonald's restaurant chain coincided with declining fortunes at the Walt Disney Company. Disney was no longer alive, and his vision of America embodied just about everything that kids of the sixties were rebelling against. Although McDonald's was hardly a promoter of whole foods and psychedelia, it had the great advantage of seeming new - and there was something trippy about Ronald McDonald, his clothes, and his friends. As McDonald's mascot began to rival Mickey Mouse in name recognition, Kroc made plans to create his own Disneyland. He was a highly competitive man who liked, whenever possible, to settle the score. "If they were drowning to death," Kroc once said about his business rivals, "I would put a hose in their mouth." He planned to buy 1,500 acres of land northeast of Los Angeles and build a new amusement park there. The park, tentatively called Western World, would have a cowboy theme. Other McDonald's executives opposed the idea, worried that Western World would divert funds from the restaurant business and lose millions. Kroc offered to option the land with his own money, but finally listened to his close advisers and scrapped the plan. The McDonald's Corporation later considered buying Astro World in Houston. Instead of investing in a large theme park, the company pursued a more decentralized approach. It built small Playlands and McDonaldlands all over the United States.

The fantasy world of McDonaldland borrowed a good deal from Walt Disney's Magic Kingdom. Don Ament, who gave McDonaldland its distinctive look, was a former Disney set designer. Richard and Robert Sherman - who had written and composed, among other things, all the songs in Disney's Mary Poppins, Disneyland's "It's a Great, Big, Beautiful Tomorrow" and "It's a Small World, After All" - were enlisted for the first McDonaldland commercials. Ronald McDonald, Mayor McCheese, and the other characters in the ads made McDonald's seem like more than just another place to eat. McDonaldland - with its hamburger patch, apple pie trees, and Filet- O-Fish fountain - had one crucial thing in common with Disneyland. Almost everything in it was for sale. McDonald's soon loomed large in the imagination of toddlers, the intended audience for the ads. The restaurant chain evoked a series of pleasing images in a youngster's mind: bright colors, a playground, a toy, a clown, a drink with a straw, little pieces of food wrapped up like a present. Kroc had succeeded, like his old Red Cross comrade, at selling something intangible to children, along with their fries.

Kid Kustomers

TWENTY-FIVE YEARS AGO, only a handful of American companies directed their marketing at children - Disney, McDonald's, candy makers, toy makers, manufacturers of breakfast cereal. Today children are being targeted by phone companies, oil companies, and automobile companies, as well as clothing stores and restaurant chains. The explosion in children's advertising occurred during the 1980s. Many working parents, feeling guilty about spending less time with their kids, started spending more money on them; One marketing expert has called the 1980s "the decade of the child consumer." After largely ignoring children for years, Madison Avenue began to scrutinize and pursue them. Major ad agencies now have children's divisions, and a variety of marketing firms focus solely on kids. These groups tend to have sweet-sounding names: Small Talk, Kid Connection, Kid2Kid, the Gepetto Group, Just Kids, Inc. At least three industry publications - Youth Market Alert, Selling to Kids, and Marketing to Kids Report -- cover the latest ad campaigns and market research. The growth in children's advertising has been driven by efforts to increase not just current, but also future, consumption. Hoping that nostalgic childhood memories of a brand will lead to a lifetime of purchases, companies now plan "cradle-to-grave" advertising strategies. They have come to believe what Ray Kroc and Walt Disney realized long ago - a person's "brand loyalty" may begin as early as the age of two. Indeed, market research has found that children often recognize a brand logo before they can recognize their own name.

The discontinued Joe Camel ad campaign, which used a hip cartoon character to sell cigarettes, showed how easily children can be influenced by the right corporate mascot. A 1991 study published in the Journal of the American Medical Association found that nearly all of America's six-year-olds could identify Joe Camel, who was just as familiar to them as Mickey Mouse. Another study found that one-third of the cigarettes illegally sold to minors were Camels. More recently, a marketing firm conducted a survey in shopping malls across the country, asking children to describe their favorite TV ads. According to the CME KidCom Ad Traction Study II, released at the 1999 Kids' Marketing Conference in San Antonio, Texas, the Taco Bell commercials featuring a talking chihuahua were the most popular fast food ads. The kids in the survey also liked Pepsi and Nike commercials, but their favorite television ad was for Budweiser.

The bulk of the advertising directed at children today has all immediate goal. "It's not just getting kids to whine," one marketer explained in Selling to Kids, "it's giving them a specific reason to ask for the product." Years ago sociologist Vance Packard described children as "surrogate salesmen" who had to persuade other people, usually their parents, to buy what they wanted. Marketers now use different terms to explain the intended response to their ads - such as "leverage," "the nudge factor," "pester power." The aim of most children's advertising is straightforward: get kids to nag their parents and nag them well.

James U. McNeal, a professor of marketing at Texas A&M University, is considered America's leading authority on marketing to children. In his book Kids As Customers (1992), McNeal provides marketers with a thorough analysis of "children's requesting styles and appeals." He classifies juvenile nagging tactics into seven major categories. A pleading nag is one accompanied by repetitions of words like "please" or "mom, mom, mom." A persistent nag involves constant requests for the coveted product and may include the phrase ''I'm gonna ask just one more time." Forceful nags are extremely pushy and may include subtle threats, like "Well, then, I'll go and ask Dad." Demonstrative nags are the most high-risk, often characterized by full-blown tantrums in public places, breath-holding, tears, a refusal to leave the store. Sugar-coated nags promise affection in return for a purchase and may rely on seemingly heartfelt declarations like "You're the best dad in the world." Threatening nags are youthful forms of blackmail, vows of eternal hatred and of running away if something isn't bought. Pity nags claim the child will be heartbroken, teased, or socially stunted if the parent refuses to buy a certain item. "All of these appeals and styles may be used in combination." McNeal's research has discovered, "but kids tend to stick to one or two of each that prove most effective ... for their own parents."

McNeal never advocates turning children into screaming, breath-holding monsters. He has been studying "Kid Kustomers" for more than thirty years and believes in a more traditional marketing approach. "The key is getting children to see a firm ... in much the same way as [they see 1 mom or dad, grandma or grandpa." McNeal argues. "Likewise, if a company can ally itself with universal values such as patriotism, national defense, and good health, it is likely to nurture belief in it among children."

Before trying to affect children's behavior, advertisers have to learn about their tastes. Today's market researchers not only conduct surveys of children in shopping malls, they also organize focus groups for kids as young as two or ·three. They analyze children's artwork, hire children to run focus groups, stage slumber parties and then question children into the night. They send cultural anthropologists into homes, stores, fast food restaurants, and other places where kids like to gather, quietly and surreptitiously observing the behavior of prospective customers. They study the academic literature on child development, seeking insights from the work of theorists such as Erik Erikson and Jean Piaget. They study the fantasy lives of young children, then apply the findings in advertisements and product designs.

Dan S. Acuff - the president of Youth Market System Consulting and the author of What Kids Buy and Why (1997) - stresses the importance of dream research. Studies suggest that until the age of six, roughly 80 percent of children's dreams are about animals. Rounded, soft creatures like Barney, Disney's animated characters; and the Teletubbies therefore have an obvious appeal to young children. The Character Lab, a division of Youth Market System Consulting, uses a proprietary technique called Character Appeal Quadrant Analysis to help companies develop new mascots. The technique purports to create imaginary characters who perfectly fit the targeted age group's level of cognitive and neurological, development.

Children's clubs have for years been considered an effective means of targeting ads and collecting demographic information; the clubs appeal to a child's fundamental need for status and belonging. Disney's Mickey Mouse Club, formed in 1930, was one of the trailblazers. During the 1980s and 1990s, children's dubs proliferated, as corporations used them to solicit the names, addresses, zip codes, and personal comments of young customers. "Marketing messages sent through a dub not only can be personalized," James McNeal advises, "they can be tailored for a certain age or geographical group." A well~ designed and well-run children's dub can be extremely good for business. According to one Burger King executive, the creation of a Burger King Kids Club in 1991 increased the sales of children's meals as much as 300 percent.

The Internet has become another powerful tool for assembling data about children. In 1998 a federal investigation of Web sites aimed at children found that 89 percent requested personal information from kids; only 1 percent required that children obtain parental approval before supplying the .information. A character on the McDonald's Web site told children that Ronald McDonald was "the ultimate authority in everything." The site encouraged kids to send Ronald an email revealing their favorite menu item at McDonald's, their favorite book, their favorite sports team - and their name. Fast food Web sites no longer ask children to provide personal information without first gaining parental approval; to do so is now a violation of federal law, thanks to the Children's Online Privacy Protection Act, which took effect in April of 2000.

Despite the growing importance of the Internet, television remains the primary medium for children's advertising. The effects of these TV ads have long been a subject of controversy. In 1978, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) tried to ban all television ads directed at children seven years old or younger. Many studies had found that young children often could not tell the difference between television programming and television advertising. They also could not comprehend the real purpose of commercials and trusted that advertising claims were true. Michael Pertschuk, the head of the FTC, argued that children need to be shielded from advertising that preys upon their immaturity. "They cannot protect themselves." he said, "against adults who exploit their present-mindedness."

The FTC's proposed ban was supported by the American Academy of Pediatrics, the National Congress of Parents and Teachers, the Consumers Union, and the Child Welfare League, among others. But it was attacked by the National Association of Broadcasters, the Toy Manufacturers of America, and the Association of National Advertisers. The industry groups lobbied Congress to prevent any restrictions on children's ads and sued in federal court to block Pertschuk from participating in future FTC meetings on the subject. In April of 1981, three months after the inauguration of President Ronald Reagan, an FTC staff report argued that a ban on ads aimed at children would be impractical, effectively killing the proposal. "We are delighted by the FTC's reasonable recommendation." said the head of the National Association of Broadcasters.

The Saturday-morning children's ads that caused angry debates twenty years ago now seem almost quaint. Far from being banned, TV advertising aimed at kids is now broadcast twenty-four hours a day, closed-captioned and in stereo. Nickelodeon, the Disney Channel, the Cartoon Network, and the other children's cable networks are now responsible for about 80 percent of all television viewing by kids. None of these networks existed before 1979. The typical American child now spends about twenty-one hours a week watching television -- roughly one and a half months of TV every year. That does not include the time children spend in front of a screen watching videos, playing video games, or using the computer. Outside of school, the typical American child spends more time watching television than doing any other activity except sleeping. During the course of a year, he or she watches more than thirty thousand TV commercials. Even the nation's youngest children are watching a great deal of television. About one-quarter of American children between the ages of two and five have a TV in their room.

Perfect Synergy

ALTHOUGH THE FAST FOOD chains annually spend about $3 billion on television advertising, their marketing efforts directed at children extend far beyond such conventional ads. The McDonald's Corporation now operates more than eight thousand playgrounds at its restaurants in the United States. Burger King has more than two thousand. A manufacturer of "playlands" explains why fast food operators build these largely plastic structures: "Playlands bring in children; who bring in parents, who bring in money." As American cities and towns spend less money on children's recreation, fast food restaurants have become gathering spaces for families with young children. Every month about 90 percent of American children between the ages of three and nine visit a McDonald's. The seesaws, slides, and pits full of plastic balls have proven to be an effective lure. "But when it gets down to brass tacks," a Brandweek article on fast food notes, "the key to attracting kids is toys, toys, toys."

The fast food industry has forged promotional links with the nation's leading toy manufacturers, giving away simple toys with children's meals and selling more elaborate ones at a discount. The major toy crazes of recent years - including Pokemon cards, Cabbage Patch Kids, and Tamogotchis - have been abetted by fast food promotions. A successful promotion easily doubles or triples the weekly sales volume of children's meals. The chains often distribute numerous versions of a toy, encouraging repeat visits by small children and adult collectors who hope to obtain complete sets. In 1999 McDonald's distributed eighty different types of Furby. According to a publication called Tomart's Price Guide to McDonald's Happy Meal Collectibles, some fast food giveaways are now worth hundreds of dollars.

Rod Taylor, a Brandweek columnist, called McDonald's 1997 Teenie Beanie Baby giveaway one of the most successful promotions in the history of American advertising. At the time McDonald's sold about 10 million Happy Meals in a typical week. Over the course of ten days in April of 1997, by including a Teenie Beanie Baby with each purchase, McDonald's sold about 100 million Happy Meals. Rarely has a marketing effort achieved such an extraordinary rate of sales among its intended consumers. Happy Meals are marketed to children between the ages of three and nine; within ten days about four Teenie Beanie Baby Happy Meals were sold for every American child in that age group. Not all of those Happy Meals were purchased for children. Many adult collectors bought Teenie Beanie Baby Happy Meals, kept the dolls, and threw away the food.

The competition for young customers has led the fast food chains to form marketing alliances not just with toy companies, but with sports leagues and Hollywood studios. McDonald's has staged promotions with the National Basketball Association and the Olympics. Pizza Hut, Taco Bell, and KFC signed a three-year deal with the NCAA. Wendy's has linked with the National Hockey League. Burger King and Nickelodeon, Denny's and Major League Baseball, McDonald's and the Fox Kids Network have all formed partnerships that mix advertisements for fast food with children's entertainment. Burger King has sold chicken nuggets shaped like Teletubbies. McDonald's now has its own line of children's videos starring Ronald McDonald. The Wacky Adventures of Ronald McDonald is being produced by Klasky-Csupo, the company that makes Rugrats and The Simpsons. The videos feature the McDonaldland characters and sell for $3.49. "We see this as a great opportunity." a McDonald's executive said in a press release, "to create a more meaningful relationship between Ronald and kids."

All of these cross-promotions have strengthened the ties between Hollywood and the fast food industry. In the past few years, the major studios have started to recruit fast food executives. Susan Frank, a former director of national marketing for McDonald's, later became a marketing executive at the Fox Kids Network. She now runs a new family-oriented cable network jointly owned by Hallmark Entertainment and the Jim Henson Company, creator of the Muppets. Ken Snelgrove, who for many years worked as a marketer for Burger King and McDonald's, now works at MGM. Brad Ball, a former senior vice president of marketing at McDonald's, is now the head of marketing for Warner Brothers. Not long after being hired, Ball told the Hollywood Reporter that there was little difference between selling films and selling hamburgers. John Cywinski, the former head of marketing at Burger King, became the head of marketing for Walt Disney's film division in 1996, then left the job to work for McDonald's. Forty years after Bozo's first promotional appearance at a McDonald's, amid all the marketing deals, giveaways, and executive swaps, America's fast food culture has become indistinguishable from the popular culture of its children.

In May of 1996, the Walt Disney Company signed a ten-year global marketing agreement with the McDonald's Corporation. By linking with a fast food company, a Hollywood studio typically gains anywhere from $25 million to $45 million in additional advertising for a film, often doubling its ad budget. These licensing deals are usually negotiated on a per-film basis; the 1996 agreement with Disney gave McDonald's exclusive rights to that studio's output of films and videos. Some industry observers thought Disney benefited more from the deal, gaining a steady source of marketing funds. According to the terms of the agreement, Disney characters could never be depicted sitting in a McDonald's restaurant or eating any of the chain's food. In the early 1980s, the McDonald's Corporation had turned away offers to buy Disney; a decade later, McDonald's executives sounded a bit defensive about having given Disney greater control over how their joint promotions would be run. "A lot of people can't get used to the fact that two big global brands with this kind of credibility can forge this kind of working relationship," a McDonald's executive told a reporter. "It's about their theme parks, their next movie, their characters, their videos ... It's bigger than a hamburger. It's about the integration of our two brands, long-term."

The life's work of Walt Disney and Ray Kroc had come full-circle, uniting in perfect, synergy. McDonald's began to sell its hamburgers and french fries at Disney's theme parks. The ethos of McDonaldland and of Disneyland, never far apart, have finally become one. Now you can buy a Happy Meal at the Happiest Place on Earth.


The Brand Essence

THE BEST INSIGHT INTO the thinking of fast food marketers comes from their own words. Confidential documents from a recent McDonald's advertising campaign give a clear sense of how the restaurant chain views its customers. The McDonald's Corporation was facing a long list of problems. "Sales are decreasing," one memo noted. "People are telling us Burger King and Wendy's are doing a better job of giving ... better food at the best price," another warned. Consumer research indicated that future sales in some key areas were at risk. "More customers are telling us," an executive wrote, "that McDonald's is a big company that just wants to sell ... sell as much as it can." An emotional connection to McDonald's that customers had formed "as toddlers" was now eroding. The new radio. and television advertising had to make people feel that McDonald's still cared about them. It had to link the McDonald's of today to the one people loved in the past: "The challenge of the campaign," wrote Ray Bergold, the chain's top marketing executive, "is to make customers believe that McDonald's is their 'Trusted Friend.'"

According to these documents, the marketing alliances with other brands were intended to create positive feelings about McDonald's,  making consumers associate one thing they liked with another. Ads would link the company's french fries "to the excitement and fanaticism people feel about the NBA." The feelings of pride inspired by the Olympics would be used in ads to help launch a new hamburger with more meat than the Big Mac. The link with the Walt Disney Company was considered by far the most important, designed to "enhance perceptions of Brand McDonald's." A memo sought to explain the underlying psychology behind many visits to McDonald's: parents took their children to McDonald's because they "want the kids to love them ... it makes them feel like a good parent." Purchasing something from Disney was the "ultimate' way to make kids happy, but it was too expensive to do every day. The advertising needed to capitalize on these feelings, letting parents know that "ONLY MCDONALD'S MAKES IT EASY TO GET A BIT OF DISNEY MAGIC." The ads aimed at "minivan parents" would carry an unspoken message about taking your children to McDonald's: "It's an easy way to feel like a good parent."

The fundamental goal of the "My McDonald's" campaign that stemmed from these proposals was to make a customer feel that McDonald's "cares about me" and "knows about me." A corporate memo introducing the campaign explained: "The essence McDonald's is embracing is 'Trusted Friend' ... 'Trusted Friend' captures all the goodwill and the unique emotional connection customers have with the McDonald's experience ... [Our goal is to make] customers believe McDonald's is their 'Trusted Friend: Note: this should be done without using the words 'Trusted Friend' ... Every commercial [should be] honest ... Every message will be in good taste and feel like it comes from a trusted friend." The words "trusted friend" were never to be mentioned in the ads because doing so might prematurely "wear out a brand essence" that could prove valuable in the future for use among different national, ethnic, and age groups. Despite McDonald's faith in its trusted friends, the opening page of this memo said in bold red letters: "ANY UNAUTHORIZED USE OR COPYING OF THIS MATERIAL MAY LEAD TO CIVIL OR CRIMINAL PROSECUTION."

McTeachers and Coke Dudes

NOT SATISFIED WITH MARKETING to children through playgrounds, toys, cartoons, movies, videos, charities, and amusement parks, through contests, sweepstakes, games, and clubs, via television, radio, magazines, and the Internet, fast food chains are now gaining access to the last advertising-free outposts of American life. In 1993 District 11 in Colorado Springs started a nationwide trend, becoming the first public school district in the United States to place ads for Burger King in its hallways and on the sides of its school buses. Like other school systems in Colorado, District 11 faced revenue shortfalls, thanks to growing enrollments and voter hostility to tax increases for education. The initial Burger King and King Sooper ad contracts were a disappointment for the district, gaining it just $37,500 a year - little more than $1 per student. In 1996, school administrators decided to seek negotiating help from a professional, hiring Dan DeRose, president of DD Marketing, Inc., of Pueblo, Colorado. DeRose assembled special advertising packages for corporate sponsors. For $12,000, a company got five school-bus ads, hallway ads in all fifty-two of the district's schools, ads in their school newspapers, a stadium banner, ads over the stadium's public-address system during games, and free tickets to high school sporting events.

Within a year, DeRose had nearly tripled District 11's ad revenues. But his greatest success was still to come. In August of 1997, DeRose brokered a ten-year deal that made Coca-Cola the district's exclusive beverage supplier, bringing the schools up to $11 million during the life of the contract (minus DD Marketing's fee). The deal also provided free use of a 1998 Chevy Cavalier to a District 11 high school senior, chosen by lottery, who had good grades and a perfect attendance record.

District 11's marketing efforts were soon imitated by other school districts in Colorado, by districts in Pueblo, Fort Collins, Denver, and Cherry Creek. Administrators in Colorado Springs did not come up with the idea of using corporate sponsorship to cover shortfalls in a school district's budget. But they took it to a whole new level, packaging it, systematizing it, leading the way. Hundreds of public school districts across the United States are now adopting or considering similar arrangements. Children spend about seven hours a day, one hundred and fifty days a year, in school. Those hours have in the past been largely free of advertising, promotion, and market research - a source of frustration to many companies. Today the nation's fast food chains are marketing their products in public schools through conventional ad campaigns, classroom teaching materials, and lunchroom franchises, as well as a number of unorthodox means.

The proponents of advertising in the schools argue that it is necessary to prevent further cutbacks; opponents contend that schoolchildren are becoming a captive audience for marketers, compelled by law to attend school and then forced to look at ads as a means of paying for their own education. America's schools now loom as a potential gold mine for companies in search of young customers ... "Discover your own river of revenue at the schoolhouse gates," urged a brochure at the 1997 Kids Power Marketing Conference. "Whether it's first-graders learning to read or teenagers shopping for their first car, we ·can guarantee an introduction of your product and your company to these students in the traditional setting of the classroom."

DD Marketing, with offices in Colorado Springs and Pueblo, has emerged as perhaps the nation's foremost negotiator of ad contracts for schools. Dan DeRose began his career as the founder of the Minor League Football System, serving in the late 1980s as both a team owner and a player. In 1991, he became athletic director at the University of Southern Colorado in Pueblo. During his first year, he raised $250,000 from corporate sponsors for the school's teams. Before long he was raising millions of dollars to build campus sports facilities. He was good at getting money out of big corporations, and formed DD Marketing to use this skill on behalf of schools and nonprofits. Beverage companies and athletic shoe companies had long supported college sports programs, and, during the 1980s began to put up the money for new high school scoreboards. Dan DeRose saw marketing opportunities that were still untapped. After negotiating his first Colorado Springs package deal in 1996, he went to work for the Grapevine- Colleyville School District in Texas. The district would never have sought advertising, its deputy superintendent told the Houston Chronicle, "if it weren't for the acute need for funds." DeRose started to solicit ads not only for the district's hallways, stadiums, and buses, but also for its rooftops - so that passengers flying in or out of the nearby Dallas-Forth Worth airport could see them - and for its voice-mail systems. "You've reached Grapevine-Colleyville school district, proud partner of Dr Pepper," was a message that DeRose proposed. Although some people in the district were skeptical about the wild ideas of this marketer from Colorado, DeRose negotiated a $3.4 million dollar exclusive deal between the Grapevine-Colleyville School District and Dr Pepper in June of 1997. And Dr Pepper ads soon appeared on school rooftops.

Dan DeRose tells reporters that his work brings money to school districts that badly need it. By pitting one beverage company against another in bidding wars for exclusive deals, he's raised the prices being offered to schools. "In Kansas City they were getting 67 cents a kid before," he told one reporter, "and now they're getting $27." The major beverage companies do not like DeRose and prefer not to deal with him. He views their hostility as a mark of success. He doesn't think that advertising in the schools will corrupt the nation's children and has little tolerance for critics of the trend. "There are critics to penicillin," he told the Fresno Bee. In the three years following his groundbreaking contract for School District 11 in Colorado Springs, Dan DeRose negotiated agreements for seventeen universities and sixty public school systems across the United States, everywhere from Greenville, North Carolina, to Newark, New Jersey. His 1997 deal with a school district in Derby, Kansas, included the commitment to open a Pepsi GeneratioNext Resource Center at an elementary school. Thus far, DeRose has been responsible for school and university beverage deals worth more than $200 million. He typically accepts no money up front, then charges Schools a commission that takes between 25 and 35 percent of the deal's total revenues.

The nation's three major beverage manufacturers are now spending large sums to increase the amount of soda that American children consume. Coca-Cola, Pepsi, and Cadbury-Schweppes (the maker of Dr Pepper) control 90.3 percent of the U.S. market, but have been hurt by declining sales in Asia. Americans already drink soda at an annual rate of about fifty-six gallons per person - that's nearly six hundred twelve-ounce cans of soda per person. Coca-Cola has set itself the goal of raising consumption of its products in the United States by at least 25 percent a year. The adult market is stagnant; selling more soda to kids has become one of the easiest ways to meet sales projections. "Influencing elementary school students is very important to soft drink marketers," an article in the January 1999 issue of Beverage Industry explained, "because children are still establishing their tastes and habits." Eight-year-olds are considered ideal customers; they have about sixty-five years of purchasing in front of them. "Entering the schools makes perfect sense," the trade journal concluded.

The fast food chains also benefit enormously when children drink more soda. The chicken nuggets, hamburgers, and other main courses sold at fast food restaurants usually have the lowest profit margins. Soda has by far the highest. "We at McDonald's are thankful," a top executive once told the New York Times, "that people like drinks with their sandwiches." Today McDonald's sells more Coca-Cola than anyone else in the world. The fast food chains purchase Coca-Cola syrup for about $4.25 a gallon. A medium Coke that sells for $1.29 contains roughly 9 cents' worth of syrup. Buying a large Coke for $1.49 instead, as the cute girl behind the counter always suggests, will add another 3 cents' worth of syrup - and another 17 cents in pure profit for McDonald's.

"Liquid Candy," a 1999 study by the Center for Science in the Public Interest, describes who is not benefiting from the beverage industry's latest marketing efforts: the nation's children. In 1978, the typical teenage boy in the United States drank about seven ounces of soda every day; today he drinks nearly three times that amount, deriving 9 percent of his daily caloric intake from soft drinks. Soda consumption among teenaged girls has doubled within the same period, reaching an average of twelve ounces a day. A significant number of teenage boys are now drinking five or more cans of soda every day. Each can contains the equivalent of about ten teaspoons of sugar. Coke, Pepsi, Mountain Dew, and Dr Pepper also contain caffeine. These sodas provide empty calories and have replaced far more nutritious beverages in the American diet. Excessive soda· consumption in childhood can lead to calcium deficiencies and a greater likelihood of bone fractures. Twenty years ago, teenage boys in the United States drank twice as much milk as soda; now they drink twice as much soda as milk. Soft-drink consumption has also become commonplace among American toddlers. About one-fifth of the nation's one- and two-year-olds now drink soda. "In one of the most despicable marketing gambits," Michael Jacobson, the author of "Liquid Candy" reports, "Pepsi, Dr Pepper and Seven-Up encourage feeding soft drinks to babies by licensing their logos to a major maker of baby bottles, Munchkin Bottling, Inc." A 1997 study published in the Journal of Dentistry for Children found that many infants were indeed being fed soda in those bottles.

The school marketing efforts of the large soda companies have not gone entirely unopposed. Administrators in San Francisco and Seattle have refused to allow any advertising in their schools. "It's our responsibility to make it clear that schools are here to serve children, not commercial interests." declared a member of the San Francisco Board of Education. Individual protests have occurred as well. In March of 1998,1,200 students at Greenbrier High School in Evans, Georgia, assembled in the school parking lot, many of them wearing red and white clothing, to spell out the word "Coke." It was Coke in Education Day at the school, and a dozen Coca-Cola executives had come for the occasion. Greenbrier High was hoping for a $500 prize, which had been offered to the local high school that came up with the best marketing plan for Coca-Cola discount cards. As part of the festivities, Coke executives had lectured the students on economics and helped them bake a Coca-Cola cake. A photographer was hoisted above the parking lot by a crane, ready to record the human C-O-K-E for posterity. When the photographer started to take pictures, Mike Cameron - a Greenbrier senior, standing amid the letter C - suddenly revealed a T-shirt that said "Pepsi." His act of defiance soon received nation-wide publicity, as did the fact that he was immediately suspended from school. The principal said Cameron could have been suspended for a week for the prank, but removed him from classes for just a day. "I don't consider this a prank," Mike Cameron told the Washington Post. "I like to be an individual. That's the way I am."

Most school advertising campaigns are more subtle than Greenbrier High's Coke in Education Day. The spiraling cost of textbooks has led thousands of American school districts to use corporate-sponsored teaching materials. A 1998 study of these teaching materials by the Consumers Union found that 80 percent were biased, providing students with incomplete or slanted information that favored the sponsor's products and views. Procter & Gamble's Decision Earth program taught that clear-cut logging was actually good for the environment; teaching aids distributed by the Exxon Education Foundation said that fossil fuels created few environmental problems and that alternative sources of energy were too expensive; a study guide sponsored by the American Coal Foundation dismissed fears of a greenhouse effect, claiming that "the earth could benefit rather than be harmed from increased carbon dioxide." The Consumers Union found Pizza Hut's Book It! Program - which awards a free Personal Pan Pizza to children who reach targeted reading levels - to be "highly commercial." About twenty million elementary school students participated in Book It! during the 1999-2000 school year; Pizza Hut recently expanded the program to include a million preschoolers.

Lifetime Learning Systems is the nation's largest marketer and producer of corporate-sponsored teaching aids. The group claims that its publications are used by more than 60 million students every year. "Now you can enter the classroom through custom-made learning materials created with your specific marketing objectives in mind." Lifetime Learning said in one of its pitches to Corporate sponsors. "Through these materials, your product or point of view becomes the focus of discussions in the classroom." it said in another, " ... the centerpiece in a dynamic process that generates long-term awareness and lasting attitudinal change." The tax cuts that are hampering America's schools have proved to be a marketing bonanza for companies like Exxon, Pizza Hut, and McDonald's. The money that these corporations spend on their "educational" materials is fully tax-deductible.

The fast food chains run ads on Channel One, the commercial television network whose programming is now shown in classrooms, almost every school day, to eight million of the nation's middle, junior, and high school students - a teen audience fifty times larger than that of MTV. The fast food chains place ads with Star Broadcasting, a Minnesota company that pipes Top 40 radio into school hallways, lounges, and cafeterias. And the chains now promote their food by selling school lunches, accepting a lower profit margin in order to create brand loyalty. At least twenty school districts in the United States have their own Subway franchises; an additional fifteen hundred districts have Subway delivery contracts; and nine operate Subway sandwich carts. Taco Bell products are sold in about forty-five hundred school cafeterias. Pizza Hut, Domino's, and McDonald's are now selling food in the nation's schools. The American School Food Service Association estimates that about 30 percent of the public high schools in the United States offer branded fast food. Elementary schools in Fort Collins, Colorado, now serve food from Pizza Hut, McDonald's, and Subway on special lunch days. "We try to be more like the fast food places where these kids are hanging out." a Colorado school administrator told the Denver Post. "We want kids to think school lunch is a cool thing, the cafeteria a cool place, that we're 'with it: that we're not institutional ... "

The new corporate partnerships often put school officials in an awkward position. The Coca-Cola deal that DD Marketing negotiated for Colorado Springs School District 11 was not as lucrative as it first seemed. The contract specified annual sales quotas. School District 11 was obligated to sell at least seventy thousand cases of Coca-Cola products a year, within the first three years of the contract, or it would face reduced payments by Coke. During the 1997-98 school year, the district's elementary, middle, and high schools sold only twenty-one thousand cases of Coca-Cola products. Cara DeGette, the news editor of the Colorado Springs Independent, a weekly newspaper, obtained a memorandum sent to school principals by John Bushey, a District 11 administrator. On September 28, 1998, at the start of the new school year, Bushey warned the principals that beverage sales were falling short of projections and that as a result school revenues might be affected. Allow students to bring Coke products into the classrooms, he suggested; move Coke machines to places where they would be accessible to students all day. "Research shows that vendor purchases are closely linked to availability," Bushey wrote. "Location, location, location is the key." If the principals felt uncomfortable allowing kids to drink Coca-Cola during class, he recommended letting them drink the fruit juices, teas, and bottled waters also sold in the Coke machines. At the end of the memo, John Bushey signed his name and then identified himself as "the Coke dude."

Bushey left Colorado Springs in 2000 and moved to Florida. He is now the principal of the high school in Celebration, a planned community run by The Celebration Company, a subsidiary of Disney.  
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Re: Neuschwanstein: A fairy tale darling's dark Nazi past

Postby admin » Sat Sep 21, 2019 5:43 am

Curtis Carlson
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/20/19

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Image
Curtis R. Carlson
Born: May 22, 1945 (age 74), Providence, Rhode Island
Nationality American
Alma mater Worcester Polytechnic Institute
Rutgers University
Awards Robert H. Goddard Alumni Award
Otto H. Schade Award
Scientific career
Institutions SRI International
Sarnoff Corporation

Curtis Raymond Carlson (born May 22, 1945) was president and CEO of SRI International from 1998 to 2014 and is a prominent technologist and pioneer in developing and using innovation best practices.[1] While CEO of SRI International, revenue tripled to $550 million per year and tens of billions of dollars of new marketplace value was created, such as through Siri, an SRI spin-off company that was bought by Steve Jobs at Apple. While Carlson was CEO Mayfield Ventures partner, David Ladd, said, “SRI is now the best enterprise at turning its technology into economic value.”

Carlson has advised CEOs, ministers, and prime ministers on innovation and economic policy, including in the U.S., Denmark, Japan, Lithuania, Finland, Brazil, Taiwan, and Singapore. He served on President Obama’s National Advisory Council on Innovation and Entrepreneurship (NACIE). He is a member of the Scientific Advisory Board of the Singapore National Research Foundation (NRF).

Carlson is the Founder and CEO of Practice of Innovation, LLC, a company working with start-ups, established companies, and government agencies on improving innovative performance. The innovation methodology he created at SRI is now used by companies and governments around the world, including the U.S., Singapore, Taiwan, Sweden, Finland, Chile, and Japan. His methodology is based on the use of NABC value propositions. NABC stands for the important customer and market Need, the unique and defensible Approach for the product and business model, and the Benefits per costs (value) of the product when compared to the Competition or alternatives. The utility of this definition is that it is the minimal complete formulation for a value proposition. NABC value propositions can be understood and used across the entire enterprise, regardless of size or type.

A physics graduate of Worcester Polytechnic Institute and Ph.D. student in geophysical fluid dynamics from Rutgers University, he joined Sarnoff Corporation after graduation and performed research on computer vision, human perception, and digital video. While at Sarnoff, Carlson led teams that developed the HDTV standard and designed a system to assess broadcast image quality, both of which were awarded a Technology & Engineering Emmy Award. In 1998, Carlson was named CEO of SRI International.

Education

Carlson earned his B.S. in physics from Worcester Polytechnic Institute in 1967 and a Ph.D. in geophysical fluid dynamics from Rutgers University in 1973.[2]

Career

Sarnoff Corporation


Starting in 1973, Carlson participated in research and development in the field of imaging systems, working with the RCA Sarnoff Laboratory.[3] In 1981, Carlson was named the Director of the Image Quality and Perception Research Group and Vice President of the laboratory in 1990. In 1995, Carlson became Executive Vice President of Sarnoff's Interactive Systems Division.[2] He started the 1997 team that developed the HDTV program that became the US standard. He also started the 2000 team that designed a system to assess broadcast image quality. Both of these teams were awarded a Technology & Engineering Emmy Awards for their accomplishments.[2]

SRI International

He served as the president of SRI International from 1998 to 2014,[3] and oversaw Sarnoff Corporation's full integration into SRI in January 2011.[4][5] During that period he was Chairman of the Sarnoff Corporation.

Carlson is known for a term known as "Carlson's Law", coined by New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman to describe Carlson's balance between autocracy and democracy in an organization: "In a world where so many people now have access to education and cheap tools of innovation, innovation that happens from the bottom up tends to be chaotic but smart. Innovation that happens from the top down tends to be orderly but dumb."[6][7]

Memberships and awards

In 2017 Carlson was selected to be a member of the Worcester Polytechnic Institute's "Hall of Luminaries." This award has been given to only eleven previous individuals in the over 150 year history of the university. He is a WPI trustee emeritus.

In December 2012, Carlson was named a Charter Fellow of the National Academy of Inventors.[8][9] For his contributions to science, technology, and business, He also received the Suffolk University’s first Global Leadership in Innovation and Collaboration Award. He is an honorary Kobe Ambassador for SRI’s contributions to Kobe, Japan.

In 2010, he was named to the National Advisory Council on Innovation and Entrepreneurship under President Obama.[10][11] Carlson has served on several government task forces including the Air Force Scientific Advisory Board, the Army Science Board and the Defense Science Board task force on bio-chemical defense. He also serves on the National Academy of Engineering Committee on Manufacturing, Design, and Innovation, and is a council member on the Government-University-Industry Research Roundtable, a joint body of the National Academy of Sciences, National Academy of Engineering, and the Institute of Medicine.[3] He is a member of the Highlands Group, which makes recommendations to government officials regarding technological developments of interest to the government.[12]

Known as the ‘Highlands Forum,’ this private network has operated as a bridge between the Pentagon and powerful American elites outside the military since the mid-1990s. Despite changes in civilian administrations, the network around the Highlands Forum has become increasingly successful in dominating US defense policy.

Giant defense contractors like Booz Allen Hamilton and Science Applications International Corporation are sometimes referred to as the ‘shadow intelligence community’ due to the revolving doors between them and government, and their capacity to simultaneously influence and profit from defense policy. But while these contractors compete for power and money, they also collaborate where it counts. The Highlands Forum has for 20 years provided an off the record space for some of the most prominent members of the shadow intelligence community to convene with senior US government officials, alongside other leaders in relevant industries.

-- How the CIA made Google: Inside the secret network behind mass surveillance, endless war, and Skynet, by Nafeez Ahmed


In 2002, Carlson was awarded Worcester Polytechnic Institute's Robert H. Goddard Alumni Award for Outstanding Professional Achievement due to his contributions to science, technology, and business.[12][13] Carlson has been involved in establishing WPI's Silicon Valley Project Center.[14] He has given several commencement speeches, including at WPI on May 20, 2006; at Stevens Institute of Technology on May 22, 2008; at the Malaysian Technical University, at Shantou University in China, at Menlo College in California, and at the University of Richmond on May 8, 2011.[2][15]

For his role in advancing the functional performance and image quality of information displays, Carlson received the Otto H. Schade Award from the Society for Information Display in June 2006.[2][16][17]

Carlson has received honorary degrees from Worcester Polytechnic Institute, Stevens Institute of Technology and Kettering University.[3][18] Carlson is a member of the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Sigma Xi, Tau Beta Pi, and the Society of Motion Picture and Television Engineers.[2][3]

He is a member of the US National Science Foundation's Directorate for Engineering Advisory Committee.[19] He was a member of the National Academy of Engineering team that made recommendations to the National Science Foundation on the use of global value creation best practices. With Len Polizzotto he has worked with the NSF to help implement the NAE recommendations and has provided NSF a Value-Creation Guidebook on their application.

Selected publications

• Carlson, Curtis (1978). Visibility of displayed information.
• Carlson, Curtis; Wilmot, William (2006). Innovation: The Five Disciplines for Creating What Customers Want. ISBN 0-307-33669-7., named in Bloomberg Businessweek's as a best Best Business Book of 2006.[20]

References

1. [1]
2. "Curtis Carlson, Innovator and Business Leader, is 2006 Commencement Speaker at Worcester Polytechnic Institute (WPI)". Worcester Polytechnic Institute. 2006-04-20. Retrieved 2011-11-22.
3. "Curtis R. Carlson: President and Chief Executive Officer". SRI International. Retrieved 2013-07-01.
4. "SRI International completes integration of Sarnoff Corporation". SRI International. 2011-01-03. Retrieved 2013-07-01.
5. "SRI International Sarnoff". SRI International. Archived from the original on 2012-02-06. Retrieved 2012-04-22.
6. Friedman, Thomas L (2011-06-05). "Advice for China". The New York Times. p. WK8. Retrieved 2011-11-18.
7. ""Carlson's Law" – an interview with SRI International President & CEO Dr. Curtis Carlson". San Francisco Chronicle. 2011-08-29. Retrieved 2011-11-22.
8. "National Academy of Inventors and SRI International Announce NAI Charter Fellows". SRI International. 2012-12-18. Retrieved 2012-12-18.
9. "NAI Charter Fellows". National Academy of Inventors. Retrieved 2012-12-18.
10. "SRI International President and CEO Curtis R. Carlson Named to National Advisory Council on Innovation and Entrepreneurship". SRI International. 2010-08-05. Retrieved 2013-07-01.
11. "First Meeting Minutes" (PDF). Economic Development Administration. 2010-09-02. Retrieved 2011-11-22.
12. "Curtis Carlson Honored with WPI's Robert H. Goddard Award". Worcester Polytechnic Institute. 2002-08-21. Retrieved 2011-11-22.
13. "Curtis Carlson Honored with WPI's Robert H. Goddard Award". Worcester Polytechnic Institute. 2002-08-21. Retrieved 2014-09-21.
14. "Silicon Valley Project Students Awake to Sleep Lab Needs". WPI West. Dec 2002. Archived from the original on 2010-06-06. Retrieved 2011-11-22.
15. "Curtis Carlson chosen to give graduation speech". The Collegian. 2011-04-07. Archived from the original on 2012-06-17. Retrieved 2011-11-22.
16. "SRI International CEO, Curtis Carlson, Receives 2006 Otto Schade Prize from the Society for Information Display". SRI International. 2006-06-09. Retrieved 2013-07-10.
17. "Otto Schade Prize". Society for Information Display. Retrieved 2013-07-10.
18. "Kettering University Honorary Degree Recipients". Kettering University. Archived from the original on 2011-11-25. Retrieved 2011-11-22.
19. "Directorate for Engineering Advisory Committee". http://www.nsf.gov. Retrieved 2016-12-14.
20. "Best Business Books of 2006". Bloomberg Businessweek. 2006-12-18. Retrieved 2011-11-22.

External links

• One on One with Curtis Carlson, CEO of SRI International April 27, 2001
• Creatology September 11, 2006
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Re: Neuschwanstein: A fairy tale darling's dark Nazi past

Postby admin » Sat Sep 21, 2019 6:09 am

Stanford Research Institute -- Our People
by Stanford Research Institute
Accessed: 9/20/19

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.


Board of Directors

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Mariann Byerwalter
Chairman, SRI Board of Directors, and Chairman, JDN Corporate Advisory LLC

Mariann Byerwalter, Chairman, SRI Board of Directors, and Chairman, JDN Corporate Advisory LLC

Mariann Byerwalter joined SRI's Board in 1998 and was named its Chairman in 2014. Byerwalter was previously Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Stanford Hospital and Clinics and is a former Trustee of Stanford University. Prior to that, she served as Chief Financial Officer of Stanford University. Her broad business, finance, and administrative responsibilities at Stanford included government cost and rate studies, business development, and information technology systems and services.

Prior to this she was an entrepreneur and co-founded America First Financial Corporation, which raised funds to purchase and turn-around failed savings and loans from the government. Byerwalter served as Chief Financial Officer at Eurekabank, and Chief Operating Officer of America First Eureka Holdings. She was Vice President of Strategic Planning and Corporate Development at Bank America Corporation.

Byerwalter currently serves on the Boards of Directors of Burlington Capital Group; Franklin Resources, Inc.; Lucile Packard Children's Hospital; Pacific Life Insurance; Redwood Trust, Inc.; Stanford Health Care; and WageWorks.

Byerwalter holds a B.A. degree from Stanford University and an MBA from Harvard Business School. She received the 1998 Financial Woman of the Year Award from the Financial Women's Association of San Francisco, is a Distinguished Honoree for the Harvard Business School Association of Northern California’s “50 Years of Women at HBS,” and has been selected as an Outstanding Director for 2014 by the San Francisco Business Times and Silicon Valley Business Journal.


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David A. Hoyt
Senior Executive Vice President (Retired), Wells Fargo & Company

David A. Hoyt, Senior Executive Vice President (Retired), Wells Fargo & Company

David Hoyt joined SRI's Board of Directors in January 2016.

He retired in 2014 as a senior executive vice president and head of the Wholesale Banking Group for Wells Fargo & Company. In this role, he oversaw Asset Management, Capital Markets, Commercial Banking, Commercial Real Estate, Corporate Banking, Insurance, International, Investment Banking, Specialized Lending, Servicing and Trust, as well as Wells Fargo Capital Finance. He had been with Wells Fargo for more than 32 years and managed the Wholesale Bank since 1998.

Hoyt graduated from the University of California, Berkeley, where he earned his bachelor’s degree in business administration. He is also on the boards of the Montana State University Alumni Foundation and Eagle Hill School.


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Leslie F. Kenne
Lieutenant General, U.S. Air Force (Retired), Independent Consultant

Leslie F. Kenne, Lieutenant General, U.S. Air Force (Retired), Independent Consultant

Lt. Gen. (retired) Leslie F. Kenne is an independent consultant providing expertise and guidance to industry in the areas of program management, logistics, test and evaluation and ethics compliance. She retired from the U.S. Air Force in 2003 after 32 years of military service. In addition to the SRI Board, she serves on the corporate boards of Harris Corp. and Oshkosh Corp.

General Kenne graduated from Auburn University with a degree in aerospace engineering and entered the Air Force in 1971 as a distinguished graduate of the ROTC program. She served as a flight line maintenance officer in operations and attended the U.S. Air Force Test Pilot School in 1974. She served in various test and evaluation project manager and supervisory positions in development, operational and joint testing organizations during a 12-year period.

General Kenne directed three major development programs while in the Air Force—the Low Altitude Navigation and Targeting Infrared System for Night, the F-16 and the Joint Strike Fighter. She also served as Vice Commander of Aeronautical Systems Center, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio and the Sacramento Air Logistics Center, McClellan Air Force Base, California.

Her last two positions before retiring were Commander of the Electronic Systems Center at Hanscom Air Force Base, Massachusetts and the Deputy Chief of Staff for Warfighting Integration at the Pentagon.


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David Liddle
Partner Emeritus, U.S. Venture Partners

David Liddle, Partner Emeritus, U.S. Venture Partners

David Liddle joined SRI's Board in 2011. Liddle is a partner emeritus of U.S. Venture Partners, a Silicon Valley venture capital firm he joined as a partner in 2000. He serves on the boards of AltoBeam, Ltd., B612 Foundation, Inphi and the Public Library of Science. He also serves on the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) Computer Science and Telecommunications Board, responsible for recommending national telecommunications policy to Congress. His past public board experience includes Sybase, Broderbund Software, Borland Software, Maxlinear, Inc., Ticketmaster, Karmasphere, Inc., Klocwork, Inc., the SETI Institute, LineStream Technologies and The New York Times Company.

From 1992 to 1999, Liddle was CEO of Interval Research Corporation, which he co-founded with Paul Allen, a Microsoft co-founder. Interval was a Silicon Valley research laboratory and incubator for new businesses focused on broadband, consumer devices, interaction design, and advanced technologies.

Prior to joining Interval, Liddle was the co-founder and CEO of Metaphor Computer Systems, which was acquired by IBM in 1991. He spent the previous 10 years at Palo Alto Research Center (PARC), where he led product development efforts on the personal computer graphical user interface, office laser printing, and Ethernet.

Liddle earned a B.S. in electrical engineering at the University of Michigan and a Ph.D. in EECS at the University of Toledo. His contributions in human-computer interaction design have earned him the distinction of Senior Fellow at The Royal College of Art.

Liddle served on the Board of the Children’s Discovery Museum of San Jose for many years. He was also on the Board of the College of Engineering at Stanford University and has served in similar roles for both the University of Michigan and the University of California, Berkeley. During the mid- to late 1990s, Liddle was chair of the Board of The Santa Fe Institute.


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Ellen M. Pawlikowski
General (retired), US Air Force

Ellen M. Pawlikowski, General (retired), US Air Force

General (retired) Ellen M. Pawlikowski is an independent consultant providing expertise to industry and academia on strategic planning, program management, logistics, and research and development. She serves on the public board of the Raytheon Company and the nonprofit board of SRI International.

Pawlikowski was the third woman to achieve the rank of General in the US Air Force. In her last assignment, she served as Commander, Air Force Materiel Command, Wright-Patterson Air Force Base, Ohio. The command employs some 80,000 people and manages $60 billion annually, executing the critical mission of warfighter support through research and development, life cycle systems management, test and evaluation, installation support, depot maintenance and supply chain management.


Pawlikowski entered the Air Force in 1978 as a distinguished graduate of the ROTC program at the New Jersey Institute of Technology, Newark, NJ. She then attended the University of California at Berkeley as a Fannie and John Hertz Foundation fellow and received a doctorate in chemical engineering in 1981. She entered active duty at McClellan AFB, California, in 1982.

Pawlikowski's career has spanned a wide variety of technical management, leadership and staff positions. She commanded five times as a general officer, commanding the MILSATCOM Systems Wing, the AF element of the National Reconnaissance Office, AF Research Laboratory, the Space and Missile Systems Center, and Air Force Materiel Command. She also served as the program director and program executive officer for several multibillion-dollar weapon system acquisitions.

Pawlikowski is nationally recognized for her leadership and technical management acumen. Among her recognitions are the Women In Aerospace Life Time Achievement Award, the NDIA’s Peter B Teets Award, and the Air Force Association Executive Management Award. She is a Fellow of the American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics and a member of the National Academy of Engineers. She remains active in the science and technology community.


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Deborah Rieman
Executive Chairman (Retired), Metamarkets

Deborah Rieman, Executive Chairman (Retired), Metamarkets

Deborah Rieman, Ph.D., joined SRI’s Board of Directors in January 2018. She has served for more than 30 years in the computer software, networking, and technology industries as an executive and board director. In addition to the SRI Board, she serves as a member of the Board of Directors for Corning, where she chairs the Compensation Committee.

From 2013 through 2016, Rieman served as executive chairman of Metamarkets. In previous roles, she served as president and CEO of Check Point Software Technologies Incorporated, vice president of Marketing at Adobe Systems, and held various executive and management positions at Sun Microsystems, Xerox Corp., and MITRE Corp. She began her career as assistant professor of Mathematics at University of California, Santa Cruz.

Rieman has served on more than a dozen public and private boards in the technology industry. She also advises on business and social issues related to software and security, including as a member of the Columbia University Data and Society Council.

Rieman was named as one of Time magazine’s “50 Cyber-Elite”, Working Woman magazine’s “Top Ten Women in Technology”, and one of the “Top 25 Women on the Web” by SF WoW. In 2014, she was inducted into the Junior Achievement Business Hall of Fame. Most recently, she was named to the 2016 NACD Directorship 100, an award recognizing exemplary board leadership.

Rieman holds a B.A. degree from Sarah Lawrence College and a Ph.D. in mathematics from Columbia University.


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Isaac Stein
Founder and President, Waverley Associates (Retired)

Isaac Stein, Founder and President, Waverley Associates (Retired)

Isaac Stein joined SRI’s Board of Directors in February 2017. He is the retired founder and president of Waverley Associates, Inc. a private investment firm that he formed in 1983, which led groups that owned the Dorchester Hotel in London and developed the Ritz-Carlton San Francisco.

Stein serves as Chairman of the Board on the American Balanced Fund, Inc.; International Growth and Income Fund, Inc.; and The Income Fund of America, Inc. (all affiliated with The Capital Group Companies). He is also a director of The James Irvine Foundation.

Stein served as a trustee of Stanford University from 1994 to 2016 and was the chair of the Stanford Presidential Search Committee in 2016. He previously served as Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Stanford University and was Chairman of both Stanford Health Services and UCSF/Stanford Health Care. While at Stanford, he also served as a director of Stanford Management Company, a director of Stanford University Hospital, chair of its Finance Committee, and was a member of the Haas Center for Public Service National Advisory Board.

Prior to founding Waverley Associates, Stein was vice president, secretary and treasurer of Raychem Corporation, where he also served as both chief financial officer and general counsel. Previously, he was a partner at the San Francisco law firm of Heller, Ehrman, White & McAuliffe, where he specialized in corporate and securities matters.

Stein’s past public board experience includes ALZA Corporation, Alexza, Maxygen Corporation, Symyx Technologies, the American Century Group of mutual funds, CV Therapeutics, Inc., Raychem Corporation, Micro Mask, Inc. and Up-Right, Inc. He was also a founding member of the Board of Directors of the Entrepreneurs Foundation and was a member of the International Advisory Council of the Economic Development Board of Singapore.

Stein graduated from Stanford Business School and Stanford Law School, and holds a B.A. degree in economics and mathematics from Colgate University.


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Wendell Wierenga
Independent Consultant

Wendell Wierenga, Independent Consultant

Wendell Wierenga, Ph.D., joined SRI’s Board of Directors in 2014. Previously, he was executive vice president of research and development (R&D) of Santarus, Inc. from 2011 to 2014, executive vice president of R&D at Ambit Biosciences from 2007-2011, and executive vice president at Neurocrine Biosciences, which he joined in 2003.

From 2000 to 2003, Wierenga was chief executive officer of Syrrx, Inc., a private biotech company specializing in high-throughput, structure-based drug design (sold to Takeda in 2004/5). Prior to joining Syrrx, from 1997 to 2000, he was senior vice president of worldwide pharmaceutical sciences, technologies, and development at Parke-Davis/Warner Lambert (now Pfizer). From 1991-1997, Wierenga was senior vice president of drug discovery and preclinical development at Parke Davis. Concurrent with his tenure there, he was vice president of Medtech Ventures, a Warner Lambert investment fund.

Prior to Parke-Davis, Wierenga was at Upjohn Pharmaceuticals for 16 years, where his last position was executive director of discovery research. Wierenga led and/or participated in the R&D of more than 70 Investigational New Drug (IND) disclosures, more than 15 New Drug Applications (NDAs), and 16 marketed products, including Lipitor®, Neurontin®, Lyrica®, and Uceris®.

Wierenga serves on the following public company boards: Cytokinetics, Inc.; Apricus Biosiences, Inc.; Concert Pharmaceuticals; and Ocera Therapeutics, Inc.; and three private company boards: Patara Pharma, Crinetics, and Dermata Therapeutics. He also serves on the scientific advisory boards of Ferring Research Institute and aTyr Pharma, and he is an ongoing advisor to Hovione (Lisbon, Portugal) and the Life Sciences Institute/ University of Michigan.

He earned his Ph.D. in chemistry from Stanford University.


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Laura H. Wright
Independent Consultant

Laura H. Wright, Independent Consultant

Laura Wright joined SRI’s Board of Directors in January 2016.

Wright worked with Southwest Airlines Co. from 1988-2013, and was its senior vice president and chief financial officer from 2004 to 2012. During her 25-year career at Southwest, she held various positions, including treasurer, assistant treasurer and director, corporate finance. Prior to Southwest, she was a manager with Arthur Young and Company in Dallas.

Wright currently is the sole member of GSB Advisory, LLC, which provides strategic and financial consulting for non-profit and growth companies. She serves on the Boards of Directors of TE Connectivity, CMS Energy and its subsidiary Consumers Energy, and Pebblebrook Hotel Trust. Wright is also a Board Regent for the University of North Texas System.

Wright holds a B.S.A. and an M.S.A. from the University of North Texas and is a certified public accountant in the state of Texas.


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John J. Young, Jr.
President, JY Strategies, LLC; Partner, E6 Partners, LLC

John J. Young, Jr., President, JY Strategies, LLC; Partner, E6 Partners, LLC

John Young, appointed to SRI's Board in 2009, brings a broad range of legislative and executive branch experience on defense technology, development and procurement programs.

Young served as the Undersecretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology and Logistics, overseeing $200 billion of U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) research, development, procurement and logistics programs. He previously served as the Director of Defense Research and Engineering (DDR&E), leading the unprecedented Mine Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) Vehicle program, and as the Assistant Secretary of the Navy for Research, Development and Acquisition. Young's experience also includes 10 years as a senior staff member with the U.S. Senate Defense Appropriations Subcommittee.

Young is a Fellow of the American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics. During his Pentagon tenure, he was awarded the DoD, Joint Chiefs of Staff and Army Distinguished Civilian Service Awards, as well as the Department of the Navy Distinguished Public Service Award.

Young also serves on the boards of Saab Sensis Corporation, the Potomac Institute for Policy Studies, Tenax Aerospace, HDT Global, Ultra Electronics, and Luminati. He is an advisory board member with Cubic Defense Applications, FedBid, Liquid Robotics, and SpaceX. He serves on the Executive Advisory Committee of Georgia Tech Research Institute and consults with Armatek, a Canadian company. Young was a Senate-appointed member of the National Commission for the Review of the Research and Development Programs of the United States Intelligence Community.

He has a Master's degree in Aeronautics and Astronautics from Stanford University and a Bachelor's degree in Aerospace Engineering from the Georgia Institute of Technology, where he now serves on the advisory committee of the Daniel Guggenheim School of Aerospace Engineering.

In 2009, Young joined E6 Partners, a firm founded by former Deputy Secretary of Defense Gordon England.


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William Jeffrey
Chief Executive Officer

William Jeffrey, Chief Executive Officer

William Jeffrey, Ph.D., is chief executive officer of SRI International, a leading research and development organization serving government and industry. Jeffrey joined SRI in 2014. From 2008 to 2014, Jeffrey was president and CEO of HRL Laboratories, a corporate R&D organization owned by The Boeing Company and General Motors.

Prior to joining HRL, Jeffrey served in the George W. Bush Administration as director of the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST). Jeffrey also served in the Executive Office of the President as senior director for homeland and national security and as assistant director for space and aeronautics within the Office of Science and Technology Policy (OSTP).

Earlier in his career, Jeffrey was deputy director for the Advanced Technology Office and chief scientist for the Tactical Technology Office at the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), and assistant deputy for technology at the Defense Airborne Reconnaissance Office. Jeffrey started his professional career at the Institute for Defense Analyses (IDA).


Jeffrey is an elected Fellow of the American Physical Society, an elected Honorary Member of the International Society of Automation, a recipient of the 2008 Navigator Award from the Potomac Institute for Policy Studies, and a recipient of the Secretary of Defense Medal for Outstanding Public Service.

Jeffrey serves on the board of TE Connectivity, and serves on the Office of Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) Technical Advisory Board. He is also on the Lawrence Livermore National Lab External Review Committee.

Jeffrey received his M.A. and Ph.D. in astronomy from Harvard University, and his B.Sc. in physics is from MIT.
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Re: Neuschwanstein: A fairy tale darling's dark Nazi past

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Part 1 of 2

McCarthyism
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/21/19

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U.S. anti-communist propaganda of the 1950s, specifically addressing the entertainment industry
AMERICANS …
DON’T PATRONIZE REDS!!!!
YOU CAN DRIVE THE REDS OUT OF TELEVISION, RADIO AND HOLLYWOOD …
THIS TRACT WILL TELL YOU HOW.
WHY WE MUST DRIVE THEM OUT:
1) The REDS have made our Screen, Radio and TV Moscow’s most effective Fifth Column in America …
2) The REDS of Hollywood and Broadway have always been the chief financial support of Communist propaganda in America …
3) OUR OWN FILMS, made by RED Producers, Directors, Writers and STARS, are being used by Moscow in ASIA, Africa, the Balkans and throughout Europe to create hatred of America …
4) RIGHT NOW films are being made to craftily glorify MARXISM, UNESCO and ONE-WORLDISM … and via your TV Set they are being piped into your Living Room – and are poisoning the minds of your children under your very eyes!!!
So REMEMBER – If you patronize a film made by RED Producers, Writers, Stars and STUDIOS you are aiding and abetting COMMUNISM … every time you permit REDS to come into your Living Room VIA YOUR TV SET you are helping MOSCOW and the INTERNATIONALISTS to destroy America!!!


McCarthyism is the practice of making accusations of subversion or treason without proper regard for evidence.[1] The term refers to U.S. senator Joseph McCarthy (R-Wisconsin) and has its origins in the period in the United States known as the Second Red Scare, lasting from the late 1940s through the 1950s.[2] It was characterized by heightened political repression and a campaign spreading fear of communist influence on American institutions and of espionage by Soviet agents.[2]

What would become known as the McCarthy era began before McCarthy's rise to national fame. Following the First Red Scare, in 1947, President Truman signed an executive order to screen federal employees for association with organizations deemed "totalitarian, fascist, communist, or subversive", or advocating "to alter the form of Government of the United States by unconstitutional means." In 1949, a high-level State Department official was convicted of perjury in a case of espionage, and the Soviet Union tested an atomic bomb. The Korean War started the next year, raising tensions in the United States. In a speech in February 1950, Senator McCarthy presented an alleged list of members of the Communist Party working in the State Department, which attracted press attention. The term "McCarthyism" was published for the first time in late March of that year in the Christian Science Monitor, and in a political cartoon by Herblock in the Washington Post. The term has since taken on a broader meaning, describing the excesses of similar efforts. In the early 21st century, the term is used more generally to describe reckless, unsubstantiated accusations, and demagogic attacks on the character or patriotism of political adversaries.

During the McCarthy era, hundreds of Americans were accused of being "communists" or "communist sympathizers"
; they became the subject of aggressive investigations and questioning before government or private industry panels, committees, and agencies. The primary targets of such suspicions were government employees, those in the entertainment industry, academicians, and labor-union activists. Suspicions were often given credence despite inconclusive or questionable evidence, and the level of threat posed by a person's real or supposed leftist associations or beliefs were sometimes exaggerated. Many people suffered loss of employment or destruction of their careers; some were imprisoned. Most of these punishments came about through trial verdicts that were later overturned,[3] laws that were later declared unconstitutional,[4] dismissals for reasons later declared illegal[5] or actionable,[6] or extra-legal procedures, such as informal blacklists, that would come into general disrepute.

The most notable examples of McCarthyism include the so-called investigations conducted by Senator McCarthy, and the hearings conducted by the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC).

Origins

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One of the earliest uses of the term McCarthyism was in a cartoon by Herbert Block ("Herblock"), published in the Washington Post, March 29, 1950.

President Harry S. Truman's Executive Order 9835 of March 21, 1947, required that all federal civil-service employees be screened for "loyalty". The order said that one basis for determining disloyalty would be a finding of "membership in, affiliation with or sympathetic association" with any organization determined by the attorney general to be "totalitarian, fascist, communist or subversive" or advocating or approving the forceful denial of constitutional rights to other persons or seeking "to alter the form of Government of the United States by unconstitutional means."[7]

The historical period that came to be known as the McCarthy era began well before Joseph McCarthy's own involvement in it. Many factors contributed to McCarthyism, some of them with roots in the First Red Scare (1917–20), inspired by communism's emergence as a recognized political force and widespread social disruption in the United States related to unionizing and anarchist activities. Owing in part to its success in organizing labor unions and its early opposition to fascism, and offering an alternative to the ills of capitalism during the Great Depression, the Communist Party of the United States increased its membership through the 1930s, reaching a peak of about 75,000 members in 1940–41.[8] While the United States was engaged in World War II and allied with the Soviet Union, the issue of anti-communism was largely muted. With the end of World War II, the Cold War began almost immediately, as the Soviet Union installed communist puppet régimes in areas it had occupied across Central and Eastern Europe. The United States backed anti-communist forces in Greece and China.

Although the Igor Gouzenko and Elizabeth Bentley affairs had raised the issue of Soviet espionage in 1945, events in 1949 and 1950 sharply increased the sense of threat in the United States related to communism. The Soviet Union tested an atomic bomb in 1949, earlier than many analysts had expected, raising the stakes in the Cold War. That same year, Mao Zedong's communist army gained control of mainland China despite heavy American financial support of the opposing Kuomintang. Many U.S. policy people did not fully understand the situation in China, despite the efforts of China experts to explain conditions. In 1950, the Korean War began, pitting U.S., U.N., and South Korean forces against communists from North Korea and China.

During the following year, evidence of increased sophistication in Soviet Cold War espionage activities was found in the West. In January 1950, Alger Hiss, a high-level State Department official, was convicted of perjury. Hiss was in effect found guilty of espionage; the statute of limitations had run out for that crime, but he was convicted of having perjured himself when he denied that charge in earlier testimony before the HUAC. In Britain, Klaus Fuchs confessed to committing espionage on behalf of the Soviet Union while working on the Manhattan Project at Los Alamos National Laboratory during the War. Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were arrested in 1950 in the United States on charges of stealing atomic-bomb secrets for the Soviets, and were executed in 1953.

It was not McCarthy and the Republicans, but the liberal Democratic Truman administration, whose Justice Department initiated a series of prosecutions that intensified the nation's anti-Communist mood. The most important of these was the prosecution of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg in the summer of 1950.

-- The People's History, by Howard Zinn


Other forces encouraged the rise of McCarthyism. The more conservative politicians in the United States had historically referred to progressive reforms, such as child labor laws and women's suffrage, as "communist" or "Red plots", trying to raise fears against such changes.[9] They used similar terms during the 1930s and the Great Depression when opposing the New Deal policies of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Many conservatives equated the New Deal with socialism or Communism, and thought the policies were evidence of too much influence by allegedly communist policy makers in the Roosevelt administration.[10] In general, the vaguely defined danger of "Communist influence" was a more common theme in the rhetoric of anti-communist politicians than was espionage or any other specific activity.

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Senator Joseph McCarthy

McCarthy's involvement in these issues began publicly with a speech he made on Lincoln Day, February 9, 1950, to the Republican Women's Club of Wheeling, West Virginia. He brandished a piece of paper, which he claimed contained a list of known communists working for the State Department. McCarthy is usually quoted as saying: "I have here in my hand a list of 205—a list of names that were made known to the Secretary of State as being members of the Communist Party and who nevertheless are still working and shaping policy in the State Department."[11] This speech resulted in a flood of press attention to McCarthy and helped establish his path to becoming one of the most recognized politicians in the United States.

The first recorded uses of the term "McCarthyism" were in the Christian Science Monitor on March 28, 1950 ("Their little spree with McCarthyism is no aid to consultation");[12] and then, on the following day, in a political cartoon by Washington Post editorial cartoonist Herbert Block (Herblock). The cartoon depicts four leading Republicans trying to push an elephant (the traditional symbol of the Republican Party) to stand on a platform atop a teetering stack of ten tar buckets, the topmost of which is labeled "McCarthyism". Block later wrote:

"nothing [was] particularly ingenious about the term, which is simply used to represent a national affliction that can hardly be described in any other way. If anyone has a prior claim on it, he's welcome to the word and to the junior senator from Wisconsin along with it. I will also throw in a set of free dishes and a case of soap."[13]


Institutions

A number of anti-communist committees, panels, and "loyalty review boards" in federal, state, and local governments, as well as many private agencies, carried out investigations for small and large companies concerned about possible Communists in their work forces.

In Congress, the primary bodies that investigated Communist activities were the HUAC, the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, and the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. Between 1949 and 1954, a total of 109 investigations was carried out by these and other committees of Congress.[14]

On December 2, 1954, the United States Senate voted 65 to 22 to condemn McCarthy for "conduct that tends to bring the Senate into dishonor and disrepute".

Executive branch

Loyalty-security reviews


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Executive Order 9835, signed by President Truman in 1947

Executive Order 9835
by President of the United States
Prescribing Procedures for the Administration of an Employees Loyalty Program in the Executive Branch of the Government

Whereas, each employee of the Government of the United States is endowed with a measure of trusteeship over the democratic processes which are the heart and sinew of the United States; and

Whereas, it is of vital importance that persons employed in the Federal service be of complete and unswerving loyalty to the United States; and

Whereas, although the loyalty of by far the overwhelming majority of all Government employees is beyond question, the presence within the Government service of any disloyal or subversive person constitutes a threat to our democratic processes; and

Whereas, maximum protection must be afforded the United States against infiltration of disloyal persons into the ranks of its employees, and equal protection from unfounded accusations of disloyalty must be afforded the loyal employees of the Government:

Now, Therefore, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and statutes of the United States, including the Civil Service Act of 1883 (22 Stat. 403), as amended, and section 9A of the act approved August 2, 1939 (18 U.S.C. 61i), and as President and Chief Executive of the United States, it is hereby, in the interest of the internal management of the Government, ordered as follows:

PART I — INVESTIGATION OF APPLICANTS

1. There shall be a loyalty investigation of every person entering the civilian employment of any department or agency of the executive branch of the Federal Government.
1. Investigations of persons entering the competitive service shall be conducted by the Civil Service Commission, except in such cases as are covered by a special agreement between the Commission and any given department or agency.
2. Investigations of persons other than those entering the competitive service shall be conducted by the employing department or agency. Departments and agencies without investigative organizations shall utilize the investigative facilities of the Civil Service Commission.
2. The investigations of persons entering the employ of the executive branch may be conducted after any such person enters upon actual employment therein, but in any such case the appointment of such person shall be conditioned upon a favorable determination with respect to his loyalty.
1. Investigations of persons entering the competitive service shall be conducted as expeditiously as possible; provided, however, that if any such investigation is not completed within 18 months from the date on which a person enters actual employment, the condition that his employment is subject to investigation shall expire, except in a case in which the Civil Service Commission has made an initial adjudication of disloyalty and the case continues to be active by reason of an appeal, and it shall then be the responsibility of the employing department or agency to conclude such investigation and make a final determination concerning the loyalty of such person.
3. An investigation shall be made of all applicants at all available pertinent sources of information and shall include reference to:
1. Federal Bureau of Investigation files.
2. Civil Service Commission files.
3. Military and naval intelligence files.
4. The files of any other appropriate government investigative or intelligence agency.
5. House Committee on un-American Activities files.
6. Local law-enforcement files at the place of residence and employment of the applicant, including municipal, county, and State law-enforcement files.
7. Schools and colleges attended by applicant.
8. Former employers of applicant.
9. References given by applicant.
10. Any other appropriate source.
4. Whenever derogatory information with respect to loyalty of an applicant is revealed a full investigation shall be conducted. A full field investigation shall also be conducted of those applicants, or of applicants for particular positions, as may be designated by the head of the employing department or agency, such designations to be based on the determination by any such head of the best interests of national security.

PART II — INVESTIGATION OF EMPLOYEES

1. The head of each department and agency in the executive branch of the Government shall be personally responsible for an effective program to assure that disloyal civilian officers or employees are not retained in employment in his department or agency.
1. He shall be responsible for prescribing and supervising the loyalty determination procedures of his department or agency, in accordance with the provisions of this order, which shall be considered as providing minimum requirements.
2. The head of a department or agency which does not have an investigative organization shall utilize the investigative facilities of the Civil Service Commission.
2. The head of each department and agency shall appoint one or more loyalty boards, each composed of not less than three representatives of the department or agency concerned, for the purpose of hearing loyalty cases arising within such department or agency and making recommendations with respect to the removal of any officer or employee of such department or agency on grounds relating to loyalty, and he shall prescribe regulations for the conduct of the proceedings before such boards.
1. An officer or employee who is charged with being disloyal shall have a right to an administrative hearing before a loyalty board in the employing department or agency. He may appear before such board personally, accompanied by counsel or representative of his own choosing, and present evidence on his own behalf, through witnesses or by affidavit.
2. The officer or employee shall be served with a written notice of such hearing in sufficient time, and shall be informed therein of the nature of the charges against him in sufficient detail, so that he will be enabled to prepare his defense. The charges shall be stated as specifically and completely as, in the discretion of the employing department or agency, security considerations permit, and the officer or employee shall be informed in the notice (1) of his right to reply to such charges in writing within a specified reasonable period of time, (2) of his right to an administrative hearing on such charges before a loyalty board, and (3) of his right to appear before such board personally, to be accompanied by counsel or representative of his own choosing, and to present evidence on his behalf, through witness or by affidavit.
3. A recommendation of removal by a loyalty board shall be subject to appeal by the officer or employee affected, prior to his removal, to the head of the employing department or agency or to such person or persons as may be designated by such head, under such regulations as may be prescribed by him, and the decision of the department or agency concerned shall be subject to appeal to the Civil Service Commission’s Loyalty Review Board, hereinafter provided for, for an advisory recommendation.
4. The rights of hearing, notice thereof, and appeal therefrom shall be accorded to every officer or employee prior to his removal on grounds of disloyalty, irrespective of tenure, or of manner, method, or nature of appointment, but the head of the employing department or agency may suspend any officer or employee at any time pending a determination with respect to loyalty.
5. The loyalty boards of the various departments and agencies shall furnish to the Loyalty Review Board, hereinafter provided for, such reports as may be requested concerning the operation of the loyalty program in any such department or agency.

PART III — RESPONSIBILITIES OF CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION

1. There shall be established in the Civil Service Commission a Loyalty Review Board of not less than three impartial persons, the members of which shall be officers or employees of the Commission.
1. The Board shall have authority to review cases involving persons recommended for dismissal on grounds relating to loyalty by the loyalty board of any department or agency and to make advisory recommendations thereon to the head of the employing department or agency. Such cases may be referred to the Board either by the employing department or agency, or by the officer or employee concerned.
2. The Board shall make rules and regulations, not inconsistent with the provisions of this order, deemed necessary to implement statutes and Executive orders relating to employee loyalty.
3. The Loyalty Review Board shall also:
1. Advise all departments and agencies on all problems relating to employee loyalty.
2. Disseminate information pertinent to employee loyalty programs.
3. Coordinate the employee loyalty policies and procedures of the several departments and agencies.
4. Make reports and submit recommendations to the Civil Service Commission for transmission to the President from time to time as may be necessary to the maintenance of the employee loyalty program.
2. There shall also be established and maintained in the Civil Service Commission a central master index covering all persons on whom loyalty investigations have been made by any department or agency since September 1, 1939. Such master index shall contain the name of each person investigated, adequate identifying information concerning each such person, and a reference to each department and agency which has conducted a loyalty investigation concerning the person involved.
1. All executive departments and agencies are directed to furnish to the Civil Service Commission all information appropriate for the establishment and maintenance of the central master index.
2. The reports and other investigative material and information developed by the investigating department or agency shall be retained by such department or agency in each case.
3. The loyalty Review Board shall currently be furnished by the Department of Justice the name of each foreign or domestic organization, association, movement, group or combination of persons which the Attorney General, after appropriate investigation and determination, designates as totalitarian, fascist, communist or subversive, or as having adopted a policy of advocating or approving the commission of acts of force or violence to deny others their rights under the Constitution of the United States, or as seeking to alter the form of government of the United States by unconstitutional means.
1. The Loyalty Review Board shall disseminate such information to all departments and agencies.

PART IV — SECURITY MEASURES IN INVESTIGATIONS

1. At the request of the head of any department or agency of the executive branch an investigative agency shall make available to such head, personally, all investigative material and information collected by the investigative agency concerning any employee or prospective employee of the requesting department or agency, or shall make such material and information available to any officer or officers designated by such head and approved by the investigative agency.
2. Notwithstanding the foregoing requirement, however, the investigative agency may refuse to disclose the names of confidential informants, provided it furnishes sufficient information about such informants on the basis of which the requesting department or agency can make an adequate evaluation of the information furnished by them, and provided it advises the requesting department or agency in writing that it is essential to the protection of the informants or to the investigation of other cases that the identity of the informants not be revealed. Investigative agencies shall not use this discretion to decline to reveal sources of information where such action is not essential.
3. Each department and agency of the executive branch should develop and maintain, for the collection and analysis of information relating to the loyalty of its employees and prospective employees, a staff specially trained in security techniques, and an effective security control system for protecting such information generally and for protecting confidential sources of such information particularly.

PART V — STANDARDS

1. The standard for the refusal of employment or the removal from employment in an executive department or agency on grounds relating to loyalty shall be that, on all the evidence, reasonable grounds exist for belief that the person involved is disloyal to the Government of the United States.
2. Activities and associations of an applicant or employee which may be considered in connection with the determination of disloyalty may include one or more of the following:
1. Sabotage, espionage, or attempts or preparations therefor, or knowingly associating with spies or saboteurs;
2. Treason or sedition or advocacy thereof;
3. Advocacy of revolution or force or violence to alter the constitutional form of government of the United States;
4. Intentional, unauthorized disclosure to any person, under circumstances which may indicate disloyalty to the United States, of documents or information of a confidential or non-public character obtained by the person making the disclosure as a result of his employment by the Government of the United States;
5. Performing or attempting to perform his duties, or otherwise acting, so as to serve the interests of another government in preference to the interests of the United States.
6. Membership in, affiliation with or sympathetic association with any foreign or domestic organization, association, movement, group or combination of persons, designated by the Attorney General as totalitarian, fascist, communist, or subversive, or as having adopted a policy of advocating or approving the commission of acts of force or violence to deny other persons their rights under the Constitution of the United States, or as seeking to alter the form of government of the United States by unconstitutional means.

PART VI — MISCELLANEOUS

1. Each department and agency of the executive branch, to the extent that it has not already done so, shall submit, to the Federal Bureau of Investigation of the Department of Justice, either directly or through the Civil Service Commission, the names (and such other necessary identifying material as the Federal Bureau of Investigation may require) of all of its incumbent employees.
1. The Federal Bureau of Investigation shall check such names against its records of persons concerning whom there is substantial evidence of being within the purview of paragraph 2 of Part V hereof, and shall notify each department and agency of such information.
2. Upon receipt of the above-mentioned information from the Federal Bureau of Investigation, each department and agency shall make, or cause to be made by the Civil Service Commission, such investigation of those employees as the head of the department or agency shall deem advisable.
2. The Security Advisory Board of the State-War-Navy Coordinating Committee shall draft rules applicable to the handling and transmission of confidential documents and other documents and information which should not be publicly disclosed, and upon approval by the President such rules shall constitute the minimum standards for the handling and transmission of such documents and information, and shall be applicable to all departments and agencies of the executive branch.
3. The provisions of this order shall not be applicable to persons summarily removed under the provisions of section 3 of the act of December 17, 1942, 56 Stat. 1053, of the act of July 5, 1946, 60 Stat. 453, or of any other statute conferring the power of summary removal.
4. The Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, and the Secretary of the Treasury with respect to the Coast Guard, are hereby directed to continue to enforce and maintain the highest standards of loyalty within the armed services, pursuant to the applicable statutes, the Articles of War, and the Articles for the Government of the Navy.
5. This order shall be effective immediately, but compliance with such of its provisions as require the expenditure of funds shall be deferred pending the appropriation of such funds.
6. Executive Order No. 9300 of February 5, 1943, is hereby revoked.

HARRY S. TRUMAN
THE WHITE HOUSE,
March 21, 1947.


In the federal government, President Truman's Executive Order 9835 initiated a program of loyalty reviews for federal employees in 1947. It called for dismissal if there were "reasonable grounds ... for belief that the person involved is disloyal to the Government of the United States."[15] Truman, a Democrat, was probably reacting in part to the Republican sweep in the 1946 Congressional election and felt a need to counter growing criticism from conservatives and anti-communists.[16]

When President Dwight Eisenhower took office in 1953, he strengthened and extended Truman's loyalty review program, while decreasing the avenues of appeal available to dismissed employees. Hiram Bingham, chairman of the Civil Service Commission Loyalty Review Board, referred to the new rules he was obliged to enforce as "just not the American way of doing things."[17] The following year, J. Robert Oppenheimer, scientific director of the Manhattan Project that built the first atomic bomb, then working as a consultant to the Atomic Energy Commission, was stripped of his security clearance after a four-week hearing. Oppenheimer had received a top-secret clearance in 1947, but was denied clearance in the harsher climate of 1954.

Similar loyalty reviews were established in many state and local government offices and some private industries across the nation. In 1958, an estimated one of every five employees in the United States was required to pass some sort of loyalty review.[18] Once a person lost a job due to an unfavorable loyalty review, finding other employment could be very difficult. "A man is ruined everywhere and forever," in the words of the chairman of President Truman's Loyalty Review Board. "No responsible employer would be likely to take a chance in giving him a job."[19]

The Department of Justice started keeping a list of organizations that it deemed subversive beginning in 1942. This list was first made public in 1948, when it included 78 groups. At its longest, it comprised 154 organizations, 110 of them identified as Communist. In the context of a loyalty review, membership in a listed organization was meant to raise a question, but not to be considered proof of disloyalty. One of the most common causes of suspicion was membership in the Washington Bookshop Association, a left-leaning organization that offered lectures on literature, classical music concerts, and discounts on books.[20]

J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI

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J. Edgar Hoover in 1961

FBI director J. Edgar Hoover designed President Truman's loyalty-security program, and its background investigations of employees were carried out by FBI agents. This was a major assignment that led to the number of agents in the bureau being increased from 3,559 in 1946 to 7,029 in 1952. Hoover's sense of the communist threat and the standards of evidence applied by his bureau resulted in thousands of government workers losing their jobs. Due to Hoover's insistence upon keeping the identity of his informers secret, most subjects of loyalty-security reviews were not allowed to cross-examine or know the identities of those who accused them. In many cases, they were not even told of what they were accused.[21]

Hoover's influence extended beyond federal government employees and beyond the loyalty-security programs. The records of loyalty review hearings and investigations were supposed to be confidential, but Hoover routinely gave evidence from them to congressional committees such as HUAC.[22]

From 1951 to 1955, the FBI operated a secret "Responsibilities Program" that distributed anonymous documents with evidence from FBI files of communist affiliations on the part of teachers, lawyers, and others. Many people accused in these "blind memoranda" were fired without any further process.[23]

The FBI engaged in a number of illegal practices in its pursuit of information on communists, including burglaries, opening mail, and illegal wiretaps.[24] The members of the left-wing National Lawyers Guild were among the few attorneys who were willing to defend clients in communist-related cases, and this made the NLG a particular target of Hoover's. The office of this organization was burgled by the FBI at least 14 times between 1947 and 1951.[25] Among other purposes, the FBI used its illegally obtained information to alert prosecuting attorneys about the planned legal strategies of NLG defense lawyers.[26]

The FBI also used illegal undercover operations to disrupt communist and other dissident political groups. In 1956, Hoover was becoming increasingly frustrated by Supreme Court decisions that limited the Justice Department's ability to prosecute communists. At this time, he formalized a covert "dirty tricks" program under the name COINTELPRO.[24] COINTELPRO actions included planting forged documents to create the suspicion that a key person was an FBI informer, spreading rumors through anonymous letters, leaking information to the press, calling for IRS audits, and the like. The COINTELPRO program remained in operation until 1971.


Historian Ellen Schrecker calls the FBI "the single most important component of the anti-communist crusade" and writes: "Had observers known in the 1950s what they have learned since the 1970s, when the Freedom of Information Act opened the Bureau's files, 'McCarthyism' would probably be called 'Hooverism'."[27]

Congress

House Committee on Un-American Activities


Main article: House Un-American Activities Committee

The House Committee on Un-American Activities – commonly referred to as the HUAC – was the most prominent and active government committee involved in anti-communist investigations. Formed in 1938 and known as the Dies Committee, named for Rep. Martin Dies, who chaired it until 1944, HUAC investigated a variety of "activities", including those of German-American Nazis during World War II. The committee soon focused on Communism, beginning with an investigation into Communists in the Federal Theatre Project in 1938. A significant step for HUAC was its investigation of the charges of espionage brought against Alger Hiss in 1948. This investigation ultimately resulted in Hiss's trial and conviction for perjury, and convinced many of the usefulness of congressional committees for uncovering Communist subversion.

HUAC achieved its greatest fame and notoriety with its investigation into the Hollywood film industry. In October 1947, the Committee began to subpoena screenwriters, directors, and other movie-industry professionals to testify about their known or suspected membership in the Communist Party, association with its members, or support of its beliefs. At these testimonies, what became known as "the $64,000 question" was asked: "Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party of the United States?"[28] Among the first film industry witnesses subpoenaed by the committee were ten who decided not to cooperate. These men, who became known as the "Hollywood Ten", cited the First Amendment's guarantee of free speech and free assembly, which they believed legally protected them from being required to answer the committee's questions. This tactic failed, and the ten were sentenced to prison for contempt of Congress. Two of them were sentenced to six months, the rest to a year.

In the future, witnesses (in the entertainment industries and otherwise) who were determined not to cooperate with the committee would claim their Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination. While this usually protected them from a contempt-of-Congress citation, it was considered grounds for dismissal by many government and private-industry employers. The legal requirements for Fifth Amendment protection were such that a person could not testify about his own association with the Communist Party and then refuse to "name names" of colleagues with communist affiliations.[29] Thus, many faced a choice between "crawl[ing] through the mud to be an informer," as actor Larry Parks put it, or becoming known as a "Fifth Amendment Communist"—an epithet often used by Senator McCarthy.[30]

Senate committees

In the Senate, the primary committee for investigating communists was the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee (SISS), formed in 1950 and charged with ensuring the enforcement of laws relating to "espionage, sabotage, and the protection of the internal security of the United States." The SISS was headed by Democrat Pat McCarran and gained a reputation for careful and extensive investigations. This committee spent a year investigating Owen Lattimore and other members of the Institute of Pacific Relations. As had been done numerous times before, the collection of scholars and diplomats associated with Lattimore (the so-called China Hands) were accused of "losing China", and while some evidence of pro-communist attitudes was found, nothing supported McCarran's accusation that Lattimore was "a conscious and articulate instrument of the Soviet conspiracy". Lattimore was charged with perjuring himself before the SISS in 1952. After many of the charges were rejected by a federal judge and one of the witnesses confessed to perjury, the case was dropped in 1955.[31]

McCarthy headed the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations in 1953 and 1954, and during that time, used it for a number of his communist-hunting investigations. McCarthy first examined allegations of communist influence in the Voice of America, and then turned to the overseas library program of the State Department. Card catalogs of these libraries were searched for works by authors McCarthy deemed inappropriate. McCarthy then recited the list of supposedly pro-communist authors before his subcommittee and the press. Yielding to the pressure, the State Department ordered its overseas librarians to remove from their shelves "material by any controversial persons, Communists, fellow travelers, etc." Some libraries actually burned the newly forbidden books.[32]

McCarthy's committee then began an investigation into the United States Army. This began at the Army Signal Corps laboratory at Fort Monmouth. McCarthy garnered some headlines with stories of a dangerous spy ring among the Army researchers, but ultimately nothing came of this investigation.[33]

McCarthy next turned his attention to the case of a U.S. Army dentist who had been promoted to the rank of major despite having refused to answer questions on an Army loyalty review form. McCarthy's handling of this investigation, including a series of insults directed at a brigadier general, led to the Army–McCarthy hearings, with the Army and McCarthy trading charges and counter-charges for 36 days before a nationwide television audience. While the official outcome of the hearings was inconclusive, this exposure of McCarthy to the American public resulted in a sharp decline in his popularity.[34] In less than a year, McCarthy was censured by the Senate, and his position as a prominent force in anti-communism was essentially ended.[35]

Blacklists

On November 25, 1947, the day after the House of Representatives approved citations of contempt for the Hollywood Ten, Eric Johnston, president of the Motion Picture Association of America, issued a press release on behalf of the heads of the major studios that came to be referred to as the Waldorf Statement. This statement announced the firing of the Hollywood Ten and stated: "We will not knowingly employ a Communist or a member of any party or group which advocates the overthrow of the government of the United States..." This marked the beginning of the Hollywood blacklist. In spite of the fact that hundreds would be denied employment, the studios, producers, and other employers did not publicly admit that a blacklist existed.

At this time, private loyalty-review boards and anti-communist investigators began to appear to fill a growing demand among certain industries to certify that their employees were above reproach. Companies that were concerned about the sensitivity of their business, or which, like the entertainment industry, felt particularly vulnerable to public opinion made use of these private services. For a fee, these teams would investigate employees and question them about their politics and affiliations.

At such hearings, the subject would usually not have a right to the presence of an attorney, and as with HUAC, the interviewee might be asked to defend himself against accusations without being allowed to cross-examine the accuser. These agencies would keep cross-referenced lists of leftist organizations, publications, rallies, charities, and the like, as well as lists of
individuals who were known or suspected communists. Books such as Red Channels and newsletters such as Counterattack and Confidential Information were published to keep track of communist and leftist organizations and individuals.[36] Insofar as the various blacklists of McCarthyism were actual physical lists, they were created and maintained by these private organizations.

Laws and arrests

See also: Smith Act trials of communist party leaders

Efforts to protect the United States from the perceived threat of communist subversion were particularly enabled by several federal laws. The Alien Registration Act or Smith Act of 1940 made the act of "knowingly or willfully advocate, abet, advise or teach the ... desirability or propriety of overthrowing the Government of the United States or of any State by force or violence, or for anyone to organize any association which teaches, advises or encourages such an overthrow, or for anyone to become a member of or to affiliate with any such association" a criminal offense.

Hundreds of communists and others were prosecuted under this law between 1941 and 1957. Eleven leaders of the Communist Party were convicted under the Smith Act in 1949 in the Foley Square trial. Ten defendants were given sentences of five years and the eleventh was sentenced to three years. The defense attorneys were cited for contempt of court and given prison sentences.[37] In 1951, 23 other leaders of the party were indicted, including Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, a founding member of the American Civil Liberties Union. Many were convicted on the basis of testimony that was later admitted to be false.[38] By 1957, 140 leaders and members of the Communist Party had been charged under the law, of whom 93 were convicted.[39]


The McCarran Internal Security Act, which became law in 1950, has been described by scholar Ellen Schrecker as "the McCarthy era's only important piece of legislation"[40] (the Smith Act technically antedated McCarthyism). However, the McCarran Act had no real effect beyond legal harassment. It required the registration of Communist organizations with the U.S. Attorney General and established the Subversive Activities Control Board to investigate possible communist-action and communist-front organizations so they could be required to register. Due to numerous hearings, delays, and appeals, the act was never enforced, even with regard to the Communist Party of the United States itself, and the major provisions of the act were found to be unconstitutional in 1965 and 1967.[41] In 1952, the Immigration and Nationality, or McCarran–Walter, Act was passed. This law allowed the government to deport immigrants or naturalized citizens engaged in subversive activities and also to bar suspected subversives from entering the country.

The Communist Control Act of 1954 was passed with overwhelming support in both houses of Congress after very little debate. Jointly drafted by Republican John Marshall Butler and Democrat Hubert Humphrey, the law was an extension of the Internal Security Act of 1950, and sought to outlaw the Communist Party by declaring that the party, as well as "Communist-Infiltrated Organizations" were "not entitled to any of the rights, privileges, and immunities attendant upon legal bodies."
While the Communist Control Act had an odd mix of liberals and conservatives among its supporters, it never had any significant effect.

The act was successfully applied only twice. In 1954 it was used to prevent Communist Party members from appearing on the New Jersey state ballot, and in 1960, it was cited to deny the CPUSA recognition as an employer under New York state's unemployment compensation system. The New York Post called the act "a monstrosity", "a wretched repudiation of democratic principles," while The Nation accused Democratic liberals of a "neurotic, election-year anxiety to escape the charge of being 'soft on Communism' even at the expense of sacrificing constitutional rights."[42]

Repression in the individual states

In addition to the federal laws and responding to the worries of the local opinion, several states enacted anti-communist statutes.

By 1952, several states had enacted statutes against criminal anarchy, criminal syndicalism, and sedition; banned from public employment or even from receiving public aid, communists and "subversives"; asked for loyalty oaths from public servants, and severely restricted or even banned the Communist Party. In addition, six states, among them California[43] (see California Senate Factfinding Subcommittee on Un-American Activities) had equivalents to the HUAC.[44]

Some of these states had very severe, or even extreme, laws against communism. In 1950, Michigan enacted life imprisonment for subversive propaganda; the following year, Tennessee enacted death penalty for advocating the violent overthrow of the government.[44] Death penalty for membership of the Communist Party was discussed in Texas by Governor Allan Shivers, who described it as "worse than murder."[45][46]

Municipalities and counties also enacted anti-communist ordinances: Los Angeles banned any communist or "Muscovite model of police-state dictatorship" from owning any arm and Birmingham, Alabama, and Jacksonville, Florida, banned any communist from being within the city's limits.[44]


Popular support

Image
Flier issued in May 1955 by the Keep America Committee urging readers to "fight communistic world government" by opposing public health programs
At the Sign of THE UNHOLY THREE
FLUORIDATED WATER
POLIO MONKEY SERUMS
MENTAL HYGIENE, ETC.
UNINFORMED PUBLIC
Are you willing to PUT IN PAWN to the UNHOLY THREE all of the material, mental and spiritual resources of this GREAT REPUBLIC:
FLUORIDATED WATER
1. Water containing Fluorine (rat poison -- no antidote) is already the only water in many of our army camps, making it very easy for saboteurs to wipe out an entire camp personnel. If this happens, every citizen will be at the mercy of the enemy -- already within our gates.
POLIO SERUM
2. Polio Serum, it is reported, has already killed and maimed children; its future effect on minds and bodies cannot be guaged. This vaccine drive is the entering wedge for nation-wide socialized medicine, by the U.S. Public Health Service, (heavily infiltrated by Russian-born doctors, according to Congressman Clare Hoffman.) In enemy hands it can destroy a whole generation.
MENTAL HYGIENE
3. Mental Hygiene is a subtle and diabolical plan of the enemy to transform a free and intelligent people into a cringing horde of zombies.
Rabbi Spitz in the American Hebrew, March 1, 1946: "American Jews must come to grips with our contemporary anti Semites; we must fill our insane asylums with anti-Semitic lunatics."
FIGHT COMMUNISTIC WORLD GOVERNMENT by destroying THE UNHOLY THREE!!! It is later than you think!
KEEP AMERICA COMMITTEE
Box 3094
Los Angeles 54 Calif.
May 16, 1953


McCarthyism was supported by a variety of groups, including the American Legion and various other anti-communist organizations. One core element of support was a variety of militantly anti-communist women's groups such as the American Public Relations Forum and the Minute Women of the U.S.A.. These organized tens of thousands of housewives into study groups, letter-writing networks, and patriotic clubs that coordinated efforts to identify and eradicate what they saw as subversion.[47]

Although far-right radicals were the bedrock of support for McCarthyism, they were not alone. A broad "coalition of the aggrieved" found McCarthyism attractive, or at least politically useful. Common themes uniting the coalition were opposition to internationalism, particularly the United Nations; opposition to social welfare provisions, particularly the various programs established by the New Deal; and opposition to efforts to reduce inequalities in the social structure of the United States.[48]

One focus of popular McCarthyism concerned the provision of public-health services, particularly vaccination, mental health care services, and fluoridation, all of which were denounced by some to be communist plots to poison or brainwash the American people. Such viewpoints led to collisions between McCarthyite radicals and supporters of public-health programs, most notably in the case of the Alaska Mental Health Bill controversy of 1956.[49]

William F. Buckley Jr., the founder of the influential conservative political magazine National Review, wrote a defense of McCarthy, McCarthy and his Enemies, in which he asserted that "McCarthyism ... is a movement around which men of good will and stern morality can close ranks."[50]

In addition, as Richard Rovere points out, many ordinary Americans became convinced that there must be "no smoke without fire" and lent their support to McCarthyism. The Gallup poll found that at his peak in January 1954, 50% of the American public supported McCarthy, while 29% had an unfavorable opinion. His support fell to 34% in June 1954.[51] Republicans tended to like what McCarthy was doing and Democrats did not, and McCarthy also had significant support from traditional Democratic ethnic groups, especially Catholics, as well as many unskilled workers and small-business owners. (McCarthy himself was a Catholic.) He had very little support among union activists and Jews.[52]

Portrayals of Communists

Those who sought to justify McCarthyism did so largely through their characterization of communism, and American communists in particular. Proponents of McCarthyism claimed that the CPUSA was so completely under Moscow's control that any American communist was a puppet of the Soviet intelligence services. This view is supported by recent documentation from the archives of the KGB[53] as well as post-war decodes of wartime Soviet radio traffic from the Venona Project,[54] showing that Moscow provided financial support to the CPUSA and had significant influence on CPUSA policies. J. Edgar Hoover commented in a 1950 speech, "Communist members, body and soul, are the property of the Party."

This attitude was not confined to arch-conservatives. In 1940, the American Civil Liberties Union ejected founding member Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, saying that her membership in the Communist Party was enough to disqualify her as a civil libertarian. In the government's prosecutions of Communist Party members under the Smith Act (see above), the prosecution case was based not on specific actions or statements by the defendants, but on the premise that a commitment to violent overthrow of the government was inherent in the doctrines of Marxism–Leninism. Passages of the CPUSA's constitution that specifically rejected revolutionary violence were dismissed as deliberate deception.[55]

In addition, the party was often claimed to not allow any member to resign, so a person who had been a member for a short time decades previously could be considered as suspect as a current member. Many of the hearings and trials of McCarthyism featured testimony by former Communist Party members such as Elizabeth Bentley, Louis Budenz, and Whittaker Chambers, speaking as expert witnesses.[56][57]

Various historians and pundits have discussed alleged Soviet-directed infiltration of the U.S. government and the possible collaboration of high U.S. government officials.[58][59][60][61]
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Part 2 of 2

Victims of McCarthyism

See also: List of Films by the Hollywood Ten, Hollywood blacklist, and Lavender scare

Estimating the number of victims of McCarthy is difficult. The number imprisoned is in the hundreds, and some ten or twelve thousand lost their jobs.[62] In many cases, simply being subpoenaed by HUAC or one of the other committees was sufficient cause to be fired.[63] Many of those who were imprisoned, lost their jobs, or were questioned by committees did, in fact, have a past or present connection of some kind with the Communist Party.

For the vast majority, though, both the potential for them to do harm to the nation and the nature of their communist affiliation were tenuous.[64] After the extremely damaging "Cambridge Five" spy scandal (Guy Burgess, Donald Maclean, Kim Philby, Anthony Blunt, et al.), suspected homosexuality was also a common cause for being targeted by McCarthyism. The hunt for "sexual perverts", who were presumed to be subversive by nature, resulted in over 5,000 federal workers being fired, and thousands were harassed and denied employment.[65][66] Many have termed this aspect of McCarthyism the "lavender scare".[67][68]

Homosexuality was classified as a psychiatric disorder in the 1950s.[69] However, in the context of the highly politicized Cold War environment, homosexuality became framed as a dangerous, contagious social disease that posed a potential threat to state security.[69] As the family was believed to be the cornerstone of American strength and integrity,[70] the description of homosexuals as "sexual perverts" meant that they were both unable to function within a family unit and presented the potential to poison the social body.[71] This era also witnessed the establishment of widely spread FBI surveillance intended to identify homosexual government employees.[72]

The McCarthy hearings and according "sexual pervert" investigations can be seen to have been driven by a desire to identify individuals whose ability to function as loyal citizens had been compromised.[71] McCarthy began his campaign by drawing upon the ways in which he embodied traditional American values to become the self-appointed vanguard of social morality.[73]

Image
Dalton Trumbo and his wife, Cleo, at the HUAC in 1947

In the film industry, more than 300 actors, authors, and directors were denied work in the U.S. through the unofficial Hollywood blacklist. Blacklists were at work throughout the entertainment industry, in universities and schools at all levels, in the legal profession, and in many other fields. A port-security program initiated by the Coast Guard shortly after the start of the Korean War required a review of every maritime worker who loaded or worked aboard any American ship, regardless of cargo or destination. As with other loyalty-security reviews of McCarthyism, the identities of any accusers and even the nature of any accusations were typically kept secret from the accused. Nearly 3,000 seamen and longshoremen lost their jobs due to this program alone.[74]

Some of the notable people who were blacklisted or suffered some other persecution during McCarthyism include:

• Nelson Algren, writer[75]
• Lucille Ball, actress, model, and film studio executive.[76]
• Alvah Bessie, Abraham Lincoln Brigade, writer, journalist, screenwriter, Hollywood Ten
• Elmer Bernstein, composer and conductor[77]
• Leonard Bernstein, conductor, pianist, composer[78]
• David Bohm, physicist and philosopher[79]
• Bertolt Brecht, poet, playwright, screenwriter
• Archie Brown, Abraham Lincoln Brigade, WW II vet, union leader, imprisoned. Successfully challenged Landrum–Griffin Act provision[80]
• Esther Brunauer, forced from the U.S. State Department[81]
• Luis Buñuel, film director, producer[82]
• Charlie Chaplin, actor and director[83]
• Aaron Copland, composer[84]
• Bartley Crum, attorney[85]
• Howard Da Silva, actor[86]
• Jules Dassin, director[87]
• Dolores del Río, actress[88]
• Edward Dmytryk, director, Hollywood Ten
• W.E.B. Du Bois, civil rights activist and author[89]
• George A. Eddy, pre-Keynesian Harvard economist, US Treasury monetary policy specialist[90]
Albert Einstein, Nobel Prize-winning physicist, philosopher, mathematician, activist[91]
• Hanns Eisler, composer[92]
• Howard Fast, writer[93]
• Lion Feuchtwanger, novelist and playwright[94]
• Carl Foreman, writer of High Noon
• John Garfield, actor[84]
• C.H. Garrigues, journalist[95]
• Jack Gilford, actor[86]
Allen Ginsberg, Beat poet
• Ruth Gordon, actress[86]
• Lee Grant, actress[96]
• Dashiell Hammett, author[84]
• Elizabeth Hawes, clothing designer, author, equal rights activist[97]
• Lillian Hellman, playwright[84]
• Dorothy Healey, union organizer, CPUSA official[98]
• Lena Horne, singer[86]
• Langston Hughes, writer, poet, playwright[84]
• Marsha Hunt, actress
• Sam Jaffe, actor[84]
• Theodore Kaghan, diplomat[99]
• Garson Kanin, writer and director[84]
• Danny Kaye, comedian, singer[100][full citation needed]
• Benjamin Keen, historian[101]
• Otto Klemperer, conductor and composer[102]
• Gypsy Rose Lee, actress and stripper[84]
• Cornelius Lanczos, mathematician and physicist[103]
• Ring Lardner Jr., screenwriter, Hollywood Ten
• Arthur Laurents, playwright[86]
• Philip Loeb, actor[104]
• Joseph Losey, director[84]
• Albert Maltz, screenwriter, Hollywood Ten
• Heinrich Mann, novelist[105]
• Klaus Mann, writer[105]
Thomas Mann, Nobel Prize winning novelist and essayist[105]
• Thomas McGrath, poet
• Burgess Meredith, actor[84]
• Arthur Miller, playwright and essayist[84]
• Jessica Mitford, author, muckraker. Refused to testify to HUAC.
• Dimitri Mitropoulos, conductor, pianist, composer[106]
• Zero Mostel, actor[84]
• Joseph Needham, biochemist, sinologist, historian of science
• J. Robert Oppenheimer, physicist, scientific director of the Manhattan Project[107]
• Dorothy Parker, writer, humorist[84]
• Linus Pauling, chemist, Nobel prizes for Chemistry and Peace[108]
• Samuel Reber, diplomat[109]
• Al Richmond, union organizer, editor[110]
• Martin Ritt, actor and director[111]
• Paul Robeson, actor, athlete, singer, writer, political activist[112]
• Edward G. Robinson, actor[84]
• Waldo Salt, screenwriter[113]
• Jean Seberg, actress[114]
• Pete Seeger, folk singer, songwriter[84]
• Artie Shaw, jazz musician, bandleader, author[84]
• Irwin Shaw, writer[86]
• William L. Shirer, journalist, author[115]
• Lionel Stander, actor[116]
• Dirk Jan Struik, mathematician, historian of maths[117]
• Paul Sweezy, economist and founder-editor of Monthly Review[118]
• Charles W. Thayer, diplomat[119]
• Dalton Trumbo screenwriter, Hollywood Ten
• Tsien Hsue-shen, physicist[120]
• Sam Wanamaker, actor, director, responsible for recreating Shakespeare's Globe Theatre in London, England.
• Orson Welles, actor, author, film director[121]
• Gene Weltfish, anthropologist fired from Columbia University[122]

In 1953, Robert K. Murray, a young professor of history at Pennsylvania State University who had served as an intelligence officer in World War II, was revising his dissertation on the Red Scare of 1919–20 for publication until Little, Brown and Company decided that "under the circumstances ... it wasn't wise for them to bring this book out." He learned that investigators were questioning his colleagues and relatives. The University of Minnesota press published his volume, Red Scare: A Study in National Hysteria, 1919–1920, in 1955.[123]

Critical reactions

The nation was by no means united behind the policies and activities that have come to be associated with McCarthyism. The many critics of various aspects of McCarthyism included many figures not generally noted for their liberalism.

For example, in his overridden veto of the McCarran Internal Security Act of 1950, President Truman wrote, "In a free country, we punish men for the crimes they commit, but never for the opinions they have."[124] Truman also unsuccessfully vetoed the Taft–Hartley Act, which among other provisions denied trade unions National Labor Relations Board protection unless union leaders signed affidavits swearing they were not and had never been Communists. In 1953, after he left office, Truman criticized the current Eisenhower administration:

It is now evident that the present Administration has fully embraced, for political advantage, McCarthyism. I am not referring to the Senator from Wisconsin. He is only important in that his name has taken on the dictionary meaning of the word. It is the corruption of truth, the abandonment of the due process law. It is the use of the big lie and the unfounded accusation against any citizen in the name of Americanism or security. It is the rise to power of the demagogue who lives on untruth; it is the spreading of fear and the destruction of faith in every level of society.[125]


It was not McCarthy and the Republicans, but the liberal Democratic Truman administration, whose Justice Department initiated a series of prosecutions that intensified the nation's anti-Communist mood. The most important of these was the prosecution of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg in the summer of 1950.

-- The People's History, by Howard Zinn


On June 1, 1950, Senator Margaret Chase Smith, a Maine Republican, delivered a speech to the Senate she called a "Declaration of Conscience". In a clear attack upon McCarthyism, she called for an end to "character assassinations" and named "some of the basic principles of Americanism: The right to criticize; The right to hold unpopular beliefs; The right to protest; The right of independent thought". She said "freedom of speech is not what it used to be in America", and decried "cancerous tentacles of 'know nothing, suspect everything' attitudes".[126] Six other Republican senators—Wayne Morse, Irving M. Ives, Charles W. Tobey, Edward John Thye, George Aiken, and Robert C. Hendrickson—joined Smith in condemning the tactics of McCarthyism.

Image
Joseph N. Welch (left) and Senator McCarthy, June 9, 1954

Elmer Davis, one of the most highly respected news reporters and commentators of the 1940s and 1950s, often spoke out against what he saw as the excesses of McCarthyism. On one occasion he warned that many local anti-communist movements constituted a "general attack not only on schools and colleges and libraries, on teachers and textbooks, but on all people who think and write ... in short, on the freedom of the mind".[127]

In 1952, the Supreme Court upheld a lower-court decision in Adler v. Board of Education of New York, thus approving a law that allowed state loyalty review boards to fire teachers deemed "subversive". In his dissenting opinion, Justice William O. Douglas wrote: "The present law proceeds on a principle repugnant to our society—guilt by association.... What happens under this law is typical of what happens in a police state. Teachers are under constant surveillance; their pasts are combed for signs of disloyalty; their utterances are watched for clues to dangerous thoughts."[128]


Image
Broadcast journalist Edward R. Murrow

One of the most influential opponents of McCarthyism was the famed CBS newscaster and analyst Edward R. Murrow. On October 20, 1953, Murrow's show See It Now aired an episode about the dismissal of Milo Radulovich, a former reserve Air Force lieutenant who was accused of associating with Communists. The show was strongly critical of the Air Force's methods, which included presenting evidence in a sealed envelope that Radulovich and his attorney were not allowed to open.

On March 9, 1954, See It Now aired another episode on the issue of McCarthyism, this one attacking Joseph McCarthy himself. Titled "A Report on Senator Joseph R. McCarthy", it used footage of McCarthy speeches to portray him as dishonest, reckless, and abusive toward witnesses and prominent Americans.
In his concluding comment, Murrow said:

We must not confuse dissent with disloyalty. We must remember always that accusation is not proof and that conviction depends upon evidence and due process of law. We will not walk in fear, one of another. We will not be driven by fear into an age of unreason, if we dig deep in our history and our doctrine, and remember that we are not descended from fearful men.[30]


This broadcast has been cited as a key episode in bringing about the end of McCarthyism.[129]

In April 1954, McCarthy was also under attack in the Army–McCarthy hearings. These hearings were televised live on the new American Broadcasting Company network, allowing the public to view first-hand McCarthy's interrogation of individuals and his controversial tactics. In one exchange, McCarthy reminded the attorney for the Army, Joseph Welch, that he had an employee in his law firm who had belonged to an organization that had been accused of Communist sympathies. In an exchange that reflected the increasingly negative public opinion of McCarthy, Welch rebuked the senator: "Have you no sense of decency, sir? At long last, have you left no sense of decency?"[130]

Decline

In the mid and late 1950s, the attitudes and institutions of McCarthyism slowly weakened. Changing public sentiments heavily contributed to the decline of McCarthyism. Its decline may also be charted through a series of court decisions.

A key figure in the end of the blacklisting of McCarthyism was John Henry Faulk. Host of an afternoon comedy radio show, Faulk was a leftist active in his union, the American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. He was scrutinized by AWARE, Inc., one of the private firms that examined individuals for signs of communist "disloyalty". Marked by AWARE as unfit, he was fired by CBS Radio. Almost uniquely among the many victims of blacklisting, Faulk decided to sue AWARE in 1957 and finally won the case in 1962.[131]

With this court decision, the private blacklisters and those who used them were put on notice that they were legally liable for the professional and financial damage they caused. Although some informal blacklisting continued, the private "loyalty checking" agencies were soon a thing of the past.
[132] Even before the Faulk verdict, many in Hollywood had decided it was time to break the blacklist. In 1960, Dalton Trumbo, one of the best known members of the Hollywood Ten, was publicly credited with writing the films Exodus and Spartacus.

Much of the undoing of McCarthyism came at the hands of the Supreme Court. As Richard Rovere wrote in his biography of Joseph McCarthy, "[T]he United States Supreme Court took judicial notice of the rents McCarthy was making in the fabric of liberty and thereupon wrote a series of decisions that have made the fabric stronger than before."[133] Two Eisenhower appointees to the court—Earl Warren (who was made Chief Justice) and William J. Brennan, Jr.—proved to be more liberal than Eisenhower had anticipated, and he would later refer to the appointment of Warren as his "biggest mistake".[134]

In 1956, the Supreme Court heard the case of Slochower v. Board of Education. Harry Slochower was a professor at Brooklyn College who had been fired by New York City for invoking the Fifth Amendment when McCarthy's committee questioned him about his past membership in the Communist Party. The court prohibited such actions, ruling "...we must condemn the practice of imputing a sinister meaning to the exercise of a person's constitutional right under the Fifth Amendment.... The privilege against self-incrimination would be reduced to a hollow mockery if its exercise could be taken as equivalent either to a confession of guilt or a conclusive presumption of perjury."[135]

The 1956 Cole v. Young ruling also greatly weakened the ability to discriminate in the federal civilian workforce.[136]

Another key decision was in the 1957 case Yates v. United States, in which the convictions of fourteen Communists were reversed. In Justice Black's opinion, he wrote of the original "Smith Act" trials: "The testimony of witnesses is comparatively insignificant. Guilt or innocence may turn on what Marx or Engels or someone else wrote or advocated as much as a hundred years or more ago.... When the propriety of obnoxious or unfamiliar view about government is in reality made the crucial issue, ... prejudice makes conviction inevitable except in the rarest circumstances."[137]

Also in 1957, the Supreme Court ruled on the case of Watkins v. United States, curtailing the power of HUAC to punish uncooperative witnesses by finding them in contempt of Congress. Justice Warren wrote in the decision: "The mere summoning of a witness and compelling him to testify, against his will, about his beliefs, expressions or associations is a measure of governmental interference. And when those forced revelations concern matters that are unorthodox, unpopular, or even hateful to the general public, the reaction in the life of the witness may be disastrous."[138][139]

In its 1958 decision in Kent v. Dulles, the Supreme Court halted the State Department from using the authority of its own regulations to refuse or revoke passports based on an applicant's communist beliefs or associations.[140]

Repercussions

The political divisions McCarthyism created in the United States continue to make themselves manifest, and the politics and history of a anti-communism in the United States are still contentious. Portions of the massive security apparatus established during the McCarthy era still exist. Loyalty oaths are still required by the California Constitution for all officials and employees of the government of California (which is highly problematic for Quakers and Jehovah's Witnesses whose beliefs preclude them from pledging absolute loyalty to the state).[141] At the federal level, a few portions of the McCarran Internal Security Act remain in effect.

A number of observers have compared the oppression of liberals and leftists during the McCarthy period to recent actions against suspected terrorists, most of them Muslims. In The Age of Anxiety: McCarthyism to Terrorism, author Haynes Johnson compares the "abuses suffered by aliens thrown into high-security U.S. prisons in the wake of 9/11" to the excesses of the McCarthy era.[142] Similarly, David D. Cole has written that the Patriot Act "in effect resurrects the philosophy of McCarthyism, simply substituting 'terrorist' for 'communist'".[143]

From the opposite pole, conservative writer Ann Coulter devotes much of her book Treason to drawing parallels between past opposition to McCarthy and McCarthyism and the policies and beliefs of modern-day liberals, arguing that the former hindered the anti-communist cause and the latter hinder the War on Terrorism.[144] Other authors who have drawn on a comparison between current anti-terrorism policies and McCarthyism include Geoffrey R. Stone,[145] Ted Morgan,[146] and Jonah Goldberg.[147]

McCarthyism also attracts controversy purely as a historical issue. Through declassified documents from Soviet archives and Venona project decryptions of coded Soviet messages, the Soviet Union was found to have engaged in substantial espionage activities in the United States during the 1940s. The Communist Party USA also was substantially funded and its policies controlled by the Soviet Union, and accusations existed that CPUSA members were often recruited as spies.[148]

In the view of some contemporary commentators, these revelations stand as at least a partial vindication of McCarthyism.[149] Some feel that a genuinely dangerous subversive element was in the United States, and that this danger justified extreme measures.[147] Others, while acknowledging that inexcusable excesses occurred during McCarthyism, argue that some contemporary historians of McCarthyism underplay the depth of Soviet espionage in America[150] or the undemocratic nature of the CPUSA,[151] the latter concern being shared by some Trotskyites who felt that they, and anti-Stalin socialists in general, were persecuted by the CPUSA.[152]

The opposing view holds that, recent revelations notwithstanding, by the time McCarthyism began in the late 1940s, the CPUSA was an ineffectual fringe group, and the damage done to U.S. interests by Soviet spies after World War II was minimal.[153] Historian Ellen Schrecker, herself criticised for pro-Stalinist leanings,[154] has written, "in this country, McCarthyism did more damage to the constitution than the American Communist Party ever did."[155]

Later use of the term

Since the time of McCarthy, the word McCarthyism has entered American speech as a general term for a variety of practices: aggressively questioning a person's patriotism, making poorly supported accusations, using accusations of disloyalty to pressure a person to adhere to conformist politics or to discredit an opponent, subverting civil and political rights in the name of national security, and the use of demagoguery are all often referred to as McCarthyism.[156][157][158] McCarthyism can also be synonymous with the term witch-hunt, both referring to mass hysteria and moral panic.[159]

In popular culture

The 1951 novel The Troubled Air by Irwin Shaw tells the story of the director of a (fictional) radio show, broadcast live at the time, who is given a deadline to investigate his cast for alleged links to communism. The novel recounts the devastating effects on all concerned.[160]

The 1952 Arthur Miller play The Crucible used the Salem witch trials as a metaphor for McCarthyism, suggesting that the process of McCarthyism-style persecution can occur at any time or place. The play focused on the fact that once accused, a person had little chance of exoneration, given the irrational and circular reasoning of both the courts and the public. Miller later wrote: "The more I read into the Salem panic, the more it touched off corresponding images of common experiences in the fifties."[161]

The 1976 film The Front starring Woody Allen dealt with the McCarthy-era Hollywood blacklist. The film was made by those blacklisted: producer and director Martin Ritt; writer Walter Bernstein; and actors Zero Mostel, Herschel Bernardi, Michael Murphy, John Randolph, Lloyd Gough, and Joshua Shelley.[162]

Guilty by Suspicion is a 1991 American drama film about the Hollywood blacklist, McCarthyism, and the activities of the HUAC. Written and directed by Irwin Winkler, it starred Robert De Niro, Annette Bening, and George Wendt.

The 2005 film Good Night, and Good Luck by George Clooney starred David Strathairn as broadcast journalist Edward R. Murrow and contained archival footage of McCarthy.[163]

See also

• Conservatism portal
• Socialism portal
• Communism portal
• Hatch Act of 1939
• Mundt–Ferguson Communist Registration Bill of 1950
• Red-baiting
• Anti anti-communism
• Palmer Raids

References

Citations


1. "The Cold War Home Front: McCarthyism". AuthenticHistory.com. AuthenticHistory.com. Retrieved 21 May 2016.
2. Storrs, Landon R. Y. (2015-07-02). "McCarthyism and the Second Red Scare". American History. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore-9780199329175-e-6.
3. For example, Yates v. United States (1957) and Watkins v. United States (1957): Fried (1997), pp. 205, 207.
4. For example, California's "Levering Oath" law, declared unconstitutional in 1967: Fried (1997), p. 124.
5. For example, Slochower v. Board of Education (1956): Fried (1997), p. 203.
6. For example, Faulk vs. AWARE Inc., et al. (1962): Fried (1997), p. 197.
7. Robert J, Goldstein (2006). "Prelude to McCarthyism: The Making of a Blacklist". Prologue Magazine. Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration.
8. Weir (2007), pp. 148–49.
9. Fried (1990), p. 41.
10. Brinkley (1995), p. 141; Fried (1990), pp. 6, 15, 78–80.
11. Griffith (1970), p. 49.
12. "McCarthyism, n.". Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. September 2005. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.); citing Christian Science Monitor, March 28, 1950, p. 20.
13. Block (1952), p. 152.
14. Fried (1990), p. 150.
15. McCoy, Donald R. (1991). Fausold, Martin; Shank, Alan (eds.). The Constitution of the Truman Presidency and the Post–World War II Era. The Constitution and the American Presidency. SUNY Press. p. 116. ISBN 978-0-7914-0468-3.
16. Fried (1997).
17. Fried (1990), p. 133.
18. Brown (1958).
19. Schrecker (1998), p. 271.
20. Fried (1990), p. 70.
21. Schrecker (1998), pp. 211, 266 et seq.
22. Schrecker (2002), p. 65.
23. Schrecker (1998), p. 212.
24. Cox and Theoharis (1988), p. 312.
25. Schrecker (1998), p. 225.
26. Yoder, Traci (April 2014). "Breach of Privilege: Spying on Lawyers in the United States" (PDF).
27. Schrecker (1998), pp. 239, 203.
28. Case, Sue-Ellen; Reinelt, Janelle G. (editors) (1991). The Performance of Power: Theatrical Discourse and Politics. University of Iowa Press. p. 153. ISBN 9781587290343.
29. Fried (1990), pp. 154–55; Schrecker (2002), p. 68.
30. "See it Now: A Report on Senator Joseph R. McCarthy (transcript)". CBS-TV. March 9, 1954. Retrieved 2007-03-16.
31. Fried (1990), pp. 145–50.
32. Griffith (1970), p. 216.
33. Stone (2004), p. 384.
34. Fried (1990), p. 138.
35. 83rd U.S. Congress (July 30, 1954). "Senate Resolution 301: Censure of Senator Joseph McCarthy". U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. Retrieved 30 October 2013.
36. Fried (1997), p. 116.
37. Fried (1997), pp. 13, 15, 27, 110–12, 165–68.
38. Fried (1997), pp. 201–02.
39. Levin, Daniel, "Smith Act", in Paul Finkelman (ed.) (2006). Encyclopedia of American Civil Liberties. CRC Press. p. 1488. ISBN 0-415-94342-6.
40. Schrecker (1998), p. 141.
41. Fried (1990), p. 187.
42. McAuliff (1978), p. 142.
43. "California Creates Un-American Activities Committee". Today in Civil Liberties History. Retrieved 2017-07-09.
44. Linfield, Michael (1990). Freedom Under Fire: U.S. Civil Liberties in Times of War. South End Press. pp. 107–11. ISBN 9780896083745.
45. Richards, Dave (2009-08-19). "So Long to the Communist Threat". The Texas Observer. Retrieved 2017-07-09.
46. McEnteer, James (2004). Deep in the Heart: The Texas Tendency in American Politics. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 87. ISBN 9780275983062.
47. Nickerson, Michelle M., "Women, Domesticity, and Postwar Conservatism Archived March 10, 2003, at the Wayback Machine", OAH Magazine of History 17 (January 2003). ISSN 0882-228X.
48. Rovere (1959), pp. 21–22.
49. Marmor, Judd, Viola W. Bernard, and Perry Ottenberg, "Psychodynamics of Group Opposition to Mental Health Programs", in Judd Marmor (1994). Psychiatry in Transition (2nd ed.). Transaction. pp. 355–73. ISBN 1-56000-736-2.
50. Buckley (1954), p. 335.
51. Robert Griffith (1987). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. Univ of Massachusetts Press. p. 263. ISBN 0870235559.
52. Arthur Herman (2000). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Simon and Schuster. pp. 160–61. ISBN 9780684836256.
53. Andrew, Christopher; Vasili Mitrokhin (1999). The Sword and the Shield. New York: Basic Books. pp. 108, 110, 122, 148, 164, 226, 236–37, 279–80, 294–306. ISBN 0-465-00310-9.
54. Haynes, John; Harvey Klehr (1999). Venona – Decoding Soviet Espionage in America. Connecticut: Yale University. pp. 221–26. ISBN 0-300-07771-8.
55. Schrecker (1998), pp. 161, 193–94.
56. Chambers, Whittaker (1952). Witness. New York: Random House. p. 799. ISBN 978-0-8488-0958-4.
57. Schrecker (1998), pp. 130–37.
58. Herman, Arthur (2000). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. pp. 5–6.
59. Allen Weinstein and Alexander Vassiliev, The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America – The Stalin Era (New York: Modern Library, 2000) ISBN 978-0-375-75536-1, pp. 48, 158, 162, 169, 229
60. M. Stanton Evans. Blacklisted by History: The Untold Story of Senator Joe McCarthy and His Fight against America's Enemies. Crown Forum, 2007 pp. 19–21.
61. John Earl Haynes, Harvey Klehr. Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America. Yale University Press, 1999, p. 18.
62. Schrecker (1998), p. xiii.
63. Schrecker (2002), pp. 63–64.
64. Schrecker (1998), p. 4.
65. Sears, Brad; Hunter, Nan D.; Mallory, Christy (September 2009). Documenting Discrimination on the Basis of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity in State Employment (PDF). Los Angeles: The Williams Institute on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Law and Public Policy at UCLA School of Law. pp. 5–3. From 1947 to 1961, more than 5,000 allegedly homosexual federal civil servants lost their jobs in the purges for no reason other than sexual orientation, and thousands of applicants were also rejected for federal employment for the same reason. During this period, more than 1,000 men and women were fired for suspected homosexuality from the State Department alone—a far greater number than were dismissed for their membership in the Communist party. The Cold War and anticommunist efforts provided the setting in which a sustained attack upon gay men and lesbians took place. The history of this 'lavender scare' by the federal government has been extensively documented by historian David Johnson, who has demonstrated that during this era, government officials intentionally engaged in campaigns to associate homosexuality with Communism: 'homosexual' and 'pervert' became synonyms for 'Communist' and 'traitor.' LGBT people were treated as a national-security threat, demanding the attention of Congress, the courts, statehouses, and the media.
66. D'Emilio (1998), pp. 41–49.
67. David K. Johnson, The Lavender Scare: The Cold War Persecution of Gays and Lesbians in the Federal Government. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009.), pg 10
68. "An interview with David K. Johnson author of The Lavender Scare: The Cold War Persecution of Gays and Lesbians in the Federal Government". press.uchicago.edu. The University of Chicago. 2004. The Lavender Scare helped fan the flames of the Red Scare. In popular discourse, communists and homosexuals were often conflated. Both groups were perceived as hidden subcultures with their own meeting places, literature, cultural codes, and bonds of loyalty. Both groups were thought to recruit to their ranks the psychologically weak or disturbed. And both groups were considered immoral and godless. Many people believed that the two groups were working together to undermine the government.
69. Gary Kinsman and Patrizia Gentile. The Canadian War on Queers: National Security as Sexual Regulation. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2010, p. 65.
70. Elizabeth Lapovsky Kennedy and Madeline Davis. Boots of Leather, Slippers of Gold. New York: Routledge, 1993, p. 75.
71. Kinsman and Gentile, p. 8.
72. John D'Emilio and Estelle B. Freedman. Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America, 3rd ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012, p. 316.
73. David K. Johnson, p. 96.
74. Schrecker (1998), p. 267.
75. Publication canceled after FBI contact: Horvath, Brooke (2005). Understanding Nelson Algren. University of South Carolina Press. p. 84. ISBN 1-57003-574-1.
76. Investigated by the FBI and brought before HUAC for having registered as a Communist supporter in 1936: "Lucille Ball". FBI Records: The Vault. Federal Bureau of Investigation. Retrieved 9 September 2015.
77. On Hollywood "graylist": "Composer Elmer Bernstein Dead at 82". msnbc.com. Associated Press. August 19, 2004. Retrieved 2009-02-27.
78. Schrecker, Ellen (2002). The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents. New York, Palgrave. p. 244. ISBN 0-312-29425-5.
79. Lost his job, exiled: Jessica Wang (1999). American Science in an Age of Anxiety: scientists, anticommunism, & the cold war. The University of North Carolina Press. pp. 277–78. ISBN 978-0-8078-2447-4.
80. "Obituary", The New York Times, November 25, 1990. Retrieved June 10, 2014.
81. "McCarthy Target Ousted" (PDF). The New York Times. November 21, 1952. Retrieved April 4, 2014.
82. Buhle, Paul & David Wagner (2003b). Blacklisted: The Film Lover's Guide to the Hollywood Blacklist. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 1-4039-6145-X.
83. Harassed by anti-Communist groups, denied reentry to United States while traveling abroad: Lev, Peter (1999). Transforming the Screen, 1950–1959. University of California Press. p. 159. ISBN 0-520-24966-6.
84. On the Red Channels blacklist of artists and entertainers: Schrecker (2002), p. 244.
85. Blacklisted in his profession, committed suicide in 1959: Bosworth, Patricia (1998). Anything Your Little Heart Desires: An American Family Story. Touchstone. ISBN 0-684-83848-6.
86. "The Authentic History Center: Red Channels, The Blacklist". Retrieved 21 July 2010.[dead link]
87. On Hollywood blacklist: Buhle and Wagner (2003), p. 105.
88. Harassed by anti-Communist groups, denied reentry to United States, thus prevented from acting in the movie Broken Lance: Ramón, David (1997). Dolores del Río. Clío. p. 44. ISBN 968-6932-35-6.
89. Indicted under the Foreign Agents Registration Act: Du Bois, W.E.B. (1968). The Autobiography of W. E. B. Du Bois. International Publishers. ISBN 0-7178-0234-5.
90. Craig, R. Bruce (2004). Treasonable Doubt. University Press of Kansas. p. 496. ISBN 978-0-7006-1311-3.
91. Jerome, Fred (2002). The Einstein File: J. Edgar Hoover's Secret War Against the World's Most Famous Scientist. St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-28856-5.
92. Herman, Jan (1995). A Talent for Trouble: The Life of Hollywood's Most Acclaimed Director, William Wyler. Cambridge, Mass.: Da Capo. ISBN 0-306-80798-X.
93. Blacklisted, imprisoned for three months for contempt of Congress: Sabin (1999), p. 75.
94. Alexander, Stephan (2007). Überwacht. Ausgebürgert. Exiliert: Schriftsteller und der Staat. Bielefeld: Aisthesis Verlag. pp. 36–52. ISBN 978-3-89528-634-6.
95. Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles Area — Part 5, United States Congress, House Committee on Un-American Activities
96. On Hollywood blacklist: Buhle and Wagner (2003), p. 31.
97. Berch, Bettina (1988). Radical By Design: The Life and Style of Elizabeth Hawes. Dutton Adult. ISBN 0-525-24715-7.
98. "Dorothy Healey Lifelong Communist Fought for Workers", Los Angeles Times, Dennis McLellan, August 08, 2006. Retrieved 11 June 2014.
99. ""Theodore Kaghan, 77; Was in Foreign Service". The New York Times, August 11, 1989. Accessed March 7, 2011.
100. Freedom of Information/Privacy Act Section. "Subject: Danny Kaye". Federal Bureau of Investigation. Retrieved June 29, 2013.
101. Keith Haynes "Benjamin Keen 1913–2002" Hispanic American Historical Review 83.2 (2003) 357–59
102. Heyworth, Peter (1996). Otto Klemperer: Vol. 2, 1933–1973: His Life and Times. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521244886.
103. Louis Komzsik (2003). The Lanczos Method:Evolution and Application. SIAM. p. 79.
104. Blacklisted and unemployed, committed suicide in 1955: Fried (1990), p. 156.
105. Stephan, Alexander (1995). Im Visier des FBI: deutsche Exilschriftsteller in den Akten amerikanischer Geheimdienste. Metzler. ISBN 3-476-01381-2.
106. Trotter, William R. (1995). Priest of Music. The Life of Dimitri Mitropoulos. Amadeus Press. ISBN 0-931340-81-0.
107. Security clearance withdrawn: Schrecker (2002), p. 41.
108. Repeatedly denied passport: Thompson, Gail & R. Andrew Viruleg. "Linus Pauling". Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship Foundation. Archived from the original on 2007-12-24. Retrieved 2007-12-11.
109. Robert D. Dean, The Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (University of Massachusetts Press, 2001), 65, 127, 140
110. "Obituary", The New York Times, November 9, 1987. Retrieved 10 June 2014.
111. On Hollywood blacklist: Buhle and Wagner (2003), p. 18.
112. Blacklisted, passport revoked: Marable, Manning, John McMillian, and Nishani Frazier (eds.) (2003). Freedom on My Mind: The Columbia Documentary History of the African American Experience. Columbia University Press. p. 559. ISBN 0-231-10890-7.
113. On Hollywood blacklist: Buhle and Wagner (2003), p. 208.
114. Brodeur, Paul (1997). A Writer in the Cold War. Faber and Faber. pp. 159–65. ISBN 978-0-571-19907-5.
115. Herbert Mitgang. "William L. Shirer, Author, Is Dead at 89". The New York Times, December 29, 1993. Accessed March 5, 2011.
116. Lawrence Van Gelder. "Lionel Stander Dies at 86; Actor Who Defied Blacklist". The New York Times, December 2, 1994. Accessed March 5, 2011.
117. http://www.dwc.knaw.nl/DL/levensbericht ... 003184.pdf,[permanent dead link] p. 7
118. Subpoenaed by New Hampshire Attorney General, indicted for contempt of court: Heale, M. J. (1998). McCarthy's Americans: Red Scare Politics in State and Nation, 1935–1965. University of Georgia Press. p. 73. ISBN 0-8203-2026-9.
119. Robert D. Dean, Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 2001), 141–44
120. Passport revoked, incarcerated: Chang, Iris (1996). Thread of the Silkworm. Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-00678-7.
121. Evan, Anderson. "7 Artists Whose Careers Were Almost Derailed by the Hollywood Blacklist". History.com. A+E Networks. Retrieved 15 January 2018.
122. David H. Price. 2004. Threatening Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's Surveillance of Activist Anthropologists. Duke University Press, March 30, 2004
123. Organization of American Historians: Lee W. Formwalt, "Robert Murray's Two Red Scares," in OAH Newsletter, November 2003 Archived September 4, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, accessed January 28, 2011
124. Truman, Harry S. (September 1950). "Veto of the Internal Security Bill". Truman Presidential Museum and Library. Archived from the original on 2007-03-01. Retrieved 2006-08-07.
125. Doherty (2005), pp. 14–15.
126. Smith, Margaret Chase (June 1, 1950). "Declaration of Conscience". Margaret Chase Smith Library. Archived from the original on October 8, 2006. Retrieved 2006-08-04.
127. Fried (1990), p. 29.
128. Fried (1997), p. 114.
129. Streitmatter (1998), p. 154.
130. Doherty (2005), p. 207.
131. Faulk, John Henry (1963). Fear on Trial. University of Texas Press. ISBN 0-292-72442-X.
132. Fried (1997), p. 197.
133. Rovere (1959), p. 264.
134. Sabin (1999), p. 5.
135. Fried (1997), p. 203.
136. "Cole v. Young 351 U.S. 536 (1956)".
137. Fried (1997), p. 205.
138. Fried (1997), p. 207.
139. full text (http://caselaw.findlaw.com)
140. Fried (1997), p. 211.
141. Paddock, Richard C. (May 11, 2008), "Loyalty oath poses ethical dilemmas", San Francisco Chronicle
142. Johnson, Haynes (2005). The Age of Anxiety: McCarthyism to Terrorism. Harcourt. p. 471. ISBN 0-15-101062-5.
143. Cole, David, "National Security State", The Nation (December 17, 2001). See also Cole, David, "The New McCarthyism: Repeating History in the War on Terrorism", Harvard Civil Rights–Civil Liberties Law Review 38, no. 1 (Winter 2003).
144. Coulter, Ann (2003). Treason: Liberal Treachery from the Cold War to the War on Terrorism. Three Rivers Press. ISBN 1-4000-5032-4.
145. Geoffrey R. Stone (October 17, 2004). "America's new McCarthyism". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved January 3, 2018.
146. Morgan, Ted (2004). Reds: McCarthyism in Twentieth-Century America. Random House. p. 597 et seq. ISBN 0-8129-7302-X.
147. Goldberg, Jonah (February 26, 2003). "Two Cheers for "McCarthyism"?". National Review Online. Archived from the original on 2006-12-10. Retrieved 2007-01-25.
148. Marshall, Joshua, "Exhuming McCarthy", American Prospect 10, no. 43 (1999).
149. David Aaronovitch McCarthy: There Were Reds Under the Bed BBC Radio 4 airdate 9 August 2010
150. Radosh, Ronald (July 11, 2001). "The Persistence of Anti-Anti-Communism". FrontPageMagazine.com. Archived from the original on July 30, 2012. Retrieved 2009-02-27.
151. Haynes, John Earl. "Reflections on Ellen Schrecker and Maurice Isserman's essay, "The Right's Cold War Revision"".
152. Shannon Jones Account of McCarthy period slanders socialist opponents of Stalinism International Committee of the Fourth International 24 March 1999
Any serious assessment of McCarthyism must consider fore and center the criminal role played by the Stalinist Communist Party, which, by associating socialism with terrible crimes against the working class, helped create the political climate in which red-baiting could flourish.
153. Theoharis, Athan (2002). Chasing Spies: How the FBI Failed in Counter-Intelligence But Promoted the Politics of McCarthyism in the Cold War Years. Ivan R. Dee. ISBN 1-56663-420-2.
154. Jones, Shannon (24 March 1999). "Account of McCarthy period slanders socialist opponents of Stalinism". World Socialist Web Site. International Committee of the Fourth International. Retrieved 2011-09-04.
... her pro-Stalinist outlook and the school of anticommunism share a common premise – the claim that the Soviet regime as it developed under Stalin was the embodiment of Marxist principles.
155. Schrecker, Ellen (Winter 2000). "Comments on John Earl Haynes' The Cold War Debate Continues". Journal of Cold War Studies. Harvard University – Faculty of Arts and Sciences. Retrieved 2009-02-27. Emphasis in original.
156. Rosenthal, Jack (October 7, 1984). "President vs. Demagogue". The New York Times. Retrieved December 20,2017.
157. Boot, Max (April 2000). "Joseph McCarthy by Arthur Herman". Commentary. Archived from the original on July 21, 2010. Retrieved April 11, 2013.
158. What Qualifies as Demagoguery? (October 19, 2004). "What Qualifies as Demagoguery?". History News Network. Retrieved December 20, 2017.
159. Murphy, Brenda (2003-11-13). Congressional Theatre: Dramatizing McCarthyism on Stage, Film, and Television. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521891660.
160. "The Troubled Air". Open Road Media.
161. Miller, Arthur (October 21, 1996). "Why I Wrote The Crucible". The New Yorker.
162. Georgakas, Dan. ""The Hollywood Blacklist"". http://www.english.illinois.edu. Retrieved 2018-08-15.
163. "'Good Night and Good Luck': Murrow vs. McCarthy".

Sources

• Block, Herbert (1952). The Herblock Book. Beacon. ISBN 1-4992-5346-X.
• Brinkley, Alan (1995). The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War. Vintage. ISBN 0-679-75314-1.
• Brown, Ralph S. (1958). Loyalty and Security: Employment Tests in the United States. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-306-70218-5.
• Buckley, William F. (1977). A Hymnal: The Controversial Arts. G.P. Putnam's Sons. ISBN 0399-12227-3.
• Buckley, William F. (1954). McCarthy and His Enemies: The Record and Its Meaning. Regnery. ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
• Buhle, Paul & David Wagner (2003). Hide in Plain Sight: The Hollywood Blacklistees in Film and Television, 1950–2002. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 1-4039-6144-1.
• Cox, John Stuart & Athan G. Theoharis (1988). The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great American Inquisition. Temple University Press. ISBN 0-87722-532-X.
• D'Emilio, John (1998). Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities (2d ed.). University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-14267-1.
• Doherty, Thomas (2005). Cold War, Cool Medium: Television, McCarthyism, and American Culture. Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-12953-X.
• Fried, Albert (1997). McCarthyism, The Great American Red Scare: A Documentary History. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-509701-7.
• Fried, Richard M. (1990). Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-504361-8.
• Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
• Haynes, John Earl, and Harvey Klehr (2000). Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-08462-5.
• Herman, Herman (2000). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. The Free Press. ISBN 0-68483625-4.
• McAuliff, Mary Sperling (1978). Crisis on the Left: Cold War Politics and American Liberals, 1947–1954. University of Massachusetts Press. ISBN 0-87023-241-X.
• Rovere, Richard H. (1959). Senator Joe McCarthy. University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-20472-7.
• Sabin, Arthur J. (1999). In Calmer Times: The Supreme Court and Red Monday. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 0-8122-3507-X.
• Schrecker, Ellen (1998). Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Little, Brown. ISBN 0-316-77470-7.
• Schrecker, Ellen (2002). The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents (2d ed.). Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-312-29425-5.
• Stone, Geoffrey R. (2004). Perilous Times: Free Speech in Wartime from the Sedition Act of 1798 to the War on Terrorism. W. W. Norton. ISBN 0-393-05880-8.
• Streitmatter, Rodger (1998). Mightier Than the Sword: How the News Media Have Shaped American History. Westview Press. ISBN 0-8133-3211-7.
• Weir, Robert E. (2007). Class in America: An Encyclopedia. Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-313-33720-9.

Historiography

• Haynes, John Earl. "The Cold War debate continues: A traditionalist view of historical writing on domestic Communism and anti-Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 2.1 (2000): 76-115.
• Hixson Jr, William B. Search for the American right wing: An analysis of the social science record, 1955–1987 (Princeton University Press, 2015).
• Reeves, Thomas C. "McCarthyism: Interpretations since Hofstadter." Wisconsin Magazine of History (1976): 42–54. online
• Selverstone, Marc J. "A Literature So Immense: The Historiography of Anticommunism." Organization of American Historians Magazine of History 24.4 (2010): 7–11.

Further reading

• Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2000). The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB. Basic Books. ISBN 0-465-00312-5.
• Byman, Jeremy (2004). Showdown at High Noon: Witch-hunts, Critics, and the End of the Western. Scarecrow Press. ISBN 0-8108-4998-4.
• Caballero, Raymond. McCarthyism vs. Clinton Jencks. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2019.
• Caute, David (1978). The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge Under Truman and Eisenhower. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-671-22682-7.
• Coulter, Ann (2003). Treason: Liberal Treachery from the Cold War to the War on Terrorism. Crown Forum. ISBN 1-4000-5030-8.
• Evans, M. Stanton (2007). Blacklisted by History: The Untold Story of Senator Joe McCarthy and His Fight Against America's Enemies. Crown Publishing. ISBN 1-4000-8105-X.
• Haynes, John Earl (2000). Red Scare or Red Menace?: American Communism and Anti Communism in the Cold War Era. Ivan R. Dee. ISBN 1-56663-091-6.
• Haynes, John Earl & Harvey Klehr (2003). In Denial: Historians, Communism, and Espionage. Encounter. ISBN 1-893554-72-4.
• Latham, Earl (ed.). The Meaning of McCarthyism (1965). excerpts from primary and secondary sources
• Lichtman, Robert M. The Supreme Court and McCarthy-Era Repression: One Hundred Decisions. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2012.
• McDaniel, Rodger. Dying for Joe McCarthy's Sins: The Suicide of Wyoming Senator Lester Hunt. WordsWorth, 2013.
• Morgan, Ted (2004). Reds: McCarthyism in Twentieth-Century America. Random House. ISBN 0-8129-7302-X.
• Navasky, Victor S. (1980). Naming Names. Hill and Wang. ISBN 0-8090-0183-7.
• Powers, Richard Gid (1997). Not Without Honor: A History of American Anticommunism. Free Press. ISBN 0-300-07470-0.
• Schrecker, Ellen (1994). The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents. Bedford Books of St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-08349-1.
• Storrs, Landon R.Y., The Second Red Scare and the Unmaking of the New Deal Left. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2013.
• Weinstein, Allen, and Alexander Vassiliev (2000). The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America—The Stalin Era. Modern Library. ISBN 0-375-75536-5.

External links

• Badash, Lawrence (October 30, 2007). "Science in the McCarthy Period: Training Ground for Scientists as Public Citizens". Oregon State University. Retrieved 2008-01-16.
• Beyer, Mary & Michael Beyer (January 2006). "McCarthyism Today". International Journal of Baudrillard Studies. Archived from the original on 2006-10-01. Retrieved 2006-11-02.
• "McCarthyism / The "Red Scare"". Dwight D. Eisenhower Online Documents. Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, Museum, and Boyhood Home. Retrieved 30 October 2013.
• Navasky, Victor S. (June 28, 2001). "Cold War Ghosts". The Nation. Retrieved 2006-11-02.
• Rusher, William A. (Fall 2004). "A Closer Look Under The Bed". Claremont Review of Books. Claremont Institute. Archived from the original on January 27, 2012. Retrieved 2011-12-27.
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German American Bund
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/21/19

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Quotes from "Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States: Appendix, Part IV: German-American Bund: Three Documents on the German-American Bund, by Special Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives

The three documents which are presented in this report speak for themselves…..

They attest the ruthless efficiency of the military set-up which characterizes Hitler's machine in Germany….

The discipline to which members of the German-American Bund are subject is clearly reflected in the endless rules and regulations which extend to the minute details of the Bund members' lives. The documents speak of "absolute loyalty" and "blind obedience."…

The German-American Bund organization clearly anticipates violence by its assertion that "the OD man gives assurance that our movement will, at the sacrifice of life if necessary, remain the inexorable opponents of Jewish Marxism….

According to Document #3, "anyone who is not filled with this unshakable faith and courage and cannot march along as a fanatical fighter does not belong in the OD; to have embraced the National Socialist view of things means definitively breaking off all ties with liberal halfway measures" (p. 1611). This is a clear espousal of the totalitarian, as opposed to the democratic, way of life….

The following quotations indicate something of the religious bigotry of the Germany-American Bund: "All OD men and OD Leaders in particular are required to procure a certificate of Aryan blood" (p. 1610). "We are looking for men who enter our organization not in order to procure personal advantages or to be allowed to play soldier pleasantly, but who intend with their whole power to eradicate the red Jewish pestilence in America"…

the defensive and offensive movement of the national consciousness of American Germanism dedicated philosophically (Weltanschaulich), national-socialistically, and politically to the service of an actually independent, aryan-governed United States of North America"…

Document #1 reveals the keeping of systematic records on "enemies" of the German-American Bund….Hitler explained to Rauschning his system of keeping just such a card file on "friends" and "enemies."….

Document #1 specifies the manner in which a meeting of the Bund shall be closed, as follows: "To a free. Gentile-ruled United States and to our fighting movement of awakened Aryan Americans, a three-fold rousing 'Free America! Free America! Free America!"….

These Nazi activities in the United States are traceable to and linked with Government-controlled agencies in Nazi Germany…

the official newspaper of the German-American Bund has had advance information on what was about to transpire in Germany and gave every evidence of intimate knowledge of events to come….

all of the Nazi activities here are on lines identical with those used abroad….

the German-American Bund can muster within its own ranks a uniformed force of 5,000 storm troops and it was testified that in time of necessity this force could be augmented with "strong-arm" detachments of allied groups, such as Italian Black Shirts, Silver Shirts, Ukrainians, White Russians, and similar organizations…

this storm-troop division of the Bund is patterned after the Hitler storm troops and its members are the political soldiers of a Hitler-inspired movement in the United States….

from the manpower of this force the Bund, working hand in hand with the German Government, can draft men for a sabotage, machine and spy net….

members of that organization in all parts of the United States have privately admitted that they are not American citizens but are German citizens and in many cases have boasted that they never intend to become American citizens….

elections were conducted along the lines of recent European plebiscites where everything is under such control that no one dares vote against the machine…

crews of German warships have been entertained by the storm troops of the Bund. German World War veterans are active in storm-troop ranks and help train and drill the men….

Members of the Nazi groups have been found to be working in some of the great aviation manufacturing companies of the United States. They were found working in the United States Navy shipyards where they had succeeded in securing positions which placed them in direct possession of secret plans for the construction of United States Navy battleships of the latest type. They have even been assigned to trial runs on the latest type of these ships…

the Foreign Institute of the Nazi Government at Stuttgart was one of the instrumentalities used in assisting the German-American Bund in spreading propaganda in this country…

German consulates in the United States have been the clearing houses for much of the Nazi activity here…

the groups operated in this country are directed by organizations in Germany which get their support and direction from the German Government itself….

In fact, the Foreign Institute at Stuttgart is being conducted by one Fritz Gissibl, a former leader of the Nazi group in this country and whose brother even now is a member and leader of the Nazi group in Chicago….

every effort is being expended by the bund's high command to instill in these boys and girls, most of whom have never even been outside the United States, the doctrines of racial and religious hatreds preached under the pagan German kultur …

a worship of Hitlerism is inculcated in these youthful unsuspecting minds….

Health, Hitler, Heils, and Hatred are the "4-H's" used by United States Nazis…

They must learn to speak fluent German and to understand the Nazi ideology. They listen to lectures on the Hitler philosophy and the policies of the Third Reich….

the camps are completely Nazi Germany….

The scouts eat, sleep, talk, and dream nazi-ism with the same fervor of the regimented youth of Germany. They are taught to avoid outside "contaminating influences."…

Youngsters are thrust into the Jungvolk organization when only 5 and 6 years old. They wear uniforms of brown and blue shorts or skirts, white blouses with Hitler-brown scarfs. Older boys wear brown shirts with Sam Browne belts, military trousers and boots, and are armed with long hunting knives and spears.

Youths graduate into the "Ordnungs Dienst," the storm-troop organization of the bund, and are trained mentally and physically to lead the troops when the often predicted "trouble" comes. Scouts are told they must be prepared to withstand the onrush of the coming "red" revolution….

At Siegfried and at other eastern bund camps, separate tent encampments for boys and girls are set back in the woods, away from the main building and cottages where their parents drink beer and dance…. Visitors — even parents of the scouts — are not permitted in the youth camps proper. Scouts on duty in the camps must come to the entrances to visit with their parents….

Commands and conversations among the scouts are entirely in German…

Heels click together and the right arm goes out in a Hitler salute when a scout, boy or girl, is addressed by a youth leader or any storm trooper in uniform….

the signs over Nazi youth camps: "You were born to die for Germany."…

Nazi propaganda was slyly worked into the public schools of that city in recent months under the guise of summer German-language classes; that ostensibly, the plan was to simply teach the German language and sing German folk songs, but before very long it became apparent this was not at all the real purposes of the classes. Instead, instructions drifted into Nazi doctrines….

After every Saturday class, trucks picked up some 50 of the children and carried them 55 miles to a Nazi camp near Stanton, Mo. This camp site is operated by the Deutsch-Amerikanische Berufgemeinschaft and is under the direction of Eberhard von Blankenhagen, former Consul Secretary of the German Embassy in Washington….

So closely related is the youth movement of the German-American Bund to that of the Hitler youth in Germany that they even sing the songs of the Hitler youth and reprint them in their song books…

One of the most alarming ways of Nazi propaganda along this line has swept through the ranks of exchange students to universities….

Take, for instance, the case of the Committee on American Youth Camp in Germany. This committee arranges trips and stays for American youths in Germany….

Dr. Colin Ross is a Nazi propagandist who spends his time between Germany and the United States. He has been one of the outstanding speakers for the German-American Bund and has been a writer for the Weckruf, official organ of the bund….

children six years old were shown with the swastika, regulation German Army steel helmets and spears…

Denials to the contrary notwithstanding, this committee was greatly impressed with the evidence presented showing that there is a relationship existing between the German Government and the German-American Bund through the activities of Nazi consuls in this country.

Fritz Kuhn, leader of the German-American Bund, informed this committee's investigator at a time when the latter was disguised as a storm trooper that not only did he have power over the Ambassador and consular set-up in the United States but that he also had a special secret arrangement directly with Adolf Hitler, of Germany.

Ramifications of this "arrangement," Kuhn declared, also included a secret relationship between the German-American Bund and Dr. Hans Heinrich Dieckhoff, present German Ambassador to the United States, and German consuls throughout the country. (See vol, 2, p. 1149.)

In his executive office on the second floor of the bund national headquarters at 178 East Eighty-fifth Street, New York City, on the night of August 16, 1937, this committee's investigator testified that he spoke with Kuhn concerning a trip he had made to the Pacific coast and told him of the difficulties the Los Angeles Post had had with the German consul there….

You see, I have a certain special arrangement with Hitler and Germany that whenever any of our groups have trouble with the consulates in their districts that they are to report it to me in full detail. I then take it up with the Ambassador. Germany is not to be troubled with it unless I get no satisfaction from the Ambassador.

That is exactly why there is a new Ambassador to the United States, and that is exactly why many consuls have been and still are being removed. All the new consuls are National Socialists and are under special instructions to give us the fullest cooperation in every way.


It should be pointed out that Dr. Hans Heinrich Dieckhoff, present Ambassador, was sent to the United States, May 14, 1938, to replace Dr. Hans Luther, whose policy, bund leaders said, did not coincide with those of the bund and the Nazi Party in Germany. There have been numerous consulate changes during the last 2 years, and bund leaders a year ago predicted that more would follow….

Consul von Killinger was also reported as stating that the activities against certain religious groups in this country, as practiced by the German American Bund, are "for the good of America."

The committee had before it evidence (vol. 2, p. 1151) that certain American citizens residing in California had made trips to Germany for the purpose of being schooled in the art of Nazi propaganda and enlightenment. In one instance the father of one of these men (vol. 2, p. 1151) told this committee's investigator that his son's expenses to Germany had been paid through a secret arrangement between the German-American Bund and the Nazi Government….

American Citizens have received Nazi propaganda by mail in packages carrying the imprint of the Nazi consulate at St. Louis…

Propaganda direct from the German Ministry of Propaganda and Enlightenment is distributed by bund officials and evidence was introduced showing definitely that printed propaganda material was shipped from Germany to United States citizens directly. These packages contained, according to the testimony, considerable Nazi propaganda which was printed in Germany for distribution in the United States, considerable Fascist propaganda which was printed in Great Britain for distribution here, and much material of antiracial and antireligious character which was printed here, shipped to German Government agencies, and then reshipped to the United States for distribution in this country….

The packages coming here from abroad contained printed material from the pen of Ernst Goerner, of Milwaukee, Wis.; pamphlets from the Knights of the White Camellia, an organization founded by George E. Deatherage, of Charleston, W. Va.; leaflets from the Russian National Union; and issues from the Christian Free Press, printed in Glendale, Calif….

many Germans living in the United States go abroad and take an oath of fealty to the Fuehrer of Germany…

Repeatedly we have been told that there is no connection between the German-American Bund and the Nazi Government or its political subdivisions, repeatedly we have been told that no allegiance to Adolf Hitler is required, and yet here we have an officially inspired newspaper published in Germany telling us that an oath of fealty was taken….

A target range was set up at Camp Siegfried, Yaphank, Long Island, and on one occasion Herman Schwarzmann, head of the Astoria, Long Island, group, announced that the men were to be "trained to shoot and to take care of guns"…

Bund fuehrers informed storm troops that the various German World War veterans in their ranks would train the younger men in the use of arms….

Within the past year one section of the Gestapo, service section No. 2, under the direction of Colonel Nicolai, has added three new departments, Nos. 23, 24, and 25, all three specifically devoted to espionage in the United States.

Department 23 specializes in economic espionage — the obtaining of American manufacturing and industrial secrets.

Department 24 specializes in military intelligence.

Department 25 specializes in Nazi propaganda….

the German-American Bund receives its inspiration, program, and direction from the Nazi Government of Germany through the various propaganda organizations which have been set up by that Government and which function under the control and supervision of the Nazi Ministry of Propaganda and Enlightenment….

In 1936 Fritz Kulin accompanied a large delegation of bund members to Germany ostensibly for the purpose of visiting the Olympic games. The group paraded in uniform of the Orderly Division (storm troops), and the parade was reviewed by Adolf Hitler. Following the parade, Fritz Kuhn and other officials of the German-American Bund were received by the German Fuehrer…

It was established through the testimony of Fritz Kuhn that the bund had worked sympathetically with other organizations throughout the United States and cooperates with them. Kuhn testified that some of these groups are the Christian Front, the Christian Mobilizers, the Christian Crusaders, the Social Justice Society, the Silver Shirt Legion of America, the Knights of the White Camellia and various Italian Fascist, White Russian, and Ukranian organizations. Kuhn testified that some of the leaders of these groups had addressed meetings sponsored by the bund and that representatives of the bund in turn frequently appeared as speakers at meetings and gatherings sponsored by the above-named groups. It was also established that the bund cooperated with some of these organizations and their leaders by exchanging literature and publications with them and by publishing material emanating from them in the official organ of the bund. Numerous articles have appeared in the bund newspaper expressing the bund's approval of the activities of the organizations already mentioned….

the following are standard reading in bund camps: Hitler's Mein Kampf, Pelley's booklets and publication, Liberation, the books of Julius Streicher (German propagandist), and the Rev. Charles E. Coughlin's publication, Social Justice….

uniforms worn by the members of the youth groups, their camps and program of activities were similar in every respect to those of the Hitler youth movement, and that the Nazi salute was the accepted gesture of greeting….

a group of 15 boys and 15 girls from various parts of the United States who were selected by the bund to be sent to Germany for special training….

there is a political agent on all German ships and that these political agents maintain contact with the Nazi representatives in foreign countries. They are intermediaries for transmission of instructions to the bund leaders in the United States and they receive reports from these leaders concerning the bund's activities, according to the witnesses….

German agents engaged in espionage activities, contacted bund leaders in the United States and sought and received their cooperation. This witness also testified that he had heard discussions among bund leaders with reference to the manner in which the bund, through its members in various industrial plants, could effectively carry out a program of sabotage in case such action became necessary….

members of the bund had assisted German agents whose arrests were sought by officials in the United States in avoiding apprehension and had helped get them out of the United States with the cooperation of German ships….

Nazi propaganda agencies, through officials of the German Government in the United States, have attempted to propagandize educational institutions in this country. It was testified that a German consul general had offered, on behalf of the German Government to subsidize German departments in American universities provided the professors were "acceptable'' to the Nazis….

in August 1938 a so-called anti-Communist convention was held at the bund headquarters in Los Angeles…

the following persons participated in this convention:

Kenneth Alexander, Southern California leader of the Silver Shirts; J. H. Peyton, of the American Rangers; Chas. B. Hudson, of Omaha, Nebr., organizer and leader of America Awake, who accompanied General Moseley when he appeared before the committee; Mrs. Leslie Fry, alias Paquita Louise De Shishmareff, mysterious international figure who has since fled the country, then leader of the Militant Christian Patriots; representatives of Italian Fascist and White Russian organizations; and a number of others of similar point of view….

Bund literature mingled with that of William Dudley Pelley, Robert Edmondson, Mrs. Fry, and George Deatherage on the tables of this convention.

It is clear to the committee that this convention was in no real sense an anti-Communist convention but rather another of a series of attempts to unite some of the various forces of intolerance, racial hatred, Naziism and Fascism in order to achieve greater influence in the United States….

Allen went to Atlanta, Ga., to attempt to "buy the Ku Klux Klan" for Mrs. Fry for the sum of $75,000. He testified that he talked to Hiram W. Evans, head of the Klan, but that Evans "was not interested in the idea."…

-- Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States: Appendix, Part IV: German-American Bund: Three Documents on the German-American Bund, by Special Committee on Un-American Activities


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German American Bund
Amerikadeutscher Volksbund
Flag of the German American Bund
Also known as "German American Federation"
Country United States
Leader(s) Fritz Julius Kuhn
Foundation 1936
Dissolved 1941
Preceded by Friends of New Germany
Active region(s) All United States, mainly New York,[1] Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Midwest
Ideology: Nazism, Germanisation, Pan-Germanism, Anti-Semitism, Non-interventionism[2]
Political position: Far-right
Major actions: Embezzlement, Ethnic violence, Sedition
Status Defunct
Size 25,000[3]

The German American Bund, or German American Federation (German: Amerikadeutscher Bund; Amerikadeutscher Volksbund, AV), was a German-American pro-Nazi organization established in 1936 to succeed Friends of New Germany (FoNG), the new name being chosen to emphasize the group's American credentials after press criticism that the organization was unpatriotic.[4] The Bund was to consist only of American citizens of German descent.[5] Its main goal was to promote a favorable view of Nazi Germany.

Friends of New Germany

Main article: Friends of New Germany

In May 1933, Nazi Deputy Führer Rudolf Hess gave German immigrant and German Nazi Party member Heinz Spanknöbel authority to form an American Nazi organization.[6] Shortly thereafter, with help from the German consul in New York City, Spanknöbel created the Friends of New Germany[6] by merging two older organizations in the United States, Gau-USA and the Free Society of Teutonia, which were both small groups with only a few hundred members each. The FoNG was based in New York City but had a strong presence in Chicago.[6] Members wore a uniform, a white shirt and black trousers for men with a black hat festooned with a red symbol. Women members wore a white blouse and a black skirt.[7]

The organization led by Spanknöbel was openly pro-Nazi, and engaged in activities such as storming the German language New Yorker Staats-Zeitung with the demand that Nazi-sympathetic articles be published, and the infiltration of other non-political German-American organizations. One of the Friends early initiatives was to counter, with propaganda, the Jewish boycott of German goods, which started in March 1933 to protest Nazi anti-Semitism.


In an internal battle for control of the Friends, Spanknöbel was ousted as leader and subsequently deported in October 1933 because he had failed to register as a foreign agent.[6]

At the same time, Congressman Samuel Dickstein, Chairman of the Committee on Naturalization and Immigration, became aware of the substantial number of foreigners legally and illegally entering and residing in the country, and the growing anti-Semitism along with vast amounts of anti-Semitic literature being distributed in the country. This led him to investigate independently the activities of Nazi and other fascist groups, leading to the formation of the Special Committee on Un-American Activities Authorized to Investigate Nazi Propaganda and Certain Other Propaganda Activities. Throughout the rest of 1934, the Committee conducted hearings, bringing before it most of the major figures in the American fascist movement.[8] Dickstein's investigation concluded that the Friends represented a branch of German dictator Adolf Hitler's Nazi Party in the United States.[9][10]

The organization existed into the mid-1930s, although it always remained small, with a membership of between 5,000 and 10,000, consisting mostly of German citizens living in the United States and German emigrants who only recently had become citizens.[6] In December 1935, Rudolf Hess ordered all German citizens to leave the FoNG and recalled all of its leaders to Germany.[6]

Bund activities

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German American Bund parade on East 86th St., New York City, October 30, 1939

On March 19, 1936, the German American Bund was established as a follow-up organization for the Friends of New Germany in Buffalo, New York.[6][11] The Bund elected a German-born American citizen Fritz Julius Kuhn as its leader (Bundesführer).[12] Kuhn was a veteran of the Bavarian infantry during World War I and an Alter Kämpfer (old fighter) of the Nazi Party who, in 1934, was granted American citizenship. Kuhn was initially effective as a leader and was able to unite the organization and expand its membership but came to be seen simply as an incompetent swindler and liar.[6]

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Sowilo rune on the flag of the youth organization

The administrative structure of the Bund mimicked the regional administrative subdivision of the Nazi Party. The German American Bund divided the United States into three Gaue: Gau Ost (East), Gau West and Gau Midwest.[13] Together the three Gaue comprised 69 Ortsgruppen (local groups): 40 in Gau Ost (17 in New York), 10 in Gau West and 19 in Gau Midwest.[13] Each Gau had its own Gauleiter and staff to direct the Bund operations in the region in accordance with the Führerprinzip.[13] The Bund's national headquarters was located at 178 East 85th Street in the New York City borough of Manhattan.[1]

The Bund established a number of training camps, including Camp Nordland in Sussex County, New Jersey, Camp Siegfried in Yaphank, New York, Camp Hindenburg in Grafton, Wisconsin, Deutschhorst Country Club in Sellersville, Pennsylvania,[14] Camp Bergwald in Bloomingdale, New Jersey,[6][15][16][17][14] and Camp Highland in New York state.[18] The Bund held rallies with Nazi insignia and procedures such as the Hitler salute and attacked the administration of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jewish-American groups, Communism, "Moscow-directed" trade unions and American boycotts of German goods.[6][19] The organization claimed to show its loyalty to America by displaying the flag of the United States alongside the flag of Nazi Germany at Bund meetings, and declared that George Washington was "the first Fascist" who did not believe democracy would work.[20]

Kuhn and a few other Bundmen traveled to Berlin to attend the 1936 Summer Olympics. During the trip, he visited the Reich Chancellery, where his picture was taken with Hitler.[6]
This act did not constitute an official Nazi approval for Kuhn's organization:


The German-American Bund followed closely the pattern of treason made familiar by the Nazis in such organizations as those of Norway's Quisling, Czechoslovakia's Henlein, Belgium's Degrelle, and Jugoslavia's Pavelic. Operating under the flimsy pretext of cultural objectives and general German-American welfare, the bund was always and everywhere a Nazi agency working for disruption, espionage, sabotage, and treason. The bund's pious pretenses were so shallow that it is impossible to believe that any considerable proportion of its membership was ever truly deceived concerning its objectives....

the committee found the following things:

1. That the bund was characterized by the same ruthless efficiency of the military set-up which characterized Hitler's machine in Germany.

2. That bund members were subjected to "absolute loyalty" and "blind obedience" to the bund's fuehrer.

3. That the bund demanded that its members be "fanatical fighters" for national socialism.

4. That the bund anticipated the necessity of violence in carrying out its program.

5. That the bund was characterized by extreme religious bigotry.

6. That the bund aimed at the establishment of a new kind of government in the United States, one which should incorporate the principle of Nazi religious bigotry.

7. That the bund kept a systematic record of its enemies.

8. That the bund specified that its meetings should be closed with the following declaration: "To a free, Gentile-ruled United States and to our fighting movement of awakened Aryan Americans, a threefold rousing 'Free America! Free America! Free America!'"

9. That the bund was an absolutely secret organization.

10. That the bund looked upon all Americans of German descent as owing loyalty to the Reich.

11. And that the bund was ideologically and organizationally tied to Nazi Germany....

Fritz Julius Kuhn was born in Munich, Germany, on May 15, 1896. According to his own testimony, he received his education in Munich, completing a university course there.

In the First World War Kuhn was a machine gunner in the infantry of the German Army. He states that he served 4-1/2 years with the German forces, and by the end of the war had attained the rank of lieutenant.

Kuhn's brother, Max, was appointed a member of the German Supreme Court by Hitler — sufficient evidence that the Kuhn family stands in well with the Nazi Fuehrer....

Mr. Fritz Kuhn became a member of the Nazi Party in 1921 and was active under the then Munich police commissioner, one of the first leading Nazi officials, Dr. Poehner....

When on November 9, 1923, in front of the Feldherrenhalle in Munich, Bavarian police shot at the Nazis marching under the leadership of Hitler and Ludendorff, Kuhn was among the marching Nazis....

After his entry into the United States, Kuhn proceeded directly to Detroit, where he obtained employment in the Henry Ford Hospital and later as a chemical engineer in the Ford Motor Co. Kuhn's employment in these Ford institutions lasted about 8 years....

In the Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter, official bund newspaper, the visit of Kuhn and a delegation of German-American Bund storm troopers to Germany was described with obvious pride in both words and pictures. The accounts of this visit, which took place in 1936, are found in the Deutscher Weckruf and Beobachter for August 6, August 27, and September 10, 1936. When these bund storm troopers paraded in Berlin before Hitler himself, the Nazi Feuhrer stood on the balcony of the Chancellory. As Hitler stood there viewing this parade, Fritz Kuhn went to the balcony and, according to the words of the Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter itself, "Bund Leader Fritz Kuhn reported to him."... It cannot be denied that Hitler in this manner gave the highest official recognition of the fact that the German-American Bund was a Nazi agency and that Bundesfuehrer Fritz Kuhn was a subordinate of Hitler himself. According to the report which was published in the bund's own newspaper, Hitler replied to Kuhn, "Now you go back and continue your struggle."

-- Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States: Appendix, Part VII: Report on the Axis Front Movement in the United States [Excerpt from pp. 59-85], Special Committee on Un-American Activities


German Ambassador to the United States Hans-Heinrich Dieckhoff expressed his disapproval and concern over the group to Berlin, causing distrust between the Bund and the Nazi regime.[6] The organization received no financial or verbal support from Germany.

Denials to the contrary notwithstanding, this committee was greatly impressed with the evidence presented showing that there is a relationship existing between the German Government and the German-American Bund through the activities of Nazi consuls in this country.

Fritz Kuhn, leader of the German-American Bund, informed this committee's investigator at a time when the latter was disguised as a storm trooper that not only did he have power over the Ambassador and consular set-up in the United States but that he also had a special secret arrangement directly with Adolf Hitler, of Germany.

Ramifications of this "arrangement," Kuhn declared, also included a secret relationship between the German-American Bund and Dr. Hans Heinrich Dieckhoff, present German Ambassador to the United States, and German consuls throughout the country. (See vol, 2, p. 1149.)

In his executive office on the second floor of the bund national headquarters at 178 East Eighty-fifth Street, New York City, on the night of August 16, 1937, this committee's investigator testified that he spoke with Kuhn concerning a trip he had made to the Pacific coast and told him of the difficulties the Los Angeles Post had had with the German consul there. According to this testimony, Kuhn exclaimed:

My God, what's the matter with them. They know what to do. Why don't they let me know about it? I've heard before of this trouble in Los Angeles. Schwinn talked it over with me.


(This Schwinn is Hermann Schwinn, western leader of the German-American Bund. He is from Los Angeles.)

Oh, well, maybe Schwinn took my order of instructions with him to Germany and forgot to send it to his district.


It was at this point that Kuhn made the following statement to the investigator for the committee:

You see, I have a certain special arrangement with Hitler and Germany that whenever any of our groups have trouble with the consulates in their districts that they are to report it to me in full detail. I then take it up with the Ambassador. Germany is not to be troubled with it unless I get no satisfaction from the Ambassador.

That is exactly why there is a new Ambassador to the United States, and that is exactly why many consuls have been and still are being removed. All the new consuls are National Socialists and are under special instructions to give us the fullest cooperation in every way.


It should be pointed out that Dr. Hans Heinrich Dieckhoff, present Ambassador, was sent to the United States, May 14, 1938, to replace Dr. Hans Luther, whose policy, bund leaders said, did not coincide with those of the bund and the Nazi Party in Germany. There have been numerous consulate changes during the last 2 years, and bund leaders a year ago predicted that more would follow.

-- Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States: Appendix, Part IV: German-American Bund: Three Documents on the German-American Bund, by Special Committee on Un-American Activities


In response to the outrage of Jewish war veterans, Congress in 1938 passed the Foreign Agents Registration Act requiring foreign agents to register with the State Department. On March 1, 1938, the Nazi government decreed that no Reichsdeutsche [German nationals] could be a member of the Bund, and that no Nazi emblems were to be used by the organization.[6] This was done both to appease the U.S. and to distance Germany from the Bund, which was increasingly a cause of embarrassment with its rhetoric and actions.[6]

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German American Bund rally poster at Madison Square Garden, February 20, 1939

Arguably, the zenith of the Bund's activities was the rally at Madison Square Garden in New York City on February 20, 1939.[21] Some 20,000 people attended and heard Kuhn criticize President Roosevelt by repeatedly referring to him as "Frank D. Rosenfeld", calling his New Deal the "Jew Deal" and denouncing what he believed to be Bolshevik-Jewish American leadership. Most shocking to American sensibilities was the outbreak of violence between protesters and Bund storm troopers. The rally, which attracted 20,000 Nazi supporters, was the subject of the 2017 short documentary A Night at the Garden by Marshall Curry.[22]

Decline

In 1939, a New York tax investigation determined that Kuhn had embezzled $14,000 from the Bund. The Bund did not seek to have Kuhn prosecuted, operating on the principle (Führerprinzip) that the leader had absolute power. However, New York City's district attorney prosecuted him in an attempt to cripple the Bund. On December 5, 1939, Kuhn was sentenced to two and a half to five years in prison for tax evasion and embezzlement.[23]

New Bund leaders replaced Kuhn, most notably Gerhard Kunze, but only for brief periods. A year after the outbreak of World War II, Congress enacted a peacetime military draft in September 1940. The Bund counseled members of draft age to evade conscription, a criminal offense punishable by up to five years in jail and a $10,000 fine. Gerhard Kunze fled to Mexico in November 1941.[7]

U.S. Congressman Martin Dies (D-Texas) and his House Committee on Un-American Activities were active in denying any Nazi-sympathetic organization the ability to operate freely during World War II. In the last week of December 1942, led by journalist Dorothy Thompson, fifty leading German-Americans (including baseball icon Babe Ruth) signed a "Christmas Declaration by men and women of German ancestry" condemning Nazism, which appeared in ten major American daily newspapers.

While Kuhn was in prison, his citizenship was canceled on June 1, 1943.[24] Upon his release after 43 months in state prison, Kuhn was re-arrested on June 21, 1943, as an enemy alien and interned by the federal government at a camp in Crystal City, Texas. After the war, Kuhn was interned at Ellis Island and deported to Germany on September 15, 1945.[24] He died on December 14, 1951, in Munich, Germany.

See also

• Fascist League of North America, a group similar to the German American Bund, of pro-Fascist Italian Americans that supported Benito Mussolini's Fascist regime in Italy
• Free Society of Teutonia, one of the two predecessor societies alongside Friends of New Germany that formed the German American Bund
• Camp Nordland, the largest German American Bund camp
• Friends of New Germany
Silver Legion of America
• Christian Party (United States, 1930s)
• Christian Front (United States)
• America First Committee
• Neo-Nazism, for pro-Nazi groups in North America, Europe, South Africa, and Asia seeking to revive Nazism post-World War II
• Neo-Nazi groups of the United States, post-1945
• American Nazi Party, prominent pro-Nazi group formed in the 1950s

References

Notes


1. Federal Bureau of Investigation. "German American Federation/Bund Part 11 of 11". FBI Records: The Vault.
2. "American Nazi organization rally at Madison Square Garden, 1939". Rare Historical Photos. February 19, 2014.
3. "German American Bund". Holocaust Encyclopedia. July 2, 2016.
4. Erik V. Wolter, Loyalty On Trial: One American's Battle With The FBI. (iUniverse, 2004) ISBN 9780595327034. p. 65
5. Van Ells, Mark D. (August 2007). Americans for Hitler – The Bund. America in WWII. 3. pp. 44–49. Retrieved May 13, 2016.
6. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 24 January 2018. Retrieved 2 March 2011.
7. IMDb Biography
8. Chip Berlet, Matthew Nemiroff Lyons (2000). Right-Wing Populism in America: Too Close for Comfort. Guilford Press. ISBN 978-1-57230-562-5.
9. Shaffer, Ryan (Spring 2010). "Long Island Nazis: A Local Synthesis of Transnational Politics". 21(2). Journal of Long Island History. Archived from the original on June 21, 2010. Retrieved November 19, 2010.
10. Investigation of un-American propaganda activities in the United States. Hearings before a Special Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Seventy-fifth Congress, third session-Seventy-eighth Congress, second session, on H. Res. 282, to investigate (l) the extent, character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, (2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propaganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary remedial legislation
11. "Fritz Kuhn Death in 1951 Revealed. Lawyer Says Former Leader of German-American Bund Succumbed in Munich". Associated Press in New York Times. February 2, 1953. Retrieved 2008-07-20. Fritz Kuhn, once the arrogant, noisy leader of the pro-Hitler German-American Bund, died here more than a year ago – a poor and obscure chemist, unheralded and unsung.
12. Cyprian Blamires; Paul Jackson (2006). World fascism: a historical encyclopedia, Volume 1. ABC-CLIO. p. 270. ISBN 0-8223-0772-3.
13. Cornelia Wilhelms (1998). Bewegung oder Verein?: nationalsozialistische Volkspolitik in dem USA. Franz Steiner Verlag. p. 167. ISBN 3-515-06805-8.
14. "German-American Bund". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved February 5, 2012.
15. "German films about Camp Bergwald, the Bund Camp on Federal Hill, Riverdale, NJ". Motion Picture, Sound, and Video Branch (NWDNM), National Archives. Retrieved February 5, 2012.
16. Jackson, Kenneth T. The Encyclopedia of New York City. The New York Historical Society, Yale University Press, 1995, 462.
17. David Mark Chalmers (1987). Hooded Americanism: The History of the Ku Klux Klan. ISBN 1-57607-940-6. When Arthur Bell, your Grand Giant, and Mr. Smythe asked us about using Camp Nordlund for this patriotic meeting, we decided to let them have it ...
18. Birchall, Guy (September 12, 2017). "Inside Hitler's terrifying AMERICAN summer camps where US boys were taught twisted Nazi ideology and trained to shoot, march and salute". TheSun.co.uk. Retrieved September 12, 2017.
19. Patricia Kollander; John O'Sullivan (2005). "I must be a part of this war": a German American's fight against Hitler and Nazism. Fordham Univ Press. p. 37. ISBN 0-8232-2528-3.
20. "Nazis Hail George Washington as First Fascist". Life. 1938-03-07. p. 17. Retrieved November 25,2011.
21. "Bund Activities Widespread. Evidence Taken by Dies Committee Throws Light on Meaning of the Garden Rally". New York Times. February 26, 1939. Retrieved 2015-02-19. Disorders attendant upon Nazi rallies in New York and Los Angeles this week again focused attention upon the Nazi movement in the United States and inspired conjectures as to its strength and influence.
22. Buder, Emily (10 October 2017). "When 20,000 American Nazis Descended Upon New York City". The Atlantic. Retrieved 6 December 2017. In 1939, the German American Bund organized a rally of 20,000 Nazi supporters at Madison Square Garden in New York City.
23. Adams, Thomas (2005). Germany and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History: A MultiDisciplinary Encyclopedia. G – N, volume 2. ABC-CLIO. p. 631. ISBN 1-85109-628-0. Retrieved January 11,2011.
24. "Fritz Kuhn, Former Bund Chief, Ordered Back to Germany". The Evening Independent. September 7, 1945.

Further reading

• Allen, Joe, "'It Can't Happen Here?': Confronting the Fascist Threat in the US in the Late 1930s," International Socialist Review, Part One: whole no. 85 (Sept.-Oct. 2012), pp. 26–35; Part Two: whole no. 87 (Jan.-Feb. 2013), pp. 19–28.
• Bell, Leland V. In Hitler's Shadow; The Anatomy of American Nazism, 1973
• Canedy, Susan. Americas Nazis: A Democratic Dilemma a History of the German American Bund Markgraf Pubns Group, 1990
• Diamond, Sander. The Nazi Movement in the United States: 1924–1941. Ithaca: Cornell University, 1974.
• Grams, Grant W.: Gustav Hittler, Bund Organizer in Montreal and Return Migrant to Germany, Kevin Christiano (ed.) Quebec Studies Journal, 2016
• Jenkins, Philip. Hoods and Shirts: The Extreme Right in Pennsylvania, 1925–1950 University of North Carolina Press, 1997
• MacDonnell, Francis. Insidious Foes: The Axis Fifth Column and the American Home Front Oxford University Press, 1995
• Miller, Marvin D. Wunderlich's Salute: The Interrelationship of the German-American Bund, Camp Siegfried, Yaphank, Long Island, and the Young Siegfrieds and Their Relationship with American and Nazi Institutions Malamud-Rose Publishers, November 1983(1st Edition)
• Norwood, Stephen H. "Marauding Youth and the Christian Front: Antisemitic Violence in Boston and New York during World War II" American Jewish History, Vol. 91, 2003
• Schneider, James C. Should America Go to War? The Debate over Foreign Policy in Chicago, 1939–1941 University of North Carolina Press, 1989
• St. George, Maximiliam and Dennis, Lawrence. A Trial on Trial: The Great Sedition Trial of 1944 National Civil Rights Committee, 1946
• Strong, Donald S. Organized Anti-Semitism in America: The Rise of Group Prejudice during the Decade 1930–40 1941
• Van Ells, Mark D. (August 2007). Americans for Hitler – The Bund. America in WWII. 3. pp. 44–49. Retrieved May 13, 2016.

External links

• Home Grown Nazis - A 13 part series for the Chicago Times in Sept. 1937 on Nazi activities in Chicago based on undercover reporting of Chicago Times reporters.
• Collection of articles in the Mid-Island Mail related to Bund activity in Yaphank, New York (1935–1941) (Longwood Public Library)
• Mp3 of National Leader Fritz Julius Kuhn address at the 1939 Madison Square Garden rally (from Talking History: The Radio Archives)
• What Price the Federal Reserve? – Illustrated anti-Semitic pamphlet issued by the Bund
• Free America – A collection of the speeches from the infamous Madison Square Garden rally in February 1939
• Awake and Act – Pamphlet listing the purposes and aims of the German American Bund
• German-American Bund.org
• U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum article on German-American Bund
• "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 24 January 2018. Retrieved 2 March 2011. – Article by Jim Bredemus
• FBI Records: German American Federation/Bund
• Materials produced by the Bund are found in the Florence Mendheim Collection of Anti-Semitic Propaganda (#AR 25441); Leo Baeck Institute, New York.
• "A Night at the Garden". Field of Vision. 11 October 2017. Retrieved 6 December 2017.
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Re: Neuschwanstein: A fairy tale darling's dark Nazi past

Postby admin » Tue Sep 24, 2019 3:58 am

Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/23/19

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The OD man who looks to the future will gladly undergo any hardship that causes him to become stronger than his foes in health, in character and in mind. The effeminate and lazy man is headed for the abyss; whoever wants to have the right to life must be a fighter, who can be hard even to himself!

Therefore let no OD man expect to be received gently into our ranks. We are looking for men who enter our organization not in order to procure personal advantages or to be allowed to play soldier pleasantly, but who intend with their whole power to eradicate the red Jewish pestilence in America....

“Free America! Free America! Free America!”


-- Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States: Appendix, Part IV: German-American Bund: Three Documents on the German-American Bund, by Special Committee on Un-American Activities


AMERICANS …
DON’T PATRONIZE REDS!!!!
YOU CAN DRIVE THE REDS OUT OF TELEVISION, RADIO AND HOLLYWOOD …
THIS TRACT WILL TELL YOU HOW.
WHY WE MUST DRIVE THEM OUT:
1) The REDS have made our Screen, Radio and TV Moscow’s most effective Fifth Column in America …
2) The REDS of Hollywood and Broadway have always been the chief financial support of Communist propaganda in America …
3) OUR OWN FILMS, made by RED Producers, Directors, Writers and STARS, are being used by Moscow in ASIA, Africa, the Balkans and throughout Europe to create hatred of America …
4) RIGHT NOW films are being made to craftily glorify MARXISM, UNESCO and ONE-WORLDISM … and via your TV Set they are being piped into your Living Room – and are poisoning the minds of your children under your very eyes!!!
So REMEMBER – If you patronize a film made by RED Producers, Writers, Stars and STUDIOS you are aiding and abetting COMMUNISM … every time you permit REDS to come into your Living Room VIA YOUR TV SET you are helping MOSCOW and the INTERNATIONALISTS to destroy America!!!


-- McCarthyism, by Wikipedia


The Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals (MPAPAI, also MPA) was an American organization of high-profile, politically conservative members of the Hollywood film industry. It was formed in 1944 for the stated purpose of defending the film industry, and the country as a whole, against what its founders claimed was communist and fascist infiltration.[1][2]

History

The initial, immediate purpose in forming the organization was to assemble a group of well-known show business figures willing to attest, under oath, before Congress to the supposed presence of Communists in their industry.[3] When the House Un-American Activities Committee investigated the motion picture industry, the vast majority of "friendly witnesses" were supplied by the Alliance.[3][4][5]

The Alliance officially disbanded in 1975.[6]

In August 1938 a so-called anti-Communist convention was held at the bund headquarters in Los Angeles…

the following persons participated in this convention:

Kenneth Alexander, Southern California leader of the Silver Shirts; J. H. Peyton, of the American Rangers; Chas. B. Hudson, of Omaha, Nebr., organizer and leader of America Awake, who accompanied General Moseley when he appeared before the committee; Mrs. Leslie Fry, alias Paquita Louise De Shishmareff, mysterious international figure who has since fled the country, then leader of the Militant Christian Patriots; representatives of Italian Fascist and White Russian organizations; and a number of others of similar point of view….

Bund literature mingled with that of William Dudley Pelley, Robert Edmondson, Mrs. Fry, and George Deatherage on the tables of this convention.

It is clear to the committee that this convention was in no real sense an anti-Communist convention but rather another of a series of attempts to unite some of the various forces of intolerance, racial hatred, Naziism and Fascism in order to achieve greater influence in the United States.


-- Investigation of Un-American Propaganda Activities in the United States: Appendix, Part IV: German-American Bund: Three Documents on the German-American Bund, by Special Committee on Un-American Activities


Members

Image
John Wayne served four one-year terms as president of the Alliance from March 1949 to June 1953.[7]

Prominent members of the Alliance included Robert Arthur, Martin Berkeley, Ward Bond, Walter Brennan, Roy Brewer, Clarence Brown, Charles Coburn, Gary Cooper, Laraine Day, Cecil B. DeMille, Walt Disney, Irene Dunne, Victor Fleming, John Ford, Clark Gable, Cedric Gibbons, Hedda Hopper, Leo McCarey, James Kevin McGuinness, Adolphe Menjou, Robert Montgomery, George Murphy, Fred Niblo, Dick Powell, Ayn Rand, Ronald Reagan, Ginger Rogers, Morrie Ryskind, Barbara Stanwyck, Norman Taurog, Robert Taylor, King Vidor, John Wayne, Frank Wead and Sam Wood.[3][5][8][9]

Statement of Principles

Shortly after its formation in 1944, the Alliance issued a "Statement of Principles":

We believe in, and like, the American way of life: the liberty and freedom which generations before us have fought to create and preserve; the freedom to speak, to think, to live, to worship, to work, and to govern ourselves as individuals, as free men; the right to succeed or fail as free men, according to the measure of our ability and our strength.

Believing in these things, we find ourselves in sharp revolt against a rising tide of communism, fascism, and kindred beliefs, that seek by subversive means to undermine and change this way of life; groups that have forfeited their right to exist in this country of ours, because they seek to achieve their change by means other than the vested procedure of the ballot and to deny the right of the majority opinion of the people to rule.

In our special field of motion pictures, we resent the growing impression that this industry is made of, and dominated by, Communists, radicals, and crackpots. We believe that we represent the vast majority of the people who serve this great medium of expression. But unfortunately it has been an unorganized majority. This has been almost inevitable. The very love of freedom, of the rights of the individual, make this great majority reluctant to organize. But now we must, or we shall meanly lose "the last, best hope on earth."

As Americans, we have no new plan to offer. We want no new plan, we want only to defend against its enemies that which is our priceless heritage; that freedom which has given man, in this country, the fullest life and the richest expression the world has ever known; that system which, in the present emergency, has fathered an effort that, more than any other single factor, will make possible the winning of this war.

As members of the motion-picture industry, we must face and accept an especial responsibility. Motion pictures are inescapably one of the world's greatest forces for influencing public thought and opinion, both at home and abroad. In this fact lies solemn obligation. We refuse to permit the effort of Communist, Fascist, and other totalitarian-minded groups to pervert this powerful medium into an instrument for the dissemination of un-American ideas and beliefs. We pledge ourselves to fight, with every means at our organized command, any effort of any group or individual, to divert the loyalty of the screen from the free America that give it birth. And to dedicate our work, in the fullest possible measure, to the presentation of the American scene, its standards and its freedoms, its beliefs and its ideals, as we know them and believe in them.[2]


Ayn Rand pamphlet

In 1947, Ayn Rand wrote a pamphlet for the Alliance, entitled Screen Guide for Americans, based on her personal impressions of the American film industry. It read, in excerpt:

The purpose of the Communists in Hollywood is not the production of political movies openly advocating Communism. Their purpose is to corrupt our moral premises by corrupting non-political movies — by introducing small, casual bits of propaganda into innocent stories — thus making people absorb the basic principles of Collectivism by indirection and implication.

The principle of free speech requires that we do not use police force to forbid the Communists the expression of their ideas — which means that we do not pass laws forbidding them to speak. But the principle of free speech does not require that we furnish the Communists with the means to preach their ideas, and does not imply that we owe them jobs and support to advocate our own destruction at our own expense.[10][11]


Rand cited examples of popular and critically acclaimed films that in her view contained hidden Communist or Collectivist messages that had not been recognized as such, even by conservatives. Examples included The Best Years of Our Lives (because it portrayed businessmen negatively, and suggested that bankers should give veterans collateral-free loans), and A Song to Remember (because it implied that Chopin sacrificed himself for a patriotic cause rather than devoting himself to his music).[12]

See also

• Friends of Abe
• Hollywood Congress of Republicans

References

1. Watts, Steven (2001). The Magic Kingdom: Walt Disney and the American Way of Life. University of Missouri. p. 240. ISBN 978-0-8262-1379-2. Retrieved February 25, 2012.
2. "Hollywood Renegades Archive: The Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals". Cobblestone Entertainment. Retrieved January 22, 2011.
3. Ceplair, Larry; Englund, Steven (1983). The Inquisition in Hollywood: Politics in the Film Community, 1930-1960. University of California Press. pp. 210–214. ISBN 978-0-520-04886-7. Retrieved August 10, 2010.
4. Robert T. Mann (2002). The Complete Idiot's Guide to the Cold War. Alpha. p. 150. ISBN 978-0-02-864246-8. Retrieved 10 August 2010.
5. Sragow, Michael (2008). Victor Fleming: An American Movie Master. Pantheon. pp. 429–430. ISBN 978-0-375-40748-2. Retrieved August 10, 2010.
6. Kazanjian, Howard; Enss, Chris (2006). The Young Duke: The Early Life of John Wayne. TwoDot. p. 149. ISBN 978-0-7627-3898-4. Retrieved March 15, 2012.
7. Roberts, Randy; Olson, James Stuart (1997). John Wayne: American. Bison Books. p. 338. ISBN 978-0-8032-8970-3. Retrieved April 7, 2011.
8. Manchel, Frank (1990). Film Study: An Analytical Bibliography. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. p. 1081. ISBN 978-0-8386-3412-7. Retrieved August 10, 2010.
9. McBride, Joseph (2003). Searching for John Ford: A Life. St. Martin's Griffin. pp. 372–373. ISBN 978-0-312-31011-0. Retrieved August 10, 2010.
10. Branden, Barbara (1986). The Passion of Ayn Rand. p. 199.
11. Becker, Charotte B. (2001). Encyclopedia of Ethics. Taylor & Francis. p. 1441. ISBN 0-415-93675-6.
12. Journals of Ayn Rand, Chapter 10.
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Re: Neuschwanstein: A fairy tale darling's dark Nazi past

Postby admin » Tue Sep 24, 2019 4:20 am

Meryl Streep calls Walt Disney 'anti-Semitic' 'gender bigot' during Disney celebration: Meryl Streep shocked diners attending an event for the National Board of Review earlier this week
by Jenn Selby
Thursday 9 January 2014 14:23

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Image
The Baftas red carpet – and the best actress award – belonged to Meryl Streep, who won for her role as Margaret Thatcher in The Iron Lady ( AP )

Meryl Streep shocked diners attending an event for the National Board of Review earlier this week by attacking late animator Walt Disney for being a “gender bigot” and a racist member of an anti-Semitic lobby group.

Which wouldn’t have been so bizarre, had she not, in the same breath, have been honouring peer Emma Thompson for her star turn as PL Travers in Disney film Saving Mr Banks.

The movie is based around Walt Disney’s courting of the rights to Travers’ classic Mary Poppins, and detailed the lengths the animator went to persuade her to adapt the novel for the big screen.

On the one hand, Streep labelled Thompson "a beautiful artist" who is "practically a saint", before reading out a heart-felt, self-penned poem about the British actress called "An Ode to Emma, Or What Emma is Owed".

"Not only is she not irascible, she’s practically a saint. There’s something so consoling about that old trope, but Emma makes you want to kill yourself, because she’s a beautiful artist, she’s a writer, she’s a thinker, she’s a living, acting conscience," she said ahead of the reading.

On the other, Streep launched into a tirade about Disney, calling the late animator a "hideous anti-Semite" who "formed and supported an anti-Semitic industry lobby".

"And he was certainly, on the evidence of his company’s policies, a gender bigot," she added, before quoting a letter he wrote to an aspiring female animator in 1938.

"Women do not do any of the creative work in connection with preparing the cartoons for the screen, as that task is performed entirely by young men," it read.

She went on to quote Disney's colleague Walter Kimball, who apparently said that his boss "didn't trust women or cats," Variety reports.


Streep did, however, throw a little water on the fire by adding: "There is a piece of received wisdom that says that the most creative people are often odd, or irritating, eccentric, damaged, difficult. That along with enormous creativity comes certain deficits in humanity or decency.

"We are familiar with this trope in our business: Mozart, Van Gogh, Tarantino, Eminem," she added.

Disney was plagued by allegations of anti-Semitism during his life and after his death. Sure enough, ethnic stereotypes common to films of the 1930s were included in several of his early cartoons.

For example, Three Little Pigs featured the Big Bad Wolf sneaking up to the door dressed as a Jewish peddler.

Image


And The Opry House, during which Mickey Mouse dresses up and dances like a Hasidic Jew.

Other rumours centred around his acceptance of female German filmmaker (and notorious Nazi propagandist) Leni Riefenstahl to Hollywood to promote her film Olympia in 1938. He was criticised for not cancelling her invitation even after news of Kristallnacht broke.

Further still, Jewish animator Art Babbitt, who maintained a "difficult relationship" with Disney throughout his career, claimed to have seen Disney and his lawyer, Gunther Lessing, attending meetings of pro-Nazi organisation the German American Bund in the late 1930s.


However, Disney biographer Neal Gabler, who was the first writer to gain unrestricted access to the Disney archives in 2006, concluded based on the evidence available that he was not an anti-Semite. At least, not in the conventional sense.

In summary, he said: "He got the reputation because, in the 1940s, he got himself allied with a group called the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals, which was an anti-Communist and antisemitic organization.

"And though Walt himself, in my estimation, was not antisemitic, nevertheless, he willingly allied himself with people who were antisemitic, and that reputation stuck. He was never really able to expunge it throughout his life."

According to The Walt Disney Family Museum, the company also gave money to several Jewish charities, including the Hebrew Orphan Asylum, Yeshiva College and The American League for a Free Palestine.

Meanwhile, in other awards news, the BAFTAs nominations were revealed this week. Streep's August: Osage County co-star Julia Roberts found herself up for an award while Emma Thompson is up for Best Actress for her role as PL Travers in Saving Mr Banks. Find out who else received nods in the gallery below.
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Re: Neuschwanstein: A fairy tale darling's dark Nazi past

Postby admin » Tue Sep 24, 2019 4:27 am

Not so supercalifragilisticexpialidocious
by Robert Liftig, EdD
Jewish Ledger
December 31, 2013

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“Saving Mr. Banks” – the newly released film about the making of “Mary Poppins” – paints a warm and fuzzy portrait of the late animation giant Walt Disney. But what the film, starring Tom Hanks and Emma Thompson (a darling of the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions – BDS – movement, by the way), doesn’t touch on is the lovable “Uncle Walt’s” not so lovable attitude towards the Jewish people. Robert Liftig sets the record straight.

“I once made the mistake of asking Walt a question … and he replied by saying, ‘Let me check that with my Jew.’” Peter Bart (Editor, Variety)


Walt Disney looked just like my Uncle Max, so I never missed his show at 7 p.m. on Sunday evenings. I especially enjoyed the end, when former German rocket scientist Wernher von Braun would make a kindly appearance and take apart a model rocket and put it together again, and then explain how something like this could take “us” to the moon someday. Wernher was the “Friendly Dutch Uncle” I never had: twinkled of eye, deft of hand, and filled with fantastic ideas about “our” fabulous future in the final frontier. Disney, who personally introduced each of his shows, often used my Dutch Uncle to close them. They must be pals, I thought. Maybe Disney was Jewish too.

One Sunday evening my Dad ambled through the living room just as Uncle Wernher was chattering in his heavy Reichish accent: “That guy was a damn Nazi,” Dad said. “His rockets bombed England. He would have bombed us too, if he had the chance. Now he’s on American TV and you’re watching him! Unbelievable! Who’s this Disney guy, really?”

Dad was a World War II veteran, and knew these things before other people knew them.

It wasn’t until Walt Disney died in 1966, that rumors of his antisemitism began to circulate, and they are debated even today all over the Internet. Though it has never been claimed by anyone that Disney was a Nazi, even his acolytes stop short of portraying him as just another pre-War, Midwestern White Bread kid who might – wouldn’t anyone? – feel awkward attending a friend’s bar mitzvah.

Here are some fairly hard facts about the man who invented the “Magic Kingdom.”

In 1938 Disney welcomed German filmmaker and Nazi propagandist Leni Riefenstahl to Hollywood to promote her film “Olympia.” Even after news of Kristallnacht broke, Disney did not cancel his invitation, and met with her.

In the 1940s, Disney joined the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals, an anti-Communist and antisemitic organization.

Even the Walt Disney Family Museum acknowledges that Disney had “difficult relationships” with Jews, and that ethnic stereotypes can be seen in his early films, including: “Three Little Pigs” (in which the Big Bad Wolf comes to the door dressed as a Jewish peddler) and “The Opry House” (in which Mickey Mouse is dressed and dances like a Chasidic Jew.)

Image
The Big Bad Wolf shown dressed as a Jewish peddler In the original short, “Three Little Pigs.”

Many of Disney’s attempts at Jewish stereotyping had to be edited out by more objective minds. (Stephen Propatier says, “In the original short ‘Three Little Pigs’, the Big Bad Wolf is dressed as a Jewish peddler attempting to fool the little pigs. It was excised from the film after its release drew criticism, and was re-animated, so that the Wolf would be a Fuller Brush Man. Albeit one with a Yiddish accent, plus the nose, glasses and beard disguise also remained.”)

Disney associated with pro-Nazi Fritz Kuhn, a leader of the German American Bund prior to World War II, who became a naturalized United States citizen in 1934, but had his citizenship revoked in 1943 and, two years later, was deported, and there are sourced claims that Disney attended German American Bund meetings.

Disney was said to be prone to making antisemitic remarks.

Disney is considered to be among those non-Jewish pioneers of the movie industry – including Edison – who believed that Jews were making big profits from what essentially were their inventions (both Edison and Disney felt they had been undercut by the Jewish movie producer and distributor Carl Laemmel). Disney was considered part of the cult that believed: “The Jews Are Taking Over Hollywood.”

When the U.S. Army contacted Disney early in World War II and asked him to join the wartime propaganda effort, Disney accepted, but said he had been forced to by “that Jew” [Secretary of the Treasury Henry] Morgenthau who wanted Disney to use Mickey Mouse to deliver films that supported the war effort.


How two women were tricked by Jewish lawyers

Image

"Well, Colleague Morgenthau, we did a good piece of business today." "Splendid, Colleague Silberstein. We took the lovely money from the two Goy women and can put it in our own pockets."

This story tells how a Jewish lawyer, by making the same promises to two German women, complainant and defendant, takes fees from both. In the court judgment is given: Both women are guilty. Both must pay.

After the court proceedings the two Jewish lawyers who have so arranged the case congratulate one another on the good business they have done:

Now we have jewed the two Gojas of their money, we can put it in our sack!

The two German women recognise they have been cheated, make peace with one another, and take the experience as a warning never to quarrel again and:

Never to go again to Jewish lawyers.

We will remember all our lives this saying:

The Jewish lawyer
Has no feeling for justice.
He only goes to court
Because of the prospect of money.

Whether brave and good people
Wear themselves out and bleed,
Leaves the Jew completely cold.
Never go to a Jewish lawyer!


-- The Poisonous Mushroom: A children's book, by Ernst Hiemer


Then there is the Disney outreach to Wernher von Braun – at a most important juncture in the ex-Nazi’s resurrection as “All American Hero.” Von Braun, a former SS-Sturmbannführer (Major), was the guy my Dad said created the V-2 rocket – which he did; and which did – Dad was right again – bomb England.

Having surrendered to the U.S. Army at the end of World War II, von Braun was “sanitized” by our grateful government (grateful that the Russians didn’t get him first), then was settled near Fr. Bliss near El Paso, Texas where he lived with his German cousin-wife, began work on American missile systems, and, in 1955, became a U.S. citizen and a consultant to Walt Disney and the Disney Studios as technical director for films about space exploration. Shortly thereafter, my former Dutch Uncle was named the first director of NASA.

In 2014, Walt Disney will be lionized on the silver screen in “Saving Mr. Banks,” a film starring Tom Hanks, and there’s nothing I can do about it. But when you head out the door to your local moving picture emporium, you may want to take along a copy of this article, and post it on the wall beside the ticket booth.

Antisemite Rating: 8 (out of a possible 15)

Dr. Robert A. Liftig is an adjunct professor of ethics at Fairfield University and a freelance writer. He lives in Westport.
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