Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

This is a broad, catch-all category of works that fit best here and not elsewhere. If you haven't found it someplace else, you might want to look here.

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Jul 22, 2020 8:41 am

Kalimpong, Gergan Dorje Tharchin, and his [Tibet] Mirror [The Melong] newspaper [Gegen Dorje Tharchin] [Tharchin Babu]
by Paul G. Hackett
[Excerpted with revisions from: Paul G. Hackett, Barbarian Lands: Theos Bernard, Tibet, and the American Religious Life. Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 2008.]

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.


British-Indian intelligence reported that Kalimpong had an “extensive spy-network” by 1946 (SAWB, IB 1946, 4). We will probably never know about all the spies who operated in Kalimpong, but arguably the two most famous who appeared in Kalimpong were Gergan Dorje Tharchin, the editor of the Tibet Mirror, and Hisao Kimura, the “Japanese agent who disguised himself as a Mongolian pilgrim [… and] was recruited by the British Intelligence to gather information on the Chinese in Eastern Tibet” (Kimura 1990, book jacket). Tharchin had settled in Kalimpong and started his newspaper; with that he became of interest to the British, and also the Chinese, who tried to buy him.

-- Kalimpong: The China Connection, by Prem Poddar and Lisa Lindkvist Zhang


Like Tashkent a thousand years earlier, Kalimpong of the twentieth century was one of those cultural junctures — the meeting place of age-old civilizations and a crossing over point between radically different worlds. Below and to the south lay the jungles and lowlands of British India and most prominently of all, Calcutta, where hill-stations such as Kalimpong met their commercial port, where the whole population of India — Lepchas, Nepalis, Bengalis, British, Chinese, Malaysians and a whole host of traders, missionaries, soldiers and bureaucrats — daily swarmed over each other in pursuit of their lofty and not-so-lofty goals. Above and to the north lay the mountain ranges of Tibet, a kingdom like no other, perched atop the high Himalayas, a monastic haven far above the mundane world below, a place that six million people called “home”; from the narrow valleys of Ladakh and Guge near Kaśmir in the west, to the wide open plains of Amdo and the Chang-tang on the border of China to the east, Tibet was an ethereal, 1.2 million square kilometer land-mass whose natural borders were visible from space. Kalimpong was where these two worlds met.

Called “Da-ling Kote” by the local Bhutias after the old fort on the 4,000 ft. ridge line, for most of its pre-history, Kalimpong was little more than the stockade (“pong”) of a Bhutanese minister (“Kalön”). It was only with the annexation of the area by the British in the late-19th century with the hopes of opening trade routes did the small village formed around the ruins of the old fort begin to grow. In the wake of the 1904 Younghusband invasion of Tibet, Kalimpong took on greater significance as trading post as the wool trade shifted markets from the administrative capital of the region, Darjeeling, to its new economic capital, Kalimpong, being slightly closer the Tibetan passes of Jelep-la and Nathu-la, with easy transport south to Calcutta for shipping to the textile mills of England and eventually, America.

Though still in many aspects a trading post and missionary enclave, by the early twentieth century Kalimpong had much to offer a Tibetophile. Most notably, Kalimpong was home to the only Tibetan language newspaper in the world, The Mirror or “Me-long,” as it was known in Tibetan. It was also home to the newspaper’s editor and the de facto center of the Tibetan ex-patriot community in Kalimpong, Dorje Tharchin, known affectionately to all and sundry as Tharchin Babu.


Tharchin was a unique man. Born in 1890 in the village of Pu (spu) in the Khunu region of Spiti (spi ti), Tharchin was the son of one of only a handful of Moravian Christian converts in the western Tibetan borderlands of Spiti, and had spent the early years of his life in Khunu being educated in missionary schools (taught in a mixture of Tibetan and Urdu). With the death of his parents in the early years of the century, Tharchin finally left his village at the age of twenty. During the years that followed, Tharchin earned money as a common laborer spending his time between Delhi and the British “summer capital” of Simla at the mouth of the Kulu valley, and by the late 1910’s Tharchin was fully ensconced in his identity as a Christian and could often be found preaching in one of the cities’ local bazaars.

Accepting a job at the Ghoom Mission School outside of Darjeeling, Tharchin taught Tibetan and Hindi at a Christian school belonging to the Scandanavian Alliance Mission.

By 1917, Tharchin had managed to secure a Government scholarship to attend school and so relocated himself to Kalimpong to enter into the “Teacher Training” program being operated by the Scottish Union Mission [Scottish Universities' Mission? [SUM?]].

The Scottish Universities' Mission Institution (S.U.M.I. or S.U.M.Institution) of Kalimpong, West Bengal has completed hundred and twenty five years of its glorious existence in 2011 and the contribution it has been rendering to the spread of education in the hills of Darjeeling and for that matter the whole of North East India, Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim and a large part of Bengal is prodigious and laudable.

SUMI it light from which torches of knowledge could spread to the corners of this region to enlighten the darkness of illiteracy. The institution was uniquely endowed with a rare gift of overseas missionaries representing the Church of Scotland whose abiding contribution to the spread of education is worth remembering.

The Treaty of Sugauli 1816 between Nepal and East India Company granted Sikkim the region West of the Teesta under the guarantee of the Company. This territory was put under Capt. Lloyd and Mr. J. Grant, Commissioner Resident at Malda. Captain Lloyd toured the region and saw the suitability of Darjeeling as a sanitarium. He strongly urged the then Governor General Lord Bentinck to acquire it for health, trade, military and political purposes. Lord Bentinck agreed and negotiations with Sikkim Raja were made. In 1835 the Sikkim Raja made a free gift of Darjeeling Hill. In 1841 compensation of Rs. 3000 per annum was made to the Raja which was raised to Rs. 6000 per annum. By 1840 a road was made from Pankhabari to Darjeeling. Houses were built in the wooded hill slopes. In 1839, Dr. [Archibald] Campbell was appointed Superintendent of Darjeeling. Between 1839-42 a cart road had been built between Siliguri and Darjeeling. In the neighborhood tea plantation had begun. By 1850 there was a bazaar, a jail and a hospital. In 1840, the famous botanist Sir Joseph Hooker and Dr. Campbell while touring in North Sikkim were seized and imprisoned for six weeks. An avenging force was sent to Sikkim. The result was that the land south of the Rangeet and Tarai were annexed and formed the western part of the district of Darjeeling.

Disputes on the borders of Bhutan and Bengal had continued for years since the British came to power in Bengal and Assam. In 1863 Sir Ashley Eden was sent to negotiate a treaty with Bhutan. The mission was a failure. He was ill-treated in Bhutan and in retaliation Indian forces invaded Bhutan from the south. Tongsa, Penlop signed a treaty with Indian Government in 1865. By this treaty Bhutan ceded the Duars and the region between the Jaldhaka and the Teesta, the present Kalimpong Sub-Division. Thus the regions ceded by Sikkim and Bhutan formed the Darjeeling District. In this district, came the first missionary of the Church of Scotland in 1870.

The first Church of Scotland missionary Rev. William Macfarlane came to Darjeeling from Gaya in 1870. He bought a small piece of land and built a small school in Darjeeling. Boys attended this school and received education for four years. These youths were sent to schools in the neighboring tea gardens and villages. He himself toiled hard at school and toured Sikkim and the neighborhood. In 1873, he crossed the Teesta and reached Kalimpong. He thought that Kalimpong would be a fruitful station for education and evangelism. In 1873, he came to Kalimpong, bringing two teachers with him and opened a small school – the first school in Kalimpong.

The teaching and preaching work in Darjeeling prospered. Many youths became workers in offices, teachers in schools and some of them were baptized in 1874. These young Christians became leaders of Church – Ganga Prasad Pradhan, Lakshmansing Mukhia, Surjaman Mukhia, Apun Laksom, Jangabir Mukhia and Sukhman Limbu.

The area of Rev. Macfarlane’s work was so extensive by 1878 that he could not cover the area alone. So he sent a letter to Scotland, asking for two workers. So the Church of Scotland in 1880 sent two missionaries – Rev. W.S. Sutherland and Rev. A. Turnbull to work in the newly founded educational and religious work. The three missionaries in a meeting agreed to work in different parts of Darjeeling District and Sikkim – Turnbull in Darjeeling, Sutherland in Sikkim and Macfarlane in Kalimpong.

During the furlough in 1881 after 15 years, Rev. Macfarlane visited churches in Scotland and held meetings in which he told them about the work of the missionaries in the Eastern Himalaya. The Church of Scotland was very happy to hear this. A Missionary Association of four Scottish Universities had been formed a few years before this. Mr. Macfarlane met this Scottish Universities Mission Association members and had talks about the teaching and preaching work of the missionaries. This Scottish Universities Mission, under and jointly with Church of Scotland decided to send Mr. Macfarlane in the Eastern Himalayan region. This S.U.M. field of work was to be Sikkim. It was decided to open a Training school for teachers and catechists in Kalimpong, so Mr. Macfarlane returned to Kalimpong as the first S.U.M. missionary. Meanwhile, Rev. Sutherland was working in Kalimpong and in 1886 on 19th April, Training Institution was opened with twelve students. The number of pupils gradually grew and the mission had to provide accommodation for students.

Mr. Macfarlane began his activity of the construction of houses – School, hostel for students and quarters for teachers. These were low roofed one storied long houses. The hostel consisted of a long one storied house divided into separate rooms. Each room was occupied by two or three students. They cooked their food in the room. He supervised the construction of the houses, brought materials and went to the forest to employ woodcutters and sawyers for timber in the construction of houses. On 15th February 1887, he had gone to the forest to bring timber, he returned late in the evening tired and went to bed early. Next Morning, his servant found him dead. He was 47 years of age at his home call.

Now, the burden of the Guild Mission and Scottish University Mission work fell on the shoulders of Rev. Sutherland. To relieve him of the two responsibilities, the Young Men’s Guild sent Rev. J.A. [John Anderson] Graham who took the church work in Kalimpong. Rev. W.S. Sutherland was put in charge of the S.U.M. Training Institution. He built the Lalkothi – Ladies’ Mission House. He as the first Principal of the S.U.M. Training Institution worked up to 1889. In 1891, an English School was opened by Shri Harkadhoj Pradhan near the bazaar. He taught the young men who later on held good jobs in the court and forest and police departments. After 12 or 13 years, this school was amalgamated with the Training Institution. Rev. Sutherland returned after 20 years in this district to Scotland. Rev. John Macara worked in his place from 1900 to 1902. Then Rev. T.E. Taylor succeeded him in the same year.

He was a humble selfless Christian. During his tenure of Principal ship, he did manual labour leading the students. He and the training students after hard labour drained a large pool of water which covered the low area between the Girls’ hostel and K.D. Pradhan Road. This is now the Mission ground.

In 1904 – 05, the training Institution was shifted to its present location. The one storied school and hostel were taken over by Women’s Guild Mission. The new double storied building had then a Constance Taylor Memorial Hall and class rooms on both sides on the ground floor. The upper stories contained sleeping rooms for boarders. Rev. Taylor died on Christmas Day 1906 at Newpara, Gorubathan where he had gone to nurse a tea planter. Rev. W.G. McKean became the Principal after Rev. T.E. Taylor and served up to 1907 when the Rev. W.S. Sutherland returned to Kalimpong. He served this term of 14 years up to January 1921. Aberdeen University had conferred D.D. on him while he was in Scotland. Although, this are between the Jaldhaka and the Teesta was annexed to Bengal by the Treaty of Sinchula in 1865, there were few people and land survey was taken lately. Mr. C.A. Bell (Later Sir) the second Settlement Officer undertook the first survey of this sub-division in 1901-03. The land was classified (a) Khas mahal, (b) Forest and (c) Tea or Cinchona plantation.

The Church of Scotland within 30 years, by the end of the last century, had opened Primary Schools in Darjeeling and Kalimpong. In Kalimpong Female Education and Home Industries and a hospital were begun. In these institutes local people were trained.

In the hospital opened in 1893, Scottish Missionary doctors and sisters but they needed nurses, compounders and attendants. So, young men and women were taken in the hospital to be trained in this profession. The Hospital Superintendent in the early years of this century, selected labourious, intelligent, patient youths and gave them thorough practical and theoretical coaching. After 3 years they were sent to Patna Medical School for the completion of the course. These young men after completion of course became L.M.S. The first qualified doctors came from S.U.M.I. where they educated first. Similarly, nurse training started here in 1913 and this Nurses Training is going on. So Indirectly the students of this institution have served their community as doctors. These were the first doctors from this district – Yensing Sitling, Ongden Rongong, Prem Tshring Rongong, Lemsing Foning, Bishnulal Diskhit, Tongyuk Chhiring and Kashinath Chettri.

At the arrival of Dr. Sutherland in 1907 as the Principal of the S.U.M.I. The Institution had developed into a large school with over 800 students. There were his assistants David Lepcha, A. Ropcha Sada, Singbir Pradhan, Bahadur Lama, Lakshmansingh Mukhia, Kiran Sarkar, Dharnidhar Biswas, Benjamin Roy.

The Teacher’s Training School was started in 1908. This department took teachers of primary schools and gave practical and theoretical lessons in classes. The teachers who had read up to Upper Primary Class were put in Lower Grade and those above and class four in Higher Grade Class. Gradually all teachers of Primary Mission Schools were sent to Kalimpong S.U.M.I. for refresher.


-- About Us, by Scottish Universities' Mission Institution


Having recently published two small Tibetan language primers, a Tibetan Primer with Simple Rules of Correct Spelling and The Tibetan Second Book, his knowledge of Tibetan brought him to the notice of W.S. Sutherland, a missionary who had spent the better part of forty years in the area of Kalimpong running a combination orphanage and missionary school, who quickly put Tharchin to work teaching Tibetan to a mixture of Bhutia and Tibetan boys in the orphanage.

Despite all these activities and events, Tharchin continued his proselytizing throughout Sikkim, as well as serving as a Tibetan translator for embassies to Bhutan and Sikkim. It was during this time, as well, that Tharchin began to forge friendships with many of the high ranking Tibetan and British dignitaries who passed through the region on a regular basis and various current and future members of the Tibetan government, and relatives of the various aristocratic houses. In the midst of these activities he commenced work on what would be his greatest achievement, eventually earning him worldwide notoriety.

It was on one occasion, in August of 1925 while working for Sutherland’s successor at the Scottish Union Mission [Scottish Universities' Mission? [SUM?]], John [Anderson] Graham, that Tharchin noticed “a Roneo Duplicator lying idle in the office of Dr. [John Anderson] Graham” and asked him if he could take it, thinking to produce his own newspaper in Tibetan. Graham offered it to Tharchin, though offered little encouragement saying that his office staff had failed to get it working the entire time they had had it. Nonetheless, undaunted, Tharchin began tinkering with the duplicator in an attempt to get it working. After two months of work in his spare time, Tharchin was finally greeted with success, and on October 10th, 1925, Tharchin produced the first issue of his very own Tibetan language newspaper, “The Mirror — News From Various Regions” (yul phyogs so so'i gsar 'gyur gyi me long). Following a brief hiatus, Tharchin commenced regular publication of his newspaper the following February with monthly issues to follow, and while receiving encouragement and advice from all around, his first real commendation came a year later, when he received a letter from His Holiness the Thirteenth Dalai Lama accompanied by a gift of twenty rupees stating that he was receiving Tharchin’s newspaper, “was very glad and added to continue it and send more news which would be very useful to him.”

Encouraged by this, Tharchin began to think of himself more and more as a newspaperman, expanding the scope of the newspaper beyond the simple relaying of news from other sources to the production of news content himself. With these goals in mind, Tharchin petitioned the Tibetan Government for permission to visit Lhasa as a reporter. With permission received, on August 20th, 1927, Tharchin headed for Gyantse, and from there left for Lhasa to conduct the first important interview of his career — an interview with His Holiness the Thirteenth Dalai Lama. Arriving in Lhasa a month later, Tharchin remained self-conscious about his broken Tibetan -- the result of having grown-up in borderlands of Tibet -- and spent the better part of the next three months attempting to improve his speaking abilities before finally applying for an audience with His Holiness in mid-December. Success achieved, Tharchin returned to India the following February, receiving 100 rupees along the way from the British Political Officer at Gyantse, Arthur Hopkinson, to support him in the continued publication of the newspaper. By June, the Scottish Mission had received a new Litho Press, which Dr. Graham made available for Tharchin to use, and sending Tharchin to Calcutta to receive training in its use, Graham allowed him to use the press to produce his newspaper as part of his official duties at the Mission.

Although Tharchin had begun his newspaper with only fourteen subscriptions, by the third year his subscriptions were close to fifty, but Tharchin was still sending more than a hundred issues freely to officials in the Tibetan government although more than half of those were usually “lost” along the way by the Tibetan Post Office. These, however, were the least of Tharchin’s troubles and his greater opposition during these years came less from officials in Tibet, than from more hard-line missionaries who would soon appear in Kalimpong, in particular, Dr. Graham’s replacement at the Mission, the Australian missionary, Rev. Knox. Despite the often prominent and unsubtle “articles” on Christianity that appear in the pages of the Mirror with regularity, Knox was not favorably disposed to Tharchin’s activities as a newspaper editor, and shortly after arriving in Kalimpong brought an end to the subsidization of the Mirror — both in terms of material resources and Tharchin’s time. By the early-1930s, Tharchin had managed to stabilize the publication of his newspaper, although was constantly in search of new subscribers and advertising to underwrite his publication costs. It was thus with a certain degree of trepidation that Tharchin rejoined the Scottish Guild Mission in Kalimpong under Rev. Knox as “Tibetan Catechist,” agreeing to accept strict limits on his official activities in exchange for a salary. While there was little love lost between Tharchin and Knox, the position allowed Tharchin to continue his publication efforts, although eventually their differences would prove irreconcilable and they would part ways, with Tharchin pursuing his newspaper work on his own.

Over the next twenty-five years, Tharchin remained hard at work publishing his newspaper. What had begun as a personal vision and occasional medium for Christian propaganda going into Tibet, and which later morphed into a Tibetan language chronicle of world events (especially during World War II), by the 1950s became a vehicle for the fight for Tibetan freedom from the Chinese invasion and occupation. A major hub for information, Kalimpong and Tharchin’s newspaper offices in particular became a clearinghouse for news about the ongoing Chinese aggression in Tibet. In his offices, Tharchin received handwritten accounts of military occupations and aerial bombardments of monasteries and villages in eastern Tibet, which he published along with illustrations. Even in crude cartoon form, the picture Tharchin painted for his audience of events transpiring in Tibet was sobering and hard to believe, and the accounts would only get worse. Over the years that followed, the events unfolding in Tibet and in the rest of central Asia took their toll in very human terms, and even those who escaped Tibet were not immune from their effects. On more than one occasion, Tharchin would find himself writing the obituary for someone he had known, and as with many of the articles that Tharchin authored for his paper, these editorial reports would carry a deeply personal touch.

By the early 1960s, with financial troubles that never seemed to end, Tharchin ceased publication of his newspaper (1963) despite being offered a substantial sum of money and guaranteed subscriptions by the Chinese authorities in Tibet if he would publish pro-Chinese articles in his paper. With the Tibetan exile community growing and Tibetan language newspapers such as Freedom (rang dbang) and others beginning to be published, Tharchin decided that he had done his part on the world stage, and instead turned to put his energies into an orphanage that he and his wife had begun running years earlier. As the years passed and the Tibet Mirror Press became little more than a small historical artifact of the streets of Kalimpong, the Tibet Mirror newspaper would become Tharchin's greatest achievement, an invaluable legacy and testimony to the abilities of one man and to a once free and independent Tibet.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Jul 22, 2020 8:42 am

Tibet Mirror
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/20/20

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.


Tibet Mirror
Type: Monthly newspaper
Owner(s): Gergan Dorje Tharchin
Founded: 1925; 95 years ago
Political alignment: Anti-communist
Headquarters: Kalimpong, India

The Tibet Mirror (Tibetan: ཡུལ་ཕྱོགས་སོ་སོའི་གསར་འགྱུར་མེ་ལོང, Wylie: yul phyogs so so'i gsar 'gyur gyi me long, ZYPY: Yulchog Soseu Sargyour Mélong) was a Tibetan-language newspaper published in Kalimpong, India, from 1925 to 1963[1][2] and circulated primarily in Tibet but eventually with subscribers worldwide. Its originator was Gergan Tharchin who was at the same time its journalist, editor, and manager.

History

Creation (1925)


In 1925, The Tibet Mirror (Melong) was founded at Kalimpong in West Bengal. After The Ladakh Journal (Ladakh Kyi Akbar), it is the second Tibetan language newspaper to have been started. Its founder was one Gergan Dorje Tharchin, a Tibetan of Christian denomination who was a pastor at Kalimpong, at the time a border town that acted as a centre for the wool trade between Tibet and India. He was born in 1890 in the village of Poo (Wylie: spu) in Himachal Pradesh, he had been educated by Moravian missionaries.[3][4]

The Moravian Church, formally called the Unitas Fratrum (Latin for "Unity of the Brethren"), known in German as the [Herrnhuter] Brüdergemeine ('Unity of Brethren [of Herrnhut]', after the place of the Church's renewal in the 18th century), is one of the oldest Protestant denominations in the world, dating back to the Bohemian Reformation of the 15th century and the Unity of the Brethren (Czech: Jednota bratrská) founded in the Kingdom of Bohemia.

The name by which the denomination is commonly known comes from the original exiles who fled to Saxony in 1722 from Moravia to escape religious persecution, but its heritage began in 1457 in Bohemia and its crown lands Moravia and Silesia, then forming an autonomous kingdom within the Holy Roman Empire. The modern Unitas Fratrum, with about one million members worldwide, continues to draw on traditions established during the 18th century. The Moravians continue their tradition of missionary work, such as in the Caribbean, as is reflected in their broad global distribution. They place high value on ecumenism, personal piety, missions, and music.

The Moravian Church's emblem is the Lamb of God (Agnus Dei) with the flag of victory, surrounded by the Latin inscription "Vicit agnus noster, eum sequamur" ('Our Lamb has conquered, let us follow Him').

-- Moravian Church, by Wikipedia


Nevertheless, there was no article attempting to proselytise in the newspaper.[3]

Tharchin had begun his newspaper with only fourteen subscriptions, and by the third year his subscriptions were close to fifty. But he was still sending more than a hundred free copies to officials in the Tibetan government, although more than half were usually "lost" along the way by the Tibetan post office. These, however, were the least of Tharchin's troubles. Greater difficulties during these years came from more hard-line missionaries who would soon appear in Kalimpong, in particular, Dr. Graham's replacement at the mission, the Australian Reverence Knox. Despite the often prominent "articles" on Christianity that regularly appeared in the pages of The Mirror, Knox was not favorably disposed to Tharchin's activities as a newspaper editor, and shortly after arriving in Kalimpong brought an end to the subsidization of the paper in terms of both material resources and Tharchin's time.32 By the early 1930s, Tharchin had managed to stabilize the publication of his newspaper, although he was constantly in search of new subscribers and advertising to underwrite his costs.33 It was thus with a certain degree of trepidation that he rejoined the Scottish Union Mission [Scottish Universities' Mission] under Rev. Knox as "Tibetan Catechist,"34 agreeing to accept strict limits on his official activities in exchange for a salary. While there was little love lost between Tharchin and Knox, the position allowed Tharchin to continue publishing his newspaper. In the process -- though unintentionally -- he was building a community around him that would significantly alter the face of Tibetan politics, for better and worse. Just as Kalimpong was growing, his reputation seemed to grow along with it, and Tharchin finally began to benefit from this.

Theos Bernard, the White Lama: Tibet, Yoga, and American Religious Life, By Paul G. Hackett


Periodicity and circulation

Published on a monthly basis, the journal first came out in October 1925 under the title Yulchog Sosoi Sargyur Melong (Mirror of News from All Sides of the World) ).[5] All 50 copies that were printed were sent to Gergan Tharchin's friends in Lhasa, including one for the 13th Dalai Lama who sent a letter encouraging him to continue with the publication and became an ardent reader. (The 14th Dalai Lama was to inherit the subscription.)[6]

Gergan Tharchin

Tharchin was at the same time journalist, chief editor and publisher. He would select the news from the newspapers of which he was a subscriber, and translate them into Tibetan for the journal.[7] He had assigned to himself the goals of awakening Tibetans to the modern world and opening up Tibet to the outside world.[8] The journal reported on what went on in the world (the Chinese Revolution, the Second World War, the independence of India, etc.) but also and above all in India, Tibet and Kalimpong itself [9]

Influence

Despite its minuscule circulation, the journal exerted a huge influence on a small circle of Tibetan aristocrats, as well as on a smaller circle of reformists.[10] As the journal was an advocate of Tibet's independence, Tharchin's place became a meeting place for Tibetan nationalists and reformists anxious to modernise their country facing China's imminent return.[11]

Tharchin was in close touch with the British intelligence agents operating out of Kalimpong, a town that was a nest of political intrigue involving spies from India and China, refugees from Tibet, China, India and Burma, plus Buddhist scholars, monks, and lamas. He was acquainted with Hisao Kimura, a Japanese secret agent who had visited Mongolia on an undercover mission for the Japanese government, then travelled across Tibet to gather intelligence for the United Kingdom[12]


In the 1950s, the Chinese Communists attempted to woo Tharchin through a Tibetan aristocrat who requested him not to publish anymore "anti-Chinese" article, and to concentrate instead on the "progress" made by China in Tibet, against the promise of a Chinese order of 500 copies of the newspaper, and the assurance not to go bankrupt. Tharchin refused.[3]

Demise (1963)

The Tibet Mirror ceased publication in 1963[1][2] after the exiled Tibetans brought out their first newspaper – Tibetan Freedom – started by Gyalo Thondup[3] from Darjeeling [13] Besides, Tharchin was too old to continue publication. He died in 1976 [14]

In 2005, the small house where The Tibet Mirror was based is still standing on the Giri road, with a sign board reading "The Tibet Mirror Press, Kalimpong, Estd. 1925" in English, Tibetan and Hindi [15]

References

1. "Yul phyogs so soʾi gsar ʾgyur me loṅ". http://www.columbia.edu. Archived from the original on 23 June 2017. Retrieved 29 August 2017.
2. "Tibet Mirror | Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library". beinecke.library.yale.edu. Archived from the original on 10 April 2015. Retrieved 29 August 2017. Tibet Mirror A digital archive of the Tibetan-language newspaper, published from 1925 to 1963.
3. Thubten Samphel, Virtual Tibet: The Media, in Exile as challenge: the Tibetan diaspora(Dagmar Bernstorff, Hubertus von Welck eds), Orient Blackswan, 2003, 488 pages, especially pages 172-175 - ISBN 81-250-2555-3, ISBN 978-81-250-2555-9.
4. Lobsang Wangyal, The Tibet Mirror: The first Tibetan newspaper, now only a memory, Lobsang Wangyal's personal site, 12 May 2005.
5. Lobsang Wangyal, op. cit.: Yulchog Sosoi Sargyur Melong (Mirror of News from All Sides of the World) was the original Tibetan name of the Tibet Mirror. The first issue of the newspaper came out in October 1925. The issues came out at irregular intervals.
6. Lobsang Wangyal, op. cit.: Of the fifty initial copies, most were sent to his friends in Lhasa, including one to the 13th Dalai Lama. The 13th Dalai Lama became an ardent reader of the paper and encouraged Tharchin to continue with the publication (...). The current 14th Dalai Lama inherited the subscription of the late 13th.
7. Lobsang Wangyal, op. cit.: "It was my grandfather who did all the work of the newspaper. He selected the news from the newspapers he subscribed to and translated them for the paper."
8. Lobsang Wangyal, op. cit.: Tharchin (...) made much effort to report on affairs of the world, to educate Tibetans and to encourage the opening up of Tibet to the changing modern world.
9. Thubten Samphel, op. cit., p. 173: The Mirror published articles on world events and especially reported what was taking place in India, Tibet and in the region of Kalimpong.
10. Thubten Samphel, op. cit., p. 173: Despite its minuscule circulation, the impact of Tibbet Mirror, though confined to a small circle of Tibetan aristocrats and an even smaller circle of Tibetan reformists (...) was enormous.
11. Thubten Samphel, op. cit., pages 173 and 175: Tibetan nationalists, scholars and dissidents held regular conclaves at Babu Tharchin's place to discuss how Tibet could best avoid the gathering political storm, Tharchin Babu and the office of Tibet Mirror became the meeting point of intellectuals and reformists who wanted to modernize Tibet so that it would effectively counter the challenges posed by a resurgent China.
12. Barun Roy, op. cit. : In the late 1940s, Kalimpong (...) could be rightly described as a nest of political intrigue, involving British, Indian and Chinese spies, refugees from Tibet, China, India and Burma, with a sprinkling of Buddhist scholars, monks and lamas.
13. Thubten Samphel, op. cit., p. 175: Tibet Mirror ceased publication in 1962 when the Tibetan refugees brought out their own newspaper called Tibetan Freedom from neighbouring Darjeeling.
14. Lobsang Wangyal, op. cit.: the paper came to an end in 1962, and Tharchin died in 1976. "My grandfather was getting too old to continue the paper" .
15. Lobsang Wangyal, op. cit.: "The Tibet Mirror Press; Established 1925", reads the sign board on the crumbling tinned house (...) on Giri road.

Books on Gergan Tharchin

• Tashi Tsering, The Life of Rev. G. Tharchin: Missionary and Pioneer, Amnye Machen Institute, Dharamsala, 1998
• H. (Herbert) Louis Fader, Called from Obscurity: The Life and Times of a True Son of Tibet - Gergan Dorje Tharchin, Tibet Mirror Press, Kalimpong, Vol. 1, 2002 ; Vol. 2, 2004 ; Himalayan Ecosphere Publisher, Vol. 3, 2009 (Long Title: Called from Obscurity: The Life and Times of a True Son of Tibet, God's Humble Servant from Poo, Gergan Dorje Tharchin, with Particular Attention Given to His Good Friend and Illustrious Co-Laborer in the Gospel Sadhu Sundar Singh of India, with a foreword by His Holiness Dalai Lama XIV of Tibet and an introduction by Dawa Norbu)

External links

• Digitized access to 224 issues of the Tibet Mirror, archival holdings published between the years 1927-1963, through Columbia University Libraries, including collections at the Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library at Yale University.
• Digitized access to seventy-one issues of the Tibet Mirror, published between the years 1927-1963, through the Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library at Yale University.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Thu Jul 23, 2020 1:21 am

Part 1 of 3

Chapter 7: A Well-Trodden Path: Studies in Darjeeling and Sikkim [Tharchin Babu/Tibet Mirror]
Excerpt from "Theos Bernard, the White Lama: Tibet, Yoga, and American Religious Life
by Paul G. Hackett

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.


Men who leave behind their weeping sweethearts to practice asceticism –- and those who have done so in the past, and those who will do so in the future –- they are doing something very difficult indeed, and so it was in the past and will be in the future.

-- Asvaghosa1


PARAMAHANSA YOGEESWARAR entered into the religious life at the age of twelve when, after he prayed (manasika puja) to the local deity of Kanchipuram in Tamilnadu, Ekambareeshwar Pritivilingam, the god appeared to him in the guise of "an aged saint by the name of Nithyanandar of Vettaveli Paramparai," who initiated him and taught him yoga, bestowing upon him the name of Sri Paramahansa Sachidananda Yogeeswarar. By the turn of the century, Yogeeswarar had disciples throughout India, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), Southeast Asia, and South Africa, and had gained fame for his perfection of the practice of the "suppression of water" (jalastambha)2 through breath control (pranayama), often lecturing while in a full lotus posture and floating effortlessly in water.

Back in Chennai in early November, Theos and Glen lost little time returning to Yogeeswarar's ashram. For the better part of the next week, they met with the swami and persuaded him to demonstrate some of the basic asanas used in yogic practice. Unfortunately, while Yogeeswarar could explain many of the practices and their purposes -- being far more forthcoming and pleasant than Kuvalayananda -- his girth prevented any useful photographic documentation of the practices, and Theos believed that he himself could give a better demonstration of hatha yoga asanas, even if Yogeeswarar's mastery of kumbhaka was impressive.3 Discussing the situation, Theos and Glen decided to return to Calcutta and from there journey to Bhurkunda, where Glen had done his retreat six months earlier, to see Trivikram Swami. Arriving in Calcutta a few days later, they quickly got settled and began making preparations to travel inland again. Contacting his friends to make the necessary arrangements, Glen received a letter that had been waiting for him with news from Bhurkunda: "Trivikram Swamaji breathed his last on the 17th Sept."

Decamping in their hotel while they decided what to do, Theos sent off a telegram to Viola, who by then had reached Italy. Her response was that the situation between DeVries and P.A. had degenerated further, culminating with DeVries moving out and leaving the club. Convinced that she should take some time away from New York, DeVries had followed Viola's advice and boarded a steamship from New York to rendezvous with her in Paris. Feeling too far from the situation to make an informed judgment despite Viola's description of the events, Theos suggested that Viola make decisions on both their behalves regarding their relationship with PA, and the club, and he would wait and see what she decided. In the meantime, Glen had come to his own conclusions, and suggested that they still make the trip to Bhurkunda the following weekend since it offered their strongest chance for success.

Consequently, Glen and Theos packed their bags and camera equipment, caught the train from Calcutta to Ranchi, and traveled to the ashram by train, rickshaw, and bullock cart and finally on foot -- a journey Theos thought was a nightmare. "It is hell," he wrote to Viola, "unless you just don't give a dam [sic] and then it is on the threshold of hell." With Trivikram Swami gone, Swami Syamananda had assumed the lead role at Bhurkunda and with the company of Glen's tantric brothers and sisters, he and Theos arranged for a meeting with Swami Syamananda. Without hesitation, Swami Syamananda agreed to allow Theos to photograph and film his and his students' demonstrations of the various asanas connected with kundalini yoga. and provided them with diagrams of the cakras as well.

Returning to Calcutta a few days later, Glen and Theos spent some time reorganizing their materials and planning the next steps of their trip. When he went to have his latest round of photographs developed, Theos got into an argument over the quality of service he was receiving at the Kodak office in Calcutta. The Bombay office always seemed to work just fine, but there was always, it seemed, a problem in Calcutta, from poor-quality prints to out-of-stock supplies. With the most crucial phase of his research looming ahead, Theos could not afford such uncertainties, so despite promises and offers of special consideration, he negotiated a new deal with the Agfa company, garnering a discount on film and services while preordering a large supply of 16-mm and 35-mm rolls of film for his cameras and buying a large assortment of accessories, including filters, lenses, and magazines. But Theos was anxious to head north, for even in the course of accomplishing what he wanted to do, after having "walked ten miles in this city under the blazing sun of the fall, and having knocked around with the rest of the hordes on the street cars" he was in one of his typically foul moods. Less deterred by the atmosphere of Calcutta, Glen in the meantime attempted to contact the various individuals they had missed on their previous stay in the city, especially at the Royal Asiatic Society.

The president of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal at the time was the noted Dutch Tibetologist Johan van Manen.4 He had arrived in Calcutta in 1919, following an interest in Indian and Tibetan religion instilled in him by his early contact with the Theosophical Society in the 1890s as a young man in the Netherlands.5 In was through the study of Theosophy that van Manen came not only to his interest in Indo-Tibetan religion but also to his own deep-seated religious convictions. Working closely with two English-speaking Tibetans in India, he had studied literary and spoken Tibetan as well as Tibetan sectarian doctrines, rituals, and histories. He became a member of the Asiatic Society in early 1918, and by the end of the year he had taken the position of librarian at the Imperial Library in Calcutta, bringing his Tibetan friends with him. Three years later, he was the General Secretary of the society.

Over the next fifteen years, van Manen pushed the acquisition of Tibetan materials and the study of Tibetan Buddhism within the society, surveying the literature of Tibet and writing numerous articles.
By the end of 1936, he was suffering from recurring health problems, and the last of his Tibetan manservants, Nyima, had left, replaced by a Chinese boy-the son of a Chinese soldier who had settled in Calcutta when the brief Chinese occupation of Lhasa ended twenty-five years earlier and the defeated soldiers were sent back to China, humiliatingly, via India, where many chose to remain. Twan Yang, who, like many Chinese, held Tibetan culture in high esteem, served van Manen well in those later years and even remembered the visit from Theos Bernard6 -- even if the opposite was not true. Having missed van Manen in September when they were last in Calcutta, Theos and Glen made a point of meeting with him this time, in December.

Visiting him at his home just opposite the Calcutta High Court House overlooking the Hooghly River, they sought van Manen's advice on the direction that Theos should pursue for his dissertation. As early as 1918, van Manen had articulated what he saw as the best approach to Tibetan studies, which required laying a sound basis for future Tibetan scholarship. This must be done, he thought, "by way of painstaking, laborious and to a certain extent inglorious and humdrum drudging away at small texts with scrupulous attention to the smallest minutiae for a secure fixing of illustrative examples by coordinating corrections of text, full discussion of meanings, sharp formulation of definitions and subtle analysis of all questions and problems involved."7

What Theos should do, van Manen thought, was follow in Evans-Wentz's footsteps; as Evans-Wentz had done with the notable figures of Padmasambhava and Milarepa, he should explore the subtleties of Buddhist philosophy through the lens of one person's life. Van Manen stressed, however, that he should not envision his dissertation as "something complete in and of itself" but rather as "only the foundation for future work and also so as to encourage others who want to work in this field." Already feeling that a trip to Tibet would be necessary, Theos began to allude to it in his letters to Viola, though he wrote only of "new plans in the air" that were "still a little premature to go into ... for things may happen in Sikkim which will again alter them." Theos could take van Manen's advice, recognizing its value, but he was determined to remain ultimately concerned with only "the one particular philosophy that is to be found here," gently suggesting to Viola that he would "inevitably be lead [sic] to such people who have attained this development of understanding." Nonetheless, he assured Viola, his world-traveling days would soon be over and he could settle into "a sedentary life of reading, writing, and translating"; to that end, he was starting to "hunt manuscripts for future work" and "learning a language completely" to make life easier for Viola and their life together. Theos thought he could make considerable headway by retracing the footsteps of those he had read about, beginning with Alexandra David-Neel. To that end, he and Glen set out for Darjeeling with the ultimate goal of reaching Lachen on the Sikkim-Tibet border, home to David-Neel's informant, Lama Yonden [Yongden], about whom he and so many others had read.

If Calcutta and the heat of the jungles were oppressive to Theos ("this stinking swill hole"), the foothills of the Himalayas had precisely the opposite effect. As they arrived in Darjeeling, Theos's spirits were immediately on the rise. "Each day is filled with beauty and inspiration," he told Viola. "It is impossible to look thru the azure blue of the Himalayan valleys and catch a fleeting glimpse of those majestic ranges of the distant north shoving their noses up into the heavens and not be effected [sic]; I tell you, it does things to you -- you want to run, fly, jump and love all at the same time." Even while riding through the mountains in a rickshaw, the views were inspiring. "Why a mountain should inspire one is hard to say," he wrote to her, "but one glimpse of what can be seen in any direction from this point is almost more than the insides can take. No wonder Milarepa could do things. If I was practicing in a land like this, just the view from my cave would throw me straight into samadhi." For Theos the Himalayan mountains were truly, as Jung had remarked, "that metaphysical fringe of ice and rock away up north, that inexorable barrier beyond human conception."8 [Civilization in Transition]

Best of all, Jinorasa [S.K. Jinorasa/Kazi Pak Tsering ('Phags tshe ring), a Sikkimese aristocrat turned Ceylon-educated Theravadin monk and educational reformer (1895/6-1943), the founder and director of the Young Men's Buddhist Association (YMBA) in Darjeeling] was by Theos's side the moment he arrived back in Darjeeling and expedited everything that Theos needed in order to leave as quickly as possible for Lachen. Indeed, Jinorasa was amazingly capable at affecting the outcome of any political process in the area. Where so many had met with bureaucratic obstacles at every turn, the people Jinorasa helped had doors opened to them without hesitation, for in addition to being a key player in the revival of Buddhism in the area, Jinorasa was also a relative of the Sikkimese royal family with cousins filling the administrative ranks of the government and a very powerful brother who would one day become the first Chief Minister, Kazi Lhendup Dorji. Consequently, in all that he asked for, Jinorasa's name carried the authority of his entire family's reputation.

Making his way to Gangtok, Theos was reluctant to travel to Lachen during the depths of winter. The private secretary to the Maharajah of Sikkim gave him a solid history of his many predecessors and fellow adventurers in the area, and impressed upon him that no amount of friendship or influence would allow him to circumvent the man who actually held the keys to the door into Tibet: the British Political Officer for Sikkim, Sir Basil Gould. Armed with this information, Theos left Gangtok and returned to Darjeeling briefly before going on to Kalimpong, the economic gateway to Tibet and home to a community of expatriate Tibetans and peddlers of British influence. Once there, he and Glen settled into the Himalayan Hotel, the former residence of David Macdonald and his family, a stately hill station establishment overlooking the center of town. The translator for Younghusband on his 1904 expedition to Tibet and subsequently the British Trade Agent in Gyantse for twenty years, David Macdonald was famous in the area, particularly for having turned down a knighthood for saving the life of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama in 1910, asking in exchange only a small parcel of land in the heart of Kalimpong for himself and his family. His children grown, the old family home had been turned into a luxury hotel, then being run by his son-in-law, Frank Perry.

Theos and Frank immediately became friends, and Frank began talking with Theos at length about the mishaps and misadventures of all those who had gone before him -- including Edwin Schary, whose unpublished book manuscript he gave Theos to read9[In Search of the Mahatmas of Tibet] -- speaking quite highly, in particular, of Alexandra David-Neel. Within days of checking in, Theos met another guest, Gordon T. Bowles, a Harvard-Yenching Fellow conducting an anthropological survey of the Tibetan borderlands.10 Quizzing Bowles on his experiences in and around Tibet, Theos discovered that he had traveled at one point with Harrison Forman, of whom Theos's erstwhile pilot in Shanghai, Chilly Vaughn, had spoke quite highly. Bowles was of a decidedly different opinion.

Harrison Forman (1904-1978) was an American photographer and journalist. He wrote for The New York Times and National Geographic. During World War II he reported from China and interviewed Mao Zedong.

He graduated from the University of Wisconsin with a degree in Oriental Philosophy. Forman and his wife Sandra had a son, John, who later changed the spelling of his name to Foreman, and a daughter, Brenda-Lu Forman, who collaborated with her father on one of his books, and also wrote a series of children's books on given names.

His collection of diaries and fifty thousand photographs are now at American Geographical Society Library at University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee.

Forman who travelled to the Tibetan Plateau in 1932 and filmed the Panchen Lama at the Labrang Monastery in Xiahe, Gansu province, served as the Tibetan technical expert on Frank Capra's Lost Horizon film of 1937.

-- Harrison Forman, by Wikipedia


Theos noted Bowles's views without revealing anything, leaving the mystery of differing opinions for Viola to puzzle over in his letters to her.

No sooner had Theos and Glen settled into their hotel room, however, than Theos received word from Jinorasa: Lama Yongden [Lachen Gomchen Rinpoche???] was coming from his retreat cave in the mountains down to Lachen and would be available for an interview there if Theos could come quickly. Already envisioning the broader context of his activities, Theos realized that the greatest amount of time would be spent "in bringing the problems down to something concrete," and yet, "from the looks of things so far, the specifics have been found or rather decided upon and if they ever come to pass, I will feel that I have left a real addition to the culture of this old world for someone to dig it up in the next millennium." As always, though, for Theos "the job that presents itself at the moment is being able to get ahold of the mss."

Pinning their hopes for success on a meeting with Lama Yongden [Lachen Gomchen Rinpoche???], Theos and Glen made the trip to Lachen, convinced it was the only way "to get a line up on the literature and secure the right manuscripts." If the previous weeks had proven boring, on a cinematic level at least, the trip to Lachen from Gangtok was anything but. "We have taken many trips together in the mountains," he wrote to Viola, "but this so far surpasses everything that we have ever seen together that it is impossible for me to describe it to you by making a comparison." He continued,

On the trip coming up one finds everything from the grandeur of the tropics to the splendor of the frozen north. One passes over endless swinging bridges which span the gorges out by the foaming rapids far below, thru jungles of ferns and orchids constantly being lighted up by the reflecting misty veils thrown over this luxuriant growth by the rushing waters above in their efforts to find a way to their kind which are constantly passing by perpendicularly below. This entire country is built on end with all the trails carved into the side of walls. There are places where trails have been hung along sheer cliffs hundreds of feet above the rapids. What one does when they near one of these pack trains, god only knows. Luckily I rounded the more dangerous corners alone, but there have been a few tight squeezes.


Although Theos never missed a chance to practice his narrative skills, he had a slightly stronger motivation on this occasion for practicing his eloquence: he had "completely run out of film ... and as for the Leica," on his trip to Lachen he was "left with only two rolls," so had made "every effort to make each frame count." While Theos did his best to document the trip, he was still overcome by the scenery -- from tea gardens to mountain ranges to the sight of his first yak -- and shot the better part of both rolls on the trail.

Upon reaching Lachen, Theos continued up the mountain behind the small village to Lama Yongden's monastery, where he spent the winters away from his cave retreat, to obtain the audience he sought. "He spent hours relating the mental aspects to the problems of the investigation," he told Viola. Lama Yongden, having devoted "the years of his youth ... to make [an] inner develop[ment], having attained some perfection in this direction ... he is now in his eighties and his mind sparkles as a fountain ever flowing under the sun of understanding." More importantly, however, "the great meditator of Lachen"11 gave Theos very pointed advice on how to pass himself off as a Buddhist pilgrim -- just as he had advised David-Neel.

Equally patient and long-suffering in his way was the monk, Yongden, who served her untiringly and without pay for more than two decades. He was to die in France at the age of 55, a hopeless alcoholic, according to his doctor.

-- Forbidden travels of an opera singer: The Secret Lives of Alexandra David-Neel by Barbara Foster and Michael Foster Overlook Press pounds 20, by Isabel Hilton


Half a world away, unfortunately, Viola was having no such comparable experiences. Besides coping with her mother's ongoing battle with cancer and her sister's impending divorce, she was still dealing with the aftereffects of the blow-up at the CCC [Clarkstown Country Club] between P.A. [Perry Arnold Baker] and DeVries.

The opportunity that Theos needed appeared in early spring 1934. Dan Hughes remembered that it was a warm spring afternoon in Tucson when he and Theos were sitting in the Law Library, working. Dan, in need of distraction, picked up a back issue of Fortune Magazine, and leafing through the pages, came across a story of a man in New York with his own elephant.20 He pointed out that the man in question was also named Bernard, and Theos immediately identified him as his uncle, someone his father had undoubtedly told him about.

A far cry from the press accounts of his past -- or anything else that Glen might have told him about his uncle -- the profile of Pierre Bernard in Fortune depicted a successful businessman and financial pillar of the community of Nyack, New York. Though there was mention of "teaching Yoga and Sanskrit around the country," the adventures of "the Omnipotent Oom" were little more than an anecdotal backdrop. Long forgotten as the fraudulent proprietor of "the Temple of Mystery" sanitarium, Pierre was described as having "a flourishing practice in treating brain and nervous diseases in New York City." Moreover, he was now a bank president; the head of construction, real estate, and mortgage companies; and the owner of his own stable of elephants and a fleet of vintage Stanley Steamers. In the depths of the Great Depression he was, in a phrase, stinking rich.

Without any hesitation, Theos took pen to paper and wrote a letter to his long-lost uncle introducing himself, speaking of his love of yoga, his hopes for the future, and his aspirations of attending school in New York. A few weeks later, a small envelope appeared in the mail for Theos, post-marked Nyack, New York. It was his uncle's reply, in the form of an invitation to attend the annual Easter Party at the Clarkstown Country Club...

As they set their plans in motion for their trip across America and the Pacific to India in the fall of 1936, Theos and Viola began packing up their apartment in New York. Although it was only June, Viola was due to start her internship at the Jersey City Medical Center the following January and so had to prepare for it in advance. Placing their possessions in storage and their apartment up for sale, they organized one last "send-off" picnic party at the club in Nyack with friends and family. P.A. [Perry Arnold Baker] himself even gave Theos and Viola recommendations and suggestions for people to contact in India, including P.C. Bannerji, who had taught at his New York Sanskrit College in the 1910s, and S.L. Joshi, who had served as Secretary of the CCC. Similarly, Ruth Everett,2 by then thoroughly enamored of all things Buddhist and Japanese,3 gave Viola letters of introduction when she heard that they were traveling on a Japanese cruise ship and would be passing through Yokohama.

-- Theos Bernard, the White Lama: Tibet, Yoga, and American Religious Life, by Paul G. Hackett


Discussing the matter with her, Theos resolved to support Viola's decision that they should renounce their membership and sever all ties with the club out of loyalty to DeVries and convince others to do so as well, since "like a child playing over an area charged with dynamite -- it is our duty to remove it even tho it has no way to realize why." Anticipating the worst for the future with P.A. [Perry Arnold Baker], Theos suggested that they take their decision one step further and dispense with their apartment in Nyack, suggesting that they could easily use the excuses of financial constraints and logistical inconveniences with Viola in New Jersey and Theos in India, Tibet and-he felt sure-soon studying at Oxford. Feeling more and more confident that he was embarking on research in unexplored territories, Theos had decided to abandon Columbia; neither the anthropology nor the philosophy department suited his needs and goals since the former was filled with people he didn't like, none of whom could "see what I wish to do," and the latter could only be considered a fall-back solution at best. Indeed, Theos felt assured of his ability to get accepted into the Ph.D. program at Oxford with Evans-Wentz, not just because of their now shared interest in Tibetan studies and his personal connection with the man through his father, but in particular, because he could bring to the field precisely the aspect that Evans-Wentz lacked: firsthand knowledge of the yogic tradition. It would be a challenging application to make, but if he had learned anything from traveling in social circles with Viola, it was the value and strength of a skillfully offered handshake and smile in the right quarters.

First, however, Theos needed sources -- texts -- and lots of them. Arriving back in Gangtok, he chanced upon a meeting with one of Jinorasa's cousins, who informed him that he could halve the Rs. 4,000 expense of copies of the Kangyur and the Tengyur in Calcutta by buying his own paper and shipping it up to Tibet to be printed there. He and Viola decided that it would be a worthwhile expenditure and placed the order with Jinorasa's cousin, who thought the manuscripts could arrive as early as mid-February.

Returning to Kalimpong, Theos began following up on recommendations in the area. He had asked for help in learning Tibetan when he was in Darjeeling, and Jinorasa recommended that Theos meet the one man in Kalimpong who could best assist him -- a young man known as Tharchin Babu, who had taught Tibetan to many in the area already -- and provided Theos with letter of introduction. At the same time, through Frank Perry Theos met the Pumsur brothers, distant relatives of a Lhasan aristocratic family who ran a wool trade operation in Kalimpong. Always eager to negotiate a business deal, they also offered to assist Theos in obtaining a copy of the Kangyur, the same new redaction recently printed in Lhasa, through one of their brothers there. For Theos, all of this was nearly overwhelming, but it was just the tip of the iceberg in Kalimpong.

Like Tashkent a thousand years earlier, Kalimpong was a cultural juncture -- the meeting place of age-old civilizations and a crossing-over point between radically different worlds. Below and to the south lay the jungles and lowlands of British India and most prominently of all, Calcutta, the commercial port for hill stations such as Kalimpong where the whole population of India-Lepchas, Nepalis, Bengalis, British, Chinese, Malaysians and a host of traders, missionaries, soldiers, and bureaucrats daily swarmed over each other in pursuit of their lofty and not-so-lofty goals. Above and to the north lay Tibet, perched atop the high Himalayas, stretching from the narrow valleys of Ladakh and Guge near Kashmir in the west to the wide-open plains of Amdo and the Chang-tang on the border of China to the east. It was a kingdom like no other and a monastic haven far above the mundane world, a place that six million people called home, whose natural borders were visible from space. Kalimpong was where these two worlds met.

Called "Da-ling Kote"12 by the local Bhutias after the old fort on the 4,000-foot ridge line, for most of its prehistory, Kalimpong was little more than the stockade (pong) of a Bhutanese minister (Kalon).13 Only after the annexation of the area by the British in the late nineteenth century did the small village formed around the ruins of the old fort begin to grow. In the wake of the 1904 Younghusband invasion of Tibet, Kalimpong took on greater significance as a trading post as the wool trade shifted from the administrative capital of the region, Darjeeling, to its new economic capital, slightly closer the Tibetan passes of Jelep-la and Nathu-la, with easy transport south to Calcutta for shipping to the textile mills of England, and eventually America.

Though still in many aspects a trading post and missionary enclave, by the 1930s Kalimpong had much to offer a Tibetophile. Most notably, it was home to the only Tibetan language newspaper in the world, The Mirror or Me-long, as it was known in Tibetan. It was also home to the newspaper's editor and the de facto center of the Tibetan expatriate community in Kalimpong, Dorje Tharchin, known affectionately as Tharchin Babu.

Born in 1890 in the village of Pu in the Khunu region of Spiti,14 Tharchin was the son of one of a handful of Moravian Christian converts in the western Tibetan borderlands of Spiti, and had spent the early years of his life in Khunu, being educated in missionary schools (taught in a mixture of Tibetan and Urdu15). When his parents died in the early years of the century, Tharchin finally left his village at the age of twenty and decided to try to go to Tibet in order to properly study the Tibetan language. Relocating several hundred miles south to the soon-to-be British capital of Delhi,16 Tharchin sought work to earn money for the trip. After a brief bout of malaria, however, he returned north to the British "summer capital" of Simla at the mouth of the Kulu valley, close to his old home in Khunu. Upon recovering, he went to work as a common laborer on the construction of the Hindustan-Tibet road. Spending his time between Simla and Delhi, by the late 1910s Tharchin was fully ensconced in his identity as a Christian and could often be found preaching in one of the local bazaars.

On one occasion, Tharchin reported, he was preparing to preach in a bazaar in Delhi when, looking at the last page in his Bible, he saw the phrase "Printed at the Scandinavian Alliance Tibetan Mission Press, Ghoom, Darjeeling." Discerning its import with the help of a friend, Tharchin saw an opportunity to get closer to Tibet and immediately wrote a letter (in Tibetan) to the press in Ghoom asking for an apprenticeship. To Tharchin's disappointment, the response informed him that the press had been sold, although he could be considered for missionary training as a Tibetan and Hindi teacher in the Ghoom Mission School if he knew Hindi -- which he did not. Nonetheless, Tharchin did not want to miss his opportunity, so, accepting this offer, he hurriedly bought a primer on Hindi grammar and after the Delhi Durbar of 1911,17 left for Ghoom in early January 1912.

For the next five years, Tharchin remained at Ghoom teaching Tibetan and Hindi (while learning Nepali) at the Christian school belonging to the Scandinavian Alliance Mission. There he met the onetime Christian convert Karma Sumdhon Paul, then acting as headmaster.18

The Bhutia Boarding School in Darjeeling is a school founded in 1874. Its first director was Sarat Chandra Das and Professor of Tibetan Ugyen Gyatso, a monk of Tibeto-Sikkimese origin. It was opened by order of the Lieutenant Governor of British Bengal, Sir George Campbell. Its purpose was to provide education to young Tibetans and Sikkimese boys resident in Sikkim or the Darjeeling area. However, according to Derek Wallers, it aimed to train interpreters, geographers and explorers may be useful in the event of an opening of Tibet to the English. Students learnt English, Tibetan and topography. In 1879, Sarat Chandra Das, sometimes disguised as a Tibetan lama, sometimes as a merchant from Nepal and Ugyen Gyatso made several trips to Tibet as secret agents of British India services in order to establish and collect cards.

The opening coincided with the school's educational initiatives William Macfarlane, a Scottish missionary in the region. If there was no link between these two initiatives, there was also no tension between them, sharing the same goals and methods with mutual benefit.

In 1891, the boarding school merged with the Darjeeling Zilla School to form the Darjeeling High School.

Bhutia Boarding School

Kazi Dawa Samdup
David Macdonald, (1870-1962)

Darjeeling High School

Norbu Dhondup [Rai Bahadur], (1884-1944)[5]
• Pemba Tsering, (1905-1954)[5]
Ekai Kawaguchi
Karma Sumdhon Paul (alias Karma Babu). He later became director of the [Bhutia Boarding] school.

Karma Sumdhon Paul (alias Karma Babu) worked as a translator and assistant for various British colonial officials in both India -- he accompanied the Sixth Panchen Lama's Indian pilgrimage in 1905-6 -- and Tibet. He was also employed by a number of other Europeans, including missionaries, before meeting and working for the Dutch orientalist John van Manen [1877-1943] at the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Karma Babu went on to become Tibetan lecturer at Calcutta University in 1924 and later published an English translation of the story of Drime Kunden (Dri-med Kun-Idan) from the Tibetan; see Richardus (1998:73-159) and Evans-Wentz (1954:89-91).

-- The Holy Land Reborn: Pilgrimage and the Tibetan Reinvention of Buddhist India, by Toni Huber

-- Bhutia Boarding School, Darjeeling [Bhotia Boarding School] [Darjeeling High School] [Darjeeling School], by Wikipedia


Although Tharchin tried his best to proselytize to visiting Tibetans and the local residents of Sikkim and Bengal, he met with only mixed success. Nonetheless, he continued as a lay preacher, interacting from time to time with his cohorts in the region, including the increasingly influential Dr. [John Anderson] Graham, who ran an orphanage for Anglo-Indian children in Kalimpong. While some of Tharchin's missionary companions often earned the ire of both the British and Tibetan authorities for routinely flouting administrative restrictions on their activities -- making reference to a "higher calling" -- Tharchin actively cultivated the friendship of both the Tibetans and the British, and benefited greatly from it.

By 1917, Tharchin had managed to secure a government scholarship and so relocated to Kalimpong to enter the teacher training program operated by the Scottish Union Mission [Scottish Universities' Mission? [SUM?]]. Having recently published two small Tibetan language primers, a Tibetan Primer with Simple Rules of Correct Spelling and The Tibetan Second Book,19 he had sufficient knowledge of the language to capture the notice of W.S. Sutherland, a missionary who had spent the better part of forty years in the Kalimpong area running a combination orphanage and missionary school. He quickly put Tharchin to work teaching Tibetan to a mixture of Bhutia and Tibetan boys in the orphanage. Although claiming to offer a complete education, Sutherland's schools integrated Bible study as much as possible, offering a curriculum of "Grammar, Geography, History, Arithmetic, Euclid, Physics,... Old and New Testament History, Church History, Pastoral Theology, and Apologetics with special reference to Hinduism."20 After graduating two years later, Tharchin was asked to remain in Kalimpong as permanent teacher of Tibetan at the Scottish mission.

Despite all these activities and events, Tharchin continued his proselytizing trips throughout Sikkim during these years, as well as serving as a Tibetan translator for embassies to Bhutan and Sikkim. During this time, he had the opportunity to visit Tibet for the first time, in 1921, accompanying the wife of the British Trade Agent at Yatung, Mrs. David Macdonald, to her husband's post just over the Tibetan border.

The Government of India wanted a local officer at Yatung for financial reasons. While this meant that the Trade Agent there would have less status than a British officer, this factor would, if Bell was correct, be balanced by his greater ability to cultivate the friendship of local officials, which was of paramount importance to his role (an issue that is discussed in Chapter Four). In the event, the officer chosen signified a compromise. He was an Anglo-Sikkimese, David Macdonald, a local government employee who had served on the Younghusband Mission. While not from an aristocratic family, he was intelligent and got on extremely well with Tibetans, and even the Chinese.

Macdonald was uniquely well qualified, and thoroughly conversant with British concepts of prestige. As he later recalled 'There was the prestige and pomp of the empire to be maintained and this meant one reflected the glory.' In contrast, when the Lhasa Mission was headed by a local officer of Tibetan origin in the 1940s, it was felt that 'the want of a Political Officer [i.e. a British officer] in charge of the Mission was felt by our friends'. [33]

Questions of manpower and economy, allied to the need to reward local supporters, meant that local employees had to be given positions of authority, but they were generally kept away from the key positions in which policy decisions were made. MacDonald was the only local officer given a Political post in Tibet until the late 1930s, and he was originally appointed to Yatung, which had little or no influence on policy formation.

Ultimately, although the British had to use local employees, they felt that, with the exception of an exceptional individual such as Macdonald, their prestige could only be fully represented by British officers. Local officers had not been trained to command at British public schools, and thus could not be expected to understand and maintain public school codes of behaviour. In consequence, if a local officer failed to maintain the required status and standards of behaviour, his failure was blamed on his race or class, whereas if a British officer failed, it was the individual who was blamed: 'A man who does not play the game at the outposts is a traitor to our order.'[34]....

One Anglo-Indian was chosen for a Political post in Tibet, David MacDonald, the son of a Scottish tea planter, who became an important figure on the frontier. Although his father had left India when MacDonald was five years old, the boy was well provided for, receiving the then generous sum of twenty rupees a month in trust. His Sikkimese mother, Aphu Drolma, entered him in the Bhotia Boarding School, from where he entered local government service, before joining the Younghusband Mission.[33] While MacDonald began regular Tibetan service as a Trade Agent, not an intermediary, unlike the other two local officers classified here as Tibet cadre (Norbhu Dhondup and Pemba Tsering) he shared a similar background to the intermediaries, and his career may be more appropriately considered in this section.

MacDonald had a truly multi-cultural background. Raised as a Buddhist with the name of Dorji MacDonald, he converted to Christianity and adopted the name David under the influence of his wife, the Anglo-Nepalese, Alice Curtis. These various influences gave him command of all of the principal languages of the region, Tibetan, Nepali, Hindi, Lepcha and English, and insight into both Buddhist and Christian religious cultures.

Originally Buddhist, he was converted to Christianity by Fredrik Franson of The Evangelical Alliance Mission.

In 1890 [Fredrick Franson] founded the Scandinavian Alliance Mission in Chicago, later known as The Evangelical Alliance Mission, also several missions in Sweden.

His first class on October 14, 1890, is recognized as the "birthday" of TEAM, although the early name for the agency was "The Scandinavian Alliance Mission."
This name reflected Franson's vision to bring churches together into an alliance enabling even small congregations to have a part in sending out missionaries. Classes were also initiated in Chicago, Minneapolis and Omaha. Soon a formal board of directors came into being, and on January 17, 1891, the first band of 35 missionaries boarded a train for the West Coast and eventually China.

Photographs of these early missionaries depict a dedicated group of people who chose to live and dress as the Chinese did. Other groups soon joined the first recruits, and Franson fervently challenged still more to go. In order to get to China, the early missionaries had to pass through Japan, and that soon became a new field for the mission. In a similar manner, by 1892, a small group also went to Swaziland.

-- Fredrik Franson, by Wikipedia


He was associated with the "Tibetan Translation of the New Testament" and founded a small church in Yatoung, Tibet.

-- David Macdonald, by Wikipedia (France)


MacDonald had the character and skills needed to attract the patronage of British officers, a necessary quality for an ambitious individual of his background. He assisted both Charles Bell and Colonel Waddell, Chief Medical Officer on the Younghusband Mission and early scholar of Tibetan Buddhism, to learn Tibetan, and their support gained him Political employ.[34]

Bell's patronage was crucial; MacDonald was held in high regard by Bell, and owed his position to Bell's support. When his patron left, MacDonald lost influence. His efforts to support his son John, and his son-in-law Frank Perry, in various employment schemes on the frontier brought him into conflict with Bailey, the new Political Officer Sikkim, and his final years in Tibet were difficult ones. In retirement however, he ensured the family security by turning his Kalimpong home into a successful hotel, which still exists today. [35]....

I have previously examined the Political Officers' attempts to gain access to Lhasa during the period 1910-20, when, after a change of policy by Whitehall, their efforts culminated in Charles Bell being permitted to take up a long-standing invitation from the Dalai Lama to visit Lhasa. [17]

The genesis of this invitation lay in the assistance given to the Dalai Lama by David Macdonald at Yatung in 1910. Macdonald had been specifically instructed that while he could shelter the Dalai Lama in the Trade Agency, he was to maintain neutrality in the Chinese-Tibetan conflict. But as the Tibetan leader fled south from the pursuing Chinese forces, Macdonald not only offered the Dalai Lama and his followers sanctuary in the Trade Agency, but deployed the Agency escort to protect him. [18]

Macdonald's interpretation of his orders attracted no censure from government. There can be little doubt that his actions were tacitly approved of by his immediate superior, the Political Officer Charles Bell, who was soon to benefit from the goodwill gained by Macdonald's action. Bell later described MacDonald's assistance to the Dalai Lama as being 'perhaps the chief reason why the British name stands high in Tibet.'[19]

During the Dalai Lama's period of exile, Bell succeeded in cultivating the personal friendship of the Tibetan leader and a number of his court followers. In practice, Bell was able to give the Tibetans very little concrete assistance, for Whitehall, and even many in the Government of India, considered the Dalai Lama was no longer an important political force. The Secretary of State, Lord Morley, for example, described the Dalai Lama as 'a pestilent animal... [who] should be left to stew in his own juice'.[20]

Even when the Dalai Lama returned to rule Tibet in 1912, Whitehall objected to any gestures of support being given to him. Bell and the Tibet cadre, however, offered what support they could. Bell instructed Basil Gould to escort the Dalai Lama as he passed Gyantse, and Macdonald played host to the Dalai Lama in Yatung for five days. Macdonald naturally gained great prestige from this with the local Tibetan community.[21]

-- Tibet and the British Raj, 1904-47: The Influence of the Indian Political Department Officers, by Alexander McKay
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Thu Jul 23, 2020 2:14 am

Part 2 of 3

Tharchin stayed in Yatung for the next four months, assisting Mrs. Macdonald with her English and Hindi school for the children of British officers stationed there, before pressing on deeper into Tibet toward Gyantse, the first major city between the Tibetan border and Lhasa. No sooner had he arrived than word of his activities in Yatung reached the ears of British officials stationed in Gyantse, and they requested that he open a similar school there. Despite the lack of funds, Tharchin obliged and began instructing the children of British officers and Tibetan aristocrats -- as well as a few Tibetan officials21 -- in English and Hindustanti (Hindi). The school was initially a success, but Tharchin's construction of an unabasedly Christian curriculum -- including morning prayers, Christian hymns, and Bible readings -- would eventually doom it to closure when its thinly veiled proselytizing enterprise became apparent to the Tibetan government,22 which then opened a new school in Gyantse with British help (though similar charges would shortly doom it as well). Though not invested in the schools financially, the British authorities viewed these closures as a bad sign, with one officer remarking that the Tibetans "will regret this decision one day when they are Chinese slaves once more, as they assuredly will be."23 Nonetheless, Tharchin remained in Gyantse for two more years, teaching and assisting in the translation of Hindi and English military manuals into Tibetan for the newly formed Tibetan army.24

It was during this time as well that Tharchin began to forge friendships with many of the high-ranking Tibetan and British dignitaries who passed through Gyantse on a regular basis, including Sir Charles Bell; the renounced King of Sikkim, Taring Raja; and various current and future members of the Tibetan government, including members of the cabinet and national assembly,25 as well as relatives of the various aristocratic houses. Although this period would prove crucial to Tharchin's future, granting him access to all levels of government and rendering him famously influential, his proselytizing behavior was not always appreciated, least of all by the British, whose reactions ran the gamut from nervous tolerance to outright contempt.26

Satisfied with the level of language instruction they were receiving, the Tibetan officials under Tharchin's tutelage invited him to return to Lhasa with them, and in September 1923, Tharchin made his first trip to the capital city as their guest. It was there, while living across the street with Dorje Theiji, that Tharchin met his wife, Karma Dechen. Within a few months, Tharchin had secured her parents' permission to marry; shortly thereafter, they returned to India via Gangtok, where Tharchin served as translator for Dorje Theji while the latter attended military school. 27 Tharchin would later speak glowingly of this time; far more significant, however, was that in the midst of these activities he began work on what would be his greatest achievement and eventually earn him worldwide fame.

In August 1925, while working for Sutherland's successor at the Scottish Union Mission [Scottish Universities' Mission? [SUM?]], John Graham, Tharchin noticed "a Roneo Duplicator lying idle" and asked if he could take it, thinking to produce his own newspaper in Tibetan. Graham offered it to Tharchin, though with little encouragement, saying that his office staff had failed to get it working the entire time they had had it. Nonetheless, Tharchin began tinkering with the duplicator and after two months of effort in his spare time, finally got it to work. On October 10, 1925, Tharchin produced the first issue of his very own Tibetan language newspaper, The Mirror -- News From Various Regions.28 After a brief hiatus, he commenced regular publication the following February with monthly issues. Although he received encouragement and advice from all around, his first real commendation came a year later, when he received a letter from His Holiness the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, accompanied by a gift of twenty rupees, stating that he was receiving Tharchin's newspaper, "was very glad and added to continue it and send more news which would be very useful to him."20

Encouraged by this, Tharchin began to think of himself more and more as a newspaperman, expanding beyond the simple relaying of news from other sources to the production of news content himself. He petitioned the Tibetan government for permission to visit Lhasa as a reporter, and on August 20, 1927, accompanied by his wife and two British civil servants, headed for Gyantse, and from there for Lhasa to conduct the first important interview of his career -- with the Thirteenth Dalai Lama. Arriving in Lhasa a month later, Tharchin remained self-conscious about his broken Tibetan -- the result of having grown up in the borderlands of Tibet -- and spent the better part of the next three months attempting to improve his speaking abilities before finally applying for an audience with His Holiness in mid-December.30 Tharchin and his wife returned to India the following February (1928), receiving 100 rupees along the way from the British Political Officer at Gyantse, Arthur Hopkinson, to support the continued publication of the newspaper. By June, the Scottish mission had received a new litho press, which Dr. Graham made available, sending Tharchin to Calcutta to receive training in its use and allowing him to use the press to produce his newspaper as part of his official duties at the mission.31 This clear links between the newspaper and missionary activities was not lost on some, and Tharchin's good fortune proved to be a mixed blessing, as many came to disregard and even dislike the newspaper.

Tharchin had begun his newspaper with only fourteen subscriptions, and by the third year his subscriptions were close to fifty. But he was still sending more than a hundred free copies to officials in the Tibetan government, although more than half were usually "lost" along the way by the Tibetan post office. These, however, were the least of Tharchin's troubles. Greater difficulties during these years came from more hard-line missionaries who would soon appear in Kalimpong, in particular, Dr. Graham's replacement at the mission, the Australian Reverence Knox. Despite the often prominent "articles" on Christianity that regularly appeared in the pages of The Mirror, Knox was not favorably disposed to Tharchin's activities as a newspaper editor, and shortly after arriving in Kalimpong brought an end to the subsidization of the paper in terms of both material resources and Tharchin's time.32 By the early 1930s, Tharchin had managed to stabilize the publication of his newspaper, although he was constantly in search of new subscribers and advertising to underwrite his costs.33 It was thus with a certain degree of trepidation that he rejoined the Scottish Union Mission [Scottish Universities' Mission] under Rev. Knox as "Tibetan Catechist,"34 agreeing to accept strict limits on his official activities in exchange for a salary. While there was little love lost between Tharchin and Knox, the position allowed Tharchin to continue publishing his newspaper. In the process -- though unintentionally -- he was building a community around him that would significantly alter the face of Tibetan politics, for better and worse. Just as Kalimpong was growing, his reputation seemed to grow along with it, and Tharchin finally began to benefit from this.

In 1931, the French Tibetologist Jacques Bacot arrived in Kalimpong, and making inquiries at David Macdonald's Himalayan Hotel, was directed to Tharchin as a potential assistant in his research. Bacot's interests, however, were very specialized: the recently recovered cache of eighth- to tenth-century manuscripts from the Silk Road town of Tun-huang. Having just recently edited and published Tse-ring-wang-gyel's Tibetan-Sanskrit Dictionary35 as a follow-up to his translation and study of a Tibetan grammar treatise,36 Bacot was eager to apply what he had learned to translating the early Tibetan documents now in his possession. To his disappointment, deciphering their contents was a far greater challenge than he'd thought, and without the help of a native Tibetan scholar he could proceed no further. Bacot enlisted Tharchin to help with his translations, paying him handsomely. Although together they made some additional progress, many of the passages were well beyond Tharchin's abilities too. Bacot had limited time in India and knew that it would be hopeless to attempt to finish the translations in isolation back in Paris. So although he would most likely never return to Kalimpong, he left his photographic reproductions of the texts with Tharchin, who promised to enlist the aid of others to complete their translation. Ironically, as Tharchin and Bacot struggled over the manuscripts that fall, several hundred miles north in Tibet, another would-be scholar of ancient Tibetan manuscripts was likewise in search of material and human resources to aid him in his research -- and his own work would affect Tharchin's dramatically.

Born in the late nineteenth century, Rahula Sakrtyayana had grown up in India, but was very much a product of the British educational system rather than anything indigenously Indian. Fixating on Tibet as a repository of untapped knowledge, in the summer of 1929, Sankrtyayana embarked on his first trip in search of Sanskrit manuscripts brought there close to a thousand years earlier and presumed to still be extant in the great monastic libraries. Sankrtyayana knew that prior to the rise of the “Three Great Seats”37 of learning in the early fifteenth century, the center of Buddhist knowledge and translation activities was Sakya, a small, secluded valley retreat located several hundred miles south and west of Lhasa. It was there that in the early thirteenth century the faculty of the great Buddhist university of India, Vikramalasila, had fled, seeking refuge from the Muslim invaders who had razed their university and put all its inhabitants to the sword, ending the Buddhist intellectual dominance of the Indian subcontinent. It was also at Sakya that the last abbot of Vikramalasila, Sakya Sribhadra, and his entourage began teaching and collaborating with Tibetan scholars on the next great wave of translations and oral transmissions on the Tibetan plateau. For Sankrtyayana, this was the logical place to look for Sanskrit manuscripts. But after many months, he came home disappointed, having found only Tibetan manuscripts.38 Sankrtyayana had begun attempting to “restore” the Sanskrit version of one text of interest from the Tibetan, Dharmakirti’s Pramanavarttika, when he learned that the Sanskrit original had recently been discovered in Nepal. Reinspired, he began planning a second trip.

By 1934, Sankrtyayana was better informed, and having identified Ngor and Shalu monasteries as likely places with Sanskrit manuscripts, he was ready to visit Tibet again.39 This time, however, he was searching not only for rare manuscripts but also, just as important, for a scholar or two who could assist him in his studies, so he went first to Lhasa. While staying there, he developed friendships with various members of the aristocratic families and ruling officials of Tibet. With the assistance of the sons of the house of Surkhang, Reting Rinpoche, and the Kalon Lama,40 Sankrtyayana’s second trip achieved success before even setting foot in a monastic library, as he was also able to acquire photographs of manuscripts from Kundeling Monastery right in Lhasa itself.

Not without justification, Sankrtyayana thought of himself as a scholar of the heyday of Buddhist India, the “Buddhist millennium” spanning from the time of Nagarjuna in the second century C.E. to the destruction of the great centers of learning in the early thirteenth century. Although many of the oral traditions from this time still survived in Tibet – a difficult source to access – the literary legacy of Buddhist India was encapsulated in the second half of the Tibetan Buddhist canon, the Tengyur.41 In the early twentieth century in Tibet, one man stood out as the foremost authority on the canon, having earlier been deputized by the Thirteenth Dalai Lama to redact the first half, the Kangyur,42 for publication in Lhasa: Dobi Geshe Sherap Gyatso.43 Before even meeting him, Sankrtyayana thought that Geshe Sherap Gyatso would be the ideal collaborator in his research. A scholar at Drepund Monastic University west of Lhasa, Geshe Sherap Gyatso was not only one of the greatest scholars of the twentieth century produced by that institution but also a key political figure of the day. Although Geshe Sherap Gyatso was unable to help Sankrtyayana personally in the way he wished, he recommended instead that Sankrtyayana consider working with his most promising – and at times, most troublesome44 – student, a young man from northeastern Tibet (Amdo) named Gedun Chope.45 Just how confident Sankrtyayana was in Geshe Sherap Gyatso’s recommendation is unclear, since he also south out the help of another recommended scholar, the tutor to the house of Tsarong, the Mongolian Geshe Chodrak46 from the great monastic university of Sera, just north of Lhasa. Geshe Chodrak also declined Sankrtyayana’s offer to come to India, but Gedun Chopel accepted, and together the two men traveled south and west toward Nepal with formal letters of authorization, stopping at various monasteries and temples along the way, such as Ngor and Shalu, in search of Sanskrit manuscripts.

By the time they reached Nepal in November 1934, Sankrtyayana and Gedun Chopel had amassed a considerable collection of Sanskrit palm-leaf manuscripts47 that they could study. Settling in Kathmandu, for the next five months they worked on cataloging and examining their finds, then left for India the following March. Abandoned by Sankrtyayana, who embarked on a trip across Southeast Asia to Japan, Gedun Chopel was left to fend for himself for more than a year in Darjeeling and greater Sikkim. Only when Gedun Chopel met Tharchin, who was still looking for someone with scholastic training to help him decipher Bacot’s Tun-huang manuscripts, did his fortunes take a turn for the better. Seeing an opportunity to secure a more stable environment, Gedun Chopel agreed to help Tharchin and moved in, living and working with him on and off for the next eighteen months, translating the early Tibetan histories from Tun-huang for Jacques Bacot.48

Despite his reliance on Tharchin, however, Gedun Chopel did not suffer for company in Kalimpong. As the economic fortunes of the Sikkimese-Tibetan border towns fluctuated, Kalimpong was slowly taking over Darjeeling as the wool-trading capital of northeast India. More than 50 percent of the wool traffic of central Tibet passed through the small town, and the economy of Lhasa became linked to the price of wool in Kalimpong. As a result, Kalimpong was quickly becoming home to a growing merchant and expatriate Tibetan population. This fact hadn’t escaped the notice of Jacques Bacot; nor did it escape the notice of another would-be Tibetan scholar, the British researcher Marco Pallis. Arriving in Kalimpong, Pallis had sought out his own Tibetan scholar to aid him in his research and found the Mongolian lama Ngawang Wangyal, whose own goals and interests had led him south as well, via Peking and Lhasa in the company of the British representative Charles Bell, for whom he had served as translator for several months.

When Theos Bernard stepped out into the streets of Kalimpong in early January 1937 with his father, this was the world he walked into. A town that in many respects marked the northernmost limit of success in the Christian missionary assault on Tibet, Kalimpong was also the staging ground from which Tibetan scholars and their Western disciples were beginning to launch their own assaults on the countries of Europe and the Americas, bringing the insights of a Buddhist worldview to the Western world, and Theos Bernard was determined to be one of them.

That January, Theos settled into a routine of studying Tibetan with Tharchin. While this was a fine arrangement for Theos (and a financial boon to Tharchin49), Glen saw it as a waste of time, and his annoyance began to wear on Theos’s nerves even more than before. Within a week, Glen decided that it was time for him to leave. “It would be absolutely wrong for him to remain,” Theos explained to Viola, for

he is about at the point where he is going to kill every Hindu in India, not saying anything about the rest of the lives he is going to terminate. If he met one in his dreams he would throw himself completely out of bed trying to get at him. When you saw him he was an angry child; so multiply that by ten and double the total each day for every day since you have been away and you will have some idea of his present state.


As glad as Glen was to leave, Theos was even more happy to get away from his father. In addition to the trip having taken a toll on his health, Glen had a problem, however -- beyond the usual financial one. Although he had a return ticket for a ship in the Dollar Line, there was a strike on and ships were only leaving India every four months. As usual, Theos had to ask Viola to bail his father out, in addition to maintaining their "continued arrangement" for his support. Even though Glen was preparing to leave Kalimpong, Theos assured Viola that their research together would not end. Indeed, with Viola's support, Glen would be hard at work upon his return spending "all of his time wiping [sic] together some literary data that I want in order by the time I return." Just as important, Theos told Viola, with her support Glen "will also be able to continue on with the laboratory experiments which are necessary to finish up this work on Mercury which is needed for our future practice." 50

"Practice" was indeed on his mind, and all other concerns were quickly falling behind, barely worth a casual remark to Viola, Theos believed they were moving into a phase of their lives together that was centered around their work and that "life is always going to be a pace like this and there will never be enough time to find that home and have children." Having renounced that possibility, he reiterated to Viola his feeling that they should dedicate their lives to finding "some way so that others may better help themselves, and so forget that as an entity we exist," and along those lines had some recommendations for her career. Although this was only a passing comment for Theos, it was an unexpected shock to Viola.51

oblivious to the deep impact those statements would have on Viola as a reversal of his earlier promises, Theos was caught up in his world of studies, having settled into a stable routine at the hotel:

5 am: Awake; practice yoga/pranayama
7 am: Tibetan lesson with Tharchin; followed by mile walk, a light breakfast of oatmeal and milk, and studies
Noon: Lunch and errands, followed by studies
4 pm: Tea time and review
5 pm: Tibetan lesson with Tharchin again
6:30 pm: Washing, more yoga exercises, and study
9 pm: Reading, or writing to Viola
11 pm: Sleep


With Glen finally gone, there was little to distract Theos, and he remained confident that he could master Tibetan with ease, and since it was "only a matter of time and routine;' he soon "would have a working knowledge of it." This was important, because beyond gaining the ability to access the content of Tibetan texts himself, the ability to claim knowledge of Tibetan would be crucial in gaining admittance to Oxford University. William McGovern's observation that learning Tibetan meant learning three different "languages" because "there is not only an ordinary and an honorific language, but also a high honorific language used in addressing high dignitaries"52 was, in fact, quite true, and Theos feared that he would have little time for letter writing to anyone besides Viola.

Although he thought that he could easily lose himself "here for the next fifty years in work and never know there was an outside world," nonetheless, she shouldn't worry too much about him losing his perspective:

Do not take it that I feel that the purpose of life is to learn a language or become versed in the Tibetan literature -- those two things are just as worthless as a million other things that man is playing with so far as his real purpose is concerned. I only dabble with this form because I believe that behind it there is some information that I can use to better enable me to continue on with my other work.


This was the real reason, he told her, that he never had done "a great deal of talking about the real inner development to be derived from Yoga" because he "did not want to talk without having had first hand personal experience with it." But in the absence of direct guidance and authentic commentaries, getting that experience would prove difficult. Nonetheless, Theos took encouragement when and where he could, even being allowed to photograph a Tibetan text belonging to Tharchin, with figures illustrating different yogic exercises.53

But many of these issues, Theos recognized, were long-term concerns. In the short term, he had received most of the knowledge that he needed from his father, and the rest was clearly explained in the pamphlets they had gotten from Kuvalavananda. Solidly engaged in those exercises. he was pleased to tell Viola that in addition to his language studies, his practice of the yogic exercises was progressing; working on his breathing exercises (pranayama), he had gotten to the point where his uddiyana bandha54 was "up to its highest form of perfect" -- something Viola had yet to see -- and he promised he would demonstrate it for her on his return, While all these developments provided positive reinforcement to Theos,

one of the thrills of the entire adventure has been the following of the footsteps of those that I have read about for so long -- David-Neel, McGovern, Sir Charles Bell, David Macdonald who I have come to know as a real friend, and all the members of the Everest Expeditions .... The field is so vast and those who have been combing it are of such a variety and interest that there is yet an unlimited quantity of material for me whose background is so entirely different. They have all told what there is to find, but no one has revealed what lies behind that which exists, and here is my task.


His challenge, as he saw it, was to "prove to others the real concrete aspects of this philosophy which is nothing but an explanation of the functioning of nature." But Theos thought all of this was exciting because he found it a stark contrast to his life in America and the obligations imposed on him by American society. It was an inner conflict that was causing him to waffle between excitement and frustration:

I am out for a Ph.D. and for some God for known reason I have chosen the most remote thing that we know of for its subject; so now that I have started, I must see it thru to the bitter end regardless of how much it hurts ... that is why I am here -- to work and find out how much of what I believe really exist[s] ... [but] if I did not have to have a degree, I have my doubts as to how long I would stay here. I do not care as much about the degree, but the public does, and I care about the public to a certain extent, therefore it is essential that I come up to what they call a standard, before 1 tell all to go to hell and do as 1 please about anything and everything. All I want to do is meet their requirements. Mine are much higher, but they do not understand them; so again, I must do the adjusting. And then to top off the distrust of the public, [ have its nest in my home, for Viola doesn't give a dam [sic] about it, just as I don't give a dam about medicine.55


For Theos, this was a wonderful thing -- the fact that they were "separate individuals" and yet had a love that couldn't be found elsewhere, with only "minor differences" between them. But when Theos's letter arrived, Viola was not amused by his comments. Minor differences? "Like hell they are!" she thought, and as fast as the mail could travel, Theos had Viola's response and once again had to work to repair the damage to their relationship. ''There is nothing that hurts me worse to feel that I have in some unknown way brought you a hurt," he wrote back. Trying to convince her that she had taken his statements "all wrong," he reassured her that "if you only knew all the love there is for you in me, you would never misinterpret things." Just the same, Theos couldn't hid his anger:

I suppose you think that I get a kick out of living away from you-what in the hell did I change the course of my life and marry you for if I wanted to get away from you. You also indicate that you feel that my whole choice of action is a bit queer -- well, I have to do something in this world, we all cannot be doctors.


But venting at Viola would solve little, he knew -- even if that realization didn't stop him -- so he suggested, "I feel that it is best for us to dispense with the writing and know that we have a complete understand[ing] over all of these things," while attempting to assuage her anger by saying that if they persisted in their long-distance argument it would be "likely to cause us a little trouble which is quite unnecessary, for our adjustment is perfect and will more than carry us on thru a life of continual happiness." Turning philosophical, as he usually did at such times, he reminded her that "our whole society is pretty rotten and that civilization on the whole is man's most highly perfected machine for his own destruction."

Theos sent his letter immediately, but by the next day had decided that a further apology was probably necessary, telling her, "I have been having my mood." More important, Theos tried to convince Viola that not only was it bad for their relationship in the long term for her to misunderstand him, but also it had an adverse effect on him in the present: "you always read or listen to my words and never hear what my heart is crying out," and "it is a hell of a feeling to have everything shot to hell and then realize that the only place that can be called home is the ground that you stand on for the moment." For without her, he told Viola, he was lost, but even with her, the future remained uncertain. "I wonder if there is any way of telling what on earth I will be doing five years from now," he wrote. "Hell, I bet that I do not even die regularly -- probably alone someplace, mad as hell at myself for being there." But, having run the gamut of his all too typical range of emotions, in the end, as always, he reaffirmed his undying love for her -- as Theos always chose to expressed it, "I lub OO OOoo."

How, precisely, all of these concerns would play out, Viola could not tell, so she chose to respond to all of Theos's conflicting signals, the expressions of his "dammed good for-nothing emotional nature," by putting such discussions on hold -- at Theos's request -- for the benefit of his state of mind until such time as they were reunited. After and despite it all, Viola reminded herself that she did love him, and he did seem lonely and very miserable.

As the weeks passed, Theos's spirits slowly recovered and his mood began to improve as the Tibetan New Year approached. When he met Tharchin for his daily morning Tibetan lesson, the comings and goings of various people for the holiday meant that Theos was introduced to many new faces. One man who stopped by to convey his greetings to Tharchin was a young Kalmyk Mongolian lama, Ngawang Wangyal. Wearing a traditional Mongolian monk's robes and a somewhat incongruous homburg hat,56 Wangyal made an immediate impression, He was, as Theos would find out, a brilliant scholar who had already played many roles over the course of his life.

Born to Mongolian parents in the Kalmyk region of Russia57 at the turn of the century, Wangyal had entered his local monastery at the age of six, joining his older brother, Kunsang, who began tutoring him. By the time he was sixteen, his interests had turned to medicine and he relocated to a medical college in Outer Mongolia, where he began studying the Tibetan medical tradition. After a year, however, his teacher suddenly passed away, and he was left stranded and directionless, for in the absence of his teacher, his interest in medicine quickly faded. To his good fortune, the Bolshevik revolution had just taken place in Russia, sending a group of Buryat Mongolian Buddhists south to attempt to secure sovereignty for the Mongolian peoples. Among them were the abbot of the Petrograd temple, Sodnom zhigzhitov; the notable Buryat intellectual Badzar Baradinevich Baradin; and the foremost Buddhist in all of Russia, onetime tutor to the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, and advisor to Tzar Nicholas II, Agwan Dorjiev -- whose presence in Lhasa at the turn of the century had made the British Raj so nervous. Although he hailed from Mongolian Buryatia in Siberia, Dorjiev had maintained a commitment to the Kalmyk Mongolians and was famous among them, often visiting Kalmykia and even establishing two colleges there for the study of Buddhism. Hearing of Wangyal's abilities as a student, Dorjiev took him on as a disciple and eventually decided to bring him along to Lhasa to ensure that his studies continued.

Thus accompanied by Buryat Russian political spies and secret emissaries, 58 Wangyal arrived in Tibet and settled into Drepung Monastic University, home to many Mongolian monks in Lhasa, and, like Dorjiev and so many other Mongolians before him, entered its Gomang College. Trained well by his teachers, the young Ngawang Wangyal completed his studies in half the time of his fellow Tibetan students by doubling his lessons. When his studies were finished, feeling homesick for Mongolia, by the late 1920s Wangyal was ready to return home for a while. Making his way to Peiping (Beijing), he had the good fortune to meet some Buryat monks who advised him to proceed no further. The Bolsheviks had begun to exert their complete authority over Russia and his Mongolian homeland and in every area under their control Buddhists -- and monks in particular -- were being persecuted. He was advised not even to contact his family, since doing so could put them at risk, Although he had no way of knowing, such difficulties had already touched his family, Kunsang, his older brother who had been such a formative influence on him as a young boy, had risen to the post of abbot of his monastery, only to be arrested by the Bolsheviks. Already in prison before Wangyal had even completed his studies. Kunsang would die there without the brothers ever seeing each other again.

Heeding the advice of his fellow monks, Wangyal decided to stay in China. Finding work as a translator for Russian scholars and as a teacher among his fellow Mongolians, he learned English in the process, and was sufficiently fluent in so short a time that he was able to serve as translator for the British Political Officer, Charles Bell, when he visited Mongolia, China, and Manchuria. Although Wangyal's studies in Tibet were completed, one of the requirements for the geshe degree was the obligation to feed one's home monastery for a day. As Drepung had a population of over 7,000 monks, this was no small feat, especially for a Mongolian far from home. With the money he earned in China during those years, Wangyal was eventually able to return to Lhasa, but initially did not want to fulfill the final obligations to his monastery in order to obtain his degree, even if he'd had the money, which he didn't, Feeling that the system had become corrupt, he, like his teacher Agwan DoIjiev, thought than too many monks and geshes weren't really studying. Worse yet, men he considered to be the really great teachers -- like Geshe She rap Gyatso, who had been driven out of Lhasa for daring to edit the canon, or his own teacher, Geshe Jinpa, who, poverty stricken, was living in the basement of Gomang College-were not receiving the respect and support that they deserved. Consequently, Wangyal felt that a geshe degree was no longer a hallmark of knowledge and attainment, but rather proof of having bought a lot of tea and made good aristocratic connections. The Pha-la family, however, who had been his friends, insisted that he go through with the process, going so far as to cover the cost of feeding his monastery. Even so, Geshe Wangyal eventually left Lhasa and made his way to India. At thirty-five, he was only a few years older than Theos when they met in Kalimpong. Having mastered Tibetan and Russian over his native Mongolian, Wangyal had English fluency that, though limited, was more than good enough for most conversations.

Theos and Geshe Wangyal immediately struck up a friendship, which Theos's interest in Tibetan literature only strengthened. Relaxing in Tharchin's home, they had a long conversation about the Tibetan canon and the educational system in the great monastic universities. Geshe Wangyal explained that he had agreed to work with Marco Pallis and would return to England with him at the end of his visit in a few months. Eager to learn about potential research partners for when he returned home, Theos quizzed Geshe Wangyal at length about where and in what texts he could find the answers to many of his research questions, and was duly impressed by the answers. "He is a fine chap," Theos wrote to Viola, "but now he is pretty naive so far as the world is concerned but he has covered a vast amount of literature in his own field and I have found him extremely helpful in telling me where certain kinds of information can be found."

Although Geshe Wangyal had only agreed to go to England with the tentative possibility of guiding Marco Pallis back to Tibet, he would rather return to China, he told Theos. "His favorite stop is Peking and he wishes to eventually get back there to do more studying." Since such a journey from England would be more easily accomplished by traveling via America, without hesitation Theos invited him to visit him (or Viola, at least) should he actually reach the United States. "I have given him your address;' he told Viola, "and told him by all means that he is to call you once he arrives and that you will do whatever is possible for him .... He may never turn up, or I may be there before he is. This is just all in the way of a warning that someday a Lama might come into your life."

At the end of Tharchin's impromptu tea party, thoroughly warmed up to Theos, Geshe Wangyal insisted that he accompany him to his home to attend his New Year's party, where a number of Tibetans were gathering. Far from the sort of restrained event that British decorum imposed in Tharchin's household. Geshe Wangyal's party was host to a contingent of guests freshly arrived from Tibet -- a group of dignitaries traveling en route to China via Calcutta, along with many local well-wishers.

No less prominent than the Three Great Seats of Learning that were homes to the scholars of the Lhasa valley, the great monastic university of Tashilhunpo in Shigatse, some hundred miles southwest of Lhasa, boasted many brilliant minds and political figures as well. Not the least of these was the Panchen Lama, whose political machinations had proven too much for the central government and who as a result had spent many years in self-imposed exile in China. Political instability seemed to be the theme in Europe and the rest of Asia in the 1930s, and Tibet was no exception. While the Bolsheviks to the north, the Chinese communists to the east, and the British to the south fought their opponents in both the physical and political arenas, all eyed Tibet as the key to controlling central Asia. Seeing the potential for the downfall of his beloved country, the Thirteenth Dalai Lama -- the "Great Thirteenth," as he came to be called -- had tried to modernize Tibet while maintaining its independence from the three surrounding empires.

With different factions in the monastic and aristocratic ranks all clamoring for influence, there was a constant power struggle among pro-British, pro-Chinese, and isolationist groups in Tibet throughout the first few decades of the twentieth century. The Panchen Lama and Tashilhunpo Monastery, always having had strong ties to China -- from which they benefited financially -- had supported the brief Chinese occupation of Tibet and seizure of the Lhasa government from 1909 to 1912. As the situation continued to heat up, ten years later the Ninth Panchen Lama would have to flee for his life. But the sudden death of the Great Thirteenth in December 1934 left a power vacuum at the highest levels in Tibet, and with a contingent of three hundred Chinese soldiers and the backing of the Chinese Republican government, the Panchen Lama was trying to return to Tibet and in particular, it was feared, to Lhasa to take control of the government. Having thrown out a failed Chinese invasion of Tibet twenty-five years earlier, Tibetans talked of renewed Chinese aspirations to take Eastern Tibet (Kham) and convert it into a Chinese province.59 There were rumors that the Panchen Lama had his own candidate for the Fourteenth Dalai Lama, whom he had identified himself and had traveling with him in his entourage. Even if all these things were untrue, fearing the leverage that any of them would give the Chinese government over Tibet, the Tibetan government chose active opposition, and by 1937 the Panchen Lama and his party had been stalled on the other side of an active skirmish line on the Tibetan-Chinese border. For several years he had been biding his time, awaiting resolution of the dispute.

Eager to see the situation resolved, the British Mission in Lhasa had been advising negotiations between the Lhasa government and the Panchen Lama, the latter choosing as his intermediary his associate in self-imposed exile, the Ta Lama, Ngak-chen Rinpoche. Quite a few notables had joined him on his circuitous trip to rendezvous with the Panchen Lama in Kye-gudo, including the semiofficial Republican envoy to Tibet in Lhasa, Madame Liu Manqing.60 Sitting in that small room with Theos in Kalimpong were Ngak-chen Rinpoche, Geshe Sherap Gyatso, and various members of Ngakchen Rinpoche's entourage -- a formidable party.

Ta Lama Ngak-chen Rinpoche, Losang Tenzin Jigme Wangchuk,61 was a descendant of the family of the Tenth Dalai Lama, educated at Tashilhunpo Monastery. When the Ninth Panchen Lama had fled Tibet in 1923, Ngak-chen Rinpoche had accompanied him, and they traveled throughout China giving teachings and empowerments. He had returned to Lhasa in 1931 and again in 1933, but by 1937 little progress had been made in resolving the stand-off between the factions, and so Ngak-chen Rinpoche had left Lhasa -- some say he was dismissed and recalled -- in the company of the Chinese representative, to rejoin the Panchen Lama on the Tibetan-Chinese border.

Traveling with him was a close friend of the late Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Geshe Sherap Gyatso, the scholar from Drepung who had been the editor of the most recent redaction of the Buddhist canon. Following the death of the Great Thirteenth, his political enemies had moved against him and he had decided to abandon his life in Tibet and go to China, ostensibly to translate his redaction of the Tibetan Buddhist canon into Chinese.62

Finally, Theos thought, he was making real progress; finally, he was beginning to interact in real Tibetan circles. For although the Tibetan expatriates and traders who populated Kalimpong were a pleasant enough group, the relentless proselytizing by the local missionaries had reduced many of them to a less than respectable state. Writing to a friend who had recently professed his belief in Christianity, Theos informed him that the faith "had reduced itself here to a handful of Devil Chasers preaching in elegant stone houses of superstition to a congregation of Money Christians," for that was about what it amounted to in Kalimpong in Theos's eyes. "The Tibetans are good Christians as long as there is a chance to make a little money or have something nice given to them," he continued, "but they all have their Buddha at home." Here now, however, were Tibetans with no such pretenses.

Image
Figure 7.1. Ngak-chen Rinpoche (PAHM)

From the positive impression he made on the assembled notables, a few days later Theos received an invitation to dinner from one of the aristocratic families that maintained a house in Kalimpong. Tsarong Lhacham -- Lady Tsarong -- the wife of the famous Tibetan general and former cabinet minister Tsarong shape, was in Kalimpong, and hearing about Theos, she invited him over for a meal. Although Theos thought little of it at the time -- beyond the details of the food itself and how it "played havoc" with his diet regimen -- this meeting would prove his most important connection within Tibet.

A couple of weeks later, the entourage of Ngak-chen Rinpoche was on the move again, south to Calcutta to board a ship for China. Though he did not plan on doing so, Theos would soon be reunited with them in Calcutta, for one morning a passing report in the morning newspaper sparked his imagination: a conference was scheduled to take place there soon. But this was no ordinary conference.

"To keep count of thousands of paces," the semifictional Hurree Babu explained to his pupil, there was "nothing more valuable than a rosary of eighty-one or a hundred and eight beads, for it was divisible and sub-divisible into many multiples and sub-multiples."63 When it was first published at the opening of the twentieth century, Rudyard Kipling's Kim was both hailed as a wonderful piece of literature and derided as the ultimate testament to the colonial fantasy, an idealized representation of life in "the Great Game." To those in the know, however, Kim was little more than a lightly fictionalized account of the actual sort of intrigues afoot in British India, such as those of Sarat Chandra Das ("Hurree Chunder Mookherjee"), Tibetan scholar and British spy.64 Das, a slightly rotund Bengali like Kipling's Mookerjee, had employed the very techniques described in Kipling's work in the early 1880s, traveling with a Tibetan lama65 from an outlying monastery as part of his disguise while laying the groundwork for a military invasion being planned by the more ambitious elements within the British Raj. "We had given ourselves out to be pilgrims," wrote Sarat Chandra Das,66 and though published within years of each of his trips, his works were not widely available, their circulation having been restricted by the Indian British authorities as a security risk.

Only slightly more than twenty years after Das's initial surveys of the southern passes and valleys, India's Viceroy, Lord Curzon, sent an army into Tibet, ostensibly to secure the release of two British Sikkimese spies captured there. As a result, in December 1903, the recently promoted Colonel Younghusband led his small army -- 2,000 infantry, 10,000 coolies, 7,000 mules, 4,000 yaks, and five newspaper correspondents67 -- up over the Jelapla Pass from Sikkim into Tibet, and after fighting a series of embarrassing and regrettably bloody battles,68 proceeded north toward Lhasa. Though aimed at stabilizing relations with the nation of Tibet, ironically, this confluence of events -- Agvan Dorjiev's emissary to the court of the Dalai Lama, British fears of Russian penetration into that Himalayan kingdom, and the obvious irrelevance and ineffectualness of Chinese representation in Lhasa -- produced levels of colonialist paranoia that served to mark independent Tibet as doomed, a prize destined to be swallowed by one of her aggressive imperialist neighbors.

Younghusband himself viewed his activities at the time entirely within the scope of his duties to the empire, remarking shortly after his return that he and his comrades "may have nasty jobs to do but it is the game and they will play it through."69 In February 1937, the Younghusband who was about to arrive in Calcutta was a very different man from who he had been in those days, for the years had transformed him -- like the occasional few who saw too closely the toll of death their campaigns had taken -- from unrepentant man of war to unrepentant man of peace. Younghusband himself attributed this change to the influence of a Tibetan lama he had met while in Tibet, the eighty-sixth Regent of Ganden Monastery (the Ganden Tri-pa), Tsang-pa Lo-sang-gyal-tsen,70 who had assumed the Regency of Tibet when the Thirteenth Dalai Lama fled the advancing British army and had served as the Tibetan government's chief negotiator. Comparing the Regent to the Tibetan lama in Kipling's Kim, Younghusband remarked that he was "an old and much respected Lama ... a cultured, pleasant-mannered, amiable old gentleman, with a kindly, benevolent expression." On his last full day in Lhasa, Younghusband was visited one last time by the Ganden Tri-pa, who presented him with a small bronze statue of the Buddha, telling him, "when we Buddhists look on this figure we think only of peace, and I want you, when you look at it, to think kindly of Tibet." Recounting his time in Tibet, Younghusband later wrote that he took some time for himself just before leaving and "went alone up onto the mountain side and in the holy calm of eventide I chewed the cud of all I had just experienced."

I was naturally elated at the successful ending of a critical mission. But suddenly, as I sat there among the mountains, bathed in the glow of sunset, there came upon me what was far more than elation or exhilaration ... I was beside myself with an intensity of joy, such as even the joy of first love can only give a faint foreshadowing of. And with this indescribable and almost unbearable joy came a revelation of the essential goodness of the world. I was convinced past all refutation that men at heart were good, that the evil in them was superficial, that the main impulse in them was to the good -- in short, that men at heart were divine.71


Rising early the next morning, he carefully placed the statue of the Buddha in his saddlebag, and looking out over the early morning skies and distant peaks of the Himalayas, headed out calm and contented in the wake of his deep religious epiphany.

By the spring of 1937, while most of Europe braced for another war, it was this Younghusband, a religious man of peace, who was organizing a "World Congress of Faiths" in Calcutta. Following the 1893 World Parliament of Religions in Chicago, the theme of religious ecumenicalism spurred a number of gatherings and conferences over the subsequent decades, and now Younghusband himself had taken up the challenge of promoting world peace and interreligious dialogue. "The aim and purpose of this Congress," it was declared,

is to promote a spirit of fellowship among mankind through religion and develop a world-loyalty while allowing full play for the diversity of men, nations and faiths. The Congress does not emphasise that all religions are alike, nor does it wish to formulate a synthetic faith out of the various elements contributed by the different religions, but seeks to engender a spirit of fellowship between the religions as they are, in their common attempt to solve the problems of humanity.72


Having hosted a similar meeting in England the year before, Younghusband set his sights on India, hoping to return to those lands for the first time in decades.

Excited by the prospect of meeting Younghusband, Theos prevailed upon David Macdonald to accompany him to Calcutta to attend the conference, offering to cover any and all expenses if he would introduce him to the esteemed knight,73 Not having seen Younghusband in many years and with little likelihood of any future opportunity to do so, Macdonald accepted and the two men headed south for Calcutta. After they checked into rooms at his favorite abode, the Great Eastern Hotel, Theos began strategizing for the days ahead. Just as they arrived in Calcutta, the newspapers were announcing even more exciting news concerning the conference: not only was Sir Francis Younghusband returning to India, but he was also being transported and accompanied by his friend and neighbor, Charles Lindbergh. Seizing the opportunity before him, Theos suggested to David Macdonald that they invite their old and new friends for lunch just prior to the start of the conference. Eager for a reunion, Younghusband accepted the invitation. and Ngak-chen Rinpoche, having shaken Younghusband's hand as a young man in Lhasa in 1904, looked forward to meeting the man again. So one evening in late February there assembled in a restaurant in Calcutta an impressive gathering of men and women of power, influence, and intelligence -- Sir Francis Younghusband, Charles and Anne Lindbergh, Madame Liu Manqing and the Chinese representative accompanying the party to china, David Macdonald, Ngak-chen Rinpoche, Geshe Sherap Gyatso, and Gedun Chopel -- and in the middle of them all was Theos Bernard,14 He was beside himself, overjoyed at having met Younghusband and having struck up a friendship with Lindbergh on top of it all:

How and why did I ever have Lindbergh dining with me in Calcutta with a Lama from Tibet is just as much a mystery to me as it is to you and even he -- for he expressed the same thoughts -- why should I from Arizona, meet him in India. As it turns out he is much interested in some of these things. He expresses the desire to have a longer chat so that we should go into many of the details -- this may come to pass -- hard to say -- for we are both anxious to leave Calcutta.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Thu Jul 23, 2020 5:08 am

Part 3 of 3

Although he enjoyed his time with the Tibetan company, Theos lamented his still inadequate language skills. Writing to Viola, he complained that while he could talk to David Macdonald in Tibetan and be understood, "when a group of Tibs all get talking at once -- I hear one word here another there" though he regrettably had "no clue what they are talking about in particular."75

Although the conference was to last a week, Ngak-chen Rinpoche's party would only be in attendance for a few days, as their ship was departing before the conference's dose,76 The first day, all would be in attendance to give their opening remarks, wishes, and congratulations to Younghusband and one another. Seeing an opportunity, Theos had a brilliant idea, and he described it in all its glory to Viola:

The right hand man of the Tashi Lama from Tashilhunpo was in town on his way to China ... I got Mr. Macdonald to bring him down -- we did good as it turns out -- he took a liking to me so now we are one. Never before has Buddhism from Tibet been represented at a Congress of World Faiths, so an invitation was extended and except then, I up and got ahead of them to put Ngak-chhen Rinpoche on the program representing Tibet. With this we were all guests of honor -- and in my estimation he was the finest of the entire lot .... Mr. Macdonald interpreted the speech which I had written for him to present -- it all happened in five minutes, mind you-he didn't know that he was to speak until he was in the taxi on the way to the Congress. It was given to him, he read it over and delivered it without notes in a most humble fashion.


Standing at the dais, with Younghusband seated nearby and his bronze Buddha statue from Tibet displayed prominently, Ngak-chen Rinpoche gave his brief speech:

It has afforded me a great pleasure to be present at this World Congress of Faiths. I bring good wishes to this Congress from all the Buddhists under Tashi Lama of Tibet. I heartily wish it all success in its universal call to bring peace and goodwill and happiness to mankind. I offer my blessings to the World Congress of Faiths on this auspicious occasion of the celebrations of the Centenary of Sri Ramakrishna, one of the greatest spiritual geniuses of India.


As author of the speech, given his familiarity with its content. Theos volunteered to serve as Ngak-chen Rinpoche's "translator" for the event. And so, the official conference proceedings read: "Mr. Ngak-Chhen Rimpoche, Prime Minister to the Tashi Lama ... interpreted by his Secretary Mr. T.C. Bernard."77

When Theos talked about translating the Tibetan canon with Ngakchen Rinpoche und Duvid Macdonald later that day, the lama offered his insights into the various problems associated with such an endeavor. As a final gesture, Ngak-chen Rinpoche recommended that Theos visit Tashilhunpo Monastery and extended a formal invitation to visit him in September, 78 when he hoped to return to Shigatse in the company of the Panchen Lama.79 "So there will be another opportunity for further works," Theos told Viola.

Isn't this all the making of my good fortune -- he is enshrined as one of the Masters of Tibet -- so I return to Calcutta to find in one of the filthiest, darkest and most remote holes of Chinatown the one individual that many people would go to any extreme to meet -- it is all because of friendship and interest in their teachings -- what would Paul Brunton do with a chap like this or Lachen Rinpoche -- such it is and I am trying hard so as to be able to take advantage of every opportunity that comes up.


Such opportunities were increasing, Theos noticed, and in addition to a personal invitation, Ngak-chen Rinpoche offered to secure a copy of the Tibetan canon -- Kangyur and Tengyur -- for Theos "at a reasonable figure" for, as u representative of a monastery, Nguk-chen Rinpoche could get a set "for the asking" and told him that he was willing to help Theos, since "he feels that it is wonderful they are for the Western world."

The next day, Theos's good fortune continued, as he and Lindbergh were able to meet and converse yet again. "Had a long talk of several hours with Lindbergh," he told Viola.

He is as keen as a child on all of my work here -- it is arousing his interest. He has been working for many years with Rockefeller Research in N.Y. on atmospheric effects on blood, mind, etc. -- for aviation purposes -- so he is eating a lot of these things up -- he is anxious that we get together and plan some experiments ... we are having lunch together today and then are going to see if we can find ... a place where I have had some good fortune with books.


Despite his profession of interest for the sake of his aviation research, there seemed to be more behind Lindbergh's fascination with yoga. At the time, his wife, Anne, was more than amused at the conference by "seeing her agnostic husband in front of banners declaring 'Religion is the highest expression of man'" and watching him blush when "an Indian poetess ... compared him to 'Buddha, Galileo, and other spiritual figures in the world,'" with un "intense embarrassment ... visible to all."80 However, in 1937 the pain of the kidnapping and murder of their son was still fresh, and Lindbergh continued to struggle with depression. He had tried to occupy himself with a series of "enthusiasms," some more superficial than others. When it came to yoga, Lindbergh hoped that it might offer a permanent solution to his problems.

Indeed, when he had contacted Francis Younghusbund a year earlier, Lindbergh had asked for his help in researching "supersensory phenomena" and his assistance to "find fakirs and fire-walkers and 'squat with a yogi' ... while stressing the need for total secrecy."81 When he met Theos Bernard, however, Lindbergh seemed to feel that his interests and research met these needs exactly, and they agreed to correspond and collaborate on u series of experiments upon Theos's return to America.

As the conference drew to a close, Theos was anxious to turn as many of the ideas he had discussed with different people -- yoga experiments with Lindbergh, obtaining copies of Sarat Chandra Das's then out-of-print Tibetan Dictionary and Grammar from his son, and arranging the purchase of a Kangyur and Tengyur through Ngak-chen Rinpoche, among other things -- into concrete plans. Meeting with Ngak-chen Rinpoche one more time with David Macdonald's help and interpretation, Theos settled on a price of Rs. 1200 for a copy of the Kungyur recently printed in Lhasa and offered to the Thirteenth Dalai Lama. Since it was "even a better buy than any other possible with Jinorasa's cousin in Sikkim" and Ngak-chen Rinpoche's entourage had the copy "here, packed, and ready to leave for America" in an instant, it was a deal he simply couldn't pass up. Cabling Viola for an extra five hundred dollars, Theos purchased the copy from Ngak-chen Rinpoche and the next day had it taken to the docks at Calcutta and loaded on a ship bound for New York, advising Viola to "have them stored anyplace but at the Club," for they could strategize upon his return about where to put the "325 vols. of Tibetan mss .... [so he] can have a monastery us a den to study in." Overjoyed at his luck in getting this set of books to America, Theos thought "nothing could be better except to have a lama over there to help me carry on my work." But he had plenty on hand to deal with before pursuing that idea any further. Seeing Ngak-chen Rinpoche and his entourage off as they boarded their ship, Theos and all assembled were treated to bon voyage speeches by both Younghusband and Macdonald at the docks.82

After a few more visits with Lindbergh, Theos was certain "we'll be doing things one of these days:' Having met "Sir Francis" -- who promised to help him make contacts at oxford, including Sir Charles Bell and L. Austin Waddell -- the Tibetan lamas, and the various other delegates in attendance, Theos felt that the "trip and stay in Calcutta has hit me pretty hard, but it is one of the best investments for friendship I ever had:' As he prepared to return north to Kalimpong, his luck held true: the day before he was to leave, Sarat Chandra Oas's son arrived at his hotel, bearing copies of his father's grammar that one otherwise "can't buy for love or money" and a promise to try to get him a copy of the dictionary as well, while van Manen provided him with a rare copy of Csoma de Koros's 1834 Tibetan grammar. All in all, the week was proving unbelievably profitable for Theos, not only in terms of his resources but also in his state of mind.

I will notice the effect of all of this on my work next week -- gee, I am going to have to buckle down still harder, because there is now going to be half enough time to complete this joy -- Never in my life have I enjoyed work so much -- If you were like me, you would forget that there was a world -- really I spend every working hour in a state of glowing enthusiasm -- regretting that I have to leave it for sleep. I wish I could live on two hours a day -- maybe someday. I have so much planned to do that it makes me tired carrying the thoughts around and the pressure is so great that I cannot act fast enough to keep from being almost smothered under it.


On his last evening in Calcutta, Theos had a final meeting with Lindbergh and his wife, Anne, "going into various aspects of Pranayama that hold an interest for him." The meeting reaffirmed that Lindbergh was "about the best chap that r have ever met," for Theos had "the strongest feeling for him -- just because of the way he thinks -- he actually sees the problems involved and their practical significances," as Lindbergh explained, for "high altitude flying."

Nonetheless, once back in Kalimpong, Theos had to settle back into his routine of study and practice. As he communicated all his adventures and thoughts to his wife, Viola took the opportunity in responding to raise some of the more practical issues about their life together. When she hinted that she didn't mind all of his expenses and running around, so long as it would help him get his fill of the experience and settle down afterward to some of the more practical issues about their life together. When she hinted that she didn't mind all of his expenses and running around, so long as it would help him get his fill of the experience and settle down afterward to "something more sane to the general run of the public," Theos responded in his typical half-flippant manner: while he thought visiting India and Tibet "once in a lifetime is enough," still he felt the need to justify himself by saying "you had better get to know what is really on the inside of me." Unfortunately for Theos, Viola was already beginning to, and his idea of a future was not her "life plan" at all. Nonetheless, Theos could take a hint, if not sensitively, and suggested that he indeed had plans for financial stability. Reiterating his eagerness to maintain a source of income for the years to come, Theos informed Viola that he was investigating opportunities connected with the wool trade passing through Kalimpong.

No sooner had Theos returned to Kalimpong, however, than he heard that the British Mission's cameraman, Freddy Chapman, had just returned from Tibet with color films of places and events and had gone down to Calcutta to develop and cut them. Given that he planned to do the some with his own films, Theos felt obliged to see what he had obtained. This would prove worthwhile, confirming the importance of color film in Tibet and leading to a solid friendship between Chapman and Theos, but more crucially, Chapman was the personal secretary to the British Political officer for Tibet, B.J. Gould, who had returned to Gangtok but was very ill and likely to be shortly sent to England for medical treatment. If Theos was to obtain the all-important letter of permission to enter Tibet from Gould, he would have to act quickly, so he began packing up to visit Calcutta again, with the knowledge that he would most likely head to Sikkim immediately afterward. Hedging his bets, however, Theos decided to also ask Viola to contact her friends at The Explorers Club for a letter of introduction to Suydam Cutting. the researcher from New York's Museum of Natural History recently approved for travel to Tibet.

Although she remained supportive of Theos's studies in India, over the months since her return, it seemed to Viola that he continued to place extra demands on her time irrespective of her obligations in her pediatric internship -- something Theos rather insensitively called "baby business ... one of those necessary evils in order that man can remain on the globe." Because of statements like that, at times it seemed that Theos was actively trying to enrage her. To make matters worse for Viola, by then beginning preparatory work for her psychiatric internship, Theos kept hinting that he was having experiences beyond the normal range of most -- semireligious experiences that were the result of delving deep into his own mind.

In this little adventure of mine into the hidden corners of my unconscious I have uncovered a few things that I would not trade for all the power and money on earth, and if I can but continue furthering deeper and deeper into those almost unfathomable depths my passing is sure to be a happy expression of this cycle of living.


Just as disturbing for Viola, Theos was also beginning to have what he saw as broad insights into the problems confronting human civilization, which he unhesitatingly shared with her as well.

There is no difficulty in being able to see why our constant buzz of this jittery night life, etc. is an essential part of the present civilization. It is not that the machine is wrong; it is because man is shot to hell -- If we changed the character of man all of this other turmoil and unrest would disappear -- so would even war vanish -- but such is not the case -- for now we have the machinery and the vicious circle is at play. I know that you think that I am going mad, but after [all] the actions believed by almost a billion people cannot be laughed at lightly. You always wanted to come forth and know the message of our ideal man -- true enough say all works of man -- there do exist those who live in that rich world of their inner conscious and there is where we must go to find true solace.


To Viola, these were more than just academic speculations in his graduate work, they were clearly ideas that he was taking on a personal level -- for more than ever before -- all of which she found more than a little disconcerting. Worried, Viola expressed her concerns to Theos, subtly suggesting that she thought it best for him to "have someone around" while he was away from home for so long. Initially interpreting her comments as nothing more than loneliness, Theos reassured her that he felt the same way, and reminded her how much he was relying on her for emotional support. "If I really felt that you were not with me in feeling on this adventure of mine," he told her, "I could not carry on as I am so far away, yet way down deep in the heart, the little man tells me that he and your little man know exactly what we are doing and how much we are as one in our conscious feeling ... for you and I are really as one even when you say that you are skeptical about what is supposed to be the true workings of this part of the world on that unfathomable problem of being." Not to take such things too seriously, he reminded Viola, these ramblings were just his way of telling her "I love you and am mighty glad of it." Even when she made her concerns more explicit, Theos dismissed them, reassuring her that "what may be happening to my consciousness during my stay in these parts" was only producing "a richer feeling for living" that would make him love her more and more. When she pressed him for "details," however, Theos finally responded,

It is impossible for me to go into the details of these "unconscious adventures" which I have been referring to, for it takes a certain time and mode; so you will have to wait until I have returned from Tibet when I will be settled again and at the job of trying to climb onto one of the dips which are more or less analogous to a rubber ball striking the floor no sooner than it hits, it is up again, and your job is to learn to hit and not return; so the big job first is that of changing the regular function of the system -- and it is towards this end that the various Yogic exercises come into play once the body has been thoroughly cleansed. I must say that it is one of life's richer experiences to hit bottom once even though it is impossible for you to remain -- you at least return knowing that there is something rich deep within you which you have never tasted before and to which there seems to be no external substitute....

After the first stage of development has been reached in the hot house of external activity, and little more internal cultivating can be carried out after which another rest period must follow for those seeds to develop and so on is the process.... Here is where the next life comes into play -- the individual will never be able to carry on his work of this life, but the Chit will continue in its path of development. However we do not have to talk about my metaphysical speculation, for there is more than enough right here in the material to hold the imagination of anyone and prove to them that there is a way to gain control of these finer forces. I am so anxious for the day to come when we can be continually together, and have endless hours on our hands during which we can live to a fixed discipline of hard work and thereby both have these experiences together, for never until you have tasted of such will you ever have my faith in my doings.


Although Viola promised that she would try "one of these days to get under a bush and let the tides of consciousness rise and fall," still Theos's attempt to attain a permanent alteration in his consciousness gave her much to think and worry about. Having promised not to disturb him with her concerns, she wrote at length about them to their mutual friend, Ashbel Welch, instead.

Despite what Viola may have thought, to Theos, his ideas seemed perfectly sane and rational. He could see what true madness was -- the materialism of the world -- and it was most irritating to him. "There is nothing that becomes more maddening to me," he told Viola, "than these people who live wholely [sic] on this material plane, and from such a group I have just returned." While he had admired Chapman's films in Calcutta -- "several thousand feet of colored Tibetan pictures which were wonderful" -- and while he liked Chapman on a personal level, Tibet, in Theos's opinion, had slightly unhinged the man.83 Chapman was, Theos felt, a "youngster of about 30 ... he doesn't know where he is or where he is going or why."84 Nonetheless, Theos was confident that he could "be friendly with all sorts and conditions of men and they are never the wiser about me, so we have got along wonderfully and thus still learning more about new conditions of the human beast." Chapman as well seemed to take a liking to Theos, and later even invited him to return to Tibet with him in a few months as part of his expedition to climb Chumolhari, whose peak approached 26,000 feet. Although Theos declined, citing his wife's concern for his health, his time spent with Chapman in Calcutta was very productive and led to his meeting not only a close friend of Suydam Cutting but also another resident of Kalimpong, Raja Dorje, and his brother, the King of Sikkim. Hurriedly returning to Kalimpong from Calcutta, Theos prepared to head straight to Darjeeling to meet with Gould, who was coming down from Gangtok. At the last minute, however, Gould's trip was postponed, leaving Theos in Kalimpong to resume his studies.

Informing Viola that he was trying to maintain modest goals for his studies and subsequent work, Theos reassured her that he had no delusions about what he thought he could accomplish.

I have secured some manuscripts which give the lives of Padma Sambhava, Tilopa, Naropa, Marpa, Mila, and his 100,000 songs. It is my aim to have the life of Padma Sambhava translated before I leave here, and also to have made a start on the others .... All I want to be able to do here with them is to paint a picture so that others can see the relationship and what each added to the line of thought, leaving it to future students to sound the depths of what lies here. One going into such a field for the first time can hardly be expected to do more than organize the material. I know that my greatest difficulty has been in finding out what existed and what was worthwhile; so with this as a start, others will be able to strike to the heart of things much more quickly.


With the biography of Padmasambhava already "in the process of being translated,"85 Theos laid out his approach to the materials before him systematically. First he would work through the Abhidharma treatises -- which had already received some treatment by the Pali Text Society -- and from there, he would engage in a study and translation of materials related to the "Wheel of Life" (srid pa'i 'khor lo), followed by an exhaustive study of the collected tantric works associated with Padmasambhava.

One of the problems Theos faced was the sorry state of scholarship in the English language. "I have read eight books since coming up here ... all on Buddhism," he told Viola, but they were far from useful, as "these authors in most instances are not so well informed ... they seem to think that there is hardly anything here but a lot of ignorant inspiration:' But from reading and studying the primary source materials himself, he exclaimed, "my mind is constantly filled with the things that I really get a real thrill out of [and] never in my life have I ever lived in such a perpetual orgy of inner happiness."

Nonetheless, Theos tried to remain focused on his main task-learning the Tibetan language. Even with a vocabulary of slightly more than a thousand memorized words, listening and speaking were difficult for him. In addition to his classes with Tharchin, he was lucky enough to be able to spend time with Geshe Wangyal. "He can speak a little English," Theos wrote to Viola, "but is anxious to improve it and since I want to become fluent in Tibetan there is no reason why we should not be talking." For Theos, talking with Geshe Wangyal was an enjoyable distraction -- if not also a challenge, as the geshe forced him to drink cup after cup of tea -- even if the subject of tantra was not open for discussion.

He is a very quiet and modest sort of chap and we have some fine chats at odd intervals, for we see each other several times a week ... from him I am able to get an excellent line up on the literature which exists in the country. As far as knowledge on the subject of my interest he is of little value, for they do not allow them to begin the study of the Tantras until they have finished their geshe, and he having just secured this recently -- a few years ago -- he has not had the time to go any further, for he has been too much on the move since that time. A couple of times to China, twice back to Lhasa and a long trip all over Mongolia and Inner Mongolia outlines his peregrinations; so you can see that he is familiar with Asia. He possesses a wonderful sense of humor so I am constantly at him for being such a sophisticated monk or rather Lama, for he has that title .... Really, I have a lot of fun out of him.


All in all, their talks were of benefit to Theos on many levels -- from the information Geshe Wangyal could impart to his simple encouragement. He is most tolerant with my broken speech, but always tries to encourage my attempts which I am a bit hesitant to use with him. With the bearers, traders, etc. I do not mind spitting out broken sentences, but with these fellows I seem to feel that I should say nothing unless I can say it perfectly which is never the case .... I am at least getting my vocabulary large enough that I can grasp what others are talking about which is something and if he keeps on giving me encouragement I may be able to answer them in the course of time.

Throughout that time, Theos's study of Tibetan seemed an unending series of complications, with grammar and spelling rules compounding one after another. He persisted in trying to read the biography of Padmasambhava with Tharchin and "every time that I am able to recognize a word," he told Viola, "I jump with more glee than a five-year old with an ice cream cone:' Still, he realized that at some point he was going to have to "bring my teacher home with me so that I can continue my study of the language and translating ... for it is obvious that one cannot learn to read a language of this nature fluently with only one year's study."

But far from just an extravagance for his own benefit, Theos was planning on a much grander scale. He had the idea, he told Viola, "of someday having an institution or what have you of my own where I can personally guide and try to inspire all the research that I would like to see done in the world on this subject that seems to hold an undying interest for me." Theos assured Viola that there would be a role for her to play in the institute as well. For, having studied ayurvedic medicine at length, Theos thought the next step would be running clinical trials in the United States to validate ayurvedic principles, with "large clinics and hundreds of patients and endless clerks to keep the necessary records." As soon as Viola finished her medical internships, Theos informed her, she would be in the perfect position to spearhead such a research project. "There is a great deal that awaits you," he told her, "and no one but you can do it and it must be done, for the ideas must be added to our present culture."

Theos let Viola know that he was pushing himself on the physical side of things as well, and by the beginning of April, having continued with his yoga practice, he had gotten to the point were he could perform his controlled breathing techniques (kumbhaka) for up to six minutes. While proud of his accomplishment, he knew he had a long way to go, remarking that a yogi in Kalimpong he had met could maintain his control for up to two hours. He lamented that "its technique he does not know how to convey to another, because of his lack of knowledge on the laws involved," despite long talks and practice sessions together.

By early April, preparations were well under way for his journey to Gyantse with Tharchin, including the purchase of a second camera. still weighing on his mind was the fact that he still did not have the all-important permission letter from Gould despite having set May 15 as his target date for departure. Continually reassured by his friends, Theos felt confident that it would come since "several friends in these parts have extended themselves in writing to him and talking with him personally;' including David Macdonald and the Raja of Bhutan.

While Theos bided his time waiting for an opportunity to meet Gould, as luck would have it, he again met Tsarong Lhacham, the wife of Lord Tsarong, this time at a long Tibetan afternoon meal hosted by the Macdonalds -- along with Rai Bahadur Norbu Dhondup, his wife, Frank Perry, and the Macdonald daughters. Although they had met a couple of months earlier, this time Theos was able to make a somewhat better impression. At David Macdonald's suggestion, he had letters of petition written and addressed to the four cabinet ministers, the Regent, and the prime minister of Tibet, seeking permission to visit Lhasa. When Theos and David Macdonald arrived at Tsarong Lhacham's home to present the letters and gifts for delivery to the officials, she gave them a tour of the family home. While showing her guests the family shrine room, she unwrapped one of the Tibetan books on the altar, and to her amazement, Theos managed to read the title out loud. Having never met a Westerner who could read Tibetan, much less scriptural Tibetan, she was duly impressed by his admittedly "blundering attempts" and promised to do what she could for him. But unless he could meet Sir Basil Gould, the British representative in Gangtok, no amount of assistance from her would help, for Gould was the only man who could guarantee his entry into Tibet, and without him, Theos was lost.

Still, Theos couldn't let mundane concerns slow him down. Having fixed on a plan for his return, he began to envision different ways of promoting himself and his newfound knowledge. Being "anxious to set up my own monastery in N.Y.," he speculated on the possibility of overseeing the construction of one at the 1939 World's Fair, scheduled to take place in Flushing Meadows, overlooking Manhattan. Another possibility, he thought, was to use his recent acquisition of the Lhasa Kangyur for advertising, if he could get a photo article published in Fortune through their contacts. That way, he theorized, the books could "be advertised some way so that scholars and interested students will know where there is such a set and it will in turn help me get in contact with people who are interested in this field of research." This was the "first essential," Theos thought, in order "to give this material all the publicity that we possibly can, for the purpose of stimulating a strong creative interest in the field and thereby get students interested so that this work can be carried on for all time." To that end, Theos suggested that Viola show some of their earlier photos to their friends in the publishing industry and inform them that he would endeavor to take more. Even a Tibetan curio shop -- possibly run by DeVries -- was not out of the question, and he put all of this forth to Viola for her opinion.

Among some of his other concerns during this time, however, was the fact that since he had sent most of his extraneous belongings home with his father, the clothes Theos had were beginning to wear thin. Rather than simply being able to purchase clothes, Theos discovered, due to "some more of this dam oriental servitude, or rather Artificial English Importance," he would have to have them handmade. Consequently, in addition to having a pair of jodhpur pants and coat made by a regimental tailor, Theos decided to have complete sets of Tibetan-style clothes made for himself and Viola and set off to Darjeeling to commission them, taking the opportunity to drop in on some of his friends there.

Visiting Jinorasa, Theos met another one of his brothers, Rhenock Kazi. and together they discussed and explained to Theos several new viewpoints on Buddhism that he had not understood. "So you see," he told Viola, "I am far from being set" in this knowledge. Most useful, however, was his good fortune in being able to buy a copy of the rare out-of-print Tibetan dictionary by Sarat Chandra Das in Darjeeling for Rs.I0, compared with the Rs. 100 being asked for it in Calcutta. With Jinorasa's help, Theos was able to get a pass for Sikkim so that he could visit Gould in Gangtok, with "no trouble since they more or less knew me -- I simply went to the office, had a nice chat about the inspiration of the century and walked away with the pass -- no police enquiry or anything." Flushed with success, Theos returned to Kalimpong to wait for the right moment to make his petition to Gould, while accolades and offers of assistance continued to pour in. Even the Raja of Bhutan promised to speak to Gould on Theos 's behalf after they played tennis together.

In the meantime, Theos continued to make his plans for the future, hoping to fulfill his "present ambition" of writing "an index to the Kangyur and Tengyur." Moreover, he explained to Viola that there was a man in Kalimpong who could play an important role in this undertaking. After several months of interactions at Tharchin's house, Gedun Chopel began to truly live up to his reputation in Theos's eyes. "Do you recall the Lama that you met at Jinorasa's?" he asked Viola.

Recall what a high reputation he held -- well during these past months I have been finding that he can well live up to it, and it is my desire to eventually have him come to the States and perhaps my present teacher [Tharchin] and the three of us will settle down to a real constructive undertaking. I want him particularly for the Tantric aspects of these books, for he is so well versed in all of the esoteric meanings and it is more or less necessary to have one so trained, while anyone knowing the language could carry on the other job.


And so Theos spelled out his plan "as a definite proposal," asking Viola what she thought. It was, Theos felt, an absolute necessity to have someone like Gedun Chopel by his side in America to work on this material, for although he had just completed working through two Tibetan grammars with Tharchin, his skills at reading literary Tibetan remained effectively nonexistent. He felt he could "read the stuff off in Tibetan as I can English," having memorized close to two thousand words, yet "the literary is too classical to be able to do anything with." So he resigned himself to spending the remainder of his time in the months to come focusing on colloquial Tibetan.

Viola, however, was deeply enmeshed in the obligations of her internship, her mother's ongoing health concerns, and managing the New York apartments. Unlike Theos, she was "in an impossible rhythm for planning, meditating, reflecting," while Theos was in an ideal one for engaging in endless "pipe dreams" that Viola could not consider "because of the preoccupation with things of the moment." As a result, she was simply left wondering where her husband's inspiration was leading. While Theos awaited Viola's response to his questions and proposals, after months of anticipation, he finally received word from Gould. Rather than having ignored Theos's letters and the appeals of several friends, it seemed that Gould had simply been delaying a meeting until he visited Kalimpong. Chapman, having arrived at the Himalayan Hotel to pay Theos a visit, conveyed word that Gould would be arriving the next morning. While fairly confident that the meeting would go well, Theos remained slightly apprehensive: "one never knows just how he stands because of all the petty intrigues and jealousies in this scatter brain corner of the disconnected British Empire."

Finally the next morning came, and meeting Gould for the first time, Theos succeeded in making a good impression; he and Gould "hit it off like a couple of old lovers after a twenty years absence." Gould had been hearing about Theos for some time now, and luckily for Theos, when they approached each other it was much less awkward than it could have been. The delay in meeting Gould had worked in Theos's favor, for as the weeks and months passed since he'd become a figure of public fascination, the stories of his abilities had grown as well. By the time they finally met, Gould believed Theos to be little short of a savant who had mastered Tibetan and Indian philosophy in a superhuman fashion. Gould went so far as to defer to Theos's better knowledge, asking him to review his own work on the Tibetan language, the Tibetan Word Book,86 that he was preparing for publication. Graciously, Theos agreed to come to Gangtok early and look over the manuscript. Downplaying his own abilities, and in a show of proper colonial etiquette, Gould offered Theos his assistance in helping him reach Tibet.

When Theos told of his desire to visit Gyantse, Gould suggested that he write a formal request, upon receipt of which he would send his official recommendation to the Indian authorities on Theos's behalf. But Theos had been told what to expect from Gould, and without a moment's hesitation, produced precisely such a letter from his pocket. With the sort of smile that a father gives an impetuous young son, Gould accepted the letter and composed a cablegram on the spot for Theos to wire down to Calcutta immediately. Theos had succeeded. That was the final piece of the puzzle, and with it in place, he was ready to leave. Gould cautioned him that his influence could only get him as far as the trading post in Gyantse -- and then only for a six-week stay; to proceed any farther into Tibet, Theos would be on his own. Hurrying home after sending off Gould's wire, Theos tracked down Frank Perry, who began helping him acquire the clothing and gear he would need for the trip north. Overjoyed, he bragged to Viola about how he had succeeded where others had failed. Just last spring, he told her, "there was this chap from England studying Buddhism and who can speak the Tibetan language and he was refused permission to enter the interior, but 1 must confess that none of them use their heads."

But Theos had to struggle to keep his own arrogance in check. Even as Gould was helping him achieve his goals, while claiming to like the man personally, Theos resented every moment of dependence upon him. "Gould," he wrote, "is a man of about fifty five and stands a little over six feet of which every inch is ego and he feels very proud of the fact that he has the only existing colored pictures in the world of the country." Not be outdone, Theos bragged to Viola, "I have several thousand feet of such film and hope to produce a much better job than they did; I know when to let the other fellow have the show, mine will come when they have all died off."

But Theos's ambitions went far beyond simple adventure documentation. "The so-called pillars of the 'United Kingdom,'" he felt, were blind to the enormous opportunities before them. "As the old saying is, the bigger they are the harder the fall, one might add that the bigger they are the deader they are, and a blind man could feel it;' he told his wife. British and American competitors-"glorified Himalayan heroes" he called them-were nothing but "a bunch of wash outs."

All delusions of grandeur aside, Theos was painfully aware of his actual abilities, at least on a linguistic level. For the past three months, he had been studying hard. He had managed to find dictionaries and texts, he had employed Tharchin Babu as his Tibetan teacher and routinely visited Geshe Wangyal and Gedun Chapel, and consequently had made considerable progress. But it fell far short of what he would need in Tibet; he knew he would need a guide and translator-and if nothing else, someone to handle the finances and negotiate expenses with the locals en route. It required little effort to convince Tharchin to take a leave of absence from his job at the Missionary Press in Kalimpong, for there was little love lost between Tharchin and the missionary Knox, who (when not trying to fire him) kept him working at a bare subsistence wage. It was better than no job at all, but Theos offered him a substantial salary for two months' work. So, obtaining assurances from his employers and a leave of absence (for only one month), Tharchin had already begun to pack his bags and prepare to lead Theos into Tibet.

Theos's only concern at this point was his age. Though perfectly acceptable as a scholar in America, Theos knew that as a young man in his late twenties, he was far too young to be given the sort of esoteric teachings he was seeking in Tibet. In the monasteries of Tibet, years of study and dozens of exams would have to be passed, putting a student well into their forties before they could request a teacher to bestow the tantric teachings. But Theos had neither the time nor the patience for such things. So in an attempt to look older, he decided to grow a beard. It would help hide his age, he told Viola, since "they all seem to think that only an old man should be doing this sort of thing." Hoping he could "pass off another ten years onto the beard," he sent her a picture of himself, promising he would shave it off before they saw each other again.

The logistical details, although foremost in importance, were least in Theos's regard. All of that had been left to the staff of the Himalayan Hotel, for David Macdonald himself actively promoted the hotel for just such activities in his guide, Touring in Sikkim and Tibet, published only a few years earlier:

For most of the tours Kalimpong affords the most suitable starting point. In this town, transport, servants, stores, and all to do with touring, may be arranged much cheaper than in Darjeeling, and most important of all, mules can be readily obtained for the carriage of kit. They are more satisfactory than coolies or ponies.

The Himalayan Hotel, in Kalimpong, caters especially for tourists in the hills and in Tibet, and the Proprietors, who have lived for years in Tibet and the Darjeeling District, can advise intending travelers, on receipt of enquiry, from their own experience.

They can give letters of introduction to Sikkimese and Tibetan notables and officials and prominent people, and thus afford visitors experiences which would otherwise be missed. They will make all arrangements for either short or long tours, with or without guides and interpreters. All the intending tourist need do is to take his ticket to Siliguri and the Himalayan Hotel will do the rest.87


Macdonald was still true to his word, and even as for weeks now, Theos, Tharchin, and their friends had been making their own plans and strategies for their absence, the staff of the Himalayan Hotel, under Frank Perry's observation, had been engaged in their own busy activities on their behalf. Theos was even able to purchase another 16-mm film camera, a Contax, one of the dozen or so brought back by the British Mission from Lhasa, which he decided to keep permanently stocked with color film.

But perfected logistics alone would not enable Theos to accomplish his goals. Cunning and precise timing would be equally crucial. In a few days, the wife of Lord Tsarong would be returning to Lhasa; having purchased a. number of gifts of different quality and quantity for different Tibetan governmental officials, each "in accordance with his position above the others" -- as McGovern had deftly noted was necessary -- Theos was sending them on ahead to arrive shortly after Tsarong Lhacham, along with an enlarged and framed portrait of her taken by Theos a few weeks earlier. To be successful, however, Theos knew that he would have to work every possible opportunity for its maximum potential. Tharchin was well on board with his agenda, as Theos had convinced him to write a series of short articles about "a sahib who is out from America studying their religion." A month before their departure, the first article appeared in Tharchin's newspaper:

An American Sahib named Mr. Bernard, having come to Kalimpong, has been studying the Tibetan literary language. He, himself, [has] great faith in the Insider's Doctrine [Buddhism], and with his preliminary exceptional study of Tibetan, has expressed his wish for a means of spreading the teachings of the Insider's Doctrine [Buddhism] in America. From the depths [of such aspiration, he] ransomed a Kangyur, [and] with this established foundation, once [he] has also acquired a Tengyur, he has indicated that he definitely plans on founding a large temple in America. This is the news in brief.88


It was a good start for the campaign that Theos was waging to reach Lhasa, establishing his motivations and aspirations. But not to let the Tibetan government's attention lapse, Tharchin published another article in the very next issue. in the form of a since re appeal for assistance.

We have received a request for advice for the next nine weeks. On this 3rd day of the 4th Tibetan month, having crossed the earth and the waters, the American Sahib named "Bernard" would like to ascertain if it is possible to depart northward to Tibet and if so, makes a formal request for any account of expenses and individual offerings per month for the duration of the fifth and sixth months, and makes a formal request to the newspaper readership, to anyone with a better knowledge of the costs, who has previously done so and is residing here.89


Having been granted permission to proceed into Tibet, Theos was quite self-conscious of the fact that he would be "the first American Student of Tibetan Buddhism that has ever been granted permission to visit Gyantse." To surpass this would require him to strategize at every turn and utilize every advantage.

A few days after his meeting with Gould, Theos had visited relatives in Kalimpong of yet another aristocratic family, the Pangdatsangs.90 They would be valuable contacts in the wool trade, and getting to know them was part of Theos's larger plan to make as many friends within the aristocracy as best he could, to "get down to the true consciousness of the people ... for it is a general rule that a traveler brings you back a study of the peasants and beggars of a country which is always a bad impression."

It was early one morning as he stepped outside the cottage barracks at the Himalayan Hotel, a room that had been his home for many months , that Theos looked to the north as he often did, and finally glimpsed in that morning light the first pass into Tibet. As the clouds cleared over Nathu-la in the distance, he could see the blanket of snow left in the wake of a recent storm; at 16,000 feet, it would be a cold crossing. But the day had finally arrived and now as the full force of the journey that lay ahead sank in, he knew that his efforts of the preceding weeks and months had finally come to fruition. This would be the culmination of his "having spent the most of this short span of life in awakening the consciousness necessary to be able to encompass what is concealed deep within all name and form of this 'Penthouse of the Gods."'91

Image
Figure 7.2. Preparing to leave for Tibet in front of the Himalayan Hotel (PAHM)

But scarcely awake more than an hour, Theos could hear men rustling about outside, crating last-minute items and labeling the last of his boxes filled with 20,000 feet of 16-mm motion picture film and 180 rolls of 35-mm still film. Echoing over it all was the sound of Frank Perry's voice instructing the various coolies and tinwallas in their activities and overseeing the entire operation as he had done for many days. With a knock on his barracks door, Theos knew that Frank was summoning him for the final departure. Gathering himself together, Theos joined the crowd assembling on the lawn in front of the Himalayan Hotel, with Frank even taking possession of two of Theos's cameras to record the entire event both in still photographs and on film.

Image
Figure 7.3. A Commemorative Portrait -- Theos Bernard with Geshe Wangyal

A cheery crowd of well-wishers had gathered at the hotel that morning to see Theos and Tharchin safely on their way. At the head of everything was David Macdonald, Theos 's host and advisor during those many months who, along with his son-in-law Frank Perry, had truly made the entire trip possible. The Macdonald daughters and the staff of the hotel had turned out as well to pay their respects to their long-term guest. Even Geshe Wangyal had come down to the hotel to bid Theos his fondest wishes, despite preparing to leave himself for London the very next day. After compliments were paid all around and he sent off two separate mule caravans -- one to Gangtok, which would accompany them, and one to phari, with provisions for his stay in Tibet -- Theos stepped into his waiting car to make the first leg of his journey, leaving Tharchin behind to oversee the mules. As the car pulled out of the compound, Frank Perry ran alongside, giving him one last "running handshake" of support before the car sped off, taking Theos down the dusty road ahead.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Thu Jul 23, 2020 5:32 am

Johan van Manen
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/22/20

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.


Image
The Dutch orientalist Johan van Manen in 1898

Mari Albert Johan van Manen (Nijmegen, 16 April 1877 – Kolkata, 17 March 1943) was a Dutch orientalist and the first Dutch Tibetologist. A large portion of his collected manuscripts and art and ethnographic projects now make up the Van Manen collection at Leiden University's Kern Institute.[1][2]

References

1. Yang Enhong. "Johan van Manen: The founder of Tibetology in the Netherlands". International Institute for Asian Studies. Retrieved 24 January 2016.
2. "Mari Albert Johan van Manen". Dutch Studies on South Asia, Tibet and classical Southeast Asia. Archived from the original on 31 January 2016. Retrieved 24 January 2016.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Thu Jul 23, 2020 5:43 am

Walter Evans-Wentz
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/22/20

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.


Image
Lama Kazi Dawa Samdup and Evans-Wentz, circa 1919

Walter Yeeling Evans-Wentz (February 2, 1878 – July 17, 1965) was an American anthropologist and writer who was a pioneer in the study of Tibetan Buddhism, and in transmission of Tibetan Buddhism to the Western world, most known for publishing an early English translation of The Tibetan Book of the Dead in 1927. He translated three other texts from the Tibetan: Tibet's Great Yogi Milarepa (1928), Tibetan Yoga and Secret Doctrines (1935), and The Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation (1954), and wrote the preface to Paramahansa Yogananda's famous spiritual book, Autobiography of a Yogi (1946).

Early life and background

Walter Yeeling Wentz was born in Trenton, New Jersey in 1878. His father Christopher Wentz (1836 - February 4, 1921) -- born in Weissengen, Baden, Germany -- had emigrated to America with his parents in 1846.[1] At the turn of the century (1900) Christopher was a real estate developer in Pablo Beach, Florida. Walter's mother (and Christopher's 1st wife) -- Mary Evans Cook (died 1898) -- was of Irish heritage. Christopher and Mary were married on August 11, 1862 in Trenton, Mercer County, New Jersey. Christopher's 2nd wife (they were married on June 4, 1900 in Duval County, Florida) was Olivia F. Bradford (1863-1949). Walter had two brothers and two sisters.[2] Though initially a Baptist, Walter's father had turned to spiritualism and Theosophy.[3] As a teenager, Walter read Madame Blavatsky's Isis Unveiled and The Secret Doctrine in his father's library, and became interested in the teachings of Theosophy and the occult.[4] Subsequently, at the turn of century, Walter moved to San Diego, California to join his father's profession, but also because it was close to Lomaland, the American headquarters for the Theosophical Society,[2] which he joined in 1901.[5]

At age 24 Evans-Wentz went to Stanford University, where he studied religion, philosophy, and history and was deeply influenced by visitors William James and W. B. Yeats.[3] He went on to receive B.A. and M.A degrees.[2] He then studied Celtic mythology and folklore at Jesus College, Oxford[6] (1907). He performed ethnographic fieldwork collecting fairy folklore in Wales, Scotland, Ireland, Cornwall, Brittany, and the Isle of Man. In 1911 Evans-Wentz published his degree thesis as a book, The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries.[2][7] While at Oxford, he added his mother's Welsh surname Evans to his name, being known henceforth as Evans-Wentz.[5]


Career

At Oxford, Evans-Wentz met archaeologist and British Army officer T.E. Lawrence [Lawrence of Arabia], who advised him to travel to the Orient.[3]

Thereafter, funded by his rental properties in Florida,[5] he started travelling extensively, spending time in Mexico, Europe, and the Far East. He spent the years of the First World War in Egypt. He boarded a ship from Port Said, Egypt for Colombo, Sri Lanka (then Ceylon).[8] Here he started studying the history, customs and religious traditions of the country,[8] and also collected a large number of important Pali manuscripts, which were later donated to Stanford University. Next in 1918, he travelled across India, covering important religious sites, "seeking wise men of the east". He met spiritual figures like Yogananda, J. Krishnamurti, Paul Brunton, Ramana Maharishi, Sri Krishna Prem and Shunyata. He also visited the Theosophical Society Adyar, where he met Annie Besant and Swami Shyamananda Giri (1911-1971).[9][5]

Finally he reached Darjeeling in 1919;[8] there he encountered Tibetan religious texts firsthand, when he acquired a Tibetan manuscript of Karma Lingpa's Liberation through Hearing during the Intermediate State (or Bardo Thodol) from Major Campbell, a British officer who had just returned from Tibet. He next met Lama Kazi Dawa-Samdup (1868–1922), an English teacher and headmaster at Maharaja's Boys School, in Gangtok, Sikkim. Samdup had been with 13th Dalai Lama during the latter's exile years in India in 1910; more importantly for Evans-Wentz, he had already worked as a translator with Alexandra David-Néel, the Belgian-French explorer, travel writer, and Buddhist convert, and Sir John Woodroffe, noted British Orientalist.[5][8]

For the next two months, Evans-Wentz spent morning hours before the opening of the school with Samdup working on the text. During this period, they worked out the origins of what was to become The Tibetan Book of the Dead. Evans-Wentz soon left for the Swami Satyananda's ashram, where he was practicing yoga. Samdup meanwhile was appointed as a lecturer at the University of Calcutta, in the same year, and died in Calcutta three years later, long before the book could be finally published.[10]

In 1927, The Tibetan Book of the Dead was published by Oxford University Press. Evans-Wentz chose the title "Book of the Dead" because it reminded him of the Egyptian Book of the Dead. For Westerners, the book would become a principal reference on Tibetan Buddhism.[3] Evans-Wentz credited himself only as the compiler and editor of these volumes; the actual translation was performed by Tibetan Buddhists, primarily Lama Kazi Dawa-Samdup. Evans-Wentz's interpretations and organization of this Tibetan material is hermeneutically controversial, being influenced by preconceptions he brought to the subject from Theosophy and other metaphysical schools.[11]

This book was followed by Tibet's Great Yogi Milarepa (1928), also based on Samdup's translations. Evans-Wentz was a practitioner of the religions he studied. He became Dawa-Samdup's "disciple" (E-W's term), wore robes, and ate a simple vegetarian diet.[12] In 1935, he met Ramana Maharshi and went to Darjeeling, where he employed three translators, Sikkimese of Tibetan descent, to translate another text which was published as Tibetan Yoga and Secret Doctrines (1935).[13]

Evans-Wentz intended to settle permanently in India, but was compelled by World War II to return to the U.S. There he would publish The Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation in 1954. A final work, Cuchama and Sacred Mountains (1989), was published posthumously.

In 1946, he wrote the preface to Yogananda's well known Autobiography of a Yogi, that introduced both Yogananda and himself to wider audiences in a book which has been in print for over sixty-five years and translated into at least thirty-four languages. He mentions having personally met Yogananda's guru, Swami Sri Yukteswar Giri, at his ashram in Puri and noted positive impressions of him. Evans-Wentz remains best known his lasting legacy to Tibetology.[3][14]

Later years and death

Evans-Wentz remained a Theosophist for the rest of his life, writing articles for Theosophical publications and provided financial support to the Maha Bodhi Society, Self-Realization Fellowship, and the Theosophical Society.[13] He lived for 23 years at the Keystone Hotel in San Diego.[13][15] Evans-Wentz spent his last months at Yogananda's Self-Realization Fellowship in Encinitas, California[13] and died on July 17, 1965. His Tibetan Book of the Dead was read at his funeral.[16]

Legacy

The Department of Religious Studies at Stanford University has hosted "The Evans-Wentz Lectureship in Asian Philosophy, Religion, and Ethics" since 1969, funded by a bequest from Evans-Wentz.[17][dead link]

Partial bibliography

• The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries, London, New York, H. Frowde, 1911.[18]
• M. J. LeGoc (1921). The Doctrine of Rebirth and Dr. Evans-Wentz: A Public Lecture Delivered Under the Auspices of the Catholic Union of Ceylon. Messenger Press.
• The Tibetan Book of the Dead; or, The After-Death Experiences on the Bardo Plane, According to Lāma Kazi Dawa-Samdup's English Rendering, with foreword by Sir John Woodroffe, London, Oxford University Press, H. Milford, 1927.
• Tibetan Yoga And Secret Doctrines; or, Seven Books of Wisdom of the Great Path, According to the Late Lāma Kazi Dawa-Samdup's English Rendering; Arranged and Edited with Introductions and Annotations to serve as a Commentary, London, Oxford University Press, H. Milford, 1935.
• Tibet's Great Yogi Milarepa: a Biography from the Tibetan; Being the Jetsün-Kahbum or Biographical History of Jetsün-Milarepa, According to the Late Lāma Kazi Dawa-Samdup's English Tendering (2d ed.), edited with introd. and annotations by W. Y. Evans-Wentz, London, New York: Oxford University Press, 1951.
• The Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation; Or, The Method of Realizing Nirvana Through Knowing the Mind Preceded by an Epitome of Padma-Sambhava's Biography and Followed by Guru Phadampa Sangay's Teachings According to English renderings by Sardar Bahädur S. W. Laden La and by the Lāmas Karma Sumdhon Paul, Lobzang Mingyur Dorje, and Kazi Dawa-Samdup. Introductions, annotations, and editing by W. Y. Evans-Wentz. With psychological commentary by C. G. Jung. London, New York, Oxford University Press, 1954.
• Cuchama and Sacred Mountains. Ohio University Press. 1989. ISBN 978-0-8040-0908-9.

See also

• Tibetan Book of the Dead

Notes

1. https://lamesahistory.com/wp-content/up ... 2_2001.pdf - "Wentz-Park House Landmarked, A Designated Historic Site" in Lookout Avenue, Volume 22, Number 2 (Autumn 2001), p. 6 (La Mesa Historical Society)
2. David Guy. "The Hermit Who Owned His Mountain: A Profile of W.Y. Evans Wentz". Tricycle. Retrieved 2013-08-30.
3. Oldmeadow, p. 135
4. Lopez, p. 49
5. Lopez, p. 52
6. Sutin 2006, pg. 262
7. "Evans-Wentz, W. Y. (Walter Yeeling), 1878-1965:Biographical History". University of Virginia. Retrieved 2013-08-30.
8. Oldmeadow, p. 136
9. Swami Shyamananda Giri (May 4, 1911 - August 28, 1971) - AKA Yogacharya Binay Narayan. His name at birth was Binayendra Narayan Dubey.
10. Lopez, p. 53
11. Donald S. Lopez, Jr. The Tibetan Book of the Dead: A Biography, Princeton University Press, 2011.
12. Sutin 2006, pg. 263
13. Lopez, p. 54
14. 'Walter Evans-Wentz' in: Forbes, Andrew ; Henley, David (2013). The Illustrated Tibetan Book of the Dead. Chiang Mai: Cognoscenti Books. B00BCRLONM
15. Oldmeadow, p. 137
16. Sutin 2006, pg. 267
17. "Stanford Evans-Wentz Lectureship". stanford.edu.
18. Available online and downloadable at archive.org.

References

• Winkler, Ken (2013). Pilgrim of the Clear Light: The Biography of Dr. Walter Y. Evans-Wentz, Second Edition (ebook). Bookmango. ASIN B00EYRK898.
• At Bodleian Library, Oxford: Archives Hub: Papers of W. Y. Evans-Wentz
• Lopez, Donald S. (1999). Prisoners of Shangri-La: Tibetan Buddhism and the West. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-49311-4.
• Oldmeadow, Harry (2004). Journeys East: 20th Century Western Encounters with Eastern Religious Traditions. World Wisdom, Inc. ISBN 978-0-941532-57-0.
• McGuire, William (2003) "Jung, Evans-Wentz and various other gurus", in: Journal of Analytical Psychology; 48 (4), 433–445. doi:10.1111/1465-5922.00406
• Sutin, Lawrence (2006) All is Change: the two-thousand-year journey of Buddhism to the West Little, Brown and Co. ISBN 0-316-74156-6
• In the Online Archive of California: Guide to the Walter Y. Evans-Wentz Collection SC0821

External links

• Walter Yeeling Evans-Wentz Papers, 1894-1961(5 linear ft.), Walter Y. Evans-Wentz collection, 1894-1993 (.5 linear ft.) and Ed Reither collection of W. Y. (Walter Yeeling) Evans-Wentz correspondence and ephemera, 1935-1960 (.5 linear ft.), among related collections are housed in the Department of Special Collections and University Archives at Stanford University Libraries
• W.Y.Evans-Wentz papers (English) are also housed at the Bodleian Library, Oxford, see [1]
• Evans-Wentz's Tibetan manuscripts are in the Bodleian Oriental Special Collections of manuscripts, see the Tibetan catalogue: [2] (search for "Evans-Wentz")
• Works by Walter Evans-Wentz at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about Walter Evans-Wentz at Internet Archive
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Thu Jul 23, 2020 6:04 am

Part 1 of 2

Thomas Edward Lawrence [T. E. Shaw] [John Hume Ross] [Lawrence of Arabia]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/22/20

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.


Image
T. E. Lawrence
Lawrence in 1918
Birth name: Thomas Edward Lawrence
Other name(s): T. E. Shaw, John Hume Ross
Nickname(s): Lawrence of Arabia
Born: 16 August 1888, Tremadog, Carnarvonshire, Wales
Died: 19 May 1935 (aged 46), Bovington Camp, Dorset, England
Buried: St Nicholas, Moreton, Dorset
Allegiance: United Kingdom
Kingdom of Hejaz
Service/branch British Army: Royal Air Force
Years of service: 1914–1918; 1923–1935
Rank: Colonel (British Army); Aircraftman (RAF)
Battles/wars: First World War; Arab Revolt; Siege of Medina; Battle of Aqaba; Capture of Damascus; Battle of Megiddo
Awards: Companion of the Order of the Bath[1]
Distinguished Service Order[2]: Knight of the Legion of Honour (France)[3]; Croix de guerre (France)[4]

Colonel Thomas Edward Lawrence, CB, DSO (16 August 1888 – 19 May 1935), was a British archaeologist, army officer, diplomat, and writer. He was renowned for his role in the Arab Revolt and the Sinai and Palestine Campaign against the Ottoman Empire during the First World War. The breadth and variety of his activities and associations, and his ability to describe them vividly in writing, earned him international fame as Lawrence of Arabia, a title used for the 1962 film based on his wartime activities.

He was born out of wedlock in August 1888 to Sarah Junner, a governess, and Thomas Chapman, an Anglo-Irish nobleman. Chapman left his wife and family in Ireland to cohabit with Junner. Chapman and Junner called themselves Mr and Mrs Lawrence, the surname of Sarah's likely father; her mother had been employed as a servant for a Lawrence family when she became pregnant with Sarah.[5] In 1896, the Lawrences moved to Oxford, where Thomas attended the High School and then studied history at Jesus College from 1907 to 1910. Between 1910 and 1914, he worked as an archaeologist for the British Museum, chiefly at Carchemish in Ottoman Syria.

Soon after the outbreak of war, he volunteered for the British Army and was stationed in Egypt. In 1916, he was sent to Arabia on an intelligence mission and quickly became involved with the Arab Revolt as a liaison to the Arab forces, along with other British officers. He worked closely with Emir Faisal, a leader of the revolt, and he participated, sometimes as leader, in military actions against the Ottoman armed forces, culminating in the capture of Damascus in October 1918.

After the war, Lawrence joined the Foreign Office, working with the British government and with Faisal. In 1922 he retreated from public life and spent the years until 1935 serving as an enlisted man, mostly in the Royal Air Force, with a brief period in the Army. During this time, he published his best-known work Seven Pillars of Wisdom, an autobiographical account of his participation in the Arab Revolt. He also translated books into English and wrote The Mint, which detailed his time in the Royal Air Force working as an ordinary aircraftman. He corresponded extensively and was friendly with well-known artists, writers, and politicians. For the RAF, he participated in the development of rescue motorboats.

Lawrence's public image resulted in part from the sensationalised reporting of the Arab revolt by American journalist Lowell Thomas, as well as from Seven Pillars of Wisdom. In 1935, Lawrence was fatally injured in a motorcycle accident in Dorset.

Early life

Image
Lawrence's birthplace, Gorphwysfa, Tremadog, Carnarvonshire, Wales

Thomas Edward Lawrence was born on 16 August 1888 in Tremadog, Carnarvonshire,[6] Wales, in a house named Gorphwysfa, now known as Snowdon Lodge.[7][8][9] His Anglo-Irish father Thomas Chapman had left his wife Edith after he had a son with Sarah Junner who had been governess to his daughters.[10] Sarah had herself been an illegitimate child, having been born in Sunderland as the daughter of Elizabeth Junner, a servant in the Lawrence household; she was dismissed four months before Sarah was born, and identified Sarah's father as "John Junner, Shipwright journeyman".[11][12]

Image
The Lawrence family lived at 2, Polstead Road, Oxford from 1896 to 1921

Lawrence's parents did not marry but lived together under the name Lawrence. In 1914, his father inherited the Chapman baronetcy based at Killua Castle, the ancestral family home in County Westmeath, Ireland, but his parents moved to live in England.[13][14] They had five sons, Thomas (called "Ned" by his immediate family) being the second eldest. From Wales, the family moved to Kirkcudbright, Galloway, in southwestern Scotland, where their son William George was born, then to Dinard in Brittany, then to Jersey.[15]

The family lived at Langley Lodge (now demolished) from 1894 to 1896, set in private woods between the eastern borders of the New Forest and Southampton Water in Hampshire.[16] The residence was isolated, and young Lawrence had many opportunities for outdoor activities and waterfront visits.[17] Victorian-Edwardian Britain was a very conservative society where the majority of people were Christians who considered premarital and extramarital sex to be shameful, and children born out of wedlock were born in disgrace.[18] Lawrence was always something of an outsider, a bastard who could never hope to achieve the same level of social acceptance and success that others could expect who were born legitimate, and no girl from a respectable family would ever marry a bastard.[18]

Image
Lawrence memorial plaque at City of Oxford High School for Boys

In the summer of 1896, the family moved to 2, Polstead Road in Oxford,[19] where they lived until 1921. Lawrence attended the City of Oxford High School for Boys from 1896 until 1907,[20] where one of the four houses was later named "Lawrence" in his honour; the school closed in 1966.[21] Lawrence and one of his brothers became commissioned officers in the Church Lads' Brigade at St Aldate's Church.[22]

Lawrence claimed that he ran away from home around 1905 and served for a few weeks as a boy soldier with the Royal Garrison Artillery at St Mawes Castle in Cornwall, from which he was bought out. However, no evidence of this appears in army records.[23][24]

Travels, antiquities, and archaeology

Image
Leonard Woolley (left) and Lawrence in their excavation house at Carchemish, c. 1912

At age 15, Lawrence and his schoolfriend Cyril Beeson cycled around Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, and Oxfordshire, visiting almost every village's parish church, studying their monuments and antiquities, and making rubbings of their monumental brasses.[25] Lawrence and Beeson monitored building sites in Oxford and presented the Ashmolean Museum with anything that they found.[25] The Ashmolean's Annual Report for 1906 said that the two teenage boys "by incessant watchfulness secured everything of antiquarian value which has been found."[25] In the summers of 1906 and 1907, Lawrence toured France by bicycle, sometimes with Beeson, collecting photographs, drawings, and measurements of medieval castles.[25] In August 1907, Lawrence wrote home: "The Chaignons & the Lamballe people complimented me on my wonderful French: I have been asked twice since I arrived what part of France I came from".[26]

Image
Lawrence and Woolley (right) at Carchemish, spring 1913

From 1907 to 1910, Lawrence read history at Jesus College, Oxford.[27] In July and August 1908 he cycled 2,200 miles (3,500 km) solo through France to the Mediterranean and back researching French castles.[28][29] In the summer of 1909, he set out alone on a three-month walking tour of crusader castles in Ottoman Syria, during which he travelled 1,000 mi (1,600 km) on foot.[30] He graduated with First Class Honours[31] after submitting a thesis titled The Influence of the Crusades on European Military Architecture—to the End of the 12th Century, partly based on his field research with Beeson in France,[25] and his solo research in France and the Middle East.[32] Lawrence was fascinated by the Middle Ages; his brother Arnold wrote in 1937 that "medieval researches" were a "dream way of escape from bourgeois England".[33]

In 1910, Lawrence was offered the opportunity to become a practising archaeologist at Carchemish, in the expedition that D. G. Hogarth was setting up on behalf of the British Museum.[34] Hogarth arranged a "Senior Demyship" (a form of scholarship) for Lawrence at Magdalen College, Oxford, to fund his work at £100 a year.[35] He sailed for Beirut in December 1910 and went to Byblos, where he studied Arabic.[36] He then went to work on the excavations at Carchemish, near Jerablus in northern Syria, where he worked under Hogarth, R. Campbell Thompson of the British Museum, and Leonard Woolley until 1914.[37] He later stated that everything which he had accomplished he owed to Hogarth.[38] Lawrence met Gertrude Bell while excavating at Carchemish.[39] He worked briefly with Flinders Petrie in 1912 at Kafr Ammar in Egypt.[40]

Military intelligence

Image
Early Hittite artifact found by T. E. Lawrence and Leonard Woolley (right) in Carchemish.

In January 1914, Woolley and Lawrence were co-opted by the British military[41] as an archaeological smokescreen for a British military survey of the Negev Desert. They were funded by the Palestine Exploration Fund to search for an area referred to in the Bible as the Wilderness of Zin, and they made an archaeological survey of the Negev Desert along the way. The Negev was strategically important, as an Ottoman army attacking Egypt would have to cross it. Woolley and Lawrence subsequently published a report of the expedition's archaeological findings,[42] but a more important result was updated mapping of the area, with special attention to features of military relevance such as water sources. Lawrence also visited Aqaba and Shobek, not far from Petra.[43]

Following the outbreak of hostilities in August 1914, Lawrence did not immediately enlist in the British Army. He held back until October on the advice of S. F. Newcombe, when he was commissioned on the General List.[44] Before the end of the year, he was summoned by renowned archaeologist and historian Lt. Cmdr. David Hogarth, his mentor at Carchemish, to the new Arab Bureau intelligence unit in Cairo, and he arrived in Cairo on 15 December 1914.[45] The Bureau's chief was General Gilbert Clayton who reported to Egyptian High Commissioner Henry McMahon.[46]

The situation was complex during 1915. There was a growing Arab-nationalist movement within the Arabic-speaking Ottoman territories, including many Arabs serving in the Ottoman armed forces.[47] They were in contact with Sharif Hussein, Emir of Mecca,[48] who was negotiating with the British and offering to lead an Arab uprising against the Ottomans. In exchange, he wanted a British guarantee of an independent Arab state including the Hejaz, Syria, and Mesopotamia.[49] Such an uprising would have been very helpful to Britain in its war against the Ottomans, greatly lessening the threat against the Suez Canal. However, there was resistance from French diplomats who insisted that Syria's future was as a French colony, not an independent Arab state.[50] There were also strong objections from the Government of India, which was nominally part of the British government but acted independently. Its vision was of Mesopotamia under British control serving as a granary for India; furthermore, it wanted to hold on to its Arabian outpost in Aden.[51]

At the Arab Bureau, Lawrence supervised the preparation of maps,[52] produced a daily bulletin for the British generals operating in the theatre,[53] and interviewed prisoners.[52] He was an advocate of a British landing at Alexandretta which never came to pass.[54] He was also a consistent advocate of an independent Arab Syria.[55]

The situation came to a crisis in October 1915, as Sharif Hussein demanded an immediate commitment from Britain, with the threat that he would otherwise throw his weight behind the Ottomans.[56] This would create a credible Pan-Islamic message that could have been very dangerous for Britain, which was in severe difficulties in the Gallipoli Campaign. The British replied with a letter from High Commissioner McMahon that was generally agreeable while reserving commitments concerning the Mediterranean coastline and Holy Land.[57]

In the spring of 1916, Lawrence was dispatched to Mesopotamia to assist in relieving the Siege of Kut by some combination of starting an Arab uprising and bribing Ottoman officials. This mission produced no useful result.[58] Meanwhile, the Sykes–Picot Agreement was being negotiated in London without the knowledge of British officials in Cairo, which awarded a large proportion of Syria to France. Further, it implied that the Arabs would have to conquer Syria's four great cities if they were to have any sort of state there: Damascus, Homs, Hama, and Aleppo. It is unclear at what point Lawrence became aware of the treaty's contents.[59]

Arab Revolt

Main article: Arab Revolt

Image
Lawrence at Rabigh, north of Jeddah, 1917

The Arab Revolt began in June 1916, but it bogged down after a few successes, with a real risk that the Ottoman forces would advance along the coast of the Red Sea and recapture Mecca.[60] On 16 October 1916, Lawrence was sent to the Hejaz on an intelligence-gathering mission led by Ronald Storrs.[61] He interviewed Sharif Hussein's sons Ali, Abdullah, and Faisal,[62] and he concluded that Faisal was the best candidate to lead the Revolt.[63]

In November, S. F. Newcombe was assigned to lead a permanent British liaison to Faisal's staff.[64] Newcombe had not yet arrived in the area and the matter was of some urgency, so Lawrence was sent in his place.[65] In late December 1916, Faisal and Lawrence worked out a plan for repositioning the Arab forces to prevent the Ottoman forces around Medina from threatening Arab positions and putting the railway from Syria under threat.[66] Newcombe arrived and Lawrence was preparing to leave Arabia, but Faisal intervened urgently, asking that Lawrence's assignment become permanent.[67]

Lawrence's most important contributions to the Arab Revolt were in the area of strategy and liaison with British armed forces, but he also participated personally in several military engagements:

• 3 January 1917: Attack on an Ottoman outpost in the Hejaz[68]
• 26 March 1917: Attack on the railway at Aba el Naam[69][70]
• 11 June 1917: Attack on a bridge at Ras Baalbek[71]
• 2 July 1917: Defeat of the Ottoman forces at Aba el Lissan, an outpost of Aqaba[72]
• 18 September 1917: Attack on the railway near Mudawara[73]
• 27 September 1917: Attack on the railway, destroyed an engine[74]
• 7 November 1917: Following a failed attack on the Yarmuk bridges, blew up a train on the railway between Dera'a and Amman, suffering several wounds in the explosion and ensuing combat[75]
• 23 January 1918: The battle of Tafileh, a region southeast of the Dead Sea, with Arab regulars under the command of Jafar Pasha al-Askari;[76] the battle was a defensive engagement that turned into an offensive rout[77] and was described in the official history of the war as a "brilliant feat of arms".[76] Lawrence was awarded the Distinguished Service Order for his leadership at Tafileh and was promoted to lieutenant colonel.[76]
• March 1918: Attack on the railway near Aqaba[78]
• 19 April 1918: Attack using British armoured cars on Tell Shahm[79]
• 16 September 1918: Destruction of railway bridge between Amman and Dera'a[80]
• 26 September 1918: Attack on retreating Ottomans and Germans near the village of Tafas; the Ottoman forces massacred the villagers and then Arab forces in return massacred their prisoners with Lawrence's encouragement.[81]

Lawrence made a 300-mile personal journey northward in June 1917, on the way to Aqaba, visiting Ras Baalbek, the outskirts of Damascus, and Azraq, Jordan. He met Arab nationalists, counselling them to avoid revolt until the arrival of Faisal's forces, and he attacked a bridge to create the impression of guerrilla activity. His findings were regarded by the British as extremely valuable and there was serious consideration of awarding him a Victoria Cross; in the end, he was invested as a Companion of the Order of the Bath and promoted to Major.[82]

Lawrence travelled regularly between British headquarters and Faisal, co-ordinating military action.[83] But by early 1918, Faisal's chief British liaison was Colonel Pierce Charles Joyce, and Lawrence's time was chiefly devoted to raiding and intelligence-gathering.[84]

Strategy

The chief elements of the Arab strategy which Faisal and Lawrence developed were to avoid capturing Medina, and to extend northwards through Maan and Dera'a to Damascus and beyond. Faisal wanted to lead regular attacks against the Ottomans, but Lawrence persuaded him to drop that tactic.[85] Lawrence wrote about the Bedouin as a fighting force:

The value of the tribes is defensive only and their real sphere is guerilla warfare. They are intelligent, and very lively, almost reckless, but too individualistic to endure commands, or fight in line, or to help each other. It would, I think, be possible to make an organized force out of them.… The Hejaz war is one of dervishes against regular forces—and we are on the side of the dervishes. Our text-books do not apply to its conditions at all.[85]


Medina was an attractive target for the revolt as Islam's second holiest site, and because its Ottoman garrison was weakened by disease and isolation.[86] It became clear that it was advantageous to leave it there rather than try to capture it, while continually attacking the Hejaz railway south from Damascus without permanently destroying it.[87] This prevented the Ottomans from making effective use of their troops at Medina, and forced them to dedicate many resources to defending and repairing the railway line.[88][89][87]

It is not known when Lawrence learned the details of the Sykes-Picot Agreement, nor if or when he briefed Faisal on what he knew,[90][91] However, there is good reason to think that both these things happened, and earlier rather than later. In particular, the Arab strategy of northward extension makes perfect sense given the Sykes-Picot language that spoke of an independent Arab entity in Syria, which would only be granted if the Arabs liberated the territory themselves. The French, and some of their British Liaison officers, were specifically uncomfortable about the northward movement, as it would weaken French colonial claims.[92][93]

Capture of Aqaba

Main article: Battle of Aqaba

Image
Lawrence at Aqaba, 1917

In 1917, Lawrence proposed a joint action with the Arab irregulars and forces including Auda Abu Tayi, who had previously been in the employ of the Ottomans, against the strategically located but lightly defended[94][95][96] town of Aqaba on the Red Sea. Aqaba could have been attacked from the sea, but the narrow defiles leading through the mountains were strongly defended and would have been very difficult to assault.[97] The expedition was led by Sharif Nasir of Medina.[98]

Lawrence carefully avoided informing his British superiors about the details of the planned inland attack, due to concern that it would be blocked as contrary to French interests.[99] The expedition departed from Wejh on 9 May.[100] and Aqaba fell to the Arab forces on 6 July, after a surprise overland attack which took the Turkish defences from behind. After Aqaba, General Sir Edmund Allenby, the new commander-in-chief of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force, agreed to Lawrence's strategy for the revolt. Lawrence now held a powerful position as an adviser to Faisal and a person who had Allenby's confidence, as Allenby acknowledged after the war:

I gave him a free hand. His cooperation was marked by the utmost loyalty, and I never had anything but praise for his work, which, indeed, was invaluable throughout the campaign. He was the mainspring of the Arab movement and knew their language, their manners and their mentality.[101]


Dera'a

Lawrence describes an episode on 20 November 1917 while reconnoitering Dera'a in disguise, when he was captured by the Ottoman military, heavily beaten, and sexually abused by the local bey and his guardsmen,[102] though he does not specify the nature of the sexual contact. Some scholars have stated that he exaggerated the severity of the injuries that he suffered,[103] or alleged that the episode never actually happened.[104][105] There is no independent testimony, but the multiple consistent reports and the absence of evidence for outright invention in Lawrence's works make the account believable to his biographers.[106] Malcolm Brown, John E. Mack, and Jeremy Wilson have argued that this episode had strong psychological effects on Lawrence, which may explain some of his unconventional behaviour in later life. Lawrence ended his account of the episode in Seven Pillars of Wisdom with the statement: "In Dera'a that night the citadel of my integrity had been irrevocably lost."[107]

Fall of Damascus

Image
Lawrence in 1919

Lawrence was involved in the build-up to the capture of Damascus in the final weeks of the war, but he was not present at the city's formal surrender, much to his disappointment. He arrived several hours after the city had fallen, entering Damascus around 9 am on 1 October 1918; the first to arrive was the 10th Australian Light Horse Brigade led by Major A. C. N. "Harry" Olden, who formally accepted the surrender of the city from acting Governor Emir Said.[108] Lawrence was instrumental in establishing a provisional Arab government under Faisal in newly liberated Damascus, which he had envisioned as the capital of an Arab state. Faisal's rule as king, however, came to an abrupt end in 1920, after the battle of Maysaloun when the French Forces of General Gouraud entered Damascus under the command of General Mariano Goybet, destroying Lawrence's dream of an independent Arabia.[109]

During the closing years of the war, Lawrence sought to convince his superiors in the British government that Arab independence was in their interests, but he met with mixed success. The secret Sykes-Picot Agreement between France and Britain contradicted the promises of independence that he had made to the Arabs and frustrated his work.[110]

Post-war years

Lawrence returned to the United Kingdom a full colonel.[111] Immediately after the war, he worked for the Foreign Office, attending the Paris Peace Conference between January and May as a member of Faisal's delegation. On 17 May 1919, a Handley Page Type O/400 taking Lawrence to Egypt crashed at the airport of Roma-Centocelle. The pilot and co-pilot were killed; Lawrence survived with a broken shoulder blade and two broken ribs.[112] During his brief hospitalisation, he was visited by King Victor Emmanuel III of Italy.[113]

Image
Map presented by Lawrence to the Eastern Committee of the War Cabinet in November 1918[114]

Image
Emir Faisal's party at Versailles, during the Paris Peace Conference of 1919; left to right: Rustum Haidar, Nuri al-Said, Prince Faisal (front), Captain Pisani (rear), Lawrence, Faisal's servant (name unknown), Captain Hassan Khadri

In 1918, Lowell Thomas went to Jerusalem where he met Lawrence, "whose enigmatic figure in Arab uniform fired his imagination", in the words of author Rex Hall.[115] Thomas and his cameraman Harry Chase shot a great deal of film and many photographs involving Lawrence. Thomas produced a stage presentation entitled With Allenby in Palestine which included a lecture, dancing, and music[116] and engaged in "Orientalism", depicting the Middle East as exotic, mysterious, sensuous, and violent.[116] The show premiered in New York in March 1919.[117] He was invited to take his show to England, and he agreed to do so provided that he was personally invited by the King and provided the use of either Drury Lane or Covent Garden. He opened at Covent Garden on 14 August 1919 and continued for hundreds of lectures, "attended by the highest in the land".[115][118]

Initially, Lawrence played only a supporting role in the show, as the main focus was on Allenby's campaigns; but then Thomas realised that it was the photos of Lawrence dressed as a Bedouin which had captured the public's imagination, so he had Lawrence photographed again in London in Arab dress.[116] With the new photos, Thomas re-launched his show under the new title With Allenby in Palestine and Lawrence in Arabia in early 1920, which proved to be extremely popular.[116] The new title elevated Lawrence from a supporting role to a co-star of the Near Eastern campaign and reflected a changed emphasis. Thomas' shows made the previously obscure Lawrence into a household name.[116]

Lawrence worked with Thomas on the creation of the presentation, answering many questions and posing for many photographs.[119]. After its success, however, he expressed regret about having been featured in it.[120]

Lawrence served as an advisor to Winston Churchill at the Colonial Office for just over a year starting in February 1920.[121] He hated bureaucratic work, writing on 21 May 1921 to Robert Graves: "I wish I hadn't gone out there: the Arabs are like a page I have turned over; and sequels are rotten things. I'm locked up here: office every day and much of it".[122] He travelled to the Middle East on multiple occasions during this period, at one time holding the title of "chief political officer for Trans-Jordania".[123]

He campaigned actively for his and Churchill's vision of the Middle East, publishing pieces in multiple newspapers, including the Times, The Observer, The Daily Mail, and The Daily Express.[124]

Lawrence had a sinister reputation in France during his lifetime and even today as an implacable "enemy of France", the man who was constantly stirring up the Syrians to rebel against French rule throughout the 1920s.[125] However, French historian Maurice Larès wrote that the real reason for France's problems in Syria was that the Syrians did not want to be ruled by France, and the French needed a "scapegoat" to blame for their difficulties in ruling the country.[126] Larès wrote that Lawrence is usually pictured in France as a Francophobe, but he was really a Francophile.[126]

Image
Lawrence, Emir Abdullah, Air Marshal Sir Geoffrey Salmond, Sir Wyndham Deedes, and others in Jerusalem

In August 1922, Lawrence enlisted in the Royal Air Force as an aircraftman, under the name John Hume Ross. At the RAF recruiting centre in Covent Garden, London, he was interviewed by recruiting officer Flying Officer W. E. Johns, later known as the author of the Biggles series of novels.[127] Johns rejected Lawrence's application, as he suspected that "Ross" was a false name. Lawrence admitted that this was so and that he had provided false documents. He left, but returned some time later with an RAF messenger who carried a written order that Johns must accept Lawrence.[128]

However, Lawrence was forced out of the RAF in February 1923 after his identity was exposed. He changed his name to T. E. Shaw (apparently as a consequence of his friendship with G. B. and Charlotte Shaw[129]) and joined the Royal Tank Corps later that year. He was unhappy there and repeatedly petitioned to rejoin the RAF, which finally readmitted him in August 1925.[130] A fresh burst of publicity after the publication of Revolt in the Desert resulted in his assignment to bases at Karachi and Miramshah in British India (now Pakistan) in late 1926,[131][132] where he remained until the end of 1928. At that time, he was forced to return to Britain after rumours began to circulate that he was involved in espionage activities.[133]

He purchased several small plots of land in Chingford, built a hut and swimming pool there, and visited frequently. The hut was removed in 1930 when Chingford Urban District Council acquired the land; it was given to the City of London Corporation which re-erected it in the grounds of The Warren, Loughton. Lawrence's tenure of the Chingford land has now been commemorated by a plaque fixed on the sighting obelisk on Pole Hill.[134]

Image
Lawrence on the Brough Superior SS100 that he called "George V"

Lawrence continued serving in the RAF based at RAF Mount Batten near Plymouth, RAF Calshot near Southampton, and RAF Bridlington, East Riding of Yorkshire. He specialised in high-speed boats and professed happiness, and he left the service with considerable regret at the end of his enlistment in March 1935.[135]

In late August or early September 1931 he stayed with Lady Houston aboard her luxury yacht, the Liberty, off Calshot, shortly before the Schneider Trophy competition.[136] In later letters Lady Houston would ask Lawrence's advice on obtaining a new chauffeur for her Rolls Royce car ('Forgive my asking, but you know everything')[136] and suggest that he join the Liberty, for she had discharged her captain, who had turned out to be a 'wrong 'un.'[136]

In the inter-war period, the RAF's Marine Craft Section began to commission air-sea rescue launches capable of higher speeds and greater capacity. The arrival of high-speed craft into the MCS was driven in part by Lawrence. He had previously witnessed a seaplane crew drowning when the seaplane tender sent to their rescue was too slow in arriving. He worked with Hubert Scott-Paine, the founder of the British Power Boat Company (BPBC), to introduce the 37.5 ft (11.4 m) long ST 200 Seaplane Tender Mk1 into service. These boats had a range of 140 miles when cruising at 24 knots and could achieve a top speed of 29 knots.[137][138]

Lawrence was a keen motorcyclist and owned eight Brough Superior motorcycles at different times.[139][140] His last SS100 (Registration GW 2275) is privately owned but has been on loan to the National Motor Museum, Beaulieu[141] and the Imperial War Museum in London.[142] He was also an avid reader of Thomas Malory's Le Morte d'Arthur and carried a copy on his campaigns. He read an account of Eugene Vinaver's discovery of the Winchester Manuscript of the Morte in The Times in 1934, and he motorcycled from Manchester to Winchester to meet Vinaver.[143]

Death

Image
Lawrence's last Brough Superior SS100 while on loan to the Imperial War Museum, London

Image
Memorial near the crash site which is found south of his cottage at Clouds Hill, Wareham, Dorset

Lawrence was fatally injured in an accident on his Brough Superior SS100 motorcycle in Dorset close to his cottage Clouds Hill, near Wareham, just two months after leaving military service. He was 46. A dip in the road obstructed his view of two boys on their bicycles; he swerved to avoid them, lost control, and was thrown over the handlebars.[144] He died six days later on 19 May 1935.[144] The location of the crash is marked by a small memorial at the roadside.[145]

One of the doctors attending him was neurosurgeon Hugh Cairns, who consequently began a long study of the loss of life by motorcycle dispatch riders through head injuries. His research led to the use of crash helmets by both military and civilian motorcyclists.[146]

The Moreton estate borders Bovington Camp, and Lawrence bought it from his cousins the Frampton family. He had been a frequent visitor to their home Okers Wood House, and had corresponded with Louisa Frampton for years. Lawrence's mother arranged with the Framptons to have his body buried in their family plot in the separate burial ground of St Nicholas' Church, Moreton.[147][148] The coffin was transported on the Frampton estate's bier. Mourners included Winston Churchill, E. M. Forster, Lady Astor, and Lawrence's youngest brother Arnold.[149]

Image
Lawrence's grave is in the separate churchyard of St Nicholas' Church, Moreton. Dominus illuminatio mea, from Psalm 27, is the motto of the University of Oxford; it translates as "The Lord is my light." The verse on the headstone is John 5:25.

Writings

Lawrence was a prolific writer throughout his life, a large portion of which was epistolary; he often sent several letters a day, and several collections of his letters have been published. He corresponded with many notable figures, including George Bernard Shaw, Edward Elgar, Winston Churchill, Robert Graves, Noël Coward, E. M. Forster, Siegfried Sassoon, John Buchan, Augustus John, and Henry Williamson. He met Joseph Conrad and commented perceptively on his works. The many letters that he sent to Shaw's wife Charlotte are revealing as to his character.[150]

Lawrence was a competent speaker of French and Arabic, and reader of Latin and Ancient Greek.[151]

Lawrence published three major texts in his lifetime. The most significant was his account of the Arab Revolt in Seven Pillars of Wisdom. Homer's Odyssey and The Forest Giant were translations, the latter an otherwise forgotten work of French fiction. He received a flat fee for the second translation, and negotiated a generous fee plus royalties for the first.[152]

Further information: English translations of Homer § Lawrence

Seven Pillars of Wisdom

Image
14 Barton Street, London SW1, where Lawrence lived while writing Seven Pillars

Main article: Seven Pillars of Wisdom

Lawrence's major work is Seven Pillars of Wisdom, an account of his war experiences. In 1919, he was elected to a seven-year research fellowship at All Souls College, Oxford, providing him with support while he worked on the book. Certain parts of the book also serve as essays on military strategy, Arabian culture and geography, and other topics. He rewrote Seven Pillars of Wisdom three times, once "blind" after he lost the manuscript while changing trains at Reading railway station.[153]

There are many alleged "embellishments" in Seven Pillars, though some allegations have been disproved with time, most definitively in Jeremy Wilson's authorised biography. However, Lawrence's own notebooks refute his claim to have crossed the Sinai Peninsula from Aqaba to the Suez Canal in just 49 hours without any sleep. In reality, this famous camel ride lasted for more than 70 hours and was interrupted by two long breaks for sleeping, which Lawrence omitted when he wrote his book.[154]

In the preface, Lawrence acknowledged George Bernard Shaw's help in editing the book. The first edition was published in 1926 as a high-priced private subscription edition, printed in London by Herbert John Hodgson and Roy Manning Pike, with illustrations by Eric Kennington, Augustus John, Paul Nash, Blair Hughes-Stanton, and Hughes-Stanton's wife Gertrude Hermes. Lawrence was afraid that the public would think that he would make a substantial income from the book, and he stated that it was written as a result of his war service. He vowed not to take any money from it, and indeed he did not, as the sale price was one third of the production costs,[155] leaving him in substantial debt.[156]

Revolt in the Desert

Image
Portrait by Augustus John, 1919. Tate Modern, London

Revolt in the Desert was an abridged version of Seven Pillars that he began in 1926 and that was published in March 1927 in both limited and trade editions.[157] He undertook a needed but reluctant publicity exercise, which resulted in a best-seller. Again he vowed not to take any fees from the publication, partly to appease the subscribers to Seven Pillars who had paid dearly for their editions. By the fourth reprint in 1927, the debt from Seven Pillars was paid off. As Lawrence left for military service in India at the end of 1926, he set up the "Seven Pillars Trust" with his friend D. G. Hogarth as a trustee, in which he made over the copyright and any surplus income of Revolt in the Desert. He later told Hogarth that he had "made the Trust final, to save myself the temptation of reviewing it, if Revolt turned out a best seller."[158]

The resultant trust paid off the debt, and Lawrence then invoked a clause in his publishing contract to halt publication of the abridgment in the United Kingdom. However, he allowed both American editions and translations, which resulted in a substantial flow of income. The trust paid income either into an educational fund for children of RAF officers who lost their lives or were invalided as a result of service, or more substantially into the RAF Benevolent Fund.[159]

Posthumous

Lawrence left The Mint unpublished,[160] a memoir of his experiences as an enlisted man in the Royal Air Force (RAF). For this, he worked from a notebook that he kept while enlisted, writing of the daily lives of enlisted men and his desire to be a part of something larger than himself. The book is stylistically very different from Seven Pillars of Wisdom, using sparse prose as opposed to the complicated syntax found in Seven Pillars. It was published posthumously, edited by his brother Professor A. W. Lawrence.[161]

After Lawrence's death, A. W. Lawrence inherited Lawrence's estate and his copyrights as the sole beneficiary. To pay the inheritance tax, he sold the US copyright of Seven Pillars of Wisdom (subscribers' text) outright to Doubleday Doran in 1935.[162] Doubleday still controls publication rights of this version of the text of Seven Pillars of Wisdom in the US, and will continue to until the copyright expires at the end of 2022 (publication plus 95 years). In 1936, A. W. Lawrence split the remaining assets of the estate, giving Clouds Hill and many copies of less substantial or historical letters to the National Trust, and then set up two trusts to control interests in his brother's residual copyrights.[163] He assigned the copyright in Seven Pillars of Wisdom to the Seven Pillars of Wisdom Trust,[164] and it was given its first general publication as a result. He assigned the copyright in The Mint and all Lawrence's letters to the Letters and Symposium Trust,[162] which he edited and published in the book T. E. Lawrence by his Friends in 1937.[162]

A substantial amount of income went directly to the RAF Benevolent Fund and to archaeological, environmental, and academic projects. The two trusts were amalgamated in 1986, and the unified trust acquired all the remaining rights to Lawrence's works that it had not owned on the death of A. W. Lawrence in 1991, plus rights to all of A. W. Lawrence's works.[163] The UK copyrights on Lawrence's works published in his lifetime and within 20 years of his death expired on 1 January 2006. Works published more than 20 years after his death were protected for 50 years from publication or to 1 January 2040, whichever is earlier.[165]

Writings

• Seven Pillars of Wisdom, an account of Lawrence's part in the Arab Revolt. (ISBN 0-8488-0562-3)
• Revolt in the Desert, an abridged version of Seven Pillars of Wisdom. (ISBN 1-56619-275-7)
• The Mint, an account of Lawrence's service in the Royal Air Force. (ISBN 0-393-00196-2)
• Crusader Castles, Lawrence's Oxford thesis. London: Michael Haag 1986 (ISBN 0-902743-53-8). The first edition was published in London in 1936 by the Golden Cockerel Press, in 2 volumes, limited to 1000 editions.
• The Odyssey of Homer, Lawrence's translation from the Greek, first published in 1932. (ISBN 0-19-506818-1)
• The Forest Giant, by Adrien Le Corbeau, novel, Lawrence's translation from the French, 1924.
• The Letters of T. E. Lawrence, selected and edited by Malcolm Brown. London, J. M Dent. 1988 (ISBN 0-460-04733-7)
• The Letters of T. E. Lawrence, edited by David Garnett. (ISBN 0-88355-856-4)
• T. E. Lawrence. Letters, Jeremy Wilson. (See prospectus)[166]
• Minorities: Good Poems by Small Poets and Small Poems by Good Poets, edited by Jeremy Wilson, 1971. Lawrence's commonplace book includes an introduction by Wilson that explains how the poems comprising the book reflected Lawrence's life and thoughts.
• Guerrilla Warfare, article in the 1929 Encyclopædia Britannica[167]
• The Wilderness of Zin, by C. Leonard Woolley and T. E. Lawrence. London, Harrison and Sons, 1914.[168]
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Thu Jul 23, 2020 6:04 am

Part 2 of 2

Sexuality

Lawrence's biographers have discussed his sexuality at considerable length, and this discussion has spilled into the popular press.[169] There is no reliable evidence for consensual sexual intimacy between Lawrence and any person. His friends have expressed the opinion that he was asexual,[170][171] and Lawrence himself specifically denied any personal experience of sex in multiple private letters.[172] There were suggestions that Lawrence had been intimate with Dahoum, who worked with him at a pre-war archaeological dig in Carchemish,[173] and fellow serviceman R. A. M. Guy,[174] but his biographers and contemporaries found them unconvincing.[173][174][175]

The dedication to his book Seven Pillars is a poem titled "To S.A." which opens:

I loved you, so I drew these tides of men into my hands
and wrote my will across the sky in stars
To earn you Freedom, the seven-pillared worthy house,
that your eyes might be shining for me
When we came.


Lawrence was never specific about the identity of "S.A." Many theories argue in favour of individual men or women, and the Arab nation as a whole. The most popular theory is that S.A. represents (at least in part) his companion Selim Ahmed, "Dahoum", who apparently died of typhus before 1918.[176][177][178]

Lawrence lived in a period of strong official opposition to homosexuality, but his writing on the subject was tolerant. He wrote to Charlotte Shaw, "I've seen lots of man-and-man loves: very lovely and fortunate some of them were."[179] He refers to "the openness and honesty of perfect love" on one occasion in Seven Pillars, when discussing relationships between young male fighters in the war.[180] He wrote in Chapter 1 of Seven Pillars:

In horror of such sordid commerce [diseased female prostitutes] our youths began indifferently to slake one another's few needs in their own clean bodies—a cold convenience that, by comparison, seemed sexless and even pure. Later, some began to justify this sterile process, and swore that friends quivering together in the yielding sand with intimate hot limbs in supreme embrace, found there hidden in the darkness a sensual co-efficient of the mental passion which was welding our souls and spirits in one flaming effort [to secure Arab independence]. Several, thirsting to punish appetites they could not wholly prevent, took a savage pride in degrading the body, and offered themselves fiercely in any habit which promised physical pain or filth.[181]


There is considerable evidence that Lawrence was a masochist. He wrote in his description of the Dera'a beating that "a delicious warmth, probably sexual, was swelling through me," and he also included a detailed description of the guards' whip in a style typical of masochists' writing.[182] In later life, Lawrence arranged to pay a military colleague to administer beatings to him,[183] and to be subjected to severe formal tests of fitness and stamina.[184] John Bruce first wrote on this topic, including some other statements that were not credible, but Lawrence's biographers regard the beatings as established fact.[185] French novelist André Malraux admired Lawrence but wrote that he had a "taste for self-humiliation, now by discipline and now by veneration; a horror of respectability; a disgust for possessions".[186]

Psychologist John E. Mack sees a possible connection between Lawrence's masochism and the childhood beatings that he had received from his mother[187] for routine misbehaviours.[188] His brother Arnold thought that the beatings had been given for the purpose of breaking his brother's will.[188] Angus Calder suggested in 1997 that Lawrence's apparent masochism and self-loathing might have stemmed from a sense of guilt over losing his brothers Frank and Will on the Western Front, along with many other school friends, while he survived.[189]

The Aldington Controversy

In 1955 Richard Aldington published Lawrence of Arabia: A Biographical Enquiry, a sustained attack on Lawrence's character, writing, accomplishments, and truthfulness. Specificaly, Aldington alleges that Lawrence lied and exaggerated continuously, promoted a misguided policy in the Middle East, that his strategy of containing but not capturing Medina was incorrect, and that Seven Pillars of Wisdom was a bad book with few redeeming features. He also revealed Lawrence's illegitimacy and strongly suggested that he was homosexual. For example: "Seven Pillars of Wisdom is rather a work of quasi-fiction than history."[190], and "It was seldom that he reported any fact or episode involving himself without embellishing them and indeed in some cases entirely inventing them."[191]

It is significant that Aldington was a colonialist, arguing that the French colonial administration of Syria (strongly resisted by Lawrence) had benefited that country[192] and that Arabia's peoples were "far enough advanced for some government though not for complete self-government."[193] He was also a Francophile, railing against Lawrence's "Francophobia, a hatred and an envy so irrational, so irresponsible and so unscrupulous that it is fair to say his attitude towards Syria was determined more by hatred of France than by devotion to the 'Arabs' - a convenient propaganda word which grouped many disharmonious and even mutually hostile tribes and peoples."[194]

Prior to the publication of Aldington's book, its contents became known in London's literary community. A group Aldington and some subsequent authors referred to as "The Lawrence Bureau"[195], led by B. H. Liddell Hart[196] tried energetically, starting in 1954, to have the book suppressed.[197] That effort having failed, Liddell Hart prepared and distributed hundreds of copies of Aldington's 'Lawrence': His Charges--and Treatment of the Evidence, a 7-page single-spaced document.[198] This worked: Aldington's book received many extremely negative and even abusive reviews, with strong evidence that some reviewers had read Liddell's rebuttal but not Aldington's book.[199]

Aldington wrote that Lawrence embellished many stories and invented others, and in particular that his claims involving numbers were usually inflated - for example claims of having read 50,000 books in the Oxford Union library, of having blown up 79 bridges, of having had a price of £50,000 on his head, and of having suffered 60 or more injuries. Many of Aldington's specific claims against Lawrence have been accepted by subsequent biographers. In Richard Aldington and Lawrence of Arabia: A Cautionary Tale, Fred D. Crawford writes "Much that shocked in 1955 is now standard knowledge--that TEL was illegitimate, that this profoundly troubled him, that he frequently resented his mother's dominance, that such reminiscences as T.E. Lawrence by His Friends are not reliable, that TEL's leg-pulling and other adolescent traits could be offensive, that TEL took liberties with the truth in his official reports and Seven Pillars, that the significance of his exploits during the Arab Revolt was more political than military, that he contributed to his own myth, that when he vetted the books by Graves and Liddell he let remain much that he knew was untrue, and that his feelings about publicity were ambiguous."[200]

This has not prevented most post-Aldington biographers (including Fred D. Crawford, who studied the Aldington claims intensely) from expressing strong admiration for Lawrence’s military, political, and writing achievements.

Awards and commemorations

Image
Eric Kennington's bust of Lawrence at St Paul's Cathedral

Image
The head of Lawrence's effigy in St Martin's Church, Wareham

Lawrence was appointed a Companion of the Order of the Bath on 7 August 1917,[1] appointed a Companion of the Distinguished Service Order on 10 May 1918,[2] awarded the Knight of the Legion of Honour (France) on 30 May 1916[3] and awarded the Croix de guerre (France) on 16 April 1918.[4]

A bronze bust of Lawrence by Eric Kennington was placed in the crypt of St Paul's Cathedral, London, on 29 January 1936, alongside the tombs of Britain's greatest military leaders.[201] A recumbent stone effigy by Kennington was installed in St Martin's Church, Wareham, Dorset, in 1939.[202][203]

An English Heritage blue plaque marks Lawrence's childhood home at 2 Polstead Road, Oxford, and another appears on his London home at 14 Barton Street, Westminster.[204][205] Lawrence appears on the album cover of Sgt. Pepper's Lonely Hearts Club Band by The Beatles. In 2002, Lawrence was named 53rd in the BBC's list of the 100 Greatest Britons following a UK-wide vote.[206]

In popular culture

Film


·         Alexander Korda bought the film rights to The Seven Pillars in the 1930s. The production was in development, with various actors cast as the lead, such as Leslie Howard.[207]
·         Peter O'Toole was nominated for an Academy Award for Best Actor for his portrayal of Lawrence in the 1962 film Lawrence of Arabia.[208]
·         Lawrence portrayed by Robert Pattinson in the 2014 biographical drama about Gertrude Bell, Queen of the Desert.[209]
·         Peter O'Toole's portrayal of Lawrence inspired behavioural affectations in the synthetic model called David, portrayed by Michael Fassbender in the 2012 film Prometheus, and in the 2017 sequel Alien: Covenant, part of the Alien franchise.[210]

Literature

·         T.E. Lawrence is a 1980 manga by Tomoko Kousaka, which retells the story of Lawrence and his participation in the Arab Revolt.[211]
·         The T.E. Lawrence Poems was published by Canadian poet Gwendolyn MacEwen in 1982.[212]. The poems rely heavily, and quote directly from, primary material including Seven Pillars and the collected letters.

Television

·         He was portrayed by Judson Scott in the 1982 TV series Voyagers![213]
·         Ralph Fiennes portrayed Lawrence in the 1992 British made-for-TV movie A Dangerous Man: Lawrence After Arabia.[214]
·         Joseph A. Bennett and Douglas Henshall portrayed him in the 1992 TV series The Young Indiana Jones Chronicles.[215]
·         He was also portrayed in a Syrian series, directed by Thaer Mousa, called Lawrence Al Arab. The series consisted of 37 episodes, each between 45 minutes and one hour in length.[216]

Theatre

·         Lawrence was the subject of Terence Rattigan's controversial play Ross, which explored Lawrence's alleged homosexuality. Ross ran in London in 1960–61, starring Alec Guinness, who was an admirer of Lawrence, and Gerald Harper as his blackmailer, Dickinson. The play had originally been written as a screenplay, but the planned film was never made. In January 1986 at the Theatre Royal, Plymouth, on the opening night of the revival of Ross, Marc Sinden, who was playing Dickinson (the man who recognised and blackmailed Lawrence, played by Simon Ward), was introduced to the man on whom the character of Dickinson was based. Sinden asked him why he had blackmailed Ross, and he replied, "Oh, for the money. I was financially embarrassed at the time and needed to get up to London to see a girlfriend. It was never meant to be a big thing, but a good friend of mine was very close to Terence Rattigan and years later, the silly devil told him the story."[217]
·         Alan Bennett's Forty Years On (1968) includes a satire on Lawrence; known as "Tee Hee Lawrence" because of his high-pitched, girlish giggle. "Clad in the magnificent white silk robes of an Arab prince ... he hoped to pass unnoticed through London. Alas he was mistaken."[218]
·         The character of Private Napoleon Meek in George Bernard Shaw's 1931 play Too True to Be Good was inspired by Lawrence. Meek is depicted as thoroughly conversant with the language and lifestyle of the native tribes. He repeatedly enlists with the army, quitting whenever offered a promotion. Lawrence attended a performance of the play's original Worcestershire run, and reportedly signed autographs for patrons attending the show.[219]
·         Lawrence's first year back at Oxford after the War to write was portrayed by Tom Rooney in a play, The Oxford Roof Climbers Rebellion, written by Canadian playwright Stephen Massicotte (premiered Toronto 2006). The play explores Lawrence's reactions to war, and his friendship with Robert Graves. Urban Stages presented the American premiere in New York City in October 2007; Lawrence was portrayed by actor Dylan Chalfy.[220]
·         Lawrence's final years are portrayed in a one-man show by Raymond Sargent, The Warrior and the Poet.[221]
·         His 1922 retreat from public life forms the subject of Howard Brenton's play Lawrence After Arabia, commissioned for a 2016 premiere at the Hampstead Theatre to mark the centenary of the outbreak of the Arab Revolt.[222]
·         A highly fictionalised version of Lawrence featured in the 2016 Swedish-language comedic play Lawrence i Mumiedalen.[223]

See also

·         Hashemite
·         Kingdom of Iraq
·         Lawrence of Arabia: The Authorised Biography of T. E. Lawrence
·         The Adventures of Young Indiana Jones (1992–1993)
·         Suleiman Mousa

References

Citations


1.      "No. 30222". The London Gazette (Supplement). 7 August 1917. p. 8103.
2.       "No. 30681". The London Gazette (Supplement). 10 May 1918. p. 5694.
3.        "No. 29600". The London Gazette. 30 May 1916. p. 5321.
4.       "No. 30638". The London Gazette (Supplement). 16 April 1918. p. 4716.
5.       Benson-Gyles, Dick (2016). The Boy in the Mask: The Hidden World of Lawrence of Arabia. The Lilliput Press.
6.       Aldington, 1955, p. 25.
7.       Alan Axelrod (2009). Little-Known Wars of Great and Lasting Impact. Fair Winds, 2009. p. 237. ISBN 9781616734619. Retrieved 1 May 2011.
8.       David Barnes (2005). The Companion Guide to Wales. Companion Guides, 2005. p. 280. ISBN 9781900639439. Retrieved 1 May 2011.
9.       "Snowdon Lodge". Retrieved 17 April 2017.
10.      Mack, 1976, p. 5.
11.      Aldington, 1955, p. 19.
12.      "T. E. Lawrence Studies". Telstudies.org. 13 May 1935. Retrieved 17 March 2020.
13.      Wilson, 1989, Appendix 1.
14.      Mack, 1976, p. 9.
15.      Mack, 1976, p. 6.
16.      Wilson, 1989, p. 22.
17.      Wilson, 1989, p. 24.
18.     Wilson, Jeremy (2 December 2011). "T. E. Lawrence: from dream to legend". T.E. Lawrence Studies. Retrieved 25 October 2016.
19.      Wilson 1989, p. 24.
20.      Mack, 1976, p. 22.
21.      "Brief history of the City of Oxford High School for Boys, George Street". University of Oxford Faculty of History. Archived from the original on 18 April 2012. Retrieved 25 June 2008.
22.      Aldington, 1955, p. 53.
23.      "T. E. Lawrence Studies". Telawrence.info. Archived from the original on 29 September 2011. Retrieved 9 September 2012.
24.      Wilson, 1989, p. 33, in note 34 Wilson discusses a painting in Lawrence's possession at the time of his death which appears to show him as a boy in RGA uniform.
25.     Beeson, C.F.C.; Simcock, A.V. (1989) [1962]. Clockmaking in Oxfordshire 1400–1850 (3rd ed.). Oxford: Museum of the History of Science. p. 3. ISBN 978-0-903364-06-5.
26.      Larès, Maurice "T.E. Lawrence and France: Friends or Foes?" pages 220–242 from The T.E. Lawrence Puzzle edited by Stephen Tabachnick, Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984 page 222.
27.      Wilson, 1989, p. 42.
28.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 45–51.
29.      Penaud, 2007.
30.      Wilson, 1989 pp. 57–61.
31.      Wilson, 1989, p. 67.
32.      Allen, Malcolm Dennis (1 November 2010). The Medievalism of Lawrence of Arabia. Penn State Press, 1991. p. 29. ISBN 978-0271040608. Retrieved 1 May 2011.
33.      Allen, M.D. "Lawrence's Medievalism" pages 53–70 from The T.E. Lawrence Puzzle edited by Stephen Tabachnick, Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984 page 53.
34.      Wilson, 1989, p. 70.
35.      Wilson, p. 73.
36.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 76–77.
37.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 76–134.
38.      "T. E. Lawrence letters, 1927". Archived from the original on 11 February 2012.
39.      Wilson, 1989, p. 88.
40.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 99–100.
41.      Wilson, 1989, p. 136. Lawrence wrote to his parents "We are obviously only meant as red herrings to give an archaeological colour to a political job."
42.      "Internet Archive Wayback Machine". 18 October 2006. Archived from the original on 18 October 2006. Retrieved 9 September 2012.
43.      "Adventure in the desert on the trail of Lawrence of Arabia". The Telegraph. 24 October 2016. Retrieved 19 January 2020.
44.      Korda, 2010, p. 251.
45.      Wilson, 1989, p. 166.
46.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 152, 154.
47.      Wilson, 1989, p. 158.
48.      Wilson, 1989, p. 199.
49.      Wilson, 1989, p. 195.
50.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 169–170.
51.      Wilson, 1989, p. 161.
52.     Wilson, 1989, p. 189.
53.      Wilson, 1989, p. 188.
54.      Wilson, 1989, p. 181.
55.      Wilson, 1989, p. 186.
56.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 211–212.
57.      McMahon, Henry; bin Ali, Hussein (1939), Cmd.5957; Correspondence between Sir Henry McMahon, G.C.M.G., His Majesty's High Commissioner at. Cairo and the Sherif Hussein of Mecca, July, 1915-March, 1916 (with map) (PDF), HMG
58.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 256–276.
59.      Wilson, 1989, p. 313. In note 24, Wilson argues that Lawrence must have known about Sykes-Picot prior to his relationship with Faisal, contrary to a later statement.
60.      Wilson, 1989, p. 300.
61.      Wilson, 1989, p. 302.
62.      Wilson, pp. 307–311.
63.      Wilson, 1989, p. 312.
64.      Wilson, p. 321.
65.      Wilson, 1989, p. 323.
66.      Wilson, 1989, p. 347. Also see note 43, where the origin of the repositioning idea is examined closely.
67.      Wilson, 1989, p. 358.
68.      Wilson, 1989, p. 348
69.      Wilson, 1989, p. 388.
70.      Alleyne, Richard (30 July 2010). "Garland of Arabia: the forgotten story of TE Lawrence's brother-in-arms". The Daily Telegraph. Retrieved 29 March 2014.
71.      Wilson, 1989, p. 412
72.      Wilson, 1989, p. 416.
73.      Wilson, 1989, p. 446.
74.      Wilson, 1989, p. 448.
75.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 455–457.
76.      Mack, 1976, pp. 158, 161.
77.      Lawrence, 7 Pillars (1922), pp. 537–546.
78.      Wilson, 1989, p. 495.
79.      Wilson, 1989, p. 498.
80.      Wilson, 1989, p. 546.
81.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 556–557.
82.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 424–425.
83.      Wilson, 1989, p. 491.
84.      Wilson, 1918, p. 479.
85.      Morsey, Konrad "T.E. Lawrence: Strategist" pages 185–203 from The T.E. Lawrence Puzzle edited by Stephen Tabachnick, Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984 page 194.
86.      Wilson, 1989, p. 353.
87.       Murphy, David (2008). "The Arab Revolt 1916–1918", London: Osprey, 2008 page 36.
88.      Wilson, 1989, p. 329 describes a very early argument for letting the Ottomans stay in Medina in a November 1916 letter from Clayton.
89.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 383–384 describes Lawrence's arrival at this conclusion. However, Aldington 1955 disagrees strongly with the value of the strategy, p. 178.
90.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 361–362 argues that Lawrence knew the details and briefed Faisal in February 1917.
91.      Wilson, 1989, p. 444. shows Lawrence definitely knew of Sykes-Picot in September 1917.
92.      Wilson, 1989, p. 309.
93.      Wilson, 1989, pp. 390–391.
94.      "The bombardment of Akaba." The Naval Review. Volume IV. 1916. pp. 101–103
95.      "Egyptian Expeditionary Force". Operations in the Gulf of Akaba, Red Sea HMS Raven II. July—August 1916. National Archives, Kew London. File: AIR 1 /2284/ 209/75/8.
96.      "Naval Operation in the Red Sea 1916—1917". The Naval Review, Volume XIII, no.4 (1925). pp. 648–666.
97.      Graves, 1934, p. 161. "Akaba was so strongly protected by the hills, elaborately fortified for miles back, that if a landing were attempted from the sea a small Turkish force could hold up a whole Allied division in the defiles."
98.      Wilson, 1989, p. 400.
99.      Wilson, 1989, p. 397.
100.     Wilson, 1989, p. 406.
101.     "Strategist of the Desert Dies in Military Hospital". The Guardian. Retrieved 16 August 2012
102.     Letter to W.F. Stirling, Deputy Chief Political Officer, Cairo, 28 June 1919, in Brown, 1988.
103.     Mack, 1976.
104.     Day, Elizabeth (14 May 2006). "Lawrence of Arabia 'made up' sex attack by Turk troops". The Daily Telegraph.
105.     Barr, James. Setting the Desert on Fire: T. E. Lawrence and Britain's Secret War in Arabia 1916–1918.
106.     Wilson, 1989, note 49 to Chapter 21.
107.     Lawrence, T. E. (1935). Seven Pillars of Wisdom, Jonathan Cape, p. 447
108.     Barker, A (1998). "The Allies Enter Damascus". History Today. 48.
109.     Eliezer Tauber. The Formation of Modern Syria and Iraq. Frank Cass and Co. Ltd. Portland, Oregon. 1995.
110.     Rory Stewart (presenter) (23 January 2010). The Legacy of Lawrence of Arabia. 2. BBC.
111.     Asher, 1998, p. 343.
112.     "Newsletter: Friends of the Protestant Cemetery" (PDF). protestantcemetery.it. Rome. 2008. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 March 2012.
113.     RID Marzo 2012, Storia dell'Handley Page type 0
114.     "UK – Lawrence's Mid-East map on show". 11 October 2005.
115.    Hall, Rex (1975). The Desert Hath Pearls. Melbourne: Hawthorn Press. pp. 120–121.
116.      Murphy, David The Arab Revolt 1916–18, London: Osprey, 2008, page 86
117.     Aldington, 1955, p. 283
118.     Aldington, 1955, p. 284.
119.     Aldington, 1955, p. 108.
120.     Aldington, 1955, pp. 293, 295.
121.     Korda, 2010, pp. 513, 515.
122.     Klieman, Aaron "Lawrence as a Bureaucrat" pages 243–268 from The T.E. Lawrence Puzzle edited by Stephen Tabachnick, Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984 page 253.
123.     Korda, 2010, p. 519.
124.     Korda, 2010, p. 505.
125.     Larès, Maurice "T.E. Lawrence and France: Friends or Foes?" pages 220–242 from The T.E. Lawrence Puzzle edited by Stephen Tabachnick, Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984 page 224 & 236–237.
126.     Larès, Maurice "T.E. Lawrence and France: Friends or Foes?" pages 220–242 from The T.E. Lawrence Puzzle edited by Stephen Tabachnick, Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984 page 236.
127.     Biography of Johns, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
128.     Orlans, 2002, p. 55.
129.     Korda, 2020, p. 577.
130.     "T. E. Lawrence". London Borough of Hillingdon. 23 October 2007. Archived from the original on 4 November 2013. Retrieved 12 September 2010.
131.     Sydney Smith, Clare (1940). The Golden Reign – The story of my friendship with Lawrence of Arabia. London: Cassell & Company. p. 16.
132.     Korda, 2010, pp. 620, 631.
133.     "Report Lawrence now a Muslim Saint, Spying on the Bolshevist Agents in India". The New York Times. 27 September 1928. p. 1.
134.     "Pole Hill". T.E. Lawrence Society. Retrieved 19 January 2020.
135.     "On this day in 1935: The death of Lawrence of Arabia". The Telegraph. Retrieved 19 January2020.
136.     Crompton, Teresa (2020). Adventuress, the Life and Loves of Lucy, Lady Houston. The History Press. p. 193.
137.     Beauforte-Greenwood, W. E. G. "Notes on the introduction to the RAF of high-speed craft". T. E. Lawrence Studies. Retrieved 11 April 2011.
138.     Korda, 2010, p. 642.
139.     Erwin Tragatsch (ed.) (1979). The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Motorcycles. New Burlington Books. p. 95. ISBN 978-0-906286-07-4.
140.     "Lawrence of Arabia". Retrieved 21 October 2013.
141.     Brough Superior Club> Archived 3 October 2011 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 5 May 2008]
142.     "Lawrence of Arabia? We're more into the Taliban now". London Evening Standard. 25 February 2013. Retrieved 20 July 2019.
143.     Walter F. Oakeshott (1963). "The Finding of the Manuscript," Essays on Malory, J. A. W. Bennett, ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 93: 1—6).
144.     "T. E. Lawrence, To Arabia and back". BBC. Retrieved 24 August 2013.
145.     "Dorset". T.E. Lawrence Society. Retrieved 18 January 2020.
146.     "Lawrence of Arabia, Sir Hugh Cairns, and the Origin of Motor... : Neurosurgery". LWW.[permanent dead link]
147.     Kerrigan, Michael (1998). Who Lies Where – A guide to famous graves. London: Fourth Estate Limited. p. 51. ISBN 978-1-85702-258-2.
148.     Wilson, Scott. Resting Places: The Burial Sites of More Than 14,000 Famous Persons, 3d ed.: 2. McFarland & Company (2016) ISBN 0786479922
149.     Moffat, W. "A Great Unrecorded History: A New Life of E. M. Forster", p.240
150.     T. E. Lawrence (2000). Jeremy and Nicole Wilson (ed.). Correspondence with Bernard and Charlotte Shaw, 1922–1926. 1. Castle Hill Press. Foreword by Jeremy Wilson.
151.     Korda, 2010, p. 137.
152.     Orlans, 2002, p. 132.
153.     "Found: Lawrence of Arabia's lost text". The Independent. 13 April 1997. Retrieved 18 January2020.
154.     Asher, 1998, p. 259.
155.     Graves, 1928, ch. 30.
156.     Mack, 1976, p. 323.
157.     Grand Strategies; Literature, Statecraft, and World Order, Yale University Press, 2010, p. 8.
158.     "T. E. Lawrence to D. G. Hogarth". T.E. Lawrence Society. 7 April 1927. Retrieved 19 January 2020.
159.     Norman, Andrew (2014). T.E.Lawrence: Tormented Hero. Fonthill Media. ISBN 978-1781550199.
160.     Doubleday, Doran & Co, New York, 1936; rprnt Penguin, Harmondsworth,1984 ISBN 0-14-004505-8
161.     Lawrence, T.E. (1955). The Mint, by 352087 A/c Ross A Day-book of the R.A.F. Depot between August and December 1922. Jonathan Cape.
162.     Orlans, 2002, p. 134.
163.    "Seven Pillars of Wisdom Fund". Research.britishmuseum.org. British Museum. Retrieved 19 January 2020.
164.     Charity Commission. Seven Pillars Of Wisdom Trust, registered charity no. 208669.
165.     "British copyright law and T. E. Lawrence's writings". T.E. Lawrence Society. Retrieved 19 January2020.
166.     "Castle Hill Press". www.castlehillpress.com.
167.     Lawrence, T. E. "Guerilla Warfare". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 29 November 2015.
168.     "EOS". www3.lib.uchicago.edu.
169.     The Sunday Times pieces appeared on 9, 16, 23, and 30 June 1968, and were based mostly on the narrative of John Bruce.
170.     E.H.R. Altounyan in Lawrence, A. W., 1937.
171.     Knightley and Simpson, 1970, p. 29
172.     Brown, 1988, letters to E. M. Forster (21 Dec 1927), Robert Graves (6 Nov 1928), F. L. Lucas (26 March 1929).
173.    C. Leonard Woolley in A. W. Lawrence, 1937, p. 89
174.     Wilson, 1989, chapter 32.
175.     Wilson, 1989, chapter 27.
176.     Yagitani, Ryoko. "An 'S.A.' Mystery".
177.     Benson-Gyles, Dick (2016). The Boy in the Mask: The Hidden World of Lawrence of Arabia. The Lilliput Press. Benson-Gyles argues for Farida Al-Akle, a Syrian woman from Byblos (now in Lebanon) who taught Arabic to Lawrence prior to his architectural career.
178.     Korda, 2010, p. p. 498.
179.     Letter to Charlotte Shaw in Mack, 1976, p. 425.
180.     Lawrence, T. E. (1935). "Book VIII, Chapter XCII". Seven Pillars of Wisdom. pp. 508–509. The passage in the front matter is referred to with the single-word tag "Sex".
181.     Lawrence, T. E. "Introduction, Chapter 1" (PDF). Seven Pillars of Wisdom.
182.     Knightley and Simpson, 1970, p. 221.
183.     Simpson, Colin; Knightley, Phillip (June 1968). "John Bruce (the pieces appeared on the 9th, 16th, 23rd, and 30th of June, and were based mostly on the narrative of John Bruce)". Sunday Times.
184.     Knightley and Simpson, p. 29
185.     Wilon, 1989, chapter 34.
186.     Meyers, Jeffery "Lawrence: The Mechanical Monk" pages 124–136 from The T. E. Lawrence Puzzleedited by Stephen Tabachnick, Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984 page 134.
187.     Mack, 1976, p. 420.
188.     Mack, 1976, p. 33.
189.     Lawrence, T. E. (1997). Seven Pillars of Wisdom (Wordsworth Classics of World Literature). Wordswroth. pp. vi, vii. ISBN 978-1853264696. Introduction by Angus Calder, who says that returning soldiers often feel intense guilt at having survived when others did not, even to the point of self-harm.
190.     Aldington, 1955, p. 13
191.     Aldington, 1955, p. 27.
192.     Aldington, 1955, p. 266-67
193.     Aldington, 1955, p. 253.
194.     Aldington, 1955, p. 134.
195.     Aldington, 1955, pp. 25-26.
196.     Crawford, 1998, p. 66
197.     "T.E. Lawrence Issue Rallies His Friends". New York Times. 15 February 1954. Retrieved 21 July2020.
198.     Crawford, 1998, p. 119.
199.     Crawford, 1998, pp. xii, 120.
200.     Crawford, 1998, p. 174.
201.     David Murphy (2008). "The Arab Revolt 1916–18: Lawrence sets Arabia ablaze". p. 86. Osprey Publishing, 2008
202.     "Dorset's oldest church". BBC. 5 August 2012.
203.     Knowles, Richard (1991). "Tale of an 'Arabian knight': the T. E. Lawrence effigy". Church Monuments. 6: 67–76.
204.     "This house was the home of T. E. Lawrence (Lawrence of Arabia) from 1896–1921". Open Plaques. Retrieved 5 August 2012
205.     "T. E. Lawrence "Lawrence of Arabia" 1888–1935 lived here. Open Plaques. Retrieved 5 August 2012
206.     Matt Wells, media correspondent. "The 100 greatest Britons: lots of pop, not so much circumstance | Media". The Guardian. Retrieved 20 April 2020.
207.     "PICTURES AND PERSONALITIES". The Mercury. Hobart, Tas. 15 June 1935. p. 13. Retrieved 7 July 2012.
208.     T. E. Lawrence on IMDb
209.     T. E. Lawrence on IMDb
210.     McGurk, Stuart (12 May 2017). "Alien: Covenant is great – but the aliens are the worst thing about it". GQ. Retrieved 17 October 2017.
211.     "Baka-Updates Manga – T.E. Lawrence". www.mangaupdates.com.
212.     Jessop, Paula. "Gwendolyn MacEwen". The Canadian Encyclopedia. Retrieved 17 July 2020.
213.     T. E. Lawrence on IMDb
214.     A Dangerous Man: Lawrence After Arabia on IMDb
215.     The Young Indiana Jones Chronicles on IMDb
216.     "Istikana – Lawrence Alarab... Al-Khdi3a – Episode 1". Istikana.
217.     Western Morning News 1986
218.     Gaisford, Sue (6 August 2000). ""Nearly 40 years on and Bennett is having another attack of nostalgia"". The Sunday Times.
219.     Korda, 2010, pp. 670–671.
220.     Massicotte, Stephen (2007). Oxford Roof Climber's Rebellion Paperback. Theatre Communications Group – Playwrights Canada Press. ISBN 978-0887544996.
221.     ""The Warrior and The Poet"". Raymondsargent.com. Retrieved 8 January 2020.
222.     "Book theatre tickets at Chichester". 25 November 2018.
223.     "Linköpings Studentspex: Lawrence i Mumiedalen". 21 July 2019.

Sources

·         Aldington, Richard (1955). Lawrence of Arabia: A Biographical Enquiry. London: Collins. ISBN 978-1122222594.
·         Anderson, Scott (2013). Lawrence in Arabia: War, Deceit, Imperial Folly and the Making of the Modern Middle East. Doubleday. ISBN 978-0-385-53292-1.
·         Armitage, Flora (1955). The Desert and the Stars: a Biography of Lawrence of Arabia. illustrated with photographs, New York, Henry Holt and Company. ISBN 9780000005779.
·         Asher, Michael (1998). Lawrence. The Uncrowned King of Arabia. Viking.
·         Brown, Malcolm; Cave, Julia (1988). A Touch of Genius: The Life of T. E. Lawrence. London, J. M. Brent.
·         Brown, Malcolm (2005). Lawrence of Arabia: the Life, the Legend. London, Thames & Hudson: [In association with] Imperial War Museum. ISBN 978-0-500-51238-8.
·         Brown, Malcolm (1988). The Letters of T. E. Lawrence.
·         Brown, ed., Malcolm (2005). Lawrence of Arabia: The Selected Letters. London.
·         Carchidi, Victoria K. (1987). Creation Out of the Void: the Making of a Hero, an Epic, a world: T. E. Lawrence. U. Pennsylvania, Ann Arbor, MI University Microfilms International.
·         Ciampaglia, Giuseppe (2010). Quando Lawrence d'Arabia passò per Roma rompendosi l'osso del collo. Roma: Strenna dei Romanisti, Roma Amor edit.
·         Crawford, Fred D. (1998). Aldington and Lawrence of Arabia: A Cautionary Tale. Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press. ISBN 0-8093-2166-1.
·         Graves, Richard Perceval (1976). Lawrence of Arabia and His World. Thames & Hudson. ISBN 978-0500130544.
·         Graves, Robert (1934). Lawrence and the Arabs. London: Jonathan Cape.
·         Graves, Robert (1928). Lawrence and the Arabian Adventure. New York: Doubleday, Doran.
·         Hoffman, George Amin. T. E. Lawrence (Lawrence of Arabia) and the M1911.[permanent dead link]
·         Hulsman, John C. (2009). To Begin the World over Again: Lawrence of Arabia from Damascus to Baghdad. New York, Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-61742-1.
·         Hyde, H. Montgomery (1977). Solitary in the Ranks: Lawrence of Arabia as Airman and Private Soldier. London, Constable. ISBN 978-0-09-462070-4.
·         James, Lawrence (2008). The Golden Warrior: The Life and Legend of Lawrence of Arabia. Skyhorse Publishing, New York. ISBN 978-1-60239-354-7.
·         Knightley, Phillip; Simpson, Colin (1970). The Secret Lives of Lawrence of Arabia. McGraw-Hill. ISBN 978-1299177192.
·         Korda, Michael (2010). Hero: The Life and Legend of Lawrence of Arabia. Harper. ISBN 978-0-06-171261-6.
·         Lawrence, A. W. (1967) [1937]. T. E. Lawrence by His Friends: insights about Lawrence by those who knew him. Doubleday Doran.
·         Lawrence, M.R. (1954). The Home Letters of T E Lawrence and his Brothers. Oxford.
·         Lawrence, T. E. (1926). Seven Pillars of Wisdom (1926 Subscribers' Edition). ISBN 978-0-385-41895-9.
·         Lawrence, T. E. (1935). Seven Pillars of Wisdom (1935 Doubleday Edition). ISBN 978-0-385-07015-7.
·         Lawrence, T. E. (2003). Seven Pillars of Wisdom: The Complete 1922 Text). ISBN 978-1-873141-39-7.
·         Leclerc, C (1998). Avec T E Lawrence en Arabie, La Mission militaire francaise au Hedjaz 1916–1920. Paris.
·         Leigh, Bruce (2014). T. E. Lawrence: Warrior and Scholar. Tattered Flag. ISBN 978-0954311575.
·         Mack, John E. (1976). A Prince of Our Disorder: The Life of T. E. Lawrence. Boston, Little, Brown. ISBN 978-0-316-54232-6.
·         Marriott, Paul; Argent, Yvonne (1998). The Last Days of T E Lawrence: A Leaf in the Wind. The Alpha Press. ISBN 978-1898595229.
·         Meulenjizer, V (1938). Le Colonel Lawrence, agent de l'Intelligence Service. Brussels.
·         Meyer, Karl E.; Brysac, Shareen Blair (2008). Kingmakers: the Invention of the Modern Middle East. New York, London, W. W. Norton. ISBN 978-0-393-06199-4.
·         Mousa, Suleiman (1966). T. E. Lawrence: An Arab View. London, Oxford University Press.
·         Norman, Andrew (2014). Lawrence of Arabia and Clouds Hill. Halsgrove. ISBN 978-0857042477.
·         Norman, Andrew (2014). T. E. Lawrence: Tormented Hero. Fonthill Media. ISBN 978-1781550199.
·         Nutting, Anthony (1961). Lawrence of Arabia: The Man and the Motive. London, Hollis & Carter.
·         Ocampo, Victoria (1963). 338171 T. E. (Lawrence of Arabia). London.
·         Orlans, Harold (2002). T. E. Lawrence: Biography of a Broken Hero. Jefferson, North Carolina, and London, McFarland. ISBN 978-0-7864-1307-2.
·         Paris, T.J. (September 1998). "British Middle East Policy-Making after the First World War: The Lawrentian and Wilsonian Schools". Historical Journal. 41 (3): 773–793. doi:10.1017/s0018246x98007997.
·         Penaud, Guy (2007). Le Tour de France de Lawrence d'Arabie (1908). Editions de La Lauze (Périgueux), France. ISBN 978-2-35249-024-1.
·         Rosen, Jacob (2011). "The Legacy of Lawrence and the New Arab Awakening" (PDF). Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs. V (3). Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 March 2016.
·         Sarindar, François (2011). "La vie rêvée de Lawrence d'Arabie: Qantara". Institut du Monde Arabe (in French). Paris, France (80): 7–9.
·         Sarindar, François (2010). Lawrence d'Arabie. Thomas Edward, cet inconnu. Editions L'Harmattan, collection ″Comprendre le Moyen-Orient″ (Paris), France. ISBN 978-2-296-11677-1.
·         Sattin, Anthony (2014). Young Lawrence: A Portrait of the Legend of a Young Man. John Murray. ISBN 978-1848549128.
·         Simpson, Andrew R.B. (2008). Another Life: Lawrence after Arabia. The History Press. ISBN 978-1-86227-464-8.
·         Stang, ed., Charles M. (2002). The Waking Dream of T. E. Lawrence: Essays on His Life, Literature, and Legacy. Palgrave Macmillan.
·         Stewart, Desmond (1977). T. E. Lawrence. New York, Harper & Row Publishers.
·         Storrs, Ronald (1940). Lawrence of Arabia, Zionism and Palestine.
·         Thomas, Lowell (2014) [1924]. With Lawrence in Arabia. Nabu Press. ISBN 978-1295830251.
·         Wilson, Jeremy (1989). Lawrence of Arabia: The Authorised Biography of T. E. Lawrence. ISBN 978-0-689-11934-7.

External links

·         Works by T. E. (Thomas Edward) Lawrence at Faded Page (Canada)
·         Footage of Lawrence of Arabia with publisher FN Doubleday and at a picnic
·         Lawrence of Arabia: The Battle for the Arab World, directed by James Hawes. PBS Home Video, 21 October 2003. (ASIN B0000BWVND)
·         T. E. Lawrence Studies, maintained by Lawrence's authorised biographer Jeremy Wilson
·         The T. E. Lawrence Society
·         T. E. Lawrence's Original Letters on Palestine Shapell Manuscript Foundation
·         Works by T. E. Lawrence
·         Works by or about T. E. Lawrence at Internet Archive
·         T. E. Lawrence's Collection at The University of Texas at Austin's Harry Ransom Center
·         The Guardian 19 May 1935 – The death of Lawrence of Arabia
·         The Legend of Lawrence of Arabia: The Recalcitrant Hero
·         "Creating History: Lowell Thomas and Lawrence of Arabia" online history exhibit at Clio Visualizing History.
·         T. E. Lawrence: The Enigmatic Lawrence of Arabia article by O'Brien Browne
·         Lawrence of Arabia: True and false (an Arab view) by Lucy Ladikoff
·         Europeana Collections 1914–1918 makes 425,000 World War I items from European libraries available online, including manuscripts, photographs and diaries by or relating to Lawrence
·         T. E. Lawrence's Personal Manuscripts and Letters
·         Newspaper clippings about T. E. Lawrence in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW
·         T. E. Lawrence at Find a Grave
 
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Thu Jul 23, 2020 7:46 am

xx
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

PreviousNext

Return to Articles & Essays

Who is online

Users browsing this forum: No registered users and 15 guests

cron