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Sylvia Pankhurst
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Sylvia Pankhurst
Sylvia Pankhurst (1909)
Born: Estelle Sylvia Pankhurst, 5 May 1882. Old Trafford, Manchester, England
Died: 27 September 1960 (aged 78), Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Burial place: Holy Trinity Cathedral, Addis Ababa
Alma mater: Manchester School of Art; Royal College of Art
Occupation: Political activist, writer, artist
Partner(s): Silvio Corio
Children: Richard Pankhurst
Parent(s): Richard Pankhurst; Emmeline Goulden
Relatives: Christabel Pankhurst (sister); Adela Pankhurst (sister); Helen Pankhurst (granddaughter); Alula Pankhurst (grandson)

Estelle Sylvia Pankhurst (5 May 1882 – 27 September 1960) was an English campaigner for the suffrage and suffragette movement, a socialist and later a prominent left communist and later an activist in the cause of anti-fascism. She spent much of her later life campaigning on behalf of Ethiopia, where she eventually moved.

Early life

Estelle Sylvia Pankhurst (she later dropped her first forename) was born at Drayton Terrace, Old Trafford, Manchester, a daughter of Richard Pankhurst and Emmeline Pankhurst, who both later became founding members of the Independent Labour Party and were much concerned with women's rights.[1] Sylvia and her sisters, Christabel and Adela, attended Manchester High School for Girls, and all three became suffragists.

Sylvia Pankhurst trained as an artist at the Manchester School of Art, and, in 1900, won a scholarship to the Royal College of Art in South Kensington, London.[2]


Pankhurst protesting in Trafalgar Square, London, against British policy in India, 1932.

In 1906, Sylvia Pankhurst started to work full-time for the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) with her sister Christabel and their mother. She applied her artistic talents on behalf of the WSPU, devising its logo and various leaflets, banners, and posters as well as the decoration of its meeting halls.[3] In 1907 she toured industrial towns in England and Scotland, painting portraits of working-class women in their working environments.[4][5] She spent time in Leicester where she was welcomed by Alice Hawkins who she knew through the Independent Labour Party. They were soon joined by Mary Gawthorpe and they established a WSPU presence in Leicester.[6]

In contrast to Emmeline and Christabel, Sylvia retained an affiliation with the labour movement and concentrated her activity on local campaigning. She and Amy Bull founded the East London Federation of the WSPU.[7] Sylvia also contributed articles to the WSPU's newspaper, Votes for Women and, in 1911, she published a propagandist history of the WSPU's campaign, The Suffragette: The History of the Women's Militant Suffrage Movement.[8]

Like many suffragists she spent time in prison, being arrested 15 times while campaigning for the rights of women.[9] Sylvia was aged 24 when she went to prison for the first time. During the period between February 1913 and July 1914 Sylvia Pankhurst, was arrested eight times, each time being repeatedly force-fed. She gave several accounts of her experience of force feeding and time in prison. One such account was written for McClure's Magazine, a popular American periodical, in 1913.

Sylvia had been given a Hunger Strike Medal 'for Valour' by WSPU.

By 1914, Sylvia had many disagreements with the route the WSPU was taking, that is, campaigning by direct action without threat to life. It had become independent of any political party, but she wanted it to become an explicitly socialist organisation tackling wider issues than women's suffrage, and aligned with the Independent Labour Party. She had a close personal relationship with the Labour politician Keir Hardie. On 1 November 1913, Pankhurst showed her support in the Dublin Lockout and spoke at a meeting in London. The members of the WSPU, particularly her sister Christabel, did not agree with her actions, and consequently expelled her from the union.[10] Her expulsion led to her founding of the East London Federation of Suffragettes in 1914 which over the years evolved politically and changed its name accordingly, first to the Women's Suffrage Federation and then to the Workers' Socialist Federation. She founded the newspaper of the WSF, Women's Dreadnought, and employed Mary Phillips to write for it, this subsequently became the Workers' Dreadnought. The federation campaigned against the First World War and some of its members hid conscientious objectors from the police.[11]

First World War

Sylvia Pankhurst c. 1910.

During the First World War Sylvia Pankhurst was horrified to see her mother Emmeline and her sister Christabel become enthusiastic supporters of the war drive and campaign in favour of military conscription. She was opposed to the war, and was publicly attacked in the newly renamed WSPU newspaper Britannia.[12] Her organisation attempted to defend the interests of women in the poorer parts of London. It set up "cost-price" restaurants to feed the hungry without the taint of charity.[13] It also established a toy factory to give work to women who had become unemployed because of the war.[14] She and her comrades also worked to defend the right of soldiers' wives to decent allowances while their husbands were away, both practically, by setting up legal advice centres, and politically, by running campaigns to oblige the government to take into account the poverty of soldiers' wives.[13]

In 1915, Pankhurst gave her enthusiastic support to the International Women's Peace Congress, held at The Hague. This support lost her some of her allies at home and contrasted sharply with the stance of her sister Christabel, who, following the Russian Revolution of February 1917 and Alexander Kerensky's rise to power, journeyed to Russia to advocate against its withdrawal from the war.[15]


The WSF continued to move towards left-wing politics and hosted the inaugural meeting of the Communist Party (BSTI). Workers' Dreadnought published Sylvia Pankhurst's "A Constitution for British Soviets" to coincide with this meeting. In this article she highlighted the potential role of what she called Household Soviets – "In order that mothers and those who are organisers of the family life of the community may be adequately represented, and may take their due part in the management of society, a system of household Soviets shall be built up."[16]

The CP(BSTI) was opposed to parliamentarism, in contrast to the views of the newly founded British Socialist Party which formed the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in August 1920. The CP(BSTI) soon dissolved itself into the larger, official Communist Party, but this unity was short-lived. When the leadership of the CPGB proposed that Pankhurst hand over the Workers Dreadnought to the party she revolted. As a result, she was expelled from the CPGB and moved to found the short-lived Communist Workers Party.

By this time she was an adherent of left or council communism. She attended meetings of the Communist International in Russia and Amsterdam, and those of the Italian Socialist Party. She disagreed with Lenin on his advice to work with the British Labour Party and was supportive of "left communists" such as Anton Pannekoek.[citation needed]

Partner and son

Pankhurst objected to entering into a marriage contract and taking a husband's name. Near the end of the First World War she began living with Italian anarchist Silvio Corio[17] and moved to Woodford Green, where she lived for over 30 years — a blue plaque and Pankhurst Green opposite Woodford tube station commemorate her ties to the area. In 1927, at the age of 45, she gave birth to a son, Richard. As she refused to marry the child's father, her mother broke ties with her and did not speak to her again.[18] She went to the grave having refused to reveal the name of Richard's father indicating only that he was 53 and "and old dear friend whom I have loved for years."[9]

Supporter of Ethiopia

Pankhurst's grave

In the early 1930s Pankhurst drifted away from Communist politics but remained involved in movements connected with anti-fascism and anti-colonialism. In 1932 she was instrumental in the establishment of the Socialist Workers' National Health Council.[19] She responded to the Italian invasion of Ethiopia by publishing The New Times and Ethiopia News from 1936, and became a supporter of Haile Selassie. She raised funds for Ethiopia's first teaching hospital, and wrote extensively on Ethiopian art and culture, carrying out research that was published in her book Ethiopia: A Cultural History (London: Lalibela House, 1955).[20]

From 1936 MI5 monitored Pankhurst's correspondence.[21] In 1940 she wrote to Viscount Swinton, then chairing a committee investigating Fifth Columnists, and enclosed lists of active Fascists still at large and of anti-Fascists who had been interned. A copy of this letter on MI5's file carries a note in Swinton's hand reading: "I should think a most doubtful source of information."[21]

After the post-war liberation of Ethiopia she became a strong supporter of union between Ethiopia and the former Italian Somaliland, and MI5 continued to follow her activities. In 1948 MI5 considered strategies for "muzzling the tiresome Miss Sylvia Pankhurst". Pankhurst became a friend and adviser to the Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie, and in 1956 she moved to Addis Ababa with her son Richard at Haile Selassie's invitation. She then founded a monthly journal, Ethiopia Observer, in which she reported on many aspects of Ethiopian life and development.[22][23]


Pankhurst's writing was a significant influence on British documentary filmmaker Jill Craigie and her interest in the suffrage movement.[24]

Death and posthumous recognition

Pankhurst died in Addis Ababa in 1960, aged 78, and received a full state funeral at which Haile Selassie named her "an honorary Ethiopian". She is the only foreigner buried in front of Holy Trinity Cathedral in Addis Ababa, in a section reserved for patriots of the Italian war.[22]

Her name and picture (and those of 58 other women's suffrage supporters) are on the plinth of the statue of Millicent Fawcett in Parliament Square, London, unveiled in 2018[25][26][27] whilst a musical about her life entitled Sylvia premiered at the Old Vic in September the same year.


From an early age Sylvia had an ambition to become a "painter and draughtsman in the service of the great movements for social betterment".[28] She trained at Manchester School of Art (1900-02) and then the Royal College of Art in London (1904-6). As part of her work campaigning for the WSPU, for which she created designs for a range of banners, jewellery and graphic logos. Her motif of the 'angel of freedom', a trumpeting emblem had wider appeal across the campaign for women's suffrage, appearing on banners, political pamphlets, cups and saucers.[29]

Sylvia found it difficult to reconcile her artistic vocation with her political activities, eventually deciding that they were incompatible. She said: "Mothers came to me with their wasted little ones. I saw starvation look at me from patient eyes. I knew that I should never return to my art".[30] By 1912, she had all but abandoned her artistic career in order to concentrate on her political activism.[31]

Writings (selection)

• The Suffragette: The History of the Women’s Militant Suffrage Movement, London: Gay & Hancock (1911)
• The Home Front (1932; reissued 1987 by The Cresset Library) ISBN 0-09-172911-4
• Soviet Russia as I saw it, Workers' Dreadnought (16 April 1921)
• The Suffragette Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals (1931; reissued 1984 by Chatto & Windus)
• A Sylvia Pankhurst Reader, ed. by Kathryn Dodd, Manchester University Press (1993)
• Non-Leninist Marxism: Writings on the Workers Councils (includes Pankhurst's "Communism and its Tactics"), St. Petersburg, Florida: Red and Black Publishers (2007) ISBN 978-0-9791813-6-8
• Delphos or the Future of International Language (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co. (1920s)
• Education of the Masses, The Dreadnought Publishers, (1918)
• E. Sylvia Pankhurst - Portrait of a Radical, London: Yale University Press (1987)
Secondary literature[edit]
• Richard Pankhurst, Sylvia Pankhurst: Artist and Crusader, An Intimate Portrait (Virago Ltd, 1979), ISBN 0-448-22840-8
• Richard Pankhurst, Sylvia Pankhurst: Counsel for Ethiopia (Hollywood, CA: Tsehai, 2003) London: Global Publishing ISBN 0972317228
• Ian Bullock and Richard Pankhurst (eds) Sylvia Pankhurst. From Artist to Anti-Fascist(Macmillan, 1992) ISBN 0-333-54618-0
• Shirley Harrison, Sylvia Pankhurst, A Crusading Life 1882–1960 (Aurum Press, 2003) ISBN 1854109057
• Sylvia Pankhurst, The Rebellious Suffragette (Golden Guides Press Ltd, 2012) ISBN 1780950187
• Shirley Harrison, Sylvia Pankhurst, Citizen of the World (Hornbeam Publishing Ltd, 2009), ISBN 978-0-9553963-2-8
• Barbara Castle, Sylvia and Christabel Pankhurst (Penguin Books, 1987), ISBN 0-14-008761-3
• Martin Pugh, The Pankhursts: The History of One Radical Family (Penguin Books, 2002) ISBN 0099520435
• Patricia W. Romero, E. Sylvia Pankhurst. Portrait of a Radical (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1987) ISBN 0300036914
• Barbara Winslow, Sylvia Pankhurst: Sexual Politics and Political Activism (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996); ISBN 0-312-16268-5
• Katherine Connolly, Sylvia Pankhurst. Suffragette, Socialist and Scourge of Empire (Pluto Press, 2013); ISBN 9780745333229
• Katy Norris, Sylvia Pankhurst (Eiderdown Books, 2019); ISBN 978-1-9160416-0-8

See also

• Anti-Air War Memorial
• History of feminism
• List of suffragists and suffragettes
• Pankhurst Centre in Manchester
• Sylvia Pankhurst (artwork)
• Women's suffrage in the United Kingdom
• Patricia Lynch[32]


1. Simkin, John. "Sylvia Pankhurst". Spartacus. Spartacus Educational Ltd. Retrieved 3 March 2018.
2. "Pankhurst, (Estelle) Sylvia (1882–1960)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/37833. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
3. Winslow, Barbara Winslow (2008). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Women in World History. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 409.
4. Chambers, Emma. "Women Workers of England". Tate Gallery. Retrieved 3 March 2014.
5. "Acquisitions of the month: December 2018". Apollo Magazine. 11 January 2019.
6. Elizabeth Crawford (2 September 2003). The Women's Suffrage Movement: A Reference Guide 1866-1928. Routledge. pp. 281–. ISBN 978-1-135-43402-1.
7. Elizabeth Crawford, ‘Bull , Amy Maud (1877–1953)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 accessed 1 Jan 2017
8. Mercer, John (2007), "Writing and Re-Writing Suffrage History: Sylvia Pankhurst's 'The Suffragette'", Women's History Magazine
9. "Battler for Women's Rights Sylvia Pankhurst Dies at 78". Toronto Daily Star. 28 September 1960. p. 38.
10. Bell, Geoffrey (2016). "Sylvia Pankhurst and the Irish revolution". History Ireland. 24: 38–41.
11. Sylvia Pankhurst, accessed 29 February 2020
12. Edmund; Frow, Ruth (1994). The Battle of Bexley Square: Salford Unemployed Workers' Demonstration - 1st October 1931. Salford: Working Class Movement Library. ISBN 978-0-9523410-1-7.
13. The Pankhursts: Politics, protest and, accessed 29 February 2020
14. Sylvia Pankhurst and the East London Toy Factory 16 February 2019,, accessed 29 February 2020
15. Mary Davis, Sylvia Pankhurst: A Life in Radical Politics (Pluto Press, 1999); ISBN 0-7453-1518-6
16. Workers' Dreadnought, Vol. VII, No. 13, 19 June 1920.
17. "Corio, Silvio (1875-1954) aka Crastinus, Qualunque". 31 January 2013. Retrieved 28 February 2020.
18. Moorhead, Joanna (12 September 2015). "It was like time travel. It reminds you just how courageous the suffragettes were". the Guardian. Retrieved 17 March 2018.
19. "The Annual General Meeting". The Socialist Doctor. 1 (4). June 1932. Archived from the original on 16 July 2011.
20. Jeffrey, James (18 June 2016). "Sylvia Pankhurst's Ethiopian legacy". BBC News. Retrieved 17 March 2018.
21. Communists and Suspected Communists: Sylvia Pankhurst file ref KV 2/1570 Archived 16 September 2009 at,; accessed 13 April 2009
22. Fifty Years Since the Death of Sylvia Pankhurst, Ethiopians Pay Tribute – Owen Abroad, accessed 29 February 2020
23. Dabydeen, David; Gilmore, John; Jones, Cecily, eds. (2007). New Times and Ethiopian News - Oxford Reference. doi:10.1093/acref/9780192804396.001.0001. ISBN 9780192804396.
24. Murphy, Gillian E. (8 July 2019). "Jill Craigie and her suffragette film". The International Association for Media and History. Retrieved 11 October 2019.
25. "Historic statue of suffragist leader Millicent Fawcett unveiled in Parliament Square". 24 April 2018. Retrieved 24 April2018.
26. Topping, Alexandra (24 April 2018). "First statue of a woman in Parliament Square unveiled". The Guardian. Retrieved 24 April2018.
27. "Millicent Fawcett statue unveiling: the women and men whose names will be on the plinth". iNews. 24 April 2018. Retrieved 25 April 2018.
28. Pankhurst, Sylvia (1931). The Suffragette Movement - An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals. p. 104.
29. Norris, Katy (2019). Sylvia Pankhurst. London: Eiderdown Books. p. 1. ISBN 978-1-9160416-0-8. OCLC 1108724269.
30. Tickner, Lisa (1987). The Spectacle of Women. London. p. 29.
31. Norris, Katy (2019). Sylvia Pankhurst. London: Eiderdown Books. p. 5. ISBN 978-1-9160416-0-8. OCLC 1108724269.
32. Patricia Lynch: children's author and, accessed 29 February 2020

External links

•, a comprehensive information resource about Sylvia Pankhurst from Hornbeam Publishing Limited, sponsored by the UK Heritage Lottery Fund
• Sylvia Pankhurst biography,; accessed 4 April 2014
• Sylvia Pankhurst Archive,; accessed 4 April 2014
• "Archival material relating to Sylvia Pankhurst". UK National Archives.
• Estelle Sylvia Pankhurst papers archived at the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam
• Application for naturalisation of Mrs Margarethe Morgenstern and her husband Erwin, including written plea from Pankhurst
• "Communism or Reforms" at the Wayback Machine (archived 27 October 2009), two articles by Pankhurst and Anton Pannekoek, first published in the Workers Dreadnought in 1922; first published as a pamphlet in 1974 by Workers Voice, a Liverpudlian Communist group.
• Three pamphlets detailing the work of Sylvia Pankhurst as an anti-Bolshevik Communist, "Anti-Parliamentarism and Communism in Britain, 1917–1921" by R.F. Jones, Anti-Parliamentary Communism: The Movement for Workers Councils in Britain, Class War on the Home Front
• Sylvia Pankhurst: Everything is Possible – A documentary that chronicles the life and political campaigns of Sylvia Pankhurst and includes an exclusive interview with her son Richard Pankhurst and his wife Rita. The accompanying website includes images of a large number of security files held on Pankhurst, from the collection at the National Archives.
• Profile,; accessed 4 April 2014
• Profile, (Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University)
• "I Was Forcibly Fed" by Sylvia Pankhurst, McClure's (August 1913)
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Sun Mar 22, 2020 7:19 am

M. N. Roy [Manabendra Nath Roy]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Manabendra Nath Roy
M. N. Roy
Born: Narendra Nath Bhattacharya, 22 March 1887, Changripota, 24 Parganas, Bengal Presidency, British India
Died: 25 January 1954 (aged 66), Dehradun, Uttarakhand, India
Nationality: Indian
Alma mater: Jadavpur University, Communist University of the Toilers of the East
Occupation: Revolutionary, radical activist, political theorist, philosopher
Organization: Jugantar, Communist Party of India, Socialist Workers' Party of Mexico, Radical Democratic Party Movement; Indian Independence Movement; Indian revolutionary movement; Hindu–German Conspiracy

Manabendra Nath Roy (22 March 1887 – 25 January 1954), born Narendra Nath Bhattacharya, was an Indian revolutionary, radical activist and political theorist, as well as a noted philosopher in the 20th century. Roy was a founder of the Mexican Communist Party and the Communist Party of India. He was also a delegate to congresses of the Communist International and Russia's aide to China. Following the rise of Joseph Stalin, Roy left the mainline communist movement to pursue an independent radical politics. In 1940 Vinay Roy was instrumental in the formation of the Radical Democratic Party, an organisation in which he played a leading role for much of the decade of the 1940s.

In the aftermath of World War II Roy moved away from Marxism to espouse the philosophy of radical humanism, attempting to chart a third course between liberalism and communism.


Early years

Narendra Nath "Naren" Bhattacharya, later known as M. N. Roy, was born on 21 March 1887 at Arbelia, located in the North 24 Parganas of West Bengal, near Calcutta (Kolkata).[1]

The Bhattacharyas were Sakta Brahmins – a family of hereditary priests.[2] Naren's paternal grandfather was the head priest of the goddess Ksheputeswari in the village of Ksheput, located in the Midnapore district of West Bengal.[2] Naren's father also served for a time in priestly capacity there, although the large size of his family – he being one of 11 siblings – forced a relocation to the village of Arbelia and a change of occupation.[2]

Following the death of his first wife, the elder Bhattacharya married Basantakumari Devi, the niece of Dwarkanath Vidyabhusan and was appointed as a teacher of Sanskrit in the nearby Arbelia English school.[3] The couple had a total of eight children, including the fourth-born Naren.[2]

Naren Bhattacharya's early schooling took place at Arbelia.[3] In 1898 the family moved to Kodalia.[3] Bhattacharya continued his studies at the Harinavi Anglo-Sanskrit School, at which his father taught, until 1905. Tall for his age (eventually growing to 6 feet), Bhattacharya was strong and athletic.[3]

Bhattacharya later enrolled at the National College under Sri Aurobindo, before moving to the Bengal Technical Institute ( present Jadavpur University), where he studied Engineering and Chemistry.[3] Much of Bhattacharya's knowledge was gained through self-study, however.[3]

Nationalist revolutionary

Towards the end of the 19th Century revolutionary nationalism began to spread among the educated middle classes of Bengal, inspired by the writings of Bankim and Vivekananda.[4] Naren Bhattacharya was swept up in this movement, reading both of these leading luminaries extensively.[4]

According to one biographer, Roy gained an appreciation from Bankim that true religion required one not to be cloistered from the world, but to work actively for the public good; Vivekananda reinforced this notion of social service and further advanced the idea that Hinduism and Indian culture was superior to anything the western world could offer.[5]

With his cousin and childhood friend Hari Kumar Chakravarti (1882–1963), he formed a band of free-thinkers including Satcowri Banerjee and the brothers, Saileshvar and Shyamsundar Bose. Two other cousins of Bhattacharya and Chakravarti — Phani and Narendra Chakravarti – often came from Deoghar, where they went to school with Barin Ghosh.[6] A mysterious Vedic scholar, Mokshadacharan Samadhyayi, active organiser of secret branches of the Anushilan Samiti in Chinsura started frequenting Bhattacharya group.

In July 1905 a partition of Bengal was announced, scheduled to take effect in October. A spontaneous mass movement aimed at annulment of the partition emerged, giving radical nationalists like Naren Bhattacharya and his co-thinkers an opportunity to build broader support for their ideas.[7] Following his expulsion from high school for organising a meeting and a march against the partition, Bhattacharya and Chakravarti moved to Kolkata and joined in the active work of the Anushilan.[7]

Under Mokshada's leadership, on 6 December 1907 Bhattacharya successfully committed the first act of political banditry to raise money for the secret society. When arrested, he was carrying two seditious books by Barin Ghosh. Defended by the Barrister J.N. Roy (close friend of Jatindranath Mukherjee or Bagha Jatin) and the pleader Promothonath Mukherjee, he got released on bail, thanks to his reputation as a student and social worker.[8]

Unhappy with Barin's highly centralised and authoritative way of leadership, Bhattacharya and his group had been looking for something more constructive than making bombs at the Maniktala garden. Two incidents sharpened their interest in an alternative leadership. Barin had sent Prafulla Chaki with Charuchandra Datta to see Bagha Jatin at Darjeeling who was posted there on official duty, and do away with the Lt. Governor; on explaining to Prafulla that the time was not yet ripe, Jatin promised to contact him later. Though Prafulla was much impressed by this hero, Barin cynically commented that it would be too much of an effort for a Government officer to serve a patriotic cause. Shortly after, Phani returned from Darjeeling, after a short holiday: fascinated by Jatin’s charisma, he informed his friends about the unusual man. On hearing Barin censuring Phani for disloyalty, Bhattacharya decided to see that exceptional Dada and got caught for good.[9]

The Howrah-Shibpur Trial (1910–11) brought Bhattacharya closer to Jatindra Mukherjee.

The Indo-German conspiracy

Many Indian nationalists, including Roy, became convinced that only an armed struggle against the British Raj would be sufficient to separate India from the British empire. To the furtherance of this end, revolutionary nationalists looked to a rival imperial power, that of Kaiser Wilhelm's Germany, as a potential source of funds and armaments.

In August 1914 a massive European war erupted between Britain and Germany. Expatriate Indian nationalists organised as the Indian Revolutionary Committee in Berlin made an informal approach to the German government in support of aid to the cause of anti-British armed struggle in their native land.[10] These contacts were favourable and towards the end of the year word reached India that the Germans had agreed to provide the money and material necessary for the launch of an Indian war of independence from British rule.[10] Revolution seemed near.[10]

The task of obtaining funds and armaments for the coming struggle was entrusted to Naren Bhattacharya.[10] Bhattacharya was dispatched first to Java, where over the next two months he was able to obtain some limited funds, albeit no armaments.[10]

Early in 1915, Bhattacharya set out again, leaving India in search of vaguely promised German armaments which were believed to be en route, somewhere on the Pacific.[11] Roy would not see his homeland again for 16 years.[11]

The actual plan seemed fantastic, as Bhattacharya-Roy later recounted in his posthumously published memoirs:

"The plan was to use German ships interned in a port at the northern tip of Sumatra, to storm the Andaman Islands and free and arm the prisoners there, and land the army of liberation on the Orissa coast. The ships were armoured, as many big German vessels were, ready for wartime use. they also carried several guns each. The crew was composed of naval ratings. They had to escape from the internment camp, seize the ships, and sail.... Several hundred rifles and other small arms with an adequate supply of ammunition could be acquired through Chinese smugglers who would get then on board the ships."[12]

At the last minute, money for the conduct of the operation failed to materialise and "the German Consul General mysteriously disappeared on the day when he was to issue orders for the execution of the plan," Bhattacharya recalled.[13]

Disgusted but still holding out hope, Bhattacharya left Indonesia for Japan, hoping to win Japanese support for the independence of Asia from European imperialism, despite Japan's nominal alliance with Great Britain.[13] There he met with Chinese nationalist leader Sun Yat-sen, who had escaped to Japan following the failure of a July 1913 uprising in Nanking.[13]

Sun Yat-sen refused to assist Bhattacharya in his task of organising anti-British revolution in India, instead expressing faith in the ultimate liberating mission of Japan and his own powerlessness owing to British control of Hong Kong, Sun's base of operations in South China.[14] Efforts to raise money from the German Ambassador to China were likewise unsuccessful.[15]

Bhattacharya's activities soon drew the attention of the Japanese secret police, who were concerned about Bhattacharya's efforts at fomenting revolution.[15] Upon learning that he was about to be served formal notice to leave Japan within 24 hours and not wishing to be deported to Shanghai, Bhattacharya immediately set about leaving the country overland through Korea.[16] He tried to make his way from there to Peking (Beijing), but by this time he was spotted and identified by the British secret police, who detained him.[17] Only through a stroke of good fortune was Bhattacharya able to win his release from the police, due to the British Consul General's ill ease with holding a British subject indefinitely without having formal charges first been preferred.[18]

Further efforts to raise funds for armaments from the German consulate at Hankow resulted in a further tentative agreement.[19] However, this plan also came to naught owing to the size of the commitment, which had to be approved in Berlin, according to German Ambassador to China Admiral Paul von Hintze.[20] Bhattacharya determined to take his plan for German funding next to the German Ambassador in the United States, before heading to Germany itself.[20] Employees of the German embassy were able to assist Bhattacharya in obtaining a place as a stowaway aboard an American ship with a German crew, bound for San Francisco.[20]

Although they knew he was on board the ship, British authorities stopping the vessel in international waters were unable to locate Bhattacharya in the secret compartment in which he was hurriedly hidden.[21] In an effort to throw the British off his trail – and in an effort to obtain more suitable accommodations for the long trans-Pacific voyage, Bhattacharya stealthily disembarked at Kobe, Japan.[22]

In Kobe Bhattacharya made use of a false French-Indian passport previously obtained for him by the Germans in China.[22] Posing as a seminary student bound for Paris, Bhattacharya obtained an American passport visa, bought a ticket, and sailed for San Francisco.[22]

International revolutionary

During his stay in Palo Alto, a period of about two months, Roy met his future wife, a young Stanford University graduate named Evelyn Leonora Trent (1892–1970; alias Shanthi Devi). The pair fell in love and journeyed together across the country to New York City.[23]

It was in the New York City public library that Roy began to develop his interest in Marxism.[24] His socialist transition under Lala owed much to Bankim Chandra Chatterjee's essays on communism and Vivekananda's message of serving the proletariat. Bothered by British spies, Roy fled to Mexico in July 1917 with Evelyn. German military authorities, on the spot, gave him large amounts of money.

The Mexican president Venustiano Carranza and other liberal thinkers appreciated Roy's writings for El Pueblo. The Socialist Party he founded (December 1917), was converted into the Communist Party of Mexico in 1919, the first Communist Party outside Russia. The Roys lodged a penniless Mikhail Borodin, the Bolshevik leader, under special circumstances. On the basis of a grateful Borodin's reports on Roy's activities, Moscow was to invite Roy to the 2nd World Congress of the Communist International, held in Moscow during the summer of 1920.[25]

A few weeks before the Congress, Vladimir Lenin personally received Roy with great warmth. At Lenin's behest, Roy formulated his own ideas as a supplement to Lenin's Preliminary Draft Theses on the National and the Colonial Questions.[26]

Material from Roy's pen was published by International Press Correspondence (Inprecor), the weekly bulletin of the Communist International. Roy served as a member of the Comintern's Presidium for eight years[27] and at one stage was a member of the Presidium, the Political Secretariat, the Executive Committee, and the World Congress.

Commissioned by Lenin to prepare the East – especially India – for revolution, Roy founded military and political schools in Tashkent. In October 1920, as he formed the Communist Party of India, he contacted his erstwhile revolutionary colleagues who, at this juncture, were hesitating between Radicalism (Jugantar) and Mohandas K. Gandhi's novel programme. Close to the Jugantar in spirit and action, C. R. Das inspired Roy's confidence. From Moscow, Roy published his major reflections, India in Transition, almost simultaneously translated into other languages. In 1922 Roy's own journal, the Vanguard, which was the organ of the emigre Communist Party of India, was first published. These were followed by The Future of Indian Politics (1926) and Revolution and Counter-revolution in China (1930), while he had been tossing between Germany and France.

Leading a Comintern delegation appointed by Joseph Stalin to develop agrarian revolution in China, Roy reached Canton in February 1927. Despite fulfilling his mission with skill,[citation needed] a disagreement with the CCP leaders and Borodin led to a fiasco. Roy returned to Moscow where factions supporting Leon Trotsky and Grigory Zinoviev were busy fighting with Stalin's.

Stalin refused to meet Roy and give him a hearing at the plenum in February 1928. Denied a decent treatment for an infected ear, Roy escaped with Nikolai Bukharin's help, sparing himself Stalin's anger. Shortly after Trotsky's deportation, on 22 May 1928, Roy received the permission to go abroad for medical treatment on board a Berlin-bound plane of the Russo-German Airline Deruluft.[28] In December 1929, the Inprecor announced Roy's expulsion from the Comintern, almost simultaneously with Bukharin's fall from grace.


Roy returned to India for the first time in December 1930.[29] Upon reaching Bombay, Roy met leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose, the former of whom recalled that despite significant political differences, "I was attracted to him by his remarkable intellectual capacity."[30]

Roy's political activity in India proved to be brief, on 21 July 1931 he was arrested in Bombay on an arrest warrant issued in 1924.[29] Roy was taken to Kanpur to face charges under Section 121-A of the Indian Penal Code, "conspiring to deprive the King Emperor of his sovereignty in India."[29]

No trial was held in open court; rather, the proceedings were conducted inside the jail in which Roy was held.[31] Roy was allowed neither trial by jury nor defense witnesses, nor was he allowed to make a defense statement.[32] Proceedings were conducted from 3 November 1931 until 9 January 1932, at which time Roy was sentenced to 12 years of rigorous imprisonment.[32]

Roy was taken immediately under armed guard to Bareilly Central Jail for completion of his sentence managing, however, he was able to smuggle out the defence statement which he was not allowed to present in court.[32] This disallowed declaration was published in full by Roy's supporters in India as My Defence, and in abridged form in New York as I Accuse.[32]

Roy was unapologetic for his advocacy of the use of armed struggle against British colonialism, in his own defence declaring

The oppressed people and exploited classes are not obliged to respect the moral philosophy of the ruling power.... A despotic power is always overthrown by force. The force employed in this process is not criminal. On the contrary, precisely the guns carried by the army of the British government in India are instruments of crime. They become instruments of virtue when they are turned against the imperialist state.[33]

Roy filed an appeal in his case to the Allahabad High Court, but this was dismissed on 2 May 1933 – although Roy's sentence was at the same time reduced from 12 years to 6 by the court.[32] Roy ultimately served 5 years and 4 months of this term, sitting in five different jails.[32] Dismal prison conditions took a severe toll on Roy's health, and he suffered lasting damage to his heart, kidneys, lungs, and digestive tract as a result of his time behind bars.[34] Roy also lost several teeth, was frequently feverish, and suffered constant pain from a chronically infected inner ear.[34]

Despite his imprisonment, Roy still managed to contribute to the Indian independence movement. A steady stream of letters and articles were smuggled out of jail. He also wrote a 3000-page draft manuscript provisionally titled The Philosophical Consequence of Modern Science. His followers, including A. A. Alwe, formed the Bombay Provincial Working Class Party in 1933 to continue his work while he was imprisoned.[35]

Released in November 1936 in broken health, Roy went to Allahabad for recovery, invited by Nehru. Defying the Comintern order to boycott the Indian National Congress, Roy urged Indian Communists to join this Party to radicalise it. Nehru, in his presidential address at Faizpur session in December 1936, greeted the presence of Roy, as who, though young, is an old and well-tried soldier in India's fight for freedom. Comrade M.N. Roy has just come to us after a long and most distressing period in prison, but though shaken up in body, he comes with a fresh mind and heart, eager to take part in that old struggle that knows no end till it ends in success.[36]

From the podium Roy in his speech recommended the capture of power by Constituent Assembly. Unable to collaborate with Gandhi, however, Roy was to stick to his own conviction. In April 1937, his weekly Independent India appeared and was welcomed by progressive leaders like Bose and Nehru, unlike Gandhi, and the staunch Communists who accused Roy of deviation.

Radical humanist

In marrying Ellen Gottschalk, his second wife, "Roy found not only a loving wife but also an intelligent helper and close collaborator."[37] They settled in Dehra Dun. Roy proposed an alternative leadership, seized the crisis following Bose's re-election as the Congress President, in 1938: in Pune, in June, he formed his League of Radical Congressmen. Disillusioned with both bourgeois democracy and communism, he devoted the last years of his life to the formulation of an alternative philosophy which he called Radical Humanism and of which he wrote a detailed exposition in Reason, Romanticism and Revolution.

In his monumental biography, In Freedom's Quest, Sibnarayan Ray writes:

If Nehru had his problems, so had Roy. From early life his sharp intellect was matched by a strong will and extra-ordinary self-confidence. It would seem that in his long political career there were only two persons and a half who, in his estimate, qualified to be his mentors. The first was Jatin Mukherji (or Bagha Jatin) from his revolutionary nationalist period; the second was Lenin. The half was Josef Stalin....[38]

With the declaration of World War II, Roy (in a position close to that of Sri Aurobindo) condemned the rising totalitarian regimes in Germany and Italy, instead supporting England and France in the fight against fascism. He severed connections with the Congress Party and created the Radical Democratic Party in 1940. Gandhi proceeded to foment Quit India in August 1942. In response The British imprisoned without trial almost the entire Indian National Congress leadership within hours. Roy's line was clearly different from that of the mainstream of the independence movement. According to Roy, a victory for Germany and the Axis powers would have resulted in the end of democracy worldwide and India would never be independent. In his view India could win her independence only in a free world. Subhas Chandra Bose took the pro-active stance that The enemy of my enemy is my friend; escaping house-arrest and India he formed the Azad Hind Provisional Indian Government in Exile and allied with the Japanese brought the Indian National Army to India's doorstep.

Sensing India's independence to be a post-war reality following the defeat of the Axis powers and the weakening of British imperialism, Roy wrote a series of articles in Independent India on the economic and political structures of new India, even presenting a concrete ten-year plan, and drafting a Constitution of Free India (1944).

Roy in his philosophy devised means to ensure human freedom and progress. Remembering Bagha Jatin who "personified the best of mankind", Roy worked "for the ideal of establishing a social order in which the best in man could be manifest." In 1947, he elaborated his theses into a manifesto, New Humanism, expected to be as important as the Communist Manifesto by Marx a century earlier.[39]

Death and legacy

Roy on a 1987 stamp of India

A lecture tour to the United States was to be suspended, as Roy died on 25 January 1954.

Beginning in 1987, Oxford University Press began the publication of the Selected Works of M.N. Roy. A total of 4 volumes were published through 1997, gathering Roy's writings through his prison years. Project editor Sibnarayan Ray died in 2008, however,[40] and the Roy works publishing project was therefore prematurely terminated.

The house where he lived during the time he spent in Mexico City, today is a private nightclub that bears his name: M.N. Roy.[41]


1. This date found in the Dictionary of National Biography and accepted by Sibnarayan Ray, In Freedom's Quest: Life of M.N. Roy (Vol. 1: 1887–1922). Calcutta: Minerva Associates, 1998; p. 14. This is based on the diary of Dinabandhu. Samaren Roy in The Restless Brahmin claims that Bhattacharya was born on 22 February 1887 in Arbelia.
2. Ray, In Freedom's Quest, vol. 1, p. 14.
3. "Manabendra Nath Roy," Archived 1 July 2015 at the Wayback MachineBanglapedia
4. Ray, In Freedom's Quest, vol. 1, p. 15.
5. Ray, In Freedom's Quest, vol. 1, pp. 15–16.
6. Sealy's Report in Terrorism in Bengal, Vol. V, p. 17.
7. Ray, In Freedom's Quest, vol. 1, p. 16.
8. V.B. Karnik, M.N. Roy: Political Biography. Bombay: Nav Jagriti Samaj, 1978; pp. 11–12.
9. M. N. Roy, Jatindranath Mukherjee in Men I Met, reprinted from Independent India, 27 February 1949. Sibnarayan in vol. I, p. 19 quotes Bhattacharya farther: "all the Dadas practised magnetism: only Jatin Mukherjee possessed it."
10. M.N. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs. Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1984; p. 3.
11. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs, p. 4.
12. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs, pp. 4–5.
13. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs, p. 5.
14. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs, p. 6.
15. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs, p. 7.
16. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs, p. 8.
17. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs, p. 9.
18. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs, p. 10.
19. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs, pp. 12–13.
20. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs, p. 14.
21. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs, p. 16.
22. Roy, M.N. Roy's Memoirs, p. 18.
23. Satyabrata Rai Chowdhuri, Leftism in India, 1917–1941. Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007; p. 46.
24. Diary of Lala Lajpat Rai, 1914–1917[permanent dead link], National Archives, New Delhi
25. Goebel, "Geopolitics," pp. 488–490.
26. Sibnarayan, vol. 1, pp. 93–94
27. "M.N. Roy Dead," Archived 13 June 2008 at the Wayback Machine The Hindu, 29 January 1954.
28. Sibnarayan, III/pp57-58
29. Sibnarayan Ray, "Introduction to Volume IV," Selected Works of M.N. Roy: Volume IV, 1932–1936. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997; p. 3.
30. Jawaharlal Nehru, An Autobiography (Nehru)| The Bodley Head, London, 1936; pp, 154, 218.
31. Ray, "Introduction to Volume IV," pp. 3–4.
32. Ray, "Introduction to Volume IV," p. 4.
33. M.N. Roy, "I Accuse!" From the Suppressed Statement of Marabendra Nath Roy on Trial for Treason Before Sessions Court, Cawnpore, India. New York: Roy Defense Committee of India, January 1932; pp. 11–12.
34. Ray, "Introduction to Volume IV," p. 11.
35. Roy, Subodh, Communism in India – Unpublished Documents 1925–1934. Calcutta: National Book Agency, 1998. p. 240
36. Tribune, Lahore, 24 and 27 December 1936, quoted by Sibnarayan, III/p323
37. Karnik, M.N. Roy, p. 86.
38. op. cit, Vol. III-Part I, 2005, p. 320
39. V.B. Karnik, M.N. Roy, p. 104
40. Selected Works of M.N. Roy, Edited by Sibnarayan Ray,[permanent dead link] UO Libraries, University of Oregon,
41. "El Roy y su música". 11 June 2014. Archived from the original on 23 September 2016. Retrieved 5 May 2018.


Note: Adapted from "A Checklist of the Writings of M.N. Roy" in M.N. Roy's Memoirs. Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1984; pp. 607–617.
• La voz de la India (The Voice of India). Mexico City: n.p., n.d. [c. 1917].
• La India: Su Pasado, Su Presente y Su Porvenir (India: Its Past, Its Present, and Its Future). Mexico City: n.p., 1918.
• Indien (India). Hamburg: Verlag der Kommunistischen Internationale, 1922.
• India in Transition. With Abani Mukherji. Geneva: J.B. Target, 1922.
• What Do We Want? Geneva: J.B. Target, 1922.
• One Year of Non-Cooperation from Ahmedabad to Gaya. With Evelyn Roy. Calcutta: Communist Party of India, 1923. —Imprint probably fictitious.
• India's Problem and Its Solution. n.c.: n.p., n.d. [c. 1923].
• Political Letters. Zurich: Vanguard Bookshop, 1924. —Alternate title: Letters to Indian Nationalists.
• Cawnpore Conspiracy Case: An Open Letter to the Rt. Hon. J.R. MacDonald. London: Indian Defence Committee, 1924.
• The Aftermath of Non-Cooperation: Indian Nationalism and Labour Politics. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, 1926.
• The Future of Indian Politics. London: R. Bishop [Communist Party of Great Britain], 1926.
• Our Task in India. n.c.: Bengal Committee of the Revolutionary Party of the Indian Working Class, n.d. [c. 1932].
• "I Accuse!" : From the Suppressed Statement of Manabendra Nath Roy on Trial for Treason before Sessions Court, Cawnpore, India. New York: Roy Defense Committee of India, 1932. —Title of unexpurgated Indian edition: My Defence.
• Congress at Crossroads, by a Congressman (M.N. Roy). Bombay: Independence of India League, [c. 1934].
• On Stepping Out of Jail. Bombay: V.B. Karnik, n.d. [c. 1936].
• Letters by M.N. Roy to the Congress Socialist Party, Written in 1934. Bombay: Renaissance Publishing Co., 1937.
• The Historical Role of Islam: An Essay on Islamic Culture. Bombay: Vora, 1937.
• Presidential Address of M.N. Roy, United Provinces Youths' Conference, 29 and 30 May 1937, Sitapur. Bombay: R.D. Nadkarni, n.d. [1937].
• Materialism and Spiritualism: Presidential Address of M.N. Roy at the 3rd Session of the Madras Presidency Radical Youths' Conference, Held at Madras on 25 July 1937. Bombay: R.D. Nadkarni, n.d. [1937].
• My Crime. Bombay: Ramesh D. Nadkarni, n.d. [c. 1937].
• The Russian Revolution: A Review and the Perspective. Calcutta: D.M. Library, n.d. [c. 1937].
• Presidential Address of Com. M.N. Roy, First Rajputana-Central India Students' Conference, Benwar, 1 and 2 January 1938. Bombay: n.p., n.d. [1938].
• All-India Sugar Mill Workers' Conference, Gorakhpur, Held on 30 April and 1 May 1938: Presidential Address by Manabendra Nath Roy.Gorakhpur: n.p., n.d. [1938].
• Fascism: Its Philosophy, Professions and Practice. Calcutta: D.M. Library, 1938.
• On the Congress Constitution. Calcutta: "Independent India" Office, 1938.
• Our Differences. With V.B. Karnik. Calcuta: Saraswaty Library, 1938.
• Our Problems. With V.B. Karnik. Calcutta; Barendra Library, 1938.
• Gandhi vs. Roy: Containing Com. Roy's Letter to Gandhiji, the Latter's Reply and the Former's Rejoinder. Bombay: V.B. Karnik, 1939.
• Heresies of the Twentieth Century: Philosophical Essays. Bombay: Renaissance Publishers, 1939.
• Presidential Address by M.N. Roy at the First All-India Conference of the League of Radical Congressmen, Poona, 27 and 28 June 1939. Bombay: n.p., n.d. [1939].
• Tripuri and After. Nasik: Radical Congressmen's League, n.d. [1930s].
• Which Way, Lucknow? By a Radical Congressman (M.N. Roy). Bombay: M.R. Shetty, n.d. [1930s].
• The Memoirs of a Cat. n.c. [Dehra Dun]: Renaissance Publishers, 1940.
• Whither Europe? Bombay: Vora, 1940.
• The Alternative. Bombay: Vora, 1940.
• From Savagery to Civilisation. Calcutta: Digest Book House, 1940.
• Gandhism, Nationalism, Socialism. Calcutta: Bengal Radical Club, 1940.
• Science and Superstition. Dera Dun: Indian Renaissance Association, 1940.
• Materialism: An Outline of the History of Scientific Thought. Dera Dun: Renaissance Publishers, 1940.
• World Crisis (International Situation). (contributor) Ahmedabad: Gujarat Radical Democratic People's Party, 1940.
• The Relation of Classes in the Struggle for Indian Freedom. Patna: Bihar Radical Democratic People's Party, n.d. [c. 1940].
• Science, Philosophy and Politics. Moradabad: J.S. Agarwal, n.d. [c. 1940].
• A New Path: Manifesto and Constitution of the Radical Democratic Party. Bombay: V.B. Karnik, n.d. [c. 1940].
• Twentieth Century Jacobinism: Role of Marxism in Democratic Revolution. Patna: Radical Democratic Party, n.d. [c. 1940].
• Some Fundamental Problems of Mass Mobilization. Calcutta: D. Goonawardhana, n.d. [c. 1940].
• My Differences with the Congress: Speech at Allahbad University, 27 November 1940. Bombay: V.B. Karnik, League of Radical Congressmen, n.d. [c. 1940].
• On Communal Question. With V.B. Karnik. Lucknow: A.P. Singh, n.d. [c. 1940].
• Culture at the Crossroads: Cultural Requisites of Freedom. Calcutta: Leftist Book Club, n.d. [1940s].
• Radical Democratic Party's Message to the USSR. Calcutta: D. Goonawardhan, n.d. [1940s].
• Presidential Address by Com. M.N. Roy at the Maharashtra Provincial Conference of the Radical Democratic Party held at Poona on 22 and 23 March 1941. Bombay: V.B. Karnik, n.d. [1941].
• The Ideal of Indian Womanhood. n.c. [Dehra Dun?]: Renaissance Publishers, 1941.
• Problem of the Indian Revolution. Bombay: Rajaram Panday, 1941.
• All-India Anti-Fascist Trade Union Conference: Presidential Address by M.N. Roy: Lahore, 29–30 November 1941. Lahore: M.A. Kahn, n.d. [1941].
• Scientific Politics: Lectures in the All India Political Study Camp, Dehradun, May and June 1940: Held under Auspices of All-India League of Radical Congressmen. Dehra Dun: Indian Renaissance Association, 1942.
• Freedom or Fascism? n.c. [Bombay?]: Radical Democratic Party, 1942.
• India and the War. (contributor) Lucknow: Radical Democratic Party, 1942.
• This War and Our Defence. Karachi: Sind Provincial Radical Democratic Party, 1942.
• War and Revolution: International Civil War. Madras: Radical Democratic Party, 1942.
• Origin of Radicalism in the Congress. Lucknow: S.S. Suri, 1942.
• Library of a Revolutionary: Being a List of Books for Serious Political Study. Lucknow: New Life Union, for the Indian Renaissance Association, 1942.
• This Way to Freedom: Report of the All-India Conference of the Radical Democratic Party held in December 1942. (contributor) Delhi: Radical Democratic Party, 1942.
• Nationalism: An Antiquated Cult. Bombay: Radical Democratic Party, n.d. [c. 1942].
• Nationalism, Democracy, and Freedom. Bombay: Radical Democratic Party, n.d. [c. 1942].
• Letters from Jail. n.c. [Dehra Dun?]: Renaissance Publishing, 1943.
• The Communist International. Delhi: Radical Democratic Party, 1943.
• What is Marxism? Bombay: n.p., 1943.
• The Future of Socialism: Talk to the Calcutta Students' Club, November 1943. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, n.d. [1943].
• Poverty or Plenty? Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1943.
• Indian Labour and Post-war Reconstruction. Lucknow: A.P. Singh, 1943.
• Indian Renaissance Movement: Three Lectures. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1944.
• The Future of the Middle Class: Lecture Delivered in Poona on 29 May 1944, in the Annual Spring Lecture Series. Patna: Radical Democratic Party, n.d. [1944].
• Constitution of India, A Draft: Endorsed and Released for Public Discussion by the Central Secretariat of the Radical Democratic Party. Delhi: V.B. Karnik, 1944.
• Your Future: An Appeal to the Educated Middle Class. Issued by the Radical Democratic Party. Lucknow: Radical Democratic Party, 1944.
• Planning a New India. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, n.d. [c. 1944].
• National Government or People's Government? Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, n.d. [c. 1944].
• Constitution of Free India, A Draft by M.N. Roy: Endorsed and Released for Public Discussion by the Radical Democratic Party. Delhi: Radical Democratic Party, 1945.
• The Last Battles of Freedom: Being the Report of the Calcutta Conference of the Radical Democratic Party, 27 to 30 December 1944. Delhi: Radical Democratic Party, n.d. [1945].
• Post-War Perspective: A Peep into the Future. Delhi: Radical Democratic Party, 1945.
• Future of Democracy in India: Being the Full Text of a Speech Delivered at a Public Meeting Held at the Town Hall, Lucknow, on 6 October 1945.Delhi: Radical Democratic Party, n.d. [1945].
• The Problem of Freedom. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1945.
• My Experiences in China. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1945.
• Sino-Soviet Treaty. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1947.
• Jawaharial Nehru. Delhi: Radical Democratic Party, n.d. [c. 1945].
• INA and the August Revolution. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1946.
• Revolution and Counter-Revolution in China. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1946. —Published in German in 1931.
• A New Orientation: Statement on the International Situation. Delhi: Radical Democratic Party, 1946.
• A New Orientation: Review and Perspective of the International Struggle for a New World Order of Democratic Freedom, Economic Prosperity, and Cultural Progress. Dehra Dun: Radical Democratic Party, Bengal, 1946.
• New Orientation: Lectures Delivered at the Political Study Camp Held at Dehra Dun, from 8 to 18 May 1946. With Phillip Spratt. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1946.
• Radical Democratic Party Conference Inaugural Address: Bombay, 20th, 21st, 22 December 1946: Presidential Address and Resolutions.Bombay: V.B. Karnik, n.d. [1947].
• Principles of Radical Democracy: Adopted by the Third All-India Conference by the Radical Democratic Party of India held in Bombay, 26 to 29 December 1946. Delhi: Radical Democratic Party, 1947. —Attributed to Roy.
• Leviathan and Octopus. Delhi: Radical Democratic Party, n.d. [1947].
• Asia and the World: A Manifesto. Delhi: Radical Democratic Party, 1947.
• Science and Philosophy. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1947.
• New Humanism: A Manifesto. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1947.
• Beyond Communism. With Philip Spratt. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1947.
• A New Approach to the Communal Program: Lecture Delivered at the International Fellowship, Madras, 22 February 1941. Bombay: V.B. Karnik, n.d. [c. 1947].
• The Russian Revolution. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1949.
• India's Message. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1950.
• The Rhythm of Cosmos: Inaugural Address of the Second All-India Rationalist Conference at Tenali held on 9 and 10 February 1952. Tenali: n.p., n.d. [1952].
• Radical Humanism. New Delhi: n.p., 1952.
• Reason, Romanticism and Revolution. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1952.
• The Way Ahead in Asia. n.c.: British Information Service in Southeast Asia, n.d. [c. 1950s].
• Crime and Karma, Cats and Women. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1957.
• Memoirs. Bombay: Allied Publishers, 1964. —Reissued 1984.

Further reading

• R.K. Awasthi, Scientific Humanism: Socio-Political Ideas of M.N. Roy: A Critique. Delhi: Research Publications in Social Sciences, 1973.
• Shiri Ram Bakshi, M.N. Roy. New Delhi: Anmol Publications, 1994.
• N.R. Basannavar, 'The Indian in the Comintern'. University of Bristol Dissertation 2007
• G.P. Bhattacharjee, Evolution of Political Philosophy of M.N. Roy. Calcutta: Minerva Associates, 1971.
o M.N. Roy and Radical Humanism. Bombay: A.J.B.H. Wadia Publication, 1961.
• Phanibhusan Chakravartti, M.N. Roy. Calcutta: M.N. Roy Death Anniversary Observance Committee, 1961.
• Prakash Chandra, Political Philosophy of M.N. Roy. Meerut: Sarup & Sons, 1985.
• Satyabrata Rai Chowdhuri, Leftism in India, 1917–1947. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave, 2007.
• Ramyansu Sekhar Das, M.N. Roy the Humanist Philosopher. Calcutta: W. Newman, 1956.
• B.N. Dasgupta, M.N. Roy: Quest for Freedom. Calcutta: Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, 1970.
• Niranjan Dhar, The Political Thought of M.N. Roy, 1936–1954. Calcutta: Eureka Publishers, 1966.
• S.M. Ganguly, Leftism in India: M.N. Roy and Indian Politics, 1920–1948. Columbia, MO: South Asia Books, 1984.
• Eddie James Girdner, Socialism, Sarvodaya, and Democracy: The theoretical Contributions of M.N. Roy, J.P. Narayan, and J.B Kripalani. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2013.
• Dharmadasa Goonawardhana and Debassaran Das Gupta (eds.), Royism Explained. Calcutta: Saraswaty Library, 1938.
• Michael Goebel, "Geopolitics, Transnational Solidarity, or Diaspora Nationalism? The Global Career of M.N. Roy, 1915–1930,"European Review of History 21, no. 4 (2014), pp. 485–499.
• D.C. Grover, M. N. Roy: a Study of Revolution and Reason in Indian Politics. Calcutta: Minerva Associates, 1973.
• John Patrick Haithcox, Communism and Nationalism in India; M.N. Roy and Comintern Policy, 1920–1939. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1971.
• V.B. Karnik, M.N. Roy: Political Biography. Bombay: Nav Jagriti Samaj, 1978.
• Usha Krishna, M.N Roy and the Radical Humanist Movement in India: A Sociological Study. Meerut: Chaudhary Charan Singh University, 2005.
• B. K. Mahakul, "Radical Humanism of M.N. Roy," Indian Journal of Political Science, vol. 66, no. 3 (July 2005), pp. 607–618. In JSTOR
• Kris Manjapra, M.N. Roy: Marxism and Colonial Cosmopolitanism. Delhi: Routledge India, 2010.
• Giles Milton Russian Roulette: How British Spies Thwarted Lenin's Global Plot, Sceptre, 2013. ISBN 978 1 444 73702 8
• Innaiah Narisetti (ed.), M.N. Roy: Radical Humanist: Selected Writings. New York: Prometheus Books, 2004.
• R.L. Nigram, Radical Humanism of M.N. Roy An Exposition of his 22 Theses. n.c.: Indus Publishing Co., n.d.
• Robert C. North and Xenia J. Eudin, M.N. Roy's Mission to China: The Communist-Kuomintang Split of 1927. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963.
• Vishnudeo Narain Ojha, M.N. Roy and His Philosophical Ideas. n.c. [Muzaffarpur]: Shankhnad Prakashan, 1969.
• R.M. Pal and Meera Verma (eds.), Power to the People: The Political Thought of M.K. Gandhi, M.N. Roy, and Jayaprakash Narayan. In Two Volumes. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2007.
• Alok Pant, Indian Radicalism and M.N. Roy. Delhi: Adhyayan, 2005.
• Govardhan Dhanaraj Parikh (ed.), Essence of Royism: Anthology of M.N. Roy's Writings. Bombay: Nav Jagriti Samaj, 1987.
• Ramendra, M. N. Roy's New Humanism and Materialism. Patna: Buddhiwadi Foundation, 2001.
• Sibnarayan Ray, In Freedom's Quest: Life of M.N. Roy (Vol. 1: 1887–1922). Calcutta: Minerva, 1998. —No other volumes issued.
o M.N. Roy: Philosopher-Revolutionary: A Symposium. Calcutta: Renaissance Publishers, 1959.
• Dipti Kumar Roy, Leftist Politics in India: M.N. Roy and the Radical Democratic Party. Calcutta: Minerva, 1989.
o Trade Union Movement in India: Role of M.N. Roy. Calcutta: Minerva, 1990.
• Samaren Roy, The Restless Brahmin: Early Life of M.N. Roy. Bombay: Allied Publishers, 1970.
o The Twice-Born Heretic: M.N. Roy and the Comintern. Calcutta: KLM Private, 1986.
• B.S. Sharma, The Political Philosophy of M.N. Roy. Delhi, National Publishing House, 1965.
• Sita Ram Sharma, Life and Works of M.N. Roy. Jaipur: Sublime Publications, 2010.
• M. Shiviah, New Humanism and Democratic Politics: A Study of M.N. Roy's Theory of the State. Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1977.
• Reeta Sinha, Political Ideas of M.N. Roy. New Delh: National Book Organisation, 1991.
• Sada Nand Talwar, Political Ideas of M.N. Roy. Delhi: Khosla Publishing House, 1978.
• J.B.H. Wadia, M.N. Roy, The Man: An Incomplete Royana. Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1983.
• Syamales Das, M. N. Roy, Biplabi, Rajnitik O Darshonik. Calcutta: Sribhumi Publishing Co., 1999.

External links

• Manbendra Nath Roy (1887—1954) at Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
• Manabendra Nath Roy Internet Archive, Marxists Internet Archive,
• Roy on the cover of Ogonëk, 5 April 1925.
• M. N. Roy materials in the South Asian American Digital Archive (SAADA)
• [1]
• Satish Kr. Jha, "Lecture on Radical Humanism of M.N. Roy," New Delhi: Consortium for Educational Communication-UGC, 2017. —Video.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Sun Mar 22, 2020 11:11 pm

Vaino Tanner
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Not to be confused with Väinö Tanner (geographer).

Väinö Tanner
10th Prime Minister of Finland
In office: 13 December 1926 – 17 December 1927
President: Lauri Kristian Relander
Preceded by: Kyösti Kallio
Succeeded by: Juho Sunila
Personal details
Born: 12 March 1881, Helsinki
Died: 19 April 1966 (aged 85), Helsinki
Political party: Social Democratic Party

Väinö Tanner (12 March 1881 – 19 April 1966; surname until 1895 Thomasson) was a leading figure in the Social Democratic Party of Finland, and a pioneer and leader in the cooperative movement in Finland. He was Prime Minister of Finland in 1926–1927.[1]

Tanner was born in Helsinki. He did not participate in the Finnish Civil War, maintaining a neutral attitude. When the war ended he became Finland's leading Social Democratic Party (SDP) politician, and a strong proponent of the parliamentary system. His main achievement was the rehabilitation of the SDP after the Civil War. Väinö Tanner served as Prime Minister (1926–1927), Minister of Finance (1937–1939), Minister of Foreign Affairs (1939–1940),[2] and after the Winter War Minister of Trade and Industry (1941–1942)[3] and Minister of Finance (1942-1944).[4]

Väinö Tanner's legacy is in his directing the Finnish working class from their extremist ideology towards pragmatic progress through the democratic process. Under his leadership the Social Democrats were trusted to form a minority government already less than 10 years after the bloody civil war. Tanner's minority socialist government passed a series of important social reforms during its time in office, which included a liberal amnesty law, reduced duties on imported foods, and pension and health insurance laws.[5]

During President Relander's brief illness Tanner, who held the post of prime minister, was even the acting President and Commander-In-Chief. In this role he even received the parade of the White guards on the 10th anniversary of the White victory. This was perceived as a remarkable development at the time. During the 1930s and 1940s, the Social Democrats formed several coalition governments with the Agrarian party.[6] In the Winter War Väinö Tanner was the foreign minister. Väinö Tanner's leadership was very important in forming the grounds and creating the Spirit of the Winter War which united the nation.

After the end of the Continuation War, Tanner was tried for responsibility for the war in February 1946, and sentenced to five years and six months in prison.[7]

After the Continuation War, and while still in prison, Tanner became the virtual leader of a faction of the SDP which had strong support from the USA. This faction eventually came out on top after a great deal of internal party strife lasting for much of the 1940s.


• Tanner Cabinet


• The Winter War: Finland against Russia 1939–1940 by Väinö Tanner (1957, Stanford University Press, California; also London)
1. ... -/r/m2/517
2. "Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland - Ministers of Foreign Affairs". Archived from the original on 16 July 2011. Retrieved 30 January 2018.
3. "Finnish Government - Ministers of Trade and Industry". Archived from the original on 2018-06-12. Retrieved 30 March 2018.
4. "Council of State - Ministers of Finance". Retrieved 12 January 2018.
5. Democratic socialism: a global survey by Donald F. Busky
6. Seppo Zetterberg et al., eds., Suomen historian pikkujättiläinen, Helsinki: WSOY, 2003
7. Political Paavo, Time, December 6, 1948
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Sun Mar 22, 2020 11:24 pm

Part 1 of 2

Guy Burgess
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Guy Burgess
Guy Burgess: diplomat and spy
Born: 16 April 1911, Devonport, Devon, England
Died: 30 August 1963 (aged 52), Moscow, Soviet Union
Nationality: British
Other names: Codenames "Mädchen", "Hicks"
Known for: Member of "Cambridge Five" spy ring; defected to Soviet Union 1951

Guy Francis de Moncy Burgess (16 April 1911 – 30 August 1963) was a British diplomat and Soviet agent, a member of the Cambridge Five spy ring that operated from the mid-1930s to the early years of the Cold War era. His defection in 1951 to the Soviet Union, with his fellow spy Donald Maclean, led to a serious breach in Anglo-United States intelligence co-operation, and caused long-lasting disruption and demoralisation in Britain's foreign and diplomatic services.

Born into a wealthy middle-class family, Burgess was educated at Eton College, the Royal Naval College, Dartmouth and Trinity College, Cambridge. An assiduous networker, he embraced left-wing politics at Cambridge and joined the British Communist Party. He was recruited by Soviet intelligence in 1935, on the recommendation of the future double-agent Kim Philby. After leaving Cambridge, Burgess worked for the BBC as a producer, briefly interrupted by a short period as a full-time MI6 intelligence officer, before joining the Foreign Office in 1944.

At the Foreign Office, Burgess acted as a confidential secretary to Hector McNeil, the deputy to Ernest Bevin, the Foreign Secretary. This post gave Burgess access to secret information on all aspects of Britain's foreign policy during the critical post-1945 period, and it is estimated that he passed thousands of documents to his Soviet controllers. In 1950 he was appointed second secretary to the British Embassy in Washington, a post from which he was sent home after repeated misbehaviour. Although not at this stage under suspicion, Burgess nevertheless accompanied Maclean when the latter, on the point of being unmasked, fled to Moscow in May 1951.

Burgess's whereabouts were unknown in the West until 1956, when he appeared with Maclean at a brief press conference in Moscow, claiming that his motive had been to improve Soviet-West relations. He never left the Soviet Union; he was often visited by friends and journalists from Britain, most of whom reported on a lonely and empty existence. He remained unrepentant to the end of his life, rejecting the notion that his earlier activities represented treason. He was well provided for materially, but as a result of his lifestyle his health deteriorated, and he died in 1963. Experts have found it difficult to assess the extent of damage caused by Burgess's espionage activities, but consider that the disruption in Anglo-American relations caused by his defection was perhaps of greater value to the Soviets than any information he provided. Burgess's life has frequently been fictionalised, and dramatised in productions for screen and stage.


Family background

The Burgess family's English roots can be traced to the arrival in Britain in 1592 of Abraham de Bourgeous de Chantilly, a refugee from the Huguenot religious persecutions in France. The family settled in Kent, and became prosperous, mainly as bankers.[1] Later generations created a military tradition; Guy Burgess's grandfather, Henry Miles Burgess, was an officer in the Royal Artillery whose main service was in the Middle East. His youngest son, Malcolm Kingsford de Moncy Burgess, was born in Aden in 1881,[1] the third forename being a nod to his Huguenot ancestry.[2] Malcolm had a generally unremarkable career in the Royal Navy,[3] eventually reaching the rank of Commander.[2] In 1907 he married Evelyn Gillman, the daughter of a wealthy Portsmouth banker. The couple settled in the naval town of Devonport where, on 16 April 1911, their elder son was born, christened Guy Francis de Moncy. A second son, Nigel, was born two years later.[3]

Childhood and schooling

Eton College, which Burgess attended in 1924 and between 1927 and 1930

The Gillman wealth ensured a comfortable home for the young family.[4] Guy's earliest schooling was probably with a governess until, aged nine, he began as a boarder at Lockers Park, an exclusive preparatory school near Hemel Hempstead in Hertfordshire. He did well there; his grades were consistently good and he played for the school's association football team.[5] Having completed the Lockers curriculum a year early, he was too young to proceed immediately, as intended, to the Royal Naval College at Dartmouth.[n 1] Instead, from January 1924 he spent a year at Eton College, Britain's most prestigious public school.[8]

Following Malcolm Burgess's retirement from the navy, the family moved to West Meon in Hampshire. Here, on 15 September 1924, Malcolm died suddenly of a heart attack.[9] Despite this traumatic event, Guy's education proceeded as planned, and in January 1925 he began at Dartmouth.[10][n 2] Here he encountered strict discipline and insistence on order and conformity, enforced by frequent use of corporal punishment even for minor infringements.[12] In this environment, Burgess thrived both academically and at sports.[13] He was marked by the college authorities as "excellent officer material",[14] but an eye test in 1927 exposed a deficiency that precluded a career in the navy's executive branch. Burgess had no interest in the available alternatives – the engineering or paymaster branches – and in July 1927 he left Dartmouth and returned to Eton.[15][n 3]

Burgess's second period at Eton, between 1927 and 1930, was largely rewarding and successful, both academically and socially. Although he failed to be elected to the elite society known as "Pop",[16] he began to develop a network of contacts that would prove useful in later life.[17] At Eton, sexual relationships between boys were common,[18] and although Burgess would claim that his homosexuality began at Eton, his contemporaries could recall little evidence of this.[19] Generally, Burgess was remembered as amusingly flamboyant, and something of an oddity with his professed left-wing social and political opinions.[20] In January 1930 he sat for and won a history scholarship to Trinity College, Cambridge, concluding his school career with further prizes in history and drawing.[21] Throughout his life he retained fond memories of Eton; according to his biographers Stewart Purvis and Jeff Hulbert he "never showed any embarrassment that he had been educated in a citadel of educational privilege".[22]



Burgess arrived in Cambridge in October 1930, and quickly involved himself in many aspects of student life. He was not universally liked; one contemporary described him as "a conceited unreliable shit", although others found him amusing and good company.[23] After a term, he was elected to the Trinity Historical Society whose membership was formed from the brightest of Trinity College undergraduates and postgraduates. Here he encountered Kim Philby, and also Jim Lees, a former miner studying under a trade union scholarship, whose working-class perspective Burgess found stimulating.[24] In June 1931 Burgess designed the stage sets for a student production of Bernard Shaw's play Captain Brassbound's Conversion, with Michael Redgrave in the leading role.[25][26] Redgrave considered Burgess "one of the bright stars of the university scene, with a reputation for being able to turn to anything".[27]

Great Court, Trinity College, Cambridge

Burgess by this time made no attempt to conceal his homosexuality. In 1931 he met Anthony Blunt, four years his senior and a Trinity postgraduate. The two shared artistic interests and became friends, possibly lovers.[28] Blunt was a member of the intellectual society known as the "Apostles", to which in 1932 he secured Burgess's election.[29] This gave Burgess a greatly extended range of networking opportunities;[30] membership of the Apostles was lifelong, so at the regular meetings he met many of the leading intellectuals of the day, such as G. M. Trevelyan, the University's Regius Professor of History, the writer E. M. Forster, and the economist John Maynard Keynes.[31]

In the early 1930s the general political climate was volatile and threatening. In Britain, the financial crisis of 1931 pointed to the failure of capitalism, while in Germany the rise of Nazism was a source of increasing disquiet.[32] Such events radicalised opinion in Cambridge and elsewhere;[33] according to Burgess's fellow Trinity student James Klugmann, "Life seemed to demonstrate the total bankruptcy of the capitalist system and shouted aloud for some sort of quick, rational, simple alternative".[34] Burgess's interest in Marxism, initiated by friends such as Lees, deepened after he heard the historian Maurice Dobb, a fellow of Pembroke College, address the Trinity Historical Society on the issue of "Communism: a Political and Historical Theory". Another influence was a fellow student, David Guest, a leading light in the Cambridge University Socialist Society (CUSS), within which he formed the university's first active communist cell. Under Guest's influence, Burgess began studying the works of Marx and Lenin.[35]

Amid these political distractions, in 1932 Burgess obtained first-class honours in Part I of the history Tripos, and was expected to graduate with similar honours in Part II the following year. But although he worked hard, political activity distracted him and by the time of his final examinations in 1933 he was unprepared. During his examinations he fell ill and was unable to complete his papers; this may have been the consequence of belated cramming, or of taking amphetamines.[36] The examiners awarded him an aegrotat, an unclassified degree awarded to students considered worthy of honours but prevented through illness from completing their examinations.[37][n 4]


Cambridge War Memorial, focus of demonstrations in November 1933

Despite his disappointing degree result, Burgess returned to Cambridge in October 1933 as a postgraduate student and teaching assistant. His chosen research area was "Bourgeois Revolution in Seventeenth-Century England", but much of his time was devoted to political activism. That winter he formally joined the British Communist Party and became a member of its cell within CUSS.[41] On 11 November 1933 he joined a mass demonstration against the perceived militarism of the city's Armistice Day celebrations. The protestors' objective, laying a wreath bearing a pacifist message at the Cambridge War Memorial, was achieved, despite attacks and counter-demonstrations which included what the historian Martin Garrett describes as "a hail of pro-war eggs and tomatoes".[42][43] Alongside Burgess was Donald Maclean, a languages student from Trinity Hall and an active CUSS member.[44] In February 1934 Burgess, Maclean and fellow members of CUSS welcomed the Tyneside and Tees-side contingents of that month's National Hunger March, as they passed through Cambridge on their way to London.[45][44][46]

When not occupied in Cambridge, Burgess made frequent visits to Oxford, to confer with kindred spirits there; according to an Oxford student's later reminiscences, at that time "it was impossible to be in the intellectual swim ... without coming across Guy Burgess".[47] Among those he befriended was Goronwy Rees, a young Fellow of All Souls College.[48] Rees had planned to visit the Soviet Union with a fellow don in the 1934 summer vacation, but was unable to go; Burgess took his place. During the carefully escorted trip, in June–July 1934, Burgess met some notable figures, including possibly Nikolai Bukharin, editor of Izvestia and former secretary of the Comintern. On his return, Burgess had little to report, beyond commenting on the "appalling" housing conditions while praising the country's lack of unemployment.[49]

Recruitment as Soviet agent

When Burgess returned to Cambridge in October 1934, his prospects of a college fellowship and an academic career were fast receding. He had abandoned his research after discovering that the same ground was covered in a new book by Basil Willey. He began an alternative study of the Indian Rebellion of 1857, but his time was largely preoccupied with politics.[50][51]

Kim Philby, as depicted on a Soviet Union stamp

Early in 1934 Arnold Deutsch, a longstanding Soviet secret agent, arrived in London under the cover of a research appointment at University College, London. Known as "Otto", his brief was to recruit the brightest students from Britain's top universities, who might in future occupy leading positions in British institutions.[52][53] In June 1934 he recruited Philby, who had come to the Soviets' notice earlier that year in Vienna where he had been involved in demonstrations against the Dollfuss government.[54] Philby recommended several of his Cambridge associates to Deutsch, including Maclean, by this time working in the Foreign Office.[55] He also recommended Burgess, although with some reservations on account of the latter's erratic personality.[56] Deutsch considered Burgess worth the risk, "an extremely well-educated fellow, with valuable social connections, and the inclinations of an adventurer".[57] Burgess was given the codename "Mädchen", meaning "Girl", later changed to "Hicks".[58] Burgess then persuaded Blunt that he could best fight fascism by working for the Soviets.[59] A few years later another Apostle, John Cairncross, was recruited by Burgess and Blunt, to complete the spy ring often characterised as the "Cambridge Five".[60][61][n 5]

Finally recognising that he had no future career at Cambridge, Burgess left in April 1935.[63] The long-term aim of the Soviet intelligence services[n 6] was for Burgess to penetrate British intelligence,[65] and with this in mind he needed to publicly distance himself from his communist past. Thus he resigned his Communist Party membership and publicly renounced communism, with a gusto that shocked and dismayed his former comrades.[66][67] He then looked for suitable work, applying without success for positions with the Conservative Research Department and Conservative Central Office.[63] He sought a teaching job at Eton, but was rejected when a request for information from his former Cambridge tutor received the reply: "I would very much prefer not to answer your letter".[68]

Late in 1935 Burgess accepted a temporary post as personal assistant to John Macnamara, the recently elected Conservative Member of Parliament (MP) for Chelmsford. Macnamara was on the right of his party; he and Burgess joined the Anglo-German Fellowship, which promoted friendship with Nazi Germany. This enabled Burgess to disguise his political past very effectively, while gathering important information about Germany's foreign policy intentions.[69] Within the Fellowship, Burgess would proclaim fascism as "the wave of the future", although in other forums such as the Apostles he was more circumspect.[70] The association with Macnamara involved several trips to Germany; some, by Burgess's own later version of events, of a decidedly dissolute nature – both men were practising homosexuals.[71] These stories, according to the historian Michael Holzman, may have been invented or exaggerated to draw attention away from Burgess's true motives.[72]

In the autumn of 1936 Burgess met the nineteen-year-old Jack Hewit in The Bunch of Grapes, a well-known homosexual bar in The Strand. Hewit, a would-be dancer seeking work in London's musical theatres, would be Burgess's friend, manservant and intermittent lover for the next fourteen years,[73] generally sharing Burgess's various London homes: Chester Square from 1936 to 1941, Bentinck Street from 1941 to 1947, and New Bond Street from 1947 until 1951.[74][75]

BBC and MI6

BBC: first stint

In July 1936, having twice previously applied unsuccessfully for posts at the BBC, Burgess was appointed as an assistant producer in the Corporation's Talks Department.[76] Responsible for selecting and interviewing potential speakers for current affairs and cultural programmes, he drew on his extensive range of personal contacts and rarely met refusal.[77] His relationships at the BBC were volatile; he quarrelled with management about his pay,[78][79] while colleagues were irritated by his opportunism, his capacity for intrigue,[77] and his slovenliness. One colleague, Gorley Putt, remembered him as "a snob and a slob ... It amazed me, much later in life, to learn that he had been irresistibly attractive to most people he met".[80]

Old Broadcasting House, BBC's London HQ from 1932 (photographed in 2007)

Among those Burgess invited to broadcast were Blunt, several times, the well-connected writer-politician Harold Nicolson (a fruitful source of high-level gossip), the poet John Betjeman, and Kim Philby's father, the Arabist and explorer St John Philby.[81] Burgess also sought out Winston Churchill, then a powerful backbench opponent of the government's appeasement policy. On 1 October 1938, during the Munich crisis, Burgess, who had met Churchill socially, went to the latter's home at Chartwell to persuade him to reconsider his decision to withdraw from a projected talks series on Mediterranean countries.[82][83] According to the account provided in Tom Driberg's biography, the conversation ranged over a series of issues, with Burgess urging the statesman to "offer his eloquence" to help resolve the current crisis. The meeting ended with the presentation to Burgess of a signed copy of Churchill's book Arms and the Covenant,[84] but the broadcast did not take place.[85]

Pursuing their main objective, the penetration of the British intelligence agencies, Burgess's controllers asked him to cultivate a friendship with the author David Footman, who they knew was an MI6 officer. Footman introduced Burgess to his superior, Valentine Vivian; as a result, over the following eighteen months Burgess carried out several small assignments for MI6 on an unpaid freelance basis.[86] He was trusted sufficiently to be used as a back channel of communication between the British prime minister, Neville Chamberlain, and his French counterpart Edouard Daladier, during the period leading to the 1938 Munich summit.[87]

At the BBC, Burgess thought his choices of speaker were being undermined by the BBC's subservience to the government – he attributed Churchill's non-appearance to this – and in November 1938, after another of his speakers was withdrawn at the request of the prime minister's office, he resigned.[88] MI6 was by now convinced of his future utility, and he accepted a job with its new propaganda division, known as Section D.[89] In common with the other members of the Cambridge Five, his entry to British intelligence was achieved without vetting; his social position and personal recommendation were considered sufficient.[90]

Section D

Foreign ministers Molotov (left) and Ribbentrop at the signing of the Nazi-Soviet Pact

Section D was established by MI6 in March 1938, as a secret organisation charged with investigating how enemies might be attacked other than through military operations.[91] Burgess acted as Section D's representative on the Joint Broadcasting Committee (JBC), a body set up by the Foreign Office to liaise with the BBC over the transmission of anti-Hitler broadcasts to Germany.[92] His contacts with senior government officials enabled him to keep Moscow abreast of current government thinking. He informed them that the British government saw no need for a pact with the Soviets, since they believed Britain alone could defeat the Germans without Russian assistance.[93][94] This information reinforced the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin's suspicions of Britain, and may have helped to hasten the Nazi-Soviet Pact, signed between Germany and the Soviet Union in August 1939.[95]

After the outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939, Burgess, with Philby who had been brought into Section D on his recommendation,[96] ran a training course for would-be saboteurs, at Brickendonbury Manor in Hertfordshire. Philby later was sceptical of the value of such training, since neither he nor Burgess had any idea of the tasks these agents would be expected to perform behind the lines in German-occupied Europe.[97] In 1940, Section D was absorbed into the new Special Operations Executive (SOE). Philby was posted to a SOE training school in Beaulieu, and Burgess, who in September had been arrested for drunken driving (the charge was dismissed on payment of costs), found himself at the end of the year out of a job.[98]

BBC: second stint

In mid-January 1941 Burgess rejoined the BBC Talks Department,[99] while continuing to carry out freelance intelligence work, both for MI6[100] and its domestic intelligence counterpart MI5, which he had joined in a supernumerary capacity in 1940.[101] After Germany invaded the Soviet Union in June 1941, the BBC required Burgess to select speakers who would depict Britain's new Soviet ally in a favourable light.[102][103][104] He turned again to Blunt, and to his old Cambridge friend Jim Lees,[105] and in 1942 arranged a broadcast by Ernst Henri, a Soviet agent masquerading as a journalist. No transcript of Henri's talk survives, but listeners remembered it as pure Soviet propaganda.[106] In October 1941 Burgess took charge of the flagship political programme The Week in Westminster, which gave him almost unlimited access to Parliament.[107] Information gleaned from regular wining, lunching and gossiping with MPs was invaluable to the Soviets, regardless of the content of the programmes that resulted.[108] Burgess sought to maintain a political balance; his fellow Etonian Quintin Hogg, a future Conservative Lord Chancellor, was a regular broadcaster,[109] as, from the opposite social and political spectrum, was Hector McNeil, a former journalist who became a Labour MP in 1941 and served as a parliamentary private secretary in the Churchill war ministry.[110]

Burgess had lived in a Chester Square flat since 1935.[111] From Easter 1941 he shared a house with Blunt and others at No. 5 Bentinck Street.[112] Here, Burgess maintained an active social life with his many acquaintances, both regular and casual;[n 7] Goronwy Rees likened the Bentinck Street ambience to that of a French farce: "Bedroom doors opened and shut, strange faces appeared and disappeared down the stairs where they passed some new visitor coming up..."[114] This account was disputed by Blunt, who claimed that such casual comings and goings were contrary to house rules, since they would have disrupted other tenants' sleep.[115]

Burgess's casual work for MI5 and MI6 deflected official suspicion as to his true loyalties,[116] but he lived in constant fear of exposure, particularly as he had revealed the truth to Rees, when trying to recruit the latter in 1937.[117][118] Rees had since renounced communism, and was serving as an officer in the Royal Welch Fusiliers.[119] Believing that Rees might expose him and others, Burgess suggested to his handlers that they should kill Rees, or alternatively that he should do the job himself. Nothing came of this proposal.[120][121] Always seeking ways of further penetrating the citadels of power, when in June 1944 Burgess was offered a job in the News Department of the Foreign Office, he accepted it.[122] The BBC reluctantly assented to his release, stating that his departure would be "a serious loss".[123]

Foreign Office


As a press officer in the Foreign Office News Department, Burgess's role involved explaining government policy to foreign editors and diplomatic correspondents.[124] His access to secret material enabled him to send Moscow important details of allied policy both before and during the March 1945 Yalta Conference.[125] He passed information relating to the postwar futures of Poland and Germany, and also contingency plans for "Operation Unthinkable", which anticipated a future war with the Soviet Union.[126] His Soviet masters rewarded his efforts with a £250 bonus.[58][n 8] Burgess's working methods were characteristically disorganised, and his tongue was loose; according to his colleague Osbert Lancaster, "[w]hen in his cups he made no bones about working for the Russians".[128]

"Burgess saw almost all material produced by the Foreign Office, including telegraphic communications both decoded and encoded, with keys for decryption, which would have been valuable to his Soviet handlers".

-- Lownie: Stalin's Englishman[124]

Burgess had maintained contact with McNeil who, following Labour's victory in the 1945 General Election, became Minister of State at the Foreign Office, effectively Ernest Bevin's deputy. McNeil, a staunch anti-communist unsuspecting of Burgess's true allegiance, admired the latter for his sophistication and intelligence, and in December 1946 secured his services as an additional private secretary.[129] The appointment was in breach of regular Foreign Office procedures, and there were complaints, but McNeil prevailed.[130] Burgess quickly made himself indispensable to McNeil,[131] and in one six-month period transmitted to Moscow the contents of 693 files, a total of over 2,000 photographed pages, for which he received a further cash reward of £200.[132][n 9]

Early in 1948 Burgess was seconded to the Foreign Office's newly created Information Research Department (IRD), set up to counteract Soviet propaganda.[133] The move was not a success; he was indiscreet, and his new colleagues thought him "dirty, drunken and idle".[134] He was quickly sent back to McNeil's office, and in March 1948 accompanied McNeil and Bevin to Brussels for the signing of the Treaty of Brussels, which eventually led to the establishment of the Western European Union and NATO.[135] He remained with McNeil until October 1948, when he was posted to the Foreign Office's Far East Department.[136] Burgess was assigned to the China desk at a point when the Chinese civil war was nearing its climax, a communist victory imminent. There were important differences of view between Britain and the U.S. on future diplomatic relations with the forthcoming communist state.[137] Burgess was a forceful advocate for recognition, and may have influenced Britain's decision to recognise communist China in 1949.[138]

In February 1949, a fracas at a West End Club – possibly the RAC – resulted in a fall downstairs that left Burgess with severe head injuries, following which he was hospitalised for several weeks.[137][139] Recovery was slow; according to Holzman he never functioned well after that.[140] Nicolson noted the decline: "Oh my dear, what a sad, sad thing this constant drinking is! Guy used to have one of the most rapid and active minds I knew".[141] Later in 1949 a holiday in Gibraltar and North Africa became a catalogue of drunkenness, promiscuous sex, and arguments with diplomatic and MI6 staff, exacerbated by the frankly homophobic attitudes towards Burgess by some local officials.[142][143] Back in London, Burgess was reprimanded,[144] but somehow retained the confidence of his superiors, so that his next posting, in July 1950, was to Washington, as second secretary in what Purvis and Hulbert describe as "one of the UK's highest profile embassies, the creme de la creme of diplomatic postings".[145]


Anthony Eden, Burgess's "guest"

Philby had preceded Burgess to Washington, and was serving there as local head of MI6,[146] following in the path of Maclean who had worked as the embassy's first secretary between 1944 and 1948.[147][n 10] Burgess soon reverted to his erratic and intemperate habits, causing regular embarrassment in British diplomatic circles.[149][150][151] Despite this, he was given work of top secret sensitivity. Among his duties he served on the inter-allied board responsible for the conduct of the Korean War, which gave him access to America's strategic war plans.[149] His frequent behavioural lapses did not prevent his being chosen to act as escort to Anthony Eden, when the future British prime minister visited Washington in November 1950. The episode passed without trouble; the two, both Etonians, got on well, and Burgess received a warm letter of thanks from Eden "for all your kindness".[152]

Increasingly, Burgess was dissatisfied with his job. He considered leaving the diplomatic service altogether, and began sounding out his Eton friend Michael Berry about a journalistic post on The Daily Telegraph.[153] Early in 1951 a series of indiscretions, including three speeding tickets on a single day, made his position at the embassy untenable, and he was ordered by the ambassador, Sir Oliver Franks, to return to London.[154][n 11] Meanwhile, the U.S. Army's Venona counterintelligence project, investigating the identity of a Soviet spy codenamed "Homer" who had been active in Washington a few years earlier, had unearthed strong evidence that pointed to Donald Maclean. Philby and his Soviet spymasters believed that Maclean might crack when confronted by British intelligence, and expose the entire Cambridge ring.[156] Burgess was thus given the task, on reaching London, of organising Maclean's defection to the Soviet Union.[157]



Burgess returned to England on 7 May 1951. He and Blunt then contacted Yuri Modin, the Soviet spymaster in charge of the Cambridge ring, who began arrangements with Moscow to receive Maclean.[158][159] Burgess showed little urgency in proceeding with the matter,[160] finding time to pursue his personal affairs and attend an Apostles dinner in Cambridge.[161][162] On 11 May he was summoned to the Foreign Office to answer for his misconduct in Washington and, according to Boyle, was dismissed.[163] Other commentators say he was invited to resign or "retire", and was given time to consider his position.[161][164]

Burgess's diplomatic career was over, although he was not at this stage under any suspicion of treachery. He met with Maclean several times; according to Burgess's 1956 account to Driberg, the question of defection to Moscow was not raised until their third meeting, when Maclean said he was going and requested Burgess's help.[165] Burgess had previously promised Philby that he would not go with Maclean, since a double defection would put Philby's own position in serious jeopardy.[166] Blunt's unpublished memoirs state that it was Moscow's decision to send Burgess with Maclean who, they thought, would be unable to handle the complicated escape arrangements alone.[167] Burgess told Driberg that he had agreed to accompany Maclean because he was leaving the Foreign Office anyway, "and I probably couldn't stick the job at the Daily Telegraph".[165]

SS Falaise, the ship on which Burgess and Maclean fled in May 1951

Meanwhile, the Foreign Office had fixed Monday 28 May as the date for confronting Maclean with their suspicions. Philby notified Burgess who, on Friday 25 May, bought two tickets for a weekend channel cruise on the steamship Falaise.[168] These short cruises docked at the French port of St Malo, where passengers could disembark for a few hours without passport checks.[169] Burgess also hired a saloon car, and that evening drove to Maclean's house at Tatsfield in Surrey, where he introduced himself to Maclean's wife Melinda as "Roger Styles".[n 12] After the three had dined, Burgess and Maclean drove rapidly to Southampton, boarding the Falaise just before its midnight departure – the hired car was left abandoned on the quayside.[168]

The pair's subsequent movements were revealed later. On arrival in St Malo they took a taxi to Rennes, then travelled by rail to Paris and on to Berne in Switzerland. Here, by prior arrangement, they were issued with papers at the Soviet embassy, before travelling to Zurich, where they caught a flight to Prague. Safely behind the Iron Curtain, they were able to proceed smoothly on the final stages of their journey to Moscow.[169]


On Saturday 26 May, Hewit informed a friend that Burgess had not come home the previous night. Since Burgess never went away without telling his mother, his absence caused some anxiety in his circle.[170] Maclean's non-appearance at his desk on the following Monday raised concerns that he might have absconded. Disquiet increased when officials realised that Burgess, too, was missing; the discovery of the abandoned car, hired in Burgess's name, together with Melinda Maclean's revelations about "Roger Styles", confirmed that both had fled.[169] Blunt quickly visited Burgess's flat in New Bond Street and removed incriminating materials.[171] An MI6 search of the flat revealed papers that compromised another member of the Cambridge ring, Cairncross, who was later required to resign from his civil service post.[172]

The news of the double flight alarmed the Americans, following the recent conviction of the atomic spy Klaus Fuchs, and the defection of the physicist Bruno Pontecorvo the previous year.[173][174] Aware that his own position was now precarious, Philby recovered various spying paraphernalia from Burgess's former Washington quarters, and buried them in a nearby wood.[175] Summoned to London in June 1951, he was interrogated for several days by MI6. There were strong suspicions that he was responsible for forewarning Maclean via Burgess, but in the absence of conclusive evidence he faced no action and was permitted to retire quietly from MI6.[176]

In the immediate aftermath the Foreign Office made nothing public.[177] In private circles, many rumours abounded: the pair had been kidnapped by the Russians, or by the Americans, or were replicating the flight of Rudolf Hess to Scotland in 1941 in an unofficial peace mission.[178] The press was suspicious, and the story finally broke in the Daily Express on 7 June.[179] A cautious Foreign Office statement then confirmed that Maclean and Burgess were missing and were being treated as absent without leave.[180] In the House of Commons the Foreign Secretary, Herbert Morrison, said there was no indication that the missing diplomats had taken secret documents with them, nor would he attempt to prejudge the issue of their destination.[181]

On 30 June the Express offered a reward of £1,000 for information on the diplomats' current whereabouts, an amount dwarfed shortly afterwards by the Daily Mail's offer of £10,000.[182] There were numerous false sightings in the months that followed. Some press reports speculated that Burgess and Maclean were being held in Moscow's Lubyanka prison.[182] Harold Nicolson thought the Soviets would "use [Burgess] for a month or so and then quietly shove him into some salt mine".[183] Just before Christmas 1953, Burgess's mother received a letter from her son, postmarked in South London. The letter, full of affection and messages for his friends, revealed nothing of his location or circumstances.[184] In April 1954 a senior MGB officer, Vladmir Petrov, defected in Australia. He brought with him papers indicating that Burgess and Maclean had been Soviet agents since their Cambridge days, that the MGB had masterminded their escape,[185] and that they were alive and well in the Soviet Union.[186]
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Part 2 of 2

In the Soviet Union

Bolshaya Pirogovskaya Street, Moscow, where Burgess lived from 1956

After being held in Moscow for a short period, Burgess and Maclean were sent to Kuybyshev,[187][n 13] an industrial city which Burgess described as "permanently like Glasgow on a Saturday night".[189] He and Maclean were granted Soviet citizenship in October 1951,[190] and took fresh identities: Burgess became "Jim Andreyevitch". Unlike Maclean, who learned the language and quickly took up useful work, Burgess spent much of his time reading, drinking, and complaining to the authorities about his treatment – he had not intended his stay to be permanent. He expected to be permitted to return to England, where he thought he could brazen out his MI5 interrogation.[187] He also found the Soviets intolerant of homosexuality, although eventually he was allowed to retain a Russian lover, Tolya Chisekov.[191] By early 1956 Burgess had moved back to Moscow, to a flat on Bolshaya Pirogovskaya Street,[187] and was working part-time at the Foreign Literature Publishing House, promoting the translation of classic British novels.[189]

In February 1956 the Soviet government allowed Burgess and Maclean to hold a brief press conference, which included two Western journalists – the first concrete proof to the West that the missing diplomats were alive. In a short statement, they denied they were communist spies and said they had come to Moscow "to achieve better understanding between the Soviet Union and the West".[192] In Britain, reaction to their reappearance was strongly condemnatory, epitomised in a series of articles in The People, purportedly written by Burgess's former friend Rees.[193][n 14] The articles, which described Burgess as "the greatest traitor in our history",[196] sought to emphasise Burgess's supposed dissolute lifestyle and, in the opinion of his biographer Sheila Kerr, "did much to prolong and accentuate repressive attitudes to homosexuality" in Britain.[197]

"A bad, unpleasant book about a bad, unpleasant man. What kind of people does Mr Driberg think we are, to be deceived by this packet of glibness and plausible triviality?"

-- John Connell of Time and Tide, commenting on Driberg's book.[198]

In July 1956 the Soviet authorities allowed Burgess's mother to visit her son. She stayed a month, mainly in the holiday resort of Sochi.[199] During August the journalist and Labour Party politician Tom Driberg flew to Moscow to interview Burgess – the two had first met through The Week in Westminster.[200] On his return, Driberg wrote a book in which Burgess was portrayed relatively sympathetically. Some assumed that the content had been vetted by the KGB as a propaganda exercise; others thought its purpose was to trap Burgess into revealing information that could lead to his prosecution, should he ever return to Britain.[201]

Over the following years Burgess received numerous visitors from England. Redgrave came with the Shakespeare Memorial Theatre Company in February 1959; this visit led to Burgess's meeting with the actress Coral Browne, a friendship later the subject of Alan Bennett's play An Englishman Abroad.[202][203] In the same year Burgess gave a filmed interview to the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), forgotten until its rediscovery in 2015.[204] In it, Burgess revealed that while he wished to continue living in Russia, he maintained an affection for his home country.[204] When the British prime minister, Harold Macmillan, visited Moscow in 1959, Burgess offered his expertise to the visiting party (he had once spent an evening with Macmillan at the Reform Club).[202] His offer was declined, but he used this opportunity to lobby officials for permission to visit Britain where, he said, his mother was sick. Although aware on legal advice that a successful prosecution against Burgess would be problematic, the Foreign Office issued statements implying he would face instant arrest in Britain. In the event, Burgess chose not to put the issue to the test.[205]

Decline and death

St John's Church, West Meon, where Burgess's ashes were interred

Burgess suffered from increasing ill-health, largely due to a lifestyle based on poor food and excessive alcohol. In 1960 and 1961 he was treated in hospital for arteriosclerosis and ulcers, on the latter occasion being close to death.[206] In April 1962, writing to his friend Esther Whitfield, he indicated how his belongings should be allocated should he die – Blunt, Philby and Chisekov were all named as beneficiaries.[207]

In January 1963 Philby defected to Moscow, having finally been unmasked[208] – after official exoneration by Macmillan in 1956.[209] He and Burgess kept apart, though they may have met briefly, when the latter was on his deathbed in August 1963.[210][211] Burgess died on 30 August, of arteriosclerosis and acute liver failure. He was cremated five days later; Nigel Burgess represented the family, and Maclean delivered a eulogy describing his co-defector as "a gifted and courageous man who devoted his life to the cause of a better world".[212] Burgess's ashes were returned to England, and on 5 October 1963 were interred in the family plot at St John the Evangelist Churchyard in West Meon.[213][n 15]


Modin considered Burgess the leader of the Cambridge spies: "He held the group together, infused it with his energy and led it into battle".[215] He sent quantities of information to Moscow – thousands of documents including policy papers, Cabinet minutes and notes of Imperial General Staff meetings. [216] According to Holzman, "Burgess and Maclean ensured that hardly anything done by the British Foreign Office was not known to the Soviet foreign intelligence services".[217] However, views are divided as to what use the Soviets made of this information, or whether they trusted it. Released papers by the Foreign Intelligence Services of the Russian Federation record that "of particular value was the information [he] obtained about the positions of Western countries on the postwar settlement in Europe, Britain's military strategy, NATO [and] the activities of British and American intelligence agencies".[218] But the apparent ease with which Burgess and his colleagues could acquire and send such volumes of data also created suspicions in Moscow that they were being fed misinformation.[219] Thus, the extent of damage to British interests suffered by Burgess's activities is a matter of conjecture; Kerr concludes that "despite much fevered speculation ... there is too little evidence on the effects of [Burgess's] espionage and his influence upon international politics for a credible assessment to be feasible."[197]

"No one has ever shown that Burgess did much harm, except to make fools of people in high places".
Alan Bennett, Single Spies (1991)[220]

The British Establishment found it difficult to accept how someone of Burgess's background and education could betray the system that had sustained him in comfort and privilege.[221] According to Rebecca West in The Meaning of Treason, the demoralisation and panic caused by Burgess's defection was of greater value than the information he passed to the Soviets.[222] The damage to Anglo-U.S. intelligence co-operation was severe; all atomic intelligence liaison between the two countries was suspended for several years.[223] Foreign Office complacency about recruitment and security was shattered, and although positive vetting was belatedly introduced,[197] the diplomatic service suffered what Burgess's biographer Andrew Lownie calls "a culture of suspicion and mistrust that was still being played out half a century after the 1951 flight".[224]

Against the popular denunciations of "traitor" and "spy", Burgess was, in Holzman's words, a revolutionary and idealist, identifying with those who thought that their society "was deeply unjust and that its Empire spread this injustice throughout the world".[225] He never deviated from the ideological justification that he gave on his reappearance in 1956; he believed that the stark choice to be made in the twentieth century was between America and the Soviet Union.[226] Noel Annan, in his account of British intellectual life between the world wars, states that Burgess "was a true Stalinist who hated liberals more than imperialists" and "simply believed that Britain's future lay with Russia not America".[227] Burgess insisted there was no viable case against him in England (a view secretly shared by the British authorities),[205] but would not visit there, since he might be prevented from returning to Moscow where he wished to live "because I am a socialist and this is a socialist country".[228]

Burgess's life, says Lownie, can only be explained by an understanding of "the intellectual maelstrom of the 1930s, particularly amongst the young and impressionable".[229] Yet Lownie points out that most of his fellow Cambridge communists did not work for the Russians, and indeed reassessed their position after the Nazi-Soviet Pact.[229] Holzman stresses the high price of Burgess's political continuing commitment, which "cost him everything else he valued: the possibility of fulfilling intimate relationships, the social life that revolved around the BBC, Fleet Street and Whitehall, even the chance to be with his mother as she lay dying".[230]

Of the other Cambridge spies, Maclean and Philby lived out their lives in Moscow, dying in 1983 and 1988 respectively.[231][232] Blunt, who was interrogated many times, finally confessed in 1964,[233] although in return for his co-operation this was not made public before his exposure in 1979;[234] he died four years later.[235] Cairncross, who made a partial confession in 1964 and continued thereafter to cooperate with the British authorities, worked as a writer and historian before his death in 1995.[236][237]

Aspects of Burgess's life have been fictionalised in several novels, and dramatised on numerous occasions. An early (1954) novel, The Troubled Midnight by Rodney Garland, was followed by, among others, Nicholas Monsarrat's Smith and Jones (1963), and Michael Dobbs's Winston's War (2003),[238] which builds on the pre-war meeting between Burgess and Churchill. Stage and screen works include Bennett's An Englishman Abroad, Granada TV's 1987 drama Philby, Burgess and Maclean (1977), the 2003 BBC miniseries Cambridge Spies,[239] and John Morrison's 2011 stage play A Morning with Guy Burgess, set in the last months of his life and examining themes of loyalty and betrayal.[240]

See also

• United Kingdom portal
• Biography portal
• LGBT portal
• Mitrokhin Archive

Notes and references


1. At this time, Dartmouth was run as a British public school, under a civilian headmaster, with an entry age of 13. It later changed its character, to become an 18+ officer cadet establishment, more akin to a university.[6][7]
2. In 1928, after four years' widowhood, Evelyn married a retired Army officer and former provincial governor in the Sudan, Lt-Col John Retallack Bassett, DSO MBE.[11]
3. After Burgess's defection in 1951, unsubstantiated reports suggested that the real reason for his departure from Dartmouth was either theft or homosexuality. His mother produced a letter from the college, confirming that poor eyesight was indeed the reason.[14]
4. Despite the aegrotat, some future commentators maintained that Burgess had graduated with first-class honours;[38][39] Sir William Ridsdale, the head of the Foreign Office News department, referred to him as a "Double First", indicating first-class honours in both parts of the Tripos.[40]
5. Purvis and Hulbert contend that the Cambridge ring may have involved as many as eleven members. Beyond the best-known five, they name Klugmann, Michael Straight, Arthur Wynn, Herbert Norman, Leo Long and Alan Nunn May as "fitting the criteria". Only Nunn May was ever apprehended and served time in prison.[62]
6. Since 1933 known as the NKVD (People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs), formerly OGPU, by 1946 it had become the MGB(Ministry of State Security) and was re-formed in March 1954 as the KGB (Committee for State Security).[64]
7. Charles Fletcher-Cooke, a naval intelligence officer who became a Conservative MP, recalled a riotous night out with Burgess, in a party that included the prime minister's daughter Mary Churchill. "Guy and Mary got on a treat", wrote Fletcher-Cooke.[113]
8. £250 in 1945 is approximately equivalent to £11,000 in 2019.[127]
9. £200 in 1948 is approximately equivalent to £9,000 in 2019.[127]
10. Maclean had subsequently served as head of chancery in Cairo, but his destructive behaviour there – which included trashing a female secretary's apartment and tearing up her underwear – led to his recall to London for psychiatric tests. In November 1950, when he was pronounced fit, he was given another promotion, to the highly sensitive post as head of the American desk at the Foreign Office.[148]
11. Some accounts, including that of Hewit in an unpublished memoir, have maintained that Burgess planned his recall to London by deliberate misbehaviour, although according to Lownie he "put up a good front" and was apparently "boiling with rage".[155]
12. Burgess created the name "Roger Styles" by conflating the titles of two Agatha Christie novels: The Murder of Roger Ackroyd and The Mysterious Affair at Styles.[168]
13. Kuybyshev has been known as Samara until 1935, and reverted to that name in 1991.[188]
14. Isaiah Berlin is quoted by Holzman as saying: "Of course, Rees did not write them as they were published, they were written by somebody on the newspaper".[194] Nevertheless, Rees's association with Burgess as revealed in the articles, for which he was paid £2,700 (worth about £60,000 in 2016 terms)[127] led to his enforced resignation from his post as principal of The University College of Wales.[195]
15. Burgess left an estate in Britain worth £6,220[197] (around £120,000 in 2016 terms).[127] The value of his Russian assets is unrecorded, although according to Macintyre he left a library of 4,000 books to Philby.[214]


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2. Boyle 1980, p. 83.
3. Lownie 2016, pp. 1–3.
4. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 3.
5. Holzman 2013, p. 20.
6. Lownie 2016, p. 10.
7. Winstanley, Nichola (January 2009). "Officer Training at Britannia Royal Naval College". By the Dart. South Devon Magazines. Retrieved 20 March 2018.
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9. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 6.
10. Lownie 2016, p. 9.
11. Lownie 2016, p. 22.
12. Lownie 2016, pp. 11–12.
13. Boyle 1980, p. 85.
14. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 7.
15. Lownie 2016, pp. 14–16.
16. Boyle 1980, p. 86.
17. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 10.
18. Holzman 2013, p. 23.
19. Lownie 2016, pp. 20–21.
20. Lownie 2016, p. 21.
21. Lownie 2016, pp. 23, 26.
22. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 8.
23. Lownie 2016, pp. 27.
24. Lownie 2016, p. 28.
25. Lownie 2016, p. 29.
26. Holzman 2013, p. 30.
27. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 19.
28. Lownie 2016, p. 30.
29. Lownie 2016, p. 33.
30. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 33.
31. Lownie 2016, p. 34.
32. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, pp. 24–25.
33. Lownie 2016, p. 31.
34. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 207.
35. Lownie 2016, pp. 31–32.
36. Lownie 2016, p. 37.
37. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 40.
38. Driberg 1956, pp. 15–16.
39. Lownie 2016, p. 71.
40. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 321.
41. Lownie 2016, pp. 40–41, 46.
42. Garrett 2004, p. 69.
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48. Boyle 1980, p. 78.
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50. Lownie 2016, p. 46.
51. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 47.
52. Lownie 2016, pp. 52–53.
53. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, pp. 47–48.
54. Macintyre 2015, pp. 37–38.
55. Macintyre 2015, p. 44.
56. Lownie 2016, p. 54.
57. Lownie 2016, p. 55.
58. Lownie 2016, p. 147.
59. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, pp. 50–51.
60. Lownie 2016, pp. 76–77.
61. Boissoneault, Lorraine (10 January 2017). "The Student and the Spy: How One Man's Life Was Changed by the Cambridge Five". Smithsonian. Retrieved 10 November 2017.
62. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 312.
63. Lownie 2016, pp. 58–59.
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65. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 55.
66. Boyle 1980, p. 141.
67. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 56.
68. Card 1994, p. 186.
69. Lownie 2016, pp. 62–63.
70. Holzman 2013, p. 78.
71. Boyle 1980, pp. 149–50.
72. Holzman 2013, p. 81.
73. Lownie 2016, pp. 80–81.
74. Holzman 2013, pp. 74, 161.
75. Lownie 2016, p. 168.
76. Lownie 2016, pp. 67–70.
77. Boyle 1980, p. 157.
78. Lownie 2016, p. 72.
79. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 72.
80. Lownie 2016, p. 70.
81. Lownie 2016, pp. 72–73.
82. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 94.
83. Lownie 2016, pp. 94–95.
84. Driberg 1956, pp. 43–46.
85. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 96.
86. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, pp. 74–76.
87. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, pp. 89–91.
88. Lownie 2016, p. 96.
89. Lownie 2016, p. 97.
90. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, pp. 105–06.
91. Holzman 2013, p. 135.
92. Lownie 2016, pp. 97–98.
93. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, pp. 112–13.
94. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 267.
95. Lownie 2016, pp. 100–01.
96. Holzman 2013, p. 146.
97. Lownie 2016, pp. 110–11.
98. Lownie 2016, p. 113.
99. Lownie 2016, p. 123.
100. West 1982, p. 259.
101. Pincher 1982, p. 117.
102. Lownie 2016, pp. 126–27.
103. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, pp. 145–46.
104. Boyle 1980, p. 222.
105. Lownie 2016, pp. 127, 138.
106. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 151.
107. Lownie 2016, p. 134.
108. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 139.
109. Lownie 2016, pp. 135, 140.
110. Lownie 2016, p. 139.
111. Holzman 2013, p. 74.
112. Lownie 2016, p. 114.
113. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 320.
114. Lownie 2016, pp. 115–22.
115. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 326.
116. Pincher 1982, p. 120.
117. Lownie 2016, pp. 77–78.
118. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 115.
119. Morgan, Kenneth O. (2004). "Rees, (Morgan) Goronwy". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Retrieved 18 November2011. (subscription required)
120. Hastings 2015, p. 361.
121. Lownie 2016, p. 133.
122. Lownie 2016, pp. 142–43.
123. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 167.
124. Lownie 2016, pp. 144–45.
125. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 179.
126. Lownie 2016, p. 148.
127. "Inflation calculator". Bank of England. Retrieved 19 November 2017.
128. Lownie 2016, p. 146.
129. West 1982, pp. 260–61.
130. Boyle 1980, p. 300.
131. Modin 1995, p. 131.
132. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 191.
133. Holzman 2013, pp. 278–79.
134. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 200.
135. Lownie 2016, p. 175.
136. Lownie 2016, p. 182.
137. West 1982, p. 261.
138. Boyle 1980, p. 358.
139. Lownie 2016, p. 188.
140. Holzman 2013, pp. 301–02.
141. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 207–08.
142. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, pp. 211–15.
143. Holzman 2013, pp. 303–05.
144. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 217.
145. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, pp. 222–23.
146. Macintyre 2015, p. 118.
147. Davenport-Hines 2018, pp. 316–18.
148. West 1982, p. 255.
149. Lownie 2016, p. 202.
150. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 241.
151. Macintyre 2015, pp. 145–46.
152. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, pp. 242–43.
153. Lownie 2016, p. 209.
154. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 251.
155. Lownie 2016, pp. 221–22, 377.
156. Macintyre 2015, pp. 143–44.
157. Macintyre 2015, p. 147.
158. Macintyre 2015, p. 148.
159. Modin 1995, p. 201.
160. Boyle 1980, p. 398.
161. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 255.
162. Lownie 2016, p. 229.
163. Boyle 1980, p. 392.
164. Lownie 2016, p. 227.
165. Driberg 1956, p. 94.
166. Macintyre 2015, p. 149.
167. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 257.
168. Lownie 2016, pp. 237–39.
169. Macintyre 2015, pp. 150–51.
170. Holzman 2013, pp. 336–37.
171. Lownie 2016, p. 244.
172. Davenport-Hines 2018, pp. 401, 421–22.
173. West 1982, pp. 238, 264, 285.
174. Lownie 2016, pp. 245–56.
175. Macintyre 2015, p. 153.
176. Macintyre 2015, pp. 156–64.
177. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 263.
178. Davenport-Hines 2018, pp. 405–06.
179. Lownie 2016, p. 249.
180. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 265.
181. "Foreign Service (Missing Officials)". Hansard. 1669–1675. 488. 11 June 1951. Retrieved 29 November 2017.
182. Lownie 2016, pp. 257–58.
183. Fisher 1995, p. 304.
184. Lownie 2016, pp. 65–66.
185. Boyle 1980, p. 437.
186. Macintyre 2015, p. 177.
187. Lownie 2016, pp. 284–86.
188. "Samara". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 30 November2017.
189. Driberg 1956, pp. 100–01.
190. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 401.
191. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 331.
192. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, p. 322.
193. Lownie 2016, pp. 275–76.
194. Holzman 2013, p. 357.
195. Lownie 2016, p. 276.
196. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 473.
197. Kerr, Sheila (September 2014). "Burgess, Guy Francis de Moncy". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Retrieved 12 November 2017. (subscription required)
198. Lownie 2016, p. 281.
199. Lownie 2016, p. 277.
200. Driberg 1977, p. 239.
201. Wheen 2001, pp. 306–17.
202. Lownie 2016, pp. 296–98.
203. Bennett 1995, pp. 209–14.
204. "The forgotten interview with Cambridge spy Guy Burgess". BBC News. 23 February 2015. Retrieved 29 July2015.
205. Fenton, Ben (29 January 2007). "The Bluff that Fooled Soviet Spy Burgess". The Daily Telegraph. Retrieved 30 November 2017.
206. Lownie 2016, p. 311.
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208. Macintyre 2015, pp. 262–66.
209. West 1982, pp. 279–80.
210. Boyle 1980, p. 473.
211. McCrum, Robert (29 May 2016). "How Cambridge Spy Guy Burgess Charmed the Observer's Man in Moscow". The Observer. Retrieved 1 December 2017.
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216. Lownie 2016, p. 323.
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218. Holzman 2013, pp. 374–75.
219. Lownie 2016, pp. 131–33.
220. Lownie 2016, p. 322.
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234. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 526.
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• Bennett, Alan (1995). Writing Home. London: Faber and Faber. ISBN 978-0-571-17389-1.
• Boyle, Andrew (1980). The Climate of Treason. London: Hodder & Stoughton (Coronet). ISBN 978-0-340-25572-8.
• Card, Tim (1994). Eton Renewed: a History from 1860 to the Present Day. London: John Murray. ISBN 978-0-7195-5309-7.
• Davenport-Hines, Richard (2018). Enemies Within: Communists, the Cambridge Spies and the Making of Modern Britain. London: William Collins. ISBN 978-0-00-824556-6.
• Driberg, Tom (1956). Guy Burgess: A Portrait with Background. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. OCLC 1903821.
• Driberg, Tom (1977). Ruling Passions. London: Jonathan Cape. ISBN 978-0-224-01402-1.
• Fisher, Clive (1995). Cyril Connolly: a Nostalgic Life. London: Macmillan (Papermac). ISBN 978-0-333-64965-7.
• Garrett, Martin (2004). Cambridge: A Cultural and Literary History. Oxford: Signal Books. ISBN 978-1-902669-78-6.
• Hastings, Max (2015). The Secret War. London: William Collins. ISBN 978-0-00-750374-2.
• Holzman, Michael (2013). Guy Burgess: Revolutionary in an Old School Tie. New York: Chelmsford Press. ISBN 978-0-615-89509-3.
• Lownie, Andrew (2016). Stalin's Englishman: The Lives of Guy Burgess. London: Hodder and Stoughton. ISBN 978-1-473-62738-3.
• Macintyre, Ben (2015). A Spy Among Friends: Philby and the Great Betrayal. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4088-5178-4.
• Modin, Yuri (1995). My Five Cambridge Friends. Translated by Anthony Roberts. London: Headline. ISBN 978-0-747-24775-3.
• Pincher, Chapman (1982). Their Trade is Treachery. London: Sidgwick and Jackson. ISBN 978-0-283-98847-9.
• Purvis, Stewart; Hulbert, Jeff (2016). Guy Burgess: The Spy Who Knew Everyone. London: Biteback Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84954-913-4.
• West, Rebecca (1982). The Meaning of Treason. London: Virago Press. ISBN 978-0-86068-256-1.
• Wheen, Francis (2001). The Soul of Indiscretion: Tom Driberg, Poet, Philanderer, Legislator and Outlaw. London: Fourth Estate. ISBN 978-1-84115-575-3. (Originally published as Tom Driberg: His Life and Indiscretions by Chatto & Windus, London 1990)

Further reading

• Andrew, Christopher (2010). The Defence of the Realm: The Authorized History of MI5. London: Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-141-02330-4.
• Corera, Gordon (2012). MI6: Life and Death in the British Secret Service. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. ISBN 978-0-753-82833-5.
• Hamrick, S.J. (2004). Deceiving the Deceivers: Kim Philby, Donald Maclean, and Guy Burgess. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-10416-5.
• Jeffery, Keith (2011). MI6: The History of the Secret Intelligence Service 1909-1949. London: Bloomsbury. ISBN 978-1-408-81005-7.

External links

• "File release: Cold War Cambridge spies Burgess and Maclean". The National Archives. 23 October 2015. Retrieved 30 April 2018.
• Cambridge Five spy Guy Burgess interview unearthed by CBC. YouTube. 23 February 2015. Retrieved 29 July 2015.
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Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury [Lord Salisbury]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

The Most Honourable, The Marquess of Salisbury, KG GCVO PC FRS DL
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
In office: 25 June 1895 – 11 July 1902
Monarch: Victoria, Edward VII
Preceded by: The Earl of Rosebery
Succeeded by: Arthur Balfour
In office: 25 July 1886 – 11 August 1892
Monarch: Victoria
Preceded by: William Ewart Gladstone
Succeeded by: William Ewart Gladstone
In office: 23 June 1885 – 28 January 1886
Preceded by: William Ewart Gladstone
Succeeded by: William Ewart Gladstone
Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal
In office: 12 November 1900 – 11 July 1902
Preceded by: The Viscount Cross
Succeeded by: Arthur Balfour
Leader of the Opposition
In office: 11 August 1892 – 22 June 1895
Prime Minister: William Ewart Gladstone; The Earl of Rosebery
Preceded by: William Ewart Gladstone
Succeeded by: The Earl of Rosebery
In office: 28 January 1886 – 20 July 1886
Prime Minister: William Ewart Gladstone
Preceded by: William Ewart Gladstone
Succeeded by William Ewart Gladstone
In office: May 1881 – 9 June 1885
Prime Minister: William Ewart Gladstone
Preceded by The Earl of Beaconsfield
Succeeded by: William Ewart Gladstone
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
In office: 29 June 1895 – 12 November 1900
Preceded by: The Earl of Kimberley
Succeeded by: The Marquess of Lansdowne
In office: 14 January 1887 – 11 August 1892
Preceded by: The Earl of Iddesleigh
Succeeded by: The Earl of Rosebery
In office: 24 June 1885 – 6 February 1886
Preceded by: The Earl Granville
Succeeded by: The Earl of Rosebery
In office: 2 April 1878 – 28 April 1880
Prime Minister: The Earl of Beaconsfield
Preceded by: The Earl of Derby
Succeeded by: The Earl Granville
Secretary of State for India
In office: 21 February 1874 – 2 April 1878
Prime Minister: Benjamin Disraeli
Preceded by: The Duke of Argyll
Succeeded by: The Viscount Cranbrook
In office: 6 July 1866 – 8 March 1867
Prime Minister: The Earl of Derby
Preceded by: The Earl de Grey
Succeeded by: Sir Stafford Northcote, Bt
Member of the House of Lords, Lord Temporal
In office: 12 April 1868 – 22 August 1903
Hereditary Peerage
Preceded by: The 2nd Marquess of Salisbury
Succeeded by: The 4th Marquess of Salisbury
Member of Parliament for Stamford
In office: 22 August 1853 – 12 April 1868
Preceded by: John Charles Herries
Succeeded by: Charles Chetwynd-Talbot
Personal details
Born: Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3 February 1830, Hatfield, Hertfordshire, England
Died: 22 August 1903 (aged 73), Hatfield, Hertfordshire, England
Resting place: St Etheldreda's Church, Hatfield
Political party: Conservative
Spouse(s): Georgina Alderson (m. 1857; died 1899)
Children 8, including Gwendolen James William Robert Edward Hugh
Parents: James Gascoyne-Cecil, 2nd Marquess of Salisbury (father)
Alma mater: Christ Church, Oxford

Shield of arms of Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, KG, as displayed on his Order of the Garter stall plate in St. George's Chapel.

Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, KG, GCVO, PC, FRS, DL (/ˈmɑːrkwɪs əv ˈsɔːlzbəri/; 3 February 1830 – 22 August 1903), styled Lord Robert Cecil before the death of his elder brother in 1865, Viscount Cranborne from June 1865 until his father died in April 1868, and then the Marquess of Salisbury, was a British statesman, serving as prime minister three times for a total of over thirteen years. A member of the Conservative Party, he was the last prime minister to serve his term while a member of the House of Lords (Alec Douglas-Home was very briefly a member of the House of Lords at the start of his premiership, but he renounced his peerage and subsequently sat in the House of Commons).[1]

Lord Robert Cecil was first elected to the House of Commons in 1854 and served as Secretary of State for India in Lord Derby's Conservative government from 1866 until his resignation in 1867 over its introduction of Benjamin Disraeli's Reform Bill that extended the suffrage to working-class men. In 1868 upon the death of his father, Cecil was elevated to the House of Lords. In 1874, when Disraeli formed an administration, Salisbury returned as Secretary of State for India, and, in 1878, was appointed foreign secretary, and played a leading part in the Congress of Berlin, despite his doubts over Disraeli's pro-Ottoman policy.

After the Conservatives lost the 1880 general election and Disraeli's death the year after, Salisbury emerged as Conservative leader in the House of Lords, with Sir Stafford Northcote leading the party in the Commons. He became Prime Minister in June 1885 when the Liberal leader William Ewart Gladstone resigned, and held the office until January 1886. When Gladstone came out in favour of Home Rule for Ireland, Salisbury opposed him and formed an alliance with the breakaway Liberal Unionists, winning the subsequent general election. He remained as Prime Minister until Gladstone's Liberals formed a government with the support of the Irish Nationalists, despite the Unionists gaining the largest number of votes and seats at the 1892 general election. The Liberals, however, lost the 1895 general election, and Salisbury once again became prime minister, leading Britain to war against the Boers, and the Unionists to another electoral victory in 1900 before relinquishing the premiership to his nephew Arthur Balfour. He died a year later, in 1903.

Historians agree that Salisbury was a strong and effective leader in foreign affairs, with a strong grasp of the issues. Paul Smith characterises his personality as "deeply neurotic, depressive, agitated, introverted, fearful of change and loss of control, and self-effacing but capable of extraordinary competitiveness."[2] A representative of the landed aristocracy, he held the reactionary credo, "Whatever happens will be for the worse, and therefore it is in our interest that as little should happen as possible."[3] Searle says that instead of seeing his party's victory in 1886 as a harbinger of a new and more popular Conservatism, he longed to return to the stability of the past, when his party's main function was to restrain demagogic liberalism and democratic excess.[4]

Early life: 1830–1852

Lord Robert Cecil was born at Hatfield House, the third son of the 2nd Marquess of Salisbury and Frances Mary, née Gascoyne. He was a patrilineal descendant of Lord Burghley and the 1st Earl of Salisbury, chief ministers of Elizabeth I. The family owned vast rural estates in Hertfordshire and Dorset. This wealth increased sharply in 1821, when his father married his mother, Frances Mary Gascoyne, heiress of a wealthy merchant who had bought large estates in Essex and Lancashire.[5]:7

Robert had a miserable childhood, with few friends; he filled his time with reading. He was bullied unmercifully at the schools he attended.[5]:8–10 In 1840, he went to Eton College, where he did well in French, German, Classics, and Theology; however, he left in 1845 because of intense bullying.[6] The unhappy schooling shaped his pessimistic outlook on life and his negative views on democracy. He decided that most people were cowardly and cruel, and that the mob would run roughshod over sensitive individuals.[5]:10

In December 1847 he went to Christ Church, Oxford, where he received an honorary fourth class in Mathematics conferred by nobleman's privilege due to ill health. Whilst at Oxford he found the Oxford movement or "Tractarianism" to be an intoxicating force; he had an intense religious experience that shaped his life.[5]:12,23 In 1853 he was elected a prize fellow of All Souls College, Oxford.

In April 1850 he joined Lincoln's Inn, but did not enjoy law.[5]:15 His doctor advised him to travel for his health, and so in July 1851 to May 1853 Cecil travelled through Cape Colony, Australia, including Tasmania, and New Zealand.[5]:15–16 He disliked the Boers and wrote that free institutions and self-government could not be granted to the Cape Colony because the Boers outnumbered the British three-to-one, and "it will simply be delivering us over bound hand and foot into the power of the Dutch, who hate us as much as a conquered people can hate their conquerors".[5]:16 He found the Kaffirs "a fine set of men – whose language bears traces of a very high former civilisation", similar to Italian. They were "an intellectual race, with great firmness and fixedness of will" but "horribly immoral" as they lacked theism.[5]:17

In the Bendigo goldmine in Australia, he claimed that "there is not half as much crime or insubordination as there would be in an English town of the same wealth and population". Ten thousand miners were policed by four men armed with carbines, and at Mount Alexander 30,000 people were protected by 200 policemen, with over 30,000 ounces of gold mined per week. He believed that there was "generally far more civility than I should be likely to find in the good town of Hatfield" and claimed this was due to "the government was that of the Queen, not of the mob; from above, not from below. Holding from a supposed right (whether real or not, no matter)" and from "the People the source of all legitimate power,"[5]:18 Cecil said of the Māori of New Zealand: "The natives seem when they have converted to make much better Christians than the white man". A Maori chief offered Cecil five acres near Auckland, which he declined.[5]:19

Member of Parliament: 1853–1866

Lord Salisbury c.1857

He entered the House of Commons as a Conservative on 22 August 1853, as MP for Stamford in Lincolnshire. He retained this seat until he succeeded to his father's peerages in 1868 and it was not contested during his time as its representative. In his election address he opposed secular education and "ultramontane" interference with the Church of England which was "at variance with the fundamental principles of our constitution". He would oppose "any such tampering with our representative system as shall disturb the reciprocal powers on which the stability of our constitution rests".[5]:20 In 1867, after his brother Eustace complained of being addressed by constituents in a hotel, Cecil responded: "A hotel infested by influential constituents is worse than one infested by bugs. It's a pity you can't carry around a powder insecticide to get rid of vermin of that kind".[5]:21

In December 1856 Cecil began publishing articles for the Saturday Review, to which he contributed anonymously for the next nine years. From 1861 to 1864 he published 422 articles in it; in total the weekly published 608 of his articles. The Quarterly Review was the foremost intellectual journal of the age and of the twenty-six issues published between spring 1860 and summer 1866, Cecil had anonymous articles in all but three of them. He also wrote lead articles for the Tory daily newspaper the Standard. In 1859 Cecil was a founding co-editor of Bentley's Quarterly Review, with John Douglas Cook and Rev. William Scott; but it closed after four issues.[5]:39–40

Salisbury criticised the foreign policy of Lord John Russell, claiming he was "always being willing to sacrifice anything for peace... colleagues, principles, pledges... a portentous mixture of bounce and baseness... dauntless to the weak, timid and cringing to the strong". The lessons to be learnt from Russell's foreign policy, Salisbury believed, were that he should not listen to the opposition or the press otherwise "we are to be governed… by a set of weathercocks, delicately poised, warranted to indicate with unnerving accuracy every variation in public feeling". Secondly: "No one dreams of conducting national affairs with the principles which are prescribed to individuals. The meek and poor-spirited among nations are not to be blessed, and the common sense of Christendom has always prescribed for national policy principles diametrically opposed to those that are laid down in the Sermon on the Mount". Thirdly: "The assemblies that meet in Westminster have no jurisdiction over the affairs of other nations. Neither they nor the Executive, except in plain defiance of international law, can interfere [in the internal affairs of other countries]... It is not a dignified position for a Great Power to occupy, to be pointed out as the busybody of Christendom". Finally, Britain should not threaten other countries unless prepared to back this up by force: "A willingness to fight is the point d'appui of diplomacy, just as much as a readiness to go to court is the starting point of a lawyer's letter. It is merely courting dishonour, and inviting humiliation for the men of peace to use the habitual language of the men of war".[5]:40–42

Secretary of State for India: 1866–67

In 1866 Lord Robert, now Viscount Cranborne after the death of his older brother, entered the third government of Lord Derby as Secretary of State for India. When in 1867 John Stuart Mill proposed a type of proportional representation, Cranborne argued that: "It was not of our atmosphere—it was not in accordance with our habits; it did not belong to us. They all knew that it could not pass. Whether that was creditable to the House or not was a question into which he would not inquire; but every Member of the House the moment he saw the scheme upon the Paper saw that it belonged to the class of impracticable things".[7]

On 2 August when the Commons debated the Orissa famine in India, Cranborne spoke out against experts, political economy, and the government of Bengal. Utilising the Blue Books, Cranborne criticised officials for "walking in a dream… in superb unconsciousness, believing that what had been must be, and that as long as they did nothing absolutely wrong, and they did not displease their immediate superiors, they had fulfilled all the duties of their station". These officials worshipped political economy "as a sort of 'fetish'... [they] seemed to have forgotten utterly that human life was short, and that man did not subsist without food beyond a few days". Three-quarters of a million people had died because officials had chosen "to run the risk of losing the lives than to run the risk of wasting the money". Cranborne's speech was received with "an enthusiastic, hearty cheer from both sides of the House" and Mill crossed the floor of the Commons to congratulate him on it. The famine left Cranborne with a lifelong suspicion of experts and in the photograph albums at his home covering the years 1866–67 there are two images of skeletal Indian children amongst the family pictures.[5]:86

Reform Act 1867

When parliamentary reform came to prominence again in the mid-1860s, Cranborne worked hard to master electoral statistics until he became an expert. When the Liberal Reform Bill was being debated in 1866, Cranborne studied the census returns to see how each clause in the Bill would affect the electoral prospects in each seat.[5]:86–87 Cranborne did not expect Disraeli's conversion to reform, however. When the Cabinet met on 16 February 1867, Disraeli voiced his support for some extension of the suffrage, providing statistics amassed by Robert Dudley Baxter, showing that 330,000 people would be given the vote and all except 60,000 would be granted extra votes. Cranborne studied Baxter's statistics and on 21 February he met Lord Carnarvon, who wrote in his diary: "He is firmly convinced now that Disraeli has played us false, that he is attempting to hustle us into his measure, that Lord Derby is in his hands and that the present form which the question has now assumed has been long planned by him". They agreed to "a sort of offensive and defensive alliance on this question in the Cabinet" to "prevent the Cabinet adopting any very fatal course". Disraeli had "separate and confidential conversations...carried on with each member of the Cabinet from whom he anticipated opposition [which] had divided them and lulled their suspicions".[5]:89 That same night Cranborne spent three hours studying Baxter's statistics and wrote to Carnarvon the day after that although Baxter was right overall in claiming that 30% of £10 ratepayers who qualified for the vote would not register, it would be untrue in relation to the smaller boroughs where the register is kept up to date. Cranborne also wrote to Derby arguing that he should adopt 10 shillings rather than Disraeli's 20 shillings for the qualification of the payers of direct taxation: "Now above 10 shillings you won't get in the large mass of the £20 householders. At 20 shillings I fear you won't get more than 150,000 double voters, instead of the 270,000 on which we counted. And I fear this will tell horribly on the small and middle-sized boroughs".[5]:90

Lord Derby. Salisbury resigned from his government in protest against proposals for parliamentary reform.

On 23 February Cranborne protested in Cabinet and the next day analysed Baxter's figures using census returns and other statistics to determine how Disraeli's planned extension of the franchise would affect subsequent elections. Cranborne found that Baxter had not taken into account the different types of boroughs in the totals of new voters. In small boroughs under 20,000 the "fancy franchises" for direct taxpayers and dual voters would be less than the new working-class voters in each seat. The same day he met Carnarvon and they both studied the figures, coming to the same result each time: "A complete revolution would be effected in the boroughs" due to the new majority of the working-class electorate. Cranborne wanted to send his resignation to Derby along with the statistics but Cranborne agreed to Carnarvon's suggestion that as a Cabinet member he had a right to call a Cabinet meeting. It was planned for the next day, 25 February. Cranborne wrote to Derby that he had discovered that Disraeli's plan would "throw the small boroughs almost, and many of them entirely, into the hands of the voter whose qualification is less than £10. I do not think that such a proceeding is for the interest of the country. I am sure that it is not in accordance with the hopes which those of us who took an active part in resisting Mr Gladstone's Bill last year in those whom we induced to vote for us". The Conservative boroughs with populations less than 25,000 (a majority of the boroughs in Parliament) would be very much worse off under Disraeli's scheme than the Liberal Reform Bill of the previous year: "But if I assented to this scheme, now that I know what its effect will be, I could not look in the face those whom last year I urged to resist Mr Gladstone. I am convinced that it will, if passed, be the ruin of the Conservative party".[5]:90–92

When Cranborne entered the Cabinet meeting on 25 February "with reams of paper in his hands" he began by reading statistics but was interrupted to be told of the proposal by Lord Stanley that they should agree to a £6 borough rating franchise instead of the full household suffrage, and a £20 county franchise rather than £50. The Cabinet agreed to Stanley's proposal. The meeting was so contentious that a minister who was late initially thought they were debating the suspension of habeas corpus.[5]:92–93 The next day another Cabinet meeting took place, with Cranborne saying little and the Cabinet adopting Disraeli's proposal to bring in a Bill in a week's time. On 28 February a meeting of the Carlton Club took place, with a majority of the 150 Conservative MPs present supporting Derby and Disraeli. At the Cabinet meeting on 2 March, Cranborne, Carnarvon and General Peel were pleaded with for two hours not to resign, but when Cranborne "announced his intention of resigning...Peel and Carnarvon, with evident reluctance, followed his example". Lord John Manners observed that Cranborne "remained unmoveable". Derby closed his red box with a sigh and stood up, saying "The Party is ruined!" Cranborne got up at the same time, with Peel remarking: "Lord Cranborne, do you hear what Lord Derby says?" Cranborne ignored this and the three resigning ministers left the room. Cranborne's resignation speech was met with loud cheers and Carnarvon observed that it was "moderate and in good taste – a sufficient justification for us who seceded and yet no disclosure of the frequent changes in policy in the Cabinet".[5]:93–95

Disraeli introduced his Bill on 18 March and it would extend the suffrage to all rate-paying householders of two years' residence, dual voting for graduates or those of a learned profession, or those with £50 in governments funds or in the Bank of England or a savings bank. These "fancy franchises", as Cranborne had foreseen, did not survive the Bill's course through Parliament; dual voting was dropped in March, the compound householder vote in April; and the residential qualification was reduced in May. In the end the county franchise was granted to householders rated at £12 annually.[5]:95 On 15 July the third reading of the Bill took place and Cranborne spoke first, in a speech which his biographer Andrew Roberts has called "possibly the greatest oration of a career full of powerful parliamentary speeches".[5]:97 Cranborne observed how the Bill "bristled with precautions, guarantees and securities" had been stripped of these. He attacked Disraeli by pointing out how he had campaigned against the Liberal Bill in 1866 yet the next year introduced a Bill more extensive than the one rejected. In the peroration Cranborne said:

I desire to protest, in the most earnest language which I am capable of using, against the political morality on which the manoeuvres of this year have been based. If you borrow your political ethics from the ethics of the political adventurer, you may depend upon it the whole of your representative institutions will crumble beneath your feet. It is only because of that mutual trust in each other by which we ought to be animated, it is only because we believe that expressions and convictions expressed, and promises made, will be followed by deeds, that we are enabled to carry on this party Government which has led this country to so high a pitch of greatness. I entreat honourable Gentlemen opposite not to believe that my feelings on this subject are dictated simply by my hostility on this particular measure, though I object to its most strongly, as the House is aware. But, even if I took a contrary view – if I deemed it to be most advantageous, I still should deeply regret that the position of the Executive should have been so degraded as it has been in the present session: I should deeply regret to find that the House of Commons has applauded a policy of legerdemain; and I should, above all things, regret that this great gift to the people – if gift you think – should have been purchased at the cost of a political betrayal which has no parallel in our Parliamentary annals, which strikes at the root of all that mutual confidence which is the very soul of our party Government, and on which only the strength and freedom of our representative institutions can be sustained.[5]:98

In his article for the October Quarterly Review, entitled 'The Conservative Surrender', Cranborne criticised Derby because he had "obtained the votes which placed him in office on the faith of opinions which, to keep office, he immediately repudiated...He made up his mind to desert these opinions at the very moment he was being raised to power as their champion". Also, the annals of modern parliamentary history could find no parallel for Disraeli's betrayal; historians would have to look "to the days when Sunderland directed the Council, and accepted the favours of James when he was negotiating the invasion of William". Disraeli responded in a speech that Cranborne was "a very clever man who has made a very great mistake".[5]:100

In opposition: 1868–1874

The Marquess of Salisbury caricatured by "Ape" in Vanity Fair', 1869

In 1868, on the death of his father, he inherited the Marquessate of Salisbury, thereby becoming a member of the House of Lords. In 1869 he was elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford and elected a Fellow of the Royal Society.[6] Between 1868 and 1871, he was chairman of the Great Eastern Railway, which was then experiencing losses. During his tenure, the company was taken out of Chancery, and paid out a small dividend on its ordinary shares.

From 1868 he was Honorary Colonel of what became the 4th (Militia) Battalion of the Bedfordshire Regiment.[8]

Secretary of State for India: 1874–1878

Salisbury returned to government in 1874, serving once again as Secretary of State for India in the government of Benjamin Disraeli, and Britain's Ambassador Plenipotentiary at the 1876 Constantinople Conference. Salisbury gradually developed a good relationship with Disraeli, whom he had previously disliked and mistrusted.

During a Cabinet meeting on 7 March 1878, a discussion arose over whether to occupy Mytilene. Lord Derby recorded in his diary that "[o]f all present Salisbury by far the most eager for action: he talked of our sliding into a position of contempt: of our being humiliated etc."[9] At the Cabinet meeting the next day, Derby recorded that Lord John Manners objected to occupying the city "on the ground of right. Salisbury treated scruples of this kind with marked contempt, saying, truly enough, that if our ancestors had cared for the rights of other people, the British empire would not have been made. He was more vehement than any one for going on. In the end the project was dropped..."[10]

Foreign Secretary: 1878–1880

In 1878, Salisbury succeeded Lord Derby (son of the former Prime Minister) as Foreign Secretary in time to help lead Britain to "peace with honour" at the Congress of Berlin. For this he was rewarded with the Order of the Garter along with Disraeli.

Leader of the Opposition: 1881–1885

Following Disraeli's death in 1881, the Conservatives entered a period of turmoil. Salisbury became the leader of the Conservative members of the House of Lords, though the overall leadership of the party was not formally allocated. So he struggled with the Commons leader Sir Stafford Northcote, a struggle in which Salisbury eventually emerged as the leading figure.

Lord Salisbury.

Reform Act 1884

In 1884 Gladstone introduced a Reform Bill which would extend the suffrage to two million rural workers. Salisbury and Northcote agreed that any Reform Bill would be supported only if a parallel redistributionary measure was introduced as well. In a speech in the Lords, Salisbury claimed: "Now that the people have in no real sense been consulted, when they had, at the last General Election, no notion of what was coming upon them, I feel that we are bound, as guardians of their interests, to call upon the government to appeal to the people, and by the result of that appeal we will abide". The Lords rejected the Bill and Parliament was prorogued for ten weeks.[5]:295–6 Writing to Canon Malcolm MacColl, Salisbury believed that Gladstone's proposals for reform without redistribution would mean "the absolute effacement of the Conservative Party. It would not have reappeared as a political force for thirty years. This conviction...greatly simplified for me the computation of risks". At a meeting of the Carlton Club on 15 July, Salisbury announced his plan for making the government introduce a Seats (or Redistribution) Bill in the Commons whilst at the same time delaying a Franchise Bill in the Lords. The unspoken implication being that Salisbury would relinquish the party leadership if his plan was not supported. Although there was some dissent, Salisbury carried the party with him.[5]:297–8

Salisbury wrote to Lady John Manners on 14 June that he did not regard female suffrage as a question of high importance "but when I am told that my ploughmen are capable citizens, it seems to me ridiculous to say that educated women are not just as capable. A good deal of the political battle of the future will be a conflict between religion and unbelief: & the women will in that controversy be on the right side".[11]

On 21 July, a large meeting for reform was held at Hyde Park. Salisbury said in The Times that "the employment of mobs as an instrument of public policy is likely to prove a sinister precedent". On 23 July at Sheffield, Salisbury said that the government "imagine that thirty thousand Radicals going to amuse themselves in London on a given day expresses the public opinion of the day...they appeal to the streets, they attempt legislation by picnic". Salisbury further claimed that Gladstone adopted reform as a "cry" to deflect attention from his foreign and economic policies at the next election. He claimed that the House of Lords was protecting the British constitution: "I do not care whether it is an hereditary chamber or any other – to see that the representative chamber does not alter the tenure of its own power so as to give a perpetual lease of that power to the party in predominance at the moment".

On 25 July at a reform meeting in Leicester consisting of 40,000 people, Salisbury was burnt in effigy and a banner quoted Shakespeare's Henry VI: "Old Salisbury – shame to thy silver hair, Thou mad misleader". On 9 August in Manchester, over 100,000 came to hear Salisbury speak. On 30 September at Glasgow, he said: "We wish that the franchise should pass but that before you make new voters you should determine the constitution in which they are to vote".[5]:298–300 Salisbury published an article in the National Review for October, titled ‘The Value of Redistribution: A Note on Electoral Statistics’. He claimed that the Conservatives "have no cause, for Party reasons, to dread enfranchisement coupled with a fair redistribution". Judging by the 1880 results, Salisbury asserted that the overall loss to the Conservatives of enfranchisement without redistribution would be 47 seats. Salisbury spoke throughout Scotland and claimed that the government had no mandate for reform when it had not appealed to the people.[5]:300–1

Gladstone offered wavering Conservatives a compromise a little short of enfranchisement and redistribution, and after the Queen unsuccessfully attempted to persuade Salisbury to compromise, he wrote to Rev. James Baker on 30 October: "Politics stand alone among human pursuits in this characteristic, that no one is conscious of liking them – and no one is able to leave them. But whatever affection they may have had they are rapidly losing. The difference between now and thirty years ago when I entered the House of Commons is inconceivable".

On 11 November, the Franchise Bill received its third reading in the Commons and it was due to get a second reading in the Lords. The day after at a meeting of Conservative leaders, Salisbury was outnumbered in his opposition to compromise. On 13 February, Salisbury rejected MacColl's idea that he should meet Gladstone, as he believed the meeting would be found out and that Gladstone had no genuine desire to negotiate. On 17 November, it was reported in the newspapers that if the Conservatives gave "adequate assurance" that the Franchise Bill would pass the Lords before Christmas the government would ensure that a parallel Seats Bill would receive its second reading in the Commons as the Franchise Bill went into committee stage in the Lords. Salisbury responded by agreeing only if the Franchise Bill came second.[5]:303–4 The Carlton Club met to discuss the situation, with Salisbury's daughter writing:

The three arch-funkers Cairns, Richmond and Carnarvon cried out declaring that he would accept no compromise at all as it was absurd to imagine the Government conceding it. When the discussion was at its height (very high) enter Arthur [Balfour] with explicit declamation dictated by GOM in Hartington's handwriting yielding the point entirely. Tableau and triumph along the line for the 'stiff' policy which had obtained terms which the funkers had not dared hope for. My father's prevailing sentiment is one of complete wonder...we have got all and more than we demanded.[5]:305

Despite the controversy which had raged, the meetings of leading Liberals and Conservatives on reform at Downing Street were amicable. Salisbury and the Liberal Sir Charles Dilke dominated discussions as they had both closely studied in detail the effects of reform on the constituencies. After one of the last meetings on 26 November, Gladstone told his secretary that "Lord Salisbury, who seems to monopolise all the say on his side, has no respect for tradition. As compared with him, Mr Gladstone declares he is himself quite a Conservative. They got rid of the boundary question, minority representation, grouping and the Irish difficulty. The question was reduced to... for or against single member constituencies". The Reform Bill laid down that the majority of the 670 constituencies were to be roughly equal size and return one member; those between 50,000 and 165,000 kept the two-member representation and those over 165,000 and all the counties were split up into single-member constituencies. This franchise existed until 1918.[5]:305–6

Prime Minister: 1885–1886

Further information: First Salisbury ministry

He became Prime Minister of a minority administration from 1885 to 1886. In the November 1883 issue of National Review Salisbury wrote an article titled "Labourers' and Artisans' Dwellings" in which he argued that the poor conditions of working class housing were injurious to morality and health.[5]:282 Salisbury said "Laissez-faire is an admirable doctrine but it must be applied on both sides", as Parliament had enacted new building projects (such as the Thames Embankment) which had displaced working-class people and was responsible for "packing the people tighter": "...thousands of families have only a single room to dwell in, where they sleep and eat, multiply, and die… It is difficult to exaggerate the misery which such conditions of life must cause, or the impulse they must give to vice. The depression of body and mind which they create is an almost insuperable obstacle to the action of any elevating or refining agencies".[5]:283 The Pall Mall Gazette argued that Salisbury had sailed into "the turbid waters of State Socialism"; the Manchester Guardian said his article was "State socialism pure and simple" and The Times claimed Salisbury was "in favour of state socialism".[5]:283–4

In July 1885 the Housing of the Working Classes Bill was introduced by the Home Secretary, R. A. Cross in the Commons and Salisbury in the Lords. When Lord Wemyss criticised the Bill as "strangling the spirit of independence and the self-reliance of the people, and destroying the moral fibre of our race in the anaconda coils of state socialism", Salisbury responded: "Do not imagine that by merely affixing to it the reproach of Socialism you can seriously affect the progress of any great legislative movement, or destroy those high arguments which are derived from the noblest principles of philanthropy and religion".[5]:286

Although unable to accomplish much due to his lack of a parliamentary majority, the split of the Liberals over Irish Home Rule in 1886 enabled him to return to power with a majority, and, excepting a Liberal minority government (1892–95), to serve as prime minister from 1886 to 1902.

Prime Minister: 1886–1892

Further information: Second Salisbury ministry

Salisbury caricatured by Spy for Vanity Fair, 1900

Salisbury was back in office, although without a conservative majority; he depended on the Liberal Unionists, led by Lord Hartington. Maintaining the alliance forced Salisbury to make concessions in support of progressive legislation regarding Irish land purchases, education, and county councils. His nephew Arthur Balfour acquired a strong reputation for resolute coercion in Ireland, and was promoted to leadership in the Commons in 1891. The Prime Minister proved adept at his handling of the press, as Sir Edward Walter Hamilton noted in his diary in 1887 he was: "the prime minister most accessible to the press. He is not prone to give information: but when he does, he gives it freely, & his information can always be relied on."[12]

Foreign policy

Salisbury once again kept the foreign office (from January 1887), and his diplomacy continued to display a high level of skill, avoiding the extremes of Gladstone on the left and Disraeli on the right. His policy rejected entangling alliances–which at the time and ever since has been called "splendid isolation." He was successful in negotiating differences over colonial claims with France and others.[13] The major problems were in the Mediterranean, where British interest had been involved for a century. It was now especially important to protect the Suez Canal and the sea lanes to India and Asia. He ended Britain's isolation through the Mediterranean Agreements (March and December 1887) with Italy and Austria-Hungary.[14] He saw the need for maintaining control of the seas and passed the Naval Defence Act 1889, which facilitated the spending of an extra £20 million on the Royal Navy over the following four years. This was the biggest ever expansion of the navy in peacetime: ten new battleships, thirty-eight new cruisers, eighteen new torpedo boats and four new fast gunboats. Traditionally (since the Battle of Trafalgar) Britain had possessed a navy one-third larger than their nearest naval rival but now the Royal Navy was set to the two-power standard; that it would be maintained "to a standard of strength equivalent to that of the combined forces of the next two biggest navies in the world".[5]:540 This was aimed at France and Russia.

Salisbury was offered a dukedom by Queen Victoria in 1886 and 1892, but declined both offers, citing the prohibitive cost of the lifestyle dukes were expected to maintain.[5]:374–5

1890 Ultimatum on Portugal

Main article: 1890 British Ultimatum

Trouble arose with Portugal, which had overextended itself in building a colonial empire in Africa it could ill afford. There was a clash of colonial visions between Portugal (the "Pink Map", produced by the Lisbon Geographic Society after Alexandre de Serpa Pinto's, Hermenegildo Capelo's and Roberto Ivens's expeditions to Africa) and the British Empire (Cecil Rhodes's "Cape to Cairo Railway") came after years of diplomatic conflict about several African territories with Portugal and other powers. Portugal, financially hard-pressed, had to abandon several territories corresponding to today's Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe in favor of the Empire.[15]


In 1889 Salisbury set up the London County Council and then in 1890 allowed it to build houses. However, he came to regret this, saying in November 1894 that the LCC, "is the place where collectivist and socialistic experiments are tried. It is the place where a new revolutionary spirit finds its instruments and collects its arms".[5]:501

Salisbury caused controversy in 1888 after Gainsford Bruce had won the Holborn by-election for the Unionists, beating the Liberal Lord Compton. Bruce had won the seat with a smaller majority than Francis Duncan had for the Unionists in 1885. Salisbury explained this by saying in a speech in Edinburgh on 30 November: "But then Colonel Duncan was opposed to a black man, and, however great the progress of mankind has been, and however far we have advanced in overcoming prejudices, I doubt if we have yet got to the point where a British constituency will elect a black man to represent them.... I am speaking roughly and using language in its colloquial sense, because I imagine the colour is not exactly black, but at all events, he was a man of another race".

The "black man" was Dadabhai Naoroji, an Indian Parsi. Salisbury's comments were criticised by the Queen and by Liberals who believed that Salisbury had suggested that only white Britons could represent a British constituency. Three weeks later, Salisbury delivered a speech at Scarborough, where he denied that "the word "black" necessarily implies any contemptuous denunciation: "Such a doctrine seems to be a scathing insult to a very large proportion of the human race... The people whom we have been fighting at Suakin, and whom we have happily conquered, are among the finest tribes in the world, and many of them are as black as my hat". Furthermore, "such candidatures are incongruous and unwise. The British House of Commons, with its traditions... is a machine too peculiar and too delicate to be managed by any but those who have been born within these isles". Naoroji was elected for Finsbury in 1892 and Salisbury invited him to become a Governor of the Imperial Institute, which he accepted.[5]:506 In 1888, the New York Times published an article that was extremely critical of Lord Salisbury's remark. It included the following quotation, "Of course the parsees are not black men, but the purest Aryan type in existence, with an average complexion fairer than Lord Salisbury's; but even if they were ebony hued it would be grotesque and foolish for a Prime Minister of England [sic] to insult them in such a wanton fashion as this." [16]

Leader of the Opposition: 1892–1895

In the aftermath of the general election of 1892, Balfour and Chamberlain wished to pursue a programme of social reform, which Salisbury believed would alienate "a good many people who have always been with us" and that "these social questions are destined to break up our party".[6] When the Liberals and Irish Nationalists (which were a majority in the new Parliament) successfully voted against the government, Salisbury resigned the premiership on 12 August. His private secretary at the Foreign Office wrote that Salisbury "shewed indecent joy at his release".[6]

Salisbury—in an article in November for the National Review entitled 'Constitutional revision'—said that the new government, lacking a majority in England and Scotland, had no mandate for Home Rule and argued that because there was no referendum only the House of Lords could provide the necessary consultation with the nation on policies for organic change.[6] The Lords defeated the second Home Rule Bill by 419 to 41 in September 1893, but Salisbury stopped them from opposing the Liberal Chancellor's death duties in 1894. In 1894 Salisbury also became president of the British Association of the Advancement of Science,[17] presenting a notable inaugural address on 4 August of that year.[18][19] The general election of 1895 returned a large Unionist majority.[6]

Prime Minister: 1895–1902

Further information: Unionist government, 1895–1905

Lord Salisbury

Salisbury's expertise was in foreign affairs. For most of his time as prime minister he served not as First Lord of the Treasury, the traditional position held by the prime minister, but as foreign secretary. In that capacity, he managed Britain's foreign affairs, but he was being sarcastic about a policy of "Splendid isolation"—such was not his goal.[20]

Foreign policy

Further information: Timeline of British diplomatic history § 1897–1919

Among the important events of his premierships were the Scramble for Africa, culminating in the Fashoda Incident which escalated tensions with France, and the long, brutal and unpopular Second Boer War in South Africa.

President Cleveland twists the tail of the British Lion regarding Venezuela—a policy hailed by Irish Catholics in the United States; cartoon in Puck by J.S. Pughe, 1895

Venezuela crisis with the United States

In 1895 the Venezuelan crisis with the United States erupted. A border dispute between the colony of British Guiana and Venezuela caused a major Anglo-American crisis when the United States intervened to take Venezuela's side. Propaganda sponsored by Venezuela convinced American public opinion that the British were infringing on Venezuelan territory. The United States demanded an explanation and Salisbury refused. The crisis escalated when President Grover Cleveland, citing the Monroe Doctrine, issued an ultimatum in late 1895. Salisbury's cabinet convinced him he had to go to arbitration. Both sides calmed down and the issue was quickly resolved through arbitration which largely upheld the British position on the legal boundary line. Salisbury remained angry but a consensus was reached in London, led by Lord Landsdowne, to seek much friendlier relations with the United States.[21][22] By standing with a Latin American nation against the encroachment of the British, the US improved relations with the Latin Americans, and the cordial manner of the procedure improved American diplomatic relations with Britain.[23]

South Africa

In January 1896 German Kaiser Wilhelm II escalated tensions in South Africa with his Kruger telegram congratulating Boer President Paul Kruger of the Transvaal for beating off the Jameson Raid. German officials in Berlin had managed to stop the Kaiser from proposing a German protectorate over the Transvaal. The telegram backfired, as the British began to see Germany as a major threat and moved to friendlier relationships with France.

Second Boer War

Main article: Second Boer War

After gold was discovered in the South African Republic (called Transvaal) in the 1880s, thousands of British men flocked to the gold mines. Transvaal and its sister republic the Orange Free State were small, rural, independent nations founded by Afrikaners, who descended from Dutch immigrants to the area before 1800. The newly arrived miners were needed for their labor and business operations but were distrusted by the Afrikaners, who called them "uitlanders." The uitlanders heavily outnumbered the Boers in cities and mining districts; they had to pay heavy taxes, and had limited civil rights and no right to vote. The British, jealous of the gold and diamond mines and highly protective of its people, demanded reforms, which were rejected. A small-scale private British effort to overthrow Transvaal's President Paul Kruger, the Jameson Raid of 1895, was a fiasco and presaged full-scale conflict as all diplomatic efforts failed.[24]

War started on 11 October 1899 and ended on 31 May 1902 as Great Britain faced the two small far-away Boer nations. The Prime Minister let his extremely energetic colonial minister Joseph Chamberlain take charge of the war.[25] British efforts were based from its Cape Colony and the Colony of Natal. There were some native African allies, but generally both sides avoided using black soldiers. The British war effort was further supported by volunteers from across the Empire. All other nations were neutral, but public opinion in them was largely hostile to Britain. Inside Britain and its Empire there also was a significant opposition to the Second Boer War because of the atrocities and military failures.[26][27][28]

The British were overconfident and under prepared. Chamberlain and other top London officials ignored the repeated warnings of military advisors that the Boers were well prepared, well armed, and fighting for their homes in a very difficult terrain. The Boers with about 33,000 soldiers, against 13,000 front-line British troops, struck first, besieging Ladysmith, Kimberly, and Mafeking, and winning important battles at Colenso, Magersfontein and Stormberg in late 1899. Staggered, the British fought back, relieved its besieged cities, and prepared to invade first the Orange Free State, and then Transvaal in late 1900. The Boers refused to surrender or negotiate, and reverted to guerrilla warfare. After two years of hard fighting, Britain, using over 400,000 soldiers systematically destroyed the resistance, raising worldwide complaints about brutality. The Boers were fighting for their homes and families, who provided them with food and hiding places. The British solution was to forcefully relocate all the Boer civilians into heavily guarded concentration camps, where 28,000 died of disease. Then it systematically blocked off and tracked down the highly mobile Boer combat units. The battles were small operations; most of the 22,000 British dead were victims of disease. The war cost £217 million and demonstrated the Army urgently needed reforms. But it ended in victory for the British and the Conservatives won the Khaki election of 1900. The Boers were given generous terms, and both former republics were incorporated into the Union of South Africa in 1910.[29][30]

The war had its critics, predominantly in the Liberal party.[31] However, on the whole, the war was well received by the British public, which staged numerous public demonstrations and parades of support.[32] Soon there were memorials built across Britain.[33] Strong public demand for news coverage meant that the war was well covered by journalists – including young Winston Churchill – and photographers, as well as letter-writers and poets. General Sir Redvers Buller imposed strict censorship and had no friends in the media, who wrote him up as a blundering buffoon. In dramatic contrast, Field Marshal Frederick Roberts pampered the press, which responded by making him a national hero.[34]

German naval issues

In 1897 Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz became German Naval Secretary of State and began the transformation of the Imperial German Navy from a small, coastal defence force to a fleet meant to challenge British naval power. Tirpitz called for a Risikoflotte or "risk fleet" that would make it too risky for Britain to take on Germany as part of wider bid to alter the international balance of power decisively in Germany's favour.[35] At the same time German foreign minister Bernhard von Bülow called for Weltpolitik (world politics). It was the new policy of Germany to assert its claim to be a global power. Chancellor Otto von Bismarck's policy of Realpolitik (realistic politics) was abandoned as Germany was intent on challenging and upsetting international order. The long-run result was the inability of Britain and Germany to be friends or to form an alliance.[36]

Britain reacted to Germany's accelerated naval arms race by major innovations, especially those developed by Admiral Fisher.[37] The most important development was unveiled – after Salisbury's death – the entry of HMS Dreadnought into service in 1906, which rendered all the world's battleships obsolete and set back German plans.[38]

Historians agree that Salisbury was a strong and effective leader in foreign affairs. He had a superb grasp of the issues, and was never a "splendid isolationist" but rather, says Nancy W. Ellenberger, was:

A patient, pragmatic practitioner, with a keen understanding of Britain's historic interests ... He oversaw the partition of Africa, the emergence of Germany and the United States as imperial powers, and the transfer of British attention from the Dardanelles to Suez without provoking a serious confrontation of the great powers.[39]

Domestic policy

At home he sought to "kill Home Rule with kindness" by launching a land reform programme which helped hundreds of thousands of Irish peasants gain land ownership and largely ended complaints against English landlords.[40] The Elementary School Teachers (Superannuation) Act of 1898 enabled teachers to secure an annuity via the payment of voluntary contributions.[41] The Elementary Education (Defective and Epileptic Children) Act of 1899 permitted school boards to provide for the education of mentally and physically defective and epileptic children.[42]

Honours and retirement

In 1895 and 1900 he was honoured with appointments as Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports and High Steward of the City and Liberty of Westminster, which he held for life.[43]

On 11 July 1902, in failing health and broken hearted over the death of his wife, Salisbury resigned. He was succeeded by his nephew, Arthur Balfour. King Edward VII conferred upon him the Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order (GCVO), with the order star set in brilliants, during his resignation audience.[44][45]

Last year: 1902–1903

Monument commemorating Salisbury's burial at St Etheldreda Church, Hatfield, Hertfordshire

Salisbury, due to breathing difficulties caused by his great weight, took to sleeping in a chair at Hatfield House. His death in August 1903 followed a fall from that chair, when by then he had a weak heart condition and blood poisoning caused by an ulcerated leg.[6]

Salisbury was buried at St Etheldreda's Church, Hatfield, where his predecessor as prime minister, Lord Melbourne, is also interred.

When Salisbury died his estate was valued at 310,336 pounds sterling,[46] (equivalent to £33,570,090 in 2019).[47]


Statue of Salisbury in front of the park gates of Hatfield House

Many historians portray Salisbury as a principled statesman of traditional, aristocratic conservatism.[48] Robert Blake considers Salisbury "a great foreign minister, [but] essentially negative, indeed reactionary in home affairs".[49] Professor P.T. Marsh's estimate is more favourable than Blake's; he portrays Salisbury as a leader who "held back the popular tide for twenty years."[50] Professor Paul Smith argues that, "into the ‘progressive’ strain of modern Conservatism he simply will not fit."[51] H.C.G. Matthew points to "the narrow cynicism of Salisbury."[52] One admirer, conservative historian Maurice Cowling, largely agrees with the critics and says Salisbury found the democracy born of the 1867 and 1884 Reform Acts as "perhaps less objectionable than he had expected—succeeding, through his public persona, in mitigating some part of its nastiness."[53]

Considerable attention has been devoted to his writings and ideas. The Conservative historian Robert Blake considered Salisbury "the most formidable intellectual figure that the Conservative party has ever produced".[54] In 1977 the Salisbury Group was founded, chaired by Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 6th Marquess of Salisbury and named after the 3rd Marquess. It published pamphlets advocating conservative policies.[55] The academic quarterly The Salisbury Review was named in his honour (by Michael Oakeshott) upon its founding in 1982.[56] Cowling claimed that "The giant of conservative doctrine is Salisbury".[57] It was on Cowling's suggestion that Paul Smith edited a collection of Salisbury's articles from the Quarterly Review.[58] Andrew Jones and Michael Bentley wrote in 1978 that "historical inattention" to Salisbury "involves wilful dismissal of a Conservative tradition which recognizes that threat to humanity when ruling authorities engage in democratic flattery and the threat to liberty in a competitive rush of legislation".[59]

In 1967, Clement Attlee (Labour Party prime minister, 1945–51) was asked who he thought was the best prime minister of his lifetime. Attlee immediately replied: "Salisbury".[5]:836

The 6th Marquess of Salisbury commissioned Andrew Roberts to write Salisbury's authorised biography, which was published in 1999.

After the Bering Sea Arbitration, Canadian Prime Minister Sir John Sparrow David Thompson said of Lord Salisbury's acceptance of the Arbitration Treaty that it was "one of the worst acts of what I regard as a very stupid and worthless life".[60]

The British phrase 'Bob's your uncle' is thought to have derived from Robert Cecil's appointment of his nephew, Arthur Balfour, as Chief Secretary for Ireland.[61]

Fort Salisbury (now Harare) was named in honour of him when it was founded in September 1890. Subsequently, simply known as Salisbury, the city became the capital of Southern Rhodesia, from 1890, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland from 1953–1963, Rhodesia from 1963–1979, Zimbabwe Rhodesia, in 1979, and finally Zimbabwe, from 1980. The name was changed to Harare in April 1982, on the second anniversary of Zimbabwe's independence.

To date he is the only British Prime Minister to sport a full beard. At 6 feet, 4 inches (193 cm) tall, he was also the tallest Prime Minister.

Family and personal life

Lord Salisbury was the third son of James Gascoyne-Cecil, 2nd Marquess of Salisbury, a minor Conservative politician. In 1857, he defied his father, who wanted him to marry a rich heiress to protect the family's lands. He instead married Georgina Alderson, the daughter of Sir Edward Alderson, a moderately notable judge and of lower social standing than the Cecils. The marriage proved a happy one. Robert and Georgina had eight children, all but one of whom survived infancy. He was an indulgent father and made sure his children had a much better childhood than the one through which he suffered. Cut off from his family money, Robert supported his family through journalism and was later reconciled with his father.[5]:30–33,75,105–8

• Lady Beatrix Maud Cecil (11 April 1858 – 27 April 1950); she married William Palmer, 2nd Earl of Selborne on 27 October 1883. They had four children.
• Lady Gwendolen Cecil (28 July 1860 – 28 September 1945), author, and biographer of her father; she never married. SS Gwendolen, launched in 1899 on Lake Nyasa, was named after her.
• James Edward Hubert Gascoyne-Cecil, 4th Marquess of Salisbury (23 October 1861 – 4 April 1947); he married Lady Cicely Gore on 17 May 1887. They had seven children.
• Lord Rupert Ernest William Cecil (9 March 1863 – 23 June 1936); he married Lady Florence Bootle-Wilbraham on 16 August 1887.
• Lord Edgar Algernon Robert Cecil (14 September 1864 – 24 November 1958); he married Lady Eleanor Lambton on 22 January 1889.
• Lady Fanny Georgina Mildred Cecil (1865 – 24 April 1867)
• Lord Edward Herbert Cecil (12 July 1867 – 13 December 1918); he married Violet Maxse on 18 June 1894. They had two children.
• Lord Hugh Richard Heathcote Cecil (14 October 1869 – 10 December 1956)
Salisbury suffered from prosopagnosia, a cognitive disorder which makes it difficult to recognize familiar faces.[62]
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Cabinets of Lord Salisbury


This section is transcluded from First Salisbury ministry.

Portfolio / Minister / Took office / Left office / Party

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; Leader of the House of Lords / The Marquess of Salisbury* / 23 June 1885 / 6 February 1886 / Conservative

First Lord of the Treasury / The Earl of Iddesleigh / 29 June 1885 / 1 February 1886 / Conservative

Lord Chancellor / The Lord Halsbury / 24 June 1885 / 28 January 1886 / Conservative

Lord President of the Council / The Viscount Cranbrook / 24 June 1885 / 6 February 1886 / Conservative

Lord Privy Seal / The Earl of Harrowby / 24 June 1885 / 28 January 1886 / Conservative

Secretary of State for the Home Department / Sir Richard Cross / 24 June 1885 / 1 February 1886 / Conservative

Secretary of State for the Colonies / Frederick Stanley / 24 June 1885 / 28 January 1886 / Conservative

Secretary of State for War / William Henry Smith / 24 June 1885 / 21 January 1886 / Conservative

Secretary of State for War / The Viscount Cranbrook / 21 January 1886 / 6 February 1886 / Conservative

Secretary of State for India / Lord Randolph Churchill / 24 June 1885 / 28 January 1886 / Conservative

First Lord of the Admiralty / Lord George Hamilton / 1885 / 1886 / Conservative

Chancellor of the Exchequer; Leader of the House of Commons / Sir Michael Hicks Beach / 24 June 1885 / 28 January 1886 / Conservative

President of the Board of Trade / The Duke of Richmond / 24 June 1885 / 19 August 1885 / Conservative

President of the Board of Trade / Edward Stanhope / 19 August 1885 / 28 January 1886 / Conservative

Chief Secretary for Ireland / William Henry Smith / 23 January 1886 / 28 January 1886 / Conservative

Postmaster General / Lord John Manners / 1885 / 1886 / Conservative

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland / The Earl of Carnarvon / 27 June 1885 / 28 January 1886 / Conservative

Lord Chancellor of Ireland / The Lord Ashbourne / 1885 / February 1886 / Conservative

Secretary for Scotland / The Duke of Richmond / 17 August 1885 / 28 January 1886 / Conservative

Vice-President of the Council / Edward Stanhope / 24 June 1885 / 17 September 1885 / Conservative


Main article: Second Salisbury ministry § Cabinets

Second Salisbury ministry
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Date formed: 25 July 1886
Date dissolved: 11 August 1892
People and organisations
Monarch: Victoria
Prime Minister: Lord Salisbury
Total no. of ministers: 113 appointments
Member parties: Conservative Party
Status in legislature: Minority dependent on Liberal Unionist support
Opposition party: Liberal Party
Opposition leaders: William Ewart Gladstone in the House of Commons; Lord Granville (1886–1891); Lord Kimberley (1891–1892) in the House of Lords
Election(s): 1886 general election
Outgoing election: 1892 general election
Legislature term(s): 24th UK Parliament; 25th UK Parliament lost a vote of confidence
Predecessor: Third Gladstone ministry
Successor: Fourth Gladstone ministry

The Marquess of Salisbury formed his second ministry in an alliance with the Liberal Unionist Party, following the 1886 general election upon his reappointment as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom by Queen Victoria.


August 1886 to January 1887

Portfolio / Minister / Took office / Left office / Party

First Lord of the Treasury; Leader of the House of Lords / The Marquess of Salisbury* / 25 July 1886 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

Lord Chancellor / The Lord Halsbury / 3 August 1886 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

Lord President of the Council / The Viscount Cranbrook / 3 August 1886 / 18 August 1892 / Conservative

Lord Privy Seal / The Earl Cadogan / 3 August 1886 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

Secretary of State for the Home Department / Henry Matthews / 3 August 1886 / 15 August 1892 / Conservative

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / The Earl of Iddesleigh / 3 August 1886 / 12 January 1887 / Conservative

Secretary of State for the Colonies / Edward Stanhope / 3 August 1886 / 14 January 1887 / Conservative

Secretary of State for War / William Henry Smith / 3 August 1886 / 14 January 1887 / Conservative

Secretary of State for India / The Viscount Cross / 3 August 1886 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

First Lord of the Admiralty / Lord George Hamilton / 1886 / 1892 / Conservative

Chancellor of the Exchequer; Leader of the House of Commons / Lord Randolph Churchill / 3 August 1886 / 14 January 1887 / Conservative

President of the Board of Trade / The Lord Stanley of Preston / 3 August 1886 / 21 February 1888 / Conservative

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster / The Viscount Cranbrook / 3 August 1886 / 16 August 1886 / Conservative

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster / The Duke of Rutland / 16 August 1886 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

Chief Secretary for Ireland / Sir Michael Hicks Beach / 5 August 1886 / 7 March 1887 / Conservative

Secretary for Scotland / Arthur Balfour / 5 August 1886 / 11 March 1887 / Conservative

January 1887 to August 1892

In 1887, George Goschen of the Liberal Unionist Party joined the ministry as Chancellor of the Exchequer (Cook & Keith 1975, p. 51).

Portfolio / Minister / Took office / Left office / Party

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; Leader of the House of Lords / The Marquess of Salisbury* / 25 July 1886 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

First Lord of the Treasury; Leader of the House of Commons / William Henry Smith / 14 January 1887 / 6 October 1891 / Conservative

First Lord of the Treasury; Leader of the House of Commons / Arthur Balfour / 6 October 1891 / 15 August 1892 / Conservative

Lord Chancellor / The Lord Halsbury / 3 August 1886 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

Lord President of the Council / The Viscount Cranbrook / 3 August 1886 / 18 August 1892 / Conservative

Lord Privy Seal / The Earl Cadogan / 3 August 1886 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

Secretary of State for the Home Department / Henry Matthews / 3 August 1886 / 15 August 1892 / Conservative

Secretary of State for the Colonies / The Lord Knutsford / 14 January 1887 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

Secretary of State for War / Edward Stanhope / 14 January 1887 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

Secretary of State for India / The Viscount Cross / 3 August 1886 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

First Lord of the Admiralty / Lord George Hamilton / 1886 / 1892 / Conservative

Chancellor of the Exchequer / George Goschen / 14 January 1887 / 11 August 1892 / Liberal Unionist

President of the Board of Trade / The Lord Stanley of Preston / 3 August 1886/ 21 February 1888 / Conservative

President of the Board of Trade / Sir Michael Hicks Beach / 21 February 1888 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster / The Duke of Rutland / 16 August 1886 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

Chief Secretary for Ireland / Arthur Balfour / 7 March 1887 / 9 November 1891 / Conservative

Chief Secretary for Ireland / William Jackson / 9 November 1891 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

President of the Local Government Board / Charles Ritchie / 1886 / 1892 / Conservative

President of the Board of Agriculture / Henry Chaplin / 9 September 1889 / 11 August 1892 / Conservative

Minister without Portfolio / Sir Michael Hicks Beach / 7 March 1887 / 20 February 1888 / Conservative


• February 1888 – Sir Michael Hicks Beach succeeds Lord Stanley of Preston as President of the Board of Trade.
• September 1889 – Henry Chaplin enters the Cabinet as President of the Board of Agriculture.
• October 1891 – Arthur Balfour succeeds the late William Henry Smith as First Lord of the Treasury and Leader of the House of Commons. William Jackson succeeds him as Chief Secretary for Ireland.

List of ministers

Cabinet members are listed in bold face.

Office / Name / Date

Prime Minister[note 1] / The Marquess of Salisbury / 25 July 1886 – 11 August 1892

Leader of the House of Lords / The Marquess of Salisbury / 25 July 1886 – 11 August 1892

First Lord of the Treasury / The Marquess of Salisbury / 9 August 1886

First Lord of the Treasury / William Henry Smith[note 2] / 17 January 1887

First Lord of the Treasury / Arthur Balfour[note 2] / October 1891

Chancellor of the Exchequer / Lord Randolph Churchill[note 2] / 3 August 1886

Chancellor of the Exchequer / George Goschen / 14 January 1887

Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury / Aretas Akers-Douglas / 3 August 1886

Financial Secretary to the Treasury / William Jackson / 3 August 1886

Financial Secretary to the Treasury / Sir John Eldon Gorst / 9 November 1891

Junior Lords of the Treasury / Sidney Herbert / 9 August 1886 – 11 August 1892

Junior Lords of the Treasury / William Walrond[note 3] / 9 August 1886 –11 August 1892

Junior Lords of the Treasury / Sir Herbert Maxwell / 9 August 1886 – 11 August 1892

Lord Chancellor / The Lord Halsbury / 3 August 1886

Lord President of the Council / The Viscount Cranbrook / 3 August 1886

Lord Privy Seal / The Earl Cadogan[note 4] / 3 August 1886

Secretary of State for the Home Department / Henry Matthews / 3 August 1886

Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department / Charles Stuart-Wortley / 4 August 1886

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / The Earl of Iddesleigh / 3 August 1886

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / The Marquess of Salisbury / 14 January 1887

Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / Sir James Fergusson / 4 August 1886

Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / James Lowther / 22 September 1891

Secretary of State for War / William Henry Smith / 3 August 1886

Secretary of State for War / Edward Stanhope / 14 January 1887

Under-Secretary of State for War / The Lord Harris / 4 August 1886

Under-Secretary of State for War / The Earl Brownlow / 1 January 1890

Financial Secretary to the War Office / St John Brodrick / 4 August 1886

Surveyor-General of the Ordnance[note 5] / Sir Henry Northcote / 4 August 1886

Secretary of State for the Colonies / Edward Stanhope / 3 August 1886

Secretary of State for the Colonies / Sir Henry Holland[note 6] / 14 January 1887

Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies / The Earl of Dunraven / 3 August 1886

Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies / The Earl of Onslow / 16 February 1887

Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies / Baron Henry de Worms / 20 February 1888

Secretary of State for India / The Viscount Cross / 3 August 1886

Under-Secretary of State for India / Sir John Eldon Gorst / 4 August 1886

Under-Secretary of State for India / George Curzon / 9 November 1891

First Lord of the Admiralty / Lord George Hamilton / 9 August 1886

Parliamentary and Financial Secretary to the Admiralty / Arthur Forwood / 9 August 1886

Civil Lord of the Admiralty / Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett / 9 August 1886

President of the Board of Agriculture / Henry Chaplin / 9 September 1889

Chief Secretary for Ireland / Sir Michael Hicks Beach / 5 August 1886

Chief Secretary for Ireland / Arthur Balfour / 7 March 1887

Chief Secretary for Ireland / William Jackson / 9 November 1891

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland / The Marquess of Londonderry / 3 August 1886

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland / The Earl of Zetland / 30 July 1889

Lord Chancellor of Ireland / The Lord Ashbourne / 3 August 1886

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster / The Viscount Cranbrook / 3 August 1886

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster / Lord John Manners[note 7] / 16 August 1886

President of the Local Government Board / Charles Ritchie[note 4] / 3 August 1886

Parliamentary Secretary to the Local Government Board / Walter Long / 3 August 1886

Minister without Portfolio / Sir Michael Hicks Beach / 7 March 1887 – 20 February 1888

Secretary for Scotland / Arthur Balfour[note 8] / 5 August 1886

Secretary for Scotland / The Marquess of Lothian / 11 March 1887

President of the Board of Trade / Sir Frederick Stanley[note 9] / 3 August 1886

President of the Board of Trade / Sir Michael Hicks Beach / 21 February 1888

Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade / Baron Henry de Worms / 4 August 1886

Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade / The Earl of Onslow / 21 February 1888

Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade / The Lord Balfour of Burleigh / 1 January 1889

Vice-President of the Committee on Education / Sir Henry Holland / 3 August 1886

Vice-President of the Committee on Education / Sir William Hart Dyke / 25 January 1887

Paymaster General / The Earl Beauchamp / 19 August 1886

Paymaster General / The Earl Brownlow / March 1887

Paymaster General / The Earl of Jersey / 1889

Paymaster General / The Lord Windsor / December 1890

Postmaster General / Henry Cecil Raikes / 19 August 1886

Postmaster General / Sir James Fergusson / 21 September 1891

First Commissioner of Works / David Plunket / 5 August 1886

Attorney General / Sir Richard Webster / 5 August 1886

Solicitor General / Sir Edward Clarke / 6 August 1886

Judge Advocate General / William Thackeray Marriott / 9 August 1886

Lord Advocate / John Macdonald / 6 August 1886

Lord Advocate / James Robertson / 27 October 1888

Lord Advocate / vacant / 20 August 1891

Lord Advocate / Sir Charles Pearson / 1 October 1891

Solicitor General for Scotland / James Robertson / 6 August 1886

Solicitor General for Scotland / Moir Tod Stormonth Darling / 27 October 1888

Solicitor General for Scotland / Sir Charles Pearson / 31 October 1890

Solicitor General for Scotland / Andrew Murray / 1 October 1891

Attorney-General for Ireland / Hugh Holmes / August 1886

Attorney-General for Ireland /John George Gibson / 1887

Attorney-General for Ireland /Peter O'Brien / 1888

Attorney-General for Ireland /Dodgson Hamilton Madden / 1890

Solicitor-General for Ireland / John George Gibson / August 1886

Solicitor-General for Ireland / Dodgson Hamilton Madden / 1888

Solicitor-General for Ireland / John Atkinson / 1890

Solicitor-General for Ireland / Edward Carson / June 1892

Lord Steward of the Household / The Earl of Mount Edgcumbe / 16 August 1886

Lord Chamberlain of the Household / The Earl of Lathom / 5 August 1886

Vice-Chamberlain of the Household / Viscount Lewisham / 5 August 1886

Vice-Chamberlain of the Household / Lord Burghley / 24 November 1891

Master of the Horse / The Duke of Portland / 9 August 1886

Treasurer of the Household / Viscount Folkestone[note 10] / 5 August 1886

Treasurer of the Household / Lord Walter Gordon-Lennox / 20 November 1891

Comptroller of the Household / Lord Arthur Hill / 5 August 1886

Captain of the Gentlemen-at-Arms / The Viscount Barrington / 5 August 1886

Captain of the Gentlemen-at-Arms / The Earl of Rosslyn / 24 November 1886

Captain of the Gentlemen-at-Arms / The Earl of Yarborough / 11 August 1890

Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard / The Earl of Kintore / 5 August 1886

Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard / The Earl of Limerick / 29 January 1889

Master of the Buckhounds / The Earl of Coventry / 16 August 1886

Mistress of the Robes / The Duchess of Buccleuch / 5 August 1886

Lords-in-Waiting / The Earl of Onslow / 5 August 1886 – 21 February 1887

Lords-in-Waiting / The Earl of Limerick / 5 August 1886 – 29 January 1889

Lords-in-Waiting / The Lord Henniker / 5 August 1886 – 11 August 1892

Lords-in-Waiting / The Earl of Hopetoun 5 August 1886 – 12 August 1889

Lords-in-Waiting / The Lord Elphinstone / 5 August 1886 – 11 August 1892

Lords-in-Waiting / The Lord de Ros / 5 August 1886 – 11 August 1892

Lords-in-Waiting / The Earl Waldegrave / 5 August 1886 – 11 August 1892

Lords-in-Waiting / The Lord Balfour of Burleigh / 21 February 1887 – 18 March 1889

Lords-in-Waiting / The Earl of Romney / 5 February 1889 – 11 August 1892

Lords-in-Waiting / The Viscount Torrington / 18 March 1889 – 20 October 1889

Lords-in-Waiting / The Lord Churchill / 12 August 1889 – 11 August 1892

Lords-in-Waiting / The Lord de Ramsey / 10 March 1890 – 11 August 1892

Extra Lord in Waiting / The Lord Sackville / 1 October 1876 – 1 October 1888


1. The position of Prime Minister was not a formal ministerial office.
2. Also served as Leader of the House of Commons.
3. Walrond inherited a baronetcy in 1889.
4. Entered the Cabinet in April 1887.
5. Office abolished in 1888.
6. Holland was created Baron Knutsford on 23 February 1888.
7. Manners succeeded as the 7th Duke of Rutland on 4 March 1888.
8. Balfour entered the Cabinet in November 1886.
9. Stanley was created Baron Stanley of Preston on 27 August 1886.
10. Folkestone succeeded as the 5th Earl of Radnor on 11 March 1889.


• Tout, T. F. (1910). An advanced history of Great Britain from the earliest times to the death of Edward VII. New York: Longmans, Green. pp. 740–741. OL 13991885M.
• Cook, Chris; Keith, Brendan (18 June 1975). British Historical Facts: 1830–1900 (1st ed.). Palgrave Macmillan UK. ISBN 978-1-349-01348-7.


Main article: Unionist government, 1895–1905 § Salisbury ministry

Unionist government, 1895–1905
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Lord Salisbury led the Government from 1895–1902 and was succeeded by Arthur Balfour.

Balfour led the Government from 1902 before resigning in 1905. The Liberals formed a government thereafter.

A coalition of the Conservative and Liberal Unionist parties took power in the United Kingdom following the 1895 general election. Conservative leader Lord Salisbury was appointed Prime Minister and his nephew, Arthur Balfour, became Leader of the House of Commons, but various major posts went to the Liberal Unionists, most notably the Leader of the House of Lords, the Liberal Unionist Duke of Devonshire, who was made Lord President, and his colleague in the Commons, Joseph Chamberlain, who became Colonial Secretary. It was this government which would conduct the Second Boer War from 1899-1902, which was exploited by the government to help win a landslide victory at the 1900 general election.

The government consisted of three ministries, the first two led by Salisbury (from 1895–1902) and the third by Balfour (from 1902 onwards).

Trade reform

Balfour succeeded Salisbury as Prime Minister in 1902. Eventually, the Unionist government would falter after Chamberlain proposed his scheme for tariff reform, whose partial embrace by Balfour led to the resignation of the more orthodox free traders in the Cabinet.

Chinese miners in South Africa

Punch cartoon, 1903. The Rand mine-owners' employment of Chinese labour on the Transvaal gold mines in British-controlled South Africa was controversial and contributed to the 1906 Liberal landslide.

After the conclusion of the Boer War, the British Government sought to rebuild the South African economy which had been devastated by the war. An important part of the rebuilding effort was to get the gold mines of the Witwatersrand, the richest in history and a major cause of the war, back in production as soon as possible. Because the government decreed that White labour was too expensive and Black labourers were reluctant to return to the mines,[1] the government decided to import over 60,000 contracted workers from China.[2]

This was deeply unpopular at the time, as popular opinion in much of the Western world, including Britain; was hostile to Chinese immigration. It also happened at a time when poverty and unemployment amongst working-class British people was at very high levels.[3] On 26 March 1904, a demonstration against Chinese immigration to South Africa was held in Hyde Park and was attended by 80,000 people. The Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union Congress then passed a resolution declaring that:

That this meeting consisting of all classes of citizens of London, emphatically protests against the action of the Government in granting permission to import into South Africa indentured Chinese labour under conditions of slavery, and calls upon them to protect this new colony from the greed of capitalists and the Empire from degradation.

— Yap & Leong Man (1996, p. 107)

Fall from power

With his majority greatly reduced and defeat in the next election seeming inevitable, Balfour resigned as Prime Minister in December 1905, leading to the appointment of a minority Liberal government under Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. In the general election which followed in 1906, all but three members of Balfour's Cabinet lost their seats, including Balfour himself.

Salisbury ministries
Unionist coalition of the United Kingdom

Date formed: Third: 25 June 1895; Fourth: 24 October 1900[4]
Date dissolved: Third: 24 October 1900[4]; Fourth: 11 July 1902
People and organisations
Monarch: Victoria (1895–1901); Edward VII (1901–1902)
Prime Minister: Lord Salisbury
Prime Minister's history: 1895–1902
Member parties: Conservative Party; Liberal Unionist Party (1895–1902)
Status in legislature: Minority (1895); Majority (coalition) (1895–1902)
Opposition party: Liberal Party
Opposition leaders: Sir William Vernon Harcourt (1896–1898); Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman (1898–1902) in the House of Commons; Lord Rosebery (1895–1897); Lord Kimberley (1897–1902); Lord Spencer (1902) in the House of Lords
Election(s): 1895 general election; 1900 general election
Legislature term(s): 25th UK Parliament; 26th UK Parliament ;27th UK Parliament
Predecessor: Rosebery ministry
Successor: Balfour ministry


Salisbury ministry

June 1895 to November 1900

Portfolio / Minister / Took office / Left office / Party

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; Leader of the House of Lords / The 3rd Marquess of Salisbury* / 25 June 1895 / 11 July 1902 / Conservative

First Lord of the Treasury; Leader of the House of Commons / Arthur Balfour / 25 June 1895 / 4 December 1905 / Conservative

Lord Chancellor / The Earl of Halsbury / 29 June 1895 / 4 December 1905 / Conservative

Lord President of the Council / The Duke of Devonshire / 29 June 1895 / 19 October 1903 / Liberal Unionist

Lord Privy Seal / The Viscount Cross / 29 June 1895 / 12 November 1900 / Conservative

Secretary of State for the Home Department / Sir Matthew White Ridley / 29 June 1895 / 12 November 1900 / Conservative

Secretary of State for the Colonies / Joseph Chamberlain / 29 June 1895 / 16 September 1903 / Liberal Unionist

Secretary of State for War / The Marquess of Lansdowne / 4 July 1895 / 12 November 1900 / Liberal Unionist

Secretary of State for India / Lord George Hamilton / 4 July 1895 / 9 October 1903 / Conservative

First Lord of the Admiralty / George Goschen / 1895 / 1900 / Conservative

Chancellor of the Exchequer / Sir Michael Hicks Beach / 29 June 1895 / 11 August 1902 / Conservative

President of the Board of Trade / Charles Ritchie / 29 June 1895 / 7 November 1900 / Conservative

President of the Local Government Board / Henry Chaplin / 29 June 1895 / 12 November 1900 / Conservative

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster / The Viscount Cross / 29 June 1895 / 4 July 1895 / Conservative

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster / The Lord James of Hereford / 4 July 1895 / 11 August 1902 / Liberal Unionist

First Commissioner of Works / Aretas Akers-Douglas / 4 July 1895 / 11 August 1902 / Conservative

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland / The Earl Cadogan / 29 June 1895 / 11 August 1902 / Conservative

Lord Chancellor of Ireland / The Lord Ashbourne / 29 June 1895 / 1905 / Conservative

Secretary for Scotland / The Lord Balfour of Burleigh / 29 June 1895 / 9 October 1903 / Conservative

President of the Board of Agriculture / Walter Long / 4 July 1895 / 16 November 1900 / Conservative

November 1900 to July 1902

In November 1900, the Cabinet was reformed for the first time.

Portfolio / Minister / Took office / Left office / Party

Lord Privy Seal; Leader of the House of Lords / The 3rd Marquess of Salisbury* / 25 June 1895 / 11 July 1902 / Conservative

First Lord of the Treasury; Leader of the House of Commons / Arthur Balfour / 25 June 1895 / 4 December 1905 / Conservative

Lord Chancellor / The Earl of Halsbury / 29 June 1895 / 4 December 1905 / Conservative

Lord President of the Council / The Duke of Devonshire / 29 June 1895 / 19 October 1903 / Liberal Unionist

Secretary of State for the Home Department / Charles Ritchie / 12 November 1900 / 12 July 1902 / Conservative

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / The Marquess of Lansdowne / 12 November 1900 / 4 December 1905 / Liberal Unionist

Secretary of State for the Colonies / Joseph Chamberlain / 29 June 1895 / 16 September 1903 / Liberal Unionist

Secretary of State for War / St John Brodrick / 12 November 1900 /6 October 1903 / Conservative

Secretary of State for India / Lord George Hamilton / 4 July 1895 / 9 October 1903 / Conservative

First Lord of the Admiralty / The Earl of Selborne / 1900 / 1905 / Liberal Unionist

Chancellor of the Exchequer / Sir Michael Hicks Beach / 29 June 1895 / 11 August 1902 / Conservative

President of the Board of Trade / Gerald Balfour / 12 November 1900 / 12 March 1905 / Conservative

President of the Local Government Board / Walter Long / 1900 / 1905 / Conservative

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster / The Lord James of Hereford / 4 July 1895 / 11 August 1902 / Liberal Unionist

First Commissioner of Works / Aretas Akers-Douglas /4 July 1895 / 11 August 1902 / Conservative

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland / The Earl Cadogan / 29 June 1895 /11 August 1902 / Conservative

Lord Chancellor of Ireland / The Lord Ashbourne / 29 June 1895 / 1905 / Conservative

Secretary for Scotland / The Lord Balfour of Burleigh / 29 June 1895 / 9 October 1903 / Conservative

President of the Board of Agriculture / Robert William Hanbury / 16 November 1900 / 28 April 1903 / Conservative

Balfour ministry

Balfour ministry
Date formed: 12 July 1902
Date dissolved: 4 December 1905
People and organisations
Monarch: Edward VII
Prime Minister: Arthur Balfour
Member parties: Conservative Party; Liberal Unionist Party
Status in legislature: Majority (coalition)
Opposition party: Liberal Party
Opposition leaders: Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman in the House of Commons; Lord Spencer (1902–1905); Lord Ripon (1905) in the House of Lords
Legislature term(s): 27th UK Parliament
Predecessor: Fourth Salisbury ministry
Successor: Campbell-Bannerman ministry

Portfolio / Minister / Took office / Left office / Party

First Lord of the Treasury; Lord Privy Seal; Leader of the House of Commons / Arthur Balfour* / 12 July 1902 / 4 December 1905 / Conservative

Lord Chancellor / The Earl of Halsbury / 29 June 1895 / 4 December 1905 / Conservative

Lord President of the Council; Leader of the House of Lords / The Duke of Devonshire / 29 June 1895 / 19 October 1903 / Liberal Unionist

Lord President of the Council / The Marquess of Londonderry / 19 October 1903 / 11 December 1905 / Conservative

Leader of the House of Lords / The Marquess of Lansdowne / 13 October 1903 / 4 December 1905 / Liberal Unionist

Secretary of State for the Home Department / Aretas Akers-Douglas / 12 July 1902 / 5 December 1905 / Conservative

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / The Marquess of Lansdowne / 12 November 1900 / 4 December 1905 / Liberal Unionist

Secretary of State for the Colonies / Joseph Chamberlain / 29 June 1895 / 16 September 1903 / Liberal Unionist

Secretary of State for the Colonies / Alfred Lyttelton / 11 October 1903 / 4 December 1905 / Liberal Unionist

Secretary of State for War / St John Brodrick / 12 November 1900 / 6 October 1903 / Conservative

Secretary of State for War / H. O. Arnold-Forster / 6 October 1903 / 4 December 1905 / Liberal Unionist

Secretary of State for India / Lord George Hamilton / 4 July 1895 / 9 October 1903 / Conservative

Secretary of State for India / St John Brodrick / 9 October 1903 / 4 December 1905 / Conservative

First Lord of the Admiralty / The Earl of Selborne / 1900 / 1905 / Liberal Unionist

Chancellor of the Exchequer / Charles Ritchie / 11 August 1902 / 9 October 1903 / Conservative

Chancellor of the Exchequer / Austen Chamberlain / 9 October 1903 / 4 December 1905 / Liberal Unionist

President of the Board of Trade / Gerald Balfour / 12 November 1900 / 12 March 1905 / Conservative

President of the Board of Trade / The 4th Marquess of Salisbury / 12 March 1905 / 4 December 1905 / Conservative

Secretary for Scotland / The Lord Balfour of Burleigh / 29 June 1895 / 9 October 1903 / Conservative

Secretary for Scotland / Andrew Murray / 9 October 1903 / 2 February 1905 / Conservative

Secretary for Scotland / The Marquess of Linlithgow / 2 February 1905 / 4 December 1905 / Conservative

Chief Secretary for Ireland / George Wyndham / 9 November 1900 / 12 March 1905 / Conservative

Chief Secretary for Ireland / Walter Long / 12 March 1905 / 4 December 1905 / Conservative

President of the Local Government Board / Walter Long / 1900 / 1905 / Conservative

President of the Local Government Board / Gerald Balfour / 1905 / 11 December 1905 / Conservative

President of the Board of Agriculture / Robert William Hanbury / 16 November 1900 / 28 April 1903 / Conservative

President of the Board of Education / The Marquess of Londonderry / 11 August 1902 / 4 December 1905 / Conservative

Lord Chancellor of Ireland / The Lord Ashbourne / 29 June 1895 / 1905 / Conservative

First Commissioner of Works / The Lord Windsor / 11 August 1902 / 4 December 1905 / Conservative

Postmaster General / Austen Chamberlain / 11 August 1902 / 9 October 1903 / Liberal Unionist


• May 1903 – Lord Onslow succeeds Robert William Hanbury at the Board of Agriculture.
• September to October 1903 –
• Lord Londonderry succeeds the Duke of Devonshire as Lord President. Londonderry remains President of the Board of Education.
• Lord Lansdowne succeeds Devonshire as Leader of the House of Lords. Lansdowne remains Foreign Secretary.
• Lord Salisbury succeeds Arthur Balfour as Lord Privy Seal.
• Austen Chamberlain succeeds Charles Ritchie at the Exchequer. Chamberlain's successor as Postmaster General is not in the Cabinet.
• Alfred Lyttelton succeeds Joseph Chamberlain as Colonial Secretary.
• St John Brodrick succeeds Lord George Hamilton as Secretary for India.
• H. O. Arnold-Forster succeeds Brodrick as Secretary for War.
• Andrew Graham-Murray succeeds Lord Balfour of Burleigh as Secretary for Scotland.
• March 1905 –
• Walter Hume Long succeeds George Wyndham as Irish Secretary.
• Gerald Balfour succeeds Long at the Local Government Board.
• Lord Salisbury succeeds Balfour at the Board of Trade. Salisbury remains Lord Privy Seal.
• Lord Cawdor succeeds Lord Selborne at the Admiralty.
• Ailwyn Fellowes succeeds Lord Onslow at the Board of Agriculture.

List of ministers

Cabinet members are listed in bold face.

Office / Name / Date

Prime Minister[note 1] / The 3rd Marquess of Salisbury[note 2] / 25 June 1895 –11 July 1902

Prime Minister[note 1] / Arthur Balfour[note 2] / 12 July 190 –4 December 1905

First Lord of the Treasury; Leader of the House of Commons / Arthur Balfour / 29 June 1895 –4 December 1905

Chancellor of the Exchequer / Sir Michael Hicks Beach / 29 June 1895

Chancellor of the Exchequer / Charles Ritchie / 11 August 1902

Chancellor of the Exchequer / Austen Chamberlain / 9 October 1903

Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury & Government Chief Whip in the House of Commons / Sir William Walrond / 29 June 1895

Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury & Government Chief Whip in the House of Commons /Sir Alexander Acland-Hood / 8 August 1902

Financial Secretary to the Treasury / Robert William Hanbury / 29 June 1895

Financial Secretary to the Treasury / Austen Chamberlain / 7 November 1900

Financial Secretary to the Treasury / William Hayes Fisher / 8 August 1902

Financial Secretary to the Treasury / Arthur Elliot / 10 April 1903

Financial Secretary to the Treasury / Victor Cavendish / 9 October 1903

Junior Lords of the Treasury / Henry Torrens Anstruther / 6 July 1895 –11 October 1903

Junior Lords of the Treasury / William Hayes Fisher / 6 July 1895 –8 August 1902

Junior Lords of the Treasury / Lord Stanley / 6 July 1895 –7 November 1900

Junior Lords of the Treasury / Ailwyn Fellowes / 7 November 1900 –15 March 1905

Junior Lords of the Treasury / Henry Forster / 8 August 1902 –4 December 1905

Junior Lords of the Treasury / Lord Balniel / 11 October 1903 –4 December 1905

Junior Lords of the Treasury / Lord Edmund Talbot / 16 June 1905 –4 December 1905

Lord Chancellor / The Lord Halsbury[note 3] / 29 June 1895

Lord President of the Council / The Duke of Devonshire[note 4] / 29 June 1895

Lord President of the Council / The Marquess of Londonderry / 19 October 1903

Lord Privy Seal / The Viscount Cross / 29 June 1895

Lord Privy Seal / The 3rd Marquess of Salisbury / 12 November 1900

Lord Privy Seal / Arthur Balfour[note 2] / 14 July 1902

Lord Privy Seal / The 4th Marquess of Salisbury / 17 October 1903

Secretary of State for the Home Department / Sir Matthew White Ridley / 29 June 1895

Secretary of State for the Home Department / Charles Thomson Ritchie / 12 November 1900

Secretary of State for the Home Department / Aretas Akers-Douglas / 11 August 1902

Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department / Jesse Collings / 3 July 1895

Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department / Thomas Cochrane / 11 August 1902

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / The 3rd Marquess of Salisbury / 29 June 1895

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / The Marquess of Lansdowne[note 5] / 12 November 1900

Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / George Curzon / 20 June 1895

Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / St John Brodrick / 15 October 1898

Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / Viscount Cranborne[note 6] / 12 November 1900

Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs / Earl Percy / 9 October 1903

Secretary of State for War / The Marquess of Lansdowne / 4 July 1895

Secretary of State for War / St John Brodrick / 12 November 1900

Secretary of State for War / H. O. Arnold-Forster / 12 October 1903

Under-Secretary of State for War / St John Brodrick / 4 July 1895

Under-Secretary of State for War / George Wyndham / 10 October 1898

Under-Secretary of State for War / The Lord Raglan / 13 November 1900

Under-Secretary of State for War / The Earl of Hardwicke / 8 August 1902

Under-Secretary of State for War / The Earl of Donoughmore / 12 October 1903

Financial Secretary to the War Office / Joseph Powell Williams / 3 July 1895

Financial Secretary to the War Office / Lord Stanley / 1 January 1901

Financial Secretary to the War Office / William Bromley-Davenport / 12 October 1903

Secretary of State for the Colonies / Joseph Chamberlain / 29 June 1895

Secretary of State for the Colonies / Alfred Lyttelton / 9 October 1903

Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies / The Earl of Selborne 28 June 1895

Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies / The Earl of Onslow / 26 November 1900

Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies / The Duke of Marlborough / 22 July 1903

Secretary of State for India / Lord George Hamilton / 4 July 1895

Secretary of State for India / St John Brodrick / 9 October 1903

Under-Secretary of State for India / The Earl of Onslow / 5 July 1895

Under-Secretary of State for India /The Earl of Hardwicke / 17 January 1901

Under-Secretary of State for India / Earl Percy / 18 August 1902

Under-Secretary of State for India / vacant / 29 November 1904

Under-Secretary of State for India / The Marquess of Bath / 20 January 1905

First Lord of the Admiralty / George Goschen / 29 June 1895

First Lord of the Admiralty / The Earl of Selborne / 12 November 1900

First Lord of the Admiralty / The Earl Cawdor / 27 March 1905

Parliamentary and Financial Secretary to the Admiralty / William Ellison-Macartney / 29 June 1895

Parliamentary and Financial Secretary to the Admiralty / H. O. Arnold-Forster / 7 November 1900

Parliamentary and Financial Secretary to the Admiralty / E. G. Pretyman / 11 October 1903

Civil Lord of the Admiralty / Austen Chamberlain / 6 July 1895

E. G. Pretyman / 7 November 1900

Parliamentary and Financial Secretary to the Admiralty / Arthur Lee / 11 October 1903

President of the Board of Agriculture / Walter Long / 4 July 1895

President of the Board of Agriculture / Robert William Hanbury / 16 November 1900

President of the Board of Agriculture / The Earl of Onslow / 20 May 1903

President of the Board of Agriculture / Ailwyn Fellowes / 14 March 1905

President of the Board of Education / The Duke of Devonshire / 3 March 1900

President of the Board of Education / The Marquess of Londonderry / 11 August 1902

Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Education / Sir William Anson / 11 August 1902

Chief Secretary for Ireland / Gerald Balfour / 4 July 1895

Chief Secretary for Ireland / George Wyndham / 9 November 1900

Chief Secretary for Ireland / Walter Long / 12 March 1905

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland / The Earl Cadogan / 29 June 1895

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland / The Earl of Dudley / 11 August 1902

Lord Chancellor of Ireland / The Lord Ashbourne / 29 June 1895

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster / The Viscount Cross / 29 June 1895

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster / The Lord James of Hereford / 4 July 1895

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster / Sir William Walrond / 11 August 1902

President of the Local Government Board / Henry Chaplin / 29 June 1895

President of the Local Government Board / Walter Long / 12 November 1900

President of the Local Government Board / Gerald Balfour / 14 March 1905

Parliamentary Secretary to the Local Government Board / Thomas Russell 30 June 1895

Parliamentary Secretary to the Local Government Board / John Lawson / 12 November 1900

Parliamentary Secretary to the Local Government Board / Arthur Frederick Jeffreys / 27 June 1905

Postmaster General / The Duke of Norfolk / 6 July 1895

Postmaster General / The Marquess of Londonderry[note 7] / 10 April 1900

Postmaster General / Austen Chamberlain / 11 August 1902

Postmaster General / Lord Stanley / 9 October 1903

Secretary for Scotland / The Lord Balfour of Burleigh / 29 June 1895

Secretary for Scotland / Andrew Murray / 9 October 1903

Secretary for Scotland / The Marquess of Linlithgow / 2 February 1905

President of the Board of Trade / Charles Ritchie / 29 June 1895

President of the Board of Trade / Gerald Balfour / 12 November 1900

President of the Board of Trade / The 4th Marquess of Salisbury / 14 March 1905

Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade / The Earl of Dudley / 29 June 1895

Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade / Bonar Law / 8 August 1902

First Commissioner of Works / Aretas Akers-Douglas / 4 July 1895

First Commissioner of Works / The Lord Windsor / 11 August 1902

Vice-President of the Committee on Education[note 8] / Sir John Eldon Gorst / 4 July 1895

Paymaster General / The Earl of Hopetoun / 16 July 1895

Paymaster General / The Duke of Marlborough / 1899

Paymaster General / Sir Savile Crossley / 11 March 1902

Attorney General / Sir Richard Webster / 8 July 1895

Attorney General / Sir Robert Finlay / 11 May 1900

Solicitor General / Sir Robert Finlay / 30 August 1895

Solicitor General / Sir Edward Carson / 11 May 1900

Lord Advocate / Sir Charles Pearson / 11 July 1895

Lord Advocate / Andrew Murray / 14 May 1896

Lord Advocate / Charles Dickson / 17 October 1903

Solicitor General for Scotland / Andrew Murray / 11 July 1895

Solicitor General for Scotland / Charles Dickson / 14 May 1896

Solicitor General for Scotland / David Dundas / 17 October 1903

Solicitor General for Scotland / Edward Theodore Salvesen / 2 February 1905

Solicitor General for Scotland / James Avon Clyde / 17 October 1905

Attorney-General for Ireland / John Atkinson / 8 July 1895

Solicitor-General for Ireland / William Kenny / 28 August 1895

Solicitor-General for Ireland / Dunbar Barton / 28 August 1895

Solicitor-General for Ireland / George Wright / 30 January 1900

Solicitor-General for Ireland / James Campbell / 8 July 1903

Lord Steward of the Household / The Earl of Pembroke / 16 July 1895

Lord Chamberlain of the Household / The Earl of Lathom / 16 July 1895

Lord Chamberlain of the Household / The Earl of Hopetoun / 7 December 1898

Lord Chamberlain of the Household / The Earl of Clarendon / 21 September 1900

Vice-Chamberlain of the Household / Ailwyn Fellowes / 10 July 1895

Vice-Chamberlain of the Household / Sir Alexander Acland-Hood / 3 December 1900

Vice-Chamberlain of the Household / The Lord Wolverton / 17 November 1902

Master of the Horse / The Duke of Portland / 16 July 1895

Treasurer of the Household / Marquess of Carmarthen[note 9] / 10 July 1895

Treasurer of the Household / Viscount Curzon / 11 February 1896

Treasurer of the Household / Victor Cavendish / 4 December 1900

Treasurer of the Household / Marquess of Hamilton / 13 October 1903

Comptroller of the Household / Lord Arthur Hill / 10 July 1895

Comptroller of the Household / The Viscount Valentia / 19 October 1898

Captain of the Gentlemen-at-Arms / The Lord Belper / 16 July 1895

Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard & Government Chief Whip in the House of Lords / The Earl of Limerick / 16 July 1895

Captain of the Yeomen of the Guard & Government Chief Whip in the House of Lords / The Earl Waldegrave / 26 August 1896

Master of the Buckhounds[note 10] / The Earl of Coventry / 16 July 1895

The Lord Chesham / 1 November 1900

Mistress of the Robes / The Duchess of Buccleuch / 16 July 1895

Lords-in-Waiting / The Lord Churchill / 16 July 1895 –4 December 1905

Lords-in-Waiting / The Lord Harris / 16 July 1895 –4 December 1900

Lords-in-Waiting / The Lord Henniker / 16 July 1895 –1 November 1895

Lords-in-Waiting / The Lord Lawrence / 16 July 1895 –4 December 1905

Lords-in-Waiting / The Earl of Ranfurly / 16 July 1895 –21 April 1897

Lords-in-Waiting / The Earl Waldegrave / 16 July 1895 –9 September 1896

Lords-in-Waiting / The Earl of Clarendon / 17 July 1895 –30 October 1900

Lords-in-Waiting / The Viscount Bridport / 30 June 1884 –18 February 1901

Lords-in-Waiting / The Earl of Kintore / 1 November 1895 –4 December 1905

Lords-in-Waiting / The Lord Bagot / 9 September 1896 –2 July 1901

Lords-in-Waiting / The Earl of Denbigh / 22 April 1897 –4 December 1905

Lords-in-Waiting / The Earl Howe / 30 October 1900 –1 October 1903

Lords-in-Waiting / The Lord Kenyon / 4 December 1900 –4 December 1905

Lords-in-Waiting / The Earl of Erroll / 19 October 1903 –4 December 1905


1. The position of Prime Minister was not a formal ministerial office.
2. Also served as Leader of the House of Lords.
3. Halsbury was created the 1st Earl of Halsbury on 19 January 1898.
4. Devonshire also served as Leader of the House of Lords from 12 July 1902 to 13 October 1903.
5. Lansdowne also served as Leader of the House of Lords from 13 October 1903 to 4 December 1905
6. Cranborne succeeded as the 4th Marquess of Salisbury on 22 August 1903.
7. Londonderry entered the Cabinet on 7 November 1900.
8. Office abolished on 8 August 1902 and replaced by that of Secretary to the Board of Education.
9. Carmarthen succeeded as the 10th Duke of Leeds on 23 December 1895.
10. Office abolished in 1900.


1. Yap & Leong Man 1996, p. 104.
2. Yap & Leong Man 1996, p. 103.
3. Yap & Leong Man 1996, p. 107.
4. Englefield, Seaton & White 1995, p. 412.


• Cook, Chris; Keith, Brendan (18 June 1975). British Historical Facts: 1830–1900 (1st ed.). Palgrave Macmillan UK. ISBN 978-1-349-01348-7.
• Butler, David; Butler, Gareth (10 November 2010). British Political Facts (10th ed.). Palgrave Macmillan UK. ISBN 978-0-230-29318-2.
• Englefield, Dermot; Seaton, Janet; White, Isobel (1995). Facts About the British Prime Ministers. Mansell Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-0-7201-2306-7.
• Tout, T. F. (1910). An advanced history of Great Britain from the earliest times to the death of Edward VII. New York: Longmans, Green. pp. 740–741. OL 13991885M.
• Yap, Melanie; Leong Man, Dainne (1 January 1996). Colour, Confusion and Concessions: The History of the Chinese in South Africa. Hong Kong University Press. ISBN 978-962-209-424-6.

See also

• Victorian era
• Historiography of the British Empire
• International relations of the Great Powers (1814–1919)
• Splendid isolation
• Timeline of British diplomatic history

Further reading

• Adonis, A. Making Aristocracy Work: The Peerage and the Political System in Britain, 1884–1914 (1993).
• Bentley, Michael. Lord Salisbury's World: Conservative Environments in Late-Victorian Britain (2001). online edition
• Lord Blake and H. Cecil (eds.), Salisbury: The Man and His Policies (1987).
• Bright, J. Franck. A History of England: Period V. Imperial Reaction Victoria 1880–1901 (vol 5, 1904); detailed political narrative; 295pp; online; also another copy
• Brumpton, Paul R. Security and Progress: Lord Salisbury at the India Office (Greenwood Press, 2002) online edition
• Cecil, C. Life of Robert, Marquis of Salisbury (4 volumes, 1921–32). Questia edition v1; online vol 1; online vol 2; online vol 3 1880–1886; online vol 4 1887–1892.
• Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Salisbury, Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of" . Encyclopædia Britannica. 24 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 72–76. This is a long biography, written in the context of contemporaneously recent history, with a Conservative point of view.
• Cooke, A.B. and J. Vincent, The Governing Passion: Cabinet Government and Party Politics in Britain, 1885–86 (1974).
• Cowling, Maurice. 'The Present Position', in Cowling (ed.), Conservative Essays (London: Cassell, 1978), pp. 1–24.
• Grenville, J. A. S., Lord Salisbury and Foreign Policy: The Close of the Nineteenth Century (1964).
• Jones, A. The Politics of Reform, 1884 (1972).
• Kennedy, A. L. Salisbury 1830–1903: Portrait of a Statesman (1953).
• Gibb, Paul. "Unmasterly Inactivity? Sir Julian Pauncefote, Lord Salisbury, and the Venezuela Boundary Dispute." Diplomacy and Statecraft 16#1 (2005): 23–55.
• Gillard, D.R."Salisbury's African Policy and the Heligoland Offer of 1890," The English Historical Review, Vol. LXXV, 1960.
• Thomas P. Hughes, "Lord Salisbury's Afghan Policy," The Arena, Vol. VI, 1892.
• Jones, Andrew, and Michael Bentley, ‘Salisbury and Baldwin’, in Maurice Cowling. ed., Conservative Essays (Cassell, 1978), pp. 25–40.
• Langer, William L. The Diplomacy of Imperialism: 1890–1902 (2nd ed. 1950), a standard diplomatic history of Europe
• Lowe, C. J.Salisbury and the Mediterranean, 1886–1896 (1965).
• Marsh, P. The Discipline of Popular Government: Lord Salisbury's Domestic Statecraft, 1881–1902 (1978).
• Millman, R. Britain and the Eastern question, 1875–1878 (1979).
• Otte, T. G. "A question of leadership: Lord Salisbury, the unionist cabinet and foreign policy making, 1895–1900." Contemporary British History 14#4 (2000): 1–26.
• Paul, Herbert. A History of Modern England (vol 5, 1906), covers 1885–1895. online
• Roberts, Andrew. Salisbury: Victorian Titan (Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1999), a standard scholarly biography; 940pp
• Searle, G. R. (2004). A New England?: Peace and War 1886–1918. Oxford U.P. ISBN 9780198207146.
• Shannon, Richard The Age of Disraeli, 1868–1881: The Rise of Tory Democracy (1992).
• Shannon, Richard The Age of Salisbury, 1881–1902: Unionism and Empire (1996). 569pp.
• Smith, Paul. 'Cecil, Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-, third marquess of Salisbury (1830–1903)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, September 2004; online edn, October 2009, accessed 8 May 2010.
• Steele, David. Lord Salisbury: A Political biography (1999). online edition
• Steele, David. "Three British Prime Ministers and the Survival of the Ottoman Empire, 1855–1902." Middle Eastern Studies 50.1 (2014): 43–60.
• Warren, Allen. "Lord Salisbury and Ireland, 1859–87: Principles, Ambitions and Strategies." Parliamentary history 26.2 (2007): 203–224.
• Weston, C. C. The House of Lords and Ideological Politics: Lord Salisbury's Referendal Theory and the Conservative Party, 1846–1922 (1995).


• Ellenberger, Nancy W. "Salisbury" in David Loades, ed. Reader's Guide to British History (2003) 2:1153–55
• Goodlad, Graham, "Salisbury as Premier: Graham Goodlad Asks Whether Lord Salisbury Deserves His Reputation as One of the Great Victorian Prime Ministers," History Review #49. 2004. pp 3+. online
• Lowry, Donal. The South African War Reappraised (Manchester UP, 2000).
• Roberts, Andrew. "Salisbury," History Today, (Oct 1999), Vol. 49 Issue 10, p45-51
Primary sources[edit]
• Paul Smith (ed.), Lord Salisbury on Politics. A Selection from His Articles in the Quarterly Review, 1860–83 (Cambridge University Press, 1972).
• John Vincent (ed.), A Selection from the Diaries of Edward Henry Stanley, 15th Earl of Derby (1826–93) between September 1869 and March 1878 (London: The Royal Historical Society, 1994).
• R. H. Williams (ed.), Salisbury–Balfour Correspondence: Letters Exchanged between the Third Marquess of Salisbury and his nephew Arthur James Balfour, 1869–1892 (1988).
• Harold Temperley, and Lillian M. Penson, eds; Foundations of British Foreign Policy from Pitt (1792) to Salisbury (1902); Or, Documents, Old and New (1938) online edition
• Robert Cecil Salisbury. Essays by the Late Marquess of Salisbury (1905) online


1. History of government: Prime Ministers in the House of Lords,
2. Smith 1972 cited in Ellenberger, "Salisbury" 2:1154
3. Andrew Roberts (2012). Salisbury: Victorian Titan. Faber & Faber. p. 328. ISBN 9780571294176.
4. G. R. Searle (2004). A New England?: Peace and War 1886–1918. Oxford U.P. p. 203. ISBN 9780198207146.
5. Andrew Roberts, Salisbury: Victorian Titan (2000)
6. Paul Smith, 'Cecil, Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-, third marquess of Salisbury (1830–1903)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.
7. House of Commons Debates 30 May 1867 vol. 187 cc1296–363.
8. Kelly's Handbook to the Titled, Landed and Official Classes, 1900. Kelly's. p. 1189.
9. John Vincent (ed.), A Selection from the Diaries of Edward Henry Stanley, 15th Earl of Derby (1826–93) between September 1869 and March 1878 (London: The Royal Historical Society, 1994), p. 522.
10. Vincent, p. 523.
11. Paul Smith (ed.), Lord Salisbury On Politics. A Selection from His Articles in the Quarterly Review, 1860–83 (Cambridge University Press, 1972), p. 18, n. 1.
12. Paul Brighton (2016). Original Spin: Downing Street and the Press in Victorian Britain. I.B.Tauris. p. 233. ISBN 9781780760599.
13. J.A.S. Grenville, Lord Salisbury and foreign policy: the close of the nineteenth century (U. of London Athlone Press, 1964) pp 3-23.
14. Grenville, J. A. S. (1958). "Goluchowski, Salisbury, and the Mediterranean Agreements, 1895–1897". Slavonic and East European Review. 36 (87): 340–369. JSTOR 4204957.
15. Teresa Coelho, "'Pérfida Albion'and'Little Portugal': The Role of the Press in British and Portuguese National Perceptions of the 1890 Ultimatum." Portuguese Studies 6 (1990): 173+.
16. Correspondent.Copyright, Commercial Cable From Our Own; Times, By the New-York (9 December 1888). "Salisbury's Silly Gibe". The New York Times.
17. W. K Hancock, Jean van der Poel, Selections from the Smuts Papers Volume IV, November 1918 – August 1919, p. 377
18. The Chemical News and Journal of Industrial Science ed., William Crookes, Vol. 69–70 (1894) pp. 63–67, Vol. 70.
19. Jed Z. Buchwald, Robert Fox, The Oxford Handbook of the History of Physics (2013) p. 757, footnote 62.
20. David Steele (2002). Lord Salisbury. Routledge. p. 320. ISBN 9781134516711.
21. J. A. S. Grenville, Lord Salisbury, and Foreign Policy: The Close of the Nineteenth Century (1964) pp 54–73.
22. R.A. Humphreys, "Anglo-American Rivalries and the Venezuela Crisis of 1895" Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (1967) 17: 131–164 in JSTOR
23. Allan Nevins, Grover Cleveland (1932) pp 550, 647–648
24. Grenville, Lord Salisbury, and Foreign Policy (1964) pp 235–64.
25. Peter T. Marsh, Joseph Chamberlain: entrepreneur in politics (1994) pp 483–522
26. Iain R. Smith, The Origins of the South African War, 1899–1902 (1996).
27. Langer, The Diplomacy of Imperialism (1950), pp 605–28, 651–76
28. Denis Judd and Keith Surridge, The Boer War: A History (2013) pp 1–54.
29. Searle, A New England (2004) pp 274–310.
30. Judd and Surridge, The Boer War: A History (2013) pp 55–302.
31. Searle, A New England (2004) pp 287–91.
32. Elie Halévy, Imperialism and the rise of Labour, 1895–1905 (1961) pp 69–136, focuses on British politics and diplomacy.
33. E. W. McFarland, "Commemoration of the South African War in Scotland, 1900–10." Scottish Historical Review (2010): 194–223. in JSTOR.
34. Searle, A New England (2004) pp 284–87.
35. William L. Langer, The diplomacy of imperialism: 1890–1902 (1951) pp 433–42.
36. Grenville, Lord Salisbury, pp 368–69.
37. Paul M. Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of British Naval Mastery (1983) pp 136–37.
38. Scott A. Keefer, "Reassessing the Anglo-German Naval Arms Race." (University of Trento School of International Studies Working Paper 3, 2006). online[permanent dead link]
39. Nancy W. Ellenberger, "Salisbury" in David Loades, ed. Reader's Guide to British History (2003) 2:1154
40. Martin Roberts (2001). Britain, 1846–1964: The Challenge of Change. Oxford UP. p. 56. ISBN 9780199133734.
41. S.J. Curtis and M.E.A. Boultwood, An Introductory History of English Education Since 1800 (1966)
42. Helen Phtiaka (2005). Special Kids For Special Treatment: How Special Do You Need To Be To Find Yourself In A Special School?. Routledge. p. 6. ISBN 9781135712136.
43. The Times (36047). London. 24 January 1900. p. 9. Missing or empty |title= (help)
44. "Court Circular". The Times (36820). London. 15 July 1902. p. 10.
45. "No. 27456". The London Gazette. 22 July 1902. p. 4669.
46. Smith, 2004
47. UK Retail Price Index inflation figures are based on data from Clark, Gregory (2017). "The Annual RPI and Average Earnings for Britain, 1209 to Present (New Series)". MeasuringWorth. Retrieved 2 February 2020.
48. David Steele, Lord Salisbury: A Political Biography (Routledge, 2001) p. 383
49. Robert Blake, The Conservative Party from Peel to Churchill (1970), p. 132.
50. P.T. Marsh, The Discipline of Popular Government: Lord Salisbury’s Domestic Statecraft, 1881–1902 (Hassocks, Sussex, 1978), p. 326.
51. Paul Smith, Lord Salisbury on Politics. A Selection from his Articles in the Quarterly Review, 1860–1883 (Cambridge, 1972), p. 1
52. H.C.G. Matthew, ed. Gladstone Diaries, (1990) X, pp. cxxxix–cxl
53. Maurice Cowling, Religion and Public Doctrine in Modern England (2 vol. 1980–85), vol I, p. 387.
54. Robert Blake, Disraeli (London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1966), p. 499.
55. The Times (14 June 1978), p. 16.
56. Maurice Cowling, Mill and Liberalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. xxix, n.
57. Maurice Cowling, 'The Present Position', in Cowling (ed.), Conservative Essays (London: Cassell, 1978), p. 22.
58. Smith, p. vii.
59. Andrew Jones and Michael Bentley, ‘Salisbury and Baldwin’, in Cowling (ed.), Conservative Essays, p. 25.
60. Public Archives of Canada, Gowan Papers, M-1900, Thompson to Gowan, 20 September 1893
61. From Aristotelian to Reaganomics: A Dictionary of Eponyms With Biographies in the Social Science, by R. C. S. Trahair, Greenwood Publishing Group, 1994, p.72. Retrieved online from Google Books, 30 July 2012.
62. Grüter, Thomas. "Prosopagnosia in biographies and autobiographies" (PDF). Retrieved 24 February 2020.

External links

• Works by or about Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury at Internet Archive
• Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by the Marquess of Salisbury
• "Archival material relating to Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury". UK National Archives.
• Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury on the Downing street website.
• Salisbury, The Empire Builder Who Never Was – article by Andrew Roberts
• Portraits of Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury at the National Portrait Gallery, London
• Ancestors of Lord Salisbury
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Harry Pollitt
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Pollitt in 1925

Harry Pollitt (22 November 1890 – 27 June 1960) was a British politician who served as the head of the trade union department of the Communist Party of Great Britain and the General Secretary of the party.[1]


Early life

Pollitt was born 22 November 1890 in Droylsden, Lancashire. He was the second of six children of Samuel Pollitt (1863–1933), a blacksmith's striker, and his wife, Mary Louisa (1868–1939), a cotton spinner, daughter of William Charlesworth, a joiner. Pollitt's parents were socialists and freethinkers and it was his mother, a member of the Independent Labour Party, who provided the youngster with his first induction into the principles and local networks of socialism. Theirs was an especially close relationship and Pollitt found in his mother both a confidante and a model of working-class dignity in the face of affliction.[1]

His own sense of injustice at family poverty, as three of his siblings died in infancy, was likewise fundamental to the strong identification with the working class that lay at the root of his political outlook. His formal education, at the local school, ended when he was thirteen. Pollitt was a boilermaker by trade and he frequently travelled around the country in this connection.

In 1915, whilst living in Southampton, he led a strike of boilermakers.

On 10 October 1925, Pollitt married Marjorie Brewer in Caxton Hall, Westminster. His best man and witness was fellow-CPGB activist and organiser Percy Glading, who would later be convicted of spying for the Soviet Union and imprisoned.[2][3]

Communist union leader

A USSR stamp of 1970 commemorating Harry Pollitt and his role in preventing the SS Jolly George from carrying arms to opponents of the Bolshevik forces.

In 1919 Pollitt was involved in the Hands Off Russia campaign to protest against Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War. As part of this campaign, London dock workers refused to load munitions bound for monarchist White movement forces onto the freighter SS Jolly George on 10 May 1920. After a five-day delay, the munitions were off-loaded on 15 May 1920. Pollitt later recounted the incident in his pamphlet "A War Was Stopped!"

At the end of the war, Pollitt joined Sylvia Pankhurst's Workers' Socialist Federation, which became the Communist Party (British Section of the Third International). As a member of this group he joined the Communist Party of Great Britain when it was formed in mid-1920. Pankhurst soon left the party, but Pollitt remained. He was heavily influenced by the Communist intellectual Rajani Palme Dutt and the two remained close allies for many years. From 1924 to 1929 Pollitt was General Secretary of the National Minority Movement, a Communist-led united front within the trade unions.

In 1925, Pollitt married Marjory Edna Brewer (b. 1902), a communist schoolteacher; the marriage eventually produced a son and a daughter. During the same year, Pollitt was one of 12 members of the Communist Party convicted at the Old Bailey under the Incitement to Mutiny Act 1797 and one of the five defendants sentenced to 12 months' imprisonment.

General Secretary of the CPGB

In 1929 the CPGB elected him General Secretary, a position he held, with a brief interruption during World War II, until 1956. He was then made Chairman of the Party, a position he held until his death four years later aboard an ocean liner carrying him home from a visit to Australia and New Zealand.[1]

In his public statements, Pollitt was loyal to the Soviet Union and to CPSU General Secretary Joseph Stalin. He was a defender of the Moscow Trials in which Stalin murdered or otherwise disposed of his political and military opponents. In the Daily Worker of 12 March 1936 Pollitt told the world that "the trials in Moscow represent a new triumph in the history of progress". The article was illustrated by a photograph of Stalin with Nikolai Yezhov, himself shortly to vanish and his photographs airbrushed from history by NKVD archivists.[4]

Pollitt also organised a protest against Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists in 1934.[5]

The Labour History Archive and Study Centre at the People's History Museum in Manchester holds the collection of the Communist Party of Great Britain. This collection includes the papers of Harry Pollitt, which covers the years 1920 to 1960.[6]

Views of World War II

In September 1939, despite the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, he welcomed the British declaration of war on Nazi Germany. When this turned out to be contrary to the Comintern line (as Rajani Palme Dutt, who succeeded him as General Secretary, had warned him it would be), he was forced to resign.[7] He was reinstated after Germany invaded the Soviet Union in 1941.

Political activities

Pollitt contested many parliamentary elections. He fought Rhondda East several times; in 1945 he was within a thousand votes of winning the seat from the Labour candidate.

Pollitt faced another crisis when Nikita Khrushchev, in his 1956 Secret Speech, attacked the legacy of Stalin. The Soviet repression of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 made the crisis in the party worse, and most of its intellectual figures (including Doris Lessing and E. P. Thompson) and many ordinary members resigned. Others, for example Eric Hobsbawm, chose to stay in the Party to try to reform it. Pollitt, depressed both by physical illness (including temporary blindness) and his increasing political isolation, resigned as General Secretary and was appointed CP Chairman.

In this position, Pollitt, like many other communists around the world, became disillusioned with Khrushchev's revisionism and attacks on Stalin. "He's staying there as long as I'm alive", he said of the portrait of Stalin that hung in his living room.

Death and legacy

Harry Pollitt died, aged 69, of a cerebral haemorrhage, after years of worsening health, while returning on the SS Orion from a speaking tour of Australia on 27 June 1960. He was cremated at Golders Green on 9 July, and was survived by his wife and two children, Brian and Jean.

In 1971, Pollitt's devotion to the Soviet cause and to international communism was acknowledged by Moscow when the Soviet navy named a ship after him. A plaque dedicated to the memory of Pollitt was unveiled by the Mayor of Tameside on 22 March 1995 outside Droylsden Library.[1] He is also ironically commemorated in the humorous song "The Ballad of Harry Pollitt", which actually circulated most popularly in his lifetime. Part of the lyrics dealt with his death: [8]

Harry Pollitt was a worker, one of Lenin's lads
He was foully murdered by those counter revolutionary cads
Counter revolutionary cads, counter revolutionary cads
He was foully murdered by those counter revolutionary cads!

Old Harry went to heaven, feeling weak about the knees,
Said, "May I speak with Comrade God; I am Harry Pollitt please
I'm Harry Pollitt please, I'm Harry Pollitt please,
May I speak with Comrade God, I am Harry Pollitt please...

They dressed him in a nightie, put a harp into his hand,
And he played the Internationale in the Hallelujah band,
In the Hallelujah band, in the Hallelujah band,
He played the Internationale in the Hallelujah band.

Secret communications with Soviet Union

In Operation MASK (1934–1937), an MI5 counterspy infiltrated the party, and was for a time Pollitt's assistant and a clandestine radio operator. This allowed John Tiltman and his colleagues to crack the code and decrypt, for a few years, messages between Moscow and some of its foreign parties, such as the CPGB. They revealed the Comintern's close supervision of the Communist Party and Pollitt. Among other things, Pollitt was instructed to refute news leaks about a Stalinist purge. Some messages were addressed to code names, while others were signed by Pollitt himself. In his transmissions to Moscow, Pollitt regularly pleaded for more funding from the Soviet Union. One 1936 coded instruction advised Pollitt to publicise the plight of Ernst Thälmann, a German communist leader who had been arrested by the Nazis and who later died at Sachsenhausen concentration camp. Pollitt replied that he was 'having difficulties' getting English statesmen to make public declarations supporting Thälmann but that they promised they would speak privately with German officials in London. In one of the more amusing dispatches, Pollitt (1936) informed his Soviet contact about a recent visit to France to make campaign appearances for candidates from the French Communist Party. "At great inconvenience went to Paris to speak in the election campaign". Pollitt went on to complain that he was "kept sitting two days and comrades refused to allow me to speak. Such treatment as I received in Paris is a scandal".[9][10][11]

Publications by Harry Pollitt

Hands Off Russia, article in Monthly Report of the United Society of Boilermakers and Iron and Steel Shipbuilders, July 1919.
A Cry From Russia, article in Monthly Report of the United Society of Boilermakers and Iron and Steel Shipbuilders, September 1921.
The Communist Party on Trial: Harry Pollitt's Defence. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1925].
• Pollitt's Reply to Citrine. London: National Minority Movement, Aug. 1928.
• The Workers' Charter. London: National Minority Movement, n.d. [c. 1929].
• Struggle or Starve. London: National Minority Movement, n.d. [c. 1931].
• Which Way for the Workers? Harry Pollitt, Communist Party, versus Fenner Brockway, Independent Labour Party, London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [c. 1932].
Towards Soviet Power. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1933].
• Into Action! The Communist Party's Proposals for the National Unity Congress, February, 1934. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1934].
• The Way Forward: Harry Pollitt's Speech at the Great United Front Congress at Bermondsey, February 24th, 1934 (Opening the Discussion on Main Resolution). London: National Congress and March Council, n.d. [1934].
• Labour and War. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [c. 1935].
• We Can Stop War! London: n.p. [Communist Party of Great Britain], n.d. [1935].
• Dynamite in the Dock: Harry Pollitt's Evidence Before the Arms Inquiry Commission. London: n.p. [Communist Party of Great Britain], n.d. [1935].
• Harry Pollitt Speaks: A Call to All Workers. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1935].
Unity Against the National Government: Harry Pollitt's Speech at the Seventh Congress of the Communist International. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1935].
• The Labour Party and the Communist Party. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1935].
• Forward! London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1936].
• I Accuse Baldwin. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1936].
• The Path to Peace. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1936].
Unity, Peace, and Security: Pollitt's Reply to Morrison. London: n.p. [Communist Party of Great Britain], n.d. [1936].
• Save Spain from Fascism. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Aug. 1936.
• Spain and the TUC. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Sept. 1936.
• Arms for Spain. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Oct. 1936.
• A War Was Stopped! The Story of the Dockers and the 'Jolly George.' London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1936].
The Unity Campaign. With Stafford Cripps (Socialist League) and James Maxton (ILP). London: n.p. [Communist Party of Great Britain], Jan. 1937.
The Truth About Trotskyism: Moscow Trial, January 1937. With R. Palme Dutt. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Feb. 1937.
• Save Peace! Aid Spain. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, May 1937.
Salute to the Soviet Union. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Oct. 1937.
• Labour's Way Forward. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Nov. 1937.
• Pollitt Visits Spain. Foreword by J.B.S. Haldane. London: International Brigade Wounded and Dependants' Aid Fund, Feb. 1938.
• Austria. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, March 1938.
• Czecho-Slovakia and Britain. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, May 1938.
For Unity in London. With Ted Bramley. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [June 1938].
• Czechoslovakia. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Sept. 1938. Reissued Oct. 1938 as Czechoslovakia Betrayed.
• Defence of the People. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Feb. 1939.
• Spain: What Next? London: Communist Party of Great Britain, March 1939.
• Can Conscription Save Peace? London: Communist Party of Great Britain, May 1939.
• Will It Be War? London: Communist Party of Great Britain, July 1939.
• How to Win the War. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Sept. 1939.
• The War and the Labour Movement. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, June 1940.
• The War and the Workshop: Letters to Bill No. 1. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, July 1940.
• What Is Russia Going to Do? Letters to Bill No. 2. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, [July 1940].
• Wages — A Policy. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Dec. 1940.
• Tom Mann, Born April 15, 1856, Died March 13, 1941: A Tribute by Harry Pollitt. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [March 1941].
Smash Hitler Now! London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [c. June 1941].
• A Call for Arms. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1941].
• Britain's Chance Has Come. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [c. Oct. 1941].
• The World in Arms. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1942].
Into Battle! The Call of May Day 1942. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, April 1942.
• The Way to Win: Decisions of the National Conference of the Communist Party of Great Britain, May 1942. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [May 1942].
• Speed the Second Front. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, July 1942.
Deeds — Not Words! London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Oct. 1942.


1. "A Tribute to Harry Pollitt 1890 - 1960". Blue Plaques. Tameside District Council. Retrieved 5 April 2011.
2. Mahon, J. (1976). Harry Pollitt: A Biography. London: Lawrence and Wishart. p. 121. ISBN 978-0-85315-327-6.
3. Davenport-Hines, R. (2018). Enemies Within: Communists, the Cambridge Spies and the Making of Modern Britain. London: HarperCollins Publishers. p. 157. ISBN 978-0-00-751668-1.
4. Redman, Joseph "The British Stalinists and the Moscow Trials", Labour Review, 3:2, March–April 1958
5. John Mahon, Harry Pollitt: A Biography Lawrence & Wishart, Limited, 1976 ISBN 0853153272 (p. 193)
6. Collection Catalogues and Descriptions, Labour History Archive and Study Centre, archived from the original on 13 January 2015, retrieved 5 February 2015
7. John Mahon, Harry Pollitt: A Biography (p. 236)
8. "THE LIMELITERS - HARRY POLLITT LYRICS". Retrieved 13 January 2012.
9. West, Nigel (2005). Mask: MI5's Penetration of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Psychology Press. pp. 108&nbsp, et seq.
10. Romerstein, Herbert; Eric Breindel (1 October 2001). The Venona Secrets: Exposing Soviet Espionage and America's Traitors. Regnery Publishing. pp. 86–88.
11. Andrew, Christopher M. (3 November 2009). Defend the realm: the authorized history of MI5. Random House Digital, Inc.pp. 142, 148, 160, 176, 179, 180, 404, 1023.


• Cornwell, Susan, UK archives offer insight into 1930s Soviet Union, Reuters 9 October 1997.
• Morgan, Kevin (2004). "Pollitt, Harry (1890–1960)". In H. C. G. Matthew, Brian Harrison, and online Lawrence Goldman (eds.). Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Online January 2011 ed.). Oxford: OUP. Retrieved 12 January 2012.
• Redman, Joseph, The British Stalinists and the Moscow Trials, Labour Review Vol.3 No.2, March–April 1958.
• Smith, Michael, How Communists in Britain followed the Moscow line, Electronic Telegraph, 10 October 1997.
• Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Much of this article was taken nearly verbatim from it).

External links

• "Harry Pollitt Internet Archive". Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 30 August 2009.
• Harry Pollitt recording from 1942 ... -disc.html
• The Ballad of Harry Pollitt at Digital Tradition Mirror
• Newspaper clippings about Harry Pollitt in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

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Part 1 of 2

Percy Glading
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Percy Glading
Percy Glading's 1938 police photographs
Born: Percy Eded Glading, 29 November 1893, Wanstead, Essex
Died: 15 April 1970 (aged 76), Surrey
Nationality: British
Other names: Codename "Got"
Known for: Co-founder of the Communist Party of Great Britain, Soviet spy at the [Woolwich Arsenal

Percy Eded Glading ( 29 November 1893 – 15 April 1970) was an English communist and a co-founder of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). He was also a trade union activist, an author, and from the mid-1930s he spied on Britain for the Soviet Union, for which activity he was convicted and imprisoned. Glading, who was born in Wanstead and grew up in East London, left school early to find work. Starting with menial jobs such as delivering milk, he found skilled work at the Stratford marshalling yards. Later he worked as an engineer at the Royal Arsenal, which was then the national production centre for military materiel. Glading spent World War I at the Arsenal, and after the war, chose to involve himself in working-class politics. He joined the forerunner of the CPGB, which, with his friend Harry Pollitt and others, he later founded.

Glading was a national organiser for the CPGB and acted as its ambassador abroad, particularly to India.
He was active in other groups, such as the National Minority Movement and when he married, his wife Elizabeth joined him in his political activity. He was prominent in the Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU), but his political activity resulted in dismissal from the Royal Arsenal, a security-sensitive post, as the government of the day regularly dismissed those suspected of subversive activities from its employment. MI5 opened a file on him in 1925 and considered him an extreme communist. The OGPU and its successor, the NKVD—the Soviet secret police—kept in touch with him through a series of handlers (including Arnold Deutsch who later recruited Kim Philby).

Around 1934 Soviet Intelligence recruited Glading as a spy. Although he no longer worked at the Arsenal, he had maintained contact with men of similar sympathies who did. The Arsenal was of interest to the USSR as it was known that Britain was on the verge of creating the biggest naval gun yet. Glading had set up a safe house in Holland Park, West London, where he photographed various sensitive plans and blueprints. Unbeknown to him, the secret service had infiltrated the CPGB in 1931, with an agent known later as "Miss X"—Olga Gray. Glading trusted her and involved her in his espionage activities and lodged her in the Holland Park safe-house. He was eventually arrested in January 1938 in the act of exchanging sensitive material from the Royal Arsenal at Woolwich. Predominantly due to the testimony of "Miss X", Glading was found guilty and sentenced to six-years' hard labour.

On his release from prison near the end of World War II, he is reported to have found work in a factory and maintained close links with Pollitt and the CPGB. Glading died in Richmond on 15 April 1970 aged 77.

Early life

Glading's birthplace at 50, Millais Rd, Leyton (then in Essex), as seen in 2018, with some contemporary modernisation.

Detail from a copy of Percy Glading's birth certificate, giving his parents names as James Glading, general labourer, and Mary Ann, née Purkis, living in Leyton in 1894.

Percy Glading was born in Wanstead, Essex[1] on 29 November 1893.[2] He later described his youth as being "the usual joys experienced by hundreds of poor proletarian families".[3] His father worked on the railways, and Glading grew up in Henniker Road, Stratford, near the marshalling yards.[1] According to his obituary, Glading distributed a radical paper, Justice, around the East End in his last years of school.[2] He left school aged 12 to work as a milkman and two years later he joined the railways as a trainee engineer.[3] He spent World War I employed as a grinder at the Royal Arsenal, Woolwich.[4] This was an extensive government-run military-industrial complex supplying weapons and munitions to the Army and Royal Navy.[3] In 1914 he was involved in a stoppage against blackleg working at the arsenal.[2] He worked as an engineer in Belfast for Harland and Wolff in 1921 and was periodically unemployed.[1]

A 2017 biography of Olga Gray's handler, Maxwell Knight, described Glading as having "thick lips" and "lank hair". He "wore large round glasses that made him look like an overgrown schoolboy" but was "quick-witted and likeable".[3]

Early career

In 1925 he moved from grinding at the Arsenal to the Naval Department as a gun examiner.[4] By now he was known to the security services. On 10 October the same year, Glading was best man[1] at Harry Pollitt's wedding to Marjorie Brewer in Caxton Hall.[5] They were good friends,[6] and had holidayed together in St Malo the previous year (where Pollitt had first met her).[7] Glading and Pollitt's colleague in the CPGB—and later the latter's biographer—wrote of their escapades in St Malo. Pollitt, says Mahon, borrowed an expensive-looking watch from Glading to make an impression on Brewer: "In later years", wrote Mahon, "when [Pollitt] had come off second best in a tiff with Marjorie, who always had a mind of her own, he would say to Percy, 'It's all your fault for lending me that bloody watch'."[7]

Glading and Pollitt had been among the founders of the CPGB,[8][9] Pollitt was to be its General Secretary between 1929 and 1939 and from 1941 to 1956.[10] When it was founded, there had been a proposal that a triumvirate composed of Willie Gallacher, David Proudfoot, and Percy Glading act as CPGB leadership; in the event, a single general secretary was appointed.[11]

Glading was elected to the CPGB's Central Committee in January 1927.[12] Politically, he was on the left wing of the Committee[13] following the 1926 general strike and the Party's subsequent period of self-reflection.[14] Glading consistently pushed for a more independent communist line (independent, that is, from the Comintern).[12] In January 1929, Glading and Pollitt were in the minority over the question of the progressive (or otherwise) nature of the Labour Party.[15] Then, in July 1928, when it discussed the further question of affiliation to it, extant minutes of this meeting show the members as being split down the middle, nine for and nine against: Glading was in favour of the motion.[16] Harry Wicks, in his autobiography, later described Glading, Pollitt and himself as being consistently "on the left within the party, thoroughly dissatisfied with what they saw as the right-wing actions of its CentraI Committee".[17] In May 1929, he was appointed a factory member of the CPGB's Political Bureau,[18] although his tenure was to be brief.[8]

Both Glading and his wife, Elizabeth, were high-profile communists and labour activists in the inter-war period.[4][note 1] As well as being a party member, Glading was an active trade unionist and shop steward[21] in the Amalgamated Engineering Union and the Red International of Labour Unions.[22] Glading printed and distributed the CPGB's paper, Soldier's Voice,[23] and was assistant head of the CPGB's Organisation Bureau.[24] Glading's MI5 file had been opened in 1922, and consisted of "notes on his official activities, intercepted correspondence and accounts of his movements".[note 2] At this stage, though, there was nothing particularly compromising about his behaviour.[26] It was his links to the communist agitator James Messer which drew him to the attention of MI5,[27] as Messer was part of the Kirchenstein circle. This was an undercover courier network which relayed diplomatic, political and security secrets to Russia, and had resulted in the Arcos scandal of March 1927.[28][note 3] Kevin Quinlan says this led to suspicions that Glading was a "conduit for the Comintern in the early part of his career".[27] MI5 described him as "a red-hot communist",[3] and as one of the party's "most influential members" of the period.[10] Through his CPGB activities Glading had by now been recruited as a spy for Russia,[34] through whom all espionage reports travelled to Moscow and to whom all funds were sent for distribution.[4]

Indian expedition

First edition cover of Glading's 1931 India Under British Terror.

In 1925 Glading was the first member of the CPGB to travel to India[1]—under the pseudonym Robert Cochrane[1][note 4]—pushing the CPGB policy of promoting revolution in Britain's colonies.[36][note 5] Arriving on 30 January, he visited various cities[38] and met individuals who were later to be central to the Meerut Conspiracy Case.[1] This occurred in 1929 when a number of Indian men—all members of the Communist Party of India, then an illegal organisation—were arrested and tried for organising a railway strike there in 1925.[39] They were charged with conspiring to form a branch of the Comintern in India and overthrow the government. Robinson says Glading saw their trial as violating the men's "fundamental civil liberties"[40]—particularly as the group had to wait over two years to even be brought to trial—and that this made them "the final justification for the eventual overthrow of the ruling class" in India.[40] Glading had been arrested along with M. N. Roy (who has been described by William E. Duff as a "paid Comintern agitator") and fifty-six other men, but, there being insufficient evidence to hold him, was released. The Indians were less successful and had to wait three or four years before their case even came up.[34] It has been suggested that Roy both opposed Glading's expedition and had been irritated by it, as he believed that the CPGB had opened and read the letters they had promised to pass to Roy.[41]

Glading's original purpose in India, on behalf of the CPGB, was seeking to forge links with Roy as well as to study Indian working conditions specifically and more generally to promote the Communist Party.[22][note 6] Nigel West says Glading was unimpressed by the efforts of the Indian Communist Party to organise the workers.[42] Indian Political Intelligence noted that Glading had particularly focussed his attention on "shipyards, munitions works, dockyards and arsenals where strike committees or 'Red Cells' existed".[27][note 7] Rajani Palme Dutt, in Glading's 1970 obituary, reported that Glading was eventually "deported under the authority of the Viceroy".[2] Covert journeys to India such as these were common for the CPGB during this period. Pollitt was to persuade Olga Gray to make such a trip in 1934[43][note 8] to transfer funds from Glading to the Indian communist movement.[44] She left England on 11 June 1934 and met Glading in Paris to receive the money and instructions.[4] On her return, Glading obtained work for Gray as Pollitt's secretary.[45]

Return from India

The Indian masses, imprisoned, butchered and murdered by the Imperialist governments of Tories, Liberals and Labour. These workers repudiated their old leaders, found new class-conscious fighters during the class battles, and have set up new revolutionary working-class unions. These new forces, which have been created on the field of class battle, have now become the driving force in the revolutionary struggle in India.[46]

-- Glading, The Growth of the Indian Strike Movement, 1921-1929, 1929.

Based on his experiences in India, Glading wrote articles for The Labour Monthly and produced two books: India Under British Terror in 1931, and The Meerut Conspiracy Case two years later. The first he self-published; the CPGB published the second.[47] Glading left India on 10 April 1925.[38] He returned to Britain by way of Amsterdam, where, in July 1925, he presented the results of his studies to a communist conference that was taking place.[22] R.W. Robson later reported how

On Saturday morning I met two trains arriving from Flushing, expecting to intercept Glading and others who were to be present at the Conference, but as they did not arrive I again visited the contact address and discovered that Glading, Dutt and Uphadyaya were already there, having arrived by an early train and gone to the meeting place immediately.[20]

Also attending the conference were M. N. Roy and his wife, Henk Sneevliet, Gertrude Hessler, N. J. Uphadayaya, Clemens Dutt and R. W. Robson, also of the CPGB.[48] Glading reported that "no Indian Communist groups existed at all",[38] and that those he had met "were useless".[20] Roy disputed this. He claimed that Glading had not encountered any Indian communists because they were unsure whether to make themselves known to him.[49] Conversely, Glading believed he had found a communications problem between Indian communists and those aiding the movement from the outside.[50][note 9]

Later career

Glading returned to Britain from the continent in 1927. He soon joined one of the most pro-Soviet English trade unions of the day, the National Minority Movement (NMM),[22] and became a national organiser for the group.[8] Along with another communist and fellow NMM organiser, Joe Scott, Glading launched the Members' Rights Movement at the Engineers' Rank and File Movement local conference in Yorkshire. This was a caucus within the Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU) which rejected a national pay settlement in 1931 and urged the formation of workers' councils in the workplace. Unfortunately for Glading, five months later, one member observed that the organisation "has not been heard of since". Further, Glading and Scott were expelled from the AEU for condemning their union's national leadership.[52]

The Royal Arsenal, Woolwich, is seen in a nineteenth-century postcard.
Original in S.F.69/U.K./1.
20th December, 1933.
TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL, and all others whom it may concern,
I hereby authorize, and require you to detain, open and produce for my inspection all postal packets and telegrams addressed to:--
70 Cecil Road,
Upton Manor,
London, E.13.
or to any name at that or any other address if there is reasonable ground to believe that they are intended for the said Percy GLADING.
and for so doing this shall be your sufficient Warrant.
One of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State.
The above are officials or leading members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and/or of its subsidiary organisations. All are engaged in different open or underground phases of communist work. Warrants, hitherto operating on their correspondence, have produced interesting and useful information.

Back at Woolwich Arsenal, he again took up his post as an examiner in the naval ordnance department.[1][note 10] Glading's career back at Woolwich was short lived. Following the Invergordon Mutiny, the government mandated that those employed in security-sensitive roles should have their political backgrounds examined. Those who were found to have subversive ideas had to renounce them or lose their jobs.[40] Glading's politically motivated trip to India was uncovered when Guy Liddell cross-referenced the names of known communists with positions of sensitive employment.[34] Special Branch wanted him sacked as soon as possible;[3] Glading was thus in the latter group. In 1928, he and others were dismissed for "refusing to renounce their communist beliefs"[27] and, at least in Glading's case, for being an agitator. He demanded of his Inspector what right the man had to impose "political fitness" on Arsenal employees.[4]

Glading appealed to his trade union for support, and the AEU brought the matter to the attention of the Trades Union Congress (TUC). They spent the next four months pursuing his case against Royal Arsenal management. Efforts included discussions with Labour MPs in parliament and barraging Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin with demands that he personally overturn the sacking. However, Baldwin did not intervene, the Labour Party did not raise it in parliament, and Glading did not get his job back. But says Jennifer Luff of the case, "TUC leaders had defended the civil liberties of a communist member" openly.[56] The CPGB was active too, releasing a manifesto denouncing what they described as Glading's victimisation. In this, they claimed the company's actions to be merely the precursor of ridding naval and military installations of proletarian militancy.[40] The CPGB took the opportunity to denounce "capitalist exploitation and prais[e] class war".[57] Glading's case became a cause célèbre and made national headlines.[3][note 11] Glading, too, roundly denounced the Arsenal for their treatment of him:

I refuse to renounce my beliefs or membership of the Communist Party. I did not adopt my present political views lightly or thoughtlessly, but after deep study and considerable experience of working-class life ... I was not aware that the Admiralty employed Communists, Labourists, Liberals, and Tories, but engineers and craftsmen, and that the test was fitness for the job.[3]

Following his dismissal from Woolwich in 1928, Glading got a job with Russian Oil Products Ltd (ROP).[59] It had been founded three years earlier[60] by the Russian government to enable it to market its oil resources directly to the West.[61] Although primarily a trading organisation, it also provided the opportunity to transmit back to Moscow any industrial and scientific intelligence its staff obtained.[note 12] In 1929, Glading was promoted to the CPGB's London politburo and immediately left for Russia under the name James Brownlie. In Moscow he studied at the Lenin School for a year.[1] This was the Comintern's training school, where Glading and other pupils were taught ideology and tradecraft.[34][note 13] Glading's obituary, written later by Rajani Dutt, made no mention of the Lenin School, reporting that he spent "a year in the Soviet Union where he witnessed the great agrarian changeover from individual petty-bourgeoise holdings to collective farming".[2] Following his graduation, Glading came under the aegis of the International Liaison Department (Comintern) (OMS); this has been described by Sakmyster as "the most secret department" of the Comintern, specialising in "the coordination of subversive and conspiratorial activities" abroad.[64]

Glading returned to Britain in 1930, where he began working for the CPGB's colonial department. Based in a top-floor office at 23 Great Ormond Street, he was the Soviet link between ROP and the CPGB. He served as a cut-out, communicating information between agents.[1][note 14] He paid regular visits to the CPGB head office at 16 King Street, in London's Covent Garden.[34]

Historian Richard Davenport-Hines, says there was "nothing stealthy about his allegiance" to his chosen causes. In 1930 he became a full-time paid officer for the League Against Imperialism (LAI), where he first encountered Olga Gray, who joined the LAI in 1932.[10] In June 1931, Glading was suspected of personally receiving the CPGB's intelligence reports from its various espionage groups and being the individual responsible for sending them to the USSR.[67] Some of Glading's pro-Soviet activities were undertaken with his wife, who shared his political outlook. She too, for example, had links with the Kirchenstein circle.[22] Another of Glading's associates was Jessie Ayriss, who was married to George Hardy, a fellow member of the Communist Party;[note 15] Ayriss herself was employed as a typist at the Soviet embassy[69] from 1937 to 1944.[70] Espionage expert Nigel West has suggested she may have acted as a courier for Glading.[71]

Recruitment by Moscow

Letter of 20 December 1933 from the Postmaster General authorising the interception of Percy Glading's mail.

In the post-World War One period, an upsurge in communist activity in British industry, particularly in armaments and munitions factories led to employers in these sectors beginning to lay off workers suspected of left-wing sympathies.[27] Although the CPGB had been of interest to the security services from its foundation, MI5's information on its activities had been confined to surveillance and technical data. When surveillance uncovered what they believed to be a "more sinister cadre"[72] within the CPGB, MI5 infiltrated it with undercover agents. This was codenamed Operation MASK.[72] From the late 1920s, the OGPU—and from 1934 its successor agency the NKVD—were active in Britain.[73] Recent scholarship has suggested that their rezidentura were the single biggest threat to British security during the interwar period.[74] As well as Glading's ring, Nigel West says that John Herbert King was "haemorrhaging"[73] information from the Foreign and Colonial Office. Farnborough RAF base had been penetrated by its own spy network, and Kim Philby and Donald Maclean had been recruited. London, comments West, "had become a veritable centre of Soviet espionage".[73] Meanwhile, MI5 at full strength had a complement of only 26 agents at the beginning of 1938.[75]

MI5 believed that it was in the mid-1930s that Glading turned his attention from "domestic subversion to international espionage".[76] The KGB's own files state that Ignaty Reif had recruited him by June 1934.[77] He may have felt, as others did, that to be a "good communist" one should "carry out intelligence work which strengthened the USSR".[78] Either way, the first indication that Glading was shifting his focus came in 1936 when he resigned from the CPGB.[note 16] Like Glading, all his agents were either present or ex-members of the CPGB. Unlike most Soviet agents, Glading did not have a cover job; nor did he organise a cover story.[79] John Curry, in the official history of MI5, notes that Glading—indeed, all Soviet CPGB recruits—effectively ceased all party activity from the point that they were recruited.[80] These were effectively "fake resignations" (and, indeed, were described as such later by Pollitt himself, who was almost certainly aware of Glading's espionage career).[6] The Soviets gave him the codename "GOT", and named their "G" Group—based in Copenhagen—after him.[81] Historian David Burke says it seems likely that the Woolwich spy ring was created by the NKVD to gain possession of a top-secret large naval gun that the Arsenal was believed to be researching.[82] Glading had been informed of these plans—of which only five copies were ever made—at some time in 1935 by contacts in the War Office and Admiralty:[note 17] Glading's mission was to report on the gun's arrival at Woolwich and obtain an example.[84][note 18]

Glading was the subject of frequent covert surveillance operations. On one such occasion in July 1936, he was observed at Cambridge Circus meeting up with Charles Moody.[note 19] Much of Glading's operation at this time would have been concerned with the on-going deadlock at the Montreux Convention, at which Britain, France, Italy and the Soviet Union disputed their proposed access to the Black Sea with Turkey. At the same time, a faction within the government led by Sir Samuel Hoare was urging for swift British re-armament, and claiming, Hoare said, that Russian re-armament made the Royal Navy look a "mere bagatelle". Doubtless, says Davenport-Hines, Glading and Moody went to a pub, having much to discuss in the "implicit threats to Soviet security being revealed at Montreux and Southampton".[86]

In 1936, Glading was asked to vouchsafe for Theodore Maly and Arnold Deutsch,[88] both "top class"[89] Comintern recruiters.[90] Maly was a Hungarian ex-priest and Deutsch an Austrian Communist,[91] and they had been tasked with recruiting a Foreign Office civil servant, John Cairncross.[92] Maly and Deutsch requested the assistance of James Klugmann[note 20]—then living in Paris—an important asset for Soviet Intelligence within the Special Operations Executive (SOE)[88] who was acquainted with Cairncross. But Davenport-Hines says Klugmann refused to meet them, "until they had been endorsed by a CPGB member whom he trusted".[92] That man was Glading, who travelled to Paris and vouched for the KGB men; Cairncross was soon recruited.[92]

Glading maintained a network of contacts from when he worked at the Arsenal,[80] such as George Whomack (an assistant foreman of the Works),[94] Charles Munday (an assistant chemist at the Royal Arsenal),[26] and Albert Williams (an examiner in the Inspectorate of Armaments Department),[95][note 21] all of whom later provided him with secret material and blueprints.[97] Glading's group was one of two active in England in the early 1930s; little is known of the other but it is thought to have been associated—as Glading himself had been—around the Russian Oil Products front.[98]

In January 1937, after Maly's recall, Glading was summoned to meet Maly's successor as controller of the Royal Arsenal ring. This was Mikhail Borovoy, a member of the OGPU's Technical Section, who was travelling with his wife under false Canadian passports (as Willy and Mary Brandes) and had arrived in London in October 1936. They lived in Forset Court off the Edgware Road.[99] With Maly the Soviets' resident spy, the Brandes' were to act independently of the rezidentura and deal specifically with the Soviets' special assets: the Cambridge (and, to a lesser extent, Oxford) spy ring.[97] To Glading they went under the names "Mr and Mrs Stevens", but they only stayed in London a few weeks before making their way to Paris. In that time, Glading met them at Forset Court. This in itself was a "highly unusual step" according to William Duff but essential in assessing the material Glading expected to collect and the resources he needed to do so.[97][note 22] They also met Glading's agent within Royal Arsenal, George Whomack, and photographed some secret documents in the Holland Road safe house.[101] Glading and the Stevens also received blueprints from George Whomack in Hyde Park.[26] Mrs Stevens, who was travelling in the guise of a photographer for a furniture company, assisted with the photography during their stay.[102] It was immediately after Glading met the Brandes that he instructed Olga Gray to find a suitable flat or apartment (for example, he specified that there should be no porter to espy their comrades' comings and goings).[97][note 23] Glading's operation at Woolwich consisted of George Whomack smuggling out blueprints at the end of a late shift—past military police guards—on the day the document had been released to the arsenal.[82] Around this time Glading told Gray that he was "doing hardly any work for the party now, it is mostly for other people".[104]

82 Holland Road

Should MI5 have discovered the name of a person described by Olga 'another man short and rather bumptious in manner' who was working with Glading, they would have had no problem in finding out everything else about Dr Deutsch. But they did have a problem because that bumptious man turned out to be rather careful.[105]

-- Boris Volodarsky

The MI5 mole, Olga Gray did not discover his spying for several years.[22] In 1937, she assisted Glading to purchase the ground-floor flat at 82, Holland Road in West London.[106][note 24] MI5 likely enabled the sale.[97] The CPGB paid Glading the flat's annual £100 annual rent[43] (equivalent to £6,500 in 2019), and he paid Gray the monthly instalments to settle herself.[108] Glading also provided £60 to buy furniture on hire purchase, including a gateleg table for their large-scale photography work.[109] Three sets of keys were cut, of which Glading kept two.[108] During his later prosecution, Gray described some of the activities that went on. The team focussed on photography[110]—which Glading told her was of "a very secret nature"[109]—and began extensive testing (on local bus maps) with home-made cameras to make the end product as clear to their Russian recipients as possible.[110] Glading saw Gray as a valuable member of his team: in May 1937, he suggested she give up her job, take a professional photography course, and work for him in the flat full-time.[111] In return, he offered to make up her salary to five pounds a week;[112][note 25] Gray accepted, although she was worried that she knew far too little of photography to be of much use; Glading reassured her.[109] He also paid for her to take a holiday[94] which she took at the end of June.[109] Gray was expected to reside at the flat, and Glading promised her that he would only arrive by appointment. On 11 October 1937, Glading instructed Gray to replace the gateleg table with a refectory table[108] as the former had turned out not to be strong enough to bear the weight of the equipment. In the event, Glading bought one himself from Maple & Co. four days later, and it was installed on the 17th.[104]

[Glading] was clever enough to realise that the flat should be rented by someone unknown to MI5. He was clever enough to see that a young woman called Olga Gray, who had been recruited to secret Comintern work from a CPGB front organisation, was the perfect person to help...unfortunately for Glading and the others convicted in 1938 as the 'Woolwich Arsenal spies', he was not clever enough to know that Olga Gray was an MI5 penetration agent.[115]

-- Roy Berkeley

During their tenure in London, the Stevens' were regular visitors to the flat. Mr Stevens was often deep in discussion with Glading while Mrs Stevens assisted Gray with the photography.[26] Gray also met other acquaintances of Glading's at the flat.[112] For example, in April that year, she met a Mr Peters, whom Glading told her had been "an Austrian who had served during the War in the Russian cavalry".[112] Peters was sometimes accompanied by a colleague; MI5 later identified them as Maly and Deutsch. Glading, Gray said later, found Deutsch an unpleasant individual; Glading told her that he had to tolerate Deutsch "for business reasons".[112] Deutsch had run the Soviet spy network in England since February 1934, and Glading began introducing other people to him for recruitment (in one case, a father, swiftly followed by his son).[116] Throughout this time the flat was under occasional observation by the secret service; Glading could spend hours in the flats and sometimes as little as twenty minutes, often bringing Gray with him and then leaving her there.[108]

John Curry's Official History of MI5 describes how Glading would receive various important blueprints which he would photograph[80] at Holland Road,[117] and return the same night.[80] Gray, who was responsible for the photography, was to take and develop the photographs, but not to print the negatives.[109] When the house was later searched, it was found to contain a camera, aircraft bomb plans, and even an anti-tank mine.[69] Glading did not live far from Holland Road himself, having purchased a "salubrious" new development in South Harrow.[1][note 26]

Photographic work

The right-hand door is number 82, Holland Road, W14; the ground floor flat was Glading and Gray's safe-house.

In November 1937 the Brandes[117] were recalled to Moscow, supposedly for family reasons.[note 27] By now, Glading was "running out of money and patience".[117][note 28] Glading told Gray on 17 January that he would be reduced to borrowing money to fund the operation, "if something did not happen within a week or so".[120] Until the Brandes' replacements arrived, Glading could not send any of the material which his agents had passed to him. As for money, Brandes had left him with the best part of £300 to finance operations before he left. But this had to run out at some point,[121] especially as Glading had been instructed to purchase gifts for all his agents and contacts, presumably as a means of keeping them in touch. This further irritated Glading. This was a large number of people, many of whom he already considered as little more than mercenaries. Glading had also been instructed to take at least one of them out for lunch—"a fine figure of a woman", he told Gray, "who had done her best to impress him with her beauty, without success"[122]—and whom he hated. Glading took such a dim view of her—and of his having to reward her—because, as he put it, she only did "about one job in five years".[122] She could not be ignored, however, as she "knew enough to be nasty".[122]

Gray later said Glading was becoming anxious; work seemed to have dried up after the naval gun affair.[94] On at least one occasion around this time, Gray said Glading arrived at the flat drunk and jittery. She also reported his detached attitude towards the recall—and presumed execution—of their controllers. "These blokes", Glading had observed to her, "live on a volcano the whole time they are over here, and when they do go home you do not know if they will ever come back".[84] Also, she said, Glading was keen to "continue to practice with the photographic apparatus to perfect their technique as he did not like being dependent on the vagaries of foreigners".[82] It was his lack of trust in Brandes' competence that led him to place so much reliance on Gray's newly-learned skills.[94]

Glading was probably attempting to keep the cell operating under his own aegis. Yet, aspects of Gray's report suggest that Glading was himself insufficiently trained to do such specialised work. His attempts to keep the cell made him a "liability", according to David Burke.[82] The reason he gave Gray for wanting to take the camera from Holland Road to South Harrow was that his own camera was the wrong size for the stand, and he had had to balance it "on a pile of books".[82][note 29]

Glading's operations within the Arsenal were extremely risky, due to its high-security status and his own impatience. He no longer had the Russians supporting him which also increased his chances of capture.[117] Robinson has described him as "somewhat of an over-zealous renegade who, at times, needed to be reined in by his superiors".[123] In November 1937, the CPGB Secretariat wrote to him asking him to reconsider his earlier resignation and re-join the party "of which you were such an active member". Burke suggests that, far from being a solicitous invitation to reconnect with old comrades in struggle, it was "little more than an instruction to sever connections with the 'secret' party and to re-join the 'open' party".[82]

October 11: photographic apparatus [listed] arrived. October 13: another meeting—G and Mrs S who spoke French. October 18: Mr and Mrs S experimented 3½ hours, photographing maps of London Underground. G very jumpy.[104]

-- Message from Gray to Maxwell Knight, discussing Glading and the Stevens'

By the end of 1937, a provisional case against Glading had been established. MI5 knew of his interest in the fourteen-inch heavy naval gun that was now in production at the Royal Arsenal, and that Whomack was removing the blueprints for it and bringing them to Holland Road for copying.[124] The copying was done by Stevens in 42 exposures on the evening of 21 October 1937,[102] and then the blueprint was returned over night[124] or the next day. Although the men could be searched by the Arsenal's security on entry, even the simple expedient of folding the plans between a folded-up newspaper was sufficient to avoid detection on at least one occasion.[79] Olga Gray, says Davenport-Hines, brewed a pot of tea for the group "while the films were hung in the bathroom to dry".[102] Gray was later able—by standing on the edge of the bath—to surreptitiously note down the serial numbers of the pieces of blueprint.[125] In November, Glading removed the camera to his own house in South Harrow. The following January, Glading informed Gray he had a major operation coming up. This was the copying, not just of a blueprint, but a 200-page manual. For this purpose, the security services laid on extra watchers at Glading's house, where the work was to take place. It began on 15 January; it must have been completed overnight, as the following day, Glading was observed taking a package to Charing Cross station. Meeting Charles Munday in the public lavatory, they adjourned to a nearby restaurant where the handover took place.[124]


The station yard at Charing Cross where Glading and Whomack were finally arrested, as seen in 2007.

After a seven-year operation, Olga Gray set Glading up for arrest.[22] On 20 January he telephoned Gray at the safe house, asking her to meet him the next day.[120] Glading took Gray out to lunch at the Windsor Castle bar[95] to discuss a "significant" operation he had planned for 82 Holland Road that same night. He had brought a suitcase with him; she was to be at the safe house by 6:00 PM. William Duff quotes Glading as telling Gray that Glading had "got the stuff parked all over London"[124]—negatives of blueprints he kept at various locations[95]—and that he mentioned a pre-arranged meeting with someone that evening, again at Charing Cross. This was the cue the security services had been waiting for.[124] Gray telephoned MI5 and duly reported what Glading had told her.[120]

That evening, 21 January 1938, Glading was tailed to the station yard.[126] MI5 did not have the necessary statutory powers to perform arrests, and had briefed Special Branch to do so.[124] This took place almost immediately. Inspector Thomas Thompson (of the Special Branch) observed Glading receive an envelope which was later discovered to contain blueprints.[127] The suitcase in his possession was found to have a false bottom; it was thought that this was the means by which plans were smuggled out of the Arsenal.[128] The man he received it from—Albert Williams—was also arrested.[129] The envelope was found to contain a blueprint of some pressurized machinery under development at the Arsenal.[26] When the police searched Williams' flat, photographic equipment was found.[26] Whomack, who lived in East London, was arrested the following week.[69] Williams believed that their capture was mainly due to Glading's recklessness which led him to take insufficient precautions.[123]

Glading and Williams were taken to Scotland Yard, where the package they had been caught exchanging was opened in front of them: it contained four blueprints for a pressure-bar apparatus.[130] Glading and his companions were charged under Section 1, sub-section C of the 1911 Official Secrets Act.[22][131] A search of Glading's home revealed cameras, exposures of blueprints,[23] and a photographic film of 1925's Manual of Explosives textbook.[126] Also found was a diary. This—described by McKnight as "cryptic, though decipherable"[23]—revealed that Glading was "less than thorough"[23] in his tradecraft. One diary entry the secret service was unable to crack made a reference to Melita Sirnis, who later revealed British nuclear secrets to the Soviets.[23][note 30] Glading's diary listed not only her name, but her family home in Hampstead.[134] Another made reference to Edith Tudor-Hart.[114] Along with the explosives manual on film, they also found blueprints for a new aircraft design.[26] Although Glading had been careful to wear gloves whenever he used the camera at Holland Road, he had slipped up once when he changed a lightbulb: this was all that the police needed. Chief Inspector Birch of Scotland Yard found fingerprints with a microscope, as he later told the press.[126]

Imprisoned before trial, it is possible that he confessed his leading role in the organisation to a fellow inmate, although doubt has been cast on whether the Woolwich spy ring was ever big enough to warrant a strict hierarchy of its own.[123]

Olga Gray, although she was able to give her evidence at Glading's trial anonymously, had been "terrified" at the prospect. Hennessey and Thomas have argued that, at this point, "the reality of her role struck home: that she had effectively destroyed a man who had trusted her implicitly and of whom she had become extremely fond".[135][note 31]
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

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Although Glading was undoubtedly the organiser of this group of Communist sub-agents, he was not free to run the group and recruit agents as he thought fit, but was under control of the foreign resident in Britain, except for a period of two months immediately prior to his arrest.[136]

-- Nigel West and Oleg Tsarev

The case proved to be something of a cause célèbre in both Britain and the United States. The press described the protagonists in florid terms: Gray was—supposedly—of aristocratic lineage, who "had forgotten more about courage than many soldiers ever learned on the battlefield". Glading meanwhile was made out to be "dark, distinguished, suave...a reader of poetry and a dreamer of revolt under high scarlet banners".[137]

Hearings began in late January and continued into March 1938, some of which were held in camera for security reasons. This excluded the press.[129] The CPGB, through the Daily Worker, "remained tongue-tied" over it: "only a sanitised report, of the trial, devoid of comment appeared in the paper"[6] on 13 March.[138][note 32]

What was reported, however, had the side effect of drawing the general public's attention towards the issue of Soviet espionage. On day two of Glading's trial, for example, a welder who had seen anti-fascist agitator Geoffrey Pyke in the AEU offices (and "in very frequent communication with Glading") went to the police with what he knew. This, in turn, attracted MI5's attention to Pyke, whom for a time they believed to be the "Mr Stevens" who visited Holland Road. Although politically to the left, Pyke would be a significant figure in Britain's black ops and propaganda divisions against Nazi Germany within a few years. Later that same March, an insurance broker, who had also visited Pyke at AEU headquarters, reported similar suspicions to the police. Both men had been prompted by Glading's capture and trial to make their accusations.[139]

Glading was charged on various counts of obtaining secrets for, and betraying secrets to, a foreign power. With Whomack, he was charged with possessing a naval plan; with Williams, obtaining an anti-tank mine pistol and of procuring information of use to an enemy;[137] with Munday, Glading was charged with obtaining information on explosives.[137] Other charges facing him were possession of an anti-tank mine pistol, obtaining plans for a submarine mine fuse, and other plans "calculated to be useful to an enemy".[131] Ironically, in case anyone was in any doubt as to the importance placed upon the naval gun, the Attorney General, questioned by the Judge, emphasised its significance in open court.[131] The precise nature of Britain's enemy was never made clear, being only referred to as a "foreign power".[137] The reportage made it clear that the Soviet Union was almost certainly the culprit.[129]

Glading's Old Bailey trial[140] took place only two months after his arrest; this, says Robinson, is testament to how "clear-cut" the case against him was.[69] The evidence presented included "a mass of incriminating documents and photographic material".[75] Glading pled guilty.[141] His solicitors, instructed by the CPGB, were Denis Pritt, leading, and assisted by Dudley Collard.[142][note 33] They—at the CPGB's request—advised him to change his plea to Not Guilty; this Glading did.[143] But they presented little evidence in his favour and carried out only minimal cross-examination,[69] and the defence was unable to question Gray's credibility due to her professional behaviour on the stand.[144] The prosecution, on the other hand, consisted of some of the most well-known advocates of the day and was led by Donald Somervell.[note 34][69] Pritt's defence of Whomack was more energetic, and he lambasted the Official Secrets Act for making it "far too easy to be charged for misdemeanour merely by wandering too close to a dockyard"[69] or anywhere else such secret plans were kept.[69]

"[Glading] combined the three leading character traits that Moscow thought promising in a potential undercover source: idealism, vanity and greed".[59]

-- Richard Davenport-Hines

The trial judge, Sir Anthony Hawke, told the accused that Glading was "endeavouring to do anything [he] could to help another country and injure this. This is [his] own country but I cannot quite believe that this had any effect on your mind".[137] The judge wondered whether, as perhaps evinced by Glading's prosperous existence, he might have profited financially from his work with Moscow and that he was motivated by money rather than ideology.[146] Whatever his motive, the outcome was never in doubt. On 14 March 1938,[111] Glading received a sentence of six years' imprisonment[129] (hard labour).[147] Williams was sentenced to four years, Whomack to three. Munday's charges were withdrawn by the prosecution. Duff argues it is possible that this was the result of his making a deal with MI5 to turn king's evidence and reveal the tradecraft of Glading's operation at the Royal Arsenal.[129] Even the others, comments MI5's official historian, received "light sentences by the later standards of espionage trials".[75] This may well have been quid pro quo for pleading guilty and avoiding the need for a full prosecution.[148]


The Woolwich spy ring has been used as an example of the patience of early Soviet spymasters in creating and providing for their networks.[97] The case showed, for example, how "Soviet intelligence did not possess a monopoly of 'sleepers' and 'moles' permeating targets",[44] and was a "significant, if limited" MI5 success.[149] The case exposed a concrete connection between the CPGB and Soviet espionage.[136] It had the negative consequence (for the service), however, of reinforcing the erroneous notion that the CPGB was the most dangerous security threat of the period,[149] and that members of the party were all willing tools of the NKVD.[150] According to Richard Thurlow, this meant that the idea that "Soviet moles and secret communists could be recruited into the governing class from British universities was not considered as a plausible possibility in the 1930s",[151] even though it allowed the recruitment of the Cambridge Five.[151] Thurlow has also described the Glading case as an example of how MI5 could, on the one hand, successfully penetrate a subversive organisation, and yet, on the other, still not understand the significance of the intelligence it received by doing so.[152] And Glading's was not to be the last case of its kind. Less than five years later, the CPGB's national organiser, Dave Springhall was also found guilty of spying for the Soviets and received seven years' imprisonment.[153] Ultimately, Richard Thurlow says little is actually known of both the Glading Case in particular, and Soviet spy rings of the period more generally, for the simple reason that "so few files have been released".[154]

By the time of his arrest, Glading had been responsible for the recruitment of at least eight other spies, probably all within Woolwich. To this day, however, they are known only by their codenames, and it is impossible to identify the roles they played within Glading's group.[note 35] Although two of the three members arrested in the "Arsenal Spy Case" (as the papers dubbed it) were successfully prosecuted, Glading's handlers were never uncovered.[76][note 36] NKVD operations in London were temporarily curtailed, while agents, who may have been compromised by contact with Glading—such as Melita Sirnis—were "put on ice" until their safety could be ascertained.[75] Conversely, MI5 bizarrely failed to follow up some of the leads they had been given. On Sirnis, for example, the file that was started on her in 1938 "was soon closed without any effective consequence".[140] Tudor-Hart, too, even though clearly (although perhaps peripherally) involved in Glading's cell, faced no effective action from the secret service.[140] MI5's own report into the Glading affair was itself removed, copied and transmitted to Moscow in 1941 by the Soviet spy Anthony Blunt.[111][note 37] Soviet espionage in Britain remained a priority for the security services into the next decade, culminating with the revelations of Walter Krivitsky—a defector from Soviet Military Intelligence—in 1940.[157] Overall, the situation has been described as a "basically unequal contest".[158] Lord Robert Cecil compared it to "an imaginary soccer match between Manchester United and Corinthian Casuals",[159] such was the disparity between the Soviet and British security services in resources, professionalism and influence.[159] In the context of Cecil's analogy, MI5's success in breaking up Glading's cell has been compared to a home draw for the latter against the former.[44]

Later life

Glading had been "deeply shocked" to learn that Gray was really an MI5 mole.[160] He spent his imprisonment in Maidstone Gaol (Whomack and Williams were sent to Parkhurst).[137] On at least one occasion Glading was visited by Jane Sissmore, MI5's chief debriefing officer.[142] She was particularly interested in information that Glading possessed that may have helped prove or deny what she was learning from her then-ongoing debriefing of Walter Krivitsky. Guy Liddell, a colleague of Sissimore's in the secret service, later wrote in his diary entry for 13 October 1939:

When interviewed Glading was rather stuffy at first but gradually, under a great deal of flattery, his own conceit got the better of him. The conversation developed on professional lines and in the end, Glading even softened towards "Miss X", when he realised that he had placed her in a very difficult position. His real grievance was with Special Branch in producing the porter at Fawcett [sic] Court who swore that Glading had visited Brandes' flat. This he said was a lie. Otherwise, he regarded the whole business as a fair cop.

He did not say anything very useful...[161]

— Diaries, 1939–42, Guy Liddell

MI5 disagreed with the trial judge's suggestion that Glading was motivated by money. Maxwell Knight concluded that he was clearly ideologically driven, although one who "bafflingly" had an aversion to foreigners.[137]

By the time Glading was released, Pollitt had lost his post as General Secretary to the CPGB in a split within the Central Committee, in 1939, over Stalin's rapprochement with Hitler.[162] Little is known of Glading's life or career after his release from prison. He had become estranged from his wife at some point before his trial.[137] Nigel West wrongly concluded that Glading was "stripped of his CPGB membership"[136] and moved to China where he later died.[163] Glading returned to party work as an industrial organiser on his release from prison in 1944,[6] John Mahon makes a reference to Glading's wartime activity: Pollitt's diary entry of 6 July 1944 says, that Glading "has roof and windows [bombed] out, I met him for a chat. Early this year his factory was bombed out, a man from the Air Ministry congratulated him on the way he got the workers to tackle the damage and then continue work on an urgent job in the open air".[164]

In 1951, as "Bro. P. E. Glading", he was presented with a ceremonial copy of James George Frazer's seminal work, The Golden Bough, by the North London District Committee of the Amalgamated Engineering Union. The book was signed by, among others, Jack Reid and Reg Birch.[165] Likewise, if Glading went to China, it seems improbable that he died there, since the Labour Monthly—edited by Glading's old comrade from the 1925 Amsterdam conference—published an obituary to Glading in 1970. This stated that he had died on 15 April that year, at the age of 77, at his home in Surrey.[2]

It is also not certain that the CPGB renounced all contact with Glading as West claims. There was clearly some distancing, but it has been suggested that "once the dust had settled", Henry Pollitt authorised "discreet relations" from the party to Glading.[166] Certainly, Glading was—for the last few years of his life—on the editorial board of the Labour Monthly, which he contributed to pseudonymously.[2] His rehabilitation within the CPGB may have been partly because there was "more than a sense of a honey trap in the case"—but also, suggests Graham Stevenson, because Glading had, after all, "been Harry's best man at his wedding".[166] Indeed, it is quite probable that West does not know what he was talking about; as Pollitt—who was writing his autobiography whilst Glading was still imprisoned— went to the trouble of acknowledging Glading as his friend.[167] This was in spite of the fact that Pollitt was well-known to be "extremely suspicious" of spies or anything that could incriminate him in their work.[168] Glading's obituary, written by Rajani Dutt, omits all mention of his spying activities, merely stating that on his return from Russia, Glading "was engaged until his trial in trade union activities".[2]


• Glading, Percy, How Bedaux Works (Labour Research Department, 1932).


1. The sources are not clear as to whom or when Glading married, or, indeed, how many times he did so. It seems likely that he married at least twice. One wife has been named Elizabeth, born the same year as Glading. He also, it seems, married an Austrian,[19] who may have been called Rosa.[20]
2. These files are now publicly viewable at the National Archives, Kew, under classmarks KV 2/1020–1023, although "material which could allegedly damage national security or national interest, or would compromise sources and agents, is retained under sections 3.4 and 5.1 of the Public Records Act of 1958".[25]
3. In May 1927, the All Russian Co-operative Society (ARCOS) had been raided by Special Branch on the information of MI5, suspecting that Arcos was a cover organisation for espionage activity in London.[29] The next day, the Soviet Embassy officially protested that the raid had been illegal.[30] Despite the high-profile and resource-heavy nature of the raid, little benefit came from it. Historian Louis Fischer commented:
It disclosed nothing that had not been known before, and failed to produce the highly important War Office documents the rumoured theft of which served as excuse for the raid. The official White Paper containing the documents found in the raid was thin evidence indeed, and led to no arrests or charges for illegal or subversive activities by Russian or British subjects.[31]

Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin attempted to justify the operation by reading a handful of deciphered telegrams in parliament. These proved Soviet guilt of espionage.[32] They also caused the Soviets—aware that the British secret services could intercept their communications—to change their encryption to a virtually unbreakable system, which resulted in GC&CS being unable to decipher any high-grade Soviet messages from 1927 until the end of the Second World War.[33]
4. Several British citizens were "prominent in the early years of the Indian Marxist movement," says Dale Riepe; along with Glading, Clemens Dutt, George Allison, Philip Spratt and Benjamin Francis Bradley were all supporters of the movement, and the latter became an organiser in Bombay and was convicted for his role in the Meerut conspiracy case.[35]
5. For example, Jim Crossley had made a similar expedition for the party to the Near East in 1924.[37]
6. There would have been much for him to see. The Indian police, for example, was "more violent than their British counterparts, and the workers were clearly more oppressed than those at home. Indeed, the conditions in India often resembled those in Britain during the mid-nineteenth century". These experiences, suggests Hemming, may have been formative moments in Glading's political radicalisation.[3]
7. Subsequent events, suggest Kevin Quinlan, justified MI5's fears, when a thousand sailors mutinied against the British Atlantic Fleet in 1931, and sabotage occurred at Portsmouth Dockyard.[27]
8. Gray had been recruited by Maxwell Knight in 1931 and had been instructed to join the CPGB; Knight saw Gray as a "long-term investment" who should be "in no hurry to obtain results".[4]
9. John Haithcox suggests that this is probable, as there had been multiple occasions on which the Indian Communist Partyacted in a similar fashion to the broader Indian left. The Congress Socialist Party (a caucus of the Indian Congress party) was treated, he says, with "unreserved hostility,"[51] and other—to the CPI, petite bourgeoisie—socialist groups were consistently "loathed" by them.[51]
10. Woolwich Arsenal still played a significant role in the country's military research and development, although, now, post World War One, the world was fully aware of the sheer amount of ordnance that total war actually required; Woolwich was increasingly seen as having too small a productive capacity to give it the significance it had once had.[53] Where it had employed a "remarkable" 73,000 people in 1917, by 1940 that figure had fallen by over half, and even at the beginning of the war, it has been suggested, "the government came to recognise that it could not rely as it had previously upon Royal Ordinance factories to meet the nation's military needs".[54] For men like Glading, however, regardless of its position in the national infrastructure, on a personal level, "jobs at Woolwich offered stable hours and good wages, and were highly desirable in interwar Britain".[55]
11. Through his sacking, Glading had inadvertently uncovered circumstantial evidence of the government's secret policy to bar communists from the civil service. Although at the time, Baldwin publicly denied this was ever policy, there were to be a number of subsequent dismissals from the civil service for the same cause.[56] Henry (Harry) Pollitt himself had been refused a job there in 1926 because of his high-profile position within the CPGB, and by February the following year, the government tightened its "pre-hire screening" to prohibit the employment of "undesirable" persons.[55] Those, like Glading, so screened "were permanently blacklisted from government work". Conversely, where an individual was suspected of CPGB membership, but such could not be proven, generally no action was taken. A case in point is that of Arthur Hunt, who also worked at the Arsenal, and between 1931 and 1940 was suspected of passing information to the Soviets. In 1939 he was arrested for disturbing the peace at a workers' demonstration, but, overall this time, since "MI5 never proved Hunt to be an 'active communist', he was not fired".[58]
12. Its employees were involved in the attempted bribery of Shell Mex House staff to attain Industrial secrets from them. ROP was also involved in money laundering for the Soviet spy network in Britain, and MI5 feared it had planned all-out sabotage in the event of war between the two countries ever breaking out. Of the company's staff in Britain, approximately a third were members of the CPGB.[59]
13. Two FBI double agents who attended the School—Jack and Morris Childs—around the same time provided detail as to how the School worked. John Barron has described it as having two distinct courses available, one of three years (devoted mainly to ideological indoctrination and education), and the one year course, where operatives were trained in the specialist tradecraft necessary for their future clandestine operations.[62] It has been questioned, though, how much use the School may have actually been to Glading in his later Intelligence career. Cohen and Morgan have noted that by the time Glading was arrested, "several years had passed" since his attendance there, and "it is not at all clear" that the School provided the foundations of his work. They question whether he learned much more than "rudimentary" tradecraft, and suggest Glading was probably there for ideological indoctrination rather than practical training.[63]
14. According to Joseph Goulden's A Dictionary of Espionage, a cut-out's role is to act as "the go-between, or link, between separate components of an organisation" who thus "makes it unnecessary for the clandestine agent to know the exact identity of persons superior to him in the organisation".[65] Also one who links a section chief with a source of supply.[66]
15. Subsequent events, suggest Kevin Quinlan, justified MI5's fears, when a thousand sailors mutinied against the British Atlantic Fleet in 1931, and sabotage occurred at Portsmouth Dockyard.[27] On the other hand, says Jennifer Luff, although communists were indeed automatically suspect, "charges of sabotage were never substantiated" against them.[68]
16. This news, says Quinlan, must have been received "with more than idle curiosity" by MI5.[76]
17. At 360 millimetres (14 in), this gun, says Burke, "was a significant alteration to existing treaties limiting the size of naval guns"; the Washington Naval Treaty of 1922, between the victors of the World War, had limited their size to 13 inches (330 mm), which was confirmed by a subsequent treaty.[83]
18. Workplace-based cells were a common strategy of the CPGB during this period; a comrade of Glading's, railwayman Harry Wicks, ran a similar cell within Victoria station and produced a rank and file newspaper called the Victoria Signal.[85]
19. Moody was a fellow traveller with Glading in the CPGB, but his overall significance in the party—and thus the importance of his meetings with Glading—are hard to fathom, since many of MI5's files on him were destroyed when a wartime bomb hit their archive in Wormwood Scrubs. He is known, though, to have worked for Richmond Council until, like Glading, he was sacked for being a communist. He was later reinstated, and, still a communist, was a rubbish truck driver and TUC candidate. MI6, meanwhile, considered him responsible for travelling around England at night to garrisons such as Aldershot, and throwing seditious literature over the barrack walls.[86] This was probably the antimilitary paper The Soldier's Voice, bundles of which are known to have been litter regularly picked by soldiers with bayonets the morning after delivery.[87]
20. Klugmann eventually reached the rank of Major in British Intelligence, "even though his MI5 file shows that he was kept under surveillance from his time at Trinity College Cambridge".[93]
21. Williams was, according to his MI5 file, also Secretary of his local CPGB branch and a "violent and explosive personality".[96]
22. Although Glading was clearly aware of the security risks that building concierges could mean for his work—when later organising his own safe house, he was emphatic that the building should not have one—as was later revealed at his trial, Forset Court almost certainly had one of its own: and this concierge was indeed a member of the secret service,[100] as a New York Times' report of 12 February 1938 makes clear.
23. This was a wise precaution for Glading to take: Willy Brandes managed to escape without capture after his porter at Forset Court told him that MI5 had visited and asked him to identify his tenant.[103]
24. The house had a colourful past. On 4 August 1929, at around 2:00 AM, Lord Farmborough, possibly depressed, had thrown himself from the second floor window; he died in hospital that day.[43][107]
25. Not all their equipment was homemade; it was later discovered that at least one, a Leica model camera, was purchased for them by Edith Tudor-Hart, the popular photographer.[113] Tudor-Hart, a talent-spotter for Soviet intelligence,[94] had introduced Kim Philby to her handler, Arnold Deutsch in 1934. However, Nigel West says "this clue was never pursued".[114]
26. This was a very salubrious, new development, according to Davenport-Hines, with "Crittall windows, front and back gardens, instalment plan furniture, a neat porch", built after the extension of the Piccadilly line westwards from Hammersmith in 1932.[1]
27. Maly was to be executed either the same year or the following during the Great Purge.[118]
28. Absences for senior handlers such as occurred to Glading was endemic in Soviet intelligence operations throughout Europe between 1937 and early 1939. This, a direct result of Stalin's Great Purge of the Communist Party and associated political and security apparatus, saw many experienced controllers recalled to Moscow and often executed.[119]
29. Burke suggests that by now, "Glading was becoming a liability. He had by-passed the Russians and had embarked on a one-man spying odyssey" when all the while Moscow may have actually been trying to reduce its activity in London (as the recall and non-replacement of Maly and the Stevens suggests). Glading, suggests Burke, "had unilaterally decided to increase the flow of information. By now he considered himself an indispensable wheel in the Soviet intelligence machinery, not merely a cog".[82]
30. Melita Sirnis, later Norwood, managed a safe-house in Finchley where Glading stored equipment.[102] She has been described as "the most important spy ever recruited by the KGB."[132] Her career was to span over forty years; when war broke out in 1939, she was, by her Moscow controllers, "more highly valued than Kim Philby".[133]
31. Gray developed a fondness for Glading, whom she described as "a very nice man with a little daughter" who was a "stimulating conversationalist".[45]
32. The Daily Worker glanced over the depth or breadth Glading's activities within the CPGB, saying only that he "had associations" with them.[138]
33. Collard had previously acted as attorney for Russian Oil Products Ltd. in 1932.[142]
34. Somervell was Attorney General, a position he held for nine years.[145]
35. These individuals were "Attila," "Naslednik," "Otets," "Ber," "Saul," "Chauffeur," "Nelly," and "Margaret". The latter were recruited as late as 1937.[155]
36. Quinlan says one of them, Teodor Maly, could have revealed the Cambridge Spy Ring which had recently been recruited and then "would soon be entering Whitehall".[76]
37. Blunt even told Moscow the names of the MI5 watchers who had brought down Glading's cell: "Hutchie and Long, who did the main work in the Miss-X–Glading case".[156]


1. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 157.
2. Dutt 1970, p. 206.
3. Hemming 2017.
4. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 230.
5. Mahon 1976, p. 121.
6. McIlroy & Campbell 2005, p. 204.
7. Mahon 1976, p. 122.
8. McIlroy et al. 2003, p. 106.
9. Moores 2017, p. 55 n.182.
10. Quinlan 2014, p. 95.
11. Worley 2002, p. 269.
12. Worley 2002, p. 98.
13. Thorpe 2000, p. 131.
14. Worley 2000, p. 362.
15. Thorpe 2000, p. 122.
16. Worley 2002, p. 103+113 n.69; Branson 1985, p. 32.
17. Wicks 1992, p. 93.
18. Worley 2002, p. 140.
19. Brown 2009, p. 176.
20. 2003.
21. McIlroy 2014, p. 607.
22. Quinlan 2014, p. 86.
23. McKnight 2002, p. 87.
24. Worley 2002, p. 251.
25. Thurlow 2004, p. 614.
26. West & Tsarev 1999, p. 125.
27. Quinlan 2014, p. 87.
28. Thurlow 2007, p. 616.
29. Andrew 2012, pp. 152–153.
30. Fischer 1969, p. 687.
31. Fischer 1969, p. 688.
32. Andrew 2012, p. 155.
33. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 228.
34. Duff 1999, p. 135.
35. Riepe 1970, p. 68.
36. Callaghan 2008.
37. Mahon 1976, p. 138.
38. Windmiller 1959, p. 74.
39. Ranadive 1984, p. 4.
40. Robinson 2011, p. 50.
41. Windmiller 1959, p. 74; Windmiller 1959, p. 76.
42. West 2005, p. 35.
43. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 162.
44. Thurlow 2004, p. 615.
45. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 231.
46. Glading 1929, p. 434.
47. Quinlan 2014, p. 221.
48. Windmiller 1959, p. 75.
49. Windmiller 1959, pp. 75–76.
50. Saiyid 1995, p. 88.
51. Haithcox 1969, p. 34.
52. McIlroy 2016, p. 350.
53. Davenport-Hines 2018, pp. 157–158.
54. Marriott 2008, p. 28.
55. Luff 2017, p. 747.
56. Luff 2018, p. 26.
57. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 158.
58. Luff 2017, p. 750 +n.94.
59. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 159.
60. Grace's Guide 2016.
61. McBeth 2013, p. 44.
62. Barron 1996, pp. 21–26.
63. Cohen & Morgan 2002, p. 333.
64. Sakmyster 2011, p. 37.
65. Goulden 2012, p. 52.
66. Trahair 2004, p. 402.
67. Thurlow 2004, pp. 616–617.
68. Luff 2017, p. 750.
69. Robinson 2011, p. 57.
70. Volodarsky 2015, p. 97.
71. West 2005, p. 21.
72. West 2005, p. 200.
73. West 2005, p. 26.
74. McIlroy & Campbell 2005, p. 205.
75. Andrew 2012.
76. Quinlan 2014, p. 88.
77. Volodarsky 2015, p. 493.
78. McLoughlin 1997, p. 296.
79. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 240.
80. Curry 1999, p. 108.
81. Volodarsky 2015, pp. 84–85.
82. Burke 2008, p. 92.
83. Burke 2008, p. 99.
84. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 165.
85. McIlroy 2004.
86. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 160.
87. Rose & Scott 2010, pp. 153–154.
88. Richelson 1997, p. 135 n..
89. Katamidze 2007, p. 74.
90. Kaufman & Macpherson 2005, p. 199.
91. Volkman 1995, p. 219.
92. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 257.
93. Callaghan & Phythian 2004, p. 26.
94. Thurlow 2004, p. 616.
95. Burke 2008, p. 93.
96. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, pp. 236–237.
97. Duff 1999, p. 137.
98. Volodarsky 2015, p. 81.
99. Volodarsky 2015, pp. 124–125.
100. Duff 1999, p. 215, n.14.
101. Volodarsky 2015, p. 125.
102. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 163.
103. West 2014, p. 83.
104. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 233.
105. Volodarsky 2015, pp. 93–94.
106. Berkeley 1994, p. 122.
107. Cokayne 1949, p. 179 +n.c.
108. Duff 1999, pp. 137–138.
109. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 232.
110. Robinson 2011, p. 58.
111. West & Tsarev 1999, p. 124.
112. Duff 1999, p. 138.
113. Brinson & Dove 2004, pp. 83–84.
114. West 2005, p. 202.
115. Berkeley 1994, pp. 121–122.
116. Volodarsky 2015, p. 85.
117. JRobinson 2011, p. 56.
118. Macintyre 2014, p. 47.
119. Thurlow 2004, pp. 612–613.
120. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 236.
121. West & Tsarev 1999, pp. 126, 281.
122. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 235.
123. Robinson 2011, p. 62.
124. Duff 1999, p. 140.
125. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 234.
126. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 237.
127. Robinson 2011, pp. 56–57.
128. West 2005, p. 39.
129. Duff 1999, p. 141.
130. Burke 2008, p. 94.
131. Burke 2008, p. 96.
132. Lashmar 1999.
133. BBC UK news 1999.
134. West 2014, p. 441.
135. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, pp. 237–238.
136. West & Tsarev 1999, p. 126.
137. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 239.
138. McIlroy & Campbell 2005, p. 204 n.13.
139. Hemming 2014, p. 208.
140. Pincher 2011.
141. West 2005, p. 25.
142. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 167.
143. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 168.
144. Thurlow 2007, p. 618.
145. Brodie 2004.
146. Davenport-Hines 2018, pp. 160–161.
147. Pattinson 2016, p. 75.
148. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 170.
149. Thurlow 2007, p. 617.
150. Thurlow 2005, p. 37.
151. Thurlow 2004, p. 617.
152. Thurlow 2004, p. 623.
153. West 2007, p. 238.
154. Thurlow 1994, p. 153.
155. Haslam 2015, p. 77.
156. West & Tsarev 1999, p. 149.
157. Northcott 2007, pp. 453–479.
158. Thurlow 2007, pp. 147–171.
159. Thurlow 2004, p. 611.
160. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 238.
161. Liddell 2005, p. 35.
162. Callaghan & Phythian 2004, p. 28.
163. West 2014, p. 239.
164. Mahon 1976, p. 291.
165. Cox & Budge 2016.
166. Stevenson 2018.
167. Callaghan & Morgan 2006, p. 556.
168. Callaghan & Phythian 2004, p. 27.


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