Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

This is a broad, catch-all category of works that fit best here and not elsewhere. If you haven't found it someplace else, you might want to look here.

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Mon Mar 23, 2020 2:55 am

Harry Pollitt
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Image
Pollitt in 1925

Harry Pollitt (22 November 1890 – 27 June 1960) was a British politician who served as the head of the trade union department of the Communist Party of Great Britain and the General Secretary of the party.[1]

Biography

Early life


Pollitt was born 22 November 1890 in Droylsden, Lancashire. He was the second of six children of Samuel Pollitt (1863–1933), a blacksmith's striker, and his wife, Mary Louisa (1868–1939), a cotton spinner, daughter of William Charlesworth, a joiner. Pollitt's parents were socialists and freethinkers and it was his mother, a member of the Independent Labour Party, who provided the youngster with his first induction into the principles and local networks of socialism. Theirs was an especially close relationship and Pollitt found in his mother both a confidante and a model of working-class dignity in the face of affliction.[1]

His own sense of injustice at family poverty, as three of his siblings died in infancy, was likewise fundamental to the strong identification with the working class that lay at the root of his political outlook. His formal education, at the local school, ended when he was thirteen. Pollitt was a boilermaker by trade and he frequently travelled around the country in this connection.

In 1915, whilst living in Southampton, he led a strike of boilermakers.

On 10 October 1925, Pollitt married Marjorie Brewer in Caxton Hall, Westminster. His best man and witness was fellow-CPGB activist and organiser Percy Glading, who would later be convicted of spying for the Soviet Union and imprisoned.[2][3]

Communist union leader

Image
A USSR stamp of 1970 commemorating Harry Pollitt and his role in preventing the SS Jolly George from carrying arms to opponents of the Bolshevik forces.

In 1919 Pollitt was involved in the Hands Off Russia campaign to protest against Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War. As part of this campaign, London dock workers refused to load munitions bound for monarchist White movement forces onto the freighter SS Jolly George on 10 May 1920. After a five-day delay, the munitions were off-loaded on 15 May 1920. Pollitt later recounted the incident in his pamphlet "A War Was Stopped!"

At the end of the war, Pollitt joined Sylvia Pankhurst's Workers' Socialist Federation, which became the Communist Party (British Section of the Third International). As a member of this group he joined the Communist Party of Great Britain when it was formed in mid-1920. Pankhurst soon left the party, but Pollitt remained. He was heavily influenced by the Communist intellectual Rajani Palme Dutt and the two remained close allies for many years. From 1924 to 1929 Pollitt was General Secretary of the National Minority Movement, a Communist-led united front within the trade unions.


In 1925, Pollitt married Marjory Edna Brewer (b. 1902), a communist schoolteacher; the marriage eventually produced a son and a daughter. During the same year, Pollitt was one of 12 members of the Communist Party convicted at the Old Bailey under the Incitement to Mutiny Act 1797 and one of the five defendants sentenced to 12 months' imprisonment.

General Secretary of the CPGB

In 1929 the CPGB elected him General Secretary, a position he held, with a brief interruption during World War II, until 1956. He was then made Chairman of the Party, a position he held until his death four years later aboard an ocean liner carrying him home from a visit to Australia and New Zealand.[1]

In his public statements, Pollitt was loyal to the Soviet Union and to CPSU General Secretary Joseph Stalin. He was a defender of the Moscow Trials in which Stalin murdered or otherwise disposed of his political and military opponents. In the Daily Worker of 12 March 1936 Pollitt told the world that "the trials in Moscow represent a new triumph in the history of progress". The article was illustrated by a photograph of Stalin with Nikolai Yezhov, himself shortly to vanish and his photographs airbrushed from history by NKVD archivists.[4]

Pollitt also organised a protest against Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists in 1934.[5]

The Labour History Archive and Study Centre at the People's History Museum in Manchester holds the collection of the Communist Party of Great Britain. This collection includes the papers of Harry Pollitt, which covers the years 1920 to 1960.[6]

Views of World War II

In September 1939, despite the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, he welcomed the British declaration of war on Nazi Germany. When this turned out to be contrary to the Comintern line (as Rajani Palme Dutt, who succeeded him as General Secretary, had warned him it would be), he was forced to resign.[7] He was reinstated after Germany invaded the Soviet Union in 1941.

Political activities

Pollitt contested many parliamentary elections. He fought Rhondda East several times; in 1945 he was within a thousand votes of winning the seat from the Labour candidate.

Pollitt faced another crisis when Nikita Khrushchev, in his 1956 Secret Speech, attacked the legacy of Stalin. The Soviet repression of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 made the crisis in the party worse, and most of its intellectual figures (including Doris Lessing and E. P. Thompson) and many ordinary members resigned. Others, for example Eric Hobsbawm, chose to stay in the Party to try to reform it. Pollitt, depressed both by physical illness (including temporary blindness) and his increasing political isolation, resigned as General Secretary and was appointed CP Chairman.

In this position, Pollitt, like many other communists around the world, became disillusioned with Khrushchev's revisionism and attacks on Stalin. "He's staying there as long as I'm alive", he said of the portrait of Stalin that hung in his living room.


Death and legacy

Harry Pollitt died, aged 69, of a cerebral haemorrhage, after years of worsening health, while returning on the SS Orion from a speaking tour of Australia on 27 June 1960. He was cremated at Golders Green on 9 July, and was survived by his wife and two children, Brian and Jean.

In 1971, Pollitt's devotion to the Soviet cause and to international communism was acknowledged by Moscow when the Soviet navy named a ship after him. A plaque dedicated to the memory of Pollitt was unveiled by the Mayor of Tameside on 22 March 1995 outside Droylsden Library.[1] He is also ironically commemorated in the humorous song "The Ballad of Harry Pollitt", which actually circulated most popularly in his lifetime. Part of the lyrics dealt with his death: [8]

Harry Pollitt was a worker, one of Lenin's lads
He was foully murdered by those counter revolutionary cads
Counter revolutionary cads, counter revolutionary cads
He was foully murdered by those counter revolutionary cads!

Old Harry went to heaven, feeling weak about the knees,
Said, "May I speak with Comrade God; I am Harry Pollitt please
I'm Harry Pollitt please, I'm Harry Pollitt please,
May I speak with Comrade God, I am Harry Pollitt please...

They dressed him in a nightie, put a harp into his hand,
And he played the Internationale in the Hallelujah band,
In the Hallelujah band, in the Hallelujah band,
He played the Internationale in the Hallelujah band.


Secret communications with Soviet Union

In Operation MASK (1934–1937), an MI5 counterspy infiltrated the party, and was for a time Pollitt's assistant and a clandestine radio operator. This allowed John Tiltman and his colleagues to crack the code and decrypt, for a few years, messages between Moscow and some of its foreign parties, such as the CPGB. They revealed the Comintern's close supervision of the Communist Party and Pollitt. Among other things, Pollitt was instructed to refute news leaks about a Stalinist purge. Some messages were addressed to code names, while others were signed by Pollitt himself. In his transmissions to Moscow, Pollitt regularly pleaded for more funding from the Soviet Union. One 1936 coded instruction advised Pollitt to publicise the plight of Ernst Thälmann, a German communist leader who had been arrested by the Nazis and who later died at Sachsenhausen concentration camp. Pollitt replied that he was 'having difficulties' getting English statesmen to make public declarations supporting Thälmann but that they promised they would speak privately with German officials in London. In one of the more amusing dispatches, Pollitt (1936) informed his Soviet contact about a recent visit to France to make campaign appearances for candidates from the French Communist Party. "At great inconvenience went to Paris to speak in the election campaign". Pollitt went on to complain that he was "kept sitting two days and comrades refused to allow me to speak. Such treatment as I received in Paris is a scandal".[9][10][11]

Publications by Harry Pollitt

Hands Off Russia, article in Monthly Report of the United Society of Boilermakers and Iron and Steel Shipbuilders, July 1919.
A Cry From Russia, article in Monthly Report of the United Society of Boilermakers and Iron and Steel Shipbuilders, September 1921.
The Communist Party on Trial: Harry Pollitt's Defence. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1925].
• Pollitt's Reply to Citrine. London: National Minority Movement, Aug. 1928.
• The Workers' Charter. London: National Minority Movement, n.d. [c. 1929].
• Struggle or Starve. London: National Minority Movement, n.d. [c. 1931].
• Which Way for the Workers? Harry Pollitt, Communist Party, versus Fenner Brockway, Independent Labour Party, London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [c. 1932].
Towards Soviet Power. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1933].
• Into Action! The Communist Party's Proposals for the National Unity Congress, February, 1934. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1934].
• The Way Forward: Harry Pollitt's Speech at the Great United Front Congress at Bermondsey, February 24th, 1934 (Opening the Discussion on Main Resolution). London: National Congress and March Council, n.d. [1934].
• Labour and War. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [c. 1935].
• We Can Stop War! London: n.p. [Communist Party of Great Britain], n.d. [1935].
• Dynamite in the Dock: Harry Pollitt's Evidence Before the Arms Inquiry Commission. London: n.p. [Communist Party of Great Britain], n.d. [1935].
• Harry Pollitt Speaks: A Call to All Workers. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1935].
Unity Against the National Government: Harry Pollitt's Speech at the Seventh Congress of the Communist International. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1935].
• The Labour Party and the Communist Party. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1935].
• Forward! London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1936].
• I Accuse Baldwin. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1936].
• The Path to Peace. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1936].
Unity, Peace, and Security: Pollitt's Reply to Morrison. London: n.p. [Communist Party of Great Britain], n.d. [1936].
• Save Spain from Fascism. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Aug. 1936.
• Spain and the TUC. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Sept. 1936.
• Arms for Spain. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Oct. 1936.
• A War Was Stopped! The Story of the Dockers and the 'Jolly George.' London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1936].
The Unity Campaign. With Stafford Cripps (Socialist League) and James Maxton (ILP). London: n.p. [Communist Party of Great Britain], Jan. 1937.
The Truth About Trotskyism: Moscow Trial, January 1937. With R. Palme Dutt. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Feb. 1937.
• Save Peace! Aid Spain. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, May 1937.
Salute to the Soviet Union. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Oct. 1937.
• Labour's Way Forward. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Nov. 1937.
• Pollitt Visits Spain. Foreword by J.B.S. Haldane. London: International Brigade Wounded and Dependants' Aid Fund, Feb. 1938.
• Austria. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, March 1938.
• Czecho-Slovakia and Britain. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, May 1938.
For Unity in London. With Ted Bramley. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [June 1938].
• Czechoslovakia. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Sept. 1938. Reissued Oct. 1938 as Czechoslovakia Betrayed.
• Defence of the People. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Feb. 1939.
• Spain: What Next? London: Communist Party of Great Britain, March 1939.
• Can Conscription Save Peace? London: Communist Party of Great Britain, May 1939.
• Will It Be War? London: Communist Party of Great Britain, July 1939.
• How to Win the War. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Sept. 1939.
• The War and the Labour Movement. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, June 1940.
• The War and the Workshop: Letters to Bill No. 1. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, July 1940.
• What Is Russia Going to Do? Letters to Bill No. 2. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, [July 1940].
• Wages — A Policy. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Dec. 1940.
• Tom Mann, Born April 15, 1856, Died March 13, 1941: A Tribute by Harry Pollitt. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [March 1941].
Smash Hitler Now! London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [c. June 1941].
• A Call for Arms. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1941].
• Britain's Chance Has Come. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [c. Oct. 1941].
• The World in Arms. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [1942].
Into Battle! The Call of May Day 1942. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, April 1942.
• The Way to Win: Decisions of the National Conference of the Communist Party of Great Britain, May 1942. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, n.d. [May 1942].
• Speed the Second Front. London: Communist Party of Great Britain, July 1942.
Deeds — Not Words! London: Communist Party of Great Britain, Oct. 1942.

Footnotes

1. "A Tribute to Harry Pollitt 1890 - 1960". Blue Plaques. Tameside District Council. Retrieved 5 April 2011.
2. Mahon, J. (1976). Harry Pollitt: A Biography. London: Lawrence and Wishart. p. 121. ISBN 978-0-85315-327-6.
3. Davenport-Hines, R. (2018). Enemies Within: Communists, the Cambridge Spies and the Making of Modern Britain. London: HarperCollins Publishers. p. 157. ISBN 978-0-00-751668-1.
4. Redman, Joseph "The British Stalinists and the Moscow Trials", Labour Review, 3:2, March–April 1958
5. John Mahon, Harry Pollitt: A Biography Lawrence & Wishart, Limited, 1976 ISBN 0853153272 (p. 193)
6. Collection Catalogues and Descriptions, Labour History Archive and Study Centre, archived from the original on 13 January 2015, retrieved 5 February 2015
7. John Mahon, Harry Pollitt: A Biography (p. 236)
8. "THE LIMELITERS - HARRY POLLITT LYRICS". Retrieved 13 January 2012.
9. West, Nigel (2005). Mask: MI5's Penetration of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Psychology Press. pp. 108&nbsp, et seq.
10. Romerstein, Herbert; Eric Breindel (1 October 2001). The Venona Secrets: Exposing Soviet Espionage and America's Traitors. Regnery Publishing. pp. 86–88.
11. Andrew, Christopher M. (3 November 2009). Defend the realm: the authorized history of MI5. Random House Digital, Inc.pp. 142, 148, 160, 176, 179, 180, 404, 1023.

References

• Cornwell, Susan, UK archives offer insight into 1930s Soviet Union, Reuters 9 October 1997.
• Morgan, Kevin (2004). "Pollitt, Harry (1890–1960)". In H. C. G. Matthew, Brian Harrison, and online Lawrence Goldman (eds.). Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Online January 2011 ed.). Oxford: OUP. Retrieved 12 January 2012.
• Redman, Joseph, The British Stalinists and the Moscow Trials, Labour Review Vol.3 No.2, March–April 1958.
• Smith, Michael, How Communists in Britain followed the Moscow line, Electronic Telegraph, 10 October 1997.
• Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Much of this article was taken nearly verbatim from it).

External links

• "Harry Pollitt Internet Archive". Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 30 August 2009.
• Harry Pollitt recording from 1942 http://www.andrewwhitehead.net/harry-po ... -disc.html
• The Ballad of Harry Pollitt at Digital Tradition Mirror
• Newspaper clippings about Harry Pollitt in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Mon Mar 23, 2020 3:20 am

Part 1 of 2

Percy Glading
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Image
Percy Glading
Percy Glading's 1938 police photographs
Born: Percy Eded Glading, 29 November 1893, Wanstead, Essex
Died: 15 April 1970 (aged 76), Surrey
Nationality: British
Other names: Codename "Got"
Known for: Co-founder of the Communist Party of Great Britain, Soviet spy at the [Woolwich Arsenal

Percy Eded Glading ( 29 November 1893 – 15 April 1970) was an English communist and a co-founder of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). He was also a trade union activist, an author, and from the mid-1930s he spied on Britain for the Soviet Union, for which activity he was convicted and imprisoned. Glading, who was born in Wanstead and grew up in East London, left school early to find work. Starting with menial jobs such as delivering milk, he found skilled work at the Stratford marshalling yards. Later he worked as an engineer at the Royal Arsenal, which was then the national production centre for military materiel. Glading spent World War I at the Arsenal, and after the war, chose to involve himself in working-class politics. He joined the forerunner of the CPGB, which, with his friend Harry Pollitt and others, he later founded.

Glading was a national organiser for the CPGB and acted as its ambassador abroad, particularly to India.
He was active in other groups, such as the National Minority Movement and when he married, his wife Elizabeth joined him in his political activity. He was prominent in the Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU), but his political activity resulted in dismissal from the Royal Arsenal, a security-sensitive post, as the government of the day regularly dismissed those suspected of subversive activities from its employment. MI5 opened a file on him in 1925 and considered him an extreme communist. The OGPU and its successor, the NKVD—the Soviet secret police—kept in touch with him through a series of handlers (including Arnold Deutsch who later recruited Kim Philby).

Around 1934 Soviet Intelligence recruited Glading as a spy. Although he no longer worked at the Arsenal, he had maintained contact with men of similar sympathies who did. The Arsenal was of interest to the USSR as it was known that Britain was on the verge of creating the biggest naval gun yet. Glading had set up a safe house in Holland Park, West London, where he photographed various sensitive plans and blueprints. Unbeknown to him, the secret service had infiltrated the CPGB in 1931, with an agent known later as "Miss X"—Olga Gray. Glading trusted her and involved her in his espionage activities and lodged her in the Holland Park safe-house. He was eventually arrested in January 1938 in the act of exchanging sensitive material from the Royal Arsenal at Woolwich. Predominantly due to the testimony of "Miss X", Glading was found guilty and sentenced to six-years' hard labour.


On his release from prison near the end of World War II, he is reported to have found work in a factory and maintained close links with Pollitt and the CPGB. Glading died in Richmond on 15 April 1970 aged 77.

Early life

Image
Glading's birthplace at 50, Millais Rd, Leyton (then in Essex), as seen in 2018, with some contemporary modernisation.

Image
Detail from a copy of Percy Glading's birth certificate, giving his parents names as James Glading, general labourer, and Mary Ann, née Purkis, living in Leyton in 1894.

Percy Glading was born in Wanstead, Essex[1] on 29 November 1893.[2] He later described his youth as being "the usual joys experienced by hundreds of poor proletarian families".[3] His father worked on the railways, and Glading grew up in Henniker Road, Stratford, near the marshalling yards.[1] According to his obituary, Glading distributed a radical paper, Justice, around the East End in his last years of school.[2] He left school aged 12 to work as a milkman and two years later he joined the railways as a trainee engineer.[3] He spent World War I employed as a grinder at the Royal Arsenal, Woolwich.[4] This was an extensive government-run military-industrial complex supplying weapons and munitions to the Army and Royal Navy.[3] In 1914 he was involved in a stoppage against blackleg working at the arsenal.[2] He worked as an engineer in Belfast for Harland and Wolff in 1921 and was periodically unemployed.[1]

A 2017 biography of Olga Gray's handler, Maxwell Knight, described Glading as having "thick lips" and "lank hair". He "wore large round glasses that made him look like an overgrown schoolboy" but was "quick-witted and likeable".[3]

Early career

In 1925 he moved from grinding at the Arsenal to the Naval Department as a gun examiner.[4] By now he was known to the security services. On 10 October the same year, Glading was best man[1] at Harry Pollitt's wedding to Marjorie Brewer in Caxton Hall.[5] They were good friends,[6] and had holidayed together in St Malo the previous year (where Pollitt had first met her).[7] Glading and Pollitt's colleague in the CPGB—and later the latter's biographer—wrote of their escapades in St Malo. Pollitt, says Mahon, borrowed an expensive-looking watch from Glading to make an impression on Brewer: "In later years", wrote Mahon, "when [Pollitt] had come off second best in a tiff with Marjorie, who always had a mind of her own, he would say to Percy, 'It's all your fault for lending me that bloody watch'."[7]

Glading and Pollitt had been among the founders of the CPGB,[8][9] Pollitt was to be its General Secretary between 1929 and 1939 and from 1941 to 1956.[10] When it was founded, there had been a proposal that a triumvirate composed of Willie Gallacher, David Proudfoot, and Percy Glading act as CPGB leadership; in the event, a single general secretary was appointed.[11]

Glading was elected to the CPGB's Central Committee in January 1927.[12] Politically, he was on the left wing of the Committee[13] following the 1926 general strike and the Party's subsequent period of self-reflection.[14] Glading consistently pushed for a more independent communist line (independent, that is, from the Comintern).[12] In January 1929, Glading and Pollitt were in the minority over the question of the progressive (or otherwise) nature of the Labour Party.[15] Then, in July 1928, when it discussed the further question of affiliation to it, extant minutes of this meeting show the members as being split down the middle, nine for and nine against: Glading was in favour of the motion.[16] Harry Wicks, in his autobiography, later described Glading, Pollitt and himself as being consistently "on the left within the party, thoroughly dissatisfied with what they saw as the right-wing actions of its CentraI Committee".[17] In May 1929, he was appointed a factory member of the CPGB's Political Bureau,[18] although his tenure was to be brief.[8]

Both Glading and his wife, Elizabeth, were high-profile communists and labour activists in the inter-war period.[4][note 1] As well as being a party member, Glading was an active trade unionist and shop steward[21] in the Amalgamated Engineering Union and the Red International of Labour Unions.[22] Glading printed and distributed the CPGB's paper, Soldier's Voice,[23] and was assistant head of the CPGB's Organisation Bureau.[24] Glading's MI5 file had been opened in 1922, and consisted of "notes on his official activities, intercepted correspondence and accounts of his movements".[note 2] At this stage, though, there was nothing particularly compromising about his behaviour.[26] It was his links to the communist agitator James Messer which drew him to the attention of MI5,[27] as Messer was part of the Kirchenstein circle. This was an undercover courier network which relayed diplomatic, political and security secrets to Russia, and had resulted in the Arcos scandal of March 1927.[28][note 3] Kevin Quinlan says this led to suspicions that Glading was a "conduit for the Comintern in the early part of his career".[27] MI5 described him as "a red-hot communist",[3] and as one of the party's "most influential members" of the period.[10] Through his CPGB activities Glading had by now been recruited as a spy for Russia,[34] through whom all espionage reports travelled to Moscow and to whom all funds were sent for distribution.[4]

Indian expedition

Image
First edition cover of Glading's 1931 India Under British Terror.

In 1925 Glading was the first member of the CPGB to travel to India[1]—under the pseudonym Robert Cochrane[1][note 4]—pushing the CPGB policy of promoting revolution in Britain's colonies.[36][note 5] Arriving on 30 January, he visited various cities[38] and met individuals who were later to be central to the Meerut Conspiracy Case.[1] This occurred in 1929 when a number of Indian men—all members of the Communist Party of India, then an illegal organisation—were arrested and tried for organising a railway strike there in 1925.[39] They were charged with conspiring to form a branch of the Comintern in India and overthrow the government. Robinson says Glading saw their trial as violating the men's "fundamental civil liberties"[40]—particularly as the group had to wait over two years to even be brought to trial—and that this made them "the final justification for the eventual overthrow of the ruling class" in India.[40] Glading had been arrested along with M. N. Roy (who has been described by William E. Duff as a "paid Comintern agitator") and fifty-six other men, but, there being insufficient evidence to hold him, was released. The Indians were less successful and had to wait three or four years before their case even came up.[34] It has been suggested that Roy both opposed Glading's expedition and had been irritated by it, as he believed that the CPGB had opened and read the letters they had promised to pass to Roy.[41]

Glading's original purpose in India, on behalf of the CPGB, was seeking to forge links with Roy as well as to study Indian working conditions specifically and more generally to promote the Communist Party.[22][note 6] Nigel West says Glading was unimpressed by the efforts of the Indian Communist Party to organise the workers.[42] Indian Political Intelligence noted that Glading had particularly focussed his attention on "shipyards, munitions works, dockyards and arsenals where strike committees or 'Red Cells' existed".[27][note 7] Rajani Palme Dutt, in Glading's 1970 obituary, reported that Glading was eventually "deported under the authority of the Viceroy".[2] Covert journeys to India such as these were common for the CPGB during this period. Pollitt was to persuade Olga Gray to make such a trip in 1934[43][note 8] to transfer funds from Glading to the Indian communist movement.[44] She left England on 11 June 1934 and met Glading in Paris to receive the money and instructions.[4] On her return, Glading obtained work for Gray as Pollitt's secretary.[45]

Return from India

The Indian masses, imprisoned, butchered and murdered by the Imperialist governments of Tories, Liberals and Labour. These workers repudiated their old leaders, found new class-conscious fighters during the class battles, and have set up new revolutionary working-class unions. These new forces, which have been created on the field of class battle, have now become the driving force in the revolutionary struggle in India.[46]

-- Glading, The Growth of the Indian Strike Movement, 1921-1929, 1929.


Based on his experiences in India, Glading wrote articles for The Labour Monthly and produced two books: India Under British Terror in 1931, and The Meerut Conspiracy Case two years later. The first he self-published; the CPGB published the second.[47] Glading left India on 10 April 1925.[38] He returned to Britain by way of Amsterdam, where, in July 1925, he presented the results of his studies to a communist conference that was taking place.[22] R.W. Robson later reported how

On Saturday morning I met two trains arriving from Flushing, expecting to intercept Glading and others who were to be present at the Conference, but as they did not arrive I again visited the contact address and discovered that Glading, Dutt and Uphadyaya were already there, having arrived by an early train and gone to the meeting place immediately.[20]


Also attending the conference were M. N. Roy and his wife, Henk Sneevliet, Gertrude Hessler, N. J. Uphadayaya, Clemens Dutt and R. W. Robson, also of the CPGB.[48] Glading reported that "no Indian Communist groups existed at all",[38] and that those he had met "were useless".[20] Roy disputed this. He claimed that Glading had not encountered any Indian communists because they were unsure whether to make themselves known to him.[49] Conversely, Glading believed he had found a communications problem between Indian communists and those aiding the movement from the outside.[50][note 9]

Later career

Glading returned to Britain from the continent in 1927. He soon joined one of the most pro-Soviet English trade unions of the day, the National Minority Movement (NMM),[22] and became a national organiser for the group.[8] Along with another communist and fellow NMM organiser, Joe Scott, Glading launched the Members' Rights Movement at the Engineers' Rank and File Movement local conference in Yorkshire. This was a caucus within the Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU) which rejected a national pay settlement in 1931 and urged the formation of workers' councils in the workplace. Unfortunately for Glading, five months later, one member observed that the organisation "has not been heard of since". Further, Glading and Scott were expelled from the AEU for condemning their union's national leadership.[52]

Image
The Royal Arsenal, Woolwich, is seen in a nineteenth-century postcard.
Original in S.F.69/U.K./1.
HOW.5032.
SECRET
20th December, 1933.
TO THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL, and all others whom it may concern,
I hereby authorize, and require you to detain, open and produce for my inspection all postal packets and telegrams addressed to:--
Percy GLADING.
70 Cecil Road,
Upton Manor,
London, E.13.
or to any name at that or any other address if there is reasonable ground to believe that they are intended for the said Percy GLADING.
and for so doing this shall be your sufficient Warrant.
One of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State.
The above are officials or leading members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and/or of its subsidiary organisations. All are engaged in different open or underground phases of communist work. Warrants, hitherto operating on their correspondence, have produced interesting and useful information.



Back at Woolwich Arsenal, he again took up his post as an examiner in the naval ordnance department.[1][note 10] Glading's career back at Woolwich was short lived. Following the Invergordon Mutiny, the government mandated that those employed in security-sensitive roles should have their political backgrounds examined. Those who were found to have subversive ideas had to renounce them or lose their jobs.[40] Glading's politically motivated trip to India was uncovered when Guy Liddell cross-referenced the names of known communists with positions of sensitive employment.[34] Special Branch wanted him sacked as soon as possible;[3] Glading was thus in the latter group. In 1928, he and others were dismissed for "refusing to renounce their communist beliefs"[27] and, at least in Glading's case, for being an agitator. He demanded of his Inspector what right the man had to impose "political fitness" on Arsenal employees.[4]

Glading appealed to his trade union for support, and the AEU brought the matter to the attention of the Trades Union Congress (TUC). They spent the next four months pursuing his case against Royal Arsenal management. Efforts included discussions with Labour MPs in parliament and barraging Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin with demands that he personally overturn the sacking. However, Baldwin did not intervene, the Labour Party did not raise it in parliament, and Glading did not get his job back. But says Jennifer Luff of the case, "TUC leaders had defended the civil liberties of a communist member" openly.[56] The CPGB was active too, releasing a manifesto denouncing what they described as Glading's victimisation. In this, they claimed the company's actions to be merely the precursor of ridding naval and military installations of proletarian militancy.[40] The CPGB took the opportunity to denounce "capitalist exploitation and prais[e] class war".[57] Glading's case became a cause célèbre and made national headlines.[3][note 11] Glading, too, roundly denounced the Arsenal for their treatment of him:

I refuse to renounce my beliefs or membership of the Communist Party. I did not adopt my present political views lightly or thoughtlessly, but after deep study and considerable experience of working-class life ... I was not aware that the Admiralty employed Communists, Labourists, Liberals, and Tories, but engineers and craftsmen, and that the test was fitness for the job.[3]


Following his dismissal from Woolwich in 1928, Glading got a job with Russian Oil Products Ltd (ROP).[59] It had been founded three years earlier[60] by the Russian government to enable it to market its oil resources directly to the West.[61] Although primarily a trading organisation, it also provided the opportunity to transmit back to Moscow any industrial and scientific intelligence its staff obtained.[note 12] In 1929, Glading was promoted to the CPGB's London politburo and immediately left for Russia under the name James Brownlie. In Moscow he studied at the Lenin School for a year.[1] This was the Comintern's training school, where Glading and other pupils were taught ideology and tradecraft.[34][note 13] Glading's obituary, written later by Rajani Dutt, made no mention of the Lenin School, reporting that he spent "a year in the Soviet Union where he witnessed the great agrarian changeover from individual petty-bourgeoise holdings to collective farming".[2] Following his graduation, Glading came under the aegis of the International Liaison Department (Comintern) (OMS); this has been described by Sakmyster as "the most secret department" of the Comintern, specialising in "the coordination of subversive and conspiratorial activities" abroad.[64]

Glading returned to Britain in 1930, where he began working for the CPGB's colonial department. Based in a top-floor office at 23 Great Ormond Street, he was the Soviet link between ROP and the CPGB. He served as a cut-out, communicating information between agents.[1][note 14] He paid regular visits to the CPGB head office at 16 King Street, in London's Covent Garden.[34]

Historian Richard Davenport-Hines, says there was "nothing stealthy about his allegiance" to his chosen causes. In 1930 he became a full-time paid officer for the League Against Imperialism (LAI), where he first encountered Olga Gray, who joined the LAI in 1932.[10] In June 1931, Glading was suspected of personally receiving the CPGB's intelligence reports from its various espionage groups and being the individual responsible for sending them to the USSR.[67] Some of Glading's pro-Soviet activities were undertaken with his wife, who shared his political outlook. She too, for example, had links with the Kirchenstein circle.[22] Another of Glading's associates was Jessie Ayriss, who was married to George Hardy, a fellow member of the Communist Party;[note 15] Ayriss herself was employed as a typist at the Soviet embassy[69] from 1937 to 1944.[70] Espionage expert Nigel West has suggested she may have acted as a courier for Glading.[71]

Recruitment by Moscow

Image
Letter of 20 December 1933 from the Postmaster General authorising the interception of Percy Glading's mail.

In the post-World War One period, an upsurge in communist activity in British industry, particularly in armaments and munitions factories led to employers in these sectors beginning to lay off workers suspected of left-wing sympathies.[27] Although the CPGB had been of interest to the security services from its foundation, MI5's information on its activities had been confined to surveillance and technical data. When surveillance uncovered what they believed to be a "more sinister cadre"[72] within the CPGB, MI5 infiltrated it with undercover agents. This was codenamed Operation MASK.[72] From the late 1920s, the OGPU—and from 1934 its successor agency the NKVD—were active in Britain.[73] Recent scholarship has suggested that their rezidentura were the single biggest threat to British security during the interwar period.[74] As well as Glading's ring, Nigel West says that John Herbert King was "haemorrhaging"[73] information from the Foreign and Colonial Office. Farnborough RAF base had been penetrated by its own spy network, and Kim Philby and Donald Maclean had been recruited. London, comments West, "had become a veritable centre of Soviet espionage".[73] Meanwhile, MI5 at full strength had a complement of only 26 agents at the beginning of 1938.[75]

MI5 believed that it was in the mid-1930s that Glading turned his attention from "domestic subversion to international espionage".[76] The KGB's own files state that Ignaty Reif had recruited him by June 1934.[77] He may have felt, as others did, that to be a "good communist" one should "carry out intelligence work which strengthened the USSR".[78] Either way, the first indication that Glading was shifting his focus came in 1936 when he resigned from the CPGB.[note 16] Like Glading, all his agents were either present or ex-members of the CPGB. Unlike most Soviet agents, Glading did not have a cover job; nor did he organise a cover story.[79] John Curry, in the official history of MI5, notes that Glading—indeed, all Soviet CPGB recruits—effectively ceased all party activity from the point that they were recruited.[80] These were effectively "fake resignations" (and, indeed, were described as such later by Pollitt himself, who was almost certainly aware of Glading's espionage career).[6] The Soviets gave him the codename "GOT", and named their "G" Group—based in Copenhagen—after him.[81] Historian David Burke says it seems likely that the Woolwich spy ring was created by the NKVD to gain possession of a top-secret large naval gun that the Arsenal was believed to be researching.[82] Glading had been informed of these plans—of which only five copies were ever made—at some time in 1935 by contacts in the War Office and Admiralty:[note 17] Glading's mission was to report on the gun's arrival at Woolwich and obtain an example.[84][note 18]

Glading was the subject of frequent covert surveillance operations. On one such occasion in July 1936, he was observed at Cambridge Circus meeting up with Charles Moody.[note 19] Much of Glading's operation at this time would have been concerned with the on-going deadlock at the Montreux Convention, at which Britain, France, Italy and the Soviet Union disputed their proposed access to the Black Sea with Turkey. At the same time, a faction within the government led by Sir Samuel Hoare was urging for swift British re-armament, and claiming, Hoare said, that Russian re-armament made the Royal Navy look a "mere bagatelle". Doubtless, says Davenport-Hines, Glading and Moody went to a pub, having much to discuss in the "implicit threats to Soviet security being revealed at Montreux and Southampton".[86]

In 1936, Glading was asked to vouchsafe for Theodore Maly and Arnold Deutsch,[88] both "top class"[89] Comintern recruiters.[90] Maly was a Hungarian ex-priest and Deutsch an Austrian Communist,[91] and they had been tasked with recruiting a Foreign Office civil servant, John Cairncross.[92] Maly and Deutsch requested the assistance of James Klugmann[note 20]—then living in Paris—an important asset for Soviet Intelligence within the Special Operations Executive (SOE)[88] who was acquainted with Cairncross. But Davenport-Hines says Klugmann refused to meet them, "until they had been endorsed by a CPGB member whom he trusted".[92] That man was Glading, who travelled to Paris and vouched for the KGB men; Cairncross was soon recruited.[92]

Glading maintained a network of contacts from when he worked at the Arsenal,[80] such as George Whomack (an assistant foreman of the Works),[94] Charles Munday (an assistant chemist at the Royal Arsenal),[26] and Albert Williams (an examiner in the Inspectorate of Armaments Department),[95][note 21] all of whom later provided him with secret material and blueprints.[97] Glading's group was one of two active in England in the early 1930s; little is known of the other but it is thought to have been associated—as Glading himself had been—around the Russian Oil Products front.[98]

In January 1937, after Maly's recall, Glading was summoned to meet Maly's successor as controller of the Royal Arsenal ring. This was Mikhail Borovoy, a member of the OGPU's Technical Section, who was travelling with his wife under false Canadian passports (as Willy and Mary Brandes) and had arrived in London in October 1936. They lived in Forset Court off the Edgware Road.[99] With Maly the Soviets' resident spy, the Brandes' were to act independently of the rezidentura and deal specifically with the Soviets' special assets: the Cambridge (and, to a lesser extent, Oxford) spy ring.[97] To Glading they went under the names "Mr and Mrs Stevens", but they only stayed in London a few weeks before making their way to Paris. In that time, Glading met them at Forset Court. This in itself was a "highly unusual step" according to William Duff but essential in assessing the material Glading expected to collect and the resources he needed to do so.[97][note 22] They also met Glading's agent within Royal Arsenal, George Whomack, and photographed some secret documents in the Holland Road safe house.[101] Glading and the Stevens also received blueprints from George Whomack in Hyde Park.[26] Mrs Stevens, who was travelling in the guise of a photographer for a furniture company, assisted with the photography during their stay.[102] It was immediately after Glading met the Brandes that he instructed Olga Gray to find a suitable flat or apartment (for example, he specified that there should be no porter to espy their comrades' comings and goings).[97][note 23] Glading's operation at Woolwich consisted of George Whomack smuggling out blueprints at the end of a late shift—past military police guards—on the day the document had been released to the arsenal.[82] Around this time Glading told Gray that he was "doing hardly any work for the party now, it is mostly for other people".[104]

82 Holland Road

Should MI5 have discovered the name of a person described by Olga Gray...as 'another man short and rather bumptious in manner' who was working with Glading, they would have had no problem in finding out everything else about Dr Deutsch. But they did have a problem because that bumptious man turned out to be rather careful.[105]

-- Boris Volodarsky


The MI5 mole, Olga Gray did not discover his spying for several years.[22] In 1937, she assisted Glading to purchase the ground-floor flat at 82, Holland Road in West London.[106][note 24] MI5 likely enabled the sale.[97] The CPGB paid Glading the flat's annual £100 annual rent[43] (equivalent to £6,500 in 2019), and he paid Gray the monthly instalments to settle herself.[108] Glading also provided £60 to buy furniture on hire purchase, including a gateleg table for their large-scale photography work.[109] Three sets of keys were cut, of which Glading kept two.[108] During his later prosecution, Gray described some of the activities that went on. The team focussed on photography[110]—which Glading told her was of "a very secret nature"[109]—and began extensive testing (on local bus maps) with home-made cameras to make the end product as clear to their Russian recipients as possible.[110] Glading saw Gray as a valuable member of his team: in May 1937, he suggested she give up her job, take a professional photography course, and work for him in the flat full-time.[111] In return, he offered to make up her salary to five pounds a week;[112][note 25] Gray accepted, although she was worried that she knew far too little of photography to be of much use; Glading reassured her.[109] He also paid for her to take a holiday[94] which she took at the end of June.[109] Gray was expected to reside at the flat, and Glading promised her that he would only arrive by appointment. On 11 October 1937, Glading instructed Gray to replace the gateleg table with a refectory table[108] as the former had turned out not to be strong enough to bear the weight of the equipment. In the event, Glading bought one himself from Maple & Co. four days later, and it was installed on the 17th.[104]

[Glading] was clever enough to realise that the flat should be rented by someone unknown to MI5. He was clever enough to see that a young woman called Olga Gray, who had been recruited to secret Comintern work from a CPGB front organisation, was the perfect person to help...unfortunately for Glading and the others convicted in 1938 as the 'Woolwich Arsenal spies', he was not clever enough to know that Olga Gray was an MI5 penetration agent.[115]

-- Roy Berkeley


During their tenure in London, the Stevens' were regular visitors to the flat. Mr Stevens was often deep in discussion with Glading while Mrs Stevens assisted Gray with the photography.[26] Gray also met other acquaintances of Glading's at the flat.[112] For example, in April that year, she met a Mr Peters, whom Glading told her had been "an Austrian who had served during the War in the Russian cavalry".[112] Peters was sometimes accompanied by a colleague; MI5 later identified them as Maly and Deutsch. Glading, Gray said later, found Deutsch an unpleasant individual; Glading told her that he had to tolerate Deutsch "for business reasons".[112] Deutsch had run the Soviet spy network in England since February 1934, and Glading began introducing other people to him for recruitment (in one case, a father, swiftly followed by his son).[116] Throughout this time the flat was under occasional observation by the secret service; Glading could spend hours in the flats and sometimes as little as twenty minutes, often bringing Gray with him and then leaving her there.[108]

John Curry's Official History of MI5 describes how Glading would receive various important blueprints which he would photograph[80] at Holland Road,[117] and return the same night.[80] Gray, who was responsible for the photography, was to take and develop the photographs, but not to print the negatives.[109] When the house was later searched, it was found to contain a camera, aircraft bomb plans, and even an anti-tank mine.[69] Glading did not live far from Holland Road himself, having purchased a "salubrious" new development in South Harrow.[1][note 26]

Photographic work

Image
The right-hand door is number 82, Holland Road, W14; the ground floor flat was Glading and Gray's safe-house.

In November 1937 the Brandes[117] were recalled to Moscow, supposedly for family reasons.[note 27] By now, Glading was "running out of money and patience".[117][note 28] Glading told Gray on 17 January that he would be reduced to borrowing money to fund the operation, "if something did not happen within a week or so".[120] Until the Brandes' replacements arrived, Glading could not send any of the material which his agents had passed to him. As for money, Brandes had left him with the best part of £300 to finance operations before he left. But this had to run out at some point,[121] especially as Glading had been instructed to purchase gifts for all his agents and contacts, presumably as a means of keeping them in touch. This further irritated Glading. This was a large number of people, many of whom he already considered as little more than mercenaries. Glading had also been instructed to take at least one of them out for lunch—"a fine figure of a woman", he told Gray, "who had done her best to impress him with her beauty, without success"[122]—and whom he hated. Glading took such a dim view of her—and of his having to reward her—because, as he put it, she only did "about one job in five years".[122] She could not be ignored, however, as she "knew enough to be nasty".[122]

Gray later said Glading was becoming anxious; work seemed to have dried up after the naval gun affair.[94] On at least one occasion around this time, Gray said Glading arrived at the flat drunk and jittery. She also reported his detached attitude towards the recall—and presumed execution—of their controllers. "These blokes", Glading had observed to her, "live on a volcano the whole time they are over here, and when they do go home you do not know if they will ever come back".[84] Also, she said, Glading was keen to "continue to practice with the photographic apparatus to perfect their technique as he did not like being dependent on the vagaries of foreigners".[82] It was his lack of trust in Brandes' competence that led him to place so much reliance on Gray's newly-learned skills.[94]

Glading was probably attempting to keep the cell operating under his own aegis. Yet, aspects of Gray's report suggest that Glading was himself insufficiently trained to do such specialised work. His attempts to keep the cell made him a "liability", according to David Burke.[82] The reason he gave Gray for wanting to take the camera from Holland Road to South Harrow was that his own camera was the wrong size for the stand, and he had had to balance it "on a pile of books".[82][note 29]

Glading's operations within the Arsenal were extremely risky, due to its high-security status and his own impatience. He no longer had the Russians supporting him which also increased his chances of capture.[117] Robinson has described him as "somewhat of an over-zealous renegade who, at times, needed to be reined in by his superiors".[123] In November 1937, the CPGB Secretariat wrote to him asking him to reconsider his earlier resignation and re-join the party "of which you were such an active member". Burke suggests that, far from being a solicitous invitation to reconnect with old comrades in struggle, it was "little more than an instruction to sever connections with the 'secret' party and to re-join the 'open' party".[82]

October 11: photographic apparatus [listed] arrived. October 13: another meeting—G and Mrs S who spoke French. October 18: Mr and Mrs S experimented 3½ hours, photographing maps of London Underground. G very jumpy.[104]

-- Message from Gray to Maxwell Knight, discussing Glading and the Stevens'


By the end of 1937, a provisional case against Glading had been established. MI5 knew of his interest in the fourteen-inch heavy naval gun that was now in production at the Royal Arsenal, and that Whomack was removing the blueprints for it and bringing them to Holland Road for copying.[124] The copying was done by Stevens in 42 exposures on the evening of 21 October 1937,[102] and then the blueprint was returned over night[124] or the next day. Although the men could be searched by the Arsenal's security on entry, even the simple expedient of folding the plans between a folded-up newspaper was sufficient to avoid detection on at least one occasion.[79] Olga Gray, says Davenport-Hines, brewed a pot of tea for the group "while the films were hung in the bathroom to dry".[102] Gray was later able—by standing on the edge of the bath—to surreptitiously note down the serial numbers of the pieces of blueprint.[125] In November, Glading removed the camera to his own house in South Harrow. The following January, Glading informed Gray he had a major operation coming up. This was the copying, not just of a blueprint, but a 200-page manual. For this purpose, the security services laid on extra watchers at Glading's house, where the work was to take place. It began on 15 January; it must have been completed overnight, as the following day, Glading was observed taking a package to Charing Cross station. Meeting Charles Munday in the public lavatory, they adjourned to a nearby restaurant where the handover took place.[124]

Capture

Image
The station yard at Charing Cross where Glading and Whomack were finally arrested, as seen in 2007.

After a seven-year operation, Olga Gray set Glading up for arrest.[22] On 20 January he telephoned Gray at the safe house, asking her to meet him the next day.[120] Glading took Gray out to lunch at the Windsor Castle bar[95] to discuss a "significant" operation he had planned for 82 Holland Road that same night. He had brought a suitcase with him; she was to be at the safe house by 6:00 PM. William Duff quotes Glading as telling Gray that Glading had "got the stuff parked all over London"[124]—negatives of blueprints he kept at various locations[95]—and that he mentioned a pre-arranged meeting with someone that evening, again at Charing Cross. This was the cue the security services had been waiting for.[124] Gray telephoned MI5 and duly reported what Glading had told her.[120]

That evening, 21 January 1938, Glading was tailed to the station yard.[126] MI5 did not have the necessary statutory powers to perform arrests, and had briefed Special Branch to do so.[124] This took place almost immediately. Inspector Thomas Thompson (of the Special Branch) observed Glading receive an envelope which was later discovered to contain blueprints.[127] The suitcase in his possession was found to have a false bottom; it was thought that this was the means by which plans were smuggled out of the Arsenal.[128] The man he received it from—Albert Williams—was also arrested.[129] The envelope was found to contain a blueprint of some pressurized machinery under development at the Arsenal.[26] When the police searched Williams' flat, photographic equipment was found.[26] Whomack, who lived in East London, was arrested the following week.[69] Williams believed that their capture was mainly due to Glading's recklessness which led him to take insufficient precautions.[123]

Glading and Williams were taken to Scotland Yard, where the package they had been caught exchanging was opened in front of them: it contained four blueprints for a pressure-bar apparatus.[130] Glading and his companions were charged under Section 1, sub-section C of the 1911 Official Secrets Act.[22][131] A search of Glading's home revealed cameras, exposures of blueprints,[23] and a photographic film of 1925's Manual of Explosives textbook.[126] Also found was a diary. This—described by McKnight as "cryptic, though decipherable"[23]—revealed that Glading was "less than thorough"[23] in his tradecraft. One diary entry the secret service was unable to crack made a reference to Melita Sirnis, who later revealed British nuclear secrets to the Soviets.[23][note 30] Glading's diary listed not only her name, but her family home in Hampstead.[134] Another made reference to Edith Tudor-Hart.[114] Along with the explosives manual on film, they also found blueprints for a new aircraft design.[26] Although Glading had been careful to wear gloves whenever he used the camera at Holland Road, he had slipped up once when he changed a lightbulb: this was all that the police needed. Chief Inspector Birch of Scotland Yard found fingerprints with a microscope, as he later told the press.[126]

Imprisoned before trial, it is possible that he confessed his leading role in the organisation to a fellow inmate, although doubt has been cast on whether the Woolwich spy ring was ever big enough to warrant a strict hierarchy of its own.[123]

Olga Gray, although she was able to give her evidence at Glading's trial anonymously, had been "terrified" at the prospect. Hennessey and Thomas have argued that, at this point, "the reality of her role struck home: that she had effectively destroyed a man who had trusted her implicitly and of whom she had become extremely fond".[135][note 31]
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Mon Mar 23, 2020 3:20 am

Trial

Although Glading was undoubtedly the organiser of this group of Communist sub-agents, he was not free to run the group and recruit agents as he thought fit, but was under control of the foreign resident in Britain, except for a period of two months immediately prior to his arrest.[136]

-- Nigel West and Oleg Tsarev


The case proved to be something of a cause célèbre in both Britain and the United States. The press described the protagonists in florid terms: Gray was—supposedly—of aristocratic lineage, who "had forgotten more about courage than many soldiers ever learned on the battlefield". Glading meanwhile was made out to be "dark, distinguished, suave...a reader of poetry and a dreamer of revolt under high scarlet banners".[137]

Hearings began in late January and continued into March 1938, some of which were held in camera for security reasons. This excluded the press.[129] The CPGB, through the Daily Worker, "remained tongue-tied" over it: "only a sanitised report, of the trial, devoid of comment appeared in the paper"[6] on 13 March.[138][note 32]

What was reported, however, had the side effect of drawing the general public's attention towards the issue of Soviet espionage. On day two of Glading's trial, for example, a welder who had seen anti-fascist agitator Geoffrey Pyke in the AEU offices (and "in very frequent communication with Glading") went to the police with what he knew. This, in turn, attracted MI5's attention to Pyke, whom for a time they believed to be the "Mr Stevens" who visited Holland Road. Although politically to the left, Pyke would be a significant figure in Britain's black ops and propaganda divisions against Nazi Germany within a few years. Later that same March, an insurance broker, who had also visited Pyke at AEU headquarters, reported similar suspicions to the police. Both men had been prompted by Glading's capture and trial to make their accusations.[139]

Glading was charged on various counts of obtaining secrets for, and betraying secrets to, a foreign power. With Whomack, he was charged with possessing a naval plan; with Williams, obtaining an anti-tank mine pistol and of procuring information of use to an enemy;[137] with Munday, Glading was charged with obtaining information on explosives.[137] Other charges facing him were possession of an anti-tank mine pistol, obtaining plans for a submarine mine fuse, and other plans "calculated to be useful to an enemy".[131] Ironically, in case anyone was in any doubt as to the importance placed upon the naval gun, the Attorney General, questioned by the Judge, emphasised its significance in open court.[131] The precise nature of Britain's enemy was never made clear, being only referred to as a "foreign power".[137] The reportage made it clear that the Soviet Union was almost certainly the culprit.[129]

Glading's Old Bailey trial[140] took place only two months after his arrest; this, says Robinson, is testament to how "clear-cut" the case against him was.[69] The evidence presented included "a mass of incriminating documents and photographic material".[75] Glading pled guilty.[141] His solicitors, instructed by the CPGB, were Denis Pritt, leading, and assisted by Dudley Collard.[142][note 33] They—at the CPGB's request—advised him to change his plea to Not Guilty; this Glading did.[143] But they presented little evidence in his favour and carried out only minimal cross-examination,[69] and the defence was unable to question Gray's credibility due to her professional behaviour on the stand.[144] The prosecution, on the other hand, consisted of some of the most well-known advocates of the day and was led by Donald Somervell.[note 34][69] Pritt's defence of Whomack was more energetic, and he lambasted the Official Secrets Act for making it "far too easy to be charged for misdemeanour merely by wandering too close to a dockyard"[69] or anywhere else such secret plans were kept.[69]

"[Glading] combined the three leading character traits that Moscow thought promising in a potential undercover source: idealism, vanity and greed".[59]

-- Richard Davenport-Hines


The trial judge, Sir Anthony Hawke, told the accused that Glading was "endeavouring to do anything [he] could to help another country and injure this. This is [his] own country but I cannot quite believe that this had any effect on your mind".[137] The judge wondered whether, as perhaps evinced by Glading's prosperous existence, he might have profited financially from his work with Moscow and that he was motivated by money rather than ideology.[146] Whatever his motive, the outcome was never in doubt. On 14 March 1938,[111] Glading received a sentence of six years' imprisonment[129] (hard labour).[147] Williams was sentenced to four years, Whomack to three. Munday's charges were withdrawn by the prosecution. Duff argues it is possible that this was the result of his making a deal with MI5 to turn king's evidence and reveal the tradecraft of Glading's operation at the Royal Arsenal.[129] Even the others, comments MI5's official historian, received "light sentences by the later standards of espionage trials".[75] This may well have been quid pro quo for pleading guilty and avoiding the need for a full prosecution.[148]

Aftermath

The Woolwich spy ring has been used as an example of the patience of early Soviet spymasters in creating and providing for their networks.[97] The case showed, for example, how "Soviet intelligence did not possess a monopoly of 'sleepers' and 'moles' permeating targets",[44] and was a "significant, if limited" MI5 success.[149] The case exposed a concrete connection between the CPGB and Soviet espionage.[136] It had the negative consequence (for the service), however, of reinforcing the erroneous notion that the CPGB was the most dangerous security threat of the period,[149] and that members of the party were all willing tools of the NKVD.[150] According to Richard Thurlow, this meant that the idea that "Soviet moles and secret communists could be recruited into the governing class from British universities was not considered as a plausible possibility in the 1930s",[151] even though it allowed the recruitment of the Cambridge Five.[151] Thurlow has also described the Glading case as an example of how MI5 could, on the one hand, successfully penetrate a subversive organisation, and yet, on the other, still not understand the significance of the intelligence it received by doing so.[152] And Glading's was not to be the last case of its kind. Less than five years later, the CPGB's national organiser, Dave Springhall was also found guilty of spying for the Soviets and received seven years' imprisonment.[153] Ultimately, Richard Thurlow says little is actually known of both the Glading Case in particular, and Soviet spy rings of the period more generally, for the simple reason that "so few files have been released".[154]

By the time of his arrest, Glading had been responsible for the recruitment of at least eight other spies, probably all within Woolwich. To this day, however, they are known only by their codenames, and it is impossible to identify the roles they played within Glading's group.[note 35] Although two of the three members arrested in the "Arsenal Spy Case" (as the papers dubbed it) were successfully prosecuted, Glading's handlers were never uncovered.[76][note 36] NKVD operations in London were temporarily curtailed, while agents, who may have been compromised by contact with Glading—such as Melita Sirnis—were "put on ice" until their safety could be ascertained.[75] Conversely, MI5 bizarrely failed to follow up some of the leads they had been given. On Sirnis, for example, the file that was started on her in 1938 "was soon closed without any effective consequence".[140] Tudor-Hart, too, even though clearly (although perhaps peripherally) involved in Glading's cell, faced no effective action from the secret service.[140] MI5's own report into the Glading affair was itself removed, copied and transmitted to Moscow in 1941 by the Soviet spy Anthony Blunt.[111][note 37] Soviet espionage in Britain remained a priority for the security services into the next decade, culminating with the revelations of Walter Krivitsky—a defector from Soviet Military Intelligence—in 1940.[157] Overall, the situation has been described as a "basically unequal contest".[158] Lord Robert Cecil compared it to "an imaginary soccer match between Manchester United and Corinthian Casuals",[159] such was the disparity between the Soviet and British security services in resources, professionalism and influence.[159] In the context of Cecil's analogy, MI5's success in breaking up Glading's cell has been compared to a home draw for the latter against the former.[44]

Later life

Glading had been "deeply shocked" to learn that Gray was really an MI5 mole.[160] He spent his imprisonment in Maidstone Gaol (Whomack and Williams were sent to Parkhurst).[137] On at least one occasion Glading was visited by Jane Sissmore, MI5's chief debriefing officer.[142] She was particularly interested in information that Glading possessed that may have helped prove or deny what she was learning from her then-ongoing debriefing of Walter Krivitsky. Guy Liddell, a colleague of Sissimore's in the secret service, later wrote in his diary entry for 13 October 1939:

When interviewed Glading was rather stuffy at first but gradually, under a great deal of flattery, his own conceit got the better of him. The conversation developed on professional lines and in the end, Glading even softened towards "Miss X", when he realised that he had placed her in a very difficult position. His real grievance was with Special Branch in producing the porter at Fawcett [sic] Court who swore that Glading had visited Brandes' flat. This he said was a lie. Otherwise, he regarded the whole business as a fair cop.

He did not say anything very useful...[161]

— Diaries, 1939–42, Guy Liddell


MI5 disagreed with the trial judge's suggestion that Glading was motivated by money. Maxwell Knight concluded that he was clearly ideologically driven, although one who "bafflingly" had an aversion to foreigners.[137]

By the time Glading was released, Pollitt had lost his post as General Secretary to the CPGB in a split within the Central Committee, in 1939, over Stalin's rapprochement with Hitler.[162] Little is known of Glading's life or career after his release from prison. He had become estranged from his wife at some point before his trial.[137] Nigel West wrongly concluded that Glading was "stripped of his CPGB membership"[136] and moved to China where he later died.[163] Glading returned to party work as an industrial organiser on his release from prison in 1944,[6] John Mahon makes a reference to Glading's wartime activity: Pollitt's diary entry of 6 July 1944 says, that Glading "has roof and windows [bombed] out, I met him for a chat. Early this year his factory was bombed out, a man from the Air Ministry congratulated him on the way he got the workers to tackle the damage and then continue work on an urgent job in the open air".[164]

In 1951, as "Bro. P. E. Glading", he was presented with a ceremonial copy of James George Frazer's seminal work, The Golden Bough, by the North London District Committee of the Amalgamated Engineering Union. The book was signed by, among others, Jack Reid and Reg Birch.[165] Likewise, if Glading went to China, it seems improbable that he died there, since the Labour Monthly—edited by Glading's old comrade from the 1925 Amsterdam conference—published an obituary to Glading in 1970. This stated that he had died on 15 April that year, at the age of 77, at his home in Surrey.[2]

It is also not certain that the CPGB renounced all contact with Glading as West claims. There was clearly some distancing, but it has been suggested that "once the dust had settled", Henry Pollitt authorised "discreet relations" from the party to Glading.[166] Certainly, Glading was—for the last few years of his life—on the editorial board of the Labour Monthly, which he contributed to pseudonymously.[2] His rehabilitation within the CPGB may have been partly because there was "more than a sense of a honey trap in the case"—but also, suggests Graham Stevenson, because Glading had, after all, "been Harry's best man at his wedding".[166] Indeed, it is quite probable that West does not know what he was talking about; as Pollitt—who was writing his autobiography whilst Glading was still imprisoned— went to the trouble of acknowledging Glading as his friend.[167] This was in spite of the fact that Pollitt was well-known to be "extremely suspicious" of spies or anything that could incriminate him in their work.[168] Glading's obituary, written by Rajani Dutt, omits all mention of his spying activities, merely stating that on his return from Russia, Glading "was engaged until his trial in trade union activities".[2]

Publications

• Glading, Percy, How Bedaux Works (Labour Research Department, 1932).

Notes

1. The sources are not clear as to whom or when Glading married, or, indeed, how many times he did so. It seems likely that he married at least twice. One wife has been named Elizabeth, born the same year as Glading. He also, it seems, married an Austrian,[19] who may have been called Rosa.[20]
2. These files are now publicly viewable at the National Archives, Kew, under classmarks KV 2/1020–1023, although "material which could allegedly damage national security or national interest, or would compromise sources and agents, is retained under sections 3.4 and 5.1 of the Public Records Act of 1958".[25]
3. In May 1927, the All Russian Co-operative Society (ARCOS) had been raided by Special Branch on the information of MI5, suspecting that Arcos was a cover organisation for espionage activity in London.[29] The next day, the Soviet Embassy officially protested that the raid had been illegal.[30] Despite the high-profile and resource-heavy nature of the raid, little benefit came from it. Historian Louis Fischer commented:
It disclosed nothing that had not been known before, and failed to produce the highly important War Office documents the rumoured theft of which served as excuse for the raid. The official White Paper containing the documents found in the raid was thin evidence indeed, and led to no arrests or charges for illegal or subversive activities by Russian or British subjects.[31]

Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin attempted to justify the operation by reading a handful of deciphered telegrams in parliament. These proved Soviet guilt of espionage.[32] They also caused the Soviets—aware that the British secret services could intercept their communications—to change their encryption to a virtually unbreakable system, which resulted in GC&CS being unable to decipher any high-grade Soviet messages from 1927 until the end of the Second World War.[33]
4. Several British citizens were "prominent in the early years of the Indian Marxist movement," says Dale Riepe; along with Glading, Clemens Dutt, George Allison, Philip Spratt and Benjamin Francis Bradley were all supporters of the movement, and the latter became an organiser in Bombay and was convicted for his role in the Meerut conspiracy case.[35]
5. For example, Jim Crossley had made a similar expedition for the party to the Near East in 1924.[37]
6. There would have been much for him to see. The Indian police, for example, was "more violent than their British counterparts, and the workers were clearly more oppressed than those at home. Indeed, the conditions in India often resembled those in Britain during the mid-nineteenth century". These experiences, suggests Hemming, may have been formative moments in Glading's political radicalisation.[3]
7. Subsequent events, suggest Kevin Quinlan, justified MI5's fears, when a thousand sailors mutinied against the British Atlantic Fleet in 1931, and sabotage occurred at Portsmouth Dockyard.[27]
8. Gray had been recruited by Maxwell Knight in 1931 and had been instructed to join the CPGB; Knight saw Gray as a "long-term investment" who should be "in no hurry to obtain results".[4]
9. John Haithcox suggests that this is probable, as there had been multiple occasions on which the Indian Communist Partyacted in a similar fashion to the broader Indian left. The Congress Socialist Party (a caucus of the Indian Congress party) was treated, he says, with "unreserved hostility,"[51] and other—to the CPI, petite bourgeoisie—socialist groups were consistently "loathed" by them.[51]
10. Woolwich Arsenal still played a significant role in the country's military research and development, although, now, post World War One, the world was fully aware of the sheer amount of ordnance that total war actually required; Woolwich was increasingly seen as having too small a productive capacity to give it the significance it had once had.[53] Where it had employed a "remarkable" 73,000 people in 1917, by 1940 that figure had fallen by over half, and even at the beginning of the war, it has been suggested, "the government came to recognise that it could not rely as it had previously upon Royal Ordinance factories to meet the nation's military needs".[54] For men like Glading, however, regardless of its position in the national infrastructure, on a personal level, "jobs at Woolwich offered stable hours and good wages, and were highly desirable in interwar Britain".[55]
11. Through his sacking, Glading had inadvertently uncovered circumstantial evidence of the government's secret policy to bar communists from the civil service. Although at the time, Baldwin publicly denied this was ever policy, there were to be a number of subsequent dismissals from the civil service for the same cause.[56] Henry (Harry) Pollitt himself had been refused a job there in 1926 because of his high-profile position within the CPGB, and by February the following year, the government tightened its "pre-hire screening" to prohibit the employment of "undesirable" persons.[55] Those, like Glading, so screened "were permanently blacklisted from government work". Conversely, where an individual was suspected of CPGB membership, but such could not be proven, generally no action was taken. A case in point is that of Arthur Hunt, who also worked at the Arsenal, and between 1931 and 1940 was suspected of passing information to the Soviets. In 1939 he was arrested for disturbing the peace at a workers' demonstration, but, overall this time, since "MI5 never proved Hunt to be an 'active communist', he was not fired".[58]
12. Its employees were involved in the attempted bribery of Shell Mex House staff to attain Industrial secrets from them. ROP was also involved in money laundering for the Soviet spy network in Britain, and MI5 feared it had planned all-out sabotage in the event of war between the two countries ever breaking out. Of the company's staff in Britain, approximately a third were members of the CPGB.[59]
13. Two FBI double agents who attended the School—Jack and Morris Childs—around the same time provided detail as to how the School worked. John Barron has described it as having two distinct courses available, one of three years (devoted mainly to ideological indoctrination and education), and the one year course, where operatives were trained in the specialist tradecraft necessary for their future clandestine operations.[62] It has been questioned, though, how much use the School may have actually been to Glading in his later Intelligence career. Cohen and Morgan have noted that by the time Glading was arrested, "several years had passed" since his attendance there, and "it is not at all clear" that the School provided the foundations of his work. They question whether he learned much more than "rudimentary" tradecraft, and suggest Glading was probably there for ideological indoctrination rather than practical training.[63]
14. According to Joseph Goulden's A Dictionary of Espionage, a cut-out's role is to act as "the go-between, or link, between separate components of an organisation" who thus "makes it unnecessary for the clandestine agent to know the exact identity of persons superior to him in the organisation".[65] Also one who links a section chief with a source of supply.[66]
15. Subsequent events, suggest Kevin Quinlan, justified MI5's fears, when a thousand sailors mutinied against the British Atlantic Fleet in 1931, and sabotage occurred at Portsmouth Dockyard.[27] On the other hand, says Jennifer Luff, although communists were indeed automatically suspect, "charges of sabotage were never substantiated" against them.[68]
16. This news, says Quinlan, must have been received "with more than idle curiosity" by MI5.[76]
17. At 360 millimetres (14 in), this gun, says Burke, "was a significant alteration to existing treaties limiting the size of naval guns"; the Washington Naval Treaty of 1922, between the victors of the World War, had limited their size to 13 inches (330 mm), which was confirmed by a subsequent treaty.[83]
18. Workplace-based cells were a common strategy of the CPGB during this period; a comrade of Glading's, railwayman Harry Wicks, ran a similar cell within Victoria station and produced a rank and file newspaper called the Victoria Signal.[85]
19. Moody was a fellow traveller with Glading in the CPGB, but his overall significance in the party—and thus the importance of his meetings with Glading—are hard to fathom, since many of MI5's files on him were destroyed when a wartime bomb hit their archive in Wormwood Scrubs. He is known, though, to have worked for Richmond Council until, like Glading, he was sacked for being a communist. He was later reinstated, and, still a communist, was a rubbish truck driver and TUC candidate. MI6, meanwhile, considered him responsible for travelling around England at night to garrisons such as Aldershot, and throwing seditious literature over the barrack walls.[86] This was probably the antimilitary paper The Soldier's Voice, bundles of which are known to have been litter regularly picked by soldiers with bayonets the morning after delivery.[87]
20. Klugmann eventually reached the rank of Major in British Intelligence, "even though his MI5 file shows that he was kept under surveillance from his time at Trinity College Cambridge".[93]
21. Williams was, according to his MI5 file, also Secretary of his local CPGB branch and a "violent and explosive personality".[96]
22. Although Glading was clearly aware of the security risks that building concierges could mean for his work—when later organising his own safe house, he was emphatic that the building should not have one—as was later revealed at his trial, Forset Court almost certainly had one of its own: and this concierge was indeed a member of the secret service,[100] as a New York Times' report of 12 February 1938 makes clear.
23. This was a wise precaution for Glading to take: Willy Brandes managed to escape without capture after his porter at Forset Court told him that MI5 had visited and asked him to identify his tenant.[103]
24. The house had a colourful past. On 4 August 1929, at around 2:00 AM, Lord Farmborough, possibly depressed, had thrown himself from the second floor window; he died in hospital that day.[43][107]
25. Not all their equipment was homemade; it was later discovered that at least one, a Leica model camera, was purchased for them by Edith Tudor-Hart, the popular photographer.[113] Tudor-Hart, a talent-spotter for Soviet intelligence,[94] had introduced Kim Philby to her handler, Arnold Deutsch in 1934. However, Nigel West says "this clue was never pursued".[114]
26. This was a very salubrious, new development, according to Davenport-Hines, with "Crittall windows, front and back gardens, instalment plan furniture, a neat porch", built after the extension of the Piccadilly line westwards from Hammersmith in 1932.[1]
27. Maly was to be executed either the same year or the following during the Great Purge.[118]
28. Absences for senior handlers such as occurred to Glading was endemic in Soviet intelligence operations throughout Europe between 1937 and early 1939. This, a direct result of Stalin's Great Purge of the Communist Party and associated political and security apparatus, saw many experienced controllers recalled to Moscow and often executed.[119]
29. Burke suggests that by now, "Glading was becoming a liability. He had by-passed the Russians and had embarked on a one-man spying odyssey" when all the while Moscow may have actually been trying to reduce its activity in London (as the recall and non-replacement of Maly and the Stevens suggests). Glading, suggests Burke, "had unilaterally decided to increase the flow of information. By now he considered himself an indispensable wheel in the Soviet intelligence machinery, not merely a cog".[82]
30. Melita Sirnis, later Norwood, managed a safe-house in Finchley where Glading stored equipment.[102] She has been described as "the most important spy ever recruited by the KGB."[132] Her career was to span over forty years; when war broke out in 1939, she was, by her Moscow controllers, "more highly valued than Kim Philby".[133]
31. Gray developed a fondness for Glading, whom she described as "a very nice man with a little daughter" who was a "stimulating conversationalist".[45]
32. The Daily Worker glanced over the depth or breadth Glading's activities within the CPGB, saying only that he "had associations" with them.[138]
33. Collard had previously acted as attorney for Russian Oil Products Ltd. in 1932.[142]
34. Somervell was Attorney General, a position he held for nine years.[145]
35. These individuals were "Attila," "Naslednik," "Otets," "Ber," "Saul," "Chauffeur," "Nelly," and "Margaret". The latter were recruited as late as 1937.[155]
36. Quinlan says one of them, Teodor Maly, could have revealed the Cambridge Spy Ring which had recently been recruited and then "would soon be entering Whitehall".[76]
37. Blunt even told Moscow the names of the MI5 watchers who had brought down Glading's cell: "Hutchie and Long, who did the main work in the Miss-X–Glading case".[156]

References

1. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 157.
2. Dutt 1970, p. 206.
3. Hemming 2017.
4. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 230.
5. Mahon 1976, p. 121.
6. McIlroy & Campbell 2005, p. 204.
7. Mahon 1976, p. 122.
8. McIlroy et al. 2003, p. 106.
9. Moores 2017, p. 55 n.182.
10. Quinlan 2014, p. 95.
11. Worley 2002, p. 269.
12. Worley 2002, p. 98.
13. Thorpe 2000, p. 131.
14. Worley 2000, p. 362.
15. Thorpe 2000, p. 122.
16. Worley 2002, p. 103+113 n.69; Branson 1985, p. 32.
17. Wicks 1992, p. 93.
18. Worley 2002, p. 140.
19. Brown 2009, p. 176.
20. Marxists.org 2003.
21. McIlroy 2014, p. 607.
22. Quinlan 2014, p. 86.
23. McKnight 2002, p. 87.
24. Worley 2002, p. 251.
25. Thurlow 2004, p. 614.
26. West & Tsarev 1999, p. 125.
27. Quinlan 2014, p. 87.
28. Thurlow 2007, p. 616.
29. Andrew 2012, pp. 152–153.
30. Fischer 1969, p. 687.
31. Fischer 1969, p. 688.
32. Andrew 2012, p. 155.
33. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 228.
34. Duff 1999, p. 135.
35. Riepe 1970, p. 68.
36. Callaghan 2008.
37. Mahon 1976, p. 138.
38. Windmiller 1959, p. 74.
39. Ranadive 1984, p. 4.
40. Robinson 2011, p. 50.
41. Windmiller 1959, p. 74; Windmiller 1959, p. 76.
42. West 2005, p. 35.
43. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 162.
44. Thurlow 2004, p. 615.
45. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 231.
46. Glading 1929, p. 434.
47. Quinlan 2014, p. 221.
48. Windmiller 1959, p. 75.
49. Windmiller 1959, pp. 75–76.
50. Saiyid 1995, p. 88.
51. Haithcox 1969, p. 34.
52. McIlroy 2016, p. 350.
53. Davenport-Hines 2018, pp. 157–158.
54. Marriott 2008, p. 28.
55. Luff 2017, p. 747.
56. Luff 2018, p. 26.
57. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 158.
58. Luff 2017, p. 750 +n.94.
59. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 159.
60. Grace's Guide 2016.
61. McBeth 2013, p. 44.
62. Barron 1996, pp. 21–26.
63. Cohen & Morgan 2002, p. 333.
64. Sakmyster 2011, p. 37.
65. Goulden 2012, p. 52.
66. Trahair 2004, p. 402.
67. Thurlow 2004, pp. 616–617.
68. Luff 2017, p. 750.
69. Robinson 2011, p. 57.
70. Volodarsky 2015, p. 97.
71. West 2005, p. 21.
72. West 2005, p. 200.
73. West 2005, p. 26.
74. McIlroy & Campbell 2005, p. 205.
75. Andrew 2012.
76. Quinlan 2014, p. 88.
77. Volodarsky 2015, p. 493.
78. McLoughlin 1997, p. 296.
79. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 240.
80. Curry 1999, p. 108.
81. Volodarsky 2015, pp. 84–85.
82. Burke 2008, p. 92.
83. Burke 2008, p. 99.
84. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 165.
85. McIlroy 2004.
86. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 160.
87. Rose & Scott 2010, pp. 153–154.
88. Richelson 1997, p. 135 n..
89. Katamidze 2007, p. 74.
90. Kaufman & Macpherson 2005, p. 199.
91. Volkman 1995, p. 219.
92. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 257.
93. Callaghan & Phythian 2004, p. 26.
94. Thurlow 2004, p. 616.
95. Burke 2008, p. 93.
96. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, pp. 236–237.
97. Duff 1999, p. 137.
98. Volodarsky 2015, p. 81.
99. Volodarsky 2015, pp. 124–125.
100. Duff 1999, p. 215, n.14.
101. Volodarsky 2015, p. 125.
102. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 163.
103. West 2014, p. 83.
104. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 233.
105. Volodarsky 2015, pp. 93–94.
106. Berkeley 1994, p. 122.
107. Cokayne 1949, p. 179 +n.c.
108. Duff 1999, pp. 137–138.
109. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 232.
110. Robinson 2011, p. 58.
111. West & Tsarev 1999, p. 124.
112. Duff 1999, p. 138.
113. Brinson & Dove 2004, pp. 83–84.
114. West 2005, p. 202.
115. Berkeley 1994, pp. 121–122.
116. Volodarsky 2015, p. 85.
117. JRobinson 2011, p. 56.
118. Macintyre 2014, p. 47.
119. Thurlow 2004, pp. 612–613.
120. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 236.
121. West & Tsarev 1999, pp. 126, 281.
122. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 235.
123. Robinson 2011, p. 62.
124. Duff 1999, p. 140.
125. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 234.
126. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 237.
127. Robinson 2011, pp. 56–57.
128. West 2005, p. 39.
129. Duff 1999, p. 141.
130. Burke 2008, p. 94.
131. Burke 2008, p. 96.
132. Lashmar 1999.
133. BBC UK news 1999.
134. West 2014, p. 441.
135. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, pp. 237–238.
136. West & Tsarev 1999, p. 126.
137. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 239.
138. McIlroy & Campbell 2005, p. 204 n.13.
139. Hemming 2014, p. 208.
140. Pincher 2011.
141. West 2005, p. 25.
142. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 167.
143. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 168.
144. Thurlow 2007, p. 618.
145. Brodie 2004.
146. Davenport-Hines 2018, pp. 160–161.
147. Pattinson 2016, p. 75.
148. Davenport-Hines 2018, p. 170.
149. Thurlow 2007, p. 617.
150. Thurlow 2005, p. 37.
151. Thurlow 2004, p. 617.
152. Thurlow 2004, p. 623.
153. West 2007, p. 238.
154. Thurlow 1994, p. 153.
155. Haslam 2015, p. 77.
156. West & Tsarev 1999, p. 149.
157. Northcott 2007, pp. 453–479.
158. Thurlow 2007, pp. 147–171.
159. Thurlow 2004, p. 611.
160. Hennessey & Thomas 2009, p. 238.
161. Liddell 2005, p. 35.
162. Callaghan & Phythian 2004, p. 28.
163. West 2014, p. 239.
164. Mahon 1976, p. 291.
165. Cox & Budge 2016.
166. Stevenson 2018.
167. Callaghan & Morgan 2006, p. 556.
168. Callaghan & Phythian 2004, p. 27.

Bibliography

• Andrew, C. (2012). The Defence of the Realm: The Authorized History of MI5. London: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-7181-9744-5.
• Barron, J. (1996). Operation Solo: The FBI's Man in the Kremlin. Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, Inc. ISBN 978-0-89526-429-9.
• BBC UK news (20 September 1999). "Grandmother: I was right to spy". BBC News. OCLC 33057671. Archived from the original on 5 May 2018. Retrieved 5 May 2018.
• Berkeley, R. (1994). A Spy's London. Barnsley: Pen and Sword. ISBN 978-1-4738-1160-7.
• Branson, N. (1985). History of the Communist Party of Great Britain. II: 19271941. London: Lawrence & Wishart. ISBN 9780853156116.
• Brinson, C.; Dove, R. (2004). A Matter of Intelligence: MI5 and the surveillance of anti-Nazi refugees, 1933-50. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-1-5261-1046-6.
• Brodie, M. (2004). "Somervell, Donald Bradley, Baron Somervell of Harrow (1889–1960)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 28 April 2018. Retrieved 28 April 2018.
• Brown, A. (2009). "The Viennese Connection: Engelbert Broda, Alan Nunn May and Atomic Espionage". Intelligence and National Security. 24 (2): 173–193. doi:10.1080/02684520902819594. OCLC 857525697.
• Burke, D. (2008). The Spy who Came in from the Co-op: Melita Norwood and the Ending of Cold War Espionage. Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer Ltd. ISBN 978-1-84383-422-9.
• Callaghan, J. (2008). "The Heart of Darkness: Rajani Palme Dutt and the British Empire ‐ a Profile". Contemporary Record. 5(2): 257–275. doi:10.1080/13619469108581174. OCLC 940359906.
• Callaghan, J.; Morgan, K. (2006). "The Open Conspiracy of the Communist Party and the Case of W. N. Ewer, Communist and Anti-Communist". The Historical Journal. 49 (2): 549–564. doi:10.1017/S0018246X06005322. OCLC 225643552.
• Callaghan, J.; Phythian, M. (2004). "State Surveillance of the CPGB Leadership: 1920s-1950s". Labour History Review. 69: 19–33. doi:10.3828/lhr.69.1.19. OCLC 1033788328.
• Cohen, G.; Morgan, K. (2002). "Stalin's Sausage Machine. British Students at the International Lenin School, 1926–37". Twentieth Century British History. 13 (4): 327–355. doi:10.1093/tcbh/13.4.327. OCLC 224282288.
• Cokayne, G. E. (1949). Gibbs, V. E.; Doubleday, H.A. (eds.). The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britain and the United Kingdom, Extant, Extinct or Dormant. Rickerton—Sisonby. XI (2nd ed.). London: The St Catherine's Press. OCLC 760846.
• Cox & Budge (2016). "The Golden Bough, A Study in Magic and Religion". Cox & Budge. Archived from the original on 5 May 2018. Retrieved 5 May 2018.
• Curry, J. C. (1999). The Security Service 1908-1945: The Official History. London: Public Record Office. ISBN 978-1-873162-79-8.
• Davenport-Hines, R. (2018). Enemies Within: Communists, the Cambridge Spies and the Making of Modern Britain. London: HarperCollins Publishers. ISBN 978-0-00-751668-1.
• Duff, W. E. (1999). A Time for Spies: Theodore Stephanovich Mally and the Era of the Great Illegals. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press. ISBN 978-0-82651-352-6.
• Dutt, R. P. (1970). "Obituary: Percy Glading". Labour Monthly. 52: 203. OCLC 976647511.
• Fischer, L. (1969). The Soviets in World Affairs: A History of Relations Between the Soviet Union and the Rest of the World, 1917-1929. Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms Ltd. OCLC 22575593.
• Glading, P. (1929). "The Growth of the Indian Strike Movement, 1921-1929". Labour Monthly. 12: 429–434. OCLC 976647511.
• Goulden, J. (2012). The Dictionary of Espionage: Spyspeak into English. New York: Dover Publications. ISBN 978-0-486-29630-2.
• Grace's Guide (2016). "Russian Oil Products". Grace's Guide. Archived from the original on 29 April 2018. Retrieved 29 April 2018.
• Haithcox, J. P. (1969). "Left Wing Unity and the Indian Nationalist Movement: M. N. Roy and the Congress Socialist Party". Modern Asian Studies. 3: 17–56. doi:10.1017/S0026749X00002043. OCLC 1030869425.
• Haslam, J. (2015). Near and Distant Neighbours: A New History of Soviet Intelligence. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-870849-0.
• Hemming, H. (2014). Churchill's Iceman: The True Story of Geoffrey Pyke - Genius, Fugitive, Spy. London: Random House. ISBN 978-0-09-959413-0.
• Hemming, H. (2017). M: Maxwell Knight, MI5's Greatest Spymaster. London: Random House. ISBN 9781784752040.
• Hennessey, T.; Thomas, C. (2009). Spooks the Unofficial History of MI5 From M to Miss X 1909-39. Stroud: Amberley Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-4456-0799-3.
• Katamidze, V. I. (2007). Loyal Comrades, Ruthless Killers: The Secret Services of the USSR, 1917-1991. New York, NY: Barnes & Noble. ISBN 978-0-76078-706-9.
• Kaufman, W.; Macpherson, H. S. (2005). Britain and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History. Santa barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-85109-431-8.
• Lashmar, P. (11 September 1999). "Spy Scandal: The double life of a quiet old lady". The Independent. OCLC 818998463. Archived from the original on 5 May 2018. Retrieved 5 May 2018.
• Liddell, G. (2005). West, N. (ed.). The Guy Liddell Diaries, Volume I: 1939-1942: MI5's Director of Counter-Espionage in World War II. I. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-26344-8.
• Luff, J. (2017). "Covert and Overt Operations: Interwar Political Policing in the United States and the United Kingdom"(PDF). The American Historical Review. 122 (3): 727–757. doi:10.1093/ahr/122.3.727. OCLC 1033742918.
• Luff, J. (2018). "Labor anticommunism in the United States of America and the United Kingdom, 1920-49" (PDF). Journal of Contemporary History. 53: 109–133. doi:10.1177/0022009416658701. OCLC 709977800.
• Macintyre, B. (2014). A Spy Among Friends: Kim Philby and the Great Betrayal. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1-40885-172-2.
• Mahon, J. (1976). Harry Pollitt: A Biography. London: Lawrence and Wishart. ISBN 978-0-85315-327-6.
• Marriott, J. (2008). "Smokestack: The Industrial History of the Thames Gateway". In Rustin, M. J.; Cohen, P. (eds.). London's Turning: Thames Gateway-Prospects and Legacy. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. pp. 17–30. ISBN 978-0-7546-7063-6.
• Marxists.org (2003). "Some notes about Percy Glading". Marxists.org. Archived from the original on 9 May 2018. Retrieved 9 May 2018.
• McBeth, B. S. (2013). British Oil Policy 1919-1939. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-13517-122-3.
• McIlroy, J. (2004). "Wicks, Harry (1905–1989)". www.oxforddnb.com. Archived from the original on 12 May 2018. Retrieved 12 May 2018.
• McIlroy, J. (2014). "Restoring Stalinism to Communist History". Critique. 41 (4): 599–622. doi:10.1080/03017605.2013.876816. OCLC 830942213.
• McIlroy, J. (2016). "The Revival and Decline of Rank and File Movements in Britain During the 1930s". Labor History. 57(3): 347–373. doi:10.1080/0023656X.2016.1184044. OCLC 818916623.
• McIlroy, J.; Campbell, A. (2005). "Some Problems of Communist History". American Communist History. 4 (2): 199–214. doi:10.1080/14743890500389777. OCLC 52450491.
• McIlroy, J.; Campbell, A.; McLoughlin, B.; Halstead, J. (2003). "Forging the Faithful: The British at the International Lenin School". Labour History Review. 68: 99–128. doi:10.3828/lhr.68.1.99. OCLC 1033788328.
• McKnight, D. (2002). Espionage and the Roots of the Cold War: The Conspiratorial Heritage. Oxford: Frank Cass. ISBN 978-0-7146-5163-7.
• McLoughlin, B. (1997). "Proletarian cadres en route: AustrianNKVD agents in Britain 1941-43". Labour History Review. 62 (3): 296–317. doi:10.3828/lhr.62.3.296. OCLC 1033788328.
• Moores, C. (2017). Civil Liberties and Human Rights in Twentieth-Century Britain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-08861-0.
• Northcott, C. (2007). "The role, organization, and methods of MI5". International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence. 20 (3): 453–479. doi:10.1080/08850600701249758. OCLC 300875215.
• Pattinson, J. (2016). "The Twilight War: Gender and Espionage, Britain 1900–1950". In Pedersen, J.; Sharoni, S.; Welland, J.; Steiner, L. (eds.). Handbook on Gender and War. International Handbooks on Gender. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing. pp. 66–85. ISBN 978-1-84980-8-927.
• Pincher, C. (2011). Treachery: Betrayals, Blunders and Cover-Ups: Six Decades of Espionage. Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing. ISBN 9781780575407.
• Quinlan, K. (2014). The Secret War Between the Wars: MI5 in the 1920s and 1930s. Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer Ltd. ISBN 978-1-84383-938-5.
• Ranadive, B. T. (1984). "The Role Played by Communists in the Freedom Struggle of India". Social Scientist. 12 (9): 3–32. doi:10.2307/3516828. JSTOR 3516828. OCLC 759829482.
• Richelson, J. T. (1997). A Century of Spies: Intelligence in the Twentieth Century. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-976173-9.
• Riepe, D. (1970). "Marxism in India". Social Theory and Practice. I: 67–81. doi:10.5840/soctheorpract1970115. OCLC 67102219.
• Robinson, C. B. (2011). Caught Red Starred: The Woolwich Spy Ring and Stalin's Naval Rearmament on the Eve of War. USA: Xlibris Corporation. ISBN 978-1-4653-4042-9.
• Rose, R. S.; Scott, G. D. (2010). Johnny: A Spy's Life. University Park, PA.: Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 978-0-2710-3570-3.
• Saiyid, D. (1995). Exporting Communism to India: Why Moscow Failed. Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research. ISBN 978-969-415-039-0.
• Sakmyster, T. L. (2011). Red Conspirator: J. Peters and the American Communist Underground. Chicago: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-2520-3598-2.
• Stevenson, G. (2018). "Glading, Percy". Graham Stevenson: Books, pamphlets, articles and speeches. Archived from the original on 5 May 2018. Retrieved 5 May 2018.
• Thorpe, A. (2000). The British Communist Party and Moscow, 1920-43. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-5312-2.
• Thurlow, R. C. (1994). The Secret State: British Internal Security in the Twentieth Century. Oxford: Wiley. ISBN 978-0-631-16066-3.
• Thurlow, R. (2004). "Soviet Spies and British Counter-Intelligence in the 1930s: Espionage in the Woolwich Arsenal and the Foreign Office Communications Department". Intelligence & National Security. 19 (4): 610–631. doi:10.1080/0268452042000327519. OCLC 300875161.
• Thurlow, R. (2005). "The Security Service, the Communist Party of Great Britain and British Fascism, 1932–51". In Copsey, N.; Renton, D. (eds.). British Fascism, the Labour Movement and the State. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 27–45. ISBN 978-0-230-52276-3.
• Thurlow, R. C. (2007). "The Historiography and Source Materials in the Study of Internal Security in Modern Britain (1885–1956)". History Compass. 6: 147–171. doi:10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00499.x. OCLC 969755439.
• Trahair, R. C. S. (2004). Encyclopedia of Cold War Espionage, Spies, and Secret Operations. Westport, CT: Greenwood. ISBN 978-0-313-31955-6.
• Volkman, E. (1995). Espionage: The Greatest Spy Operations of the Twentieth Century. Oxford: Wiley. ISBN 978-0-47101-492-8.
• Volodarsky, B. (2015). Stalin's Agent: The Life and Death of Alexander Orlov. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-965658-5.
• West, N. (2005). Mask: MI5's Penetration of the Communist Party of Great Britain. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-26576-3.
• West, N. (2007). Historical Dictionary of World War II Intelligence. Historical Dictionaries of Intelligence and Counterintelligence. VII. Plymouth: Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-0-8108-6421-4.
• West, N. (2014). Historical Dictionary of British Intelligence (2nd ed.). Plymouth: Rowman and Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-8108-7897-6.
• West, N.; Tsarev, O. (1999). The Crown Jewels: The British Secrets at the Heart of the KGB Archives. London: Harper Collins. ISBN 978-0-300-07806-0.
• Wicks, H. (1992). Keeping My Head: The Memoirs of a British Bolshevik. London: Socialist Platform Ltd. ISBN 978-0-9508423-8-7.
• Windmiller, M. (1959). Communism in India. Berkeley: University of California Press. OCLC 973230775.
• Worley, M. (2000). "Left Turn: A Reassessment of the Communist Party of Great Britain in the Third Period, 1928–33". Twentieth Century British History. 11 (4): 353–378. doi:10.1093/tcbh/11.4.353. OCLC 224282288.
• Worley, M. (2002). Class Against Class: The Communist Party in Britain Between the Wars. London: I.B.Tauris. ISBN 978-1-86064-747-5.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Mon Mar 23, 2020 4:21 am

Kim Philby
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Image
Kim Philby
Born: Harold Adrian Russell Philby, 1 January 1912, Ambala, Punjab, British India
Died: 11 May 1988 (aged 76), Moscow, Russian SFSR, Soviet Union
Burial place: Kuntsevo Cemetery, Ryabinovaya Ulitsa, Moscow
Nationality: British
Alma mater: Trinity College, Cambridge
Spouse(s): Litzi Friedmann; Aileen Furse; Eleanor Brewer; Rufina Ivanovna Pukhova
Parent(s): St John Philby; Dora Philby
Espionage activity
Allegiance: Soviet Union
Codename: Sonny, Stanley

Harold Adrian Russell "Kim" Philby (1 January 1912 – 11 May 1988)[1] was a British intelligence officer and a double agent for the Soviet Union. In 1963, he was revealed to be a member of the Cambridge Five, a spy ring which passed information to the Soviet Union during World War II and in the early stages of the Cold War. Of the five, Philby is believed to have been most successful in providing secret information to the Soviets.[2]

Born in British India, Philby was educated at Westminster School and Trinity College, Cambridge. He was recruited by Soviet intelligence in 1934. After leaving Cambridge, Philby worked as a journalist and covered the Spanish Civil War and the Battle of France. In 1940, he began working for MI6. By the end of the Second World War he had become a high-ranking member of the British intelligence service. In 1949, Philby was appointed first secretary to the British Embassy in Washington and served as chief British liaison with American intelligence agencies. During his career as an intelligence officer, he passed large amounts of intelligence to the Soviet Union, including an Anglo-American plot to subvert the communist regime of Albania. He was also responsible for tipping off two other spies under suspicion of espionage, Donald Maclean and Guy Burgess, both of whom subsequently fled to Moscow in May 1951.

The defections of Maclean and Burgess cast suspicion over Philby, resulting in his resignation from MI6 in July 1951. He was publicly exonerated in 1955, after which he resumed his career in journalism in Beirut. In January 1963, having finally been unmasked as a Soviet agent, Philby defected to Moscow, where he lived out his life until his death in 1988.


Early life

Born in Ambala, Punjab, British India, Philby was the son of Dora Johnston and St John Philby, an author, Arabist and explorer.[3] St John was a member of the Indian Civil Service (ICS) and later a civil servant in Mesopotamia and advisor to King Ibn Sa'ud of Saudi Arabia.[4]

Nicknamed "Kim" after the boy-spy in Rudyard Kipling's novel Kim,[3] Philby attended Aldro preparatory school, an all boys school located in Shackleford near Godalming in Surrey, United Kingdom. In his early teens, he spent some time with the Bedouin in the desert of Saudi Arabia.[5] Following in the footsteps of his father, Philby continued to Westminster School, which he left in 1928 at the age of 16. He won a scholarship to Trinity College, Cambridge, where he studied history and economics. He graduated in 1933 with a 2:1 degree in Economics.[6]

Upon Philby's graduation, Maurice Dobb, a fellow of King's College, Cambridge and tutor in Economics, introduced him to the World Federation for the Relief of the Victims of German Fascism in Paris. The World Federation for the Relief of the Victims of German Fascism was an organization that attempted to aid the people victimized by fascism in Germany and provide education on oppositions to fascism. The organization was one of several fronts operated by German Communist Willi Münzenberg, a member of the Reichstag who had fled to France in 1933.[7]

Early professional career

Vienna


In Vienna, working to aid refugees from Nazi Germany, Philby met and fell in love with Litzi Friedmann (born Alice Kohlmann), a young Austrian Communist of Hungarian Jewish origins. Philby admired the strength of her political convictions and later recalled that at their first meeting:

[a] frank and direct person, Litzi came out and asked me how much money I had. I replied £100, which I hoped would last me about a year in Vienna. She made some calculations and announced, "That will leave you an excess of £25. You can give that to the International Organisation for Aid for Revolutionaries. We need it desperately." I liked her determination.[8]


He acted as a courier between Vienna and Prague, paying for the train tickets out of his remaining £75 and using his British passport to evade suspicion. He also delivered clothes and money to refugees from the Nazis.[9]

Following the Austrofascist victory in the Austrian Civil War, Friedmann and Philby married in February 1934, enabling her to escape to the United Kingdom with him two months later.[9] It is possible that it was a Viennese-born friend of Friedmann's in London, Edith Tudor Hart – herself, at this time, a Soviet agent – who first approached Philby about the possibility of working for Soviet intelligence.[9]

In early 1934, Arnold Deutsch, a Soviet agent, was sent to University College London under the cover of a research appointment. His intention was to recruit the brightest students from Britain's top universities.[10][11] Philby had come to the Soviets' notice earlier that year in Vienna, where he had been involved in demonstrations against the government of Engelbert Dollfuss. In June 1934, Deutsch recruited him to the Soviet intelligence services.[12] Philby later recalled:

Lizzy came home one evening and told me that she had arranged for me to meet a "man of decisive importance". I questioned her about it but she would give me no details. The rendezvous took place in Regents Park. The man described himself as Otto. I discovered much later from a photograph in MI5 files that the name he went by was Arnold Deutsch. I think that he was of Czech origin; about 5 ft 7in, stout, with blue eyes and light curly hair. Though a convinced Communist, he had a strong humanistic streak. He hated London, adored Paris, and spoke of it with deeply loving affection. He was a man of considerable cultural background."[13]


Philby recommended to Deutsch several of his Cambridge contemporaries, including Donald Maclean, who at the time was working in the Foreign Office,[14] as well as Guy Burgess, despite his personal reservations about Burgess' erratic personality.[15]

London and Spain

In London, Philby began a career as a journalist. He took a job at a monthly magazine, the World Review of Reviews, for which he wrote a large number of articles and letters (sometimes under a variety of pseudonyms) and occasionally served as "acting editor."[16]

Philby continued to live in the United Kingdom with his wife for several years. At this point, however, Philby and Litzi separated. They remained friends for many years following their separation and divorced only in 1946, just following the end of World War II. When the Germans threatened to overrun Paris in 1940, where she was then living at this time, he arranged for her escape to Britain. In 1936 he began working at a trade magazine, the Anglo-Russian Trade Gazette, as editor. The paper was failing and its owner changed the paper's role to covering Anglo-German trade. Philby engaged in a concerted effort to make contact with Germans such as Joachim von Ribbentrop, at that time the German ambassador in London. He became a member of the Anglo-German Fellowship, an organization aiming at rebuilding and supporting a friendly relationship between Germany and the United Kingdom. The Anglo-German Fellowship, at this time, was supported both by the British and German governments, and Philby made many trips to Berlin.[9]

In February 1937, Philby travelled to Seville, Spain, then embroiled in a bloody civil war triggered by the coup d'état of Fascist forces under General Francisco Franco against the democratic government of President Manuel Azaña. Philby worked at first as a freelance journalist; from May 1937, he served as a first-hand correspondent for The Times, reporting from the headquarters of the pro-Franco forces. He also began working for both the Soviet and British intelligence, which usually consisted of posting letters in a crude code to a fictitious girlfriend, Mlle Dupont in Paris, for the Russians. He used a simpler system for MI6 delivering post at Hendaye, France, for the British Embassy in Paris. When visiting Paris after the war, he was shocked to discover that the address that he used for Mlle Dupont was that of the Soviet Embassy. His controller in Paris, the Latvian Ozolin-Haskins (code name Pierre), was shot in Moscow in 1937 during Stalin's purge. His successor, Boris Bazarov, suffered the same fate two years later during the purges.[9]

Both the British and the Soviets were interested in the combat performance of the new Messerschmitt Bf 109s and Panzer I and IIs deployed with Fascist forces in Spain. Philby told the British, after a direct question to Franco, that German troops would never be permitted to cross Spain to attack Gibraltar.[9]

His Soviet controller at the time, Theodore Maly, reported in April 1937 to the NKVD that he had personally briefed Philby on the need "to discover the system of guarding Franco and his entourage".[17] Maly was one of the Soviet Union's most powerful and influential illegal controllers and recruiters. With the goal of potentially arranging Franco's assassination, Philby was instructed to report on vulnerable points in Franco's security and recommend ways to gain access to him and his staff.[18] However, such an act was never a real possibility; upon debriefing Philby in London on 24 May 1937, Maly wrote to the NKVD, "Though devoted and ready to sacrifice himself, [Philby] does not possess the physical courage and other qualities necessary for this [assassination] attempt."[18]

In December 1937, during the Battle of Teruel, a Republican shell hit just in front of the car in which Philby was travelling with the correspondents Edward J. Neil of the Associated Press, Bradish Johnson of Newsweek, and Ernest Sheepshanks[19] of Reuters. Johnson was killed outright, and Neil and Sheepshanks soon died of their injuries. Philby suffered only a minor head wound. As a result of this accident, Philby, who was well-liked by the Nationalist forces whose victories he trumpeted, was awarded the Red Cross of Military Merit by Franco on 2 March 1938. Philby found that the award proved helpful in obtaining access to fascist circles:

"Before then," he later wrote, "there had been a lot of criticism of British journalists from Franco officers who seemed to think that the British in general must be a lot of Communists because so many were fighting with the International Brigades. After I had been wounded and decorated by Franco himself, I became known as 'the English-decorated-by-Franco' and all sorts of doors opened to me."[18]


In 1938, Walter Krivitsky (born Samuel Ginsberg), a former GRU officer in Paris who had defected to France the previous year, travelled to the United States and published an account of his time in "Stalin's secret service". He testified before the Dies Committee (later to become the House Un-American Activities Committee) regarding Soviet espionage within the United States. In 1940 he was interviewed by MI5 officers in London, led by Jane Archer. Krivitsky claimed that two Soviet intelligence agents had penetrated the British Foreign Office and that a third Soviet intelligence agent had worked as a journalist for a British newspaper during the civil war in Spain. No connection with Philby was made at the time, and Krivitsky was found shot in a Washington hotel room the following year.[20][21]

Alexander Orlov (born Lev Feldbin; code-name Swede), Philby's controller in Madrid, who had once met him in Perpignan, France, with the bulge of an automatic rifle clearly showing through his raincoat, also defected. To protect his family, still living in the USSR, he said nothing about Philby, an agreement Stalin respected.[9] On a short trip back from Spain, Philby tried to recruit Flora Solomon as a Soviet agent; she was the daughter of a Russian banker and gold dealer, a relative of the Rothschilds, and wife of a London stockbroker. At the same time, Burgess was trying to get her into MI6. But the resident (Russian term for spymaster) in France, probably Pierre at this time, suggested to Moscow that he suspected Philby's motives. Solomon introduced Philby to his second wife, Aileen Furse, but went to work for the British retailer Marks & Spencer.[9]

MI6 career

World War II


In July 1939, Philby returned to The Times office in London. When Britain declared war on Germany in September 1939, Philby's contact with his Soviet controllers was lost and Philby failed to attend the meetings that were necessary for his work. During the Phoney War from September 1939 until the Dunkirk evacuation, Philby worked as The Times first-hand correspondent with the British Expeditionary Force headquarters.[9] After being evacuated from Boulogne on 21 May, he returned to France in mid-June and began representing The Daily Telegraph in addition to The Times. He briefly reported from Cherbourg and Brest, sailing for Plymouth less than twenty-four hours before the French surrendered to Germany in June 1940.[22]

In 1940, on the recommendation of Burgess, Philby joined MI6's Section D, a secret organisation charged with investigating how enemies might be attacked through non-military means.[23][24] Philby and Burgess ran a training course for would-be saboteurs at Brickendonbury Manor in Hertfordshire.[25] His time at Section D, however, was short-lived; the "tiny, ineffective, and slightly comic" section[26] was soon absorbed by the Special Operations Executive (SOE) in the summer of 1940. Burgess was arrested in September for drunken driving and was subsequently fired,[27] while Philby was appointed as an instructor on clandestine propaganda at the SOE's finishing school for agents at the Estate of Lord Montagu[28] in Beaulieu, Hampshire.[29]

Philby's role as an instructor of sabotage agents again brought him to the attention of the Soviet Joint State Political Directorate (OGPU). This role allowed him to conduct sabotage and instruct agents on how to properly conduct sabotage. The new London rezident, Ivan Chichayev (code-name Vadim), re-established contact and asked for a list of names of British agents being trained to enter the USSR. Philby replied that none had been sent and that none were undergoing training at that time. This statement was underlined twice in red and marked with two question marks, clearly indicating their confusion and questioning of this, by disbelieving staff at Moscow Central in the Lubyanka, according to Genrikh Borovik, who saw the telegrams much later in the KGB archives.[9]

Philby provided Stalin with advance warning of Operation Barbarossa and of the Japanese intention to strike into southeast Asia instead of attacking the USSR as Hitler had urged. The first was ignored as a provocation, but the second, when this was confirmed by the Russo-German journalist and spy in Tokyo, Richard Sorge, contributed to Stalin's decision to begin transporting troops from the Far East in time for the counteroffensive around Moscow.[9]

By September 1941, Philby began working for Section Five of MI6, a section responsible for offensive counter-intelligence. On the strength of his knowledge and experience of Franco's Spain, Philby was put in charge of the subsection which dealt with Spain and Portugal. This entailed responsibility for a network of undercover operatives in several cities such as Madrid, Lisbon, Gibraltar and Tangier.[30] At this time, the German Abwehr was active in Spain, particularly around the British naval base of Gibraltar, which its agents hoped to watch with many cameras and radars to track Allied supply ships in the Western Mediterranean. Thanks to British counter-intelligence efforts, of which Philby's Iberian subsection formed a significant part, the project (code-named Bodden) never came to fruition.[31]

During 1942–43, Philby's responsibilities were then expanded to include North Africa and Italy, and he was made the deputy head of Section Five under Major Felix Cowgill, an army officer seconded to SIS.[32] In early 1944, as it became clear that the Soviet Union was likely to once more prove a significant adversary to Britain, SIS re-activated Section Nine, which dealt with anti-communist efforts. In late 1944 Philby, on instructions from his Soviet handler, maneuvered through the system successfully to replace Cowgill as head of Section Nine.[33][34] Charles Arnold-Baker, an officer of German birth (born Wolfgang von Blumenthal) working for Richard Gatty in Belgium and later transferred to the Norwegian/Swedish border, voiced many suspicions of Philby and Philby's intentions but was ignored time and time again.[citation needed]

While working in Section Five, Philby had become acquainted with James Jesus Angleton, a young American counter-intelligence officer working in liaison with SIS in London. Angleton, later chief of the Central Intelligence Agency's (CIA) Counterintelligence Staff, became suspicious of Philby when he failed to pass on information relating to a British agent executed by the Gestapo in Germany. It later emerged that the agent – known as Schmidt – had also worked as an informant for the Rote Kapelle organisation, which sent information to both London and Moscow.[35] Nevertheless, Angleton's suspicions went unheard.

In late summer 1943, the SIS provided the GRU an official report on the activities of German agents in Bulgaria and Romania, soon to be invaded by the Soviet Union. The NKVD complained to Cecil Barclay, the SIS representative in Moscow, that information had been withheld. Barclay reported the complaint to London. Philby claimed to have overheard discussion of this by chance and sent a report to his controller. This turned out to be identical with Barclay's dispatch, convincing the NKVD that Philby had seen the full Barclay report. A similar lapse occurred with a report from the Imperial Japanese Embassy in Moscow sent to Tokyo. The NKVD received the same report from Richard Sorge but with an extra paragraph claiming that Hitler might seek a separate peace with the Soviet Union. These lapses by Philby aroused intense suspicion in Moscow.

Elena Modrzhinskaya at GUGB headquarters in Moscow assessed all material from the Cambridge Five. She noted that they produced an extraordinary wealth of information on German war plans but next to nothing on the repeated question of British penetration of Soviet intelligence in either London or Moscow. Philby had repeated his claim that there were no such agents. She asked, "Could the SIS really be such fools they failed to notice suitcase-loads of papers leaving the office? Could they have overlooked Philby's Communist wife?" Modrzhinskaya concluded that all were double agents, working essentially for the British.[9]

A more serious incident occurred in August 1945, when Konstantin Volkov, an NKVD agent and vice-consul in Istanbul, requested political asylum in Britain for himself and his wife. For a large sum of money, Volkov offered the names of three Soviet agents inside Britain, two of whom worked in the Foreign Office and a third who worked in counter-espionage in London. Philby was given the task of dealing with Volkov by British intelligence. He warned the Soviets of the attempted defection and travelled personally to Istanbul – ostensibly to handle the matter on behalf of SIS but, in reality, to ensure that Volkov had been neutralised. By the time he arrived in Turkey, three weeks later, Volkov had been removed to Moscow.

The intervention of Philby in the affair and the subsequent capture of Volkov by the Soviets might have seriously compromised Philby's position. However, Volkov's defection had been discussed with the British Embassy in Ankara on telephones which turned out to have been tapped by Soviet intelligence. Additionally, Volkov had insisted that all written communications about him take place by bag rather than by telegraph, causing a delay in reaction that might plausibly have given the Soviets time to uncover his plans. Philby was thus able to evade blame and detection.[36]

A month later Igor Gouzenko, a cipher clerk in Ottawa, took political asylum in Canada and gave the Royal Canadian Mounted Police names of agents operating within the British Empire that were known to him. When Jane Archer (who had interviewed Krivitsky) was appointed to Philby's section he moved her off investigatory work in case she became aware of his past. He later wrote "she had got a tantalising scrap of information about a young English journalist whom the Soviet intelligence had sent to Spain during the Civil War. And here she was plunked down in my midst!"[21]

Philby, "employed in a Department of the Foreign Office", was awarded the Order of the British Empire in 1946.[37]

Istanbul

In February 1947, Philby was appointed head of British intelligence for Turkey, and posted to Istanbul with his second wife, Aileen, and their family. His public position was that of First Secretary at the British Consulate; in reality, his intelligence work required overseeing British agents and working with the Turkish security services.[38]

Philby planned to infiltrate five or six groups of émigrés into Soviet Armenia or Soviet Georgia. But efforts among the expatriate community in Paris produced just two recruits. Turkish intelligence took them to a border crossing into Georgia but soon afterwards shots were heard. Another effort was made using a Turkish gulet for a seaborne landing, but it never left port. He was implicated in a similar campaign in Albania. Colonel David Smiley, an aristocratic Guards officer who had helped Enver Hoxha and his Communist guerillas to liberate Albania, now prepared to remove Hoxha. He trained Albanian commandos – some of whom were former Nazi collaborators – in Libya or Malta. From 1947, they infiltrated the southern mountains to build support for former King Zog.

The first three missions, overland from Greece, were trouble-free. Larger numbers were landed by sea and air under Operation Valuable, which continued until 1951, increasingly under the influence of the newly formed CIA. Stewart Menzies, head of SIS, disliked the idea, which was promoted by former SOE men now in SIS. Most infiltrators were caught by the Sigurimi, the Albanian Security Service.[39] Clearly there had been leaks and Philby was later suspected as one of the leakers. His own comment was "I do not say that people were happy under the regime but the CIA underestimated the degree of control that the Authorities had over the country."[9] Macintyre (2014) includes this typically cold-blooded quote from Philby:

The agents we sent into Albania were armed men intent on murder, sabotage and assassination ... They knew the risks they were running. I was serving the interests of the Soviet Union and those interests required that these men were defeated. To the extent that I helped defeat them, even if it caused their deaths, I have no regrets.


Aileen Philby had suffered since childhood from psychological problems which caused her to inflict injuries upon herself. In 1948, troubled by the heavy drinking and frequent depressions that had become a feature of her husband's life in Istanbul, she experienced a breakdown of this nature, staging an accident and injecting herself with urine and insulin to cause skin disfigurations.[40] She was sent to a clinic in Switzerland to recover. Upon her return to Istanbul in late 1948, she was badly burned in an incident with a charcoal stove and returned to Switzerland. Shortly afterward, Philby was moved to the job as chief SIS representative in Washington, D.C., with his family.

Washington, D.C.

In September 1949, the Philbys arrived in the United States. Officially, his post was that of First Secretary to the British Embassy; in reality, he served as chief British intelligence representative in Washington. His office oversaw a large amount of urgent and top-secret communications between the United States and London. Philby was also responsible for liaising with the CIA and promoting "more aggressive Anglo-American intelligence operations".[41] A leading figure within the CIA was Philby's wary former colleague, James Jesus Angleton, with whom he once again found himself working closely. Angleton remained suspicious of Philby, but lunched with him every week in Washington.

However, a more serious threat to Philby's position had come to light. During the summer of 1945, a Soviet cipher clerk had reused a one time pad to transmit intelligence traffic. This mistake made it possible to break the normally impregnable code. Contained in the traffic (intercepted and decrypted as part of the Venona project) was information that documents had been sent to Moscow from the British Embassy in Washington. The intercepted messages revealed that the British Embassy source (identified as "Homer") travelled to New York City to meet his Soviet contact twice a week. Philby had been briefed on the situation shortly before reaching Washington in 1949; it was clear to Philby that the agent was Donald Maclean, who worked in the British Embassy at the time and whose wife, Melinda, lived in New York. Philby had to help discover the identity of "Homer", but also wished to protect Maclean.[42]

In January 1950, on evidence provided by the Venona intercepts, Soviet atomic spy Klaus Fuchs was arrested. His arrest led to others: Harry Gold, a courier with whom Fuchs had worked, David Greenglass, and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. The investigation into the British Embassy leak was still ongoing, and the stress of it was exacerbated by the arrival in Washington, in October 1950, of Guy Burgess – Philby's unstable and dangerously alcoholic fellow Soviet spy.[43]

Burgess, who had been given a post as Second Secretary at the British Embassy, took up residence in the Philby family home and rapidly set about causing offence to all and sundry. Aileen Philby resented him and disliked his presence; Americans were offended by his "natural superciliousness" and "utter contempt for the whole pyramid of values, attitudes, and courtesies of the American way of life".[43] J. Edgar Hoover complained that Burgess used British Embassy automobiles to avoid arrest when he cruised Washington in pursuit of homosexual encounters.[43] His dissolution had a troubling effect on Philby; the morning after a particularly disastrous and drunken party, a guest returning to collect his car heard voices upstairs and found "Kim and Guy in the bedroom drinking champagne. They had already been down to the Embassy but being unable to work had come back."[44]

Burgess's presence was problematic for Philby, yet it was potentially dangerous for Philby to leave him unsupervised. The situation in Washington was tense. From April 1950, Maclean had been the prime suspect in the investigation into the Embassy leak.[45] Philby had undertaken to devise an escape plan which would warn Maclean, currently in England, of the intense suspicion he was under and arrange for him to flee. Burgess had to get to London to warn Maclean, who was under surveillance. In early May 1951, Burgess got three speeding tickets in a single day – then pleaded diplomatic immunity, causing an official complaint to be made to the British Ambassador.[46] Burgess was sent back to England, where he met Maclean in his London club.[citation needed]

The SIS planned to interrogate Maclean on 28 May 1951. On 23 May, concerned that Maclean had not yet fled, Philby wired Burgess, ostensibly about his Lincoln convertible abandoned in the Embassy car park. "If he did not act at once it would be too late," the telegram read, "because [Philby] would send his car to the scrap heap. There was nothing more [he] could do."[47] On 25 May, Burgess drove Maclean from his home at Tatsfield, Surrey to Southampton, where both boarded the steamship Falaise to France and then proceeded to Moscow.[48][49]

London

Burgess had intended to aid Maclean in his escape, not accompany him in it. The "affair of the missing diplomats," as it was referred to before Burgess and Maclean surfaced in Moscow,[50] attracted a great deal of public attention, and Burgess's disappearance, which identified him as complicit in Maclean's espionage, deeply compromised Philby's position. Under a cloud of suspicion raised by his highly visible and intimate association with Burgess, Philby returned to London. There, he underwent MI5 interrogation aimed at ascertaining whether he had acted as a "third man" in Burgess and Maclean's spy ring. In July 1951, he resigned from MI6, preempting his all-but-inevitable dismissal.[51]

Even after Philby's departure from MI6, speculation regarding his possible Soviet affiliations continued. Interrogated repeatedly regarding his intelligence work and his connection with Burgess, he continued to deny that he had acted as a Soviet agent. From 1952, Philby struggled to find work as a journalist, eventually – in August 1954 – accepting a position with a diplomatic newsletter called the Fleet Street Letter.[52] Lacking access to material of value and out of touch with Soviet intelligence, he all but ceased to operate as a Soviet agent.

On 7 November 1955, Philby was officially cleared by Foreign Secretary Harold Macmillan, who told the House of Commons, "I have no reason to conclude that Mr. Philby has at any time betrayed the interests of his country, or to identify him with the so-called 'Third Man', if indeed there was one."[53][54] Following this, Philby gave a press conference in which – calmly, confidently, and without the stammer he had struggled with since childhood – he reiterated his innocence, declaring, "I have never been a communist."[55]

Later life and defection

Beirut


After being exonerated, Philby was no longer employed by MI6 and Soviet intelligence lost all contact with him. In August 1956 he was sent to Beirut as a Middle East correspondent for The Observer and The Economist.[50][56] There, his journalism served as cover for renewed work for MI6.[57]

In Lebanon, Philby at first lived in Mahalla Jamil, his father's large household located in the village of Ajaltoun, just outside Beirut.[57] Following the departure of his father and stepbrothers for Saudi Arabia, Philby continued to live alone in Ajaltoun, but took a flat in Beirut after beginning an affair with Eleanor, the Seattle-born wife of New York Times correspondent Sam Pope Brewer. Following Aileen Philby's death in 1957 and Eleanor's subsequent divorce from Brewer, Philby and Eleanor were married in London in 1959 and set up house together in Beirut.[58] From 1960, Philby's formerly marginal work as a journalist became more substantial and he frequently travelled throughout the Middle East, including Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, Kuwait and Yemen.[59]

In 1961, Anatoliy Golitsyn, a major in the First Chief Directorate of the KGB, defected to the United States from his diplomatic post in Helsinki. Golitsyn offered the CIA revelations of Soviet agents within American and British intelligence services. Following his debriefing in the US, Golitsyn was sent to SIS for further questioning. The head of MI6, Dick White, only recently transferred from MI5, had suspected Philby as the "third man".[57] Golitsyn proceeded to confirm White's suspicions about Philby's role.[60] Nicholas Elliott, an MI6 officer recently stationed in Beirut who was a friend of Philby's and had previously believed in his innocence, was tasked with attempting to secure Philby's full confession.[56]

It is unclear whether Philby had been alerted, but Eleanor noted that as 1962 wore on, expressions of tension in his life "became worse and were reflected in bouts of deep depression and drinking".[61] She recalled returning home to Beirut from a sight-seeing trip in Jordan to find Philby "hopelessly drunk and incoherent with grief on the terrace of the flat," mourning the death of a little pet fox which had fallen from the balcony.[62] When Nicholas Elliott met Philby in late 1962, the first time since Golitsyn's defection, he found Philby too drunk to stand and with a bandaged head; he had fallen repeatedly and cracked his skull on a bathroom radiator, requiring stitches.[63]

Philby told Elliott that he was "half expecting" to see him. Elliott confronted him, saying, "I once looked up to you, Kim. My God, how I despise you now. I hope you've enough decency left to understand why."[64] Prompted by Elliott's accusations, Philby confirmed the charges of espionage and described his intelligence activities on behalf of the Soviets. However, when Elliott asked him to sign a written statement, he hesitated and requested a delay in the interrogation.[57] Another meeting was scheduled to take place in the last week of January. It has since been suggested that the whole confrontation with Elliott had been a charade to convince the KGB that Philby had to be brought back to Moscow, where he could serve as a British penetration agent of Moscow Centre.[3]

On the evening of 23 January 1963, Philby vanished from Beirut, failing to meet his wife for a dinner party at the home of Glencairn Balfour Paul, First Secretary at the British Embassy.[65] The Dolmatova, a Soviet freighter bound for Odessa, had left Beirut that morning so abruptly that cargo was left scattered over the docks;[57] Philby claimed that he left Beirut on board this ship.[66] However, others maintain that he escaped through Syria, overland to Soviet Armenia and thence to Russia.[67]

It was not until 1 July 1963 that Philby's flight to Moscow was officially confirmed.[68] On 30 July Soviet officials announced that they had granted him political asylum in the USSR, along with Soviet citizenship.[69] When the news broke, MI6 came under criticism for failing to anticipate and block Philby's defection, though Elliott was to claim he could not have prevented Philby's flight. Journalist Ben Macintyre, author of several works on espionage, wrote in his 2014 book on Philby that MI6 might have left open the opportunity for Philby to flee to Moscow to avoid an embarrassing public trial. Philby himself thought this might have been the case, according to Macintyre.[70]

When FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover was informed that one of MI6's top men was a spy for the Russians, he said, "Tell 'em Jesus Christ only had twelve, and one of them was a double [agent]."[71]

Moscow

Upon his arrival in Moscow, Philby discovered that he was not a colonel in the KGB, as he had been led to believe. He was paid 500 rubles a month and his family was not immediately able to join him in exile.[72] It was ten years before he visited KGB headquarters and he was given little real work. Philby was under virtual house arrest, guarded, with all visitors screened by the KGB. Mikhail Lyubimov, his closest KGB contact, explained that this was to guard his safety, but later admitted that the real reason was the KGB's fear that Philby would return to London.[3]

Philby occupied himself by writing his memoirs, published in the UK in 1968 under the title My Silent War, not published in the Soviet Union until 1980.[73] He continued to read The Times, which was not generally available in the USSR, listened to the BBC World Service, and was an avid follower of cricket.

Philby's award of the OBE was cancelled and annulled in 1965.[74] Though Philby claimed publicly in January 1988 that he did not regret his decisions and that he missed nothing about England except some friends, Colman's mustard, and Lea & Perrins Worcestershire sauce;[75] his wife Rufina Ivanovna Pukhova later described Philby as "disappointed in many ways" by what he found in Moscow. "He saw people suffering too much," but he consoled himself by arguing that "the ideals were right but the way they were carried out was wrong. The fault lay with the people in charge."[9] Pukhova said, "he was struck by disappointment, brought to tears. He said, 'Why do old people live so badly here? After all, they won the war.'"[76] Philby drank heavily and suffered from loneliness and depression; according to Rufina, he had attempted suicide by slashing his wrists sometime in the 1960s.[77]

Philby died of heart failure in Moscow in 1988. He was given a hero's funeral, and posthumously awarded numerous medals by the USSR.

Personal life

Image
Memorial in Kuntsevo Cemetery, Moscow

In February 1934, Philby married Litzi Friedmann, an Austrian communist whom he had met in Vienna. They subsequently moved to Britain; however, as Philby assumed the role of a fascist sympathiser, they separated. Litzi lived in Paris before returning to London for the duration of the war; she ultimately settled in East Germany.[78]

While working as a correspondent in Spain, Philby began an affair with Frances Doble, Lady Lindsay-Hogg, an actress and aristocratic divorcée who was an admirer of Franco and Hitler. They travelled together in Spain through August 1939.[79]

In 1940 he began living with Aileen Furse in London. Their first three children, Josephine, John and Tommy Philby, were born between 1941 and 1944. In 1946, Philby finally arranged a formal divorce from Litzi. He and Aileen were married on 25 September 1946, while Aileen was pregnant with their fourth child, Miranda. Their fifth child, Harry George, was born in 1950.[80] Aileen suffered from psychiatric problems, which grew more severe during the period of poverty and suspicion following the flight of Burgess and Maclean. She lived separately from Philby, settling with their children in Crowborough while he lived first in London and later in Beirut. Weakened by alcoholism and frequent sickness, she died of influenza in December 1957.[81]

In 1956, Philby began an affair with Eleanor Brewer, the wife of The New York Times correspondent Sam Pope Brewer. Following Eleanor's divorce, the couple married[57] in January 1959. After Philby defected to the Soviet Union in 1963, Eleanor visited him in Moscow. In November 1964, after a visit to the United States, she returned, intending to settle permanently. In her absence, Philby had begun an affair with Donald Maclean's wife, Melinda.[57] He and Eleanor divorced and she departed Moscow in May 1965.[82] Melinda left Maclean and briefly lived with Philby in Moscow. In 1968 she returned to Maclean.

In 1971, Philby married Rufina Pukhova, a Russo-Polish woman twenty years his junior, with whom he lived until his death in 1988.[83]

In popular culture

Fiction based on actual events


• Philby, Burgess and Maclean, a Granada TV drama written by Ian Curteis in 1977, covers the period of the late 1940s, when British intelligence investigated Maclean until 1955 when the British government cleared Philby because it did not have enough evidence to convict him.
• Philby has a key role in Mike Ripley's short story Gold Sword published in 'John Creasey's Crime Collection 1990' which was chosen as BBC Radio 4's Afternoon Story to mark the 50th anniversary of D-Day on 6 June 1994.
• Cambridge Spies, a 2003 four-part BBC drama, recounts the lives of Philby, Burgess, Blunt and Maclean from their Cambridge days in the 1930s through the defection of Burgess and Maclean in 1951. Philby is played by Toby Stephens.
• German author Barbara Honigmann's Ein Kapitel aus meinem Leben tells the history of Philby's first wife, Litzi, from the perspective of her daughter.[84]

Speculative fiction

• One of the earliest appearances of Philby as a character in fiction was in the 1974 Gentleman Traitor by Alan Williams, in which Philby goes back to working for British intelligence in the 1970s.
• In the 1980 British television film Closing Ranks, a false Soviet defector sent to sow confusion and distrust in British intelligence is unmasked and returned to the Soviet Union. In the final scene, it is revealed that the key information was provided by Philby in Moscow, where he is still working for British intelligence.[85]
• In the 1981 Ted Allbeury novel The Other Side of Silence, an elderly Philby arouses suspicion when he states his desire to return to England.[86]
• The 1984 Frederick Forsyth novel The Fourth Protocol features an elderly Philby's involvement in a plot to trigger a nuclear explosion in Britain. In the novel, Philby is a much more influential and connected figure in his Moscow exile than he apparently was in reality.[87]
o In the 1987 adaptation of the novel, also named The Fourth Protocol, Philby is portrayed by Michael Bilton. In contradiction of historical fact, he is executed by the KGB in the opening scene.
• In the 2000 Doctor Who novel Endgame, the Doctor travels to London in 1951 and matches wits with Philby and the rest of the Cambridge Five.[88]
• The Tim Powers novel Declare (2001) is partly based on unexplained aspects of Philby's life, providing a supernatural context for his behaviour.[89]
• The Robert Littell novel The Company (2002) features Philby as a confidant of former CIA Counter-Intelligence chief James Angleton.[90] The book was adapted for the 2007 TNT television three-part series The Company, produced by Ridley Scott, Tony Scott and John Calley; Philby is portrayed by Tom Hollander.
• Philby appears as one of the central antagonists in William F. Buckley Jr.'s 2004 novel Last Call for Blackford Oakes.[86]
• The 2013 Jefferson Flanders novel The North Building explores the role of Philby in passing American military secrets to the Soviets during the Korean War.[91]
• Daniel Silva's 2018 book, The Other Woman is largely based on Philby's life mission

In alternative histories

• The 2003 novel Fox at the Front by Douglas Niles and Michael Dobson depicts Philby selling secrets to the Soviet Union during the alternate Battle of the Bulge where German Field Marshal Erwin Rommel turns on the Nazis and assists the Allies in capturing all of Berlin. Before he can sell the secret of the atomic bomb to the Soviet Union, he is discovered by the British and is killed by members of MI5 who stage his death as a heart attack.
• The 2005 John Birmingham novel Designated Targets features a cameo of Philby, under orders from Moscow to assist Otto Skorzeny's mission to assassinate Winston Churchill.

Fictional characters based on Philby

• The 1971 BBC television drama Traitor starred John Le Mesurier as Adrian Harris, a character loosely based on Kim Philby.
• John le Carré depicts a Philby-like upper-class traitor in the 1974 novel Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy. The novel has been adapted as a 1979 TV miniseries, a 2011 film, and radio dramatisations in 1988 and 2009. In real life, Philby had ended le Carré's intelligence officer career by betraying his British agent cover to the Russians.[92]
• In the 1977 book The Jigsaw Man by Dorothea Bennett and the 1983 film adaption of it, The Jigsaw Man, "Sir Philip Kimberly" is a former head of the British Secret Service who defected to Russia, who is then given plastic surgery and sent back to Britain on a spy mission.
• Under the cover name of 'Mowgli' Philby appears in Duncan Kyle's World War II thriller Black Camelot published in 1978.
• John Banville's 1997 novel The Untouchable is a fictionalised biography of Blunt that includes a character based on Philby.
• Philby was the inspiration for the character of British intelligence officer Archibald "Arch" Cummings in the 2005 film The Good Shepherd. Cummings is played by Billy Crudup.
• The 2005 film A Different Loyalty is an unattributed account taken from Eleanor Philby's book, Kim Philby: The Spy I Loved. The film recounts Philby's love affair and marriage to Eleanor Brewer during his time in Beirut and his eventual defection to the Soviet Union in late January 1963, though the characters based on Philby and Brewer have different names.

In music

• In the song "Philby", from the Top Priority album (1979), Rory Gallagher draws parallels between his life on the road and a spy's in a foreign country. Sample lyrics : "Now ain't it strange that I feel like Philby / There's a stranger in my soul / I'm lost in transit in a lonesome city / I can't come in from the cold."[93]
• The Philby affair is mentioned in the Simple Minds song "Up on the Catwalk" from their sixth studio album Sparkle in the Rain. The lyrics are: "Up on the catwalk, and you dress in waistcoats / And got brillantino, and friends of Kim Philby."[94]
• The song "Angleton", by Russian indie rock band Biting Elbows, focuses largely on Philby's role as a spy from the perspective of James Jesus Angleton.[citation needed]
• The song 'Traitor' by Renegade Soundwave from their album Soundclash mentions "Philby, Burgess and Maclean" with the lyrics "snitch, grass, informer, you're a traitor; you can't be trusted and left alone".[95]
• The song "Kim Philby", from the self-titled album by Vancouver punk band Terror of Tiny Town (1994) includes the line, "They say he was the third man, but he's number one with us." The lead singer and accordionist of the now defunct band was political satirist Geoff Berner.

Other

• The 1993 Joseph Brodsky essay Collector's Item (published in his 1995 book On Grief and Reason) contains a conjectured description of Philby's career, as well as speculations into his motivations and general thoughts on espionage and politics. The title of the essay refers to a postal stamp commemorating Philby issued in the Soviet Union in the late 1980s.

See also

• United Kingdom portal
• Biography portal
• Soviet Union portal

References

1. Kim Philby in the Encyclopædia Britannica Online, retrieved 16 November 2009.
2. "The Cambridge Five". International Spy Museum. Archived from the original on 19 April 2019. Retrieved 11 August 2019.
3. Ron Rosenbaum (10 July 1994). "Kim Philby and the Age of Paranoia". The New York Times. Retrieved 17 February2008.
4. See The Philby Conspiracy, Page B et al 1968; Chapter 3, pp 30–39
5. Carré, John Le (2004). Conversations with John Le Carré. Univ. Press of Mississippi. p. 155. ISBN 9781578066698.
6. Treason in the Blood: H. St. John Philby, Kim Philby, and the Spy Case of the Century, by Anthony Cave Brown, Little, Brown publishers, Boston 1994.
7. Stephen Koch: Double Lives: Stalin, Willi Muenzenberg and the Seduction of the Intellectuals. Revised Edition. New York: Enigma Books, 2004.
8. Natasha Walter (10 May 2003). "Spies and lovers". The Guardian. UK. Retrieved 30 January 2011.
9. Genrikh Borovik, The Philby Files, 1994, published by Little, Brown & Company Limited, Canada, ISBN 978-0-316-91015-6. Introduction by Phillip Knightley.
10. Lownie 2016, pp. 52–53.
11. Purvis & Hulbert 2016, pp. 47–48.
12. Macintyre 2015, pp. 37–38.
13. Kim Philby, memorandum in Security Service Archives (1963)
14. Macintyre 2015, p. 44.
15. Lownie 2016, p. 54.
16. Seale, Patrick; McConnville, Maureen (1973). Philby: The Long Road to Moscow. New York: Simon & Schuster. pp. 72–73.
17. "Theodore Maly". Spartacus Educational.
18. Boris Volodarsky: History Today magazine, London, 5 August 2010
19. Cricinfo Player Profile of Ernest Sheepshanks retrieved 27 November 2008
20. Boyle, Andrew (1979). The Fourth Man: The Definitive Account of Kim Philby, Guy Burgess and Donald Maclean and Who Recruited Them to Spy for Russia'. New York: The Dial Press/James Wade. pp. 198–199.
21. Andrew, Christopher (2009). The Defence of the Realm : The Authorized History of MI5. London: Allen Lane. pp. 263–272, 343. ISBN 9780713998856.
22. Seale and McConnville, 110–111
23. Holzman 2013, p. 146.
24. Holzman 2013, p. 135.
25. Lownie 2016, pp. 110–11.
26. Seale and McConnville, 128
27. Lownie 2016, p. 113.
28. Lett, Brian (30 September 2016). "SOE's Mastermind: The Authorised Biography of Major General Sir Colin Gubbins KCMG, DSO, MC". Pen and Sword – via Google Books.
29. Seale and McConnville, 129
30. Seale and McConnville, 161-2
31. Seale and McConnville, 164–165
32. Richelson, Jeffrey T. (1997). A Century of Spies: Intelligence in the Twentieth Century. Oxford University Press US. p. 135. ISBN 019511390X.
33. Boyle, 254–255
34. Gordon Corera, Security correspondent (4 April 2016). "Kim Philby, British double agent, reveals all in secret video". BBC News. Retrieved 4 April 2016.
35. Boyle, 268
36. Seale and McConnville, 180–181
37. London Gazette Issue 37412 published on 28 December 1945. Page 8
38. Seale and McConnville, 187
39. David Smiley, "Albanian Assignment", foreword by Patrick Leigh Fermor – Chatto & Windus – London – 1984 (ISBN 978-0-7011-2869-2)
40. Boyle, 344
41. Seale and McConnville, 201
42. Richelson, Jeffrey (1995). A Century of Spies: Intelligence in the Twentieth Century. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 228. ISBN 978-0-19-507391-1.
43. Seale and McConnville, 209
44. Seale and McConnville, 210
45. Boyle, 362
46. Boyle, 365
47. Boyle, 374
48. Lownie 2016, pp. 237–39.
49. Macintyre 2015, pp. 150–51.
50. Harold Evans (20 September 2009). "The Sunday Times and Kim Philby". The Times. London. Retrieved 30 January2011.
51. Hamrick, S.J. Deceiving the Deceivers: Kim Philby, Donald Maclean and Guy Burgess. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004. pp. 137
52. Seale and McConnville, 224
53. Fisher, John. Burgess and Maclean: A New Look at the Foreign Office Spies. London: Hale, 1977. pp. 193
54. Hansard, 7 November 1955
55. Roger Wilkes (27 October 2001). "The spy who loved his mum". The Daily Telegraph. UK. Retrieved 30 January 2011.
56. McCrum, Robert (28 July 2013). "Kim Philby, the Observer connection and the establishment world of spies". The Observer. Retrieved 29 July 2013.
57. Carver, Tom (11 October 2012). "Diary: Philby in Beirut". London Review of Books. Retrieved 4 October 2012.
58. Seale and McConnville, 243
59. Seale and McConnville, 248
60. Boyle, 432
61. Boyle, 434
62. Boyle, 435
63. Boyle, 436
64. Boyle, 437
65. Boyle, 438
66. Boyle, 471
67. Morris Riley Philby: The Hidden Years, 1990, Penzance: United Writers' Publications.
68. "Biography of Kim Philby". National Cold War Exhibition. RAF Museum Cosford. Retrieved 30 June 2011.
69. Boyle, 441
70. Macintyre, Ben (2014). 'A Spy Among Friends: Kim Philby and the Great Betrayal. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1408851722.
71. Le Carré, John, The Pigeon Tunnel, Viking Press, 2016, pg. 203
72. Rufina Philby, Mikhail Lyubimov and Hayden Peake. The Private Life of Kim Philby, the Moscow Years. London: St Ermin's: 1999.
73. David Pryce-Jones: October 2004: The New Criterion published by the Foundation for Cultural Review, New York, a nonprofit public foundation as described in Section 501 (c) (3) of the Internal Revenue Code,
74. London Gazette Issue 43735 published on 10 August 1965. Page 1
75. Stephen Erlanger (12 May 1988). "Kim Philby, Double Agent, Dies". The New York Times. Retrieved 28 January 2011.
76. Tom Parfitt and Richard Norton-Taylor (30 March 2011). "Spy Kim Philby died disillusioned with communism". The Guardian. Retrieved 20 February 2014.
77. Alessandra Stanley (19 December 1997). "Last Days of Kim Philby: His Russian Widow's Sad Story". The New York Times. Retrieved 5 July 2012.
78. Seale and McConnville, 84
79. Seale and McConnville, 93
80. Seale and McConnville, 173
81. Seale and McConnville, 226
82. Seale and McConnville, 275
83. Philby, Harold Adrian Russell Kim, (1912–1988), spy by Nigel Clive in Dictionary of National Biography online (accessed 11 November 2007)
84. "Lüge möglichst wahrheitsnah". Der Spiegel. Retrieved 12 February 2011.
85. Burton, Alan, 1962-. Looking-glass wars : spies on British screens since 1960. Wilmington, Delaware. p. 141. ISBN 978-1-62273-290-6. OCLC 1029246581.
86. Rubin, Charlie (17 July 2005). "'Last Call for Blackford Oakes': Cocktails With Philby". The New York Times. Retrieved 12 February 2011.
87. "The Moscow life of Kim Philby". pravda.ru (English). Retrieved 12 February 2011.
88. Endgame : collected comic strips from the pages of Doctor Who magazine. Hickman, Clayton., Barnes, Alan., Gray, Scott (W. Scott). Tunbridge Wells, England: Panini Books. 2005. ISBN 1905239092. OCLC 857786940.
89. "Declare by Tim Powers". HarperCollins. Retrieved 12 February 2011.
90. "A Cold War Mystery: Was the Soviet Mole Kim Philby a Double Agent... or a Triple Agent?". indiebound.org. Retrieved 12 February 2011.
91. "The North Building by Jefferson Flanders". ForeWord Reviews. Retrieved 23 July 2014.
92. George Plimpton (Summer 1997). "John le Carré, The Art of Fiction No. 149". The Paris Review.
93. "Rory Gallagher – Philby Lyrics". Metrolyrics.com. Retrieved 15 April 2012.
94. "Up on the Catwalk Lyrics – Simple Minds". Lyricsfreak.com. Retrieved 15 April 2012.
95. "Traitor - lyrics". karaoke-lyrics.net. Retrieved 6 November 2019.

Further reading

• Holzman, Michael (2013). Guy Burgess: Revolutionary in an Old School Tie. New York: Chelmsford Press. ISBN 978-0-615-89509-3.
• Lownie, Andrew (2016). Stalin's Englishman: The Lives of Guy Burgess. London: Hodder and Stoughton. ISBN 978-1-473-62738-3.
• Macintyre, Ben (2015). A Spy Among Friends: Philby and the Great Betrayal. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4088-5178-4.
• Purvis, Stewart; Hulbert, Jeff (2016). Guy Burgess: The Spy Who Knew Everyone. London: Biteback Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84954-913-4.
• Colonel David Smiley, "Irregular Regular", Michael Russell – Norwich – 1994 (ISBN 978-0-85955-202-8). Translated in French by Thierry Le Breton, Au coeur de l'action clandestine des commandos au MI6, L'Esprit du Livre Editions, France, 2008 (ISBN 978-2-915960-27-3). With numerous photographs. Memoirs of a SOE and MI6 officer during the Valuable Project.
• Genrikh Borovik, The Philby Files, 1994, published by Little, Brown & Company Limited, Canada, ISBN 0-316-91015-5 . Introduction by Phillip Knightley.
• Phillip Knightley, Philby: KGB Masterspy 2003, published by Andre Deutsch Ltd, London, ISBN 978-0-233-00048-0. 1st American edition has title: The Master Spy: the Story of Kim Philby, ISBN 0394578902
• Phillip Knightley, The Second Oldest Profession: Spies and Spying in the Twentieth Century, 1986, published by W.W. Norton & Company, London.
• Kim Philby, My Silent War, published by Macgibbon & Kee Ltd, London, 1968, or Granada Publishing, ISBN 978-0-586-02860-5. Introduction by Graham Greene, well known author who worked with and for Philby in British intelligence services.
• Bruce Page, David Leitch and Phillip Knightley, Philby: The Spy Who Betrayed a Generation, 1968, published by André Deutsch, Ltd., London.
• Michael Smith, The Spying Game, 2003, published by Politico's, London.
• Richard Beeston, Looking For Trouble: The Life and Times of a Foreign Correspondent, 1997, published by Brassey's, London.
• Desmond Bristow, A Game of Moles, 1993, published by Little Brown & Company, London.
• Miranda Carter, Anthony Blunt: His Lives, 2001, published by Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York.
• Anthony Cave Brown, "C": The Secret Life of Sir Stewart Graham Menzies, Spymaster to Winston Churchill, 1987, published by Macmillan, New York.
• John Fisher, Burgess and Maclean, 1977, published by Robert Hale, London.
• S. J. Hamrick, Deceiving the Deceivers, 2004, published by Yale University Press, New Haven.
• Malcolm Muggeridge, The Infernal Grove: Chronicles of Wasted Time: Number 2, 1974, published by William Morrow & Company, New York.
• Barrie Penrose & Simon Freeman, Conspiracy of Silence: The Secret Life of Anthony Blunt, 1986, published by Farrar Straus Giroux, New York.
• Richard C.S. Trahair and Robert Miller, Encyclopedia of Cold War Espionage, Spies, and Secret Operations, 2009, published by Enigma Books, New York. ISBN 978-1-929631-75-9
• Nigel West, editor, The Guy Liddell Diaries: Vol. I: 1939–1942, 2005, published by Routledge, London
• Nigel West & Oleg Tsarev, The Crown Jewels: The British Secrets at the Heart of the KGB Archives, 1998, published by Yale University Press, New Haven.
• Bill Bristow, "My Father The Spy" Deceptions of an MI6 Officer. Published by WBML Publishers. 2012.
• Desmond Bristow. With Bill Bristow. "A Game of Moles" The Deceptions of and MI6 Officer. Published 1993 by Little Brown and Warner.

External links

• Annotated bibliography of the Philby Affair
• John Philby – Daily Telegraph obituary
• File release: Cold War Cambridge spies Burgess and Maclean, The National Archives, 23 October 2015
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Mon Mar 23, 2020 4:40 am

Arnold Deutsch
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Image
Arnold Deutsch
Born: 1903
Died: c.1942 (aged c.39)
Alma mater: University of Vienna
Occupation: Soviet spy, academic
Known for: Recruiting the Cambridge Five as Soviet spies
Relatives: Oscar Deutsch, cousin

Arnold Deutsch (1903–1942?), variously described as Austrian, Czech or Hungarian, was an academic who worked in London as a Soviet spy, best known for having recruited Kim Philby. Much of his life remains unknown or disputed.

Early life

He was a cousin of Oscar Deutsch, the proprietor of the Odeon Cinemas chain. Though he claimed to be an observant Jew to disguise his role as a Communist agent, Deutsch was in fact lapsed in his religious beliefs.

At the age of 24, Deutsch received with distinction his PhD in chemistry from the University of Vienna.[1] He was also a follower of Wilhelm Reich and his "sex-pol" movement.[1]


Sex-pol movement

Partly in response to the shooting he had witnessed in Vienna, Reich, then 30, opened six free sex-counselling clinics in the city in 1927 for working-class patients. Each clinic was overseen by a physician, with three obstetricians and a lawyer on call, and offered what Reich called Sex-Pol counselling. Sex-Pol stood for the German Society of Proletarian Sexual Politics. Reich offered a mixture of "psychoanalytic counseling, Marxist advice and contraceptives", Danto writes, and argued for a sexual permissiveness, including for young people and the unmarried, that unsettled other psychoanalysts and the political left. The clinics were immediately overcrowded by people seeking help.

He also took to the streets in a mobile clinic, driving to parks and out to the suburbs with other psychoanalysts and physicians. Reich would talk to the teenagers and men, while a gynaecologist fitted the women with contraceptive devices, and Lia Laszky, the woman Reich fell in love with at medical school, spoke to the children. They also distributed sex-education pamphlets door to door.


-- Wilhelm Reich, by Wikipedia


His remarkable academic record opened opportunities to penetrate the highest institutions in many Western countries.

Espionage career

At the same time, Deutsch embarked on his lifelong involvement with Communism and the Soviet Union. In the 1920s he was working for the OMS, the International Liaison Department of the Comintern. A co-worker of his there was Edith Suschitzky, whom he met at 1926 in Vienna and who would be instrumental in his later espionage career.

Soon after leaving university he married an Austrian woman, Josefine. The couple were both recruited by Comintern and worked for OMS, its international liaison department. Over the next couple of years they travelled around the world working as couriers.[2]

In 1933, Deutsch was arrested by the Nazi authorities in Germany, but was freed from custody with the help of Willi Lehmann, the highly placed Soviet agent within the Gestapo.[3]


Deutsch then travelled to Britain under his real name, so that his university credentials would be valid.[4] Upon arriving in England, Deutsch studied psychology at the graduate level at the University of London, as his cover for espionage work in England.[5]

In the mid-1930s Deutsch occupied Flat 7 of the Isokon building in Lawn Road, Hampstead, north London.[6]

The writer Nigel West (Rupert Allason) asserts, based on the information provided in 1940 by Soviet defector Walter Krivitsky, that Deutsch had been an assistant of the Latvian-born senior Soviet spy Adam Purpis, who according to the same source was between 1931 and 1934 the NKVD Illegal Rezident (i.e. agent operating outside the embassy) in the UK.[7]

Deutsch's legacy from his time in the UK is to have come up with a highly successful agent recruitment strategy.[8] Deutsch observed that the high quantity of Communist students and constant turnover due to matriculation and graduation provided an excellent recruiting ground. The idea was to select capable, idealistic students and have them publicly distance themselves from Communism so that they could penetrate the British government and intelligence spheres. The students' former involvement in Communism would be overlooked by the British as a mere youthful mistake. This strategy produced many well-placed agents, especially the Cambridge Five, the first of which was Kim Philby, whom Deutsch recruited directly.

When Litzi Friedmann and Kim Philby, who had just married in Vienna, arrived in London from Vienna in 1934, Edith Suschitzky suggested to Deutsch that the NKVD should recruit Friedmann and Philby as agents.[4][9][10] Deutsch recruited Kim Philby in Regent's Park, London, on 1 July 1934.[11]

Deutsch told Philby that he must break-off all communist contacts. He should establish a new political image as a Nazi-sympathiser.[12] "He must become, to all outward appearances, a conventional member of the very class he was committed to opposing." Deutsch told him. "The anti-fascist movement needs people who can enter into the bourgeoisie." Deutsch gave him a new Minox subminiature camera and gave him a codename (Sohnchen). He began to instruct Philby on the rudiments of tradecraft: how to arrange a meeting; where to leave messages; how to detect if his telephone was bugged; how to spot a tail, and how to lose one. His first task was to spy on his father, Harry St John Bridger Philby, as it was believed he had important secret documents in his office.[13]

Deutsch then went on to recruit Donald Maclean and Guy Burgess in 1934.[14] Using the code name Otto, Deutsch was the controller for the Cambridge Five spy ring from 1933 to 1937, when he was replaced by Theodore Maly. Whilst in London, Deutsch also acted as handler for Percy Glading, who was operating a spy ring within Woolwich Arsenal, which obtained blueprints of Britain's brand new—and highly secret—naval gun.[15][16]

During his time in the United Kingdom, Deutsch was given the task of evaluating an American recruit, Michael Straight, who did not impress him.[17] Deutsch's evaluation of Straight was to be borne out almost thirty years later, in 1963, when Straight decided to voluntarily inform Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., a family friend, about his communist connections from his student days at Cambridge University, a confession which led directly to the exposure of Anthony Blunt as a recruiter and member of the Cambridge Five spy ring.

In September 1937, in the midst of Joseph Stalin's fatal purges in the Moscow "show" trials, Deutsch was recalled to Moscow.[18] At that time, Deutsch was at great risk of being discovered in western Europe, because of the defections of the highly placed Soviet operatives Ignace Reiss and Walter Krivitsky; he had been familiar with some elements of their operations.[5]

Back in Moscow, Deutsch was extensively debriefed, and managed to escape execution – which, at the time, was the fate of many completely loyal Communists. He was employed as an expert on forgery and handwriting, and was not allowed to go abroad again until the early 1940s.

Fate unknown
Deutsch's final fate is uncertain.[19] Among theories which have been proposed by various authors, Deutsch was said to have been captured and shot by the Nazis after parachuting into Austria; or as having drowned when his ship was sunk by a U-boat while en route to New York, where he was supposed to work with NKVD recruits.[20]

Kim Philby's fourth and last wife, Rufina, cites the drowning story, but says that the Russian sources are divided on where Deutsch was headed when his ship, the Donbass, was sunk on its way to the United States.[21] She says that Volume 3 of the KGB History states that Deutsch's eventual destination was Latin America, but then says that Allen Weinstein and Alexander Vasilliev, citing KGB files, write, in Haunted Wood,[17] that Deutsch was headed to the New York residency to expand its operations.

Portrayal in fiction
In the 2003 four-part BBC television drama about the Cambridge Spies, Deutsch was portrayed in the first two episodes by Marcel Iures.

References[edit]
1. Jump up to:a b Christopher M. Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin (2000). The Mitrokhin Archive : The KGB and the West. p. 56. ISBN 0-14-028487-7.
2. Biography of Arnold Deutsch
3. Klussmann, Uwe (29 September 2009). "Stalins Mann in der Gestapo". Der Spiegel.
4. Jump up to:a b William E. Duff (1999). A Time for Spies: Theodore Stephanovich Maly and the Era of the Great Illegals. ISBN 0-8265-1352-2.
5. Jump up to:a b Deadly Illusions: The KGB Orlov Dossier, by John Costello and Oleg Tsarev, Crown 1993
6. Julie Wheelwright (May 2014) [2014-05-05]. "The Lawn Road Flats". History Today. Retrieved 29 April 2018.
7. MI5 report on intelligence gained from interviewing Krivitsky in 1940, published as an appendix to Nigel West Mask: MI5's Penetration of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 2005, quoted here Archived 13 May 2008 at the Wayback Machine
8. Andrew, Christopher. The Sword and the Shield. New York: Basic Books. pp. 57–58. ISBN 0-465-00310-9.
9. Genrikh Borovik (1994). The Philby Files – The Secret Life of Master Spy Kim Philby. ISBN 0-316-10284-9.
10. Nigel West (2005). Mask: MI5's Penetration Of The Communist Party Of Great Britain. ISBN 0-415-35145-6.
11. Rosenbaum, Ron (10 July 1994). "Kim Philby and the Age of Paranoia". The New York Times. Retrieved 25 April 2010.
12. Biography of Kim Philby
13. Ben Macintyre, A Spy Among Friends (2014) page 41
14. The Mitrokhin Archive Vol.I pg.79
15. Volodarsky, B. (2015). Stalin's Agent: The Life and Death of Alexander Orlov. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 85. ISBN 978-0-19-965658-5.
16. Burke, D. (2008). The Spy who Came in from the Co-op: Melita Norwood and the Ending of Cold War Espionage. Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer Ltd. p. 92. ISBN 978-1-84383-422-9.
17. Jump up to:a b Allen Weinstein and Alexander Vasilliev (2000). The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America—The Stalin Era. ISBN 0-375-75536-5.
18. Shulamith Behr and Oleg Gordievsky (2005). Arts in Exile in Britain 1933–1945: Politics and Cultural Identity. ISBN 90-420-1786-4.
19. Boris Volodarsky (2014): Stalin's Agent: The Life and Death of Alexander Orlov. ISBN 978-0-19-965658-5.
20. Miranda Carter (2002). Anthony Blunt: His Lives. ISBN 0-374-10531-6.
21. Rufina Philby (2003). The Private Life of Kim Philby: The Moscow Years. ISBN 0-9536151-6-2.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Mon Mar 23, 2020 4:44 am

International Liaison Department (Comintern) [OMS]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

For the International Liaison Department of China, see International Department of the Communist Party of China.

The OMS (Russian: Отдел международной связи, otdel mezhdunarodnoy svyazi or ОМС), also known in English as the International Liaison Department (1921-1939[1][2]), was "the most secret department" of the Comintern. It has also been translated as the Illegal Liaison Section[3][4] and Foreign Liaison Department.[5]

Operations

In 1939, Soviet intelligence defector Walter Krivitsky described the OMS as "a worldwide network of permanently stationed agents."[3][6] Moreover, "These OMS representatives hold the whip over the leaders of the Communist Party in the country where they are stationed... The most delicate job entrusted to OMS resident agents is the distribution of money to finance the Communist Parties."[3]

In 1999, the historian Raymond W. Leonard stated, "Through the auspices of the Comintern and the OMS, foreign communist parties provided a ready-made source of ideologically dedicated agents."[7] He also speculated that the Intelligence Section "was probably the organization required by the OMS to be present in every Communist party of liaison work with the Red Army."[7]

In 2002, historian David McKnight stated:

The most intense practical application of the conspiratorial work of the Comintern was carried out by its international liaison service, the OMS. This body undertook clandestine courier activities and work which supported underground political activities. These included the transport of money and letters, the manufacture of passports and other false documents and technical support to underground parties, such as managing "safe houses" and establishing businesses overseas as cover activities.[1]


In 2007, historian Nigel West provided perhaps the longest single description of the OMS in English in his book Mask.[8] In 2011, historian Thomas L. Sakmyster stated:

The OMS was the Comintern's department for the coordination of subversive and conspiratorial activities. Some of its functions overlapped with those of the main Soviet intelligence agencies, the OGPU and the GRU, whose agents sometimes were assigned to the Comintern. But the OMS maintained its own set of operations and had its own representative on the central committees of each Communist party abroad.[4]


In 2014, Soviet expert Boris Volodarsky called the OMS a "little known intelligence service" and referred to it as the "intelligence branch of the Comintern," preceded by the Sluzhba Svyazi or "Communication Service."[9]

Most sources agree that the OMS "acted as an adjunct between the two main Soviet intelligence services."[5]

Milder descriptions exist: "The OMS... arranged for financial support of parties abroad, transmitted instructions, prepared papers, took care of visiting Communist leaders quartered in Moscow's Hotel Lux..."[10]

Radio communications formed part of OMS services, headed by David Glazer.[11]

The falsification (not manufacture) of passports was a major function of the OMS. American passports were a particular favorite.[3]

The OMS had its own cryptography and served as the Comintern's logistical organization.[12]

Major locations

The OMS's international headquarters resided in Berlin.[4] Its address was 131-132 Wilhelmstrasse in the offices of Führer Verlag.[13]

The OMS's training school lay in Kuntsevo near Moscow, with additional training available in Berlin.[4] Other sources call it the Lenin School.[3][14]

History

It was founded at the Third Congress of the Comintern in July 1921.[15] It mission was to provide support, guidance, and funding to Communist parties outside Russia.

In 1923, the OMS received direction from the "Illegal Commission," headed by Mikhail Trilisser and two others.[16]

In 1924, direction of the OMS transferred to the GRU and the OGPU.[7]

The historian Raymond W. Leonard noted, "Between 1919 and 1922, people frequently moved back and forth between the Razvedupr and Comintern... For the rest of the interwar period, the Red Army used the Comintern, especially the OMS, primarily for agent support and as a source of recruits for its own purposes... After 1927, agents of the OMS usually acted as liaisons between the Comintern and Red Army Intelligence."[7]

Two international raids led the OMS to distance itself from Soviet diplomatic missions. In April 1927, the Chinese police raided the Soviet military attache's office in Beijing. In May 1927, Scotland Yard raided ARCOS in London.[13]

In the 1930s, the OMS moved increasingly toward intelligence operations.[17] It began to fold into the OGPU in 1935[18] or 1937 with Trilisser's appointment.[1] During 1937-1939, the OMS received blame as a center of counter-revolutionary activity, by which time it was "totally liquidated."[1] Leon Trotsky noted these developments in his writings.[19]

Personnel

The first head of the OMS was Osip Piatnitsky.[7][14] In Krivitsky's assessment, this role made Piatnitsky effectively "Finance Minister and Director of Personnel" of the Comintern.[3] Piatnitsky was purged in 1938. Mikhail Trilisser was Piatnitsky's deputy.[2] Trilisser (as "Moskvin") succeeded Piatnitsky to head the OMS in 1937.[1]

The OMS's representative on the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI) was Jacob Mirov-Abramov,[20] also called "chief of OMS for Europe."[21] In 1935, Berthe Zimmermann (1902-1937), wife of Fritz Platten of Switzerland, worked for the OMS in Moscow in 1935 as head of the courier section at OMS headquarters.[22]

In Germany, the head was Mirov-Abramov.[2] (Krivitsky stated that Mirov-Abramove, "whom I knew for many years," was stationed there 1921-1930.[3]) Next was Hans Kippenberger (AKA "Leo" and "Alfred Langer"[23]) in the mid-1920s, a protegee of Walter Krivitsky and of Fyodor Raskolnikov's wife Larisa Reisner. Succeeding him was Fritz Burde, under whom served future author Arthur Koestler. In 1925, Richard Sorge became an OMS officer in Germany, "charged with establishing Comintern intelligence networks."[7][24] Leo Flieg was the last OMS head in Germany before the Nazi electoral victory in 1933.[2] Propagandist Willi Muenzenberg was "set up with OMS funds."[3]

In Austria, an early head was Jakob Rudnik; by 1929, Arnold Deutsch was a member there.[14][15] Deutsch traveled to Romania, Greece, British Palestine, and French Syria for the OMS.[12][25] While in Austria, Kim Philby may have served as an OMS courier.[12]

In Denmark, an OMS agent was Richard Jensen, supported by George Mink (also known to Whittaker Chambers in New York City).[9][26])

In the Netherlands, the head was Henk Sneevliet.[7]

In the UK, an OMS agent trained in radio and photography was Kitty Harris, some time mistress of the American Earl Browder; she handled Donald Maclean (spy).[9]

In China, the head was "a Russian comrade who passed himself off as an emigre" and was a friend of Arthur Ewert.[27] In 1931, when Sorge arrived in Shanghai, OMS agents Agnes Smedley and Ruth Werner supported him.[7] The arrest of Joseph Ducroux in 1931 in Shanghai hurt the position of the OMS globally. The "Noulens Affairs" over OMS spy Jakob Rudnik in the same year further undermined the OMS's stance.[1][12][13][28] (In his memoir, Whittaker Chambers refers to the "Noulens Affair" as the "Robinson-Rubens Case".[26])

In Turkey, the head in the early 1920s was Mikhail Trilisser.[2]

In the United States, the head of the OMS was Alexander Borisovich Epstein, who arrived there in 1921 and stayed through most of the decade. (Epstein was implicated later in the death of Juliet Stuart Poyntz.)[9] The head was Solomon Vladimirovich Mikhelson-Manuilov, AKA "Black," from 1933 to 1938.[29] Over the same period, CPUSA general secretary Earl Browder made J. Peters its OMS counterpart. Peters sought to develop a homegrown "illegal apparatus," which grew to include the Ware Group, whose best known members were Whittaker Chambers and Alger Hiss.[4] In 1935, Peters penned The Communist Party: A Manual on Organization, which includes the following:

The Communist Party puts the interest of the working class and the Party above everything. The Party subordinates all forms of Party organization to these interests. From this it follows that one form of organization is suitable for legal existence of the Party, and another for the conditions of underground, illegal existence...[30][31]


Mentions

In her book, KPD co-founder Ruth Fischer says that the OMS group sent to Germany in 1923 "can well be compared with the International Brigade in Spain thirteen years later."[32]

In his memoir (published posthumously in 1951 in French), Victor Serge (1890-1947) mentions that the OMS had failed to mention his child when entering details onto (false) Belgian passports.[33]

In her book Before and After Stalin, Aino Kuusinen, wife of Otto Wille Kuusinen, calls the OMS "the brain and the inner sanctum of the Comintern."[34]

Research

Historian McKnight has noted, "Unlike other Comintern files, those about the OMS are still generally withheld from scholarly research."[1]

See also

• Osip Piatnitsky
• Comintern
• Cheka
• INO, ИНО, Иностранный отдел, First Chief Directorate of the KGB
• GRU
• Fifth column

References

1. McKnight, David (2002). Espionage and the Roots of the Cold War: The Conspiratorial Heritage. London: Frank Cass. pp. vii (Rudnik), 52 (Trilisser), 60 (OMS), 61–62 (dissolution), 119–120 (Ducroux, Rudnik). ISBN 9780714651637.
2. Lazitch, Branko; Milorad M. Drachkovitchight (1986). Biographical Dictionary of the Comintern. Hoover Press. pp. xxix (description), 120 (Flieg), 319 (Mirov-Abramov), 479 (Trilisser). ISBN 9780826513526.
3. Krivitsky, Walter (2013) [1939]. In Stalin's Secret Service: An Exposé of Russia's Secret Polices by the Former Chief of the Soviet Intelligence in Western Europe. Harper & Brothers (Enigma Books). ISBN 9781936274895.
4. Sakmyster, Thomas L. (2011). Red Conspirator: J. Peters and the American Communist Underground. University of Illinois Press. pp. 37 (most secret, translation), 38 (organization), 40 (Browder), 62 (Russian counterpart), 63 (process). ISBN 9780252035982.
5. West, Nigel (2015). Historical Dictionary of International Intelligence. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 77. ISBN 9781442249578.
6. Drachkovitch, Milorad M. (1966). The Revolutionary Internationals, 1864-1943. Stanford University Press. p. 197. ISBN 9780804702935.
7. Leonard, Raymond W. (1999). Secret Soldiers of the Revolution: Soviet Military Intelligence, 1918-1933. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. x, 16, 17 (agents), 18 (movements), 43 (movements), 45 (Pianistsky), 49 (fn13), 89 (liaisons), 98 (Sneevliet), 124 (Sorge), 148 (Kippenberger). ISBN 9780313309908.
8. West, Nigel (2007). Mask: MI5's Penetration of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Routledge. ISBN 9781134265756.
9. Volodarsky, Boris (2014). Stalin's Agent: The Life and Death of Alexander Orlov. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780191045530.
10. Asteriou, Socrates James (1959). The Third International and Balkans, 1919-1945 (Volume 2). University of California at Berkeley Press. p. 755.
11. Romerstein, Herbert; Eric Breindel (2001). The Venona Secrets: Exposing Soviet Espionage and America's Traitors. Regnery. p. 86. ISBN 9781596987326.
12. Haslam, Jonathan (2015). Near and Distant Neighbors: A New History of Soviet Intelligence. Macmillan. pp. 29 (cryptography), 61 (logistics), 62 (Sorge + Noulens), 69 (Philby), 70 (Deusch). ISBN 9780374219901.
13. Meier, Andrew (August 11, 2008). The Lost Spy: An American in Stalin's Secret Service. W. W. Norton. pp. 101 (Berlin location, international raids), 201 (Noulens affair). ISBN 978-0-393-06097-3.
14. Duff, William E. (1999). A Time for Spies: Theodore Stephanovich Mally and the Era of the Great Illegals. XXX. pp. 55 (Piatnitsky), 57 (Berlin), 83 (Deutch), 135 (Lenin School). ISBN 9780826513526.
15. Baker, Robert K. (2015). Rezident: The Espionage Odyssey of Soviet General Vasily Zarubin. iUniverse. ISBN 9781491742426.
16. Firsov, Fridrikh Igorevich; John Earl Haynes; Harvey Klehr (2000). Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America. Yale University Press. p. 59. ISBN 0300129874.
17. Brezinka, Wolfgang; David P. Hornstein (1993). Arthur Ewert: A Life for the Comintern. University Press of America. p. 125. ISBN 9780819192585.
18. Firsov, Fridrikh Igorevich; John Earl Haynes; Harvey Klehr (2014). Secret Cables of the Comintern, 1933-1943. Yale University Press. p. 188. ISBN 9780300198225.
19. Trotsky, Leon (1977). Writings of Leon Trotsky: 1939-40. Pathfinder Press. pp. 378–379, 389.
20. Fowkes, Ben (1984). Communism in Germany Under the Weimar Republic (Volume 1984, Part 2). p. 193. ISBN 9780333272701.
21. Cookridge, E. H. (1955). The Net That Covers the World. p. 41. ISBN 9780333272701.
22. Studer, Brigitte (2015). The Transnational World of the Cominternians. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9781137510297.
23. "Pierre Broue, The German Revolution: Biographical Details". Marxists.org. Retrieved 13 October 2015.
24. Whymant, Robert (1996). Stalin's Spy: Richard Sorge and the Tokyo Espionage Ring. I.B.Tauris. p. 25. ISBN 9781860640445.
25. Andrew, Christopher; Vasili Mitrokhin (2000). The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB. Basic Books. p. 56. ISBN 9780465003129.
26. Chambers, Whittaker (1952). Witness. New York: Random House. pp. 302–303 (George Mink), 356, 399–400, 405, 456 (Richard Robinson-Rubens). LCCN 52005149.
27. Braun, Otto (1982). A Comintern Agent in China 1932-1939. Stanford: Stanford University Press. p. 2. ISBN 9780804711388.
28. Price, Ruth (2004). The Lives of Agnes Smedley. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 160. ISBN 9780195343861.
29. Klehr, Harvey; John Earl Haynes; Kyrill M. Anderson (2008). The Soviet World of American Communism. New Haven: Yale University Press. pp. xxviii, 41, 140, 186. ISBN 978-0300138009.
30. Peter, J. (July 1935). The Communist Party: A Manual on Organization. Workers Library Publishers. Retrieved 3 July 2012.
31. Peter, J. (July 1935). "The Communist Party: A Manual on Organization". Workers Library Publishers. Retrieved 3 July2012.
32. Fischer, Ruth (1948). Stalin and German Communism. Transaction Publishers. p. 320. ISBN 9781412835015.
33. Serge, Victor (1963). Memoirs of a Revolutionary, 1901-1941. Oxford University Press. p. 158.
34. Kuusinen, Aino (1974). Before and after Stalin: A Personal Account of Soviet Russia from the 1920s to the 1960s. Joseph. p. 320.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Mon Mar 23, 2020 4:53 am

Edith Tudor-Hart [Edith Suschitzky]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Image
Edith Tudor-Hart
Born: Edith Suschitzky, 28 August 1908, Vienna, Austria
Died: 12 May 1973 (aged 64)[1], Brighton, England
Nationality: British / Austrian
Alma mater: Bauhaus, Dessau
Occupation: Photographer, spy
Espionage activity
Allegiance: Soviet Union Soviet Union
Service years: 1925-195?
Codename: Edith[2]

Edith Tudor-Hart (née Edith Suschitzky; 1908–1973) was an Austrian-British photographer, communist-sympathiser and spy for the Soviet Union. Brought up in a family of socialists, she trained in photography at Walter Gropius's Bauhaus in Dessau, and carried her political ideals through her art. Through her connections with Arnold Deutsch, Tudor-Hart was instrumental in the recruiting of the Cambridge Spy ring which damaged British intelligence from World War II until the security services discovered all their identities by the mid-1960s. She recommended Litzi Friedmann and Kim Philby for recruitment by the KGB[3] and acted as an intermediary for Anthony Blunt and Bob Stewart when the rezidentura at the Soviet Embassy in London suspended its operations in February 1940.[4]

Early life and education

Her father, Wilhelm Suschitzky (1877–1934), was a social democrat who was born into the Jewish community in Vienna, but had renounced Judaism and become an atheist. He opened the first social democratic bookshop in Vienna (later to become a publishers). Tudor-Hart's brother Wolfgang Suschitzky described their father as "a great man. I realised that later on in life, not so much when I saw him every day. But, I met interesting people, some of his authors who came and had lunch with us or met people who came to his shop."[5] Suschitzky recalled boyhood memories of the family excitement that greeted the Russian Revolution in 1917.[6]

She studied photography at the Bauhaus in Dessau[when?] , but worked in Vienna as a Montessori kindergarten teacher. Her brother also became a well-known photographer and cinematographer in Britain. He cited his sister as an influence on his decision to pursue an artistic career over a scientific one.[7]

An anti-fascist activist and Communist, she saw photography as a tool for disseminating her political ideas.[8] In 1933 she married medical doctor Alex Tudor-Hart, who she had met in 1925. She was described "by those who knew her in her youth as immensely vivacious, amusing, curious, and gifted".[9] The couple fled to London, England in 1933, so that she could avoid prosecution and persecution in Austria for her Communist activities and Jewish background.[10]

London

While her husband practised as a GP in the area of Rhondda Valley in South Wales,[11] she began to produce photographs for The Listener, The Social Scene and Design Today, dealing with issues such as refugees from the Spanish Civil War and industrial decline in the north-east of England. From the late 1930s, she concentrated more on social needs, such as housing policy and the care of disabled children. This change in work may have been because after separation from her husband who had just returned from the Spanish Civil War, their son, Tommy, became an incurable schizophrenic.

Spying activities

Tudor-Hart was instrumental in recruiting members of the Cambridge Spy ring, which damaged British intelligence from World War II through to its discovery in the late 1960s. While working as a photographer she also acted as a courier.[12] Her rather unsubtle codename was "Edith". Tudor-Hart had met Arnold Deutsch in Vienna in 1926, and with him she worked in the OMS, the International Liaison Department of the Comintern.[citation needed]

When she moved to London, Tudor-Hart's main contact was Litzi Friedmann. In May 1934, Arnold Deutsch discussed with Edith and Litzi the recruitment of Soviet spies. Litzi suggested her husband, Kim Philby.[13] "According to her report on Philby's file, through her own contacts with the Austrian underground Tudor Hart ran a swift check and, when this proved positive, Deutsch immediately recommended... that he pre-empt the standard operating procedure by authorizing a preliminary personal sounding out of Philby." [14]

Tudor-Hart was placed under surveillance by Special Branch after October 1931 when she was observed attending a demonstration in Trafalgar Square.[12] Tudor-Hart was of interest because of her friendship with Litzi Friedmann, who was Philby's first wife and almost certainly spotted him as a potential Communist agent during his stay in Vienna,[12] where he was a sympathiser of the Social Democrats who waged a civil war against the government of Engelbert Dollfuss. Tudor Hart vetted Philby for the NKVD and introduced him to "Otto" (Deutsch's code name).[15] When, in 1934, Friedmann and Philby arrived in London from Vienna, Tudor-Hart is credited as having suggested to Deutsch in his role as the now London-based NKVD recruiter, that the NKVD recruit them as agents.[16][17][18] She also helped to recruit Arthur Wynn in 1936.[19]

She acted as an intermediary for Anthony Blunt and Bob Stewart when the rezidentura at the Soviet Embassy in London suspended its operations in February 1940.[citation needed] In 1938–39 Burgess used her to contact Russian intelligence in Paris.[12]

Later life
She separated from her husband and suffered a breakdown. After the Second World War, she opened an antique shop in Brighton. She died of stomach cancer in Brighton on 12 May 1973.[20]

Bibliography

• Forbes, Duncan (2005). "Politics, photography and exile in the life of Edith Tudor-Hart (1908–1973)". In Behr, Shulamith; Malet, Marian (eds.). Arts in Exile in Britain, 1933–1945: politics and cultural identity. Amsterdam: Rodopi. ISBN 978-90-420-1786-3.
• Forbes, Duncan, ed. (2013). Edith Tudor-Hart: in the shadow of tyranny. Ostfildern: Hatje Cantz. ISBN 978-3-7757-3567-4. Catalogue for an exhibition in Edinburgh, Vienna, and Berlin
• Jungk, Peter Stephan (2015). Die Dunkelkammern der Edith Tudor-Hart: Geschichten eines Lebens. Frankfurt am Main: S. Fischer Verlag. ISBN 9783100023988.
• Tudor-Hart, Edith; Suschitzky, Wolf (text) (1987). The Eye of Conscience. The Photo Pocket Book. 1. London: Nishen. ISBN 1-85378-401-X.
Documentary film[edit]
• Tracking Edith (2016), written and directed by Peter Stephan Jungk[21]

References

1. Lloyd, Raymond. "50–100 Year anniversaries of distinguished Women of History: 2023". Shequality.org. Shequality. Retrieved 16 February 2012.
2. Von Bushy, Scratchy (3 August 2004). "Shortcuts:Secret history I, spy". The Guardian. Retrieved 17 February 2012.
3. Walter, Natasha (10 May 2003). "Spies and Lovers". The Guardian. Retrieved 16 February 2012.
4. The Guardian", 21 August 2015, How MI5 failed to expose matriarch of Cambridge spy ring by Ian Cobain
5. "Wolfgang Suschitzky 3 – The situation in Austria and my father's suicide". Web of Stories. Web of Stories. Retrieved 14 February 2012.
6. Interview with Suschitzky
7. "Wolfgang Suschitzky 2 – Studying photography and moving to London". Web of Stories. Web of Stories. Retrieved 14 February 2012.
8. "Edith Tudor Hart". Liverpool International Photography Festival. look 2011. Archived from the original on 2 August 2011. Retrieved 14 February 2012.
9. "Alex Tudor-Hart". Spartacus educational. Retrieved 12 October 2015.
10. Oxford University Press (2004). Edith Tudor Hart.
11. Eric Hobsbawm, Everybody behaved perfectly, London Review of Books, 33(16), August 2011
12. "25 November 2002 releases: Soviet Intelligence Agents and Suspected Agents". MI5 History > The Security Service at the National Archives. Crown Copyright. Archived from the original on 7 August 2011. Retrieved 16 February 2012.
13. >Biography of Edith Tudor Hart
14. John Costello and Oleg Tsarev, Deadly Illusions (1993), p. 134
15. Volodarsky, Boris (August 2010). "Living a lie: almost everything written about and by Kim Philby is wrong". History Today.
16. Genrikh Borovik (1994). The Philby Files – The Secret Life of Master Spy Kim Philby. ISBN 0-316-10284-9.
17. William E. Duff (1999). A Time for Spies: Theodore Stephanovich Mally and the Era of the Great Illegals. ISBN 0-8265-1352-2.
18. Nigel West (2005). Mask: Mi5's Penetration Of The Communist Party Of Great Britain. ISBN 0-415-35145-6.
19. MacIntyre, Ben; Bird, Steve (12 May 2009). "Civil servant Arthur Wynn revealed as recruiter of Oxford spies". London: The Times. Retrieved 12 May 2009.
20. "Edith Tudor Hart". Spartacus Educational. Retrieved 12 October 2015.
21. "Tracking Edith: a courageous woman with a mission / Auf Ediths spuren: Eine mutige Frau mit einer Mission". Retrieved 6 September 2018.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Mon Mar 23, 2020 5:00 am

Willi Lehmann
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

Image
Willi (Willy) Lehmann
Willi Lehmann
Nickname(s): Agent A-201/Breitenbach
Born: 15 March 1884, Leipzig, Germany
Died: 13 December 1942 (aged 58), Berlin, cremated Sachsenhausen concentration camp
Allegiance: Germany; USSR
Years of service: Germany 1911-1942; USSR 1929-1942
Rank: SS-Hauptsturmführer (captain)
Unit: Gestapo

Willi (Willy) Lehmann (15 March 1884, in Leipzig – 13 December 1942, in Berlin) was a police official and Soviet agent in Nazi Germany.[1]

Lehmann was a criminal inspector and SS-Hauptsturmführer (captain), alias Agent A-201/Breitenbach. During World War II Lehmann was one of the most valuable sources for the NKVD in Germany.


Biography

Lehmann joined the Berlin Police force in 1911. In 1920 he became deputy division chief of anti-espionage. In 1929 Lehmann began providing information for the NKVD. He did this not out of communist sympathy, but because he was married, also had a girlfriend, and needed money. In addition, he had a fondness for betting on horses.[2]

In 1933 Lehmann joined the Gestapo. The NKVD code name for the Gestapo was Apotheke (pharmacy). In the Gestapo Lehmann became director of the division combating Soviet espionage. Thanks to Lehmann's information, the Soviets were able to free their agent Arnold Deutsch, who later recruited Kim Philby.[3]


Lehmann entered the SS in 1934. Toward the end of June, Hermann Göring asked Lehmann to help organize the Röhm Putsch to liquidate opponents of the regime. Lehmann later told the NKVD that the murders he committed during the Night of the Long Knives sickened him. But at the same time they solidified his position with his Gestapo superiors.

In 1939 Lehmann transferred to the Reich Main Security Office, division IV. His responsibility was to prevent the Soviets from spying on the German armaments industry. This position enabled Lehmann to provide valuable information to the Soviets about German armaments. On 19 June 1941, Lehmann reported to the NKVD the exact date on which the Germans planned to invade the Soviet Union. Operation Barbarossa was launched on 22 June 1941. His message was telegraphed to Beria and Stalin, who noted in green ink "disinformation" on Lehmann's intelligence report.

In 1942, with the Germans' discovery of the Red Orchestra, Lehmann was arrested and shot without trial on orders of Heinrich Himmler
, who at the same time had the entire matter hushed up.

The Red Orchestra (German: Die Rote Kapelle), or the Red Chapel as it was known in Germany, was the name given by the Gestapo to anti-Nazi resistance workers during World War II. These included friends of Harro Schulze-Boysen and Arvid Harnack in Berlin, as well as groups working independently of these intelligence groups, working in Paris and Brussels, that were built up on behalf of Leopold Trepper on behalf of the Soviet Main Directorate of State Security (GRU).[1] Contrary to legend, the Red Orchestra was neither directed by Soviet communists nor under a single leadership but a network of groups and individuals, often operating independently. To date, about 400 members are known by name.[2] They printed illegal leaflets hoping to incite civil disobedience, helped Jews and opposition escape the regime, documented the crimes of the Nazi regime and forwarded military intelligence to the Allies. To this day, the public perception of the "Red Orchestra" is characterized by the transfigurations of the post-war years and the Cold War.[3]

-- Red Orchestra (espionage), by Wikipedia


References

1. Klussmann, Uwe (29 September 2009). "Spying in World War II Stalin's husband in the Gestapo". SPIEGELnet GmbH. Der Spiegel. Retrieved 31 December 2018.
2. Uwe Klussmann: Stalins Mann in der Gestapo. der Spiegel. 29 September 2009
3. Hans Coppi: Willy Lehmann; in: Hans Schafranek und Johannes Tuchel (Eds.):Krieg im Äther. Widerstand und Spionage im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Picus Verlag: Wien 2004, ISBN 3-85452-470-6

Bibliography

• Lehrer, Steven (2002). Hitler Sites: A City-by-city Guidebook (Austria, Germany, France, United States). McFarland. p. 224. ISBN 0-7864-1045-0.
• Lehrer, Steven (2006). The Reich Chancellery and Führerbunker Complex: An Illustrated History of the Seat of the Nazi Regime. McFarland. p. 214. ISBN 0-7864-2393-5.

.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Mon Mar 23, 2020 5:23 am

Part 1 of 2

Red Orchestra (espionage)
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/22/20

In the summer of 1932 ... Freda travelled in northern Germany. She wrote articles for the Derby Evening Telegraph about German family life and about the merits of German men, their cheerfulness, domesticity and love of order...

The Derby Evening Telegraph reported that the couple were planning to honeymoon in Italy before moving to Berlin and eventually settling in Lahore....

[BPL Bedi] secured a research scholarship -- in Berlin. By the summer of 1933, Hitler was already Germany's Chancellor and the Nazis were consolidating their hold on power. In July, they became the only legal political party. The communists, a mass party in Germany which attracted millions of votes, were an early target of the Nazis. They were forced underground -- their leadership, and many of their elected representatives, were arrested. The German capital was not a comfortable prospect for a mixed race couple with a record of communist activity. 'The great question was: should we go? -- because the menace of fascism was then becoming very real,' Freda recalled. Her new husband thought it was worth the risk.

They decided to make their way to Germany in a leisurely manner, and to have a honeymoon holidaying across Europe with Berlin the final destination. It was a honeymoon with a difference -- Freda and Bedi travelled with a friend, an Indian from East Africa who had a car and was a keen driver. 'So we three, with a couple of tents, wandered around Europe -- in France and Belgium and Germany, Czechoslovakia, Austria, Hungary, Italy. We had a really beautiful car-and-tent tour.' ... In mid-August, Freda sent a postcard from Italy to her college friend Olive Chandler. 'Tour all OK. Very brown + well. I like Venice but it's xxxx hot. Am leaving later for Dolomites + Austria (Vienna). Thence to Germany.' Her forwarding address was the Thomas Cook's office in the heart of Berlin.

The newlyweds arrived in the German capital a few weeks later and Bedi formally enrolled at university in October. By then, Freda was pregnant. They managed to get a quiet place to live a little out of the centre towards Potsdam, bordering the Wannsee lakes. 'It was a really lovely place -- a charming German cottage with a lovely garden, and we had some very very happy months there preparing for the child.' ...

Alongside Freda's personal and emotional ties to India was a political and intellectual commitment. She saw her marriage to Bedi as in part a shared collaboration; their purpose was to support India's freedom movement by personal advocacy and by creating wider awareness of the nationalist case. This joint endeavour took firm root in Oxford and persisted in Berlin and by the time the couple left the German capital they had served as the originators and editors of an impressive series of books about contemporary India, an achievement the more remarkable given that both editors were in their early twenties and one had never stepped on Indian soil.

Their first title was a selection of Gandhi's writings published in 1933 as a slim volume of eighty pages. It was in German and with a preface by a renowned Protestant theologian Rudolf Otto. The book bore the title Gandhi: Der Heilige und der Staatsmann, (Gandhi: the saint and the statesman). Freda and Bedi selected the items, which were variously spiritual and campaigning in tone, and wrote an introduction dated November 1932, early in their final academic year in Oxford. How it came about, and how it was received, is unclear -- it could well have been at Alfred Zimmern's initiative....

Emboldened perhaps by this initial venture into print, the couple moved on to a much more ambitious project: India Analysed. 'At that time the Round Table Conference was on and I felt that something on India must be projected,' Bedi recalled; 'by that time I had met Freda my future wife and we were collaborating intellectually. It was a joy working with her and we planned together.' They approached Victor Gollancz, London's leading left-wing publisher, who agreed to a series of volumes about India. Freda and Bedi were the joint editors and enlisted renowned academics and experts in Britain and India to provide rigorous articles about India's place in international institutions, its economy, trade and fiscal situation. Four volumes were planned, each containing five essays -- though the final volume on constitutional issues never appeared....

They certainly aimed high in the contributors they enlisted. Their friend and mentor Alfred Zimmern, Oxford's first professor of international relations, had pole position in the first volume, writing on 'India and the world situation'. His counterpart at the London School of Economics, C.A.W. Manning, examined 'India and the League of Nations'. Both were big names but not -- as they conceded -- specialists on India. Only one of the five contributors was himself Indian. This seems to be what annoyed a reviewer on a Lahore daily paper, who found the essays 'ponderous', 'cursory' and 'superficial', and 'done from an angle of vision with which majority of Indians will not see eye to eye'....

While the tone of the volumes was progressive, this was by the standards of the October Club very mild fare. Some of the contributors were on the left, but there was no hint of communism or revolution in India Analysed. That's unlikely to have been at the publisher's behest, as Gollancz published several Marxist and communist writers, but the choice of the editors. Their aim with these volumes was more to inform than to agitate; to create an awareness of India's current difficulties, particularly economic and fiscal, which in turn would help shape discussion about the country's future....

The proofs of the first volume of India Analysed, devoted to the country's international standing, reached the editors at the end of May 1933, as Freda and Bedi were preparing for their finals exams -- and for their wedding. Nevertheless, the book was ready to go to press just ten days later, and it was published in July -- at about the time that the couple were heading off on honeymoon. The subsequent two volumes followed promptly. In the second volume, devoted to economic facts, Freda used her married name. The preface was written from Berlin on 5th October 1933 -- the same day as Freda's letter to her mother-in-law. The couple put the finishing touches to the third volume, about 'economic issues', in April 1934 -- by which time Freda was eight months pregnant. It appeared at about the time the Bedis and their newborn son were on their way to India....

Seeing through all three volumes of India Analysed would have been a drain on the time of both Freda and Bedi, but it also must have given them status within the Indian student community in Berlin. Not many students in pursuit of a doctorate had such an impressive list of publications to their name. Berlin was, in the late twenties and early thirties, one of the commanding European capitals, bursting with intellectual energy. Some Indian students preferred it to London, not least because they wanted to escape the embrace of an Empire to which they were opposed. There was also an Indian emigre community in the German capital, politically engaged in ending Imperialism and sometimes working alongside Germany's powerful Communist Party....

Bedi's research scholarship at the old-established Friedrich Wilhelm Universitat (now the Humboldt University) brought him a modest stipend of 110 Reichsmark a month, supplemented by financial support from his older brother. His research topic was about the development of classes and castes in India under the supervision of one of Europe's most renowned economists and sociologists of the time, Werner Sombart.

The university was popular among Indians studying in Europe. Zakir Husain, later independent India's first Muslim president, was awarded a doctorate there in the 1920s. Ram Manohar Lohia, who went on to become a commanding figure in Indian socialism, was a doctoral student at the university until early 1933.23 There was in the early 1930s an active network of left-wing and nationalist Indians in Berlin -- and of informers passing word of who was doing and saying what back to the British authorities. The British embassy in Berlin kept a close eye on the activities of Indian students and the Indian police were keen that nationalist students should not be forced out of the city, as that would disrupt the flow of intelligence. The League Against Imperialism, established in 1927 on the initiative of communists and with the active support of Nehru and the Indian National Congress, was based in Berlin until it was raided at the end of 1931. This was an important initiative aimed at creating links between nationalist movements in countries such as India, China and South Africa, western socialists who were campaigning for 'colonial freedom' and the international communist movement, and while it eventually dissolved amid political and factional recrimination, it was the sort of initiative which put the British authorities on edge.

By the time Freda and Bedi headed to Berlin there were clear indications of the worsening political atmosphere. There was a book burning at the university in May 1933, a portent of political and academic intolerance. Even more alarming, a few weeks earlier A.C.N. Nambiar was arrested, and also roughed-up by members of the Hitler Youth. He was a journalist and long-term resident of Germany who had been the administrator of the Indian Information Bureau, the rallying point for the Indian left in Berlin....

[Bedi's] social circle certainly included Indian nationalists living in or passing through Berlin. Both he and Freda got to know Subhas Chandra Bose, the key figure on the radical wing of the Indian National Congress, and when in India they both published an article by him and publicly defended him from accusations of fascism.

BPL ... was keeping up-to-date with the Free India movement in India. A frequent visitor to their lakeside cottage was Subhas Chandra Bose, who went on to become one of the most prominent and controversial leaders of the independence movement. Bose was educated at Cambridge and also had a European wife -– Emilie Schenkl, an Austrian. He made it a point to visit sympathetic Indian students living in Europe, and the couple had much in common with Freda and BPL Bedi.

“We came to know Bose intimately, and a deep friendship grew,” said BPL. Bose was a hard-core communist, a great admirer of the Soviet Union, who maintained that only an authoritarian state, not democracy, would be able to reshape India. (Later he was forced to resign as present of the Indian National Congress because his platform of violent resistance clashed with Gandhi’s peaceful pathway.)

In Germany, however, Bose, won the young BPL over completely. “Freda and I were both fired up with the patriotic zeal of liberating the motherland from British imperialism,” BPL said. “While we were in Berlin, an eminent journalist asked me what was my agenda for India. ‘Live dangerously,’ I replied. ‘Live dangerously for every form of exploitation of man by man. Live dangerously for every form of injustice. Live dangerously for any violation of human dignity.’”

-- The Revolutionary Life of Freda Bedi, by Vicki Mackenzie


Image
Subhas Bose meeting Adolf Hitler

-- Subhas Chandra Bose, by Wikipedia


For Indian leftists, impatient with what they saw as the quietism of Gandhi and his allies within the Congress and demanding a more militant form of nationalism and anti-Imperialism, the rise of a race-based populist nationalism caught the eye. When in Lahore, B.P.L. Bedi wrote about the Hitler Youth in a style more descriptive than denunciatory, explaining why Hitler put such importance in organising young Germans and how he had managed to attract four million youngsters into his youth wing. At the time of Bedi's stay in Berlin, his supervisor Werner Sombart -- who had once spoken of himself as a convinced Marxist -- published Deutscher Sozialismus ('German Socialism', though the English translation was published as A New Social Philosophy). This clearly looked to the Nazi party to achieve a new style of socialism which placed 'the welfare of the whole above the welfare of the individual'. Sombart asserted that "'a new spirit" is beginning to rule mankind'. There could be 'no universally valid social order but only one that is suited to a particular nation' -- and German socialism required that 'the individual as a citizen will have no rights but only duties.'

In 1934 [Werner Sombart] published Deutscher Sozialismus where he claimed a "new spirit" was beginning to "rule mankind". The age of capitalism and proletarian socialism was over, with "German socialism" (National-Socialism) taking over. This German socialism puts the "welfare of the whole above the welfare of the individual". German socialism must effect a "total ordering of life" with a "planned economy in accordance with state regulations". The new legal system will confer on individuals "no rights but only duties" and that "the state should never evaluate individual persons as such, but only the group which represents these persons". German socialism is accompanied by the Volksgeist (national spirit) which is not racial in the biological sense but metaphysical: "the German spirit in a Negro is quite as much within the realm of possibility as the Negro spirit in a German". The antithesis of the German spirit is the Jewish spirit, which is not a matter of being born Jewish or believing in Judaism but is a capitalistic spirit. The English people possess the Jewish spirit and the "chief task" of the German people and National Socialism is to destroy the Jewish spirit.

-- Werner Sombart, by Wikipedia


Freda seems to have imbibed something of this indulgence of totalitarianism. In a review of books about European fascism, she expressed understanding -- sympathy almost -- for the rise of National Socialism. 'Germany is making a determined fight for equality and national self-respect,' she declared. 'Her desire for equal arms is only an expression of it -- she has no desire to make war.' And citing her 'year of observation in Nazi Germany', she argued that one of the authors had misunderstood his topic:

He has judged Germany by the standards of democratic countries. He has seen very clearly the German love of organization, of uniform and of bands. But he has not rightly understood that the passion for discipline in Germany is a question of internal order, something ingrained in the cleanly, thorough German character -- and not an expression of an agressive [sic] spirit that is a danger to European peace....


In the same review, she wrote approvingly of Oswald Mosley and British fascism. 'It is useless to deny that Fascism will have a hold in England,' she declared. 'Leaving aside the personality of Mosley -- there may be differences of opinion on that -- the fact remains that a vital nationalistic policy, put forward by a group of men determined on the idea of service, has never yet failed to stir a nation to action and to progress.' She repeated this chilling endorsement of fascism in the conclusion of the review:

Fascism in its national aspect can be sure of an ultimate success, but English Fascism must beware against inheriting an imperialist tradition, with all its evils and abuses. Mosley and his men may see before them a Greater Britain, but there are others equally sincere who see before them a Greater India. And the dynamic national consciousness of India will attain its ultimate victory just as surely and thoroughly as Italy has done, and Russia and Germany. English Fascism will only succeed in so far as it limits itself to the borders of Great Britain.


...

For the Bedis, finding a political home in Lahore was not straightforward -- nor was it their immediate priority. 'For the first year and a half, we worked in a very indirect way because it was essential to build up at least a minimum income on which to live,' Freda explained to Olive Chandler in December 1936, 'but for the last nine months we have been doing much more openly socialist work ... among the students and the peasants. Holding study circles, addressing meetings, and P.L. has been holding peasant schools in the villages to instill [sic] a spirit of rebellion into them all (adult schools). We have had inspiring conferences lately ... there is a storm of rebellion in the Sikh peasantry of the Punjab, at present just brewing, but ready for the bursting.'

For both, the introduction to political activity in Lahore was in the lecture hall. When early in 1936, a radical organisation in Lahore organised a series of lectures on 'The Great Contemporaries', Bedi addressed the inaugural session on 'Hitler in the Rebuilding of Germany'. Freda spoke at a later meeting about the Irish nationalist and republican Eamon de Valera, at that time head of government of the Irish Free State ...

---The Lives of Freda: The Political, Spiritual and Personal Journeys of Freda Bedi, by Andrew Whitehead


The Red Orchestra (German: Die Rote Kapelle), or the Red Chapel as it was known in Germany, was the name given by the Gestapo to anti-Nazi resistance workers during World War II. These included friends of Harro Schulze-Boysen and Arvid Harnack in Berlin, as well as groups working independently of these intelligence groups, working in Paris and Brussels, that were built up on behalf of Leopold Trepper on behalf of the Soviet Main Directorate of State Security (GRU).[1] Contrary to legend, the Red Orchestra was neither directed by Soviet communists nor under a single leadership but a network of groups and individuals, often operating independently. To date, about 400 members are known by name.[2] They printed illegal leaflets hoping to incite civil disobedience, helped Jews and opposition escape the regime, documented the crimes of the Nazi regime and forwarded military intelligence to the Allies. To this day, the public perception of the "Red Orchestra" is characterized by the transfigurations of the post-war years and the Cold War.[3]

Image
Arvid Harnack, Harro Schulze-Boysen and John Sieg on a GDR stamp

Image
Sculpture by Achim Kühn created in 2010 and sitting in Schulze-Boysen-Straße 12, in Lichtenberg, Berlin

Reappraisal

For a long time after World War II, only parts of the German resistance to Nazism had been known to the public within Germany and the world at large.[4] This included the groups that took part in the 20 July plot and the White Rose resistance groups. In the 1970s there was a growing interest in the various forms of resistance and opposition. However, no organisations' history was so subject to systematic misinformation, and recognised as little, as those resistance groups centred around Arvid Harnack and Harro Schulze-Boysen.[4]

In a number of publications, the groups that these two people represented were seen as traitors and spies. An example of these was Kennwort: Direktor; die Geschichte der Roten Kapelle (Password: Director; The history of the Red Chapel) written by Heinz Höhne who was a Der Spiegel journalist.[4] Höhne based his book on the investigation by the Lüneburg Public Prosecutor's Office against the General Judge of the Luftwaffe Manfred Roeder who was involved in the Harnack and Schulze-Boysen cases during World War II and who contributed decisively to the formation of the legend that survived for much of the Cold War period. In his book Höhne reports from former Gestapo and Reich war court individuals who had a conflict of interest and were intent in defaming the groups attached to Harnack and Schulze-Boysen with accusations of treason.[4]

The perpetuation of the defamation from the 1940s through to the 1970s that started with the Gestapo, was incorporated by the Lüneburg Public Prosecutor's Office and evaluated as a journalistic process that can be seen by the 1968 trial of far-right holocaust denier Manfred Roeder by the German lawyer Robert Kempner. The Frankfurt public prosecutors office, which prosecuted the case against Roeder, based its investigation on procedure case number "1 Js 16/49" which was the trial case number defined by the Lüneburg Public Prosecutor's Office.[4] The whole process propagated the Gestapo ideas of the Red Orchestra and this was promulgated in the report of the public prosecutor's office which stated:[4]

...To these two men and their wives, a group of political supporters of different characters and of different backgrounds gathered over the course of time. They were united in the active fight against National Socialism and in their advocacy of communism (emphasis added by author). Until the outbreak of the war with the Soviet Union, the focus of their work was on domestic politics. After that, he shifted more to the territory of treason and espionage in favor of the Soviet Union. At the beginning of 1942, the Schulze-Boysen Group was finally involved in the widespread network of the Soviet intelligence service in Western Europe... The Schulze-Boysen group was first and foremost an espionage organization for the Soviet Union...


From the perspective of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) the Red Orchestra were honoured as anti-fascist resistance fighters and indeed received posthumous orders in 1969. However, the most comprehensive collection biographies that exist are from the GDR and they represent their point of view.[4]

In the 1980s, the GDR historian Heinrich Scheel, who at the time was vice president of the East German Academy of Sciences and who was part of the anti-Nazi Tegeler group that included Hans Coppi, Hermann Natterodt and Hans Lautenschlager [de] from 1933, conducted research into the Rote Kapelle and produced a paper which took a more nuanced view of the Rote Kapelle and discovered the work that was done to defame them. [5][4] Heinrich Scheel's work enabled a re-evaluation of the Rote Kapelle, but it was not until 2009 that the German Bundestag overturned the judgments of the National Socialist judiciary for "treason" and rehabilitated the members of the Red Chapel.[6]

Name

Image
Diagram of the various groups of the Red Orchestra

The term "Red Orchestra" was a cryptonym that was invented by the Reichssicherheitshauptamt (RSHA), the counter-espionage part of the Schutzstaffel (SS), which referred to resistance radio operators as "pianists", their transmitters as "pianos", and their supervisors as "conductors".[7]

The Red Orchestra was a collective name that was used by the Gestapo, the German secret police for the purpose of identification, and the Funkabwehr, the German radio counterintelligence organisation. The Funkabwehr used the name to identify the Paris and Brussels groups that were opponents of the Nazis, that appeared after the invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941.

Only after the Abwehr had decrypted radio messages in August 1942, in which German names appeared, did the Gestapo start to arrest and imprison them, their friends and relatives. In 2002, the German filmmaker Stefan Roloff, whose father was a member of one of the Red Orchestra groups, [8] wrote:

Due to their contact with the Soviets, the Brussels and Berlin groups were grouped by the Counterespionage and the Gestapo under the misleading name Red Chapel. A radio operator tapping Morse code marks with his fingers was a pianist in the intelligence language. A group of "pianists" formed a "chapel", and since the Morse code had come from Moscow, the "chapel" was communist and thus red. This misunderstanding laid the foundation upon which the resistance group was later treated as a serving espionage organization in the historiography of the Soviets, until it could be corrected at the beginning of the 1990s. The Organization construct created by the Gestapo, Red Orchestra has never existed in this form.[9] In his research, the historian Hans Coppi Jr., whose father was also a member, Hans Coppi, emphasised that, in view of the Western European groups

A network led by Leopold Trepper of the 'Red Chapel' in Western Europe did not exist. The different groups in Belgium, Holland and France worked largely independently of each other.[1]


The German political scientist Johannes Tuchel summed up in a research article for the Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand.[10]

The Gestapo investigates them under the collective name, Red Chapel and wants to know them above all as an espionage organization of the Soviet Union. This designation, which reduces the groups around Harnack and Schulze-Boysen on contacts to the Soviet intelligence service, also later shapes the motives and aims, later distorting their image in the German public.


Germany

Harnack group/Schulze-Boysen


The Red Orchestra in the world today are mainly the resistance groups around the Luftwaffe officer Harro Schulze-Boysen, the writer Adam Kuckhoff and the economist Arvid Harnack, to which historians assign more than 100 people.[10]

Origin

Harnack and Schulze-Boysen had similar political views, both rejected the Treaty of Versailles of 1919, and sought alternatives to the existing social order. Since the Great Depression of 1929, they saw the Soviet planned economy as a positive counter-model to the free-market economy. They wanted to introduce planned economic elements in Germany and work closely with the Soviet Union without breaking German bridges to Western Europe.

Image
Harro Schulze-Boysen; East Germany (1964)

Image
Memorial stone for Arvid and Mildred Harnack at Friedhof Zehlendorf cemetery in Berlin-Zehlendorf, Onkel-Tom-Straße 30–33

Before 1933, Schulze-Boysen published the non-partisan leftist and later banned magazine German: Gegner, lit. 'opponent'.[11]. In April 1933, the Sturmabteilung detained him for some time, severely battered him, and killed a fellow Jewish inmate. As a trained pilot, he received a position of trust in 1934 in the Reich Ministry of Aviation and had access to war-important information. After his marriage to Libertas Schulze-Boysen née Haas-Heye in 1936, the couple collected young intellectuals from diverse backgrounds, including the artist couple Kurt and Elisabeth Schumacher, the writers Günther Weisenborn and Walter Küchenmeister, the journalists John Graudenz and Gisela von Pöllnitz, the actor Marta Husemann and her husband Walter in 1938, the doctors Elfriede Paul in 1937 and John Rittmeister in Christmas 1941, the dancer Oda Schottmüller, and since . Schulze-Boysen held twice monthly meetings at his Charlottenburg atelier for thirty-five to forty people in what was considered a Bohemian circle of friends. Initially these meetings followed an informatics program of resistance that was in keeping with its environment and were important places of personal and political understanding but also vanishing points from an often unbearable reality, essentially serving as islands of democracy. As the decade progressed they increasingly served as identity-preserving forms of self-assertion and cohesion as the Nazi state became all encompassing.[12] Formats of the meetings usually started with book discussions in the first 90 minutes were followed by Marxist discussions and resistance activities that were interspersed with parties, picnics, sailing on the Wannsee and poetry readings, until midnight as the mood took.[13] However, as the realisation that the war preparations were becoming unstoppable and the future victors were not going to be the Sturmabteilung, Shulze-Boysen whose decisions were in demand called for the group to cease their discussions and start resisting.[12]

Other friends were found by Schulze-Boysen among former students of a reform school on the island of Scharfenberg in Berlin-Tegel. These often came from communist or social - democratic workers' families, e.g. Hans and Hilde Coppi, Heinrich Scheel, Hermann Natterodt and Hans Lautenschlager. Some of these contacts existed before 1933, for example through the German Society of intellectuals. John Rittmeister's wife Eva was a good friend of Liane Berkowitz, Ursula Goetze, Friedrich Rehmer [de], Maria Terwiel and Fritz Thiel [de] who met in the 1939 abitur class at the secondary private school, Heil'schen Abendschule at Berlin W 50, Augsburger Straße 60 in Schöneberg. The Romanist Werner Krauss joined this group, and through discussions, an active resistance to the Nazi regime grew. Ursula Goetze who was part of the group, provided contacts with the communist groups in Neukölln.[6]

From 1932 onwards, the economist Arvid Harnack and his American wife Mildred assembled a group of friends and members of the Berlin (Marxist Workers School [de]) (MASCH) to form a discussion group which debated the political and economic perspectives at the time. Harnak's group meetings in contrast to Schulze-Boysen were considered rather austere. Members of the group included the German politician and Minister of Culture Adolf Grimme, the locksmith Karl Behrens [de], the German journalist Adam Kuckhoff and his wife Greta and the industrialist and entrepreneur Leo Skrzypczynski. From 1935, Harnack tried to camouflage his activities by becoming a member of the Nazi Party working in the Reich Ministry of Economics with the rank of Oberregierungsrat. Through this work, Harnack planned to train them to build a free and socially-just Germany after the end of the National Socialism regime.[6]

Oda Schottmüller and Erika Gräfin von Brockdorff were friends with the Kuckhoffs. In 1937 Adam Kuckhoff introduced Harnack to the journalist and railway freight ground worker John Sieg, a former editor of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) newspaper the Die Rote Fahne. As a railway worker at the Deutsche Reichsbahn, Sieg was able to make use of work-related travel, enabling him to found a communist resistance group in Neukölln in Berlin. He knew the former Foreign Affairs Minister Wilhelm Guddorf and Martin Weise [de].[14] In 1934 Guddorf was arrested and sentenced to hard labour. In 1939 after his release from the Sachsenhausen concentration camp, Guddorf worked as a bookseller, and worked closely with Schulze-Boysen.[6]

Through these contacts a loose network of seven Berlin friends, discussion and training groups formed by 1941, that constituted some 150 Berlin Nazi opponents.[15] Included in the group were artists, scientists, citizens, workers and students from several different backgrounds. The combined group included Communists, political conservatives, Jews, devout Catholics, and atheists. Their ages were from 16 to 86, and about 40% of the group were women. They had different political views and searched for the open exchange of views, at least in the private sector. Schulze-Boysen and Harnack were close in some ideas of the Communist Party of Germany, others were devout Catholics such as Maria Terwiel and her husband Helmut Himpel [de]. Uniting all groups was the firm rejection of national socialism.

On the initiative of Adam and Greta Kuckhoff, they introduced Harro and Libertas Schulze-Boysen to Arvid and Mildred Harnack and began engaging then socially, with their hitherto separate groups moved together once the Polish campaign began on September 1939.[16] From 1940 onwards, they regularly exchanged their opinions on the war and other Nazi policies and sought action against it.[6]

The historian Heinrich Scheel, a schoolmate of Hans Coppi, judged these groups by stating:

Only with this stable hinterland, it was possible to get through all the little glitches and major disasters and to make permanent our resistance


As early as 1934, Scheel had passed written material from one contact person to the next within clandestine communist cells and had seen how easily such connections were lost if a meeting did not materialize, due to one party being arrested. In a relaxed group of friends and discussion with like-minded people, it was easy to find supporters for an action. [17]

Acts of resistance

Image
Adam Kuckhoff, DDR

From 1933 onwards, the Berlin groups connected to Schulze-Boysen and Harnack resisted the Nazis by:

• Providing assistance to the persecuted
• Disseminating pamphlets and leaflets that contained dissident content.
• Writing letters to prominent individuals including university professors.
• Collecting and sharing information, including on foreign representatives, on German war preparations, crimes of the Wehrmacht and Nazi crimes,
• Contacting other opposition groups and foreign forced labourers.
• Invoking disobedience to Nazi representatives.
• Writing drafts for a possible post-war order.

From mid-1936, the Spanish Civil War preoccupied the Schulze-Boysen group. Through Walter Küchenmeister, the Schulze-Boysen group began to discuss more concrete actions, and during these meetings would listen to foreign radio stations from London, Paris and Moscow.[16] A plan was formed to take advantage of Schulze-Boysen employment, and through this the group were able to get detailed information on Germany's support of Francisco Franco. Beginning in 1937, in the Wilmersdorf waiting room of Dr Elfriede Paul, began distributing the first leaflet on the Spanish Civil War.[18]

After the Munich Agreement, Schulze-Boysen created a second leaflet with Walter Küchenmeister, that declared the annexation of the Sudetenland in October 1938 as a further step on the way to a new world war. This leaflet was called Der Stoßtrupp or The Raiding Patrol, and condemned the Nazi government and argued against the government's propaganda.[16] A document that was used at the trial of Schulze-Boysen indicated that only 40 to 50 copies of the leaflet were distributed.[16]

The Invasion of Poland on 1 September 1939, was seen as the beginning of the feared world war, but also as an opportunity to eliminate Nazi rule and to a thorough transformation of German society. Hitler's victories in France and Norway in 1940 encouraged them to expect the replacement of the Nazi regime, above all from the Soviet Union, not from Western capitalism. They believed that the Soviet Union would keep Germany as a sovereign state after its victory and that they wanted to work towards a corresponding opposition without domination by the Communist Party of Germany.

Call for popular uprising

AGIS leaflets


From 1940 onwards, the group started to produce leaflets that were signed with AGIS in reference to the Spartan King Agis IV. The name of the newspaper Agis was originally the idea of John Rittmeister.[19] These had titles like The becoming of the Nazi movement, Call for opposition, Freedom and violence[20] and Appeal to All Callings and Organisations to resist the government.[21] The writing of the AGIS leaflet series was a mix of Schuzle-Boysen and Walter Küchenmeister, a communist political writer, who would often include copy from KPD members and through contacts. Their printing was arranged by the potter Cato Bontjes van Beek. They were often left in phone booths, or selected addresses from the phone book. Extensive precautions were taken, including wearing gloves, using many different typewriters and destroying the carbon paper. John Graudenz also produced, running duplicate mimeograph machines in the apartment of Anne Krauss.[22]

In 15 February 1942, the group wrote the large 6 page pamphlet called Die Sorge Um Deutschlands Zukunft geht durch das Volk! (English:The concern for Germany's future goes through the people!. The paper was written up by Maria Terwiel.[23] The paper describes how the care of Germany's future is decided by the people... and called for the opposition to the war the Nazis all Germans, who now all threaten the future of all. A copy survived to the present day. [24][25]

The text first analysed the current situation: contrary to the Nazi propaganda, most German armies were in retreat, the number of war dead was in the millions. Inflation, scarcity of goods, plant closures, labour agitation and corruption in State authorities were occurring all the time. Then the text examined German war crimes:

The conscience of all true patriots, however, is taking a stand against the whole current form of German power in Europe. All who retained the sense of real values shudder when they see how the German name is increasingly discredited under the sign of the swastika. In all countries today, hundreds, often thousands of people, are shot or hanged by legal and arbitrary people, people to whom they have nothing to be accused of but to remain loyal to their country ... In the name of the Reich, the most abominable torments and atrocities are committed against civilians and prisoners. Never in history has a man been so hated as Adolf Hitler. The hatred of tortured humanity is weighing on the whole German people.[24]


The Soviet Paradise

Image
Adhesive notes of the Red Chapel

In early 1942, Joseph Goebbels held a Nazi propaganda exhibition called The Soviet Paradise (German original title "Das Sowjet-Paradies"), with the express purpose of justifying the invasion of the Soviet Union to the German people.[26]

Both the Harnack's and Kuckhoff's spent half a day at the exhibition. In a campaign initiated by John Graudenz in mid-May 1942, Schulze-Boysen and nineteen others, mostly people from the group around Rittmeister, travelled across five Berlin neighbourhoods to paste handbills over the original exhibition posters with the message:

Permanent Exhibition
The Nazi Paradise
War, Hunger, Lies, Gestapo
How much longer?[26]


Image
Harro Schulze-Boysen

Image
Arvid Harnack

Image
Mildred Harnack

Image
Counterintelligence Corps 1947 file concerning Red Orchestra member Maria Terwiel.

Image
The Schulze Boysen Group.[27]
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Mon Mar 23, 2020 6:03 am

Part 2 of 2

Individuals and small groups

Other small groups and individuals, who knew little or nothing about each other, each resisted the National Socialists in their own way until the Gestapo arrested them and treated them as a common espionage organization from 1942 to 1943.

• Kurt Gerstein

Kurt Gerstein was a German SS officer who had twice been sent to concentration camps in 1938 due to close links with the Confessional Church and had been expelled from the Nazi Party. As a mine manager and industrialist, Gerstein was convinced that he could resist by exerting influence inside the Nazi administration. On 10 March 1941, when he heard about the German euthanasia program Aktion T4, he joined the SS and by chance became Hygiene-Institut der Waffen-SS (Institute for Hygiene of the Waffen-SS) and was ordered by the RSHA to supply prussic acid to the Nazis. Gerstein set about finding methods to dilute the acid, but his main aim was to report the euthanasia programme to his friends. In August 1942, after attending a gassing using a diesel engine exhaust from a car, he informed the Swedish embassy in Berlin of what happened.[28]

• Willy Lehmann

Willy Lehmann was a communist sympathizer who was recruited by the Soviet NKVD in 1929 and became one of their most valuable agents. In 1932 Lehmann joined the Gestapo and reported to the NKVD the complete work of the Gestapo.[29] In 1935 Lehmann attended a rocket engine ground firing test in Kummersdorf that was attended by Wernher von Braun. From this Lehmann sent six pages of data to Stalin on 17 December 1935.[30] Through Lehmann, Stalin also learned about the power struggles in the Nazi party, rearmament work and even the date of Operation Barbarossa. On October 1942 Lehmann was discovered by the Gestapo and murdered without trial.[29] Lehmann had no connection to the Schulze-Boysen or Harnack group.

The Von Scheliha Group

Foreign Representatives


From 1933 to December 1941 the Harnack's had contact with the US Embassy counsellor Donald R. Heath and Martha Dodd, the daughter of the then US Ambassador William Dodd. The Harnack's would often attend at receptions at the American embassy as well at parties organised by Martha Dodd, until about 1937.[31] As like-minded people, the group was convinced that the population would revolt against the Nazi's and when it did not, it convinced the group that new avenues were needed to defeat Hitler. From the summer of 1935, Harnack worked on economic espionage for the Soviet Union, and economic espionage for the United States by November 1939. Harnack was convinced that America would play a part in defeating Nazi Germany.[31]

In September 1940, Alexander Mikhailovich Korotkov acting under his codename of Alexander Erdberg, a Soviet intelligence officer who was part of the Soviet Trade Delegation in Berlin, won over Arvid Harnack as an spy for the Soviet Embassy.[32] Harnack had been an informant but in a meeting with Korotkov in the Harnacks top floor apartment at Woyrschstrasse in Berlin and later in a meeting arranged by Erdberg in the Soviet Embassy to ensure he was not a decoy, he finally convinced Harnack who was reluctant to agree.[33] Several reasons have been advanced as to why Harnack decided to become a spy, including a need for money, being ideologically driven and possibly blackmailed by Russian intelligence. It was known that Harnack had planned an independent existence for his friends. In statement by Erdberg discovered after the war, he thought Harnack was not motived by money, nor ideologically driven but he was specifically building an anti-fascist organisation for Germany as opposed to an espionage network for Russian intelligence. He considered himself a German patriot. [33]

From 26 September 1940, Harnack passed on knowledge received from Schulze-Boysen about the planned attack on the Soviet Union to Korotkov, but not about the open and branched structure of his group of friends. In March 1941, Schulze-Boysen informed Korotkov directly about his knowledge of the German attack plans.

During May 1941, Korotkov had taken delivery of two shortwave radio sets that had been delivered in the Soviet Union embassy diplomatic pouch and handed them to Greta Kuckhoff without precise instructions on how to use them, nor in how to maintain contact with the Soviet leadership, in case of war.[34] The two radio sets were of different design. The first set had been damaged by Korotkov and had been returned to the Soviet Union for repair, returned and kept by Greta Kuckhoff at 22 June 1941. That other set was battery powered, with a range of 600 miles that was passed to Coppi on the instruction of Schulze-Boyson at the Kurt and Elisabeth Schumacher's apartment. On 26 June 1941, Coppi sent a message:"A thousand greetings to all friends". Moscow replied "We have received and read your test message. The substitution of letters for numbers and vice versa is to be done using the permanent number 38745 and the codeword Schraube", and to transmit at a predefined frequency and time. After that, the batteries were too weak to reach Moscow. The second set was passed to Coppi at the Eichkamp S-Bahn railway station. The second set was more powerful, being AC powered. Coppi would later accidentally destroy the AC-powered transmitter by connecting it to a DC power socket, destroying the transformer and Vacuum tube.[35] Coppi and the Harnack/Shulze-Boysen resistance groups never received sufficient training from Korotkov. Indeed, when Greta Kuckhoff was trained she concluded that her own technical preparations were "extraordinarily inadequate".[36] Only a few members of the Schulze-Boysen/Harnack Group knew about these radio experiments.

Belgium

Belgium was a favourite place for Soviet espionage to establish operations before World War II as it was geographically close to the centre of Europe, provided good commercial opportunities between Belgium and the rest of Europe and most important of all, the Belgian government were indifferent to foreign espionage operations that were conducted as long as they were against foreign powers and not Belgium itself.[37][38] Before any Soviet agent visited a country. Russian intelligence services sent out a list of people who could be considered useful to the Soviet diplomatic representative in Brussels. These people were committed communists, who had not been elected to a public office of any kind and who had been extensively vetted by Russian intelligence.[37] The availability of a such a contact list enabled proposed agents to be activated in specific positions in the network with surprising efficiency.[37]

The first agents to arrive in Belgium were technicians. The Red Army Intelligence agent and radio specialist Johann Wenzel arrived in January 1936[39] under the guise of a student of mechanics and enrolled at a technical school.[40]

France

The Trepper Group


Image
Diagram of the Trepper Group organisation

Leopold Trepper was an agent of the Red Army Intelligence, with the code name of Otto, and had been working with them since 1930.[41] Trepper was an experienced intelligence officer and an extremely resourceful and capable man who was completely at home in the west, a man who could not be drawn in conversation, who lived a concealed life and whose special talent was a keen judge of people that enabled him to penetrate significant groups.[42]

During the 1930s he had worked to create a large pool of intelligence sources, through contact with the French Communist Party.[42] During early 1939, he was sent to Brussels, posing as a Canadian industrialist, to establish a commercial cover for a spy network in France and the Low Countries. Trepper established the cover company the "Foreign Excellent Raincoat Company" in Brussels, an export company with offices in many major European ports, to sell crockery and raincoats. After the conquest of Belgium during May 1940, he relocated to Paris and established the cover companies of Simex in Paris and Simexco in Brussels. Both companies sold black market goods to the Germans and made a profit doing so. Belgian-born socialite Suzanne Spaak joined the Trepper group in Paris after seeing the conduct of the Nazi occupiers in her country.[43]

Trepper directed seven GRU networks in France and each had its own group leader with a focus on gathering a specific type of intelligence.[44] Trepper constructed them in a manner so that there independent, working in parallel with only the group leader having direct contact with Trepper.[44] Regular meeting places were used for contact point at predetermined times and that could only be set by Trepper. This type of communication meant that Trepper could contact the group leader but not vice versa and stringent security measures were built in at every step.[44] The seven networks in France were as follows,

• Group Andre. It remit was to collect intelligence on the German economy and industry. Its cover name was Andre

This group was run by Leon Grossvogel. Grossvogel was a Luxembourger Jew and communist businessman who effectively created and ran the Simex company for Trepper but gave up the work at the company to exclusively work within the espionage network. His other task was the control of the wireless equipment and communication needs of the network. As part of his remit he was responsible for finding safe house, rendezvous points for other networks and letter drop locations.[45]

• Group Harry. Its remit was to collect intelligence from French military and political groups, from within the Deuxième Bureau and within Vichy intelligence, from the Central Committee of the French Communist Party, from Gaullist groups and from UK groups.[45]

This group was run by Henri Robinson. Robinson was a German Jew and communist. Unlike Trepper who worked for the Red Army Intelligence, Robinson was a Communist International (Cominterm) agent who had been running his own vast Cominterm espionage network in the UK, France, Belgium and Germany before Trepper arrived in Europe. There was an intense dislike between the two men due to Robinson being forced to hand over his network to Trepper when he arrived in France, even though Robinson was senior to Trepper. The Cominterm organisation had lost prestige with Stalin who suspected it of deviating from Communist norms and Robinson was suspected of being an agent of the Deuxième Bureau and who was subsequently in ideological conflict with the aims Soviet intelligence. This changeover been facilitated in a meeting organised by General Ivan Susloparov. The group provided Trepper with intelligence on General Henri Giraud, the Dieppe Raid, coverage of Allied bombings in France and planning for Operation Torch. [46]

• Group Professor. It was established to collect intelligence from White Russians emigrant groups as well as from groups in the German Wehrmacht.[45]

This group was run by Basile Maximovitch. Maximovitch was a former Russian mining engineer who had offered his services to Trepper and was particularly important to him as the niece of German general Carl-Heinrich von Stülpnagel, Margarete Hoffman-Scholz fell in love with Maximovitch. At the time von Stülpnagel was Commander of Greater Paris and this gave Maximovitch access to intelligence that came from German High Command.[47]

• Group Arztin. It was created to gather intelligence from French clerical and royalists groups. They also had a special arrangement with Bishop Emanuel-Anatole-Raphaël Chaptal de Chanteloup of Paris [45]
This group was run by Anna Maximovitch who was the sister of Basile Maximovitch. Her profession as a nerve doctor enabled her to open a clinic in Choisy-le-Roi, a moneyed area of Paris which enabled her to pick up gossip and recruit from her patients. One of those patients was Countess de Rohan-Chabot who was came from the noble House of Rohan. The countess rented the Chateau Billeron to Maximovitch at relatively low cost to host her clinic. This gave Maximovitch access to very high ranking French nobility and administrative folk including Rohan-Chabot's husband who was a French officer.[47]

• Group Simex. This group collected intelligence from German administrative departments and industrial firms as well as provided the financing for the Trepper organisation. It was the Simex company.
This group was run Alfred Corbin who was a French commercial director who took over the running of the firm in Paris from Leon Grossvogel. At first Corbin did not know the Simex company was an espionage organisation and after a certain time became to suspect. Ultimately he accepted the position and used his business journeys to courier.[48] Communication between the Simex company and its main customer, the Todt Organization, provided information on German military fortifications and troop movements. As a bonus, these communications supplied some of Trepper's agents with passes that allowed them to move freely in German-occupied areas.

• Group Romeo. Their remit was to gather intelligence from US and Belgian diplomats.[49]
This group was run by the communist Isidor Springer who was a Belgian diamond dealer. Mainly concerned with recruitment and acted as a courier between different groups in different countries.[50]

• Group Sierra. This group collected intelligence from groups around French admiral François Darlan and French general Henri Giraud. The group also had contacts with French government and administrative departments of France.[49]

This group was run by the Jewish Soviet intelligence officer, Anatoly Gurevich.

These networks steadily gathered military and industrial intelligence in Occupied Europe, including data on troop deployments, industrial production, raw material availability, aircraft production, and German tank designs. Trepper was also able to get important information through his contacts with important Germans. Posing as a German businessman, he had dinner parties at which he acquired information on the morale and attitudes of German military figures, troop movements, and plans for the Eastern Front.

During December 1941, German security forces stopped Trepper's transmitter in Brussels. Trepper himself was arrested on 5 December 1942 in Paris. [51] The Germans tried to enlist his help as part a sophisticated anti-Soviet operation, to continue transmitting disinformation to Moscow under German control, as part of a playback (German:Funkspiel) operation. According to orders, and relying on training, Trepper agreed to work for the Germans, and began transmitting, which may have included hidden warnings, but saved his life.[52] During September 1943 he escaped and hid with the French Resistance.

Operations by the Trepper team had been entirely eliminated by the spring of 1943. Most agents were executed, including Suzanne Spaak at Fresnes Prison, just thirteen days before the Liberation of Paris during 1944. Trepper himself survived the war.

Sukolov Group

Image
Organisational diagram of the Sukolov Group in Belgium between July 1940 and December 1941

The Sukolov espionage network operated in Belgium between July 1940 and December 1941. Its leader was the Soviet intelligence officer, Leopold Trepper, and working for him in a number of roles was Victor Sukolov[53][54]

Jeffremov Group

Image
Organisational diagram of the first Jeffremov Group

Image
Organisational diagram of the second Jeffremov Group

Switzerland

Rote Drei Group


Image
Georges Blun on the middle back row. The French reporter and Berlin representative of the Paris journal Georges Blun, who published a distorted article on the Sylversternacht in Berlin in a Paris paper, has resigned his chairmanship in the Association of foreign press and made an apology visit in the press department of the government. - Georges Blun, the Berlin representative of the Paris Journal

Image
Organisational diagram of the core members of the Rote Drei in Switzerland

The Swiss group were perhaps the most important in the war, as they could work relatively undisturbed. The head of the Soviet intelligence service was Maria Josefovna Poliakova, a Soviet 4th Department agent[55] who first arrived in Switzerland between in 1937 to direct operations.[56] Poliakova passed control to the new director of the Soviet intelligence service in Switzerland, sometimes between 1939 and 1940. The new director was Alexander Radó, codenamed Dora, who held the secret Red Army rank of Major General.[57][58] The other important leader in the Switzerland group was Ursula Kuczynski codenamed Sonia, who was a colonel of the GRU.

Radó formed several intelligence groups in France and Germany, before arriving in Switzerland in late 1936 with his family. In 1936 Radó formed Geopress, a news agency specialising in maps and geographic information as a cover for intelligence work, and after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, business began to flourish.[59] In 1940, Radó met Alexander Foote, an English Soviet agent, who joined Ursula Kuczynski's network in 1938, and who would become the most important radio operator for Radó's network. In March 1942, Radó made contact with Rudolf Roessler who ran the Lucy spy ring. Roessler was able to provide prompt access to the secrets of the German High Command.[58] This included the pending details of Operation Barbarossa, the invasion of the Soviet Union and many more, over a period of two years. In a 1949 study by MI5 concluded that Roessler was a true mercenary who demanded payments for his reports that ran into thousands of Swiss francs over the course of the two years. This resulted in Dübendorfer being continually short of money, as Soviet intelligence insisted the link be maintained.[60]

Radó's established three networks in Switzerland that became known as the Rote Drei. The Rote Drei was a German appellation based on the number of transmitters or operators serving the network, and is perhaps misleading, as at times there was four, sometimes even five.[56]

• The first network was run by Rachel Dübendorfer codenamed Sissy and who had the most important contacts of the three subgroups. Dübendorfer received intelligence reports from Roessler who led the Lucy spy via Christian Schneider who acted as the cutout. Dübendorfer passed the reports to Radó who passed them to Foote for transmission.[60]. Roessler in turn received them from the sources whose code names were Werther, Teddy, Olga, and Anna. It was never discovered who they were.[56] A study by the CIA concluded that the four sources that were forwarding intelligence to Roessler were a General in the Wehrmacht, Hans Oster, Abwehr chief of staff, Hans Bernd Gisevius, the German politician Carl Friedrich Goerdeler and Chief of Intelligence, Army Group Centre General Fritz Boetzel.[61]
• The second network was run by the French journalist Georges Blun, whose groups codenamed was Long, and whose sources could not match the production of Lucy's group in quality or quantity.[56]
• The third espionage network was led by Swiss journalist Otto Pünter [de] whose was code name was Pakbo. Pünter's network was considered the least important.[56]

The three principal agents above were chiefly an organisation for producing intelligence for the Soviet Union. But some of the information that was collected for the Rote Drei was sent to the west through a Czech Colonel, Karel Sedláček. In 1935, Sedláček was trained in Prague for a year in 1935, and sent to Switzerland in 1937 by General František Moravec. By 1938, Sedláček was a friend of Major Hans Hausamann [de] who was Director of the unofficial Bureau Ha, a supposed press-cuttings agency, in fact a covert arm of the Swiss Intelligence. Hausamann has been introduced to the Lucy spy ring by Xaver Schnieper a junior officer in the Bureau. It was unknown whether Hausamann was passing information to Lucy, who passed it to Sedláček who forwarded it London Czechs in exile, or via an intermediary.[56]

Radio messages examined

Image
The Arvid Harnack Group.[62]

The radio stations that were known were established at:

• A station built by Geneva radio dealer Edmond Hamel codenamed Eduard behind a board in his apartment at Route de Florissant 192a. Hamel's wife, who acted as an assistant, prepared the encrypted messages. Radó paid the couple 1000 Swiss francs per month.[63]
• A station built in Geneva by Radó's lover, a waitress Marguerite Bolli at Rue Henry Mussard 8. She earned 800 Swiss francs per month.[63]
• The third station was built by Alexander Foote that was hidden insider a typewriter. This radio was located in Lausanne at Chemin de Longeraie 2. Foote a Captain the Red Army was paid 1300 francs per month.[63]

Wilhelm F. Flicke, who was an cryptanalyst and unofficial historian at the Cipher Department of the High Command of the Wehrmacht, the German High Command signal intelligence agency, worked on the messages transmitted by the Swiss group during World War II and estimates some 5500 messages, about 5 a day for three years, were sent.[56] The Trepper Report stated that between the radio stations that were established by the three subgroups between 1941 and 1943, well over 2000 militarily important messages were sent to the GRU Central office.[64] In September 1993, the CIA Library undertook an analysis of the messages and estimated that a reasonable number would be 5000.[56]

Netherland
Winterlink Group

Image
Diagram of the Netherlands 'Winterink' Group known as Group Hilda.

The Winterink Group operated in the Netherlands and was known as Group Hilda. The leader of the group was Anton Winterink who was previous a leading member of the Rote Hilfe organisation but gave it up sometime between 1938 and 1939 to work full-time in intelligence duties for GRU.

Elsewhere in Europe

Herrnstadt group


Rudolf Herrnstadt was a German journalist, who worked in the Berliner Tageblatt[65] who became a communist in the 1920s and in late 1930 became a member of the Communist Party of Germany under the name Rudolf Arbin.[66]

In 1932, Ilse Stöbe, who worked as a secretary at the Berliner Tageblatt, and who knew Herrnstadt as a friend. She was posted to Warsaw in 1932 and was recruited by Herrnstadt.[67]

In 1933 Herrnstadt recruited German diplomat Gerhard Kegel [de].

Networking

Persecution by Nazi authorities

All of the men in the Red Orchestra were executed in the most gruesome manner, hanging by a meathook, at the Plotzensee prison in Berlin.[68]

Literature

Image
Freiheitskämpfer (“Freedom fighter”), bronze sculpture by Fritz Cremer (1906–1993), placed 1983 next to the Ostertorwache, today Wilhelm Wagenfeld House in Bremen, Germany

Documents

• Schulze-Boysen, Harro (1983). Gegner von heute - Kampfgenossen von morgen [Opponent today - comrades of tomorrow] (in German) (3. Aufl ed.). Coblenz: Fölbach. ISBN 978-3-923532-00-1.
• Griebel, Regina; Coburger, Marlies; Scheel, Heinrich (1992). Erfasst? : das Gestapo-Album zur Roten Kapelle : eine Foto-Dokumentation [recorded? The Gestapo album the Red Orchestra. A photo documentation] (in German). Halle: Audioscop. ISBN 978-3-88384-044-4.

Overall view

• Roloff, Stefan (2002). Die Rote Kapelle : die Widerstandsgruppe im Dritten Reich und die Geschichte Helmut Roloffs [Red chapel. The resistance group in the Third Reich and the history of Helmut Roloff] (in German). Munich: Ullstein. ISBN 978-3-550-07543-8.
• Nelson, Anne (2009). Red Orchestra : The Story of the Berlin Underground and the Circle of Friends Who Resisted Hitler (1st ed.). New York: Random House. ISBN 978-1-4000-6000-9.
• Nelson, Anne (December 2010). Die Rote Kapelle : die Geschichte der legendären Widerstandsgruppe (in German) (1. Aufl ed.). Munich: Bertelsmann. ISBN 978-3-570-10021-9.
• Schafranek, Hans; Tuchel, Johannes, eds. (2004). Krieg im Äther : Widerstand und Spionage im Zweiten Weltkrieg [War in the ether: Resistance and espionage in World War II] (in German). Vienna: Picus. ISBN 978-3-85452-470-0.
• Coppi junior, Hans; Danyel, Jürgen; Tuchel, Johannes (1992). Die Rote Kapelle im Widerstand gegen Nationalsozialismus [The Red Chapel in opposition to Hitler. Writings of the Memorial of the German Resistance] (in German) (1. Aufl ed.). Berlin: Edition Hentrich. ISBN 978-3-89468-110-4.
• Rosiejka, Gert (1985). Die Rote Kapelle : "Landesverrat" als antifaschist. Widerstand [The Red Chapel: "treason" as anti-fascist. resistance] (in German) (1. Aufl ed.). Hamburg: Ergebnisse-Verl. ISBN 978-3-925622-16-8.
• Bourgeois, Guillaume (2015). La véritable histoire de l'Orchestre rouge [The real story of the Red Orchestra] (in French) (Editions Nouveau Monde ed.). Paris: Le grand jeu. ISBN 978-2-36942-067-5.
• Perrault, Gilles (1994). Auf den Spuren der Roten Kapelle [In the footsteps of the Red Chapel] (in German) (Überarb. und erw. Neuausg ed.). Hamburg, Vienna, Munich: Europaverl. ISBN 978-3-203-51232-7.

Single issues

• Bahar, Alexander (1992). Sozialrevolutionärer Nationalismus zwischen konservativer Revolution und Sozialismus : Harro Schulze-Boysen und der "Gegner"-Kreis [Social Revolutionary Nationalism between Conservative Revolution and Socialism. Harro Schulze-Boysen and the "opponent" circle] (in German). Coblenz, Frankfurt: D. Fölbach. ISBN 978-3-923532-18-6.
• Fischer-Defoy, Christine (1988). Kunst, Macht, Politik : die Nazifizierung der Kunst- und Musikhochschulen in Berlin [art, power, politics. The Nazification of the art and music colleges in Berlin] (in German). Berlin: Elefanten Press. ISBN 978-3-88520-271-4.
• Hamidi, Beatrix (1994). "Women against the dictatorship. Resistance and persecution in the Nazi Germany". In Christl Wickert (ed.). Frauen gegen die Diktatur : Widerstand und Verfolgung im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland [the unity in diversity. The women of the rote Kapelle] (in German) (1. Aufl ed.). Berlin: Edition Hentrich. pp. 98–105. ISBN 978-3-89468-122-7.
• Mommsen, Hans (2012). Die "rote Kapelle" und der deutsche Widerstand gegen Hitler [the "Red Orchestra" and the German resistance to Hitler.] (in German). 33. Bochum: Klartext-Verlag (SBR-Schriften). ISBN 978-3-8375-0616-7.
• Mielke, Siegfried; Heinz, Stefan (2017). Eisenbahngewerkschafter im NS-Staat : Verfolgung - Widerstand - Emigration (1933-1945) [Railway Unionists in the Nazi State: Persecution-Resistance-Emigration (1933-1945)]. Berlin: Metropol. pp. 291–306. ISBN 978-3-86331-353-1.
• Roth, Karl Heinz; Ebbinghaus, Angelika (2004). Rote Kapellen, Kreisauer Kreise, schwarze Kapellen : neue Sichtweisen auf den Widerstand gegen die NS-Diktatur 1938-1945 [Red Chapels, Kreisauer Circles, Black Chapels: New Views of German Resistance to the Nazi Dictatorship]. Hamburg: VSA-Verlag. ISBN 978-3-89965-087-7.

See also

• People of the Red Orchestra
• Plötzensee Prison
• Schwarze Kapelle
• White Rose
• FRG 1972 (TV Miniseries),

References

Citations


1. Coppi Jr. 1996.
2. Benz & Pehle 2001, p. 281.
3. Fast vergessen: Die "Rote Kapelle" 2013.
4. Tuchel 1988.
5. Scheel 1985, p. 325.
6. Tuchel 2007.
7. Richelson 1995, p. 126.
8. "The Red Chapell" (Book review). Perlentaucher (in German). Berlin: Perlentaucher Medien GmbH. Retrieved 9 December2018.
9. Roloff & Vigl 2002, p. 126.
10. Tuchel 1993.
11. Brysac 2002, p. 112.
12. Asendorf & Bockel 2016, p. 568.
13. Brysac 2000.
14. Sieg & Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand.
15. Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand.
16. Petrescu 2010, p. 189.
17. Scheel 1992, p. 45.
18. Brysac 2002.
19. Brysac 2002, p. 254.
20. Petrescu 2010, p. 199.
21. Boehm 2015, p. 10.
22. Nelson 2009, p. 170.
23. Terwiel & Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand.
24. Schulze-Boysen 1942.
25. Petrescu 2010, p. 219.
26. Brysac 2000, p. 300.
27. Kesaris 1979.
28. Hoffmann 1996, p. 23.
29. Klussmann 2009.
30. Siddiqi 2010, p. 171.
31. Petrescu 2010, p. 196.
32. Brysac 2002, p. 224.
33. Brysac 2002, p. 228.
34. Nelson 2009, p. 198.
35. Brysac 2002, p. 251.
36. Brysac 2002, p. 2.
37. Kesaris 1979, p. 13.
38. Perrault, Gilles (1969). The Red Orchestra. New York: Schocken Books. pp. 29. ISBN 0805209522.
39. Wenzel 2008.
40. Kesaris 1979, p. 383.
41. Coppi Jr. 1996, p. 431.
42. Kesaris 1979, p. 15.
43. Levin 2017.
44. Kesaris 1979, p. 88.
45. Kesaris 1979, p. 89.
46. Kesaris 1979, pp. 342-344.
47. Kesaris 1979, p. 315.
48. Kesaris 1979, p. 269.
49. Kesaris 1979, p. 90.
50. Kesaris 1979, p. 359.
51. Brysac 2000, p. 313.
52. Trepper & Jewish Virtual Library.
53. Victor SOKOLOV, aliases SUKOLOFF, Fritz KENT, Arthur BARCZA, Simon URWITH, Victor GUREVICH, Fritz FRITSCHE, Vincente SIERRA, 'Petit Chef'... nationalarchives.gov.uk (The National Archives' catalogue/ KV - Records of the Security Service/ KV 2 - The Security Service: Personal (PF Series) Files/ Subseries within KV 2 - SOVIET INTELLIGENCE AGENTS AND SUSPECTED AGENTS), accessed 13 March 2019
54. Perrault 1968.
55. "The case of the Rote Kapelle". The National Archive. KV 3/349. 17 October 1949. Retrieved 20 December 2019.
56. Tittenhofer 2011.
57. Peter Day (24 June 2014). Klop: Britain's Most Ingenious Secret Agent. Biteback Publishing. p. 185. ISBN 978-1-84954-764-2. Retrieved 1 January 2019.
58. Thomas, Louis (8 May 2007). "Alexander Rado". CIA Library. CIA. Retrieved 1 January 2019.
59. Thomas, Louis. "Alexander Rado". CIA Library. CIA Center for Study of Intelligence. Retrieved 4 January 2019.
60. Breitman et al. 2005, p. 295.
61. Richelson 1997, p. 271.
62. Kesaris 1979, p. 137.
63. Rudolf 1967.
64. Coppi Jr. 1996, p. 431–548.
65. Stephen Kotkin (26 October 2017). Stalin, Vol. II: Waiting for Hitler, 1929–1941. Penguin Books Limited. p. 236. ISBN 978-0-7181-9299-0. Retrieved 5 January 2019.
66. Childs & Popplewell, p. 23.
67. Jefferson Adams (1 September 2009). Historical Dictionary of German Intelligence. Scarecrow Press. p. 448. ISBN 978-0-8108-6320-0. Retrieved 5 January 2019.
68. Roloff, S. (Director). (2014). The Red Orchestra [Video file]. DEFA Film Library. Retrieved December 8, 2018, from Kanopy

Bibliography

• Brysac, Shareen Blair (2000). Resisting Hitler: Mildred Harnack and the Red Orchestra. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-513269-4.
• Bourgeois, Guillaume (2015). La Véritable Histoire de l'Orchestre rouge. Le Grand Jeu. Nouveau Monde.
• Kesaris, Paul. L, ed. (1979). The Rote Kapelle: the CIA's history of Soviet intelligence and espionage networks in Western Europe, 1936-1945 (pdf). Washington DC: University Publications of America. ISBN 978-0-89093-203-2.
• Nelson, Anne (2009). Red Orchestra. The Story of the Berlin Underground and the Circle of Friends Who Resisted Hitler. New York: Random House. ISBN 978-1-4000-6000-9.
• Trepper, Leopold (1977). The Great Game. McGraw–Hill. ISBN 0-07-065146-9.
• Tuchel, Johannes (1988). "Weltanschauliche Motivationen in der Harnack/Schulze-Boysen-Organisation: ("Rote Kapelle")" [Worldly motivations in the Harnack/Schulze-Boysen organization: ("Rote Kapelle")]. Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte. Theologie und Politik (in German). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (GmbH & Co. KG). 1 (2): 267–292. JSTOR 43750615.
• Coppi Jr., Hans (July 1996). Dietrich Bracher, Karl; Schwarz, Hans-Peter; Möller, Horst (eds.). "Die Rote Kapelle" [The Red Chapel in the field of conflict and intelligence activity, The Trepper Report June 1943] (PDF). Quarterly Books for Contemporary History (in German). Munich: Institute of Contemporary History. 44 (3). ISSN 0042-5702. Retrieved 9 December 2018.
• Benz, Wolfgang; Pehle, Walther (May 2001). Lexikon des deutschen Widerstandes [Encyclopedia of German Resistance (The Time of National Socialism)]. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verl. ISBN 978-3596150830.
• "Fast vergessen: Die "Rote Kapelle" | DW | 26.04.2013". Deutsche Welle (in German). 2013. Retrieved 8 January 2019.
• Scheel, Heinrich (1985). "Die Rote Kapelle and the 20 July 1944". Zeitschrift für Geschichte.
• Scheel, Heinrich (1992). "Die Rote Kapelle – Widerstand, Verfolgung, Haft". In Coppi, Hans Jr; Danyel, Jürgen; Tuchel, Johannes (eds.). Die Rote Kapelle im Widerstand gegen Hitler. Berlin: Edition Hentrich. ISBN 3-89468-110-1.
• Richelson, Jeffrey (1995). A Century of Spies: Intelligence in the Twentieth Century. Oxford University Press US. ISBN 978-0-19-511390-7.
• Jeffery T. Richelson (17 July 1997). A Century of Spies: Intelligence in the Twentieth Century. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-988058-4. Retrieved 4 January 2019.
• Roloff, Stefan; Vigl, Mario (2002). Die Rote Kapelle : die Widerstandsgruppe im Dritten Reich und die Geschichte Helmut Roloffs (in German). Munic: Ullstein Taschenbuchvlg Verlag. ISBN 9783550075438.
• Petrescu, Corina L. (2010). Against All Odds: Models of Subversive Spaces in National Socialist Germany. Peter Lang. ISBN 978-3-03911-845-8. Retrieved 27 December 2018.
• Boehm, Eric H. (6 November 2015). WE SURVIVED - The Stories Of Fourteen Of The Hidden And The Hunted Of Nazi Germany [Illustrated Edition]. Lucknow Books. ISBN 978-1-78625-576-1. Retrieved 27 December 2018.
• Nelson, Anne (7 April 2009). Red Orchestra: The Story of the Berlin Underground and the Circle of Friends Who Resisted Hitle r. Random House Publishing Group. ISBN 978-1-58836-799-0. Retrieved 15 June 2019.
• Levin, Menucha Chana (27 July 2017). "The Socialite Heroine Of The French Resistance". The Jewish Press. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
• Tuchel, Johannes (13 December 2007). "Weihnachten müsst Ihr richtig feiern". Die Zeit (51). Berlin. Retrieved 8 January 2019.
• Tittenhofer, Mark A. (4 August 2011). "The Rote Drei: Getting Behind the 'Lucy' Myth". CIA Library. Center for the Study of Intelligence. Retrieved 4 January 2019.
• Hoffmann, Peter (8 October 1996). History of the German Resistance, 1933-1945. McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP. ISBN 978-0-7735-1531-4. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
• Brysac, Shareen Blair (12 October 2000). Resisting Hitler : Mildred Harnack and the Red Orchestra: Mildred Harnack and the Red Orchestra. Oxford University Press, USA. p. 495. ISBN 978-0-19-531353-6. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
• Brysac, Shareen Blair (23 May 2002). Resisting Hitler: Mildred Harnack and the Red Orchestra. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-992388-5. Retrieved 26 December 2018.
• "Wenzel, Johann". Bundesstiftung zur Aufarbeitung der SED-Diktatur (in German). Karl Dietz Verlag Berlin. May 2008. Retrieved 11 April 2019.
• Klussmann, Uwe (29 September 2009). "Spying in World War II Stalin's husband in the Gestapo". SPIEGELnet GmbH. Der Spiegel. Retrieved 31 December 2018.
• "ZWEITER WELTKRIEG / SPIONAGEZehn kleine Negerlein" (pdf). Berlin: SPIEGEL-Verlag Rudolf Augstein GmbH. Der Spiegel. 16 January 1967. Retrieved 4 January 2019.
• Perrault, Gilles (27 May 1968). "ptx ruft moskau" (in German). Der Spiegel. Retrieved 12 August 2019.
• Childs, David; Popplewell, Richard (27 July 2016). The Stasi: The East German Intelligence and Security Service. Springer. ISBN 978-1-349-15054-0. Retrieved 5 January 2019.
• Schulze-Boysen, Harro (February 1942). "Care about Germany's future goes through the people" (PDF). Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand (in German). Berlin: German Resistance Memorial Center. Retrieved 18 January 2019.
• Friedmann, Jan (20 August 2010). ""Rote Kapelle" Horrorbriefe an die Ostfront" (in German). SPIEGEL ONLINE GmbH & Co. KG. Der Spiegel Online. Retrieved 18 January 2019.
• Breitman, Richard; Goda, Norman J. W.; Naftali, Timothy; Wolfe, Robert (4 April 2005). U.S. Intelligence and the Nazis. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-61794-9. Retrieved 19 August 2019.
• Siddiqi, Asif A. (26 February 2010). The Red Rockets' Glare: Spaceflight and the Russian Imagination, 1857-1957. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-89760-0. Retrieved 31 December 2018.
• Tuchel, Johannes. "Studien zur Geschichte der Roten Kapelle". Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand (in German). Memorial to the German Resistance. Retrieved 9 December 2018.
• Manfred Asendorf; Rolf von Bockel (30 August 2016). Demokratische Wege: Ein biographisches Lexikon. Springer-Verlag. ISBN 978-3-476-00185-6. Retrieved 22 June 2019.
• "Trepper, Leopold". Jewish Virtual Library. American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise. Retrieved 4 January 2019.
• "John Sieg". Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand. German Resistance Memorial Center. Retrieved 26 December 2018.
• "Biografien". Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand. Berlin: German Resistance Memorial Center. Retrieved 26 December 2018.
• "Maria Terwiel". Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand (in German). German Resistance Memorial Center. Retrieved 21 July 2019.

External links

• The German Resistance Memorial Center
• Plötzensee Memorial Centre
• BFCentral
• on Sophia Poznanska
• Book review of Red Orchestra by Anne Nelson. Random House website. Retrieved April 7, 2010
• L'orchestre rouge on IMDb
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 36135
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

PreviousNext

Return to Articles & Essays

Who is online

Users browsing this forum: No registered users and 14 guests