Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Jul 21, 2020 1:33 am

George Christopher Molesworth Birdwood
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/20/20




Sir. – Recent devastating events in Tibet caused over 15,000 Tibetans to cross the perilous Himalayas into India. It may be a long time before these unfortunate people can safely return to their overrun country. Our own consciences should allow us neither to neglect nor forget them.

The Indian Government has manfully coped with this addition to its own problems at home. In this country we are bound in honour to help relieve needs of the Tibetan refugees, because from 1905 to 1947 there was a special relationship between Tibet and the United Kingdom – a relationship handed on to the new India.

On balance we think it wisest to concentrate chiefly on collecting money which can be used for the benefit of the refugees, not least in the purchase of necessary antibiotics and other medicaments. The Tibet Society has opened a Tibet Relief Fund for which we now appeal in the hope of a generous response. Donations should be sent to the address below or direct to the National Bank Ltd. (Belgravia Branch), 21 Grosvenor Gardens, S.W.I.

Yours faithfully,

... Birdwood ... The Tibet Relief Fund, 58 Eccleston Square, S.W. I., Letter to the Times, July 31, 1959, p.7.

-- Tibet Society, by

George Christopher Molesworth Birdwood

Sir George Christopher Molesworth Birdwood KCIE, CSI (8 December 1832 – 28 June 1917) was an Anglo-Indian official, naturalist, and writer.


The son of General Christopher Birdwood, he was born at Belgaum, then in the Bombay Presidency, on 8 December 1832. He was educated at Plymouth Grammar School and Edinburgh University, where he took his MD degree presenting the thesis "The origin of ideas"[1]. Entering the Bombay Medical Service in 1854, he served in the Persian War of 1856-57, and subsequently became professor at the Grant Medical College, registrar of the university, curator of the museum, and sheriff at Bombay, besides acting as secretary of the Asiatic and Horticultural societies.[2]

His work on the Economic Vegetable Products of the Bombay Presidency reached its twelfth edition in 1868. He interested himself prominently also in the municipal life of the city, where he acquired great influence and popularity. He was obliged by ill-health in 1868 to return to England, where he entered the revenue and statistics department of the India Office (1871–1902).[2]

While engaged there he published important volumes on the industrial arts of India, the ancient records of the India Office,

The India Office Records are a very large collection of documents relating to the administration of India from 1600 to 1947, the period spanning Company and British rule in India. The archive is held in London by the British Library and is publicly accessible.

The records come from four main sources: the English and later British East India Company (1600–1858), the Board of Control (1784–1858), the India Office (1858–1947), and the Burma Office (1937–48). The collection also includes records from many smaller related institutions. Overall, the collection is made up of approximately 175,000 items, including official publications and records, manuscripts, photographs, printed maps and private papers. These items take up approximately nine miles of shelving units.

-- India Office Records, by Wikipedia

and the first letter-book of the East India Company. He devoted much time and energy to the encouragement of Indian art, on various aspects of which he wrote valuable monographs, and his name was identified with the representation of India at all the principal International Exhibitions from 1857 to 1901.[2][3] That notwithstanding, while chairing the Indian Section of the annual meeting of the Royal Society of Arts in 1910, he declared that there was no "fine art" in India. When a particular statue of the Buddha was adduced as counter-example, Birdwood is said to have responded: "This senseless similitude, in its immemorial fixed pose, is nothing more than an uninspired brazen image. . . . A boiled suet pudding would serve equally well as a symbol of passionless purity and serenity of soul."[4]

His researches on the subject of incense,[5] a good example of his mastery of detail, have made his historical and botanical account of this subject a classic. Nor can his lifelong association with journalism of the best sort be overlooked. From boyhood he was a diligent contributor of special information to magazines and newspapers; in India he helped to convert the Standard into The Times of India, and edited the Bombay Saturday Review; and after his return to London he wrote for the Pall Mall, Athenaeum, Academy, and The Times; and with Thomas Chenery, the editor of The Times, and others he took the initiative (1882) in celebrating the anniversary of Lord Beaconsfield's death as Primrose Day (19 April).[2]

In the dedication to his English translation of Garcia de Orta's book, Clements Markham calls Birdwood the "Garcia da Orta of British India".[6]

He kept up his connection with India by constant contributions to the Indian press; and his long friendships with Indian princes and the leading educated native Indians made his intimate knowledge of the country of peculiar value in the handling of the problems of the Indian empire. In 1846 he was selected Sheriff of Bombay[7] In 1887 he was created a Knight Commander of the Order of the Indian Empire; and, besides being given his Doctor of Laws degree by the University of Cambridge, he was also made an officer of the Légion d'Honneur and a laureate of the French Academy.[2] He died in Ealing on 28 June 1917.[8]

The standard author abbreviation Birdw. is used to indicate this person as the author when citing a botanical name.[9]


• On the Genus Boswellia [Frankincense Trees] (1870)
• The Economic Vegetable Products of the Bombay Presidency (1888)
• The Industrial Arts of India (1888)
• Reports on the Old Records of the India Office (1891)
• The Register of Letters and of the Governor and Company of Merchants of London Trading into the East Indies 1600-1619 (1893) with Sir William Foster
• First Letter Book of the East India Company (1895)


1. Birdwood, George Christopher Molesworth (1854). "The origin of ideas".
2. Chisholm 1911.
3. Journal of Indian Art, vol. viii. The Life and Work of Sir George Birdwood
4. Mark Sedgwick, Against the Modern World: Traditionalism and the Secret Intellectual History of the Twentieth Century, Oxford University Press, 2004, page 52. ISBN 978-0-19-515297-5.
5. Trans. Liun. Soc. xxvii., 1871; Ency. Brit. 9th ed., Incense, 1881; revised
6. Clements R. Markham (1913). Colloquies on the simples and drugs of India by Garcia da Orta. London: Henry Sotheran and Co.
7. Dictionary of Indian Biography. p. 43.
8. Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1922). "Birdwood, Sir George Christopher Molesworth". Encyclopædia Britannica. 30 (12th ed.). London & New York. p. 456.
9. IPNI. Birdw.


• This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Birdwood, Sir George Christopher Molesworth". Encyclopædia Britannica. 3 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 979.

Further reading

• Rao, C. Hayavadana, ed. (1915). "Birdwood, Sir George Christopher Molesworth". The Indian Biographical Dictionary.
• Cooper, Thompson, ed. (1884). "Birdwood, George Christopher Molesworth". Men of the Time (eleventh ed.).


George Birdwood [Sir George Christopher Molesworth Birdwood]
by The Open University: Making Britain
Accessed: 7/20/20

Date of birth: 08 Dec 1832
City of birth: Belgaum
Country of birth: India
Date of death: 28 Jun 1917
Location of death: London, England


George Birdwood was born in India into what might be described as typical ‘Anglo-Indian’ family circumstances. The son of a soldier, General Christopher Birdwood, and Lydia Birdwood, the daughter of a Reverend of the London Missionary Society, Birdwood, like so many children of the British Army in India, was sent back to Britain to complete his education (schools in Plymouth and Scotland, and a degree from the University of Edinburgh), becoming a surgeon in 1857 and returning to India as an assistant surgeon with the Bombay medical service. Something of a Victorian polymath, Birdwood’s interests lay not only within the medical field. He was heavily involved in the cultural affairs of Bombay and became the Registrar of the newly-founded University of Bombay. It was, however, as a cultural administrator that Birdwood had most visible and lasting impact, occupying the posts of curator of the government art museum, Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society and Sheriff of Bombay.

His return to England in 1868 (due to ill health) did not lead to a quiet retirement, but a continued vigorous involvement in Indian cultural affairs, especially in the form of international exhibitions and the museological display of Indian art and artefacts. He was appointed keeper of the Indian Museum at South Kensington (now incorporated into the Victoria and Albert Museum collections). His reputation as an authority on Indian art and manufacture was firmly established with the publication of The Industrial Arts of India which championed the production of Indian arts and crafts in heavily paternalistic tones and praised small-scale village organization and traditions for the production of crafts. This tome influenced a large number of British designers and craftsmen, including William Morris and Owen Jones.

In 1879 he was appointed to a specially created post in the India Office, publishing work on its historical records and retiring in 1905. He was knighted in 1881 and made KCIE in 1887. Birdwood kept up a close correspondence with M. M. Bhownaggree, in the lead up to Bhownaggree's election as a Conservative MP in Bethnal Green in 1895. His reputation as a champion of Indian art was somewhat challenged at a now infamous event which took place whilst chairing the Indian Section meeting of the annual meeting of the Royal Society of Arts on 13 January 1910. After a paper given by the former colonial arts administrator and writer on Indian art, E. B. Havell, Birdwood made the claim that India possessed no 'fine art' which he had come across in all his years in India, and that a ‘boiled suet pudding would serve equally as well as a symbol of passionless purity and serenity of soul.’ This prompted a wave of counter claims and protest, most notably a letter sent to The Times in February 1910 penned by William Rothenstein and counter-signed by twelve other prominent cultural figures, and led to the foundation of the India Society.


Mancherjee Merwanjee Bhownaggree, Manchershaw Pithawala (Birdwood wrote an article in appreciation of Pithawala in 1911).

India Office, Royal Asiatic Society.

Involved in events:

Empire of India Exhibition, 1895

Comment at Royal Society of Arts talk regarding lack of Indian fine art led to outrage from Havell, Rothenstein and others and to formation of India Society, 1910

Published works:

Handbook to the British Indian Section, Paris Universal Exhibition of 1878 (London, 1878)

Report on the Government Central Museum and the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of Western India, for 1863, in Selections from the Records of the Bombay Government (Bombay, 1864)

The Industrial Arts of India (London, 1880)

Clarke, Caspar Purdon and Birdwood, George C. M., Catalogue of the Collection of Indian Arms and Objects of Art presented by the Princes and Nobles of India to H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, on occasion of his visit to India in 1875-1876, now in the Indian Room at Marlborough House (London, 1898)

Contributions to periodicals:

'To the Temple’, Journal of Indian Art and Industries (January 1898)

Secondary works:

Chirol, Valentine, ‘Birdwood, Sir George Christopher Molesworth (1832–1917)’, rev. Katherine Prior, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004) []

Guha-Thakurta, Tapati, The Making of a New “Indian” Art: Artists, Aesthetics and Nationalism in Bengal, c.1850-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992)

Mitter, Partha, Art and Nationalism in Colonial India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)

Mitter, Partha, Much Maligned Monsters: History of European Reactions to Indian Art (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977)

Archive source:

Mss Eur F 216, correspondence and papers, Asian and African Studies Reading Room, British Library, St Pancras

Correspondence with Lord Kimberley, Bodleian Library, Oxford

Correspondence with Lord Hardinge, Cambridge University Library


Sir George C.M. Birdwood, K.C.I.C., C.S.I., M.D., LL.D.: His Life and Work
by Louis Mallet
The Journal of Indian Art, 1886-1916; London Vol. 8, Iss. 61-69, (Jan 1900): [119]-[156].

George Christopher Moleworth Birdwood was born at Belgaum, in the Bombay Presidency, on the 8th December, 1832. He is the eldest son of the late General Christopher Birdwood. He received his education at the Plymouth New Grammar School, and at Edinburgh University, where in 1854 he took the degree of M.D. In December of the same year he was appointed by the Court of Directors of the Honourable East India Company to their Medical Service in Bombay: Dr. Birdwood representing the fourth generation of his family, in the direct line, which has been connected with British India.

On Dr. Birdwood's arrival in India, early in 1855, his first charge was the Southern Mahratta Horse, at Kalludghee. Later in the same year he was transferred to the 1st Company 2nd Battalion of the Artillery, at Sholapore, where he was also at different times in medical charge of the 8th Madras Cavalry, the 3rd Bombay Infantry, and the Civil Station, which included a large Jail. About the close of 1856 he was sent to the Persian Gulf in medical charge of the Honourable Company's S.S. "Ajdaha," and of the detachment of H.M. 64th Regiment on board, and was present at the bombardment of Mohammarah, for which he received the medal and clasp given for the Persian War of 1856-57.

When he returned to Bombay, in April 1857, he was appointed Acting Professor of Anatomy and Physiology in the Grant Medical College, and from that date he continued his connection with the College, almost without interruption, in the chairs successively of Anatomy and Physiology, and Botany and Materia Medica, until he left India.

The late Lord Elphinstone, who took a great interest in the Government Central Museum, which he had established, and who had been pleased with the large collections of stuffed birds and dried plants, and of economic produce which Dr. Birdwood had sent to it from Belgaum, Kalludghee, and Sholapore, while he was on general duty in those places in 1855-7, appointed him its Secretary and Curator. This led, through Dr. Birdwood's initiative, ably and zealously seconded by the late eminent Hindoo physician and scholar, Dr. Bhawco Dhajee, to the establishment of the Victoria and Albert Museum, and Victoria Gardens, at a cost of upwards of £ 200,000. The undertaking was largely subscribed to by the people of Bombay as a loyal memorial of the transfer of the possessions of the East India Company to the direct administration of the British Crown; and with the effect of giving such an impulse to the public spirit of the natives of Bombay, and of Western India generally, that every educational institution throughout the Presidency reaped the benefit of it, particularly the local branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, and the University. It was for the Victoria Gardens that the former Gaekwar of Baroda, the Maharajah Kunderow, ordered through Dr. Birdwood the canopied statue of the Queen, by Noble, now placed on the Esplanade, at a cost, we believe, of £ 35,000. About this time Dr. Birdwood published his learned and valuable "Catalogue of the Economic Products of the Presidency of Bombay," which went through two editions before he left India. It was most favourably noticed not only in India, but in England, and, by the late Professor Garcin de Tassy, in France. It has been used as the foundation of all catalogues of Indian vegetable produce at subsequent exhibitions, and the classification he adopted in it has ever since been followed in India.

On the resignation of the distinguished naturalist, Surgeon-Major H.J. Carter, F.R.S., Dr. Birdwood was elected honorary secretary to the Bombay branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, which he resuscitated, and entirely reorganised. He was at the same time appointed in succession to Carter, Secretary to the Elphinstone Funds, the educational fund of Bombay; and on the death of Surgeon Haines he was appointed by Sir Alexander Grant, and subsequently twice re-elected by the Senate, Registrar of the University of Bombay, his exertions for which had secured some of its most valuable endowments. These varied public duties were in a measure acknowledged by Dr. Birdwood being appointed, in 1864, Sheriff of Bombay. In March, 1867, he was sent by Sir Bartle Frere, at the express desire of the leading merchants of Bombay, as Special Commissioner for that Government to the Universal Exhibition held at Paris in that year. On being forced to finally leave India through permanently broken health in 1868, Dr. Birdwood's many valuable public services to the Western Presidency were recognised by the addressed presented to him by the Royal Asiatic Society, the Agri-Horticultural Society of Western India, the University, and the students of Grant Medical College. The cover of the address of the Agri-Horticultural Society, which was designed by Mr. John Griffiths, of the Bombay School of Art, is given in Plate 46.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Jul 21, 2020 2:50 am

Herbert Mills Birdwood
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/20/20




Sir. – Recent devastating events in Tibet caused over 15,000 Tibetans to cross the perilous Himalayas into India. It may be a long time before these unfortunate people can safely return to their overrun country. Our own consciences should allow us neither to neglect nor forget them.

The Indian Government has manfully coped with this addition to its own problems at home. In this country we are bound in honour to help relieve needs of the Tibetan refugees, because from 1905 to 1947 there was a special relationship between Tibet and the United Kingdom – a relationship handed on to the new India.

On balance we think it wisest to concentrate chiefly on collecting money which can be used for the benefit of the refugees, not least in the purchase of necessary antibiotics and other medicaments. The Tibet Society has opened a Tibet Relief Fund for which we now appeal in the hope of a generous response. Donations should be sent to the address below or direct to the National Bank Ltd. (Belgravia Branch), 21 Grosvenor Gardens, S.W.I.

Yours faithfully,

... Birdwood ... The Tibet Relief Fund, 58 Eccleston Square, S.W. I., Letter to the Times, July 31, 1959, p.7.

-- Tibet Society, by

Herbert Birdwood
Born: 29 May 1837, Belgaum, British India
Died: 21 February 1907 (aged 69), Twickenham, Surrey, England
Burial place: Twickenham Cemetery
Alma mater: Peterhouse, Cambridge
Occupation: British colonial governor

Herbert Mills Birdwood CSI LLD (29 May 1837 – 21 February 1907) was a British-Indian judge and administrator. He was the acting governor of Bombay from 16 February 1895 to 18 February 1895. He was also a naturalist and botanist who documented the flora of the Matheran region and headed the botanical section of the Bombay Natural History Society.

Early life

Birdwood was born on 29 May 1837 in Belgaum, India, the third son of and Lydia (née Taylor) and General Christopher Birdwood (1807–1882) and educated at Plymouth Grammar School, Exeter, the University of Edinburgh (where he distinguished himself in mathematics) and at Peterhouse, Cambridge.[1] He was a Bye-Fellow of Peterhouse, and gained the degree (LLD). He was 23rd wrangler in the mathematical tripos and a second class in the natural science tripos. In October 1901 he was elected an Honorary Fellow of Peterhouse.[2][3]


Birdwood was eighteenth in the Indian civil service examination in 1858 to enter the Haileybury, the training college for the Indian Civil Service. He completed his MA in 1861, LLM in 1878, LLD in 1889. He reached Bombay on 26 January 1859 and served in the Bombay Presidency as assistant collector. In 1863 he was under-secretary to the Bombay legislative council and in 1866 he went as a political assistant at Kathawar. He was appointed judge at Ratnagiri in 1871 and then moved to Thana and Surat. He established a reputation of independence by questioning the government and the legality of its revenue surveys. In 1881 he became Judicial Commissioner and Judge of the Sadar Court in Sind. He was an acting Judge of the Bombay High Court, in 1885 he was granted a permanent position which he held until being appointed Judicial Member of the Bombay Government in 1892. During his Sind tenure, he also worked on improvements to the Karachi public gardens and helped establish a zoo there.[3]

He served from 1885 to 1892 in Bombay as judge and from 1892 to 1897 as judicial and political member of the Bombay council. During this period he also immersed himself in educational and scientific pursuits. Birdwood became a vice-chancellor of the University of Bombay from 1891 to 1892. He was a member of the Council of the Governor of Bombay, and briefly acted as governor in 1895. From 1894 to 1895 he also served as president of Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Birdwood took an interest in the study of plants and natural history. Birdwood was a president of the botanical department of the Bombay Natural History Society and published a catalogue of the plants of Matheran along with the pioneering Indian botanist Jayakrishna Indraji.[4] He published a book on the Indian Timbers (1910). He was also president of the Agri-Horticultural Society of Western India. His older brother George Christopher Molesworth Birdwood was an economic botanist. He studied the history of the plague in western India.[3]

Birdwood worked with Justice Wood Renton and E. G. Phillimore to revise of Burge's Commentaries on Colonial and Foreign Laws (1907).[3]

Personal life

Birdwood married Edith Marion Sidonie Impey, the daughter of Sergeant-Major Elijah George Halhed Impey, on 29 January 1861. They had six children, including Halhed Brodrick Birdwood, who eventually held the rank of brigadier general in the British military and William Birdwood, 1st Baron Birdwood, who held the rank of field marshal.[3]

He died at his home Dalkeith House, Twickenham, from pneumonia on 21 February 1907 and is buried at Twickenham cemetery.[3]


1. "Birdwood, Herbert, Mills (BRDT854HM)". A Cambridge Alumni Database. University of Cambridge.
2. "University intelligence". The Times (36600). London. 31 October 1901. p. 10.
3. Brown, Frank Herbert (1912). "Birdwood, Herbert Mills". Dictionary of National Biography. pp. 164–165.
4. Birdwood, H.M. (1886). "A catalogue of the flora of Matheran". Journal of the Bombay Natural History Society. 1: 203–214.


• Great Britain. India Office (1819). The India List and India Office List. Harrison. Retrieved 9 November 2015.
• "Herbert Mills Birdwood" at The Peerage
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Jul 21, 2020 3:20 am

Ghum Monastery [Ghoom Monastery] [Yiga Choeling] [Yidgah Choling]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/22/20

In Tibet, Sherab Gyatso served as a tutor to the Fifth Panchen Lama, Losang Chokyi Wangchuk (1855-82) at Tashilhunpo Monastery where he was known under the Tibetan title and name Sokpo Tsipa ("Mongolian Astrologer") Thubten Gyatso; Das (1972 [1915]: app. 4, pp. 7, 46-47]. He was also later called Shabdrung Lama. After imprisonment and torture by the Lhasa authorities for his associations with British agents Sarat Chandra Das and Orgyen Gyatso [Ugyen Gyatso] (d. 1915] in 1881-82, he escaped to Darjeeling and was given work as a teacher at the Bhutia Boarding School. Later he was recreuited as an occasional British agent in Darjeeling and as a secretary on the Younghusband Expedition; McKay (1997:123), Rhodes and Rhodes (2006:20). A touching personal description of Sherab Gyatso as a teacher at Ghoom Monastery is given by Karma Sumdhon Paul (Richardus 1998:79-81). See the photographs of both Sherab Gyatso and Orgyen Gyatso in Waddell (1934:45) and Rhodes and Rhodes (2006: plates 3-4).

-- The Holy Land Reborn: Pilgrimage and the Tibetan Reinvention of Buddhist India, by Toni Huber

Ghum Monasteries
Yiga Choeling Monastery
Religion: Tibetan Buddhism
Sect: Gelug
Location Ghum, West Bengal, India
Ghum Monastery is located in West Bengal
Founder: Lama Sherab Gyatso
Date established: 1875

Old Ghoom Monastery is the popular name of Yiga Choeling. The monastery belongs to the Gelukpa or the Yellow Hat sect and is known for its 15 feet (4.6 m)-high statue of the Maitreya Buddha. The external structure of the building was established in 1850 by the Mongolian astrologer and monk Sokpo Sherab Gyatso [Shabdrung Lama], who was head of the monastery until 1905.

In 1909, Kyabje Domo Geshe Rinpoche Ngawang Kalsang, popularly called Lama Domo Geshe Rinpoche, succeeded Sherab Gyatso [Shabdrung Lama] as the head. It was he who commissioned the statue of the Maitreya Buddha, and he remained head until 1952.

During the Chinese occupation of 1959 in Tibet many high ranking abbots fled to India and took refuge in the monastery. In 1961, Dhardo Rimpoche became head of the Yiga Choeling monastery Ghoom, Darjeeling. He died in 1990 and three years later, a boy named Tenzin Legshad Wangdi was recognised as his reincarnation.

On 25 April 1996, he was enthroned at Kalimpong Tibetan ITBCI school. The thirteenth in the line of Tulkus, Tenzin Legshad Wangdi, still goes by the name of Dhardo Tulku. He is studying Tibetan Philosophy at Drepung Loseling University in South India.

Under the supervision of Dhardo Rimpoche, the Managing Committee was set up in order to improve the monastery. Some of the initiatives have been successful, others not.

For the last two decades, the monastery has been going through severe crises in terms of both monks and finance. Till now, the grants-in-aid entitled to the monastery have not been received either from the government nor from any other source. Presently the monastery is meeting its needs through donations and contributions from local devotees.[1]

Samten Choeling

The Samten Choeling monastery lies below the road and is today less visited by local people due to various religious beliefs and confusion.[2][3][4]

The monastery, which was built in 1875 by Lama Sherab Gyatso [Shabdrung Lama], follows the Gelug school of Tibetan Buddhism.[2] Amongst the Buddhist texts available are the Kangyur, the Tibetan Buddhist canon, running into 108 volumes. The monks fly prayer flags in the Tibetan tradition.[2][4]


2. Agarwala, A.P. (editor), Guide to Darjeeling Area, 27th edition, p. 78, ISBN 81-87592-00-1.
3. "Religious shrines around Darjeeling". Archived from the original on 3 July 2007. Retrieved 3 July 2007.
4. "Monasteries in Darjeeling". Archived from the original on 27 May 2007. Retrieved 3 July 2007.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Jul 21, 2020 3:57 am

Hisao Kimura
by Wikipedia
[Translated from French]
Accessed: 7/20/20

British-Indian intelligence reported that Kalimpong had an “extensive spy-network” by 1946 (SAWB, IB 1946, 4). We will probably never know about all the spies who operated in Kalimpong, but arguably the two most famous who appeared in Kalimpong were Gergan Dorje Tharchin, the editor of the Tibet Mirror, and Hisao Kimura, the “Japanese agent who disguised himself as a Mongolian pilgrim [… and] was recruited by the British Intelligence to gather information on the Chinese in Eastern Tibet” (Kimura 1990, book jacket). Tharchin had settled in Kalimpong and started his newspaper; with that he became of interest to the British, and also the Chinese, who tried to buy him.

-- Kalimpong: The China Connection, by Prem Poddar and Lisa Lindkvist Zhang

Hisao Kimura
Hisao Kimura in April 1950 in Calcutta, India.
Birth: 1922, Sasebo
Death: October 8 , 1989, Tokyo
Name in native language: 木村 肥 佐 生
Nationality: Japanese
Activity: Explorer

Hisao Kimura (木村 肥 佐 生, Kimura Hisao?); 1922 in Sasebo -October 8, 1989in Tokyo) is a secret agent, and Japanese Tibetologist. In Tibet, he took the name of Dawa Sangpo. A specialist in Central Asia, he became a university professor in Japan.


Hisao Kimura was born in 1922 in Sasebo, Nagasaki Prefecture in Japan.

In the early 1940s, at age 19, he crossed Mongolia and Tibet.

Hisao Kimura and Kazumi Nishikawa, another Japanese secret agent, did not reach Lhasa until after the end of World War II, in September 1945[1], [2]. In October 1945, Hisao Kimura went to Kalimpong, where he was recruited by the British spy services to find out the intentions of the Chinese by going to eastern Tibet. In 1948, back in Lhasa, he met Peter Aufschnaiter and Heinrich Harrer [3].

When Taktser Rinpoche [Thubten Jigme Norbu], the brother of the Dalai Lama whose caravan he had originally accompanied to Lhasa, came to Japan in the 1950s [for the 1952 conference of the Buddhist World Fellowship.] and was stranded for a time without a passport, it was Kimura who helped him, and the two became close friends [4].

On 13 February 1952, Thubten Norbu and his chaperone-cum-translator Robert Ekvall arrived at Foggy Bottom for a meeting with the new assistant secretary of state for Far Eastern affairs, John Allison. The reason for the tryst was the arrival of a secret letter from the Dalai lama addressed to his eldest brother.

Messages from the Tibetan leader had come before, but nothing like this. In marked contrast to the urgency of earlier communications, the Dalai lama was now subdued and measured. Four months after the Tibetan government had conceded on the seventeen-point agreement with Beijing, the monarch was now clearly hedging his bets. The Chinese were thus far being "correct and careful," he wrote, and he was determined to treat them in kind. As if to offset any perceived tilt toward Beijing, the letter instructed Norbu to maintain contact with U.S. officials and not allow for any "misunderstandings."

That Tibet's spiritual leader was writing in such pragmatic terms was not necessarily bad news at the upper echelons of the State Department. It had been senior department officials, after all, who had kept Ambassador Henderson at bay for so long. Now using the Dalai lama's own sentiments as cover, Allison had no need to apologize when he assured Norbu that the United States remained sympathetic but noncommittal. Allison went further, advocating that the United States not invite undue attention to Tibet by making any public statements.

Although Allison was effectively writing off Tibet, Norbu saw it otherwise. Judging from the pleasantries exchanged around the room, he logically concluded that the Americans concurred with the Dalai lama's approach. Offering thanks to Allison, he departed.

It would be another three months before Norbu was back in contact, this time offering a decidedly different spin on events in his homeland. Allegedly tapping his own private sources, he claimed that the Dalai lama was continuing with a long-term master plan to appear compliant with China's wishes while secretly organizing resistance against them. Tibetans in the capital, he claimed, had recently sworn oaths of allegiance to the Dalai lama and affirmed their opposition to the Chinese.

Hearing this news, State Department officials in Washington admitted that they had little ability to verify its validity. Norbu, after all, had a vested interest in making it sound as if his brother were playing the Chinese according to a clever script, not the other way around. Still, the department's China desk thought that there was enough circumstantial evidence indicating that the Chinese in Tibet were encountering difficulties. On the pretext that the United States should allow China to make further missteps, the desk counseled continued restraint from both public statements and attempts to contact persons in Tibet who might be making the first move toward organizing an anticommunist resistance. Taking a pen to the margin of the source text, Assistant Secretary of State Allison wrote, "I agree."

With those words, any residual thoughts of an activist Tibet policy by Washington entered into full remission. Plans to come to Lhasa's defense -- overtly or covertly, verbally or physically -- were shelved. Norbu himself lost relevance; in short order he left Washington for a brief English course at Berkeley before traveling to Japan for the 1952 conference of the Buddhist World Fellowship. While in Tokyo, both Norbu's sponsorship by the Committee for a Free Asia and his Indian identification papers expired. In a telling rejection, his application for readmission to the United States was turned down, stranding the Dalai Lama's sibling in Japan as a gilded refugee...

After he had been unceremoniously dropped from CFA funding in 1952, both he and his servant, Jentzen Thondup, had become stateless refugees in Japan. Not until 1955, following repeated appeals channeled through Church World Services, did he and Jentzen finally get new Indian identity cards and U.S. visas. Settling in New Jersey, Norbu began to earn a modest income teaching Tibetan to a handful of students as part of a noncredited course at Columbia University.

-- The CIA's Secret War in Tibet, by Kenneth Conboy and James Morrison

He became a professor specializing in Central Asia at the Tokyo University of Asia (in). He also helped Pema Gyalpo, representative of the 14th Dalai Lama, to come to Japan for medical care and Diplomacy Training of Tibetan refugees.

In 1967, Hisao Kimura met the Dalai Lama during his first visit to Japan. Takster Rinpoche [Thubten Jigme Norbu] who accompanies him presents it to him [5].

Falling seriously ill during a trip to Xinjiang in October 1989, he was repatriated to Japan where he died. A few months earlier he had finished his work in which he gave an account of his young years incognito across Asia.

Notes and references

1. Scott Berry (Alex McKay, editor), The Japanese in Tibet, in The History of Tibet - The Medieval Period: c.850-1895, Cornell University Press, 2003 (ISBN 0-415-30843-7) (limited overview online), ( p. 311).

2. Hisao Kimura, Scott Berry Japanese officer in Tibet: my ten years of travel in disguise, p. 4.

3. Hisao Kimura, Japanese agent in Tibet: my ten years of travel in disguise, as Told to Scott Berry, Serindia Publications, Inc., 1990, p. 196, (ISBN 0-906026-24-5).

4. Scott Berry, Monks, Spies, and a Soldier of Fortune: The Japanese in Tibet, Athlone Press, 1995, p. 328: "When Takster Rimpoche, the Dalai Lama's brother whose caravan he had originally accompanied to Lhasa, came to Japan during the 1950s and was stuck for some time without a passport, it was Kimura who helped him out, and the two became close friends."

5. Hisao Kimura, Scott Berry, Japanese Agent in Tibet: My Ten Years of Travel in Disguise, p. 217


• Hisao Kimura, Scott Berry, Adventures of a Japanese spy in Tibet: my ten years incognito across Asia , translated by Michel Jan, ed. Payot & Rivages, 2005, ( ISBN 2-228-90026-5 and 9782228900263 )
• (en) Hisashi Mitsuyasu, Hisao Kimura, Wind wave in decay area , Publisher Port and Harbor Technical Research Institute , 1964
• Dalai Lama XIV , Hisao Kimura, Chibetto waga sokoku: Darai Rama jijoden , Publisher Chūō Kōronsha, 1989, ( ISBN 4-12-201649-5 and 9784122016491 )
• Hisao Kimura, Chibetto senkō jūnen , Publisher Chūō Kōronsha, 1982

External links

• Authority records: Virtual international authority fileInternational Standard Name IdentifierCiNiiNational Library of France ( data )University documentation systemLibrary of CongressNational Diet LibraryRoyal Netherlands LibraryCzech National LibraryWorldCat
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

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Part 1 of 2

Thubten Jigme Norbu
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/20/20

[F]earful of capture if he remained in Lhasa, the Dalai Lama responded in the tradition of his immediate predecessor: he fled the capital. Disguised as a layman and escorted by an entourage of 200, he stole out of Lhasa on the night of 20 December (1950) and worked his way south toward the border town of Yatung, just twenty-four kilometers from the princely protectorate of Sikkim.

As this was taking place, American diplomats in neighboring India did what they could to monitor the Dalai Lama's movements. Perhaps none took a greater interest than the U.S. ambassador to India, Loy Henderson. Dubbed a "quintessential Cold Warrior" by one Foreign Service officer under his watch, Henderson had long harbored deep concern for Tibet, especially the threat of PRC control extending across the Himalayas. As far back as the summer of 1949 he had lobbied for a more proactive U.S. policy toward Lhasa to offset this feared Chinese advance, including sending a U.S. envoy from India to the Tibetan capital and leaving behind a small diplomatic mission.

Despite the ambassador's expressed urgency, Washington dragged its feet on approving any bold moves. Frustrated, Ambassador Henderson felt that the stakes were growing too high to afford continued neglect, especially after the Dalai Lama reached Yatung in early 1951. Unless there was some immediate future indication of moral and military support from abroad, he cabled Washington on 12 January, the youthful monarch might leave his kingdom and render ineffective any future resistance to Chinese rule.

But if the exile of the Dalai Lama posed problems, Henderson saw it as preferable to having him return to Lhasa. To prevent the latter, the ambassador took the initiative in March to pen a letter to the monarch. Written on Indian-made stationery and lacking a signature -- thereby affording the United States plausible deniability if it was intercepted -- the note implored the Tibetan leader not to move back to the capital for fear that he would be manipulated by Beijing. The letter further urged the Dalai Lama to seek refuge overseas, preferably in the predominantly Buddhist nation of Ceylon (now Sri Lanka).

Informing Washington of the note after it had been written, Henderson was in for a surprise. Finally coming around to his way of thinking, the State Department lent its approval to the scheme, with only minor editorial changes. Two copies of the anonymous appeal were eventually printed: one carried to Yatung by [url=-]Heinrich Harrer[/url], the Dalai Lama's Austrian tutor who had fled Lhasa shortly before the monarch's departure, and the second turned over to a Tibetan dignitary in Kalimpong during Mid-May. Those forwarding the letter were told to discreetly convey that it came from the U.S. ambassador.

The Dalai Lama did not take long to respond. On 24 May, his personal representative sought out U.S. diplomats in Calcutta to clarify several points regarding potential exile. Among other things, the monarch wanted to know if Washington would grant him asylum in America and if the United States would extend military aid to a theoretical anti-Chinese resistance movement after his departure from Tibetan soil. He also wanted permission for his oldest brother, Thubten Norbu, to visit the United States.

Before the United States could respond, a shock came over the airwaves on 26 May. Three months earlier, the Dalai Lama had dispatched two groups of officials to China in a desperate bid to appease Beijing and keep the Kham invasion force at bay. Arriving in the Chinese capital by mid-April, neither group had been authorized by the Dalai Lama to make binding decisions on the kingdom's behalf. Despite this, several weeks of stressful talks took their toll: on 23 May, all the Tibetan emissaries lent their names to a seventeen-point agreement with China that virtually wiped out any prospect of an autonomous Tibetan identity.

When news of the pact was broadcast three days later over Chinese state radio, it was a devastating blow to the Dalai lama. Knowing that the monarch would be under mounting pressure to formulate a response to Beijing, Henderson received approval on 2 June to grant U.S. asylum to the Dalai Lama and a 100-man entourage -- provided both India and Ceylon proved unreceptive. Washington was also prepared to provide military aid if India was amenable to transshipment. Finally, Henderson was authorized to extend U.S. visas to Thubten Norbu and a single servant, though both had to pay their own expenses while in America.

Given the fast pace of events, the embassy decided to send a U.S. diplomat to Kalimpong to deal directly with Tibetan officials at their resident trade mission. These officials were shuttling to and from the Dalai Lama's redoubt at Yatung, and this offered the fastest means of negotiating with the isolated monarch. Because Kalimpong fell within the purview of the American consulate general in Calcutta, Vice Consul Nicholas Thacher was chosen for the job.

There was a major stumbling block with such indirect diplomacy, however. The United States was looking to advance its Tibet policy in a third country, and that country -- India -- had its own national interests at heart. Despite being condemned by Beijing in 1949 as the "dregs of humanity," New Delhi was doing its best to remain on good terms with China. This precluded Indian officials from being taken into Washington's confidence. Thacher, therefore, needed to negotiate in the shadows.

With little time to concoct an elaborate charade, the American vice consul prepared for the long drive from Calcutta. Taking along his wife, young child, and nanny as cover, Thacher was to explain his Kalimpong trip as a holiday respite if questioned by Indian authorities. Before leaving, he was coached in the use of a primitive code based on the local scenery. Because his only means of communicating from Kalimpong was via telegraph -- no doubt monitored by Indian intelligence -- he would rely on this code to send updates to the Calcutta consulate…

Thacher pulled into Kalimpong on 15 June... the town factored prominently in the trans-Himalayan economy because for generations it had served as the final destination for mule caravans hauling products -- primarily wool -- from Tibet. At any given time, there was a significant community of Tibetan merchants in town, making it a logical site for that country's only overseas trade office…

Thacher had little trouble locating the Tibetan mission. Entering, he introduced himself in English to the ensemble of officials…

Thacher set about explaining the U.S. offer to grant asylum and material assistance. Very quickly, the vice consul was struck by the lack of realism displayed by Lhasa's envoys. "There was a sense of the absurd," he later commented. "They were talking wistfully in terms of America providing them with tanks and aircraft." Thacher did his best to downplay expectations before taking his leave and making his way to the telegraph office to send a coded report to Calcutta…

Hearing of the latest U.S. promises, the Tibetans found little reason for cheer. The offer of U.S. asylum, for example, was to be granted only if Asian options were exhausted, even though the Dalai Lama was adamant that he wanted exile only in America. Military aid, too, was moot, because it was contingent on Indian approval -- a near impossibility, given New Delhi's desire to maintain cordial ties with China.

Twenty-nine years old, Thubten Norbu was an important Tibetan religious figure in his own right. As a child, he had been named the incarnation of a famed fifteenth-century monk. Studying at the expansive Kumbum monastery not far from his home village in Amdo, Norbu had risen to chief abbot by 1949. When Amdo was occupied by the PLA that fall, he came under intense Chinese pressure to lobby his brother on Beijing's behalf. Feigning compliance, he ventured to Lhasa in November 1950. But rather than sell the PRC, he presented a graphic report of Chinese excesses in Amdo. [In recognition of his status as an incarnation, Norbu was also known as the twenty fourth Taktser Rinpoche ("incarnation from Taktser"). Taktser is the town in Amdo where Norbu spent his youth… U.S. diplomatic cables over the ensuing years variously (and incorrectly) referred to Norbu as "Takster" and "Tak Tser."]

Because Beijing no doubt viewed Norbu's act as treachery, the Dalai Lama was anxious to see his brother leave Tibet. He succeeded up to a point, spiriting Norbu to Kalimpong by the first week of June 1951…

Just when Norbu's departure seemed secure, however, complications arose. Neither he nor his accompanying servant had passports, and they had fled Tibet with insufficient funds to pay for extended overseas travel. Thus, both of them needed to quickly secure some form of sponsorship.

At that point, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) stepped forward with a ready solution. By coincidence only weeks earlier the agency had inaugurated the perfect vehicle for discreetly channeling financial support to persons like the Dalai Lama's brother. On 18 May, the San Francisco-based Committee for a Free Asia (CFA) had been formally unveiled to the public as a means to "render effective assistance to Asians in advancing personal and national liberty throughout their homelands." The committee's charter further declared its intention to assist noncommunist travelers, refugees, and exiles in order to "strengthen Asian resistance to communism." Left unsaid was the fact that the committee was made possible by financial assistance from the CIA. [Although the CIA connection was repeatedly denied over the years, there were public suspicions from the start. On 27 June 1951, Alfred Kohlberg, a prominent U.S. importer of Chinese textiles, sent a letter to CFA president George Greene accusing the organization of being a government front. In his letter, Kohlberg astutely noted that the Committee for a Free Europe, a sister entity created the previous year, was correctly suspected of having CIA links.]

[During the same month, the Committee for a Free Asia factored in another aspect of America's Tibet policy. On 22 June, Secretary of State Acheson handed the Thai ambassador to the United States a copy of a letter written on CFA stationery. The note, which was addressed to the secretary, claimed that the committee would underwrite the expenses of the Dalai Lama if he were granted asylum in Thailand. The idea of Thai asylum -- and related CFA sponsorship -- was apparently not pursued.]…

Norbu arrived in Calcutta on 24 June with plans to catch a flight to the United States within two weeks. Before leaving, he met with members of the U.S. consulate and was informed that Washington would support a third Tibetan appeal to the United Nations, provided the Dalai Lama publicly disavowed the 23 May agreement with China. Norbu assured the diplomats that his brother, despite his curious silence to date, did not approve of the May pact and was still intent on seeking overseas asylum...

T]he Tibetans were whisked the following day to Washington for meetings with State Department and CIA officials.

Norbu had arrived at a critical juncture. By the close of June, Thacher and his family had concluded their faux vacation and returned to Calcutta. In order to maintain coverage in Kalimpong, Thacher was to be replaced by another consulate official. Given that assignment was Robert Linn, head of the small CIA base in Calcutta…

[Linn] found the Kalimpong crowd of little help in swaying the teenage monarch and his conservative courtesans across the border at Yatung. On 11 July, Linn passed word to the Calcutta consulate that the Dalai Lama intended to return to Lhasa in ten days.

With time running short, officials in Washington imposed on Norbu to translate a message for the Dalai Lama into Tibetan. This, along with two more unsigned letters prepared by the U.S. embassy in New Delhi, was quickly forwarded to Yatung. Embassy officials even flirted with fanciful plans for Heinrich Harrer, the monarch's former tutor, and George Patterson, an affable Scottish missionary who had once preached in Kham, to effectively kidnap the Dalai Lama and bundle him off to India.

All these efforts were to no avail. On 21 July, the monarch heeded advice channeled under trance by the state oracle and departed Yatung on a slow caravan back to the Tibetan capital. Still unwilling to concede defeat, American diplomats continued to smuggle unsigned messages to the Dalai Lama while he was en route. Trying a slightly more bold tack, Ambassador Henderson received approval on 10 September to write a signed note on official government letterhead. Tibetan representatives in India were allowed to briefly view the document the following week and verbally convey its contents to their leader. The United States, read this last message, was now prepared to publicly support Tibetan autonomy. In addition, Washington vowed to assist an anti-Chinese resistance movement with such material as may be "feasible under existing political and physical conditions."

Even if the Dalai Lama's interest was piqued by the latest round of promises, it was probably too late for him to act. He arrived in Lhasa during mid-August, and PLA troops were sighted in the capital by early the following month. On 28 September, the Tibetan national assembly convened to debate the controversial seventeen-point agreement signed the previous May. Less than one month later, confirmation was sent to Mao Tse-tung that the kingdom accepted the accord. Tibet was now officially part of the People's Republic of China.

On 13 February 1952, Thubten Norbu and his chaperone-cum-translator Robert Ekvall arrived at Foggy Bottom for a meeting with the new assistant secretary of state for Far Eastern affairs, John Allison. The reason for the tryst was the arrival of a secret letter from the Dalai lama addressed to his eldest brother.

Messages from the Tibetan leader had come before, but nothing like this. In marked contrast to the urgency of earlier communications, the Dalai lama was now subdued and measured. Four months after the Tibetan government had conceded on the seventeen-point agreement with Beijing, the monarch was now clearly hedging his bets. The Chinese were thus far being "correct and careful," he wrote, and he was determined to treat them in kind. As if to offset any perceived tilt toward Beijing, the letter instructed Norbu to maintain contact with U.S. officials and not allow for any "misunderstandings."

That Tibet's spiritual leader was writing in such pragmatic terms was not necessarily bad news at the upper echelons of the State Department. It had been senior department officials, after all, who had kept Ambassador Henderson at bay for so long. Now using the Dalai lama's own sentiments as cover, Allison had no need to apologize when he assured Norbu that the United States remained sympathetic but noncommittal. Allison went further, advocating that the United States not invite undue attention to Tibet by making any public statements.

Although Allison was effectively writing off Tibet, Norbu saw it otherwise. Judging from the pleasantries exchanged around the room, he logically concluded that the Americans concurred with the Dalai lama's approach. Offering thanks to Allison, he departed.

It would be another three months before Norbu was back in contact, this time offering a decidedly different spin on events in his homeland. Allegedly tapping his own private sources, he claimed that the Dalai lama was continuing with a long-term master plan to appear compliant with China's wishes while secretly organizing resistance against them. Tibetans in the capital, he claimed, had recently sworn oaths of allegiance to the Dalai lama and affirmed their opposition to the Chinese.

Hearing this news, State Department officials in Washington admitted that they had little ability to verify its validity. Norbu, after all, had a vested interest in making it sound as if his brother were playing the Chinese according to a clever script, not the other way around. Still, the department's China desk thought that there was enough circumstantial evidence indicating that the Chinese in Tibet were encountering difficulties. On the pretext that the United States should allow China to make further missteps, the desk counseled continued restraint from both public statements and attempts to contact persons in Tibet who might be making the first move toward organizing an anticommunist resistance. Taking a pen to the margin of the source text, Assistant Secretary of State Allison wrote, "I agree."

With those words, any residual thoughts of an activist Tibet policy by Washington entered into full remission. Plans to come to Lhasa's defense -- overtly or covertly, verbally or physically -- were shelved. Norbu himself lost relevance; in short order he left Washington for a brief English course at Berkeley before traveling to Japan for the 1952 conference of the Buddhist World Fellowship. While in Tokyo, both Norbu's sponsorship by the Committee for a Free Asia and his Indian identification papers expired. In a telling rejection, his application for readmission to the United States was turned down, stranding the Dalai Lama's sibling in Japan as a gilded refugee...

In the summer of 1952... Tibet was more inaccessible than ever...One notable exception was the unique window provided by the princely state of Sikkim...

Beginning in 1947 and continuing for the next three years, its royals scrambled to salvage some form of autonomy that would safeguard their exalted status...

The job of negotiating with the Indians went to the prince's son and heir apparent, Palden Thondup...

The result was a December treaty whereby the protectorate of Sikkim was free to manage domestic matters but allowed India to regulate its foreign affairs, defense, and trade...

Though prohibited from making independent foreign policy, they believed that it was still within their right to retain a degree of international personality. This held obvious appeal for the United States, which appreciated Sikkim's unique perspective on Himalayan events, on account of its royals being related by blood and marriage to the elite in neighboring Bhutan and Tibet...In the spring of 1951, the U.S. consulate in Calcutta gingerly tested the waters. The Chinese had already invaded Kham, and Larry Dalley, a young CIA officer who had arrived in the city the previous fall under cover of vice consul, was eager to collect good intelligence on events across the border. He knew that two members of Sikkim's royal family frequented Calcutta and would be good sources of information.

The first, Pema Tseudeun, was the older sister of the crown prince. Popularly known by the name Kukula, she was the stunning, urbane archetype of a Himalayan princess. Her contact with American officials actually dated back to 1942, when she had been in Lhasa as the teenage wife of a Tibetan nobleman. OSS officers Tolstoy and Dolan had just arrived in the Tibetan capital that December and were preparing to present a gift from President Franklin Roosevelt to the young Dalai Lama. The gift was in a plain box, and the two Americans were scrambling to find suitable wrapping. "I came forward," she recalls, "and donated the bright red ribbon in my hair." [During his stay in Lhasa, OSS officer Dolan befriended Kukula's sister-in-law and fathered her child.]

For the next eight years, Kukula had it good. Married into the powerful Phunkang family (her father-in-law was a cabinet official), she now had considerable holdings in Lhasa. After the Chinese invasion of Kham, however, all was in jeopardy. Leaving many of her possessions back in Tibet, she fled to the safety of Sikkim. There she became a close adviser to the crown prince, accompanying her brother to New Delhi that December to finalize their state's treaty with India.

The second royal in Calcutta, Pema Choki, was Kukula's younger sister. Better known as Princess Kula, she was every bit as beautiful and sophisticated as her sibling. Kula was also married to a Tibetan of high status; her father-in-Iaw, Yutok Dzaza, had been a ranking official at the trade mission in Kalimpong. Both Kukula and Kula were regulars on the Indian diplomatic circuit. "They came to many of the consulate's social functions," remembers Nicholas Thacher, "and were known for their ability to perform all of the latest dance numbers."

Not all of that contact, CIA officer Dalley determined, was social. After arranging for a meeting with Princess Kukula at his apartment, he asked her if she thought the Tibetans might need anything during their current crisis. Kukula suggested that they could use ammunition and said that she would bring a sample of what they needed to their next meeting. True to her word, the princess appeared at Dalley's apartment bearing a round for a British Lee-Enfield rifle. She also mentioned that waves of Tibetan traders came to India almost quarterly to get treatment for venereal disease (a scourge in Tibet) and to pick up food shipments for import. Particularly popular at the time were tins of New Zealand fruits packed in heavy syrup.

Based on this information, Dalley devised a plan to substitute bullets for the fruit. He went as far as pouching Kukula's bullet and a sample tin label to CIA headquarters -- all to no avail. "They laughed at the scheme," he recalls.

Later that spring, the U.S. consulate in Calcutta again turned to the Sikkimese royals for help. At the time, the Dalai Lama was holed up in the border town of Yatung, and CIA officer Robert Linn was brainstorming ways of facilitating indirect contact with the monarch. Two of those he asked to assist in passing notes were Kukula and Kula. Although the Tibetan leader ultimately elected not to go into exile, it was not for want of trying on the part of the princesses.

One year later, Sikkim's royals once more proved their willingness to help. In June 1952, Kukula approached the consulate with an oral message from the Dalai Lama. She had just returned from a visit to her in-laws in Lhasa, and although she had not personally seen the Dalai Lama, she had been given information from Kula's father-in-Iaw, Yutok Dzaza, who had been in Lhasa at the same time, circulating among senior government circles. [Back in September 1951, Yutok Dzaza, a former official at the Tibetan trade office in Kalimpong, had been brought down to the consulate in Calcutta and shown Ambassador Henderson's last-ditch appeal to the Dalai Lama written on U.S. embassy letterhead. Yutok took notes from the letter and then went to Lhasa, where he met several senior government officials. He also met with one of the Dalai Lama's older brothers, Lobsang Samten. It was the information gathered from these sources that he passed to Princess Kukula.] Kukula quoted the Dalai Lama as saying that when the time was propitious for liberation, he hoped the United States would give material aid and moral support. Kukula also passed observations about food shortages in Lhasa and about the desperate conditions of the vast majority of Chinese troops in that city.

To maintain the flow of such useful information, the consulate continued its discreet courtship of the Sikkimese sisters. Part of the task fell to Gary Soulen, the ranking Foreign Service officer in Calcutta. In September 1952, Soulen obtained Indian approval to visit Sikkim for a nature trek. Venturing as far as the Natu pass on the Tibetan frontier, Princess Kukula accompanied him on the trip and imparted more anecdotes about the situation in Lhasa.

CIA officials, too, were looking to make inroads. Kenneth Millian, who replaced Larry Dalley in October 1952 under cover as vice consul, counted the Sikkimese as one of his primary targets. By that time, however, the Indians were doing everything in their power to obstruct contact. On one of the rare occasions when he got permission to visit the Sikkimese capital of Gangtok, for example, New Delhi leaked a false report to the press that the American vice president -- not vice consul -- was scheduled to make an appearance. As a result, entire villages turned out expecting to see Richard Nixon. "Discreet contact," lamented Millian, "became all but impossible."

Occasional trysts with the Sikkimese were conducted by another CIA officer in Calcutta, John Turner. Born of American parents in India, Turner spent his formative years attending school in Darjeeling. He then went to college in the United States, followed by a stint in the army and induction into the agency in 1948. For his first overseas CIA assignment, he was chosen in May 1952 to succeed Robert Linn as the senior CIA officer in Calcutta. Given his cultural background and fluency in Hindi, Turner was well suited for the job...

The Sikkimese, Turner found, needed no prompting to maintain contact "They offered us tidbits of intelligence to try and influence U.S. policy," he concluded....

[T]he prince would pass Turner relevant information about Tibet. One such meeting took place in the spring of 1954 immediately after the crown prince's return from a trip to Lhasa. While in the Tibetan capital, the prince had spoken with the Dalai lama, whom he found unhappy but resigned to his fate. Even more revealing, the Chinese had feted their Sikkimese guest by showing off their new Damshung airfield north of Lhasa and had motored him along a fresh stretch of road leading into Kham. Turner found the debriefing so informative that he recorded the entire session and sent a voluminous report back to Washington...

Ever since it had first invaded western Kham in late 1950, the PLA knew that it could not sustain its presence without a modern logistical network. As the Chinese worked feverishly to complete this, they retained the existing monastic structure -- including the Dalai lama -- and attempted to woo Tibet's lay aristocracy. They were fairly successful in winning support from the latter, especially since many aristocrats profited from the sudden influx of needy Chinese troops and administrators. [China's strategy also involved the cultivation of the pliable Panchen Lama, the second most influential incarnation in Tibet, as a counterweight to the Dalai Lama. Beginning in 1954, Beijing insisted on treating the two as virtual equals.]...

In 1952, the Dalai lama was pressured into firing his dual prime ministers over alleged anti-Chinese sentiment. There were also food shortages due to the presence of the occupying troops, as well as the affront they represented to Tibetan prestige. Various forms of nonviolent resistance -- anonymous posters and sarcastic street rhymes were the preferred outlets -- were already becoming commonplace in Lhasa.

Still, both the Tibetans and the Chinese had seen fit to abide by an unofficial truce. This lasted up until Beijing's transportation network was nearing completion. With the new option of rushing reinforcements to the Tibetan plateau, the PLA had the flexibility of eclipsing carrot with stick.

Beijing wasted no time driving the point home. Just weeks after the crown prince's 1954 visit, the Dalai Lama was invited to the Chinese capital, ostensibly to lead the Tibetan delegation to the inauguration ceremonies for the PRC's new constitution. Though many members of his inner circle were suspicious of Chinese intentions, the young monarch -- still determined to work within the system -- had little choice but to heed the call. He even made it a family affair, bringing along his mother, three siblings, and a brother-in-law.

On 11 July, the Dalai Lama and his 500-person entourage departed Lhasa. Where possible, they took stretches of the partially finished road that wove east through Kham. Once in Beijing, the visit started out well. Partial to socialist precepts, the Dalai Lama had few qualms with China's economic direction; he had already voiced support for radical land reforms at home, although the landed aristocracy and religious elite had successfully thwarted implementation. The Dalai Lama was also treated with respect by the upper echelons of China's communist hierarchy; Mao Tse-tung, in particular, doted on the teenage monarch...

By the time the Dalai Lama headed home in the spring of 1955, the road leading from Kham to Lhasa was fully finished. A second route from Amdo to the capital was also complete. No longer feeling the need to be tolerant, the Chinese introduced atheist doctrine in Tibetan schools. The PLA also started disarming villagers in eastern Tibet prior to the implementation of harsh agrarian collectivization; as firearms were a cultural fixture in Kham and Amdo, their removal struck at a tenet of Tibetan tradition. As the Dalai Lama wove his way west, several Khampa leaders presented his entourage with petitions complaining of Beijing's heavy-handed ways.

During that same time frame, a hint of the dissatisfaction brewing in Kham reached the U.S. consulate in Calcutta via a different channel. John Turner, the CIA base chief, had been approached by George Patterson for an urgent meeting in the town of Kalimpong. Patterson, the Scottish missionary who had volunteered his services to the consulate in the past, was making the pitch on behalf of Ragpa Pandatsang, the same activist from the wealthy Kham trading family who had been alternately flirting with Lhasa and Beijing since 1950. Ragpa had done reasonably well for himself under the Chinese -- he was a senior official in the town of Markham -- but in a characteristic twist, he was now venturing to India to quietly sound out noncommunist options.

Based on middleman Patterson's request, Turner made his way to Kalimpong. By that time, the hill town had drawn a sizable roster of eclectic expatriates. One permanent fixture, Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark, was a physical anthropologist who spent his time measuring skulls. There was also Dennis Conan Doyle, who made a brief appearance in an unsuccessful bid to contact the spirit of his late father, Arthur. Joining them were die-hard followers of the late Madame Helena Blavatsky, the debunked Ukrainian psychic whose nonsensical Theosophist religion had the unenviable distinction of being one of the tenets of the Nazi's Aryan master race thesis.

Arriving at a house owned by the Pandatsang family, Turner waited outside. Perfectly timed, Ragpa materialized from out of the dawn mist on the back of a Tibetan pony. "He was apparently on his morning gallop," recalls Turner, "and he cut quite a figure." Dismounting, the Khampa greeted the CIA case officer. Patterson, who had befriended the Pandatsang family during his missionary days in Kham, was on hand to act as translator. After brief pleasantries, Ragpa touched lightly on the fact that the Khampas were looking for assistance in resisting the Chinese, including armaments. Without exchanging anything further of substance, he remounted the horse and melted back into the hills. Said Turner, "It was a surreal moment."...

By the close of 1955, the combination of factors simmering over the previous year -- atheist indoctrination, forceful disarming of the population, rapid collectivization -- sparked a wave of violence in eastern Tibet. True to their brigand reputation, nomads from the Golok region of Amdo were the first to unleash their fury on PLA garrisons across that province.

Eastern Kham followed suit in early 1956…

The PLA responded in force…

Particularly hard hit was Lithang; its grand monastery, home to 5,000 monks, was razed…

As this was taking place, the Dalai Lama faced mounting challenges on the political front. While in Beijing during 1955, he had been informed by Mao that a Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet (PCART) would be formed to codify Tibet's status under the seventeen-point agreement. The committee was inaugurated in Lhasa during April 1956, with the Dalai Lama as chairman; the majority of PCART members, however, were either directly or indirectly named by the PRC. In this way, Beijing effectively bypassed both Tibet's cabinet and the National Assembly.

Between Beijing's PCART ploy and news filtering into the capital of Chinese brutality in the east, the Dalai Lama was fast reaching his breaking point by mid-1956. Just shy of his twenty-first birthday, he had already entertained thoughts of withdrawing from all secular life. It was at this critical juncture that his earlier foreign guest, the crown prince of Sikkim, made a return visit to Lhasa.

The crown prince was on more than a courtesy call…

Disturbed by Beijing's lack of restraint, Nehru suddenly developed some backbone. By coincidence, the 2,500-year anniversary of the birth of Buddha was to be celebrated during the fourth lunar month of 1957. Special events to mark that date, known as the Buddha Jayanti, were scheduled across India beginning in late 1956. If the Dalai Lama could be enticed to travel to India for the occasion, New Delhi felt that this would symbolically underscore its interest in the well-being of Tibet and its leader. Because he already had good rapport with the Dalai Lama, and because he was president of the Indian Maha Bodhi Society (an organization that represented Buddhists across the Indian subcontinent), the crown prince was tasked by Nehru to deliver the invitation.

Upon receiving his Sikkimese guest and hearing the news, the Dalai Lama was ecstatic. For a Tibetan, a pilgrimage to India -- especially one that coincided with the Buddha Jayanti -- had all the connotations of a visit to the holy sites of Rome or Mecca. But more important, it would allow him to air his concerns directly to Nehru and perhaps offset Chinese influence. Perhaps, too, he could finally make good on his earlier contemplation of exile. Some of his minders, in fact, were convinced that the latter could be arranged, despite the fact that no nation, India included, had given any solid guarantee of asylum. [In his memoirs, the Dalai Lama does not mention his desire to seek exile during the crown prince's 1956 visit to Lhasa.]

Having delivered the invitation, the crown prince returned to India and on 28 June made his way to the U.S. consulate in Calcutta. Speaking directly with the senior diplomat, Consul General Robert Reams, he noted the apparent desire of the Dalai lama to leave his country. The crown prince also relayed stories reaching Lhasa about horrific fighting taking place in eastern Tibet, offering Washington hearsay evidence that anti-Chinese resistance had escalated into armed rebellion. Noting the apparent lack of weapons among the insurgents, the prince astutely suggested channeling arms from East Pakistan (presumably via Sikkim) to Tibet. And in a more fanciful departure, he wondered aloud if the United States could "exfiltrate" Tibetans from Burma and Thailand -- ostensibly while on religious pilgrimages -- and give them artillery and antiaircraft training…

For nearly four weeks, Foggy Bottom contemplated a response. When it finally came on 24 July, it was remarkable for its lack of originality. Falling back on the waffle perfected in 1951, Washington was prepared to extend a shifty promise of asylum, provided the Dalai Lama first asked India for help. No response was made to the crown prince's musings about arms and training…

On 1 October, Nehru telegraphed an official invitation to the Dalai Lama to supplement the one forwarded earlier by the crown prince… Beijing considered the new appeal from its treaty partner, and exactly one month later, the Chinese conceded. Tibet's young leader would be leaving his country…

When the United States learned that the Dalai Lama had gotten permission in early November to attend the Buddha Jayanti celebrations, the CIA scrambled to bypass Sikkim and establish direct links with Tibetan sources close to the monarch.

None were closer than the Dalai Lama's two brothers in exile. The eldest, Thubten Norbu, already had a history of indirect contact with the agency via the Committee for a Free Asia. After he had been unceremoniously dropped from CFA funding in 1952, both he and his servant, Jentzen Thondup, had become stateless refugees in Japan. Not until 1955, following repeated appeals channeled through Church World Services, did he and Jentzen finally get new Indian identity cards and U.S. visas. Settling in New Jersey, Norbu began to earn a modest income teaching Tibetan to a handful of students as part of a noncredited course at Columbia University.

The other brother, Gyalo Thondup, was residing in Darjeeling. Six years Norbu's junior, Gyalo was the proverbial prodigal son… As a teen, he had befriended members of the Chinese mission in Lhasa and yearned to study in China… Gyalo got his wish in 1947 when he and a brother-in-law arrived at the Kuomintang capital of Nanking and enrolled in college.

Two years later, Gyalo, then twenty-one, veered further toward China when he married fellow student Zhu Dan. Not only was his wife ethnic Chinese, but her father, retired General Chu Shi- kuei, had been a key Kuomintang officer during the early days of the republic. Because of both his relationship to General Chu and the fact that he was the Dalai Lama's brother, Gyalo was feted in Nanking by no less than Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek…

With the communists closing in on Nanking during the final months of China's civil war, Gyalo and his wife fled in mid-1949 to the safer climes of India. Once again because of his relationship to the Dalai Lama, he was added to the invitation list for various diplomatic events and even got an audience with Prime Minister Nehru.

That October, Gyalo briefly ventured to the Tibetan enclave at Kalimpong before settling for seven months in Calcutta. While there, his father-in-law, General Chu, attempted to make contact with the Tibetan government. With the retreat of the Kuomintang to Taiwan, Chu had astutely shifted loyalty to the People's Republic and was now tasked by Beijing to arrange a meeting between Tibetan and PRC officials at a neutral site, possibly Hong Kong.

Conversant in Chinese and linked to both the Dalai Lama and General Chu, Gyalo was a logical intermediary for the Hong Kong talks… Unable to gain quick entry to the crown colony, Gyalo made what he intended to be a brief diversion to the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan. But Chiang Kai- shek, no doubt anxious to keep Gyalo away from General Chu and the PRC, had other plans. Smothering the royal sibling with largesse, Chiang kept Gyalo in Taipei for the next sixteen months. Only after a desperate letter to U.S. Secretary of State Dean Acheson requesting American diplomatic intervention did the ROC relent and give Gyalo an exit permit.

After arriving in Washington in September 1951, Gyalo continued to dabble in diplomacy. Within a month of his arrival, he was called to a meeting at the State Department. Significantly, Gyalo's Chinese wife was at his side during the encounter. Because of the couple's close ties to Chiang, department representatives assumed that details of their talk would quickly be passed to the Kuomintang Nationalists…

Despite State Department efforts to secure him a scholarship at Stanford University, he hurriedly departed the United States in February 1952 for the Indian subcontinent. Leaving his wife behind, he then trekked back to Lhasa after a six-year absence.

By that time, Beijing had a secure foothold in the Tibetan capital. Upon meeting this wayward member of the royal family, the local PRC representatives were pleased. As a Chinese speaker married to one of their own, Gyalo was perceived as a natural ally. Yet again, however, he would prove a disappointment. After showing some interest in promoting a bold land reform program championed by the Dalai Lama, Gyalo once more grew restive. In late spring, he secretly met with the Indian consul in Lhasa, and after promising to refrain from politicking, he was given permission to resettle in India…

Noting his recent return to Darjeeling, the U.S. embassy in early August 1952 cautiously considered establishing contact. Calcutta's Consul General Gary Soulen saw an opportunity in early September while returning from his Sikkim trek with Princess Kukula. Pausing in Darjeeling, Soulen stayed long enough for Gyalo to pass on the latest information from his contacts within the Tibetan merchant community.

Although he had promised to refrain from exile politics, Gyalo saw no conflict in courting senior Indian officials. In particular, he sought a meeting with India's spymaster Bhola Nath Mullik. As head of Indian intelligence, Mullik presided over an organization with deep colonial roots. Established in 1887 as the central Special Branch, it had been organized by the British to keep tabs on the rising tide of Indian nationalism. Despite several redesignations before arriving at the title Intelligence Bureau, anticolonialists remained its primary target for the next sixty years.

Upon independence in 1947, Prime Minister Nehru appointed the bureau's first Indian director…

Three years later, Mullik became the bureau's second director. A police officer since the age of twenty-two, the taciturn Mullik was known for his boundless energy (he often worked sixteen-hour days), close ties to Nehru, healthy suspicion of China, and (rare for a senior Indian official) predisposition against communism. Almost immediately, the Tibetan frontier became his top concern. This followed Beijing's invasion of Kham that October, which meant that India's military planners now had to contend with a hypothetical front besides Pakistan. Moreover, the tribal regions of northeastern India were far from integrated, and revolutionaries in those areas could now easily receive Chinese support. The previous year, in fact, the bureau had held a conference on risks associated with Chinese infiltration.

Despite Mullik's concerns, Nehru was prone to downplay the potential Chinese threat. Not only did he think it ludicrous to prepare for a full-scale Chinese attack, but he saw real benefits in cultivating Beijing to offset Pakistan's emerging strategy of anticommunist cooperation with the West. "It was Nehru's idealism against hard-headed Chinese realism," said one Intelligence Bureau official. "Mullik injected healthy suspicions."

Astute enough to hedge his bets, Nehru allowed Mullik some leeway in improving security along the border and collecting intelligence on Chinese forces in Tibet. To accomplish this, Mullik expanded the number of Indian frontier posts strung across the Himalayas. In addition, he sought contact with Tibetans living in the Darjeeling and Kalimpong enclaves. Not only could these Tibetans be tapped for information, but a symbolic visit by a senior official like Mullik would lift morale at a time when their homeland was being subjugated. Such contact, moreover, could give New Delhi advance warning of any subversive activity in Tibet being staged from Indian soil.

Of all the Tibetan expatriates, Mullik had his eye on Gyalo Thondup. Besides having an insider's perspective of the high offices in Lhasa, Gyalo had already passed word of his desire for a meeting. Prior to his departure for his first visit to Darjeeling in the spring of 1953, Mullik asked for -- and quickly received -- permission from the prime minister to include the Dalai Lama's brother on his itinerary. Their subsequent exchange of views went well, as did their tete-a-tete during Mullik's second visit to Darjeeling in 1954…

To earn a living, [Gyalo] ironically began exporting Indian tea and whiskey to Chinese troops and administrators in Tibet. For leisure, he and his family were frequent guests at the Gymkhana Club. Part of an exclusive resort chain that was once a playpen for the subcontinent's colonial elite, the Gymkhana's Darjeeling branch was situated amid terraced gardens against the picturesque backdrop of Kanchenjunga. A regular on the tennis courts, the Dalai Lama 's brother was the local champion.

In the summer of 1956, Gyalo's respite came to an abrupt end. The senior abbot and governor from the Tibetan town of Gyantse had recently made his escape to India and in July wrote a short report about China's excesses. Gyalo repackaged the letter in English and mailed copies to the Indian media, several diplomatic missions, and selected world leaders. One of these arrived in early September at the U.S. embassy in the Pakistani capital of Karachi, and from there was disseminated to the American mission in New Delhi and consulate in Calcutta…

Once word reached India in early November that the Dalai Lama would be attending the Buddha Jayanti, John Hoskins got an urgent cable from headquarters. Put aside your efforts against the Chinese community, he was told, and make immediate contact with Gyalo. A quick check indicated Gyalo's predilection for tennis, so Hoskins got a racket and headed north to Darjeeling. After arranging to get paired with Gyalo for a doubles match, the CIA officer wasted no time in quietly introducing himself…

Hoskins was not exactly wowed by Gyalo's persona. "There was a lot of submissiveness rather than dynamism," he noted. At their first meeting, little was discussed apart from reaching an understanding that, to avoid Indian intelligence coverage in Darjeeling, future contact would be made in Calcutta using proper countersurveillance measures.

Later that same month, the Dalai Lama and a fifty-strong delegation departed Lhasa by car. Switching to horses at the Sikkimese border, the royal entourage was met on the other side by both Gyalo and Norbu, who had rushed to India from his teaching assignment in New York. The party was whisked through Gangtok and down to the closest Indian airfield near the town of Siliguri, and by 25 November the monarch was being met by Nehru on the tarmac of New Delhi's Palam Airport.

By coincidence, three days after the Dalai Lama's arrival in New Delhi, Chinese premier Zhou En-Lai began a twelve-day stop in India as part of a five-country South Asian tour. Keeping with diplomatic protocol, the young Tibetan leader was on hand to greet Zhou at the airport. The two then held a private meeting, at which time the elderly Chinese statesman lectured the Dalai Lama on the necessity of returning to his homeland.

Zhou was not alone in his appeal. As eager as Nehru was to offset Chinese influence in Tibet, he, too, was against the Dalai Lama's seeking asylum -- especially on Indian soil. This was partly because India wanted to maintain good relations with China. This was also because New Delhi did not want to go it alone, and not a single country to date had recognized Tibetan independence. Fearing that the monarch's brothers would have an unhealthy effect on any decision, Indian officials in the capital did all in their power to keep Gyalo and Norbu segregated from their royal sibling.

cont'd. below
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Jul 21, 2020 5:06 am

Part 2 of 2

The Dalai Lama hardly needed convincing from his brothers, however. During his first private session with Nehru, he openly hinted about not going back to Lhasa. He also requested that the issue of Tibetan independence be taken up by Nehru and President Dwight Eisenhower at their upcoming summit in Washington in December. Nehru was not entirely surprised by all this: Gyalo had already sought out Mullik and told the Indian intelligence chief in no uncertain terms that his brother would opt for exile.

As India's leadership digested these developments, the Dalai Lama departed the capital for an exhausting schedule of Buddha Jayanti festivities. He was still in the midst of this tour when Zhou returned to New Delhi for an encore visit on 30 December. In the interim, Nehru had had his Washington meeting with Eisenhower, and the Chinese premier had scheduled the stop specifically to discuss the outcome of that summit. As it turned out, however, Tibet was a major topic of conversation. In particular, Nehru used the opportunity to press Zhou about tempering China's harsh military and agrarian policies on the Tibetan plateau…

Anxious to broker a deal that would assuage both Lhasa and Beijing, Nehru summoned the Dalai Lama from his pilgrimage and underscored to the Tibetan leader that Indian asylum was not in the cards. But if that was bitter news, Zhou had earlier proposed a sweetener. While noting that China was ready to use force to stamp out resistance, he claimed that Mao now recognized the folly of rapid collectivization and pledged to delay further revolutionary reforms in Tibet.

Zhou and his senior comrades were by now gravely concerned over permanently losing the Dalai Lama. Leaving nothing to chance, Zhou was back in New Delhi on 24 January 1957 for his third visit in as many months.

Despite Beijing's lobbying, Gyalo and Norbu were still insistent that their brother choose exile. Torn over his future, the twenty-one-year-old monarch had already departed Calcutta on 22 January for Kalimpong, which by then was home to a growing number of disaffected Tibetan elite. Once there, he did what Tibet's leaders had done countless other times when confronted with a hard decision: he consulted the state oracle. Two official soothsayers happened to be traveling with his delegation; using time-honored -- if unscientific -- methods, the pair went into a trance on cue and recited their sagely advice. Return to Lhasa, they channeled.

As far as the Dalai Lama was concerned, the ruling of his oracles was incontrovertible, and the decision was made all the easier by the fact that nobody seemed anxious to give him refuge. Flouting the suggestions of his brothers, he declared his intention to go home. He crossed into Sikkim in early March and was compelled to remain in Gangtok until heavy snows melted from the mountain passes. There, he finalized plans to set out for Lhasa by month's end…

[A]s soon as the Dalai Lama received permission to attend the Buddha Jayanti, [William] Broe [CIA China Branch] felt it prudent to show heightened interest. Looking for a junior officer to spare, he soon settled on John Reagan. Twenty-eight years old, Reagan had joined the agency upon graduation from Boston College in 1951. He was soon in Asia, where he spent the next twenty-four months working on paramilitary projects in Korea. Switching to China Branch, he served two more years in Japan as part of the CIA's penetration effort against the PRC. Returning to the United States in 1955, Reagan divided the next twelve months between Chinese language training and trips to New York City to practice tradecraft against United Nations delegates.

As the branch's new man on Tibet, Reagan initially did little more than forward instructions for John Hoskins to make contact with Gyalo. He was silent on further guidance, primarily because senior U.S. policy makers had not yet ironed out a coherent framework for dealing with Lhasa. In earlier meetings between CIA and State Department officials during the summer of 1956, there had been those who felt that the Dalai Lama should flee to another Buddhist nation to offer a rallying cry for anticommunist Buddhists across Asia. Others, primarily inside the agency, believed that he could play a more important role as a rallying symbol in Lhasa among his fellow Tibetans. This was still the CIA's operating assumption in late 1956: once the Dalai Lama was in India, the prevailing mood at agency headquarters was that he should eventually go home.

Gyalo, meantime, was telling Hoskins that his brother had every intention of seeking asylum. With the Dalai Lama apparently intent on staying away from his homeland -- and therefore not conforming to the agency's preferred scenario of rallying his people from Lhasa -- Reagan was largely idle during most of the Dalai Lama's four-month absence from Tibet.

Eventually, however, the CIA looked to hedge its bets. Since the second half of 1956, a band of twenty-seven young Khampa men -- some still in their late teens -- had been growing restive in the enclave of Kalimpong. Most came from relatively wealthy trading families and had been spirited to India to protect them from the instability in their native province. Full of vigor, the entire group had ventured to New Delhi shortly before the Dalai Lama's Buddha Jayanti pilgrimage to conduct street protests. Once the Dalai Lama arrived, they sought a brief audience to make an impassioned plea for Lhasa's intercession against the Chinese offensive in Kham.

To their disappointment, the Dalai Lama counseled patience. "His Holiness only said things would settle down," recalls one of the Khampas. Undaunted, the twenty-seven young men shadowed the monarch during several of the Buddha Jayanti commemorative events. By early January 1957, this took them to Bodh Gaya, the city in eastern India where the historical Buddha was said to have attained enlightenment. While there, the Dalai Lama's older brother, Thubten Norbu, approached the Khampas and asked if he could take their individual photographs as a souvenir. Although it was an odd request, they complied.

For the next few weeks, nothing happened. Frustrated by the Dalai Lama's repeated rebuffs, the Khampas sulked back to Kalimpong. Several Chinese traders were in town, some of whom were rumored to have links to the Nationalist regime on Taiwan. Desperate, the Khampas sounded them out on the possibility of covert assistance from Taipei. It was at that point that Gyalo Thondup arrived and requested a meeting with all twenty-seven. For most of the young Khampas, it was the first time they had spoken with the Dalai Lama's lay brother. As they listened attentively, Gyalo lectured them to steer clear of the Kuomintang. "The United States," he told them cryptically, "is a better choice."

Less than a week later, the Dalai Lama arrived in Kalimpong, the oracles had their channeling session, and things changed dramatically. With the monarch's return journey now imminent, John Reagan in Washington scrambled to script a program of action. At its core, the plan called for a unilateral capability to determine how much armed resistance activity really existed in Tibet; further commitments could then be weighed accordingly.

The CIA had good reason to act with prudence. It already had a long and growing list of embarrassing failures while working with resistance groups behind communist lines. Perhaps none had been more painful than its experience against the PRC. There the agency's efforts had taken two tracks. The first was a collaborative effort with the Kuomintang government on Taiwan. Clinging to its dream of reconquering the mainland, the ROC in 1950 claimed to control a million guerrillas inside the People's Republic. Although a February 1951 Pentagon study placed the figure at no more than 600,000 -- only half of which were thought to be nominally loyal to the ROC -- Washington saw fit to support these insurgents as a means of appeasing a key Asian ally while at the same time possibly diverting Beijing's attention from the conflict on the Korean peninsula.

To funnel covert American assistance to the ROC, the CIA established a shell company in Pittsburgh known as Western Enterprises (WE). In September 1951, WE's newly appointed chief, Raymond Peers, arrived on Taiwan with a planeload of advisers. A U.S. Army colonel who had earned accolades during World War II as chief of the famed OSS Detachment 101 in Burma, Peers quickly initiated a number of paramilitary efforts. A large portion of his resources was directed toward airborne operations, including retraining the ROC's 1,500-man parachute regiment. Other WE advisers, meanwhile, were tasked with putting ROC action and intelligence teams through an airborne course.

To deploy these operatives, WE turned to the agency's Far East air proprietary, Civil Air Transport (CAT). By the spring of 1952, CAT planes were dropping teams and singletons on the mainland, as well as supplies to resistance groups that the ROC claimed were already active on the ground. Some of the penetrations ranged as far as Tibet's Amdo region, where the ROC alleged it had contact with Muslim insurgents.

Concurrently, the agency in April 1951 initiated a unilateral third-force effort using anticommunist Chinese unaffiliated with the ROC. Allocated enough arms and ammunition for 200,000 guerrillas, the CIA recruited many of these third-force operatives from Hong Kong, trained them in Japan and Saipan, and inserted them in CAT planes via air bases in South Korea…

That summer, an armistice sent the Korean conflict into remission. This provided the CIA with convenient cover to reassess its third-force track. Although it elected to maintain a China Base at Yokosuka, Japan, this unit was to handle primarily agent penetrations and low-level destabilization efforts; support for broader unilateral resistance got the ax.

Cooperative ventures with the ROC were not so easily nixed. Although Taipei had tempered its claims somewhat, it still pegged loyal mainland guerrilla strength at 650,000 insurgents. By contrast, a November 1953 estimate by the U.S. National Security Council (NSC) put the figure closer to 50,000. Despite this huge discrepancy, the NSC still advocated continued covert assistance to the ROC in order to develop anticommunist guerrillas for resistance and intelligence. Even temporary guerrilla successes, the council reasoned, might set off waves of defections and stiffen passive resistance.

Chiang Kai-shek could not have agreed more. Eager to vastly increase the scope of guerrilla support, the generalissimo in 1954 asked Washington for some 30,000 parachutes. Turned down the first time, he made further high-priority appeals over the next two years. These parachutes were needed for an ambitious plan to drop 100-man units near major PRC population centers. Hoping to set off a chain of uprisings, Chiang optimistically talked in terms of uprooting Chinese communism in as little as two years.

Hearing these plans, Washington patiently counseled against the proposed airborne blitz. On a more modest level, however, the CIA's assistance program continued unabated. In this, success was more elusive than ever. Despite inserting an average of two Nationalist agents a month through the mid-1950s, the ROC operatives were still being killed or captured in short order.

Although these reasons might have made covert operations against the PRC a study in frustration, Tibet appeared to be different. Unlike many of Taipei's wishful claims about other areas of the mainland, Tibet had a resistance movement corroborated by multiple, albeit dated, sources. What the CIA needed was timely data that could give a current and accurate picture of this resistance. And given the historical animosity between Tibetans and lowland Chinese, the agency needed to gather this information without resort to ROC assistance.

In February 1957, John Hoskins was ordered by Washington to immediately identify eight Tibetan candidates for external training as a pilot team that would infiltrate their homeland and assess the state of resistance. Gyalo, who had been in Kalimpong making an eleventh-hour bid to convince his brother to seek asylum, was given responsibility for screening candidates among the Tibetan refugees already in India. Although the twenty-seven Khampas did not know it, Gyalo intended to make the selection from their ranks. Using the photographs taken by Norbu at Bodh Gaya, he sought guidance from two senior Khampas in town, both of whom hailed from the extended family of Gompo Tashi Andrugtsang, a prominent trader of Tibetan wool, deer horns, and musk.

With their assistance, Gyalo soon settled on his first pick. Wangdu Gyato-tsang, age twenty-seven, had been born to an affluent Khampa family from the town of Lithang. He was well connected: Gompo Tashi was his uncle, as was one of the senior Khampas helping Gyalo with the selection. Wangdu also had the right disposition for the task at hand. Despite being schooled at the Lithang monastery from the age of ten, he did not exactly conform to monastic life. "He was hot tempered from childhood," recalls younger brother Kalsang...

When approached by Gyalo, Wangdu immediately volunteered for the mission. Within days, five other Khampas were singled out (Washington now wanted a total of six trainees, not eight), but only Wangdu was given any hint of the impending assignment. Four were from Lithang; of these, three were Wangdu's close acquaintances, and one was his family servant. The fifth was a friend from the nearby town of Bathang (also spelled Batang). All were still on hand to attend the Dalai Lama's final open-air blessing in a Kalimpong soccer field shortly before the monarch headed back toward Tibet...

Taking leave of the capital, Fosmire next rushed to Kurmitola for the arrival of the second Tibetan contingent. Like the first group, these trainees had crossed the border with Gyalo's cook and rendezvoused with a train bound for Dacca. Also like the first group, they consisted of Lithang Khampas -- ten, this time -- recruited from the Kalimpong refugee community.

-- The CIA's Secret War in Tibet, by Kenneth Conboy and James Morrison

Hisao Kimura was born in 1922 in Sasebo, Nagasaki Prefecture in Japan.

In the early 1940s, at age 19, he crossed Mongolia and Tibet.

Hisao Kimura and Kazumi Nishikawa, another Japanese secret agent, did not reach Lhasa until after the end of World War II, in September 1945. In October 1945, Hisao Kimura went to Kalimpong, where he was recruited by the British spy services to find out the intentions of the Chinese by going to eastern Tibet. In 1948, back in Lhasa, he met Peter Aufschnaiter and Heinrich Harrer [3].

When Taktser Rinpoche [Thubten Jigme Norbu], the brother of the Dalai Lama whose caravan he had originally accompanied to Lhasa, came to Japan in the 1950s and was stranded for a time without a passport, it was Kimura who helped him, and the two became close friends.

-- Hisao Kimura, by Wikipedia

Thubten Jigme Norbu
Norbu with his brother, the 14th Dalai Lama, in 1996
Born: August 16, 1922, Taktser, Tibet
Died: September 5, 2008 (aged 86), Bloomington, Indiana, United States
Religion: Tibetan Buddhism
Nationality: Tibetan

Thubten Jigme Norbu on the cover of his book Tibet is My Country: Autobiography of Thubten Jigme Norbu, Brother of the Dalai Lama as told to Heinrich Harrer (translation from German by Edward Fitzgerald) originally published in 1961[1]

Thubten Jigme Norbu (Tibetan: ཐུབ་བསྟན་འཇིགས་མེད་ནོར་བུ་, Wylie: Thub-stan 'Jigs-med Nor-bu) (August 16, 1922 – September 5, 2008),[2][3] recognised as the Taktser Rinpoche, was a Tibetan lama, writer, civil rights activist and professor of Tibetan studies and was the eldest brother of the 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso. He was one of the first high-profile Tibetans to go into exile and was the first to settle in the United States.

Early life

Thubten Jigme Norbu was born in 1922 in the small, mountain village of Taktser in the Amdo County of Eastern Tibet.

Independence walks

In 1995, Norbu cofounded the International Tibet Independence Movement (ITIM). He led three walks for Tibet's independence, starting in 1995 with a week-long walk 80 miles from Bloomington, Indiana to Indianapolis, Indiana. In 1996 he led a 300-mile, 45-day walk from the PRC embassy in Washington, DC to the Headquarters of the United Nations, surrounded by New York City. The following year, joined by Dadon with her 3-year-old son, he led a 600-mile walk from Toronto to New York City, beginning on March 10 (Tibetan Uprising Day) and ending June 14 (Flag Day).

Life in the US

Norbu lived at the Tibetan-Mongolian Buddhist Cultural Center with his wife Kunyang. They have three sons, Lhundrup, Kunga and Jigme Norbu, all born in New York. In late 2002, Norbu suffered a series of strokes and became an invalid.

Norbu died at the age of 86 on September 5, 2008 at his home in Indiana in the United States having been ill for several years. His body was cremated in a traditional Buddhist ceremony.[4] His youngest son, Jigme, died at the age of 45 on February 14, 2011 while carrying on his father's work. He was hit by a car in Florida during a walk to promote Tibetan independence and raise awareness of Tibet.


• Tibet Is My Country is his autobiography dictated to Heinrich Harrer in 1959, and updated with a new essay in 1987 (ISBN 0861710452) and 2006 (ISBN 1425488587)
• Tibet: Its History, Religion and People, co-written with Colin Turnbull in 1968 (ISBN 0671205595)
• Tibet: The Issue Is Independence – Tibetans-in-Exile Address the Key Tibetan Issue the World Avoids is an essay collection from 1994 by Tibetans in the diaspora (mainly Tibetan Americans) and features an introduction by Norbu (ISBN 0938077759)
• Norbu and Robert B. Ekvall provided the first English translation of the Tibetan play originally authored by the fifth Panchen Lama Lobsang Yeshe Younger Brother Don Yod in 1969.


1. Thubten Jigme Norbu; Harrer, Heinrich (1961). Tibet is my country: the autobiography of Thubten Jigme Norbu, brother of the Dalai Lama, as told to Heinrich Harrer Thubten Jigme Norbu ; translated from the German by Edward Fitzgerald. Thubten Jigme Norbu ; translated from the German by Edward Fitzgerald. New York: Dutton. OCLC 1084817875.
2. Thubten Norbu, eldest brother of Dalai Lama, dies, Douglas Martin, September 9, 2008 The New York Times International Edition
3. Obituary:Thubten Jigme Norbu
4. Elvia Malagon (September 12, 2008). "Dalai Lama's brother cremated Thursday". Indiana Daily Student. Retrieved September 12, 2008.

External links

• Biography
• Tibetan Mongolian Buddhist Cultural Center
• Taktser Rinpoche, eldest brother of the Dalai Lama, passes away
• Reminiscences of Thubten Jigme Norbu by Jamyang Norbu
• The Independent: Thubten Jigme Norbu: Activist and Dalai Lama's brother
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Jul 21, 2020 7:22 am

John Anderson Graham
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/20/20


Very Reverend John Anderson Graham CIE (8 September 1861 – 1942) was a Scottish minister and the first missionary from Young Men's Guild [of Scotland] sent to North Eastern Himalayan region Kalimpong—then in British Sikkim (Colonial British name), currently in West Bengal.[1][2][3][4][5][6]

He was the founder of the Dr. Graham's Homes, Orphanage-cum-School for destitute Anglo-Indian children at Kalimpong—in the Eastern Himalayas on the borders of Tibet, Sikkim, Bhutan, and India. He was the recipient of several British and Bhutanese honorary degrees.[4][5][6][7][8][9]

Dr. Graham's Homes (formerly St. Andrew's Colonial Homes) was founded in 1900 by Reverend Dr. John Anderson Graham, a missionary of the Church of Scotland, who settled in Kalimpong and worked with the local community for several years during the turn of the 20th century. Whilst working in Edinburgh as a clerk in the Civil Service, Graham was influenced and encouraged by the Minister of his Church, the Reverend John McMurtrie, to be ordained in the Ministry of God.

Rev. John Anderson Graham arrived in Kalimpong in 1889 as a representative of Young Men's Guild of Scotland to do missionary work in the small village of Kalimpong which had recently been annexed by the British from Bhutan after the Dooars War of 1864–1865. In only a few years after arriving in Kalimpong Mr. Graham had turned into a social reformer who aimed to find a solution to what contemporary observers at that time called the "poor white problem" of British India. The "poor whites" were unacknowledged mixed race children of British fathers and "native" mothers. Shunned by the British and the upper class Indians most mixed-race children ended up on city streets. Newspapers, administrators and commentators portrayed this as an acute problem that threatened existing social and racial hierarchies. One solution took the form of St. Andrew's Colonial Homes in Kalimpong, where the pure air of the Himalayas would assist in schooling "poor white" children into a useful workforce.

On September 24th, 1900, Reverend John Anderson Graham opened St. Andrew's Colonial Homes on land leased from the Government of Bengal below Deolo hill in a rented cottage with 6 children. He would soon lease 100 acres and then over the years a total of 400 acres as the Homes continued to grow. The Homes were established as a vocational training school where abandoned children of British army personnel, administrators and tea planters would be taught a vocation and shipped to British colonies such as New Zealand, Australia and Canada where they could establish themselves with the job skills learned in Kalimpong.

In 1901 the first cottage was opened: Woodburn Cottage, named after the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal subsequent cottages thereafter were named after key benefactors – including Elliot Cottage opened 1902; Campbell Cottage named after Dr. J. A. Campbell, a Member of Parliament; Strachan Cottage was inaugurated in 1904 by Sir Robert Laidlaw of Whiteway, Laidlaw & Co., who had extensive interests in tea and rubber, who, on his death, left money to the Homes.

By 1906 there were 187 children at the Homes. By the 1920s the Homes complex was a self sufficient village housing 600 children which featured a Hospital, Gymnasium and a Farm. In the first twenty years, Mr. Graham constructed 44 buildings averaging a shade over two buildings a year. In the day-to-day running of the Homes, he was greatly helped by two long-serving members of staff: Headmaster, James Simpson and Administrator, James Purdie. Graham's wife Katherine died in 1919, and it was after this he revived his dream of building a Chapel on the compound. This was completed in 1925 and dedicated as the Katherine Graham Memorial Chapel on 24 September, the Homes Silver Jubilee birthday. Mr. Graham completed his last building the Kindergarten, in 1938. The following year was his personal Jubilee year (1889-1939) and well-wishers worldwide contributed to the building of a new Principal's house on the compound. Jubilee House still commemorates him. Dr. Graham passed away on 15 May 1942 and is buried on the Homes compound in the Garden of Remembrance alongside his beloved Katherine.

St. Andrew's Colonial Homes became Dr. Graham's Homes in 1947, to honour the founder.

-- Dr. Graham's Homes, by Wikipedia

He served as Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland in 1931.[10]

The Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland is the minister or elder chosen to moderate (chair) the annual General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, which is held for a week in Edinburgh every year. After chairing the Assembly, the Moderator then spends the following year representing the Church of Scotland at civic events, and visiting congregations and projects in Scotland and beyond. Because the Church of Scotland is Scotland's national church, and a presbyterian church has no bishops, the Moderator is a prominent figure in the life of Church of Scotland adherents...

The Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland has an official coat of arms awarded by the Lord Lyon King of Arms. It includes a shield showing the burning bush, plus the Quigrich - the crozier of St Fillan - behind the shield (with the curved head of the Quigrich visible above the shield). The shield is surmounted by a black Geneva bonnet - closely associated with John Knox. Similar to the coat of arms of an archbishop, there are the addition of twenty blue tassels arranged with ten on each side.

By virtue of an Order of Precedence established by King Edward VII the Moderator ranks immediately after a sheriff principal in the sheriff principal's own sheriffdom.

-- Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, by Wikipedia


Graham was born in a religious family on 8 September 1861 at De Beauvoir, West Hackney district, London, to the Scottish father from Dunbartonshire David Graham, a customs officer, and the Irish mother Bridget Nolan, a homemaker. He attended local Parish school, and was withdrawn from the school at the age of thirteen to work in order to support the family as his father had died in 1867.[1][9][11]

With minimum and interrupted schooling, he started working as a clerk in a role of licking stamps and delivering messages. With an appetite to continue further studies, he attended evening classes at The Andersonian where he studied stenography and astronomy. In 1875, he enrolled himself in a school at Glasgow.[1][9][11]

At the age of sixteen, he worked as a minor civil servant (clerk) to the General Board of Lunacy, Edinburgh. During this period, he became engaged in Church affairs as a member of St. Bernard's Parish Church, and also became the secretary of the Young Mens's Fellowship Association. From University of Edinburgh, he studied ministry in 1885. While studying at the university, he became the secretary to the committee producing Life and Work, a Church periodical, and also learnt here the importance and power of propaganda and dissemination of information. In 1886, he initiated the Church of Scotland Yearbook, and went to Dresden, Germany, for a brief period of study.[1][9][11]

With British empire colonialism expanding globally and reaping financial benefits, many missionary committees and ministers, including doctors and nurses received the call to serve in faraway places—that also included, a duty to free the natives from the superstitions and fears of the religions that they had feared for centuries. Accordingly, he became the national secretary for the "Young Men's Guild," and was ordained as the first missionary supported by the same guild on 13 January 1889. After two days of ordination, he married Katherine McConachie, who later bore him two sons and four daughters, and was sent as a missionary to Kalimpong, part of then-British Sikkim—till 18th century, it was part of Sikkim, then became part of Bhutan, and at present part of West Bengal from 19th century.[2][3][6][9][11]

Graham and his wife arrived Calcutta on 21 March 1889 travelling via Switzerland, Austria, and Italy. From Calcutta, they moved to Darjeeling, and than to Kalimpong—then populated with three main tribes Lepchas, Nepalese, and Bhutias -- Graham was more attracted later to work with original inhabitants of the area, Lepcha people.[1][6][11]

Missionary work

"Kalimpong mission" was founded by prior visits of missionaries like "McLeod" and "Watson", where mission compound had sixteen acres of land, close to the Kalimpong bazaar. It also housed "Guild mission" and a training school for catechists; later, with growing diseases, a hospital with 25 beds was opened in 1893.[11]

In 1890, he became the convenor of the Silk Committee, and encouraged local farmers to improve farming techniques. In 1891, he established the Kalimpong Mela, an agriculture fair, to instill competition and encourage competition among farmers. He also took part in establishing a Cooperative Credit Society in Kalimpong to safeguard the locals from threats of moneylenders.[1][11]


In 1889, Katherine Graham started a girls' school, later renamed as Kalimpong Academy, to educate girls.
She also played a considerable role in social and economic upliftment of Nepalese and Lepcha women; she engaged the local women in crafts and cottage industries, having sensed the demand for those in East India Company army and Tea planters. Katherine started Lace school, Weaving school, and encouraged them to take up poultry rearing and turkey breeding. Katherine was also awarded with Kaisar-i-Hind Medal in 1916, for her contributions in developing Cottage industries. She died on 15 May 1919.[1][6][11]

In 1895, he went back to Scotland with his wife for three years. During that period, he visited Young Men's Guild network and published mission books On the Threshold of Three Closed Lands and The Missionary Expansion of the Reformed Churches describing the mission, the tribes, and the country side.[1][11]

As a missionary, he was responsible for the growth of Christian churches, hospitals, and economic development activities by raising funds from Scotland. In 1931, he worked as a moderator of General Assembly for the Church of Scotland. He was also awarded a house in Kalimpong for his contributions on his fiftieth anniversary of missionary service in 1939, where he lived his retired life till his death in 1942 at Kalimpong.[1]

Kalimpong homes


Upon returning to India in 1898, he diverted his attention to offspring of unofficial unions with locals and children of the planters -- Anglo-Indian community, also known as Eurasians - the children not born out of marriage - usually, had no identification with their country of birth. For this, he initiated St. Andrew's Colonial and Industrial Settlement project to provide these illicit and abandoned children with Christian homes, education, and the opportunity to immigrate to rewarding work. He turned to British Raj government of India and Scottish public for the funds as neither guild network nor missionary committee came forward to fund the project.


In 1900, he founded St Andrew's Colonial Home, later renamed to Dr. Graham's Homes, at Kalimpong, on behalf of the needy, orphaned, deprived, neglected, and abandoned Anglo-Indian children—the unwanted byproducts of mixed and illicit, through Indian and British relationships. Having sensed the calamity suffered by the early Anglo-Indian families, where the Anglo-Indian was ostracised and considered as an "outsider" to the local Indians, he founded this institute in the Tea Gardens of Darjeeling district with its own farm, bakery, dairy, poultry, hospital, and clothing department. Graham started the Home with one rented cottage and six children in the care of a housemother and a teacher, initially. John and Katherine Graham started this to relieve the plight of underprivileged children of Anglo-Indian descent and numerous destitutes from the streets of Calcutta (present Kolkata) and the tea plantations of Darjeeling, Dooars, and Terai. After Indian independence from Colonial British Raj, it also started accepting students from neighbouring countries as well.

In 1908, Graham was assisted in his work at Kalimpong by James Purdie, a welfare worker in Glasgow prison, later happened to be an important player in managing the finances efficiently and building up the necessary reserves ensuring constant flow of funds for homes. They together were responsible in constructing Birkmyre hostel at Calcutta for the Kalimpong boys who arrived in Calcutta in search of jobs. The hostel was gifted by Archibald Birkmyre for the boys of Kalimpong homes.

Birkmyre was born at Springbank House, in Kilmacolm, Renfrewshire, the son of manufacturer Henry Birkmyre and his wife, Margaret (née Sommerville). He became senior partner of the family firm, Birkmyre Brothers, in Calcutta and also served on the Viceroy of India's Legislative Council and the Bengal Legislative Council. He was Vice-President of the Bengal Chamber of Commerce.

Birkmyre was knighted in 1917, appointed Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) in 1918, and created a baronet in the 1921 New Year Honours.

-- Archibald Birkmyre, by Wikipedia

In 1910, the Church of Scotland missionary Aeneas Francon Williams arrived in Kalimpong to assist Graham at St Andrew's Colonial Home, firstly as the assistant schoolmaster and teacher of Geography and Science, and later as the Bursar. [12] In 1914, Aeneas married Clara Anne Rendall, who was also a Church of Scotland missionary and a teacher at St Andrew's Colonial Home.[13] Aeneas Francon Williams wrote the biography of John Anderson Graham that is included in the Dictionary of National Biography 1941-1950 published in 1959 by Oxford University Press.[14]

At the age of twenty-four, Aeneas Williams attended the 1910 World Missionary Conference hosted at the Assembly Hall in Edinburgh from 14 to 23 June. The Conference is a marker for the beginning of the modern Protestant Christian ecumenical movement. The Church of Scotland missionary John Anderson Graham appeared at the conference both as a guest speaker and as a member of the audience. He was also there to encourage donations to aid his mission St Andrew's Colonial Home in Kalimpong, West Bengal. The spirit of the Conference was driven by the Protestant Christian Missionary community slogan: ‘The Evangelization of the World in this Generation.’ Whether Aeneas attended one conference, or several is undocumented, but it was during the event he got his calling to become a missionary. Later that same year Aeneas arrived in India and was stationed in Kalimpong at St Andrew's Colonial Home (later renamed Dr. Graham's Homes) – an orphanage/school – where he was assistant schoolmaster and taught Geography and Science. As the school expanded, Williams took on the role of Bursar. His official residence was Wolseley House in the grounds of the school. The house was named after Sir Capel Charles Wolseley, 9th Baronet, who was the secretary of the fund-raising delegation London Committee – a committee formed to solicit funds for Indian missions. The committee funded the building of St. George's Homes in Pulney Hills, Kodaikanal, founded by Rev. John Breeden in 1914, which was based upon St Andrew’s Colonial Homes, hence the connection. Breeden and Wolseley visited St. Andrew’s Colonial Homes to draw up plans for St. George’s Homes.[ Aeneas quickly settled into his life at St. Andrew's as a missionary and took on several other roles, including: financial adviser to Dr. John Anderson Graham, and as a fundraiser for the children's home. Kalimpong was the centre of missionary activity in the region, with Darjeeling steadfastly remaining the political powerhouse. In Darjeeling, missionaries played a supporting role to the official political figures and aristocracy that governed the region. In Kalimpong that reversed, missionaries reigned supreme.

-- Aeneas Francon Williams, by Wikipedia

There have been two baronetcies created for members of the Wolseley family, one in the Baronetage of England and one in the Baronetage of Ireland...

The Wolseleys of Staffordshire (and later, Ireland) are an ancient family whose record goes back a thousand years, to Sewardus, Lord Wisele, and are descended from Edward III. Ralph Wolseley served as Baron of the Exchequer for Edward IV.

The Wolseley Baronetcy, of Wolseley in the County of Stafford, was created in the Baronetage of England on 24 November 1628 for Robert Wolseley, the member of an ancient Staffordshire family and a Colonel in Charles I's army. The second Baronet represented Oxfordshire, Staffordshire and Stafford in the House of Commons and was a member of Oliver Cromwell's House of Lords. The sixth Baronet was a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber to King George III.

Many members of the Wolseleys of Wolseley Hall are buried at St Michael and All Angels Church in Colwich, a short distance from Shugborough Hall. Inside the church are many tombs, wall tablets and other memorials connected with the landed gentry in the parish. A tablet also commemorates Field Marshal Garnet Wolseley, 1st Viscount Wolseley, KP, GCB, OM, GCMG, VD, PC (1833–1913), a distant relative of the Wolseleys of Wolseley Hall who is buried in the crypt of St Paul's Cathedral, London...

The Wolseley Baronetcy, of Mount Wolseley in the County of Carlow, was created in the Baronetage of Ireland on 19 January 1745 for Richard Wolseley, who sat as a member of the Irish House of Commons for Carlow. He was the younger brother of the fifth Baronet of the 1628 creation. Consequently, the holder of the baronetcy is also in remainder to the Wolseley Baronetcy of Wolseley.

-- Wolseley baronets, by Wikipedia

Graham's mission work later spread to Madras (present Chennai). In 1911, he visited Madras and spoke about his work in the Kalimpong home influencing many, including Arthur Lawley, then-Governor of Madras. St. George's Homes in Kodaikanal constructed later had the same purpose as that of Kalimpong home, much influenced and modeled by Graham's work in Kalimpong.

At present, this educational institute has grown immensely providing education to more than 1200 boys and girls, located at 500-acre estate, on the slopes of Deolo Hills. At present, it is providing education to Eurasian, Anglo-Indian, ethnic Negalese people, students from neighbouring lands of Tibet, Bhutan, and locals from different creed and clan too. This school compound also houses the Graham's grave.[1][4][5][7][8][9][11][15]


Boys of the Homes fought for the British Empire during the First World War (1914-1918) and the Second World War (1939-1945). Some of them joined the Indian Armed Forces in the years following Independence and fought with valour for God and their country.

The rapid expansion of Kalimpong homes had become a matter of concern for the Foreign Missionary committees due to budget constraints. He had to face resentment from Nepali Christians and Lepcha Christians for shifting his focus and attention from them to the Anglo-Indian communities.

Graham and his other missionaries were also criticised by Lepcha Christian communities, who felt that they had been educated for only vocational pursuits and not for business, trade or commerce.[11]


He was largely responsible for promoting Kalimpong throughout Scotland, particularly through his prior guild network and through his book on mission On the Threshold of Three Closed Lands, published in 1897. He also persuaded the Scottish people to take care of the tea planters of the area and to begin missionary work among their laborers using another mission book The Missionary Expansion of the Reformed Churches, published in 1898.[1]

Having been influenced by philosophical thoughts of Hinduism, notably, Ramakrishna Paramahamsa, he wrote Stray Thoughts on the Possibility of a Universal Religion and the Feasibility of Teaching It in Our Schools, published in 1887, for Bengal teachers conference and in response to a Hindu friend devoted to Christ.[1]


• Kaisar-i-Hind Medal, public award, awarded to him by government in 1903.
• Moderator's chair of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland in 1931.
• Silver jubilee medal.[9][11]

See also

• Dr. Graham's Homes#Dr. John Anderson Graham
• St. George's Homes


1. Anderson, Gerald H. (1999). Biographical Dictionary of Christian Missions. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. p. 254. ISBN 978-0-8028-4680-8. ISBN 0-8028-4680-7.
2. "Kalimpong Hill Station". Archived from the original on 14 April 2012. Retrieved 28 April 2012. Until the 18th century ad, Kalimpong was a part of the Kingdom of Sikkim and was ruled by Sikkimese rulers. It was then taken over by the Bhutanese. In the 19th century, the British took over Kalimpong and merged into the present Indian state of West Bengal.
3. "Kalimpong, West Bengal, East India — History of Kalimponrg". Retrieved 29 April 2012. Till 18th Century Kalimpong was under the rule of Sikkimese rulers. Then it came under the command of the Bhutanese. Finally, in the 19th Century, the British took over.Kalimpong and merged it with West Bengal.
4. Starks, Richard; Miriam Murcutt (2005). Lost In Tibet:The Untold Story Of Five American Airmen, A Doomed Plane, And The Will To Survive. Globe Pequot. p. 109. ISBN 978-1-59228-785-7. ISBN 1-59228-785-9.
5. Lyons, Esther Mary (2005). Unwanted!:Memoirs of an Anglo-Indian Daughter of Rev Michael Delisle Lyons of Detroit, Michigan. Calcutta Tiljallah Relief Inc. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-9754639-9-4. ISBN 0-9754639-9-3.
6. "Kalimpong (West Bengal) - Kalimpong Arts and Craft Centre". Retrieved 30 April 2012. Kalimpong is known for its educational institutions many of which were established during the British colonial period. It used to be a gateway in the trade between Tibet and India prior to China's annexation of Tibet and the Sino-Indian War - Work is done on Bhutanese, Lepchas and Sikkimese designed cloth which is manufactured at this centre. This institution was founded by Mrs. Katherine Graham in the year 1897. It is stated that more than 500 people used to work when it was managed by the Scottish Missionaries - Education through the medium of English was introduced into Kalimpong and this was the work of another Scotsman, the Rev, Dr. J.A. Graham. Since his first 11 years in Kalimpong he spent in routine evangelism, but later he started concerntrating more of his time on establishing an orphanage-cum-school; St. Andrew's Colonial and Industrial Settlement, now simply known as 'Dr. Graham's Home'.
7. "Dr Graham's Homes". Retrieved 30 April 2012. Dr Graham's Homes were started in 1900 by Dr John Anderson Graham as a complex for orphans and deprived children and .initially had only 6 orphans.
8. "Dr . Grahams Homes". Archived from the original on 23 October 2012. Retrieved 30 April 2012. Situated on Delo hill, the highest in kalimpong, the Homes were started in 1900 A.D. by a scottish Missionary Dr. john Anderson Graham. as an arphange — The Dr Graham's Homes were founded in 1900 by Dr. John Anderson Graham (1861-1942), a Church of Scotland missionary at Kalimpong in the Eastern Himalayas on the borders of Tibet, Sikkim, Bhutan and India. The Homes, which started with six children in a rented cottage, grew until by 1920s there were more than six hundred children. - John and Katherine Graham were moved to relieve the plight of the numerous destitute and underprivileged children of Anglo Indian descent from the streets of Calcutta and the tea plantations of Darjeeling — Since Indian Independence the Homes has admitted needy children from neighbouring countries as well
9. "Kalimpong papers - National Library of Scotland - GRAHAM, Very Rev. John Anderson (1861-1942)". Archived from the original on 22 December 2012. Retrieved 30 April 2012. personal archive of the Very Rev. Jon Anderson Graham D. D., founder of the Kalimpong homes, and much of the general archive of the Homes themselves from the beginning of Graham's ministry there in 1889 until 1972.
10. "Moderators of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland genealogy project". Retrieved 4 October 2017.
11. "Reverend John Anderson Graham Founder of the "Homes"". Retrieved 29 April 2012. John Anderson Graham of Kalimpong was a unique human being who chose early in his life, the road less traveled. Born on 8th September 1861 in a small town, De Beauvoir in West Hackney District, John was the second son of David Graham, a Customs Officer by occupation and Bridget Nolan, a homemaker of Irish descent. The Graham family was a closely-knit family and deeply religious.
12. Correspondence from Aeneas Francon Williams addressed from Wolseley House, Kalimpong, is stored in the Dr. Graham Kalimpong Archive held at the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh
13. Marriage Certificate for Aeneas Francon Williams and Clara Anne Rendall, 2 December 1914: – Williams' profession is registered as ‘Assistant School Master,’ Kalimpong, India.
14. Dictionary of National Biography 1941-1950, edited by L. G. Wickham Legg and E. T. Williams, publ. Oxford University Press, 1959, page 311–312 - Graham, John Anderson (1861- 1942) by Aeneas Francon Williams.: ... s_djvu.txt
15. "Dr. Graham's school". Retrieved 29 April 2012. Founded by The Rev John Anderson Graham, a Church of Scotland. Missionary in 1900 for the often neglected Anglo Indian children of the Tea Gardens in the Darjeeling District. This school currently houses ~1200 students.[permanent dead link]

External links

• Kalimpong (West Bengal)
• Kalimpong attractions
• Dr. Graham Home's
• About Kalimpong - this historic little town, at an altitude of 1250m, in West Bengal , was originally a part of Bhutan , which merged with Darjeeling following the Anglo-Bhutan war.
• Dr. Graham's Home - Kalimpong - Management
• Dr Graham's Homes - John Anderson Graham originally came to Kalimpong as a missionary
• Next weekend you can be at ... Kalimpong


About Us
by Scottish Universities' Mission Institution
Accessed: 7/21/20

The Scottish Universities' Mission Institution (S.U.M.I. or S.U.M.Institution) of Kalimpong, West Bengal has completed hundred and twenty five years of its glorious existence in 2011 and the contribution it has been rendering to the spread of education in the hills of Darjeeling and for that matter the whole of North East India, Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim and a large part of Bengal is prodigious and laudable.

SUMI it light from which torches of knowledge could spread to the corners of this region to enlighten the darkness of illiteracy. The institution was uniquely endowed with a rare gift of overseas missionaries representing the Church of Scotland whose abiding contribution to the spread of education is worth remembering.

The Treaty of Sugauli 1816 between Nepal and East India Company granted Sikkim the region West of the Teesta under the guarantee of the Company. This territory was put under Capt. Lloyd and Mr. J. Grant, Commissioner Resident at Malda. Captain Lloyd toured the region and saw the suitability of Darjeeling as a sanitarium. He strongly urged the then Governor General Lord Bentinck to acquire it for health, trade, military and political purposes. Lord Bentinck agreed and negotiations with Sikkim Raja were made. In 1835 the Sikkim Raja made a free gift of Darjeeling Hill. In 1841 compensation of Rs. 3000 per annum was made to the Raja which was raised to Rs. 6000 per annum. By 1840 a road was made from Pankhabari to Darjeeling. Houses were built in the wooded hill slopes. In 1839, Dr. [Archibald] Campbell was appointed Superintendent of Darjeeling. Between 1839-42 a cart road had been built between Siliguri and Darjeeling. In the neighborhood tea plantation had begun. By 1850 there was a bazaar, a jail and a hospital. In 1840, the famous botanist Sir Joseph Hooker and Dr. Campbell while touring in North Sikkim were seized and imprisoned for six weeks. An avenging force was sent to Sikkim. The result was that the land south of the Rangeet and Tarai were annexed and formed the western part of the district of Darjeeling.

Disputes on the borders of Bhutan and Bengal had continued for years since the British came to power in Bengal and Assam. In 1863 Sir Ashley Eden was sent to negotiate a treaty with Bhutan. The mission was a failure. He was ill-treated in Bhutan and in retaliation Indian forces invaded Bhutan from the south. Tongsa, Penlop signed a treaty with Indian Government in 1865. By this treaty Bhutan ceded the Duars and the region between the Jaldhaka and the Teesta, the present Kalimpong Sub-Division. Thus the regions ceded by Sikkim and Bhutan formed the Darjeeling District. In this district, came the first missionary of the Church of Scotland in 1870.

The first Church of Scotland missionary Rev. William Macfarlane came to Darjeeling from Gaya in 1870. He bought a small piece of land and built a small school in Darjeeling. Boys attended this school and received education for four years. These youths were sent to schools in the neighboring tea gardens and villages. He himself toiled hard at school and toured Sikkim and the neighborhood. In 1873, he crossed the Teesta and reached Kalimpong. He thought that Kalimpong would be a fruitful station for education and evangelism. In 1873, he came to Kalimpong, bringing two teachers with him and opened a small school – the first school in Kalimpong.

The teaching and preaching work in Darjeeling prospered. Many youths became workers in offices, teachers in schools and some of them were baptized in 1874. These young Christians became leaders of Church – Ganga Prasad Pradhan, Lakshmansing Mukhia, Surjaman Mukhia, Apun Laksom, Jangabir Mukhia and Sukhman Limbu.

The area of Rev. Macfarlane’s work was so extensive by 1878 that he could not cover the area alone. So he sent a letter to Scotland, asking for two workers. So the Church of Scotland in 1880 sent two missionaries – Rev. W.S. Sutherland and Rev. A. Turnbull to work in the newly founded educational and religious work. The three missionaries in a meeting agreed to work in different parts of Darjeeling District and Sikkim – Turnbull in Darjeeling, Sutherland in Sikkim and Macfarlane in Kalimpong.

During the furlough in 1881 after 15 years, Rev. Macfarlane visited churches in Scotland and held meetings in which he told them about the work of the missionaries in the Eastern Himalaya. The Church of Scotland was very happy to hear this. A Missionary Association of four Scottish Universities had been formed a few years before this. Mr. Macfarlane met this Scottish Universities Mission Association members and had talks about the teaching and preaching work of the missionaries. This Scottish Universities Mission, under and jointly with Church of Scotland decided to send Mr. Macfarlane in the Eastern Himalayan region. This S.U.M. field of work was to be Sikkim. It was decided to open a Training school for teachers and catechists in Kalimpong, so Mr. Macfarlane returned to Kalimpong as the first S.U.M. missionary. Meanwhile, Rev. Sutherland was working in Kalimpong and in 1886 on 19th April, Training Institution was opened with twelve students. The number of pupils gradually grew and the mission had to provide accommodation for students.

Mr. Macfarlane began his activity of the construction of houses – School, hostel for students and quarters for teachers. These were low roofed one storied long houses. The hostel consisted of a long one storied house divided into separate rooms. Each room was occupied by two or three students. They cooked their food in the room. He supervised the construction of the houses, brought materials and went to the forest to employ woodcutters and sawyers for timber in the construction of houses. On 15th February 1887, he had gone to the forest to bring timber, he returned late in the evening tired and went to bed early. Next Morning, his servant found him dead. He was 47 years of age at his home call.

Now, the burden of the Guild Mission and Scottish University Mission work fell on the shoulders of Rev. Sutherland. To relieve him of the two responsibilities, the Young Men’s Guild sent Rev. J.A. [John Anderson] Graham who took the church work in Kalimpong. Rev. W.S. Sutherland was put in charge of the S.U.M. Training Institution. He built the Lalkothi – Ladies’ Mission House. He as the first Principal of the S.U.M. Training Institution worked up to 1889. In 1891, an English School was opened by Shri Harkadhoj Pradhan near the bazaar. He taught the young men who later on held good jobs in the court and forest and police departments. After 12 or 13 years, this school was amalgamated with the Training Institution. Rev. Sutherland returned after 20 years in this district to Scotland. Rev. John Macara worked in his place from 1900 to 1902. Then Rev. T.E. Taylor succeeded him in the same year.

He was a humble selfless Christian. During his tenure of Principal ship, he did manual labour leading the students. He and the training students after hard labour drained a large pool of water which covered the low area between the Girls’ hostel and K.D. Pradhan Road. This is now the Mission ground.

In 1904 – 05, the training Institution was shifted to its present location. The one storied school and hostel were taken over by Women’s Guild Mission. The new double storied building had then a Constance Taylor Memorial Hall and class rooms on both sides on the ground floor. The upper stories contained sleeping rooms for boarders. Rev. Taylor died on Christmas Day 1906 at Newpara, Gorubathan where he had gone to nurse a tea planter. Rev. W.G. McKean became the Principal after Rev. T.E. Taylor and served up to 1907 when the Rev. W.S. Sutherland returned to Kalimpong. He served this term of 14 years up to January 1921. Aberdeen University had conferred D.D. on him while he was in Scotland. Although, this are between the Jaldhaka and the Teesta was annexed to Bengal by the Treaty of Sinchula in 1865, there were few people and land survey was taken lately. Mr. C.A. Bell (Later Sir) the second Settlement Officer undertook the first survey of this sub-division in 1901-03. The land was classified (a) Khas mahal, (b) Forest and (c) Tea or Cinchona plantation.

The Church of Scotland within 30 years, by the end of the last century, had opened Primary Schools in Darjeeling and Kalimpong. In Kalimpong Female Education and Home Industries and a hospital were begun. In these institutes local people were trained.

In the hospital opened in 1893, Scottish Missionary doctors and sisters but they needed nurses, compounders and attendants. So, young men and women were taken in the hospital to be trained in this profession. The Hospital Superintendent in the early years of this century, selected labourious, intelligent, patient youths and gave them thorough practical and theoretical coaching. After 3 years they were sent to Patna Medical School for the completion of the course. These young men after completion of course became L.M.S. The first qualified doctors came from S.U.M.I. where they educated first. Similarly, nurse training started here in 1913 and this Nurses Training is going on. So Indirectly the students of this institution have served their community as doctors. These were the first doctors from this district – Yensing Sitling, Ongden Rongong, Prem Tshring Rongong, Lemsing Foning, Bishnulal Diskhit, Tongyuk Chhiring and Kashinath Chettri.

At the arrival of Dr. Sutherland in 1907 as the Principal of the S.U.M.I. The Institution had developed into a large school with over 800 students. There were his assistants David Lepcha, A. Ropcha Sada, Singbir Pradhan, Bahadur Lama, Lakshmansingh Mukhia, Kiran Sarkar, Dharnidhar Biswas, Benjamin Roy.

The Teacher’s Training School was started in 1908. This department took teachers of primary schools and gave practical and theoretical lessons in classes. The teachers who had read up to Upper Primary Class were put in Lower Grade and those above and class four in Higher Grade Class. Gradually all teachers of Primary Mission Schools were sent to Kalimpong S.U.M.I. for refresher.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Jul 21, 2020 8:21 am

George Campbell (civil servant)
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/21/20

The Bhutia Boarding School in Darjeeling is a school founded in 1874. Its first director was Sarat Chandra Das and Professor of Tibetan Ugyen Gyatso, a monk of Tibeto-Sikkimese origin. It was opened by order of the Lieutenant Governor of British Bengal, Sir George Campbell. Its purpose was to provide education to young Tibetans and Sikkimese boys resident in Sikkim or the Darjeeling area. However, according to Derek Wallers, it aimed to train interpreters, geographers and explorers [who] may be useful in the event of an opening of Tibet to the English. Students learnt English, Tibetan and topography. In 1879, Sarat Chandra Das, sometimes disguised as a Tibetan lama, sometimes as a merchant from Nepal and Ugyen Gyatso made several trips to Tibet as secret agents of British India services in order to establish and collect cards.

The opening coincided with the school's educational initiatives [similar to those created by] William Macfarlane, a Scottish missionary in the region. If there was no link between these two initiatives, there was also no tension between them, sharing the same goals and methods with mutual benefit.

In 1891, the boarding school merged with the Darjeeling Zilla School to form the Darjeeling High School.

-- Bhutia Boarding School, Darjeeling [Bhotia Boarding School], by Wikipedia



Sir George Campbell, KCSI (1824 – 18 February 1892) was a Scottish Liberal Party politician and Indian administrator.

Campbell was born in 1824, the eldest son of Sir George Campbell, of Edenwood, whose brother became the 1st Baron Campbell. He was educated at Hamilton Academy[1] and embarked for India.

"Indian authority". Caricature by Spy published in Vanity Fair in 1878.

From 1871 to 1874 he was Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal. During his tenure the Pabna Disturbances occurred. With his proclamation on 4 July 1873 during the Pabna Peasant Uprisings, guaranteeing government support of peasants against excessive zamindar demands he ensured that the protest remained peaceful, at the same time antagonising the landlords and his namesake George Campbell, 8th Duke of Argyll at that time Secretary of State for India.

He was Member of Parliament (MP) for Kirkcaldy Burghs from 1875 to 1892.

Campbell married, in 1853, Laetitia Maria Vibart, daughter of John Gowan Vibart, of the Bengal civil service, and left several children. Lady Campbell died in London 21 October 1901, aged 68.[2] Their eldest son, Major George Campbell (ca. 1861-1902), died while serving with the 8th King's Regiment in the Second Boer War in South Africa.[3]

He is respected by the Assamese people for his respect for the distinct identity of the Assamese language.


1. Scottish Secondary Teachers' Association Magazine, February 1950, feature on Hamilton Academy in the article series 'Famous Scottish Schools'
2. "Obituary - Lady Campbell". The Times (36593). London. 23 October 1901. p. 7.
3. "Deaths". The Times (36711). London. 10 March 1902. p. 1.

Further reading

• Buckland, Charles Edward (1901). Bengal Under The Lieutenant-Governors. 1. Calcutta: S. K. Lahiri & Co. pp. 482–571.

External links

• Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by George Campbell
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Jul 21, 2020 8:41 am

Archibald Campbell (doctor)
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/21/20

Archibald Campbell (20 April 1805 – 5 November 1874) of the Bengal Medical Service (which became part the Indian Medical Service after 1857) was the first superintendent (1840-1862) of the sanatorium town of Darjeeling in north east India. He also took a great interest in ethnology, economic botany and the study of the region and wrote extensively in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal under the name of "Dr. Campbell" or "Dr. A. Campbell" which has led some authors to misidentify his first name as Arthur[1] or even Andrew.[2] Campbell is credited with the introduction of tea cultivation in Darjeeling and for playing a role in the early experiments on the cultivation of Cinchona. Campbell corresponded with numerous naturalists including B.H. Hodgson and Sir Joseph Hooker. The latter travelled around Sikkim with Campbell on an expedition in which the two were held prisoner by a local ruler. This incident led to the British annexation of the Sikkim Terai region.

Life and career

Magnolia campbellii is named in his memory

Archibald Campbell was born on the Island of Islay to his namesake father. He studied at Glasgow and later from 1824 to 1827 at Edinburgh University where he graduated M.D. He joined the Bengal medical establishment of the East India Company service on 8 May 1827 and rose to the position of Surgeon on 16 January 1844. In 1828 he was posted to the horse artillery at Meerut sometimes serving at the then recently established European Convalescent Depot at Landour. In 1832 he became surgeon at Kathmandu in Nepal serving under Brian Hodgson who influenced him greatly. He was made Superintendent of Darjeeling from 1840 and he stayed in this position until his retirement on 8 February 1862.[3]

Campbell collaborated with naturalists like Brian Hodgson who worked in Nepal as well as visiting botanists like Sir Joseph Hooker. He accompanied Hooker in Sikkim along with Chibu Lama who knew the area and the three were taken prisoner on 7 November 1849 by Namgay,[4] a dewan or minister of the Raja of Sikkim and held prisoner at Tumlung. Hooker was allowed to leave but he chose to stay with Campbell. The two were released without harm on 9 December but the outrage led the British Government of India to annex a part of the Sikkim Terai region and stop the annual payment of Rs 3000 to the Sikkim Raja as rent for Darjeeling.[5][3][6]

According to Dr Hooker, the Darjeeling region was inhabited by five tribes, the Lepchas, Moormis, Tibetans, Limboos and Mechis who had been harassed by the Bhutanese and Nepalis. According to him, it was Lord Auckland's desire to reconcile these elements to make Sikkim a commercial centre under British rule. Dr Campbell was chosen to achieve these ends. Campbell took various measures for the economic development of the region that led to a population increase from less than 100 in 1839 to around 10,000 in 1849, swelled by immigrants from Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan. By 1852, Campbell had organised the construction of 70 European style houses, a bazaar and jail along with roads. Forced labour was abolished and more the Rs. 50,000/- had been raised in revenue.[7] He was very interested in economic botany and brought tea seeds from the Kumaun region and in 1841, he began to grow some tea on an experimental basis near his home at Beechwood, Darjeeling.[8] His experiments were followed by several others, and soon, tea began to be cultivated in the area as Darjeeling tea. He also took a lead in testing sea-island cotton cultivation in the Terai as well as the culture of Tassar silk.[9] Campbell also attempted to grow the first few samples of Cinchona brought to India from Kew in 1834 by Robert Fortune. These plants, however, did not survive the winter.[10]

He returned in 1872 to his home in Slough where he worked with the Orphan Asylum and local institutions.

British Orphan Asylum, Clapham, London/Slough, Buckinghamshire
Accessed: 7/21/20

In November 1827, a group of London gentlemen decided to found an institution for the reception of orphans whose parents had fallen from positions of prosperity into necessitous circumstances. Originally called the District Orphan School, the charity acquired premises at Kingsland Green in the Dalston area of north-east London and by the following May, ten children were in residence.

Like many such charities, admission to the institution was by a process of election by subscribers and Governors (the latter subscribing at least a guinea a year). Originally, subscribers were divided into districts, each electing a certain number of children. Any town or village forwarding twenty-four subscriptions was constituted as a district and able to put forward its own candidates for admission. An alternative option was subsequently introduced whereby a child could gain admission through payment of a lump sum and bypassing the election process. In 1866, the payment required for direct entry was changed from a fixed sum of £126 to a scale based on the child's age at admission: £200 for the under-9s; £150 for the 9 to 11s; and £100 for the over-11s. At the same date, the donation required to allow lifelong presentation of one orphan for admission was raised form £315 to £350.

There was often active lobbying by those connected with candidates seeking admission, such as this card from the 1860s requesting support for seven-year-old orphan John Russell.

To the Governors of & Subscribers to the British Orphan Asylum.
Your Votes and Interest are most respectfully and earnestly solicited in behalf of
Aged Seven Years
Father and Mother Both Dead.
British Orphan Asylum petition card, c. 1860s. © Peter Higginbotham

In 1834, the establishment moved to larger premises at Clapham Rise (later redesignated as 380 Clapham Road) and was renamed the British Orphan Asylum. At that date, the household consisted of a matron, master and governess, and 46 children (19 girls and 27 boys). In 1844, a new wing was added to the building at a cost of £1 ,400, increasing the home's capacity to over 100 children.

A widespread outbreak of cholera in 1854 led top a surge in the number of orphans seeking places at the home, placing a considerable strain on the charity's finances. At around the same time, donations to the institution declined with the onset of the Crimean War. An economy drive was launched, together with a reduction in the numbers of admissions being permitted. A respite came when a long-standing donor, Mr. George Moore, offered to give 100 guineas to the institution, provided nine other persons could be found to do the same within three months - an appeal that was promptly responded to.

In 1863, with the capacity of the Clapham premises proving too small for the then 110 inmates, the orphanage relocated to Slough in Buckinghamshire. The remaining thirty years of the Clapham building's lease was then sold for £2,500 to the British Home for Incurables.

British Home for Incurables. 380 Clapham Road, c. 1864. © Peter Higginbotham

The move to Slough was made possible by a donation of £14,000 to the charity from Major Edward Mackenzie of Fawley Court, Henley. The new home, which stood on Mackenzie Street (also named after the Major) had previously been the town's Royal Hotel, closed in 1852. The property, which had six acres of grounds, could house more than 200 children. The establishment was officially opened on June 24th, 1863, in the presence of Prince Edward and Princess Alexandra who each planted a sequoia tree.

The location of the home is shown on the 1899 map below.

British Orphan Asylum site, Slough, c. 1899

British Orphan Asylum from the northwest, Slough, c. 1913. © Peter Higginbotham

British Orphan Asylum from the northwest, Slough, c. 1907. © Peter Higginbotham

British Orphan Asylum from the north, Slough, c. 1905. © Peter Higginbotham

The buildings were later considerably enlarged. A swimming bath was added in 1881, and a separate school for young boys was built by Algernon Gilliat of Stoke Pages in 1884.

An 1890 directory gave the charity's details as follows:


To board, clothe, and educate destitute children of either sex, who are really or virtually orphans, and are of middle-class parents, or other persons who in their lifetime were in a position to provide a liberal education for their children.


By election. No child can be received as a candidate whose father is not dead, paralytic, totally blind, or insane, or whose mother, if living, is able to provide for it. Certificates required of marriage of parents, death or incapability of father, of birth, of freedom from any scrofulous disorder, and of soundness of constitution, subject to confirmation by the medical officers of the Asylum. Each child must be recommended by two subscribers or Governors, and the indigent circumstances of the relations must be proved to the Board of Directors. Children are not admitted under 7 or above 12 years of age. Pupils are discharged on attaining their fifteenth year. In cases of exceptional merit, the Board have power to apply a sum not exceeding £10 to the settlement of the child.

Income (1888).

Charitable contributions, legacies, and church collections, £19,597; invested funds, purchased admissions, £ 585. Inmates (1889). -213.

British Orphan Asylum from the southeast, Slough, c. 1908. © Peter Higginbotham

Being entirely dependent on voluntary contributions, the Orphan Asylum always struggled to stay afloat. In 1920, its financial straits finally led to its closure and amalgamation with the London Orphan School in Watford. The institution moved to Cobham in Surrey in 1946, where it still exists today as Reed's School.

In 1921, the Slough premises became home to the Licensed Victuallers' School until it was demolished in 1938 to be replaced by a new building on another part of the estate.


Note: many repositories impose a closure period of up to 100 years for records identifying individuals. Before travelling a long distance, always check that the records you want to consult will be available.

• Surrey History Centre, 130 Goldsworth Road, Woking, Surrey GU21 6ND. Has a few odd items but admission records etc. appear not to have survived.


• 1881 Census

He attended the International Congress of Orientalists in 1874 and came down with an illness shortly after and died at his home. He was buried at Upton. He married the second daughter of Dr J. Lamb of the Bengal Medical Service at Darjeeling in 1841 and they had twelve children of whom nine survived him.[9] The magnolia species, Magnolia campbellii, was named after him by Hooker.[11]


Campbell wrote many papers on Himalayan geography, ethnology and natural history. A partial list of his publications include:

• Observations on the Goitre in Animals as it occurs in Nipal. Medical and Physiological Society, 1833.
• On the Agriculture and Rural Economy of the Valley of Nipal. Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India. v. 4, 1837.
• On the Agricultural and other Implements used in the Valley of Nipal. Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India. v. 4, 1837.
• On the state of the Arts of Weaving, Spinning, and Dyeing in the Valley of Nipal. Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India. v. 4, 1837.
• On the Musical Instruments of the Nipalese. Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India. v. 4, 1837.
• Barometrical and Thermometrical Observations at Cathmandoo in 1837. India Review.
• On the Proboscis of the Elephant. India Review.
• On Earthquakes in Nipal and Thibet in 1833. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• On the Mech Tribe of Sikim, with Vocabulary of their Language, &c. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• On the Lepchas of Sikim, with Vocabulary, &c., &c. Journal of the Asiatic Society. in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1873.
• On the Limboos of Nipal and Sikim, with Vocabulary, &c., &c.Ditto, ditto, Journal of the Ethnological Society, 1869.
• On the Moormis of Nipal and Sikim.
• On the Haioos of Nipal and Sikim.
• Note on the Origin and Language of the Limboos. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• On the Comparative Anatomy of the Dog and the Wild Dog, Buansu of Nipal. Journal of the Natural History.
• On the Comparative Anatomy of the Ox, Bison, and Gavial. Journal of the Natural History.
• A Gardener's Calendar for Darjeeling. Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society, 1840.
• On the Manufacture of Paper from the Bark of the Daphne Cannabina, vol. v. Journal of the Agricultural Society of Calcutta.
• On the Soils and Cultivation round Darjeeling.
• On the Cultivation of the Tea Plant at Darjeeling, 1846.
• On the Pooah Fibre, or Hemp of Nipal and Sikim, from a species of Nettle. Journal of the Agricultural Society, 1847.
• On a Lime Deposit in Sikim, 1843.
• Proposal for an interchange of Agricultural Seeds between different districts in India. Journal of the Agricultural Society, 1848.
• Itinerary from Phari in Thibet to Lassa,1848. Published in Phari. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• Routes from Darjeeling to Thibet, 1848. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• On the Elevation of Peaks in the Himalaya, 1848. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• Journal of a Trip to Sikim in December, 1848, with a Map.
• On Winds and Storms in Thibet, 1851. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• Report on the Sikim Morung 1851. Published by the Government of Bengal.
• On the Cultivation of Cotton in the Morung. Published by the Government of Bengal.
• Diary of a Journey through Sikim to the confines of Thibet, in 1849-50. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• Report on Copper Ores in the Darjeeling Territory, 1854.
• Notes on Eastern Thibet, with a Chart, 1855, Phari. No. 1, February 1871. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• Note on the Limboo Language, with an Alphabet, 1855. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• Paper on the Joshues. Journal of the Anthropological Institute, March 1873.
• Sketch of Political Relations between the Bengal Government and Sikim to 1861, with supplement to 1874. January, 1874. Oriental.
• Paper on the Commerce of India. Journal of the Society of Arts, 17 March 1871.
• Note on the Valley of Choombi. Royal Asiatic Society, Great Britain and Ireland, September 1873.
• Paper on Indian Teas, and Importance of extending their adoption in Home Market. Society of Arts Journal, 30 January 1874.


1. Kennedy Dane. The Magic Mountains: Hill Stations and the British Raj, Berkeley: University of California Press, c1996 1996.
2. Darwin Correspondence Project, "Letter no. 1558," accessed on 26 October 2017, Letter number 1558: To J. D. Hooker. 10 March 1854.
3. Crawford, D.G. (1914). A history of the Indian Medical Service 1600-1913. Volume II. London: W. Thacker and Co. p. 132.
4. McKay, Alex (2009). ""A difficult country, a hostile chief, and a more hostile minister": The Anglo-Sikkim war of 1861" (PDF). Bulletin of Tibetology: 31–48.
5. "The Expedition into Sikhim". East India. Statement exhibiting the moral and material progress and condition of India during the Year 1860-61. Part I. London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office. 1862. pp. 192–195.
6. Paget, William Henry (1907). Frontier and overseas expeditions from India. Indian Army Intelligence Branch. p. 41.
7. "Pre-Independence [Darjeeling]". Government of Darjeeling. Retrieved 17 August 2015.
8. O'Malley, L.S.S. (1907). Bengal District Gazetteers. Darjeeling. Calcutta: Bengal Government. p. 72.
9. "[Life and Labors of the Late Dr. Archibald Campbell]". The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 7: 379–391. 1878. doi:10.2307/2841015. JSTOR 2841015.
10. "Introduction of Cinchona to India". Bulletin of Miscellaneous Information (Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). 1931 (3): 113–117. 1931. doi:10.2307/4102564. JSTOR 4102564.
11. Hyam, R. & Pankhurst, R.J. (1995), Plants and their names : a concise dictionary, Oxford: Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-866189-4, p. 303
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Jul 22, 2020 8:41 am

Ghum, West Bengal [Ghoom]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/22/20

Darjeeling to Ghoom Heritage Narrow Gauge Train
Country: India
State: West Bengal
District: Darjeeling
Elevation: 2,225 m (7,300 ft)

Ghum (also spelt Ghoom) is a small hilly neighbourhood in the Darjeeling Himalayan hill region of West Bengal, India. It comes under ward number one of the Darjeeling Municipality. Ghum railway station of the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway is the highest railway station in India. It is situated at an altitude of 2,258 metres (7,407 ft).[1] The place is the home of the Ghum Monastery and the Batasia Loop, a bend of the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway.



Ghum is located at 27°00′37″N 88°14′47″E.

Area overview


The map alongside shows the northern portion of the Darjeeling Himalayan hill region. Kangchenjunga, which rises with an elevation of 8,586 metres (28,169 ft) is located further north of the area shown.[2] Sandakphu, rising to a height of 3,665 metres (12,024 ft), on the Singalila Ridge, is the highest point in West Bengal.[3]In Darjeeling Sadar subdivision 61% of the total population lives in the rural areas and 39% of the population lives in the urban areas.[4][5]There are 78 tea gardens/ estates (the figure varies slightly according to different sources), producing and largely exporting Darjeeling tea in the district. It engages a large proportion of the population directly/ indirectly.[6]Some tea gardens were identified in the 2011 census as census towns or villages. [7]Such places are marked in the map as CT (census town) or R (rural/ urban centre). Specific tea estate pages are marked TE.

Note: The map alongside presents some of the notable locations in the subdivision. All places marked in the map are linked in the larger full screen map.

War Memorial

Darjeeling hills has a high concentration of Indian Army servicemen and ex-servicemen. Since independence in 1947, seventy-six soldiers of the Darjeeling area have died in service. In 1976, Manish Gupta, then Deputy Commissioner of Darjeeling took the initiative to build a War Memorial and a committee was formed. In 1984, Batasia was selected as the site of the War Memorial. In 1991, Subhas Ghising, Chairman of Darjeeling Gorkha Autonomous Hill Council, agreed to finance the construction of the War Memorial.[8]

The War Memorial consists of a sanctified raised oval platform, 37 by 24 feet (10 by 7 m), with a 9-foot (3 m) high bronze statue and a 30-foot (9 m) high triangular granite cenotaph, on a 3-foot (0.9 m) octagonal base, with the Roll of honour engraved on it. The bronze statue was sculptured by Gautam Pal of Krishnanagar.[8]


Yi Gha Choling Gompa is more popularly known as Ghum Monastery. located opposite to the Ghoom Post Office is a road called Monastery road which leads to Yiga Choling Monastery. Many travel guides and taxi drivers take tourist to the monastery located below Hill Cart road and Ghum Railway station which is Samten Choeling monastery and called it old Ghoom monastery as it is on the main road and easier for them. Yiga Choling Monastery is at an elevation of 8000 feet and is situated 8 km (5.0 mi) from Darjeeling . It was established in 1850 by the famous Mongolian astrologer and monk Sokpo Sherab Gyatso. He was later succeeded by very venerable late Khabje Domo Geshe Ngawang Kalsang Rinpoche. It was during Domo Geshi Rinpoche's tenure that the 15 feet high image of the great Maitreya Buddha was commissioned. It still stands majestically inside the main monastery for all to glimpse and pay respects.[9] There are three other gompas in Ghum: Samten Choeling, the Sakyachoeling, and the Phin.[10]

Ghum Hill

On the Ghum-Sukhiapokri road, at an altitude of 7,900 feet (2,400 m) stands a huge detached rock offering a grand view of the Balsan Valley and the hills beyond. Garg World, an amusement park is the latest attraction.[11]


Ghum is the meeting point of several roads. The Hill Cart Road from Siliguri to Darjeeling runs through the town. It is 6 km (3.7 mi) from Darjeeling, 24 km (15 mi) from Kurseong via Sonada, and about 45 km (28 mi) via Lopchu. Another road leads to Mongpu and thence to the Kalimpong-Siliguri road. There is a road to Kurseong via Dow Hill. Sukhiapokhri, almost on the India-Nepal border, is 11 km (6.8 mi) on the road to Mirik.[12]


Ghoom Jorebunglow College was established in 2004 at Ghum. It offers honours courses in Nepali, English, history, geography, political science, economics, sociology, education and a general course in arts.[13][14]

Ghoom Boys School is a private boys only higher secondary school.[15]

Ghoom Girls Higher Secondary School is an English-medium girls only institution with facilities for teaching from class V to class XII.[16]


There is a primary health centre, with 6 beds at Ghum.[17]


1. Agarwala, A.P. (editor), Guide to Darjeeling Area, 27th edition, p. 53-55, ISBN 81-87592-00-1.
2. Gurung, H. & Shrestha, R. K. (1994). Nepal Himalaya Inventory. Kathmandu: Ministry of Tourism and Civil Aviation.
3. "Sandakphu-Phalut Trek". Himalayan High. Retrieved 21 March 2020.
4. "Darjeeling". District Profile - General Information. District administration. Retrieved 21 March 2020.
5. "District Statistical Handbook 2013 Darjeeling". Tables 2.2, 2.4b. Department of Planning and Statistics, Government of West Bengal. Retrieved 21 March 2020.
6. "Darjeeling Tea". District administration. Retrieved 21 March 2020.
7. "2011 Census – Primary Census Abstract Data Tables". West Bengal – District-wise. Registrar General and Census Commissioner, India. Retrieved 21 March 2020.
8. Agarwala, A.P., p. 48
9. "Darjeeling Tourism".
10. "Sight-seeing". West Bengal cities. Archived from the original on 29 June 2007. Retrieved 2007-06-13.
11. A Road Guide to Darjiling, p. 10,
12. A Road Guide to Darjiling, map on p. 16, TTK Healthcare Ltd, Publications Division, ISBN 81-7053-173-X.
13. "Ghoom Jorebunglow College". GJC. Retrieved 27 February 2020.
14. "Ghoom Jorebunglow Degree College, Darjeeling". Careers 360. Retrieved 27 February 2020.
15. "Ghoom Boys High School". Target Study. Retrieved 23 March 2020.
16. "Ghoom Girls Higher Secondary School". ICBSE. Retrieved 23 March 2020.
17. "Health & Family Welfare Department" (PDF). Health Statistics – Primary Health Centres. Government of West Bengal. Retrieved 23 March 2020.
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