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John Anderson Graham
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/20/20

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Very Reverend John Anderson Graham CIE (8 September 1861 – 1942) was a Scottish minister and the first missionary from Young Men's Guild [of Scotland] sent to North Eastern Himalayan region Kalimpong—then in British Sikkim (Colonial British name), currently in West Bengal.[1][2][3][4][5][6]

He was the founder of the Dr. Graham's Homes, Orphanage-cum-School for destitute Anglo-Indian children at Kalimpong—in the Eastern Himalayas on the borders of Tibet, Sikkim, Bhutan, and India. He was the recipient of several British and Bhutanese honorary degrees.[4][5][6][7][8][9]

Dr. Graham's Homes (formerly St. Andrew's Colonial Homes) was founded in 1900 by Reverend Dr. John Anderson Graham, a missionary of the Church of Scotland, who settled in Kalimpong and worked with the local community for several years during the turn of the 20th century. Whilst working in Edinburgh as a clerk in the Civil Service, Graham was influenced and encouraged by the Minister of his Church, the Reverend John McMurtrie, to be ordained in the Ministry of God.

Rev. John Anderson Graham arrived in Kalimpong in 1889 as a representative of Young Men's Guild of Scotland to do missionary work in the small village of Kalimpong which had recently been annexed by the British from Bhutan after the Dooars War of 1864–1865. In only a few years after arriving in Kalimpong Mr. Graham had turned into a social reformer who aimed to find a solution to what contemporary observers at that time called the "poor white problem" of British India. The "poor whites" were unacknowledged mixed race children of British fathers and "native" mothers. Shunned by the British and the upper class Indians most mixed-race children ended up on city streets. Newspapers, administrators and commentators portrayed this as an acute problem that threatened existing social and racial hierarchies. One solution took the form of St. Andrew's Colonial Homes in Kalimpong, where the pure air of the Himalayas would assist in schooling "poor white" children into a useful workforce.

On September 24th, 1900, Reverend John Anderson Graham opened St. Andrew's Colonial Homes on land leased from the Government of Bengal below Deolo hill in a rented cottage with 6 children. He would soon lease 100 acres and then over the years a total of 400 acres as the Homes continued to grow. The Homes were established as a vocational training school where abandoned children of British army personnel, administrators and tea planters would be taught a vocation and shipped to British colonies such as New Zealand, Australia and Canada where they could establish themselves with the job skills learned in Kalimpong.

In 1901 the first cottage was opened: Woodburn Cottage, named after the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal subsequent cottages thereafter were named after key benefactors – including Elliot Cottage opened 1902; Campbell Cottage named after Dr. J. A. Campbell, a Member of Parliament; Strachan Cottage was inaugurated in 1904 by Sir Robert Laidlaw of Whiteway, Laidlaw & Co., who had extensive interests in tea and rubber, who, on his death, left money to the Homes.

By 1906 there were 187 children at the Homes. By the 1920s the Homes complex was a self sufficient village housing 600 children which featured a Hospital, Gymnasium and a Farm. In the first twenty years, Mr. Graham constructed 44 buildings averaging a shade over two buildings a year. In the day-to-day running of the Homes, he was greatly helped by two long-serving members of staff: Headmaster, James Simpson and Administrator, James Purdie. Graham's wife Katherine died in 1919, and it was after this he revived his dream of building a Chapel on the compound. This was completed in 1925 and dedicated as the Katherine Graham Memorial Chapel on 24 September, the Homes Silver Jubilee birthday. Mr. Graham completed his last building the Kindergarten, in 1938. The following year was his personal Jubilee year (1889-1939) and well-wishers worldwide contributed to the building of a new Principal's house on the compound. Jubilee House still commemorates him. Dr. Graham passed away on 15 May 1942 and is buried on the Homes compound in the Garden of Remembrance alongside his beloved Katherine.

St. Andrew's Colonial Homes became Dr. Graham's Homes in 1947, to honour the founder.

-- Dr. Graham's Homes, by Wikipedia


He served as Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland in 1931.[10]

The Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland is the minister or elder chosen to moderate (chair) the annual General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, which is held for a week in Edinburgh every year. After chairing the Assembly, the Moderator then spends the following year representing the Church of Scotland at civic events, and visiting congregations and projects in Scotland and beyond. Because the Church of Scotland is Scotland's national church, and a presbyterian church has no bishops, the Moderator is a prominent figure in the life of Church of Scotland adherents...

The Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland has an official coat of arms awarded by the Lord Lyon King of Arms. It includes a shield showing the burning bush, plus the Quigrich - the crozier of St Fillan - behind the shield (with the curved head of the Quigrich visible above the shield). The shield is surmounted by a black Geneva bonnet - closely associated with John Knox. Similar to the coat of arms of an archbishop, there are the addition of twenty blue tassels arranged with ten on each side.

By virtue of an Order of Precedence established by King Edward VII the Moderator ranks immediately after a sheriff principal in the sheriff principal's own sheriffdom.

-- Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, by Wikipedia


Biography

Graham was born in a religious family on 8 September 1861 at De Beauvoir, West Hackney district, London, to the Scottish father from Dunbartonshire David Graham, a customs officer, and the Irish mother Bridget Nolan, a homemaker. He attended local Parish school, and was withdrawn from the school at the age of thirteen to work in order to support the family as his father had died in 1867.[1][9][11]

With minimum and interrupted schooling, he started working as a clerk in a role of licking stamps and delivering messages. With an appetite to continue further studies, he attended evening classes at The Andersonian where he studied stenography and astronomy. In 1875, he enrolled himself in a school at Glasgow.[1][9][11]

At the age of sixteen, he worked as a minor civil servant (clerk) to the General Board of Lunacy, Edinburgh. During this period, he became engaged in Church affairs as a member of St. Bernard's Parish Church, and also became the secretary of the Young Mens's Fellowship Association. From University of Edinburgh, he studied ministry in 1885. While studying at the university, he became the secretary to the committee producing Life and Work, a Church periodical, and also learnt here the importance and power of propaganda and dissemination of information. In 1886, he initiated the Church of Scotland Yearbook, and went to Dresden, Germany, for a brief period of study.[1][9][11]

With British empire colonialism expanding globally and reaping financial benefits, many missionary committees and ministers, including doctors and nurses received the call to serve in faraway places—that also included, a duty to free the natives from the superstitions and fears of the religions that they had feared for centuries. Accordingly, he became the national secretary for the "Young Men's Guild," and was ordained as the first missionary supported by the same guild on 13 January 1889. After two days of ordination, he married Katherine McConachie, who later bore him two sons and four daughters, and was sent as a missionary to Kalimpong, part of then-British Sikkim—till 18th century, it was part of Sikkim, then became part of Bhutan, and at present part of West Bengal from 19th century.[2][3][6][9][11]

Graham and his wife arrived Calcutta on 21 March 1889 travelling via Switzerland, Austria, and Italy. From Calcutta, they moved to Darjeeling, and than to Kalimpong—then populated with three main tribes Lepchas, Nepalese, and Bhutias -- Graham was more attracted later to work with original inhabitants of the area, Lepcha people.[1][6][11]

Missionary work

"Kalimpong mission" was founded by prior visits of missionaries like "McLeod" and "Watson", where mission compound had sixteen acres of land, close to the Kalimpong bazaar. It also housed "Guild mission" and a training school for catechists; later, with growing diseases, a hospital with 25 beds was opened in 1893.[11]

In 1890, he became the convenor of the Silk Committee, and encouraged local farmers to improve farming techniques. In 1891, he established the Kalimpong Mela, an agriculture fair, to instill competition and encourage competition among farmers. He also took part in establishing a Cooperative Credit Society in Kalimpong to safeguard the locals from threats of moneylenders.[1][11]

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In 1889, Katherine Graham started a girls' school, later renamed as Kalimpong Academy, to educate girls.
She also played a considerable role in social and economic upliftment of Nepalese and Lepcha women; she engaged the local women in crafts and cottage industries, having sensed the demand for those in East India Company army and Tea planters. Katherine started Lace school, Weaving school, and encouraged them to take up poultry rearing and turkey breeding. Katherine was also awarded with Kaisar-i-Hind Medal in 1916, for her contributions in developing Cottage industries. She died on 15 May 1919.[1][6][11]

In 1895, he went back to Scotland with his wife for three years. During that period, he visited Young Men's Guild network and published mission books On the Threshold of Three Closed Lands and The Missionary Expansion of the Reformed Churches describing the mission, the tribes, and the country side.[1][11]

As a missionary, he was responsible for the growth of Christian churches, hospitals, and economic development activities by raising funds from Scotland. In 1931, he worked as a moderator of General Assembly for the Church of Scotland. He was also awarded a house in Kalimpong for his contributions on his fiftieth anniversary of missionary service in 1939, where he lived his retired life till his death in 1942 at Kalimpong.[1]

Kalimpong homes

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Upon returning to India in 1898, he diverted his attention to offspring of unofficial unions with locals and children of the planters -- Anglo-Indian community, also known as Eurasians - the children not born out of marriage - usually, had no identification with their country of birth. For this, he initiated St. Andrew's Colonial and Industrial Settlement project to provide these illicit and abandoned children with Christian homes, education, and the opportunity to immigrate to rewarding work. He turned to British Raj government of India and Scottish public for the funds as neither guild network nor missionary committee came forward to fund the project.

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In 1900, he founded St Andrew's Colonial Home, later renamed to Dr. Graham's Homes, at Kalimpong, on behalf of the needy, orphaned, deprived, neglected, and abandoned Anglo-Indian children—the unwanted byproducts of mixed and illicit, through Indian and British relationships. Having sensed the calamity suffered by the early Anglo-Indian families, where the Anglo-Indian was ostracised and considered as an "outsider" to the local Indians, he founded this institute in the Tea Gardens of Darjeeling district with its own farm, bakery, dairy, poultry, hospital, and clothing department. Graham started the Home with one rented cottage and six children in the care of a housemother and a teacher, initially. John and Katherine Graham started this to relieve the plight of underprivileged children of Anglo-Indian descent and numerous destitutes from the streets of Calcutta (present Kolkata) and the tea plantations of Darjeeling, Dooars, and Terai. After Indian independence from Colonial British Raj, it also started accepting students from neighbouring countries as well.


In 1908, Graham was assisted in his work at Kalimpong by James Purdie, a welfare worker in Glasgow prison, later happened to be an important player in managing the finances efficiently and building up the necessary reserves ensuring constant flow of funds for homes. They together were responsible in constructing Birkmyre hostel at Calcutta for the Kalimpong boys who arrived in Calcutta in search of jobs. The hostel was gifted by Archibald Birkmyre for the boys of Kalimpong homes.

Birkmyre was born at Springbank House, in Kilmacolm, Renfrewshire, the son of manufacturer Henry Birkmyre and his wife, Margaret (née Sommerville). He became senior partner of the family firm, Birkmyre Brothers, in Calcutta and also served on the Viceroy of India's Legislative Council and the Bengal Legislative Council. He was Vice-President of the Bengal Chamber of Commerce.

Birkmyre was knighted in 1917, appointed Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) in 1918, and created a baronet in the 1921 New Year Honours.

-- Archibald Birkmyre, by Wikipedia


In 1910, the Church of Scotland missionary Aeneas Francon Williams arrived in Kalimpong to assist Graham at St Andrew's Colonial Home, firstly as the assistant schoolmaster and teacher of Geography and Science, and later as the Bursar. [12] In 1914, Aeneas married Clara Anne Rendall, who was also a Church of Scotland missionary and a teacher at St Andrew's Colonial Home.[13] Aeneas Francon Williams wrote the biography of John Anderson Graham that is included in the Dictionary of National Biography 1941-1950 published in 1959 by Oxford University Press.[14]

At the age of twenty-four, Aeneas Williams attended the 1910 World Missionary Conference hosted at the Assembly Hall in Edinburgh from 14 to 23 June. The Conference is a marker for the beginning of the modern Protestant Christian ecumenical movement. The Church of Scotland missionary John Anderson Graham appeared at the conference both as a guest speaker and as a member of the audience. He was also there to encourage donations to aid his mission St Andrew's Colonial Home in Kalimpong, West Bengal. The spirit of the Conference was driven by the Protestant Christian Missionary community slogan: ‘The Evangelization of the World in this Generation.’ Whether Aeneas attended one conference, or several is undocumented, but it was during the event he got his calling to become a missionary. Later that same year Aeneas arrived in India and was stationed in Kalimpong at St Andrew's Colonial Home (later renamed Dr. Graham's Homes) – an orphanage/school – where he was assistant schoolmaster and taught Geography and Science. As the school expanded, Williams took on the role of Bursar. His official residence was Wolseley House in the grounds of the school. The house was named after Sir Capel Charles Wolseley, 9th Baronet, who was the secretary of the fund-raising delegation London Committee – a committee formed to solicit funds for Indian missions. The committee funded the building of St. George's Homes in Pulney Hills, Kodaikanal, founded by Rev. John Breeden in 1914, which was based upon St Andrew’s Colonial Homes, hence the connection. Breeden and Wolseley visited St. Andrew’s Colonial Homes to draw up plans for St. George’s Homes.[ Aeneas quickly settled into his life at St. Andrew's as a missionary and took on several other roles, including: financial adviser to Dr. John Anderson Graham, and as a fundraiser for the children's home. Kalimpong was the centre of missionary activity in the region, with Darjeeling steadfastly remaining the political powerhouse. In Darjeeling, missionaries played a supporting role to the official political figures and aristocracy that governed the region. In Kalimpong that reversed, missionaries reigned supreme.

-- Aeneas Francon Williams, by Wikipedia


There have been two baronetcies created for members of the Wolseley family, one in the Baronetage of England and one in the Baronetage of Ireland...

The Wolseleys of Staffordshire (and later, Ireland) are an ancient family whose record goes back a thousand years, to Sewardus, Lord Wisele, and are descended from Edward III. Ralph Wolseley served as Baron of the Exchequer for Edward IV.

The Wolseley Baronetcy, of Wolseley in the County of Stafford, was created in the Baronetage of England on 24 November 1628 for Robert Wolseley, the member of an ancient Staffordshire family and a Colonel in Charles I's army. The second Baronet represented Oxfordshire, Staffordshire and Stafford in the House of Commons and was a member of Oliver Cromwell's House of Lords. The sixth Baronet was a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber to King George III.

Many members of the Wolseleys of Wolseley Hall are buried at St Michael and All Angels Church in Colwich, a short distance from Shugborough Hall. Inside the church are many tombs, wall tablets and other memorials connected with the landed gentry in the parish. A tablet also commemorates Field Marshal Garnet Wolseley, 1st Viscount Wolseley, KP, GCB, OM, GCMG, VD, PC (1833–1913), a distant relative of the Wolseleys of Wolseley Hall who is buried in the crypt of St Paul's Cathedral, London...

The Wolseley Baronetcy, of Mount Wolseley in the County of Carlow, was created in the Baronetage of Ireland on 19 January 1745 for Richard Wolseley, who sat as a member of the Irish House of Commons for Carlow. He was the younger brother of the fifth Baronet of the 1628 creation. Consequently, the holder of the baronetcy is also in remainder to the Wolseley Baronetcy of Wolseley.

-- Wolseley baronets, by Wikipedia


Graham's mission work later spread to Madras (present Chennai). In 1911, he visited Madras and spoke about his work in the Kalimpong home influencing many, including Arthur Lawley, then-Governor of Madras. St. George's Homes in Kodaikanal constructed later had the same purpose as that of Kalimpong home, much influenced and modeled by Graham's work in Kalimpong.

At present, this educational institute has grown immensely providing education to more than 1200 boys and girls, located at 500-acre estate, on the slopes of Deolo Hills. At present, it is providing education to Eurasian, Anglo-Indian, ethnic Negalese people, students from neighbouring lands of Tibet, Bhutan, and locals from different creed and clan too. This school compound also houses the Graham's grave.[1][4][5][7][8][9][11][15]

Criticism

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Boys of the Homes fought for the British Empire during the First World War (1914-1918) and the Second World War (1939-1945). Some of them joined the Indian Armed Forces in the years following Independence and fought with valour for God and their country.


The rapid expansion of Kalimpong homes had become a matter of concern for the Foreign Missionary committees due to budget constraints. He had to face resentment from Nepali Christians and Lepcha Christians for shifting his focus and attention from them to the Anglo-Indian communities.

Graham and his other missionaries were also criticised by Lepcha Christian communities, who felt that they had been educated for only vocational pursuits and not for business, trade or commerce.[11]

Bibliography

He was largely responsible for promoting Kalimpong throughout Scotland, particularly through his prior guild network and through his book on mission On the Threshold of Three Closed Lands, published in 1897. He also persuaded the Scottish people to take care of the tea planters of the area and to begin missionary work among their laborers using another mission book The Missionary Expansion of the Reformed Churches, published in 1898.[1]

Having been influenced by philosophical thoughts of Hinduism, notably, Ramakrishna Paramahamsa, he wrote Stray Thoughts on the Possibility of a Universal Religion and the Feasibility of Teaching It in Our Schools, published in 1887, for Bengal teachers conference and in response to a Hindu friend devoted to Christ.[1]

Awards

• Kaisar-i-Hind Medal, public award, awarded to him by government in 1903.
• Moderator's chair of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland in 1931.
• Silver jubilee medal.[9][11]

See also

• Dr. Graham's Homes#Dr. John Anderson Graham
• St. George's Homes

References

1. Anderson, Gerald H. (1999). Biographical Dictionary of Christian Missions. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. p. 254. ISBN 978-0-8028-4680-8. ISBN 0-8028-4680-7.
2. "Kalimpong Hill Station". indiantraveldestinations.com. Archived from the original on 14 April 2012. Retrieved 28 April 2012. Until the 18th century ad, Kalimpong was a part of the Kingdom of Sikkim and was ruled by Sikkimese rulers. It was then taken over by the Bhutanese. In the 19th century, the British took over Kalimpong and merged into the present Indian state of West Bengal.
3. "Kalimpong, West Bengal, East India — History of Kalimponrg". indiatravelpal.com. Retrieved 29 April 2012. Till 18th Century Kalimpong was under the rule of Sikkimese rulers. Then it came under the command of the Bhutanese. Finally, in the 19th Century, the British took over.Kalimpong and merged it with West Bengal.
4. Starks, Richard; Miriam Murcutt (2005). Lost In Tibet:The Untold Story Of Five American Airmen, A Doomed Plane, And The Will To Survive. Globe Pequot. p. 109. ISBN 978-1-59228-785-7. ISBN 1-59228-785-9.
5. Lyons, Esther Mary (2005). Unwanted!:Memoirs of an Anglo-Indian Daughter of Rev Michael Delisle Lyons of Detroit, Michigan. Calcutta Tiljallah Relief Inc. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-9754639-9-4. ISBN 0-9754639-9-3.
6. "Kalimpong (West Bengal) - Kalimpong Arts and Craft Centre". travelmarg.com. Retrieved 30 April 2012. Kalimpong is known for its educational institutions many of which were established during the British colonial period. It used to be a gateway in the trade between Tibet and India prior to China's annexation of Tibet and the Sino-Indian War - Work is done on Bhutanese, Lepchas and Sikkimese designed cloth which is manufactured at this centre. This institution was founded by Mrs. Katherine Graham in the year 1897. It is stated that more than 500 people used to work when it was managed by the Scottish Missionaries - Education through the medium of English was introduced into Kalimpong and this was the work of another Scotsman, the Rev, Dr. J.A. Graham. Since his first 11 years in Kalimpong he spent in routine evangelism, but later he started concerntrating more of his time on establishing an orphanage-cum-school; St. Andrew's Colonial and Industrial Settlement, now simply known as 'Dr. Graham's Home'.
7. "Dr Graham's Homes". trawellguide.com. Retrieved 30 April 2012. Dr Graham's Homes were started in 1900 by Dr John Anderson Graham as a complex for orphans and deprived children and .initially had only 6 orphans.
8. "Dr . Grahams Homes". meriyatrra.co. Archived from the original on 23 October 2012. Retrieved 30 April 2012. Situated on Delo hill, the highest in kalimpong, the Homes were started in 1900 A.D. by a scottish Missionary Dr. john Anderson Graham. as an arphange — The Dr Graham's Homes were founded in 1900 by Dr. John Anderson Graham (1861-1942), a Church of Scotland missionary at Kalimpong in the Eastern Himalayas on the borders of Tibet, Sikkim, Bhutan and India. The Homes, which started with six children in a rented cottage, grew until by 1920s there were more than six hundred children. - John and Katherine Graham were moved to relieve the plight of the numerous destitute and underprivileged children of Anglo Indian descent from the streets of Calcutta and the tea plantations of Darjeeling — Since Indian Independence the Homes has admitted needy children from neighbouring countries as well
9. "Kalimpong papers - National Library of Scotland - GRAHAM, Very Rev. John Anderson (1861-1942)". archiveshub.ac.uk. Archived from the original on 22 December 2012. Retrieved 30 April 2012. personal archive of the Very Rev. Jon Anderson Graham D. D., founder of the Kalimpong homes, and much of the general archive of the Homes themselves from the beginning of Graham's ministry there in 1889 until 1972.
10. "Moderators of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland genealogy project". Geni.com. Retrieved 4 October 2017.
11. "Reverend John Anderson Graham Founder of the "Homes"". drgrahamshomes.net. Retrieved 29 April 2012. John Anderson Graham of Kalimpong was a unique human being who chose early in his life, the road less traveled. Born on 8th September 1861 in a small town, De Beauvoir in West Hackney District, John was the second son of David Graham, a Customs Officer by occupation and Bridget Nolan, a homemaker of Irish descent. The Graham family was a closely-knit family and deeply religious.
12. Correspondence from Aeneas Francon Williams addressed from Wolseley House, Kalimpong, is stored in the Dr. Graham Kalimpong Archive held at the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh
13. Marriage Certificate for Aeneas Francon Williams and Clara Anne Rendall, 2 December 1914: Findmypast.co.uk – Williams' profession is registered as ‘Assistant School Master,’ Kalimpong, India.
14. Dictionary of National Biography 1941-1950, edited by L. G. Wickham Legg and E. T. Williams, publ. Oxford University Press, 1959, page 311–312 - Graham, John Anderson (1861- 1942) by Aeneas Francon Williams.: https://archive.org/stream/dictionaryof ... s_djvu.txt
15. "Dr. Graham's school". okatantra.com. Retrieved 29 April 2012. Founded by The Rev John Anderson Graham, a Church of Scotland. Missionary in 1900 for the often neglected Anglo Indian children of the Tea Gardens in the Darjeeling District. This school currently houses ~1200 students.[permanent dead link]

External links

• Kalimpong (West Bengal)
• Kalimpong attractions
• Dr. Graham Home's
• About Kalimpong - this historic little town, at an altitude of 1250m, in West Bengal , was originally a part of Bhutan , which merged with Darjeeling following the Anglo-Bhutan war.
• Dr. Graham's Home - Kalimpong - Management
• Dr Graham's Homes - John Anderson Graham originally came to Kalimpong as a missionary
• Next weekend you can be at ... Kalimpong

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About Us
by Scottish Universities' Mission Institution
Accessed: 7/21/20

The Scottish Universities' Mission Institution (S.U.M.I. or S.U.M.Institution) of Kalimpong, West Bengal has completed hundred and twenty five years of its glorious existence in 2011 and the contribution it has been rendering to the spread of education in the hills of Darjeeling and for that matter the whole of North East India, Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim and a large part of Bengal is prodigious and laudable.

SUMI it light from which torches of knowledge could spread to the corners of this region to enlighten the darkness of illiteracy. The institution was uniquely endowed with a rare gift of overseas missionaries representing the Church of Scotland whose abiding contribution to the spread of education is worth remembering.

The Treaty of Sugauli 1816 between Nepal and East India Company granted Sikkim the region West of the Teesta under the guarantee of the Company. This territory was put under Capt. Lloyd and Mr. J. Grant, Commissioner Resident at Malda. Captain Lloyd toured the region and saw the suitability of Darjeeling as a sanitarium. He strongly urged the then Governor General Lord Bentinck to acquire it for health, trade, military and political purposes. Lord Bentinck agreed and negotiations with Sikkim Raja were made. In 1835 the Sikkim Raja made a free gift of Darjeeling Hill. In 1841 compensation of Rs. 3000 per annum was made to the Raja which was raised to Rs. 6000 per annum. By 1840 a road was made from Pankhabari to Darjeeling. Houses were built in the wooded hill slopes. In 1839, Dr. [Archibald] Campbell was appointed Superintendent of Darjeeling. Between 1839-42 a cart road had been built between Siliguri and Darjeeling. In the neighborhood tea plantation had begun. By 1850 there was a bazaar, a jail and a hospital. In 1840, the famous botanist Sir Joseph Hooker and Dr. Campbell while touring in North Sikkim were seized and imprisoned for six weeks. An avenging force was sent to Sikkim. The result was that the land south of the Rangeet and Tarai were annexed and formed the western part of the district of Darjeeling.

Disputes on the borders of Bhutan and Bengal had continued for years since the British came to power in Bengal and Assam. In 1863 Sir Ashley Eden was sent to negotiate a treaty with Bhutan. The mission was a failure. He was ill-treated in Bhutan and in retaliation Indian forces invaded Bhutan from the south. Tongsa, Penlop signed a treaty with Indian Government in 1865. By this treaty Bhutan ceded the Duars and the region between the Jaldhaka and the Teesta, the present Kalimpong Sub-Division. Thus the regions ceded by Sikkim and Bhutan formed the Darjeeling District. In this district, came the first missionary of the Church of Scotland in 1870.

The first Church of Scotland missionary Rev. William Macfarlane came to Darjeeling from Gaya in 1870. He bought a small piece of land and built a small school in Darjeeling. Boys attended this school and received education for four years. These youths were sent to schools in the neighboring tea gardens and villages. He himself toiled hard at school and toured Sikkim and the neighborhood. In 1873, he crossed the Teesta and reached Kalimpong. He thought that Kalimpong would be a fruitful station for education and evangelism. In 1873, he came to Kalimpong, bringing two teachers with him and opened a small school – the first school in Kalimpong.

The teaching and preaching work in Darjeeling prospered. Many youths became workers in offices, teachers in schools and some of them were baptized in 1874. These young Christians became leaders of Church – Ganga Prasad Pradhan, Lakshmansing Mukhia, Surjaman Mukhia, Apun Laksom, Jangabir Mukhia and Sukhman Limbu.

The area of Rev. Macfarlane’s work was so extensive by 1878 that he could not cover the area alone. So he sent a letter to Scotland, asking for two workers. So the Church of Scotland in 1880 sent two missionaries – Rev. W.S. Sutherland and Rev. A. Turnbull to work in the newly founded educational and religious work. The three missionaries in a meeting agreed to work in different parts of Darjeeling District and Sikkim – Turnbull in Darjeeling, Sutherland in Sikkim and Macfarlane in Kalimpong.

During the furlough in 1881 after 15 years, Rev. Macfarlane visited churches in Scotland and held meetings in which he told them about the work of the missionaries in the Eastern Himalaya. The Church of Scotland was very happy to hear this. A Missionary Association of four Scottish Universities had been formed a few years before this. Mr. Macfarlane met this Scottish Universities Mission Association members and had talks about the teaching and preaching work of the missionaries. This Scottish Universities Mission, under and jointly with Church of Scotland decided to send Mr. Macfarlane in the Eastern Himalayan region. This S.U.M. field of work was to be Sikkim. It was decided to open a Training school for teachers and catechists in Kalimpong, so Mr. Macfarlane returned to Kalimpong as the first S.U.M. missionary. Meanwhile, Rev. Sutherland was working in Kalimpong and in 1886 on 19th April, Training Institution was opened with twelve students. The number of pupils gradually grew and the mission had to provide accommodation for students.

Mr. Macfarlane began his activity of the construction of houses – School, hostel for students and quarters for teachers. These were low roofed one storied long houses. The hostel consisted of a long one storied house divided into separate rooms. Each room was occupied by two or three students. They cooked their food in the room. He supervised the construction of the houses, brought materials and went to the forest to employ woodcutters and sawyers for timber in the construction of houses. On 15th February 1887, he had gone to the forest to bring timber, he returned late in the evening tired and went to bed early. Next Morning, his servant found him dead. He was 47 years of age at his home call.

Now, the burden of the Guild Mission and Scottish University Mission work fell on the shoulders of Rev. Sutherland. To relieve him of the two responsibilities, the Young Men’s Guild sent Rev. J.A. [John Anderson] Graham who took the church work in Kalimpong. Rev. W.S. Sutherland was put in charge of the S.U.M. Training Institution. He built the Lalkothi – Ladies’ Mission House. He as the first Principal of the S.U.M. Training Institution worked up to 1889. In 1891, an English School was opened by Shri Harkadhoj Pradhan near the bazaar. He taught the young men who later on held good jobs in the court and forest and police departments. After 12 or 13 years, this school was amalgamated with the Training Institution. Rev. Sutherland returned after 20 years in this district to Scotland. Rev. John Macara worked in his place from 1900 to 1902. Then Rev. T.E. Taylor succeeded him in the same year.

He was a humble selfless Christian. During his tenure of Principal ship, he did manual labour leading the students. He and the training students after hard labour drained a large pool of water which covered the low area between the Girls’ hostel and K.D. Pradhan Road. This is now the Mission ground.

In 1904 – 05, the training Institution was shifted to its present location. The one storied school and hostel were taken over by Women’s Guild Mission. The new double storied building had then a Constance Taylor Memorial Hall and class rooms on both sides on the ground floor. The upper stories contained sleeping rooms for boarders. Rev. Taylor died on Christmas Day 1906 at Newpara, Gorubathan where he had gone to nurse a tea planter. Rev. W.G. McKean became the Principal after Rev. T.E. Taylor and served up to 1907 when the Rev. W.S. Sutherland returned to Kalimpong. He served this term of 14 years up to January 1921. Aberdeen University had conferred D.D. on him while he was in Scotland. Although, this are between the Jaldhaka and the Teesta was annexed to Bengal by the Treaty of Sinchula in 1865, there were few people and land survey was taken lately. Mr. C.A. Bell (Later Sir) the second Settlement Officer undertook the first survey of this sub-division in 1901-03. The land was classified (a) Khas mahal, (b) Forest and (c) Tea or Cinchona plantation.

The Church of Scotland within 30 years, by the end of the last century, had opened Primary Schools in Darjeeling and Kalimpong. In Kalimpong Female Education and Home Industries and a hospital were begun. In these institutes local people were trained.

In the hospital opened in 1893, Scottish Missionary doctors and sisters but they needed nurses, compounders and attendants. So, young men and women were taken in the hospital to be trained in this profession. The Hospital Superintendent in the early years of this century, selected labourious, intelligent, patient youths and gave them thorough practical and theoretical coaching. After 3 years they were sent to Patna Medical School for the completion of the course. These young men after completion of course became L.M.S. The first qualified doctors came from S.U.M.I. where they educated first. Similarly, nurse training started here in 1913 and this Nurses Training is going on. So Indirectly the students of this institution have served their community as doctors. These were the first doctors from this district – Yensing Sitling, Ongden Rongong, Prem Tshring Rongong, Lemsing Foning, Bishnulal Diskhit, Tongyuk Chhiring and Kashinath Chettri.

At the arrival of Dr. Sutherland in 1907 as the Principal of the S.U.M.I. The Institution had developed into a large school with over 800 students. There were his assistants David Lepcha, A. Ropcha Sada, Singbir Pradhan, Bahadur Lama, Lakshmansingh Mukhia, Kiran Sarkar, Dharnidhar Biswas, Benjamin Roy.

The Teacher’s Training School was started in 1908. This department took teachers of primary schools and gave practical and theoretical lessons in classes. The teachers who had read up to Upper Primary Class were put in Lower Grade and those above and class four in Higher Grade Class. Gradually all teachers of Primary Mission Schools were sent to Kalimpong S.U.M.I. for refresher.
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George Campbell (civil servant)
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/21/20

The Bhutia Boarding School in Darjeeling is a school founded in 1874. Its first director was Sarat Chandra Das and Professor of Tibetan Ugyen Gyatso, a monk of Tibeto-Sikkimese origin. It was opened by order of the Lieutenant Governor of British Bengal, Sir George Campbell. Its purpose was to provide education to young Tibetans and Sikkimese boys resident in Sikkim or the Darjeeling area. However, according to Derek Wallers, it aimed to train interpreters, geographers and explorers [who] may be useful in the event of an opening of Tibet to the English. Students learnt English, Tibetan and topography. In 1879, Sarat Chandra Das, sometimes disguised as a Tibetan lama, sometimes as a merchant from Nepal and Ugyen Gyatso made several trips to Tibet as secret agents of British India services in order to establish and collect cards.

The opening coincided with the school's educational initiatives [similar to those created by] William Macfarlane, a Scottish missionary in the region. If there was no link between these two initiatives, there was also no tension between them, sharing the same goals and methods with mutual benefit.

In 1891, the boarding school merged with the Darjeeling Zilla School to form the Darjeeling High School.


-- Bhutia Boarding School, Darjeeling [Bhotia Boarding School], by Wikipedia


Image
Portrait

Image
Portrait

Sir George Campbell, KCSI (1824 – 18 February 1892) was a Scottish Liberal Party politician and Indian administrator.

Campbell was born in 1824, the eldest son of Sir George Campbell, of Edenwood, whose brother became the 1st Baron Campbell. He was educated at Hamilton Academy[1] and embarked for India.

Image
"Indian authority". Caricature by Spy published in Vanity Fair in 1878.

From 1871 to 1874 he was Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal. During his tenure the Pabna Disturbances occurred. With his proclamation on 4 July 1873 during the Pabna Peasant Uprisings, guaranteeing government support of peasants against excessive zamindar demands he ensured that the protest remained peaceful, at the same time antagonising the landlords and his namesake George Campbell, 8th Duke of Argyll at that time Secretary of State for India.

He was Member of Parliament (MP) for Kirkcaldy Burghs from 1875 to 1892.

Campbell married, in 1853, Laetitia Maria Vibart, daughter of John Gowan Vibart, of the Bengal civil service, and left several children. Lady Campbell died in London 21 October 1901, aged 68.[2] Their eldest son, Major George Campbell (ca. 1861-1902), died while serving with the 8th King's Regiment in the Second Boer War in South Africa.[3]

He is respected by the Assamese people for his respect for the distinct identity of the Assamese language.

References

1. Scottish Secondary Teachers' Association Magazine, February 1950, feature on Hamilton Academy in the article series 'Famous Scottish Schools'
2. "Obituary - Lady Campbell". The Times (36593). London. 23 October 1901. p. 7.
3. "Deaths". The Times (36711). London. 10 March 1902. p. 1.

Further reading

• Buckland, Charles Edward (1901). Bengal Under The Lieutenant-Governors. 1. Calcutta: S. K. Lahiri & Co. pp. 482–571.

External links

• Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by George Campbell
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Archibald Campbell (doctor)
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/21/20

Archibald Campbell (20 April 1805 – 5 November 1874) of the Bengal Medical Service (which became part the Indian Medical Service after 1857) was the first superintendent (1840-1862) of the sanatorium town of Darjeeling in north east India. He also took a great interest in ethnology, economic botany and the study of the region and wrote extensively in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal under the name of "Dr. Campbell" or "Dr. A. Campbell" which has led some authors to misidentify his first name as Arthur[1] or even Andrew.[2] Campbell is credited with the introduction of tea cultivation in Darjeeling and for playing a role in the early experiments on the cultivation of Cinchona. Campbell corresponded with numerous naturalists including B.H. Hodgson and Sir Joseph Hooker. The latter travelled around Sikkim with Campbell on an expedition in which the two were held prisoner by a local ruler. This incident led to the British annexation of the Sikkim Terai region.

Life and career

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Magnolia campbellii is named in his memory

Archibald Campbell was born on the Island of Islay to his namesake father. He studied at Glasgow and later from 1824 to 1827 at Edinburgh University where he graduated M.D. He joined the Bengal medical establishment of the East India Company service on 8 May 1827 and rose to the position of Surgeon on 16 January 1844. In 1828 he was posted to the horse artillery at Meerut sometimes serving at the then recently established European Convalescent Depot at Landour. In 1832 he became surgeon at Kathmandu in Nepal serving under Brian Hodgson who influenced him greatly. He was made Superintendent of Darjeeling from 1840 and he stayed in this position until his retirement on 8 February 1862.[3]

Campbell collaborated with naturalists like Brian Hodgson who worked in Nepal as well as visiting botanists like Sir Joseph Hooker. He accompanied Hooker in Sikkim along with Chibu Lama who knew the area and the three were taken prisoner on 7 November 1849 by Namgay,[4] a dewan or minister of the Raja of Sikkim and held prisoner at Tumlung. Hooker was allowed to leave but he chose to stay with Campbell. The two were released without harm on 9 December but the outrage led the British Government of India to annex a part of the Sikkim Terai region and stop the annual payment of Rs 3000 to the Sikkim Raja as rent for Darjeeling.[5][3][6]

According to Dr Hooker, the Darjeeling region was inhabited by five tribes, the Lepchas, Moormis, Tibetans, Limboos and Mechis who had been harassed by the Bhutanese and Nepalis. According to him, it was Lord Auckland's desire to reconcile these elements to make Sikkim a commercial centre under British rule. Dr Campbell was chosen to achieve these ends. Campbell took various measures for the economic development of the region that led to a population increase from less than 100 in 1839 to around 10,000 in 1849, swelled by immigrants from Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan. By 1852, Campbell had organised the construction of 70 European style houses, a bazaar and jail along with roads. Forced labour was abolished and more the Rs. 50,000/- had been raised in revenue.[7] He was very interested in economic botany and brought tea seeds from the Kumaun region and in 1841, he began to grow some tea on an experimental basis near his home at Beechwood, Darjeeling.[8] His experiments were followed by several others, and soon, tea began to be cultivated in the area as Darjeeling tea. He also took a lead in testing sea-island cotton cultivation in the Terai as well as the culture of Tassar silk.[9] Campbell also attempted to grow the first few samples of Cinchona brought to India from Kew in 1834 by Robert Fortune. These plants, however, did not survive the winter.[10]

He returned in 1872 to his home in Slough where he worked with the Orphan Asylum and local institutions.


British Orphan Asylum, Clapham, London/Slough, Buckinghamshire
by childrenshomes.org
Accessed: 7/21/20

In November 1827, a group of London gentlemen decided to found an institution for the reception of orphans whose parents had fallen from positions of prosperity into necessitous circumstances. Originally called the District Orphan School, the charity acquired premises at Kingsland Green in the Dalston area of north-east London and by the following May, ten children were in residence.

Like many such charities, admission to the institution was by a process of election by subscribers and Governors (the latter subscribing at least a guinea a year). Originally, subscribers were divided into districts, each electing a certain number of children. Any town or village forwarding twenty-four subscriptions was constituted as a district and able to put forward its own candidates for admission. An alternative option was subsequently introduced whereby a child could gain admission through payment of a lump sum and bypassing the election process. In 1866, the payment required for direct entry was changed from a fixed sum of £126 to a scale based on the child's age at admission: £200 for the under-9s; £150 for the 9 to 11s; and £100 for the over-11s. At the same date, the donation required to allow lifelong presentation of one orphan for admission was raised form £315 to £350.

There was often active lobbying by those connected with candidates seeking admission, such as this card from the 1860s requesting support for seven-year-old orphan John Russell.

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To the Governors of & Subscribers to the British Orphan Asylum.
Your Votes and Interest are most respectfully and earnestly solicited in behalf of
JOHN RUSSELL,
Aged Seven Years
Father and Mother Both Dead.
British Orphan Asylum petition card, c. 1860s. © Peter Higginbotham


In 1834, the establishment moved to larger premises at Clapham Rise (later redesignated as 380 Clapham Road) and was renamed the British Orphan Asylum. At that date, the household consisted of a matron, master and governess, and 46 children (19 girls and 27 boys). In 1844, a new wing was added to the building at a cost of £1 ,400, increasing the home's capacity to over 100 children.

A widespread outbreak of cholera in 1854 led top a surge in the number of orphans seeking places at the home, placing a considerable strain on the charity's finances. At around the same time, donations to the institution declined with the onset of the Crimean War. An economy drive was launched, together with a reduction in the numbers of admissions being permitted. A respite came when a long-standing donor, Mr. George Moore, offered to give 100 guineas to the institution, provided nine other persons could be found to do the same within three months - an appeal that was promptly responded to.

In 1863, with the capacity of the Clapham premises proving too small for the then 110 inmates, the orphanage relocated to Slough in Buckinghamshire. The remaining thirty years of the Clapham building's lease was then sold for £2,500 to the British Home for Incurables.

Image
British Home for Incurables. 380 Clapham Road, c. 1864. © Peter Higginbotham

The move to Slough was made possible by a donation of £14,000 to the charity from Major Edward Mackenzie of Fawley Court, Henley. The new home, which stood on Mackenzie Street (also named after the Major) had previously been the town's Royal Hotel, closed in 1852. The property, which had six acres of grounds, could house more than 200 children. The establishment was officially opened on June 24th, 1863, in the presence of Prince Edward and Princess Alexandra who each planted a sequoia tree.

The location of the home is shown on the 1899 map below.

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British Orphan Asylum site, Slough, c. 1899

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British Orphan Asylum from the northwest, Slough, c. 1913. © Peter Higginbotham

Image
British Orphan Asylum from the northwest, Slough, c. 1907. © Peter Higginbotham

Image
British Orphan Asylum from the north, Slough, c. 1905. © Peter Higginbotham

The buildings were later considerably enlarged. A swimming bath was added in 1881, and a separate school for young boys was built by Algernon Gilliat of Stoke Pages in 1884.

An 1890 directory gave the charity's details as follows:

Object.

To board, clothe, and educate destitute children of either sex, who are really or virtually orphans, and are of middle-class parents, or other persons who in their lifetime were in a position to provide a liberal education for their children.

Admission.

By election. No child can be received as a candidate whose father is not dead, paralytic, totally blind, or insane, or whose mother, if living, is able to provide for it. Certificates required of marriage of parents, death or incapability of father, of birth, of freedom from any scrofulous disorder, and of soundness of constitution, subject to confirmation by the medical officers of the Asylum. Each child must be recommended by two subscribers or Governors, and the indigent circumstances of the relations must be proved to the Board of Directors. Children are not admitted under 7 or above 12 years of age. Pupils are discharged on attaining their fifteenth year. In cases of exceptional merit, the Board have power to apply a sum not exceeding £10 to the settlement of the child.

Income (1888).

Charitable contributions, legacies, and church collections, £19,597; invested funds, purchased admissions, £ 585. Inmates (1889). -213.

Image
British Orphan Asylum from the southeast, Slough, c. 1908. © Peter Higginbotham

Being entirely dependent on voluntary contributions, the Orphan Asylum always struggled to stay afloat. In 1920, its financial straits finally led to its closure and amalgamation with the London Orphan School in Watford. The institution moved to Cobham in Surrey in 1946, where it still exists today as Reed's School.

In 1921, the Slough premises became home to the Licensed Victuallers' School until it was demolished in 1938 to be replaced by a new building on another part of the estate.

Records

Note: many repositories impose a closure period of up to 100 years for records identifying individuals. Before travelling a long distance, always check that the records you want to consult will be available.

• Surrey History Centre, 130 Goldsworth Road, Woking, Surrey GU21 6ND. Has a few odd items but admission records etc. appear not to have survived.

Census

• 1881 Census


He attended the International Congress of Orientalists in 1874 and came down with an illness shortly after and died at his home. He was buried at Upton. He married the second daughter of Dr J. Lamb of the Bengal Medical Service at Darjeeling in 1841 and they had twelve children of whom nine survived him.[9] The magnolia species, Magnolia campbellii, was named after him by Hooker.[11]

Publications

Campbell wrote many papers on Himalayan geography, ethnology and natural history. A partial list of his publications include:

• Observations on the Goitre in Animals as it occurs in Nipal. Medical and Physiological Society, 1833.
• On the Agriculture and Rural Economy of the Valley of Nipal. Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India. v. 4, 1837.
• On the Agricultural and other Implements used in the Valley of Nipal. Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India. v. 4, 1837.
• On the state of the Arts of Weaving, Spinning, and Dyeing in the Valley of Nipal. Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India. v. 4, 1837.
• On the Musical Instruments of the Nipalese. Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India. v. 4, 1837.
• Barometrical and Thermometrical Observations at Cathmandoo in 1837. India Review.
• On the Proboscis of the Elephant. India Review.
• On Earthquakes in Nipal and Thibet in 1833. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• On the Mech Tribe of Sikim, with Vocabulary of their Language, &c. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• On the Lepchas of Sikim, with Vocabulary, &c., &c. Journal of the Asiatic Society. in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, 1873.
• On the Limboos of Nipal and Sikim, with Vocabulary, &c., &c.Ditto, ditto, Journal of the Ethnological Society, 1869.
• On the Moormis of Nipal and Sikim.
• On the Haioos of Nipal and Sikim.
• Note on the Origin and Language of the Limboos. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• On the Comparative Anatomy of the Dog and the Wild Dog, Buansu of Nipal. Journal of the Natural History.
• On the Comparative Anatomy of the Ox, Bison, and Gavial. Journal of the Natural History.
• A Gardener's Calendar for Darjeeling. Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society, 1840.
• On the Manufacture of Paper from the Bark of the Daphne Cannabina, vol. v. Journal of the Agricultural Society of Calcutta.
• On the Soils and Cultivation round Darjeeling.
• On the Cultivation of the Tea Plant at Darjeeling, 1846.
• On the Pooah Fibre, or Hemp of Nipal and Sikim, from a species of Nettle. Journal of the Agricultural Society, 1847.
• On a Lime Deposit in Sikim, 1843.
• Proposal for an interchange of Agricultural Seeds between different districts in India. Journal of the Agricultural Society, 1848.
• Itinerary from Phari in Thibet to Lassa,1848. Published in Phari. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• Routes from Darjeeling to Thibet, 1848. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• On the Elevation of Peaks in the Himalaya, 1848. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• Journal of a Trip to Sikim in December, 1848, with a Map.
• On Winds and Storms in Thibet, 1851. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• Report on the Sikim Morung 1851. Published by the Government of Bengal.
• On the Cultivation of Cotton in the Morung. Published by the Government of Bengal.
• Diary of a Journey through Sikim to the confines of Thibet, in 1849-50. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• Report on Copper Ores in the Darjeeling Territory, 1854.
• Notes on Eastern Thibet, with a Chart, 1855, Phari. No. 1, February 1871. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• Note on the Limboo Language, with an Alphabet, 1855. Journal of the Asiatic Society.
• Paper on the Joshues. Journal of the Anthropological Institute, March 1873.
• Sketch of Political Relations between the Bengal Government and Sikim to 1861, with supplement to 1874. January, 1874. Oriental.
• Paper on the Commerce of India. Journal of the Society of Arts, 17 March 1871.
• Note on the Valley of Choombi. Royal Asiatic Society, Great Britain and Ireland, September 1873.
• Paper on Indian Teas, and Importance of extending their adoption in Home Market. Society of Arts Journal, 30 January 1874.

References

1. Kennedy Dane. The Magic Mountains: Hill Stations and the British Raj, Berkeley: University of California Press, c1996 1996.
2. Darwin Correspondence Project, "Letter no. 1558," accessed on 26 October 2017, Letter number 1558: To J. D. Hooker. 10 March 1854.
3. Crawford, D.G. (1914). A history of the Indian Medical Service 1600-1913. Volume II. London: W. Thacker and Co. p. 132.
4. McKay, Alex (2009). ""A difficult country, a hostile chief, and a more hostile minister": The Anglo-Sikkim war of 1861" (PDF). Bulletin of Tibetology: 31–48.
5. "The Expedition into Sikhim". East India. Statement exhibiting the moral and material progress and condition of India during the Year 1860-61. Part I. London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office. 1862. pp. 192–195.
6. Paget, William Henry (1907). Frontier and overseas expeditions from India. Indian Army Intelligence Branch. p. 41.
7. "Pre-Independence [Darjeeling]". Government of Darjeeling. Retrieved 17 August 2015.
8. O'Malley, L.S.S. (1907). Bengal District Gazetteers. Darjeeling. Calcutta: Bengal Government. p. 72.
9. "[Life and Labors of the Late Dr. Archibald Campbell]". The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 7: 379–391. 1878. doi:10.2307/2841015. JSTOR 2841015.
10. "Introduction of Cinchona to India". Bulletin of Miscellaneous Information (Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew). 1931 (3): 113–117. 1931. doi:10.2307/4102564. JSTOR 4102564.
11. Hyam, R. & Pankhurst, R.J. (1995), Plants and their names : a concise dictionary, Oxford: Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-866189-4, p. 303
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Jul 22, 2020 8:41 am

Ghum, West Bengal [Ghoom]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/22/20

Image
Ghum
Darjeeling to Ghoom Heritage Narrow Gauge Train
Country: India
State: West Bengal
District: Darjeeling
Elevation: 2,225 m (7,300 ft)

Ghum (also spelt Ghoom) is a small hilly neighbourhood in the Darjeeling Himalayan hill region of West Bengal, India. It comes under ward number one of the Darjeeling Municipality. Ghum railway station of the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway is the highest railway station in India. It is situated at an altitude of 2,258 metres (7,407 ft).[1] The place is the home of the Ghum Monastery and the Batasia Loop, a bend of the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway.

Geography

Location


Ghum is located at 27°00′37″N 88°14′47″E.

Area overview

Image

The map alongside shows the northern portion of the Darjeeling Himalayan hill region. Kangchenjunga, which rises with an elevation of 8,586 metres (28,169 ft) is located further north of the area shown.[2] Sandakphu, rising to a height of 3,665 metres (12,024 ft), on the Singalila Ridge, is the highest point in West Bengal.[3]In Darjeeling Sadar subdivision 61% of the total population lives in the rural areas and 39% of the population lives in the urban areas.[4][5]There are 78 tea gardens/ estates (the figure varies slightly according to different sources), producing and largely exporting Darjeeling tea in the district. It engages a large proportion of the population directly/ indirectly.[6]Some tea gardens were identified in the 2011 census as census towns or villages. [7]Such places are marked in the map as CT (census town) or R (rural/ urban centre). Specific tea estate pages are marked TE.

Note: The map alongside presents some of the notable locations in the subdivision. All places marked in the map are linked in the larger full screen map.

War Memorial

Darjeeling hills has a high concentration of Indian Army servicemen and ex-servicemen. Since independence in 1947, seventy-six soldiers of the Darjeeling area have died in service. In 1976, Manish Gupta, then Deputy Commissioner of Darjeeling took the initiative to build a War Memorial and a committee was formed. In 1984, Batasia was selected as the site of the War Memorial. In 1991, Subhas Ghising, Chairman of Darjeeling Gorkha Autonomous Hill Council, agreed to finance the construction of the War Memorial.[8]

The War Memorial consists of a sanctified raised oval platform, 37 by 24 feet (10 by 7 m), with a 9-foot (3 m) high bronze statue and a 30-foot (9 m) high triangular granite cenotaph, on a 3-foot (0.9 m) octagonal base, with the Roll of honour engraved on it. The bronze statue was sculptured by Gautam Pal of Krishnanagar.[8]

Monasteries

Yi Gha Choling Gompa is more popularly known as Ghum Monastery. located opposite to the Ghoom Post Office is a road called Monastery road which leads to Yiga Choling Monastery. Many travel guides and taxi drivers take tourist to the monastery located below Hill Cart road and Ghum Railway station which is Samten Choeling monastery and called it old Ghoom monastery as it is on the main road and easier for them. Yiga Choling Monastery is at an elevation of 8000 feet and is situated 8 km (5.0 mi) from Darjeeling . It was established in 1850 by the famous Mongolian astrologer and monk Sokpo Sherab Gyatso. He was later succeeded by very venerable late Khabje Domo Geshe Ngawang Kalsang Rinpoche. It was during Domo Geshi Rinpoche's tenure that the 15 feet high image of the great Maitreya Buddha was commissioned. It still stands majestically inside the main monastery for all to glimpse and pay respects.[9] There are three other gompas in Ghum: Samten Choeling, the Sakyachoeling, and the Phin.[10]

Ghum Hill

On the Ghum-Sukhiapokri road, at an altitude of 7,900 feet (2,400 m) stands a huge detached rock offering a grand view of the Balsan Valley and the hills beyond. Garg World, an amusement park is the latest attraction.[11]

Transport

Ghum is the meeting point of several roads. The Hill Cart Road from Siliguri to Darjeeling runs through the town. It is 6 km (3.7 mi) from Darjeeling, 24 km (15 mi) from Kurseong via Sonada, and about 45 km (28 mi) via Lopchu. Another road leads to Mongpu and thence to the Kalimpong-Siliguri road. There is a road to Kurseong via Dow Hill. Sukhiapokhri, almost on the India-Nepal border, is 11 km (6.8 mi) on the road to Mirik.[12]

Education

Ghoom Jorebunglow College was established in 2004 at Ghum. It offers honours courses in Nepali, English, history, geography, political science, economics, sociology, education and a general course in arts.[13][14]

Ghoom Boys School is a private boys only higher secondary school.[15]

Ghoom Girls Higher Secondary School is an English-medium girls only institution with facilities for teaching from class V to class XII.[16]

Healthcare

There is a primary health centre, with 6 beds at Ghum.[17]

References

1. Agarwala, A.P. (editor), Guide to Darjeeling Area, 27th edition, p. 53-55, ISBN 81-87592-00-1.
2. Gurung, H. & Shrestha, R. K. (1994). Nepal Himalaya Inventory. Kathmandu: Ministry of Tourism and Civil Aviation.
3. "Sandakphu-Phalut Trek". Himalayan High. Retrieved 21 March 2020.
4. "Darjeeling". District Profile - General Information. District administration. Retrieved 21 March 2020.
5. "District Statistical Handbook 2013 Darjeeling". Tables 2.2, 2.4b. Department of Planning and Statistics, Government of West Bengal. Retrieved 21 March 2020.
6. "Darjeeling Tea". District administration. Retrieved 21 March 2020.
7. "2011 Census – Primary Census Abstract Data Tables". West Bengal – District-wise. Registrar General and Census Commissioner, India. Retrieved 21 March 2020.
8. Agarwala, A.P., p. 48
9. "Darjeeling Tourism".
10. "Sight-seeing". West Bengal cities. travel-westbengal.com. Archived from the original on 29 June 2007. Retrieved 2007-06-13.
11. A Road Guide to Darjiling, p. 10,
12. A Road Guide to Darjiling, map on p. 16, TTK Healthcare Ltd, Publications Division, ISBN 81-7053-173-X.
13. "Ghoom Jorebunglow College". GJC. Retrieved 27 February 2020.
14. "Ghoom Jorebunglow Degree College, Darjeeling". Careers 360. Retrieved 27 February 2020.
15. "Ghoom Boys High School". Target Study. Retrieved 23 March 2020.
16. "Ghoom Girls Higher Secondary School". ICBSE. Retrieved 23 March 2020.
17. "Health & Family Welfare Department" (PDF). Health Statistics – Primary Health Centres. Government of West Bengal. Retrieved 23 March 2020.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

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Kalimpong, Gergan Dorje Tharchin, and his [Tibet] Mirror [The Melong] newspaper [Gegen Dorje Tharchin] [Tharchin Babu]
by Paul G. Hackett
[Excerpted with revisions from: Paul G. Hackett, Barbarian Lands: Theos Bernard, Tibet, and the American Religious Life. Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 2008.]

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

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British-Indian intelligence reported that Kalimpong had an “extensive spy-network” by 1946 (SAWB, IB 1946, 4). We will probably never know about all the spies who operated in Kalimpong, but arguably the two most famous who appeared in Kalimpong were Gergan Dorje Tharchin, the editor of the Tibet Mirror, and Hisao Kimura, the “Japanese agent who disguised himself as a Mongolian pilgrim [… and] was recruited by the British Intelligence to gather information on the Chinese in Eastern Tibet” (Kimura 1990, book jacket). Tharchin had settled in Kalimpong and started his newspaper; with that he became of interest to the British, and also the Chinese, who tried to buy him.

-- Kalimpong: The China Connection, by Prem Poddar and Lisa Lindkvist Zhang


Like Tashkent a thousand years earlier, Kalimpong of the twentieth century was one of those cultural junctures — the meeting place of age-old civilizations and a crossing over point between radically different worlds. Below and to the south lay the jungles and lowlands of British India and most prominently of all, Calcutta, where hill-stations such as Kalimpong met their commercial port, where the whole population of India — Lepchas, Nepalis, Bengalis, British, Chinese, Malaysians and a whole host of traders, missionaries, soldiers and bureaucrats — daily swarmed over each other in pursuit of their lofty and not-so-lofty goals. Above and to the north lay the mountain ranges of Tibet, a kingdom like no other, perched atop the high Himalayas, a monastic haven far above the mundane world below, a place that six million people called “home”; from the narrow valleys of Ladakh and Guge near Kaśmir in the west, to the wide open plains of Amdo and the Chang-tang on the border of China to the east, Tibet was an ethereal, 1.2 million square kilometer land-mass whose natural borders were visible from space. Kalimpong was where these two worlds met.

Called “Da-ling Kote” by the local Bhutias after the old fort on the 4,000 ft. ridge line, for most of its pre-history, Kalimpong was little more than the stockade (“pong”) of a Bhutanese minister (“Kalön”). It was only with the annexation of the area by the British in the late-19th century with the hopes of opening trade routes did the small village formed around the ruins of the old fort begin to grow. In the wake of the 1904 Younghusband invasion of Tibet, Kalimpong took on greater significance as trading post as the wool trade shifted markets from the administrative capital of the region, Darjeeling, to its new economic capital, Kalimpong, being slightly closer the Tibetan passes of Jelep-la and Nathu-la, with easy transport south to Calcutta for shipping to the textile mills of England and eventually, America.

Though still in many aspects a trading post and missionary enclave, by the early twentieth century Kalimpong had much to offer a Tibetophile. Most notably, Kalimpong was home to the only Tibetan language newspaper in the world, The Mirror or “Me-long,” as it was known in Tibetan. It was also home to the newspaper’s editor and the de facto center of the Tibetan ex-patriot community in Kalimpong, Dorje Tharchin, known affectionately to all and sundry as Tharchin Babu.


Tharchin was a unique man. Born in 1890 in the village of Pu (spu) in the Khunu region of Spiti (spi ti), Tharchin was the son of one of only a handful of Moravian Christian converts in the western Tibetan borderlands of Spiti, and had spent the early years of his life in Khunu being educated in missionary schools (taught in a mixture of Tibetan and Urdu). With the death of his parents in the early years of the century, Tharchin finally left his village at the age of twenty. During the years that followed, Tharchin earned money as a common laborer spending his time between Delhi and the British “summer capital” of Simla at the mouth of the Kulu valley, and by the late 1910’s Tharchin was fully ensconced in his identity as a Christian and could often be found preaching in one of the cities’ local bazaars.

Accepting a job at the Ghoom Mission School outside of Darjeeling, Tharchin taught Tibetan and Hindi at a Christian school belonging to the Scandanavian Alliance Mission.

By 1917, Tharchin had managed to secure a Government scholarship to attend school and so relocated himself to Kalimpong to enter into the “Teacher Training” program being operated by the Scottish Union Mission [Scottish Universities' Mission? [SUM?]].

The Scottish Universities' Mission Institution (S.U.M.I. or S.U.M.Institution) of Kalimpong, West Bengal has completed hundred and twenty five years of its glorious existence in 2011 and the contribution it has been rendering to the spread of education in the hills of Darjeeling and for that matter the whole of North East India, Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim and a large part of Bengal is prodigious and laudable.

SUMI it light from which torches of knowledge could spread to the corners of this region to enlighten the darkness of illiteracy. The institution was uniquely endowed with a rare gift of overseas missionaries representing the Church of Scotland whose abiding contribution to the spread of education is worth remembering.

The Treaty of Sugauli 1816 between Nepal and East India Company granted Sikkim the region West of the Teesta under the guarantee of the Company. This territory was put under Capt. Lloyd and Mr. J. Grant, Commissioner Resident at Malda. Captain Lloyd toured the region and saw the suitability of Darjeeling as a sanitarium. He strongly urged the then Governor General Lord Bentinck to acquire it for health, trade, military and political purposes. Lord Bentinck agreed and negotiations with Sikkim Raja were made. In 1835 the Sikkim Raja made a free gift of Darjeeling Hill. In 1841 compensation of Rs. 3000 per annum was made to the Raja which was raised to Rs. 6000 per annum. By 1840 a road was made from Pankhabari to Darjeeling. Houses were built in the wooded hill slopes. In 1839, Dr. [Archibald] Campbell was appointed Superintendent of Darjeeling. Between 1839-42 a cart road had been built between Siliguri and Darjeeling. In the neighborhood tea plantation had begun. By 1850 there was a bazaar, a jail and a hospital. In 1840, the famous botanist Sir Joseph Hooker and Dr. Campbell while touring in North Sikkim were seized and imprisoned for six weeks. An avenging force was sent to Sikkim. The result was that the land south of the Rangeet and Tarai were annexed and formed the western part of the district of Darjeeling.

Disputes on the borders of Bhutan and Bengal had continued for years since the British came to power in Bengal and Assam. In 1863 Sir Ashley Eden was sent to negotiate a treaty with Bhutan. The mission was a failure. He was ill-treated in Bhutan and in retaliation Indian forces invaded Bhutan from the south. Tongsa, Penlop signed a treaty with Indian Government in 1865. By this treaty Bhutan ceded the Duars and the region between the Jaldhaka and the Teesta, the present Kalimpong Sub-Division. Thus the regions ceded by Sikkim and Bhutan formed the Darjeeling District. In this district, came the first missionary of the Church of Scotland in 1870.

The first Church of Scotland missionary Rev. William Macfarlane came to Darjeeling from Gaya in 1870. He bought a small piece of land and built a small school in Darjeeling. Boys attended this school and received education for four years. These youths were sent to schools in the neighboring tea gardens and villages. He himself toiled hard at school and toured Sikkim and the neighborhood. In 1873, he crossed the Teesta and reached Kalimpong. He thought that Kalimpong would be a fruitful station for education and evangelism. In 1873, he came to Kalimpong, bringing two teachers with him and opened a small school – the first school in Kalimpong.

The teaching and preaching work in Darjeeling prospered. Many youths became workers in offices, teachers in schools and some of them were baptized in 1874. These young Christians became leaders of Church – Ganga Prasad Pradhan, Lakshmansing Mukhia, Surjaman Mukhia, Apun Laksom, Jangabir Mukhia and Sukhman Limbu.

The area of Rev. Macfarlane’s work was so extensive by 1878 that he could not cover the area alone. So he sent a letter to Scotland, asking for two workers. So the Church of Scotland in 1880 sent two missionaries – Rev. W.S. Sutherland and Rev. A. Turnbull to work in the newly founded educational and religious work. The three missionaries in a meeting agreed to work in different parts of Darjeeling District and Sikkim – Turnbull in Darjeeling, Sutherland in Sikkim and Macfarlane in Kalimpong.

During the furlough in 1881 after 15 years, Rev. Macfarlane visited churches in Scotland and held meetings in which he told them about the work of the missionaries in the Eastern Himalaya. The Church of Scotland was very happy to hear this. A Missionary Association of four Scottish Universities had been formed a few years before this. Mr. Macfarlane met this Scottish Universities Mission Association members and had talks about the teaching and preaching work of the missionaries. This Scottish Universities Mission, under and jointly with Church of Scotland decided to send Mr. Macfarlane in the Eastern Himalayan region. This S.U.M. field of work was to be Sikkim. It was decided to open a Training school for teachers and catechists in Kalimpong, so Mr. Macfarlane returned to Kalimpong as the first S.U.M. missionary. Meanwhile, Rev. Sutherland was working in Kalimpong and in 1886 on 19th April, Training Institution was opened with twelve students. The number of pupils gradually grew and the mission had to provide accommodation for students.

Mr. Macfarlane began his activity of the construction of houses – School, hostel for students and quarters for teachers. These were low roofed one storied long houses. The hostel consisted of a long one storied house divided into separate rooms. Each room was occupied by two or three students. They cooked their food in the room. He supervised the construction of the houses, brought materials and went to the forest to employ woodcutters and sawyers for timber in the construction of houses. On 15th February 1887, he had gone to the forest to bring timber, he returned late in the evening tired and went to bed early. Next Morning, his servant found him dead. He was 47 years of age at his home call.

Now, the burden of the Guild Mission and Scottish University Mission work fell on the shoulders of Rev. Sutherland. To relieve him of the two responsibilities, the Young Men’s Guild sent Rev. J.A. [John Anderson] Graham who took the church work in Kalimpong. Rev. W.S. Sutherland was put in charge of the S.U.M. Training Institution. He built the Lalkothi – Ladies’ Mission House. He as the first Principal of the S.U.M. Training Institution worked up to 1889. In 1891, an English School was opened by Shri Harkadhoj Pradhan near the bazaar. He taught the young men who later on held good jobs in the court and forest and police departments. After 12 or 13 years, this school was amalgamated with the Training Institution. Rev. Sutherland returned after 20 years in this district to Scotland. Rev. John Macara worked in his place from 1900 to 1902. Then Rev. T.E. Taylor succeeded him in the same year.

He was a humble selfless Christian. During his tenure of Principal ship, he did manual labour leading the students. He and the training students after hard labour drained a large pool of water which covered the low area between the Girls’ hostel and K.D. Pradhan Road. This is now the Mission ground.

In 1904 – 05, the training Institution was shifted to its present location. The one storied school and hostel were taken over by Women’s Guild Mission. The new double storied building had then a Constance Taylor Memorial Hall and class rooms on both sides on the ground floor. The upper stories contained sleeping rooms for boarders. Rev. Taylor died on Christmas Day 1906 at Newpara, Gorubathan where he had gone to nurse a tea planter. Rev. W.G. McKean became the Principal after Rev. T.E. Taylor and served up to 1907 when the Rev. W.S. Sutherland returned to Kalimpong. He served this term of 14 years up to January 1921. Aberdeen University had conferred D.D. on him while he was in Scotland. Although, this are between the Jaldhaka and the Teesta was annexed to Bengal by the Treaty of Sinchula in 1865, there were few people and land survey was taken lately. Mr. C.A. Bell (Later Sir) the second Settlement Officer undertook the first survey of this sub-division in 1901-03. The land was classified (a) Khas mahal, (b) Forest and (c) Tea or Cinchona plantation.

The Church of Scotland within 30 years, by the end of the last century, had opened Primary Schools in Darjeeling and Kalimpong. In Kalimpong Female Education and Home Industries and a hospital were begun. In these institutes local people were trained.

In the hospital opened in 1893, Scottish Missionary doctors and sisters but they needed nurses, compounders and attendants. So, young men and women were taken in the hospital to be trained in this profession. The Hospital Superintendent in the early years of this century, selected labourious, intelligent, patient youths and gave them thorough practical and theoretical coaching. After 3 years they were sent to Patna Medical School for the completion of the course. These young men after completion of course became L.M.S. The first qualified doctors came from S.U.M.I. where they educated first. Similarly, nurse training started here in 1913 and this Nurses Training is going on. So Indirectly the students of this institution have served their community as doctors. These were the first doctors from this district – Yensing Sitling, Ongden Rongong, Prem Tshring Rongong, Lemsing Foning, Bishnulal Diskhit, Tongyuk Chhiring and Kashinath Chettri.

At the arrival of Dr. Sutherland in 1907 as the Principal of the S.U.M.I. The Institution had developed into a large school with over 800 students. There were his assistants David Lepcha, A. Ropcha Sada, Singbir Pradhan, Bahadur Lama, Lakshmansingh Mukhia, Kiran Sarkar, Dharnidhar Biswas, Benjamin Roy.

The Teacher’s Training School was started in 1908. This department took teachers of primary schools and gave practical and theoretical lessons in classes. The teachers who had read up to Upper Primary Class were put in Lower Grade and those above and class four in Higher Grade Class. Gradually all teachers of Primary Mission Schools were sent to Kalimpong S.U.M.I. for refresher.


-- About Us, by Scottish Universities' Mission Institution


Having recently published two small Tibetan language primers, a Tibetan Primer with Simple Rules of Correct Spelling and The Tibetan Second Book, his knowledge of Tibetan brought him to the notice of W.S. Sutherland, a missionary who had spent the better part of forty years in the area of Kalimpong running a combination orphanage and missionary school, who quickly put Tharchin to work teaching Tibetan to a mixture of Bhutia and Tibetan boys in the orphanage.

Despite all these activities and events, Tharchin continued his proselytizing throughout Sikkim, as well as serving as a Tibetan translator for embassies to Bhutan and Sikkim. It was during this time, as well, that Tharchin began to forge friendships with many of the high ranking Tibetan and British dignitaries who passed through the region on a regular basis and various current and future members of the Tibetan government, and relatives of the various aristocratic houses. In the midst of these activities he commenced work on what would be his greatest achievement, eventually earning him worldwide notoriety.

It was on one occasion, in August of 1925 while working for Sutherland’s successor at the Scottish Union Mission [Scottish Universities' Mission? [SUM?]], John [Anderson] Graham, that Tharchin noticed “a Roneo Duplicator lying idle in the office of Dr. [John Anderson] Graham” and asked him if he could take it, thinking to produce his own newspaper in Tibetan. Graham offered it to Tharchin, though offered little encouragement saying that his office staff had failed to get it working the entire time they had had it. Nonetheless, undaunted, Tharchin began tinkering with the duplicator in an attempt to get it working. After two months of work in his spare time, Tharchin was finally greeted with success, and on October 10th, 1925, Tharchin produced the first issue of his very own Tibetan language newspaper, “The Mirror — News From Various Regions” (yul phyogs so so'i gsar 'gyur gyi me long). Following a brief hiatus, Tharchin commenced regular publication of his newspaper the following February with monthly issues to follow, and while receiving encouragement and advice from all around, his first real commendation came a year later, when he received a letter from His Holiness the Thirteenth Dalai Lama accompanied by a gift of twenty rupees stating that he was receiving Tharchin’s newspaper, “was very glad and added to continue it and send more news which would be very useful to him.”

Encouraged by this, Tharchin began to think of himself more and more as a newspaperman, expanding the scope of the newspaper beyond the simple relaying of news from other sources to the production of news content himself. With these goals in mind, Tharchin petitioned the Tibetan Government for permission to visit Lhasa as a reporter. With permission received, on August 20th, 1927, Tharchin headed for Gyantse, and from there left for Lhasa to conduct the first important interview of his career — an interview with His Holiness the Thirteenth Dalai Lama. Arriving in Lhasa a month later, Tharchin remained self-conscious about his broken Tibetan -- the result of having grown-up in borderlands of Tibet -- and spent the better part of the next three months attempting to improve his speaking abilities before finally applying for an audience with His Holiness in mid-December. Success achieved, Tharchin returned to India the following February, receiving 100 rupees along the way from the British Political Officer at Gyantse, Arthur Hopkinson, to support him in the continued publication of the newspaper. By June, the Scottish Mission had received a new Litho Press, which Dr. Graham made available for Tharchin to use, and sending Tharchin to Calcutta to receive training in its use, Graham allowed him to use the press to produce his newspaper as part of his official duties at the Mission.

Although Tharchin had begun his newspaper with only fourteen subscriptions, by the third year his subscriptions were close to fifty, but Tharchin was still sending more than a hundred issues freely to officials in the Tibetan government although more than half of those were usually “lost” along the way by the Tibetan Post Office. These, however, were the least of Tharchin’s troubles and his greater opposition during these years came less from officials in Tibet, than from more hard-line missionaries who would soon appear in Kalimpong, in particular, Dr. Graham’s replacement at the Mission, the Australian missionary, Rev. Knox. Despite the often prominent and unsubtle “articles” on Christianity that appear in the pages of the Mirror with regularity, Knox was not favorably disposed to Tharchin’s activities as a newspaper editor, and shortly after arriving in Kalimpong brought an end to the subsidization of the Mirror — both in terms of material resources and Tharchin’s time. By the early-1930s, Tharchin had managed to stabilize the publication of his newspaper, although was constantly in search of new subscribers and advertising to underwrite his publication costs. It was thus with a certain degree of trepidation that Tharchin rejoined the Scottish Guild Mission in Kalimpong under Rev. Knox as “Tibetan Catechist,” agreeing to accept strict limits on his official activities in exchange for a salary. While there was little love lost between Tharchin and Knox, the position allowed Tharchin to continue his publication efforts, although eventually their differences would prove irreconcilable and they would part ways, with Tharchin pursuing his newspaper work on his own.

Over the next twenty-five years, Tharchin remained hard at work publishing his newspaper. What had begun as a personal vision and occasional medium for Christian propaganda going into Tibet, and which later morphed into a Tibetan language chronicle of world events (especially during World War II), by the 1950s became a vehicle for the fight for Tibetan freedom from the Chinese invasion and occupation. A major hub for information, Kalimpong and Tharchin’s newspaper offices in particular became a clearinghouse for news about the ongoing Chinese aggression in Tibet. In his offices, Tharchin received handwritten accounts of military occupations and aerial bombardments of monasteries and villages in eastern Tibet, which he published along with illustrations. Even in crude cartoon form, the picture Tharchin painted for his audience of events transpiring in Tibet was sobering and hard to believe, and the accounts would only get worse. Over the years that followed, the events unfolding in Tibet and in the rest of central Asia took their toll in very human terms, and even those who escaped Tibet were not immune from their effects. On more than one occasion, Tharchin would find himself writing the obituary for someone he had known, and as with many of the articles that Tharchin authored for his paper, these editorial reports would carry a deeply personal touch.

By the early 1960s, with financial troubles that never seemed to end, Tharchin ceased publication of his newspaper (1963) despite being offered a substantial sum of money and guaranteed subscriptions by the Chinese authorities in Tibet if he would publish pro-Chinese articles in his paper. With the Tibetan exile community growing and Tibetan language newspapers such as Freedom (rang dbang) and others beginning to be published, Tharchin decided that he had done his part on the world stage, and instead turned to put his energies into an orphanage that he and his wife had begun running years earlier. As the years passed and the Tibet Mirror Press became little more than a small historical artifact of the streets of Kalimpong, the Tibet Mirror newspaper would become Tharchin's greatest achievement, an invaluable legacy and testimony to the abilities of one man and to a once free and independent Tibet.
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Tibet Mirror
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Tibet Mirror
Type: Monthly newspaper
Owner(s): Gergan Dorje Tharchin
Founded: 1925; 95 years ago
Political alignment: Anti-communist
Headquarters: Kalimpong, India

The Tibet Mirror (Tibetan: ཡུལ་ཕྱོགས་སོ་སོའི་གསར་འགྱུར་མེ་ལོང, Wylie: yul phyogs so so'i gsar 'gyur gyi me long, ZYPY: Yulchog Soseu Sargyour Mélong) was a Tibetan-language newspaper published in Kalimpong, India, from 1925 to 1963[1][2] and circulated primarily in Tibet but eventually with subscribers worldwide. Its originator was Gergan Tharchin who was at the same time its journalist, editor, and manager.

History

Creation (1925)


In 1925, The Tibet Mirror (Melong) was founded at Kalimpong in West Bengal. After The Ladakh Journal (Ladakh Kyi Akbar), it is the second Tibetan language newspaper to have been started. Its founder was one Gergan Dorje Tharchin, a Tibetan of Christian denomination who was a pastor at Kalimpong, at the time a border town that acted as a centre for the wool trade between Tibet and India. He was born in 1890 in the village of Poo (Wylie: spu) in Himachal Pradesh, he had been educated by Moravian missionaries.[3][4]

The Moravian Church, formally called the Unitas Fratrum (Latin for "Unity of the Brethren"), known in German as the [Herrnhuter] Brüdergemeine ('Unity of Brethren [of Herrnhut]', after the place of the Church's renewal in the 18th century), is one of the oldest Protestant denominations in the world, dating back to the Bohemian Reformation of the 15th century and the Unity of the Brethren (Czech: Jednota bratrská) founded in the Kingdom of Bohemia.

The name by which the denomination is commonly known comes from the original exiles who fled to Saxony in 1722 from Moravia to escape religious persecution, but its heritage began in 1457 in Bohemia and its crown lands Moravia and Silesia, then forming an autonomous kingdom within the Holy Roman Empire. The modern Unitas Fratrum, with about one million members worldwide, continues to draw on traditions established during the 18th century. The Moravians continue their tradition of missionary work, such as in the Caribbean, as is reflected in their broad global distribution. They place high value on ecumenism, personal piety, missions, and music.

The Moravian Church's emblem is the Lamb of God (Agnus Dei) with the flag of victory, surrounded by the Latin inscription "Vicit agnus noster, eum sequamur" ('Our Lamb has conquered, let us follow Him').

-- Moravian Church, by Wikipedia


Nevertheless, there was no article attempting to proselytise in the newspaper.[3]

Tharchin had begun his newspaper with only fourteen subscriptions, and by the third year his subscriptions were close to fifty. But he was still sending more than a hundred free copies to officials in the Tibetan government, although more than half were usually "lost" along the way by the Tibetan post office. These, however, were the least of Tharchin's troubles. Greater difficulties during these years came from more hard-line missionaries who would soon appear in Kalimpong, in particular, Dr. Graham's replacement at the mission, the Australian Reverence Knox. Despite the often prominent "articles" on Christianity that regularly appeared in the pages of The Mirror, Knox was not favorably disposed to Tharchin's activities as a newspaper editor, and shortly after arriving in Kalimpong brought an end to the subsidization of the paper in terms of both material resources and Tharchin's time.32 By the early 1930s, Tharchin had managed to stabilize the publication of his newspaper, although he was constantly in search of new subscribers and advertising to underwrite his costs.33 It was thus with a certain degree of trepidation that he rejoined the Scottish Union Mission [Scottish Universities' Mission] under Rev. Knox as "Tibetan Catechist,"34 agreeing to accept strict limits on his official activities in exchange for a salary. While there was little love lost between Tharchin and Knox, the position allowed Tharchin to continue publishing his newspaper. In the process -- though unintentionally -- he was building a community around him that would significantly alter the face of Tibetan politics, for better and worse. Just as Kalimpong was growing, his reputation seemed to grow along with it, and Tharchin finally began to benefit from this.

Theos Bernard, the White Lama: Tibet, Yoga, and American Religious Life, By Paul G. Hackett


Periodicity and circulation

Published on a monthly basis, the journal first came out in October 1925 under the title Yulchog Sosoi Sargyur Melong (Mirror of News from All Sides of the World) ).[5] All 50 copies that were printed were sent to Gergan Tharchin's friends in Lhasa, including one for the 13th Dalai Lama who sent a letter encouraging him to continue with the publication and became an ardent reader. (The 14th Dalai Lama was to inherit the subscription.)[6]

Gergan Tharchin

Tharchin was at the same time journalist, chief editor and publisher. He would select the news from the newspapers of which he was a subscriber, and translate them into Tibetan for the journal.[7] He had assigned to himself the goals of awakening Tibetans to the modern world and opening up Tibet to the outside world.[8] The journal reported on what went on in the world (the Chinese Revolution, the Second World War, the independence of India, etc.) but also and above all in India, Tibet and Kalimpong itself [9]

Influence

Despite its minuscule circulation, the journal exerted a huge influence on a small circle of Tibetan aristocrats, as well as on a smaller circle of reformists.[10] As the journal was an advocate of Tibet's independence, Tharchin's place became a meeting place for Tibetan nationalists and reformists anxious to modernise their country facing China's imminent return.[11]

Tharchin was in close touch with the British intelligence agents operating out of Kalimpong, a town that was a nest of political intrigue involving spies from India and China, refugees from Tibet, China, India and Burma, plus Buddhist scholars, monks, and lamas. He was acquainted with Hisao Kimura, a Japanese secret agent who had visited Mongolia on an undercover mission for the Japanese government, then travelled across Tibet to gather intelligence for the United Kingdom[12]


In the 1950s, the Chinese Communists attempted to woo Tharchin through a Tibetan aristocrat who requested him not to publish anymore "anti-Chinese" article, and to concentrate instead on the "progress" made by China in Tibet, against the promise of a Chinese order of 500 copies of the newspaper, and the assurance not to go bankrupt. Tharchin refused.[3]

Demise (1963)

The Tibet Mirror ceased publication in 1963[1][2] after the exiled Tibetans brought out their first newspaper – Tibetan Freedom – started by Gyalo Thondup[3] from Darjeeling [13] Besides, Tharchin was too old to continue publication. He died in 1976 [14]

In 2005, the small house where The Tibet Mirror was based is still standing on the Giri road, with a sign board reading "The Tibet Mirror Press, Kalimpong, Estd. 1925" in English, Tibetan and Hindi [15]

References

1. "Yul phyogs so soʾi gsar ʾgyur me loṅ". http://www.columbia.edu. Archived from the original on 23 June 2017. Retrieved 29 August 2017.
2. "Tibet Mirror | Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library". beinecke.library.yale.edu. Archived from the original on 10 April 2015. Retrieved 29 August 2017. Tibet Mirror A digital archive of the Tibetan-language newspaper, published from 1925 to 1963.
3. Thubten Samphel, Virtual Tibet: The Media, in Exile as challenge: the Tibetan diaspora(Dagmar Bernstorff, Hubertus von Welck eds), Orient Blackswan, 2003, 488 pages, especially pages 172-175 - ISBN 81-250-2555-3, ISBN 978-81-250-2555-9.
4. Lobsang Wangyal, The Tibet Mirror: The first Tibetan newspaper, now only a memory, Lobsang Wangyal's personal site, 12 May 2005.
5. Lobsang Wangyal, op. cit.: Yulchog Sosoi Sargyur Melong (Mirror of News from All Sides of the World) was the original Tibetan name of the Tibet Mirror. The first issue of the newspaper came out in October 1925. The issues came out at irregular intervals.
6. Lobsang Wangyal, op. cit.: Of the fifty initial copies, most were sent to his friends in Lhasa, including one to the 13th Dalai Lama. The 13th Dalai Lama became an ardent reader of the paper and encouraged Tharchin to continue with the publication (...). The current 14th Dalai Lama inherited the subscription of the late 13th.
7. Lobsang Wangyal, op. cit.: "It was my grandfather who did all the work of the newspaper. He selected the news from the newspapers he subscribed to and translated them for the paper."
8. Lobsang Wangyal, op. cit.: Tharchin (...) made much effort to report on affairs of the world, to educate Tibetans and to encourage the opening up of Tibet to the changing modern world.
9. Thubten Samphel, op. cit., p. 173: The Mirror published articles on world events and especially reported what was taking place in India, Tibet and in the region of Kalimpong.
10. Thubten Samphel, op. cit., p. 173: Despite its minuscule circulation, the impact of Tibbet Mirror, though confined to a small circle of Tibetan aristocrats and an even smaller circle of Tibetan reformists (...) was enormous.
11. Thubten Samphel, op. cit., pages 173 and 175: Tibetan nationalists, scholars and dissidents held regular conclaves at Babu Tharchin's place to discuss how Tibet could best avoid the gathering political storm, Tharchin Babu and the office of Tibet Mirror became the meeting point of intellectuals and reformists who wanted to modernize Tibet so that it would effectively counter the challenges posed by a resurgent China.
12. Barun Roy, op. cit. : In the late 1940s, Kalimpong (...) could be rightly described as a nest of political intrigue, involving British, Indian and Chinese spies, refugees from Tibet, China, India and Burma, with a sprinkling of Buddhist scholars, monks and lamas.
13. Thubten Samphel, op. cit., p. 175: Tibet Mirror ceased publication in 1962 when the Tibetan refugees brought out their own newspaper called Tibetan Freedom from neighbouring Darjeeling.
14. Lobsang Wangyal, op. cit.: the paper came to an end in 1962, and Tharchin died in 1976. "My grandfather was getting too old to continue the paper" .
15. Lobsang Wangyal, op. cit.: "The Tibet Mirror Press; Established 1925", reads the sign board on the crumbling tinned house (...) on Giri road.

Books on Gergan Tharchin

• Tashi Tsering, The Life of Rev. G. Tharchin: Missionary and Pioneer, Amnye Machen Institute, Dharamsala, 1998
• H. (Herbert) Louis Fader, Called from Obscurity: The Life and Times of a True Son of Tibet - Gergan Dorje Tharchin, Tibet Mirror Press, Kalimpong, Vol. 1, 2002 ; Vol. 2, 2004 ; Himalayan Ecosphere Publisher, Vol. 3, 2009 (Long Title: Called from Obscurity: The Life and Times of a True Son of Tibet, God's Humble Servant from Poo, Gergan Dorje Tharchin, with Particular Attention Given to His Good Friend and Illustrious Co-Laborer in the Gospel Sadhu Sundar Singh of India, with a foreword by His Holiness Dalai Lama XIV of Tibet and an introduction by Dawa Norbu)

External links

• Digitized access to 224 issues of the Tibet Mirror, archival holdings published between the years 1927-1963, through Columbia University Libraries, including collections at the Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library at Yale University.
• Digitized access to seventy-one issues of the Tibet Mirror, published between the years 1927-1963, through the Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library at Yale University.
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Part 1 of 3

Chapter 7: A Well-Trodden Path: Studies in Darjeeling and Sikkim [Tharchin Babu/Tibet Mirror]
Excerpt from "Theos Bernard, the White Lama: Tibet, Yoga, and American Religious Life
by Paul G. Hackett

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Men who leave behind their weeping sweethearts to practice asceticism –- and those who have done so in the past, and those who will do so in the future –- they are doing something very difficult indeed, and so it was in the past and will be in the future.

-- Asvaghosa1


PARAMAHANSA YOGEESWARAR entered into the religious life at the age of twelve when, after he prayed (manasika puja) to the local deity of Kanchipuram in Tamilnadu, Ekambareeshwar Pritivilingam, the god appeared to him in the guise of "an aged saint by the name of Nithyanandar of Vettaveli Paramparai," who initiated him and taught him yoga, bestowing upon him the name of Sri Paramahansa Sachidananda Yogeeswarar. By the turn of the century, Yogeeswarar had disciples throughout India, Ceylon (Sri Lanka), Southeast Asia, and South Africa, and had gained fame for his perfection of the practice of the "suppression of water" (jalastambha)2 through breath control (pranayama), often lecturing while in a full lotus posture and floating effortlessly in water.

Back in Chennai in early November, Theos and Glen lost little time returning to Yogeeswarar's ashram. For the better part of the next week, they met with the swami and persuaded him to demonstrate some of the basic asanas used in yogic practice. Unfortunately, while Yogeeswarar could explain many of the practices and their purposes -- being far more forthcoming and pleasant than Kuvalayananda -- his girth prevented any useful photographic documentation of the practices, and Theos believed that he himself could give a better demonstration of hatha yoga asanas, even if Yogeeswarar's mastery of kumbhaka was impressive.3 Discussing the situation, Theos and Glen decided to return to Calcutta and from there journey to Bhurkunda, where Glen had done his retreat six months earlier, to see Trivikram Swami. Arriving in Calcutta a few days later, they quickly got settled and began making preparations to travel inland again. Contacting his friends to make the necessary arrangements, Glen received a letter that had been waiting for him with news from Bhurkunda: "Trivikram Swamaji breathed his last on the 17th Sept."

Decamping in their hotel while they decided what to do, Theos sent off a telegram to Viola, who by then had reached Italy. Her response was that the situation between DeVries and P.A. had degenerated further, culminating with DeVries moving out and leaving the club. Convinced that she should take some time away from New York, DeVries had followed Viola's advice and boarded a steamship from New York to rendezvous with her in Paris. Feeling too far from the situation to make an informed judgment despite Viola's description of the events, Theos suggested that Viola make decisions on both their behalves regarding their relationship with PA, and the club, and he would wait and see what she decided. In the meantime, Glen had come to his own conclusions, and suggested that they still make the trip to Bhurkunda the following weekend since it offered their strongest chance for success.

Consequently, Glen and Theos packed their bags and camera equipment, caught the train from Calcutta to Ranchi, and traveled to the ashram by train, rickshaw, and bullock cart and finally on foot -- a journey Theos thought was a nightmare. "It is hell," he wrote to Viola, "unless you just don't give a dam [sic] and then it is on the threshold of hell." With Trivikram Swami gone, Swami Syamananda had assumed the lead role at Bhurkunda and with the company of Glen's tantric brothers and sisters, he and Theos arranged for a meeting with Swami Syamananda. Without hesitation, Swami Syamananda agreed to allow Theos to photograph and film his and his students' demonstrations of the various asanas connected with kundalini yoga. and provided them with diagrams of the cakras as well.

Returning to Calcutta a few days later, Glen and Theos spent some time reorganizing their materials and planning the next steps of their trip. When he went to have his latest round of photographs developed, Theos got into an argument over the quality of service he was receiving at the Kodak office in Calcutta. The Bombay office always seemed to work just fine, but there was always, it seemed, a problem in Calcutta, from poor-quality prints to out-of-stock supplies. With the most crucial phase of his research looming ahead, Theos could not afford such uncertainties, so despite promises and offers of special consideration, he negotiated a new deal with the Agfa company, garnering a discount on film and services while preordering a large supply of 16-mm and 35-mm rolls of film for his cameras and buying a large assortment of accessories, including filters, lenses, and magazines. But Theos was anxious to head north, for even in the course of accomplishing what he wanted to do, after having "walked ten miles in this city under the blazing sun of the fall, and having knocked around with the rest of the hordes on the street cars" he was in one of his typically foul moods. Less deterred by the atmosphere of Calcutta, Glen in the meantime attempted to contact the various individuals they had missed on their previous stay in the city, especially at the Royal Asiatic Society.

The president of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal at the time was the noted Dutch Tibetologist Johan van Manen.4 He had arrived in Calcutta in 1919, following an interest in Indian and Tibetan religion instilled in him by his early contact with the Theosophical Society in the 1890s as a young man in the Netherlands.5 In was through the study of Theosophy that van Manen came not only to his interest in Indo-Tibetan religion but also to his own deep-seated religious convictions. Working closely with two English-speaking Tibetans in India, he had studied literary and spoken Tibetan as well as Tibetan sectarian doctrines, rituals, and histories. He became a member of the Asiatic Society in early 1918, and by the end of the year he had taken the position of librarian at the Imperial Library in Calcutta, bringing his Tibetan friends with him. Three years later, he was the General Secretary of the society.

Over the next fifteen years, van Manen pushed the acquisition of Tibetan materials and the study of Tibetan Buddhism within the society, surveying the literature of Tibet and writing numerous articles.
By the end of 1936, he was suffering from recurring health problems, and the last of his Tibetan manservants, Nyima, had left, replaced by a Chinese boy-the son of a Chinese soldier who had settled in Calcutta when the brief Chinese occupation of Lhasa ended twenty-five years earlier and the defeated soldiers were sent back to China, humiliatingly, via India, where many chose to remain. Twan Yang, who, like many Chinese, held Tibetan culture in high esteem, served van Manen well in those later years and even remembered the visit from Theos Bernard6 -- even if the opposite was not true. Having missed van Manen in September when they were last in Calcutta, Theos and Glen made a point of meeting with him this time, in December.

Visiting him at his home just opposite the Calcutta High Court House overlooking the Hooghly River, they sought van Manen's advice on the direction that Theos should pursue for his dissertation. As early as 1918, van Manen had articulated what he saw as the best approach to Tibetan studies, which required laying a sound basis for future Tibetan scholarship. This must be done, he thought, "by way of painstaking, laborious and to a certain extent inglorious and humdrum drudging away at small texts with scrupulous attention to the smallest minutiae for a secure fixing of illustrative examples by coordinating corrections of text, full discussion of meanings, sharp formulation of definitions and subtle analysis of all questions and problems involved."7

What Theos should do, van Manen thought, was follow in Evans-Wentz's footsteps; as Evans-Wentz had done with the notable figures of Padmasambhava and Milarepa, he should explore the subtleties of Buddhist philosophy through the lens of one person's life. Van Manen stressed, however, that he should not envision his dissertation as "something complete in and of itself" but rather as "only the foundation for future work and also so as to encourage others who want to work in this field." Already feeling that a trip to Tibet would be necessary, Theos began to allude to it in his letters to Viola, though he wrote only of "new plans in the air" that were "still a little premature to go into ... for things may happen in Sikkim which will again alter them." Theos could take van Manen's advice, recognizing its value, but he was determined to remain ultimately concerned with only "the one particular philosophy that is to be found here," gently suggesting to Viola that he would "inevitably be lead [sic] to such people who have attained this development of understanding." Nonetheless, he assured Viola, his world-traveling days would soon be over and he could settle into "a sedentary life of reading, writing, and translating"; to that end, he was starting to "hunt manuscripts for future work" and "learning a language completely" to make life easier for Viola and their life together. Theos thought he could make considerable headway by retracing the footsteps of those he had read about, beginning with Alexandra David-Neel. To that end, he and Glen set out for Darjeeling with the ultimate goal of reaching Lachen on the Sikkim-Tibet border, home to David-Neel's informant, Lama Yonden [Yongden], about whom he and so many others had read.

If Calcutta and the heat of the jungles were oppressive to Theos ("this stinking swill hole"), the foothills of the Himalayas had precisely the opposite effect. As they arrived in Darjeeling, Theos's spirits were immediately on the rise. "Each day is filled with beauty and inspiration," he told Viola. "It is impossible to look thru the azure blue of the Himalayan valleys and catch a fleeting glimpse of those majestic ranges of the distant north shoving their noses up into the heavens and not be effected [sic]; I tell you, it does things to you -- you want to run, fly, jump and love all at the same time." Even while riding through the mountains in a rickshaw, the views were inspiring. "Why a mountain should inspire one is hard to say," he wrote to her, "but one glimpse of what can be seen in any direction from this point is almost more than the insides can take. No wonder Milarepa could do things. If I was practicing in a land like this, just the view from my cave would throw me straight into samadhi." For Theos the Himalayan mountains were truly, as Jung had remarked, "that metaphysical fringe of ice and rock away up north, that inexorable barrier beyond human conception."8 [Civilization in Transition]

Best of all, Jinorasa [S.K. Jinorasa/Kazi Pak Tsering ('Phags tshe ring), a Sikkimese aristocrat turned Ceylon-educated Theravadin monk and educational reformer (1895/6-1943), the founder and director of the Young Men's Buddhist Association (YMBA) in Darjeeling] was by Theos's side the moment he arrived back in Darjeeling and expedited everything that Theos needed in order to leave as quickly as possible for Lachen. Indeed, Jinorasa was amazingly capable at affecting the outcome of any political process in the area. Where so many had met with bureaucratic obstacles at every turn, the people Jinorasa helped had doors opened to them without hesitation, for in addition to being a key player in the revival of Buddhism in the area, Jinorasa was also a relative of the Sikkimese royal family with cousins filling the administrative ranks of the government and a very powerful brother who would one day become the first Chief Minister, Kazi Lhendup Dorji. Consequently, in all that he asked for, Jinorasa's name carried the authority of his entire family's reputation.

Making his way to Gangtok, Theos was reluctant to travel to Lachen during the depths of winter. The private secretary to the Maharajah of Sikkim gave him a solid history of his many predecessors and fellow adventurers in the area, and impressed upon him that no amount of friendship or influence would allow him to circumvent the man who actually held the keys to the door into Tibet: the British Political Officer for Sikkim, Sir Basil Gould. Armed with this information, Theos left Gangtok and returned to Darjeeling briefly before going on to Kalimpong, the economic gateway to Tibet and home to a community of expatriate Tibetans and peddlers of British influence. Once there, he and Glen settled into the Himalayan Hotel, the former residence of David Macdonald and his family, a stately hill station establishment overlooking the center of town. The translator for Younghusband on his 1904 expedition to Tibet and subsequently the British Trade Agent in Gyantse for twenty years, David Macdonald was famous in the area, particularly for having turned down a knighthood for saving the life of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama in 1910, asking in exchange only a small parcel of land in the heart of Kalimpong for himself and his family. His children grown, the old family home had been turned into a luxury hotel, then being run by his son-in-law, Frank Perry.

Theos and Frank immediately became friends, and Frank began talking with Theos at length about the mishaps and misadventures of all those who had gone before him -- including Edwin Schary, whose unpublished book manuscript he gave Theos to read9[In Search of the Mahatmas of Tibet] -- speaking quite highly, in particular, of Alexandra David-Neel. Within days of checking in, Theos met another guest, Gordon T. Bowles, a Harvard-Yenching Fellow conducting an anthropological survey of the Tibetan borderlands.10 Quizzing Bowles on his experiences in and around Tibet, Theos discovered that he had traveled at one point with Harrison Forman, of whom Theos's erstwhile pilot in Shanghai, Chilly Vaughn, had spoke quite highly. Bowles was of a decidedly different opinion.

Harrison Forman (1904-1978) was an American photographer and journalist. He wrote for The New York Times and National Geographic. During World War II he reported from China and interviewed Mao Zedong.

He graduated from the University of Wisconsin with a degree in Oriental Philosophy. Forman and his wife Sandra had a son, John, who later changed the spelling of his name to Foreman, and a daughter, Brenda-Lu Forman, who collaborated with her father on one of his books, and also wrote a series of children's books on given names.

His collection of diaries and fifty thousand photographs are now at American Geographical Society Library at University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee.

Forman who travelled to the Tibetan Plateau in 1932 and filmed the Panchen Lama at the Labrang Monastery in Xiahe, Gansu province, served as the Tibetan technical expert on Frank Capra's Lost Horizon film of 1937.

-- Harrison Forman, by Wikipedia


Theos noted Bowles's views without revealing anything, leaving the mystery of differing opinions for Viola to puzzle over in his letters to her.

No sooner had Theos and Glen settled into their hotel room, however, than Theos received word from Jinorasa: Lama Yongden [Lachen Gomchen Rinpoche???] was coming from his retreat cave in the mountains down to Lachen and would be available for an interview there if Theos could come quickly. Already envisioning the broader context of his activities, Theos realized that the greatest amount of time would be spent "in bringing the problems down to something concrete," and yet, "from the looks of things so far, the specifics have been found or rather decided upon and if they ever come to pass, I will feel that I have left a real addition to the culture of this old world for someone to dig it up in the next millennium." As always, though, for Theos "the job that presents itself at the moment is being able to get ahold of the mss."

Pinning their hopes for success on a meeting with Lama Yongden [Lachen Gomchen Rinpoche???], Theos and Glen made the trip to Lachen, convinced it was the only way "to get a line up on the literature and secure the right manuscripts." If the previous weeks had proven boring, on a cinematic level at least, the trip to Lachen from Gangtok was anything but. "We have taken many trips together in the mountains," he wrote to Viola, "but this so far surpasses everything that we have ever seen together that it is impossible for me to describe it to you by making a comparison." He continued,

On the trip coming up one finds everything from the grandeur of the tropics to the splendor of the frozen north. One passes over endless swinging bridges which span the gorges out by the foaming rapids far below, thru jungles of ferns and orchids constantly being lighted up by the reflecting misty veils thrown over this luxuriant growth by the rushing waters above in their efforts to find a way to their kind which are constantly passing by perpendicularly below. This entire country is built on end with all the trails carved into the side of walls. There are places where trails have been hung along sheer cliffs hundreds of feet above the rapids. What one does when they near one of these pack trains, god only knows. Luckily I rounded the more dangerous corners alone, but there have been a few tight squeezes.


Although Theos never missed a chance to practice his narrative skills, he had a slightly stronger motivation on this occasion for practicing his eloquence: he had "completely run out of film ... and as for the Leica," on his trip to Lachen he was "left with only two rolls," so had made "every effort to make each frame count." While Theos did his best to document the trip, he was still overcome by the scenery -- from tea gardens to mountain ranges to the sight of his first yak -- and shot the better part of both rolls on the trail.

Upon reaching Lachen, Theos continued up the mountain behind the small village to Lama Yongden's monastery, where he spent the winters away from his cave retreat, to obtain the audience he sought. "He spent hours relating the mental aspects to the problems of the investigation," he told Viola. Lama Yongden, having devoted "the years of his youth ... to make [an] inner develop[ment], having attained some perfection in this direction ... he is now in his eighties and his mind sparkles as a fountain ever flowing under the sun of understanding." More importantly, however, "the great meditator of Lachen"11 gave Theos very pointed advice on how to pass himself off as a Buddhist pilgrim -- just as he had advised David-Neel.

Equally patient and long-suffering in his way was the monk, Yongden, who served her untiringly and without pay for more than two decades. He was to die in France at the age of 55, a hopeless alcoholic, according to his doctor.

-- Forbidden travels of an opera singer: The Secret Lives of Alexandra David-Neel by Barbara Foster and Michael Foster Overlook Press pounds 20, by Isabel Hilton


Half a world away, unfortunately, Viola was having no such comparable experiences. Besides coping with her mother's ongoing battle with cancer and her sister's impending divorce, she was still dealing with the aftereffects of the blow-up at the CCC [Clarkstown Country Club] between P.A. [Perry Arnold Baker] and DeVries.

The opportunity that Theos needed appeared in early spring 1934. Dan Hughes remembered that it was a warm spring afternoon in Tucson when he and Theos were sitting in the Law Library, working. Dan, in need of distraction, picked up a back issue of Fortune Magazine, and leafing through the pages, came across a story of a man in New York with his own elephant.20 He pointed out that the man in question was also named Bernard, and Theos immediately identified him as his uncle, someone his father had undoubtedly told him about.

A far cry from the press accounts of his past -- or anything else that Glen might have told him about his uncle -- the profile of Pierre Bernard in Fortune depicted a successful businessman and financial pillar of the community of Nyack, New York. Though there was mention of "teaching Yoga and Sanskrit around the country," the adventures of "the Omnipotent Oom" were little more than an anecdotal backdrop. Long forgotten as the fraudulent proprietor of "the Temple of Mystery" sanitarium, Pierre was described as having "a flourishing practice in treating brain and nervous diseases in New York City." Moreover, he was now a bank president; the head of construction, real estate, and mortgage companies; and the owner of his own stable of elephants and a fleet of vintage Stanley Steamers. In the depths of the Great Depression he was, in a phrase, stinking rich.

Without any hesitation, Theos took pen to paper and wrote a letter to his long-lost uncle introducing himself, speaking of his love of yoga, his hopes for the future, and his aspirations of attending school in New York. A few weeks later, a small envelope appeared in the mail for Theos, post-marked Nyack, New York. It was his uncle's reply, in the form of an invitation to attend the annual Easter Party at the Clarkstown Country Club...

As they set their plans in motion for their trip across America and the Pacific to India in the fall of 1936, Theos and Viola began packing up their apartment in New York. Although it was only June, Viola was due to start her internship at the Jersey City Medical Center the following January and so had to prepare for it in advance. Placing their possessions in storage and their apartment up for sale, they organized one last "send-off" picnic party at the club in Nyack with friends and family. P.A. [Perry Arnold Baker] himself even gave Theos and Viola recommendations and suggestions for people to contact in India, including P.C. Bannerji, who had taught at his New York Sanskrit College in the 1910s, and S.L. Joshi, who had served as Secretary of the CCC. Similarly, Ruth Everett,2 by then thoroughly enamored of all things Buddhist and Japanese,3 gave Viola letters of introduction when she heard that they were traveling on a Japanese cruise ship and would be passing through Yokohama.

-- Theos Bernard, the White Lama: Tibet, Yoga, and American Religious Life, by Paul G. Hackett


Discussing the matter with her, Theos resolved to support Viola's decision that they should renounce their membership and sever all ties with the club out of loyalty to DeVries and convince others to do so as well, since "like a child playing over an area charged with dynamite -- it is our duty to remove it even tho it has no way to realize why." Anticipating the worst for the future with P.A. [Perry Arnold Baker], Theos suggested that they take their decision one step further and dispense with their apartment in Nyack, suggesting that they could easily use the excuses of financial constraints and logistical inconveniences with Viola in New Jersey and Theos in India, Tibet and-he felt sure-soon studying at Oxford. Feeling more and more confident that he was embarking on research in unexplored territories, Theos had decided to abandon Columbia; neither the anthropology nor the philosophy department suited his needs and goals since the former was filled with people he didn't like, none of whom could "see what I wish to do," and the latter could only be considered a fall-back solution at best. Indeed, Theos felt assured of his ability to get accepted into the Ph.D. program at Oxford with Evans-Wentz, not just because of their now shared interest in Tibetan studies and his personal connection with the man through his father, but in particular, because he could bring to the field precisely the aspect that Evans-Wentz lacked: firsthand knowledge of the yogic tradition. It would be a challenging application to make, but if he had learned anything from traveling in social circles with Viola, it was the value and strength of a skillfully offered handshake and smile in the right quarters.

First, however, Theos needed sources -- texts -- and lots of them. Arriving back in Gangtok, he chanced upon a meeting with one of Jinorasa's cousins, who informed him that he could halve the Rs. 4,000 expense of copies of the Kangyur and the Tengyur in Calcutta by buying his own paper and shipping it up to Tibet to be printed there. He and Viola decided that it would be a worthwhile expenditure and placed the order with Jinorasa's cousin, who thought the manuscripts could arrive as early as mid-February.

Returning to Kalimpong, Theos began following up on recommendations in the area. He had asked for help in learning Tibetan when he was in Darjeeling, and Jinorasa recommended that Theos meet the one man in Kalimpong who could best assist him -- a young man known as Tharchin Babu, who had taught Tibetan to many in the area already -- and provided Theos with letter of introduction. At the same time, through Frank Perry Theos met the Pumsur brothers, distant relatives of a Lhasan aristocratic family who ran a wool trade operation in Kalimpong. Always eager to negotiate a business deal, they also offered to assist Theos in obtaining a copy of the Kangyur, the same new redaction recently printed in Lhasa, through one of their brothers there. For Theos, all of this was nearly overwhelming, but it was just the tip of the iceberg in Kalimpong.

Like Tashkent a thousand years earlier, Kalimpong was a cultural juncture -- the meeting place of age-old civilizations and a crossing-over point between radically different worlds. Below and to the south lay the jungles and lowlands of British India and most prominently of all, Calcutta, the commercial port for hill stations such as Kalimpong where the whole population of India-Lepchas, Nepalis, Bengalis, British, Chinese, Malaysians and a host of traders, missionaries, soldiers, and bureaucrats daily swarmed over each other in pursuit of their lofty and not-so-lofty goals. Above and to the north lay Tibet, perched atop the high Himalayas, stretching from the narrow valleys of Ladakh and Guge near Kashmir in the west to the wide-open plains of Amdo and the Chang-tang on the border of China to the east. It was a kingdom like no other and a monastic haven far above the mundane world, a place that six million people called home, whose natural borders were visible from space. Kalimpong was where these two worlds met.

Called "Da-ling Kote"12 by the local Bhutias after the old fort on the 4,000-foot ridge line, for most of its prehistory, Kalimpong was little more than the stockade (pong) of a Bhutanese minister (Kalon).13 Only after the annexation of the area by the British in the late nineteenth century did the small village formed around the ruins of the old fort begin to grow. In the wake of the 1904 Younghusband invasion of Tibet, Kalimpong took on greater significance as a trading post as the wool trade shifted from the administrative capital of the region, Darjeeling, to its new economic capital, slightly closer the Tibetan passes of Jelep-la and Nathu-la, with easy transport south to Calcutta for shipping to the textile mills of England, and eventually America.

Though still in many aspects a trading post and missionary enclave, by the 1930s Kalimpong had much to offer a Tibetophile. Most notably, it was home to the only Tibetan language newspaper in the world, The Mirror or Me-long, as it was known in Tibetan. It was also home to the newspaper's editor and the de facto center of the Tibetan expatriate community in Kalimpong, Dorje Tharchin, known affectionately as Tharchin Babu.

Born in 1890 in the village of Pu in the Khunu region of Spiti,14 Tharchin was the son of one of a handful of Moravian Christian converts in the western Tibetan borderlands of Spiti, and had spent the early years of his life in Khunu, being educated in missionary schools (taught in a mixture of Tibetan and Urdu15). When his parents died in the early years of the century, Tharchin finally left his village at the age of twenty and decided to try to go to Tibet in order to properly study the Tibetan language. Relocating several hundred miles south to the soon-to-be British capital of Delhi,16 Tharchin sought work to earn money for the trip. After a brief bout of malaria, however, he returned north to the British "summer capital" of Simla at the mouth of the Kulu valley, close to his old home in Khunu. Upon recovering, he went to work as a common laborer on the construction of the Hindustan-Tibet road. Spending his time between Simla and Delhi, by the late 1910s Tharchin was fully ensconced in his identity as a Christian and could often be found preaching in one of the local bazaars.

On one occasion, Tharchin reported, he was preparing to preach in a bazaar in Delhi when, looking at the last page in his Bible, he saw the phrase "Printed at the Scandinavian Alliance Tibetan Mission Press, Ghoom, Darjeeling." Discerning its import with the help of a friend, Tharchin saw an opportunity to get closer to Tibet and immediately wrote a letter (in Tibetan) to the press in Ghoom asking for an apprenticeship. To Tharchin's disappointment, the response informed him that the press had been sold, although he could be considered for missionary training as a Tibetan and Hindi teacher in the Ghoom Mission School if he knew Hindi -- which he did not. Nonetheless, Tharchin did not want to miss his opportunity, so, accepting this offer, he hurriedly bought a primer on Hindi grammar and after the Delhi Durbar of 1911,17 left for Ghoom in early January 1912.

For the next five years, Tharchin remained at Ghoom teaching Tibetan and Hindi (while learning Nepali) at the Christian school belonging to the Scandinavian Alliance Mission. There he met the onetime Christian convert Karma Sumdhon Paul, then acting as headmaster.18

The Bhutia Boarding School in Darjeeling is a school founded in 1874. Its first director was Sarat Chandra Das and Professor of Tibetan Ugyen Gyatso, a monk of Tibeto-Sikkimese origin. It was opened by order of the Lieutenant Governor of British Bengal, Sir George Campbell. Its purpose was to provide education to young Tibetans and Sikkimese boys resident in Sikkim or the Darjeeling area. However, according to Derek Wallers, it aimed to train interpreters, geographers and explorers may be useful in the event of an opening of Tibet to the English. Students learnt English, Tibetan and topography. In 1879, Sarat Chandra Das, sometimes disguised as a Tibetan lama, sometimes as a merchant from Nepal and Ugyen Gyatso made several trips to Tibet as secret agents of British India services in order to establish and collect cards.

The opening coincided with the school's educational initiatives William Macfarlane, a Scottish missionary in the region. If there was no link between these two initiatives, there was also no tension between them, sharing the same goals and methods with mutual benefit.

In 1891, the boarding school merged with the Darjeeling Zilla School to form the Darjeeling High School.

Bhutia Boarding School

Kazi Dawa Samdup
David Macdonald, (1870-1962)

Darjeeling High School

Norbu Dhondup [Rai Bahadur], (1884-1944)[5]
• Pemba Tsering, (1905-1954)[5]
Ekai Kawaguchi
Karma Sumdhon Paul (alias Karma Babu). He later became director of the [Bhutia Boarding] school.

Karma Sumdhon Paul (alias Karma Babu) worked as a translator and assistant for various British colonial officials in both India -- he accompanied the Sixth Panchen Lama's Indian pilgrimage in 1905-6 -- and Tibet. He was also employed by a number of other Europeans, including missionaries, before meeting and working for the Dutch orientalist John van Manen [1877-1943] at the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Karma Babu went on to become Tibetan lecturer at Calcutta University in 1924 and later published an English translation of the story of Drime Kunden (Dri-med Kun-Idan) from the Tibetan; see Richardus (1998:73-159) and Evans-Wentz (1954:89-91).

-- The Holy Land Reborn: Pilgrimage and the Tibetan Reinvention of Buddhist India, by Toni Huber

-- Bhutia Boarding School, Darjeeling [Bhotia Boarding School] [Darjeeling High School] [Darjeeling School], by Wikipedia


Although Tharchin tried his best to proselytize to visiting Tibetans and the local residents of Sikkim and Bengal, he met with only mixed success. Nonetheless, he continued as a lay preacher, interacting from time to time with his cohorts in the region, including the increasingly influential Dr. [John Anderson] Graham, who ran an orphanage for Anglo-Indian children in Kalimpong. While some of Tharchin's missionary companions often earned the ire of both the British and Tibetan authorities for routinely flouting administrative restrictions on their activities -- making reference to a "higher calling" -- Tharchin actively cultivated the friendship of both the Tibetans and the British, and benefited greatly from it.

By 1917, Tharchin had managed to secure a government scholarship and so relocated to Kalimpong to enter the teacher training program operated by the Scottish Union Mission [Scottish Universities' Mission? [SUM?]]. Having recently published two small Tibetan language primers, a Tibetan Primer with Simple Rules of Correct Spelling and The Tibetan Second Book,19 he had sufficient knowledge of the language to capture the notice of W.S. Sutherland, a missionary who had spent the better part of forty years in the Kalimpong area running a combination orphanage and missionary school. He quickly put Tharchin to work teaching Tibetan to a mixture of Bhutia and Tibetan boys in the orphanage. Although claiming to offer a complete education, Sutherland's schools integrated Bible study as much as possible, offering a curriculum of "Grammar, Geography, History, Arithmetic, Euclid, Physics,... Old and New Testament History, Church History, Pastoral Theology, and Apologetics with special reference to Hinduism."20 After graduating two years later, Tharchin was asked to remain in Kalimpong as permanent teacher of Tibetan at the Scottish mission.

Despite all these activities and events, Tharchin continued his proselytizing trips throughout Sikkim during these years, as well as serving as a Tibetan translator for embassies to Bhutan and Sikkim. During this time, he had the opportunity to visit Tibet for the first time, in 1921, accompanying the wife of the British Trade Agent at Yatung, Mrs. David Macdonald, to her husband's post just over the Tibetan border.

The Government of India wanted a local officer at Yatung for financial reasons. While this meant that the Trade Agent there would have less status than a British officer, this factor would, if Bell was correct, be balanced by his greater ability to cultivate the friendship of local officials, which was of paramount importance to his role (an issue that is discussed in Chapter Four). In the event, the officer chosen signified a compromise. He was an Anglo-Sikkimese, David Macdonald, a local government employee who had served on the Younghusband Mission. While not from an aristocratic family, he was intelligent and got on extremely well with Tibetans, and even the Chinese.

Macdonald was uniquely well qualified, and thoroughly conversant with British concepts of prestige. As he later recalled 'There was the prestige and pomp of the empire to be maintained and this meant one reflected the glory.' In contrast, when the Lhasa Mission was headed by a local officer of Tibetan origin in the 1940s, it was felt that 'the want of a Political Officer [i.e. a British officer] in charge of the Mission was felt by our friends'. [33]

Questions of manpower and economy, allied to the need to reward local supporters, meant that local employees had to be given positions of authority, but they were generally kept away from the key positions in which policy decisions were made. MacDonald was the only local officer given a Political post in Tibet until the late 1930s, and he was originally appointed to Yatung, which had little or no influence on policy formation.

Ultimately, although the British had to use local employees, they felt that, with the exception of an exceptional individual such as Macdonald, their prestige could only be fully represented by British officers. Local officers had not been trained to command at British public schools, and thus could not be expected to understand and maintain public school codes of behaviour. In consequence, if a local officer failed to maintain the required status and standards of behaviour, his failure was blamed on his race or class, whereas if a British officer failed, it was the individual who was blamed: 'A man who does not play the game at the outposts is a traitor to our order.'[34]....

One Anglo-Indian was chosen for a Political post in Tibet, David MacDonald, the son of a Scottish tea planter, who became an important figure on the frontier. Although his father had left India when MacDonald was five years old, the boy was well provided for, receiving the then generous sum of twenty rupees a month in trust. His Sikkimese mother, Aphu Drolma, entered him in the Bhotia Boarding School, from where he entered local government service, before joining the Younghusband Mission.[33] While MacDonald began regular Tibetan service as a Trade Agent, not an intermediary, unlike the other two local officers classified here as Tibet cadre (Norbhu Dhondup and Pemba Tsering) he shared a similar background to the intermediaries, and his career may be more appropriately considered in this section.

MacDonald had a truly multi-cultural background. Raised as a Buddhist with the name of Dorji MacDonald, he converted to Christianity and adopted the name David under the influence of his wife, the Anglo-Nepalese, Alice Curtis. These various influences gave him command of all of the principal languages of the region, Tibetan, Nepali, Hindi, Lepcha and English, and insight into both Buddhist and Christian religious cultures.

Originally Buddhist, he was converted to Christianity by Fredrik Franson of The Evangelical Alliance Mission.

In 1890 [Fredrick Franson] founded the Scandinavian Alliance Mission in Chicago, later known as The Evangelical Alliance Mission, also several missions in Sweden.

His first class on October 14, 1890, is recognized as the "birthday" of TEAM, although the early name for the agency was "The Scandinavian Alliance Mission."
This name reflected Franson's vision to bring churches together into an alliance enabling even small congregations to have a part in sending out missionaries. Classes were also initiated in Chicago, Minneapolis and Omaha. Soon a formal board of directors came into being, and on January 17, 1891, the first band of 35 missionaries boarded a train for the West Coast and eventually China.

Photographs of these early missionaries depict a dedicated group of people who chose to live and dress as the Chinese did. Other groups soon joined the first recruits, and Franson fervently challenged still more to go. In order to get to China, the early missionaries had to pass through Japan, and that soon became a new field for the mission. In a similar manner, by 1892, a small group also went to Swaziland.

-- Fredrik Franson, by Wikipedia


He was associated with the "Tibetan Translation of the New Testament" and founded a small church in Yatoung, Tibet.

-- David Macdonald, by Wikipedia (France)


MacDonald had the character and skills needed to attract the patronage of British officers, a necessary quality for an ambitious individual of his background. He assisted both Charles Bell and Colonel Waddell, Chief Medical Officer on the Younghusband Mission and early scholar of Tibetan Buddhism, to learn Tibetan, and their support gained him Political employ.[34]

Bell's patronage was crucial; MacDonald was held in high regard by Bell, and owed his position to Bell's support. When his patron left, MacDonald lost influence. His efforts to support his son John, and his son-in-law Frank Perry, in various employment schemes on the frontier brought him into conflict with Bailey, the new Political Officer Sikkim, and his final years in Tibet were difficult ones. In retirement however, he ensured the family security by turning his Kalimpong home into a successful hotel, which still exists today. [35]....

I have previously examined the Political Officers' attempts to gain access to Lhasa during the period 1910-20, when, after a change of policy by Whitehall, their efforts culminated in Charles Bell being permitted to take up a long-standing invitation from the Dalai Lama to visit Lhasa. [17]

The genesis of this invitation lay in the assistance given to the Dalai Lama by David Macdonald at Yatung in 1910. Macdonald had been specifically instructed that while he could shelter the Dalai Lama in the Trade Agency, he was to maintain neutrality in the Chinese-Tibetan conflict. But as the Tibetan leader fled south from the pursuing Chinese forces, Macdonald not only offered the Dalai Lama and his followers sanctuary in the Trade Agency, but deployed the Agency escort to protect him. [18]

Macdonald's interpretation of his orders attracted no censure from government. There can be little doubt that his actions were tacitly approved of by his immediate superior, the Political Officer Charles Bell, who was soon to benefit from the goodwill gained by Macdonald's action. Bell later described MacDonald's assistance to the Dalai Lama as being 'perhaps the chief reason why the British name stands high in Tibet.'[19]

During the Dalai Lama's period of exile, Bell succeeded in cultivating the personal friendship of the Tibetan leader and a number of his court followers. In practice, Bell was able to give the Tibetans very little concrete assistance, for Whitehall, and even many in the Government of India, considered the Dalai Lama was no longer an important political force. The Secretary of State, Lord Morley, for example, described the Dalai Lama as 'a pestilent animal... [who] should be left to stew in his own juice'.[20]

Even when the Dalai Lama returned to rule Tibet in 1912, Whitehall objected to any gestures of support being given to him. Bell and the Tibet cadre, however, offered what support they could. Bell instructed Basil Gould to escort the Dalai Lama as he passed Gyantse, and Macdonald played host to the Dalai Lama in Yatung for five days. Macdonald naturally gained great prestige from this with the local Tibetan community.[21]

-- Tibet and the British Raj, 1904-47: The Influence of the Indian Political Department Officers, by Alexander McKay
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Part 2 of 3

Tharchin stayed in Yatung for the next four months, assisting Mrs. Macdonald with her English and Hindi school for the children of British officers stationed there, before pressing on deeper into Tibet toward Gyantse, the first major city between the Tibetan border and Lhasa. No sooner had he arrived than word of his activities in Yatung reached the ears of British officials stationed in Gyantse, and they requested that he open a similar school there. Despite the lack of funds, Tharchin obliged and began instructing the children of British officers and Tibetan aristocrats -- as well as a few Tibetan officials21 -- in English and Hindustanti (Hindi). The school was initially a success, but Tharchin's construction of an unabasedly Christian curriculum -- including morning prayers, Christian hymns, and Bible readings -- would eventually doom it to closure when its thinly veiled proselytizing enterprise became apparent to the Tibetan government,22 which then opened a new school in Gyantse with British help (though similar charges would shortly doom it as well). Though not invested in the schools financially, the British authorities viewed these closures as a bad sign, with one officer remarking that the Tibetans "will regret this decision one day when they are Chinese slaves once more, as they assuredly will be."23 Nonetheless, Tharchin remained in Gyantse for two more years, teaching and assisting in the translation of Hindi and English military manuals into Tibetan for the newly formed Tibetan army.24

It was during this time as well that Tharchin began to forge friendships with many of the high-ranking Tibetan and British dignitaries who passed through Gyantse on a regular basis, including Sir Charles Bell; the renounced King of Sikkim, Taring Raja; and various current and future members of the Tibetan government, including members of the cabinet and national assembly,25 as well as relatives of the various aristocratic houses. Although this period would prove crucial to Tharchin's future, granting him access to all levels of government and rendering him famously influential, his proselytizing behavior was not always appreciated, least of all by the British, whose reactions ran the gamut from nervous tolerance to outright contempt.26

Satisfied with the level of language instruction they were receiving, the Tibetan officials under Tharchin's tutelage invited him to return to Lhasa with them, and in September 1923, Tharchin made his first trip to the capital city as their guest. It was there, while living across the street with Dorje Theiji, that Tharchin met his wife, Karma Dechen. Within a few months, Tharchin had secured her parents' permission to marry; shortly thereafter, they returned to India via Gangtok, where Tharchin served as translator for Dorje Theji while the latter attended military school. 27 Tharchin would later speak glowingly of this time; far more significant, however, was that in the midst of these activities he began work on what would be his greatest achievement and eventually earn him worldwide fame.

In August 1925, while working for Sutherland's successor at the Scottish Union Mission [Scottish Universities' Mission? [SUM?]], John Graham, Tharchin noticed "a Roneo Duplicator lying idle" and asked if he could take it, thinking to produce his own newspaper in Tibetan. Graham offered it to Tharchin, though with little encouragement, saying that his office staff had failed to get it working the entire time they had had it. Nonetheless, Tharchin began tinkering with the duplicator and after two months of effort in his spare time, finally got it to work. On October 10, 1925, Tharchin produced the first issue of his very own Tibetan language newspaper, The Mirror -- News From Various Regions.28 After a brief hiatus, he commenced regular publication the following February with monthly issues. Although he received encouragement and advice from all around, his first real commendation came a year later, when he received a letter from His Holiness the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, accompanied by a gift of twenty rupees, stating that he was receiving Tharchin's newspaper, "was very glad and added to continue it and send more news which would be very useful to him."20

Encouraged by this, Tharchin began to think of himself more and more as a newspaperman, expanding beyond the simple relaying of news from other sources to the production of news content himself. He petitioned the Tibetan government for permission to visit Lhasa as a reporter, and on August 20, 1927, accompanied by his wife and two British civil servants, headed for Gyantse, and from there for Lhasa to conduct the first important interview of his career -- with the Thirteenth Dalai Lama. Arriving in Lhasa a month later, Tharchin remained self-conscious about his broken Tibetan -- the result of having grown up in the borderlands of Tibet -- and spent the better part of the next three months attempting to improve his speaking abilities before finally applying for an audience with His Holiness in mid-December.30 Tharchin and his wife returned to India the following February (1928), receiving 100 rupees along the way from the British Political Officer at Gyantse, Arthur Hopkinson, to support the continued publication of the newspaper. By June, the Scottish mission had received a new litho press, which Dr. Graham made available, sending Tharchin to Calcutta to receive training in its use and allowing him to use the press to produce his newspaper as part of his official duties at the mission.31 This clear links between the newspaper and missionary activities was not lost on some, and Tharchin's good fortune proved to be a mixed blessing, as many came to disregard and even dislike the newspaper.

Tharchin had begun his newspaper with only fourteen subscriptions, and by the third year his subscriptions were close to fifty. But he was still sending more than a hundred free copies to officials in the Tibetan government, although more than half were usually "lost" along the way by the Tibetan post office. These, however, were the least of Tharchin's troubles. Greater difficulties during these years came from more hard-line missionaries who would soon appear in Kalimpong, in particular, Dr. Graham's replacement at the mission, the Australian Reverence Knox. Despite the often prominent "articles" on Christianity that regularly appeared in the pages of The Mirror, Knox was not favorably disposed to Tharchin's activities as a newspaper editor, and shortly after arriving in Kalimpong brought an end to the subsidization of the paper in terms of both material resources and Tharchin's time.32 By the early 1930s, Tharchin had managed to stabilize the publication of his newspaper, although he was constantly in search of new subscribers and advertising to underwrite his costs.33 It was thus with a certain degree of trepidation that he rejoined the Scottish Union Mission [Scottish Universities' Mission] under Rev. Knox as "Tibetan Catechist,"34 agreeing to accept strict limits on his official activities in exchange for a salary. While there was little love lost between Tharchin and Knox, the position allowed Tharchin to continue publishing his newspaper. In the process -- though unintentionally -- he was building a community around him that would significantly alter the face of Tibetan politics, for better and worse. Just as Kalimpong was growing, his reputation seemed to grow along with it, and Tharchin finally began to benefit from this.

In 1931, the French Tibetologist Jacques Bacot arrived in Kalimpong, and making inquiries at David Macdonald's Himalayan Hotel, was directed to Tharchin as a potential assistant in his research. Bacot's interests, however, were very specialized: the recently recovered cache of eighth- to tenth-century manuscripts from the Silk Road town of Tun-huang. Having just recently edited and published Tse-ring-wang-gyel's Tibetan-Sanskrit Dictionary35 as a follow-up to his translation and study of a Tibetan grammar treatise,36 Bacot was eager to apply what he had learned to translating the early Tibetan documents now in his possession. To his disappointment, deciphering their contents was a far greater challenge than he'd thought, and without the help of a native Tibetan scholar he could proceed no further. Bacot enlisted Tharchin to help with his translations, paying him handsomely. Although together they made some additional progress, many of the passages were well beyond Tharchin's abilities too. Bacot had limited time in India and knew that it would be hopeless to attempt to finish the translations in isolation back in Paris. So although he would most likely never return to Kalimpong, he left his photographic reproductions of the texts with Tharchin, who promised to enlist the aid of others to complete their translation. Ironically, as Tharchin and Bacot struggled over the manuscripts that fall, several hundred miles north in Tibet, another would-be scholar of ancient Tibetan manuscripts was likewise in search of material and human resources to aid him in his research -- and his own work would affect Tharchin's dramatically.

Born in the late nineteenth century, Rahula Sakrtyayana had grown up in India, but was very much a product of the British educational system rather than anything indigenously Indian. Fixating on Tibet as a repository of untapped knowledge, in the summer of 1929, Sankrtyayana embarked on his first trip in search of Sanskrit manuscripts brought there close to a thousand years earlier and presumed to still be extant in the great monastic libraries. Sankrtyayana knew that prior to the rise of the “Three Great Seats”37 of learning in the early fifteenth century, the center of Buddhist knowledge and translation activities was Sakya, a small, secluded valley retreat located several hundred miles south and west of Lhasa. It was there that in the early thirteenth century the faculty of the great Buddhist university of India, Vikramalasila, had fled, seeking refuge from the Muslim invaders who had razed their university and put all its inhabitants to the sword, ending the Buddhist intellectual dominance of the Indian subcontinent. It was also at Sakya that the last abbot of Vikramalasila, Sakya Sribhadra, and his entourage began teaching and collaborating with Tibetan scholars on the next great wave of translations and oral transmissions on the Tibetan plateau. For Sankrtyayana, this was the logical place to look for Sanskrit manuscripts. But after many months, he came home disappointed, having found only Tibetan manuscripts.38 Sankrtyayana had begun attempting to “restore” the Sanskrit version of one text of interest from the Tibetan, Dharmakirti’s Pramanavarttika, when he learned that the Sanskrit original had recently been discovered in Nepal. Reinspired, he began planning a second trip.

By 1934, Sankrtyayana was better informed, and having identified Ngor and Shalu monasteries as likely places with Sanskrit manuscripts, he was ready to visit Tibet again.39 This time, however, he was searching not only for rare manuscripts but also, just as important, for a scholar or two who could assist him in his studies, so he went first to Lhasa. While staying there, he developed friendships with various members of the aristocratic families and ruling officials of Tibet. With the assistance of the sons of the house of Surkhang, Reting Rinpoche, and the Kalon Lama,40 Sankrtyayana’s second trip achieved success before even setting foot in a monastic library, as he was also able to acquire photographs of manuscripts from Kundeling Monastery right in Lhasa itself.

Not without justification, Sankrtyayana thought of himself as a scholar of the heyday of Buddhist India, the “Buddhist millennium” spanning from the time of Nagarjuna in the second century C.E. to the destruction of the great centers of learning in the early thirteenth century. Although many of the oral traditions from this time still survived in Tibet – a difficult source to access – the literary legacy of Buddhist India was encapsulated in the second half of the Tibetan Buddhist canon, the Tengyur.41 In the early twentieth century in Tibet, one man stood out as the foremost authority on the canon, having earlier been deputized by the Thirteenth Dalai Lama to redact the first half, the Kangyur,42 for publication in Lhasa: Dobi Geshe Sherap Gyatso.43 Before even meeting him, Sankrtyayana thought that Geshe Sherap Gyatso would be the ideal collaborator in his research. A scholar at Drepund Monastic University west of Lhasa, Geshe Sherap Gyatso was not only one of the greatest scholars of the twentieth century produced by that institution but also a key political figure of the day. Although Geshe Sherap Gyatso was unable to help Sankrtyayana personally in the way he wished, he recommended instead that Sankrtyayana consider working with his most promising – and at times, most troublesome44 – student, a young man from northeastern Tibet (Amdo) named Gedun Chope.45 Just how confident Sankrtyayana was in Geshe Sherap Gyatso’s recommendation is unclear, since he also south out the help of another recommended scholar, the tutor to the house of Tsarong, the Mongolian Geshe Chodrak46 from the great monastic university of Sera, just north of Lhasa. Geshe Chodrak also declined Sankrtyayana’s offer to come to India, but Gedun Chopel accepted, and together the two men traveled south and west toward Nepal with formal letters of authorization, stopping at various monasteries and temples along the way, such as Ngor and Shalu, in search of Sanskrit manuscripts.

By the time they reached Nepal in November 1934, Sankrtyayana and Gedun Chopel had amassed a considerable collection of Sanskrit palm-leaf manuscripts47 that they could study. Settling in Kathmandu, for the next five months they worked on cataloging and examining their finds, then left for India the following March. Abandoned by Sankrtyayana, who embarked on a trip across Southeast Asia to Japan, Gedun Chopel was left to fend for himself for more than a year in Darjeeling and greater Sikkim. Only when Gedun Chopel met Tharchin, who was still looking for someone with scholastic training to help him decipher Bacot’s Tun-huang manuscripts, did his fortunes take a turn for the better. Seeing an opportunity to secure a more stable environment, Gedun Chopel agreed to help Tharchin and moved in, living and working with him on and off for the next eighteen months, translating the early Tibetan histories from Tun-huang for Jacques Bacot.48

Despite his reliance on Tharchin, however, Gedun Chopel did not suffer for company in Kalimpong. As the economic fortunes of the Sikkimese-Tibetan border towns fluctuated, Kalimpong was slowly taking over Darjeeling as the wool-trading capital of northeast India. More than 50 percent of the wool traffic of central Tibet passed through the small town, and the economy of Lhasa became linked to the price of wool in Kalimpong. As a result, Kalimpong was quickly becoming home to a growing merchant and expatriate Tibetan population. This fact hadn’t escaped the notice of Jacques Bacot; nor did it escape the notice of another would-be Tibetan scholar, the British researcher Marco Pallis. Arriving in Kalimpong, Pallis had sought out his own Tibetan scholar to aid him in his research and found the Mongolian lama Ngawang Wangyal, whose own goals and interests had led him south as well, via Peking and Lhasa in the company of the British representative Charles Bell, for whom he had served as translator for several months.

When Theos Bernard stepped out into the streets of Kalimpong in early January 1937 with his father, this was the world he walked into. A town that in many respects marked the northernmost limit of success in the Christian missionary assault on Tibet, Kalimpong was also the staging ground from which Tibetan scholars and their Western disciples were beginning to launch their own assaults on the countries of Europe and the Americas, bringing the insights of a Buddhist worldview to the Western world, and Theos Bernard was determined to be one of them.

That January, Theos settled into a routine of studying Tibetan with Tharchin. While this was a fine arrangement for Theos (and a financial boon to Tharchin49), Glen saw it as a waste of time, and his annoyance began to wear on Theos’s nerves even more than before. Within a week, Glen decided that it was time for him to leave. “It would be absolutely wrong for him to remain,” Theos explained to Viola, for

he is about at the point where he is going to kill every Hindu in India, not saying anything about the rest of the lives he is going to terminate. If he met one in his dreams he would throw himself completely out of bed trying to get at him. When you saw him he was an angry child; so multiply that by ten and double the total each day for every day since you have been away and you will have some idea of his present state.


As glad as Glen was to leave, Theos was even more happy to get away from his father. In addition to the trip having taken a toll on his health, Glen had a problem, however -- beyond the usual financial one. Although he had a return ticket for a ship in the Dollar Line, there was a strike on and ships were only leaving India every four months. As usual, Theos had to ask Viola to bail his father out, in addition to maintaining their "continued arrangement" for his support. Even though Glen was preparing to leave Kalimpong, Theos assured Viola that their research together would not end. Indeed, with Viola's support, Glen would be hard at work upon his return spending "all of his time wiping [sic] together some literary data that I want in order by the time I return." Just as important, Theos told Viola, with her support Glen "will also be able to continue on with the laboratory experiments which are necessary to finish up this work on Mercury which is needed for our future practice." 50

"Practice" was indeed on his mind, and all other concerns were quickly falling behind, barely worth a casual remark to Viola, Theos believed they were moving into a phase of their lives together that was centered around their work and that "life is always going to be a pace like this and there will never be enough time to find that home and have children." Having renounced that possibility, he reiterated to Viola his feeling that they should dedicate their lives to finding "some way so that others may better help themselves, and so forget that as an entity we exist," and along those lines had some recommendations for her career. Although this was only a passing comment for Theos, it was an unexpected shock to Viola.51

oblivious to the deep impact those statements would have on Viola as a reversal of his earlier promises, Theos was caught up in his world of studies, having settled into a stable routine at the hotel:

5 am: Awake; practice yoga/pranayama
7 am: Tibetan lesson with Tharchin; followed by mile walk, a light breakfast of oatmeal and milk, and studies
Noon: Lunch and errands, followed by studies
4 pm: Tea time and review
5 pm: Tibetan lesson with Tharchin again
6:30 pm: Washing, more yoga exercises, and study
9 pm: Reading, or writing to Viola
11 pm: Sleep


With Glen finally gone, there was little to distract Theos, and he remained confident that he could master Tibetan with ease, and since it was "only a matter of time and routine;' he soon "would have a working knowledge of it." This was important, because beyond gaining the ability to access the content of Tibetan texts himself, the ability to claim knowledge of Tibetan would be crucial in gaining admittance to Oxford University. William McGovern's observation that learning Tibetan meant learning three different "languages" because "there is not only an ordinary and an honorific language, but also a high honorific language used in addressing high dignitaries"52 was, in fact, quite true, and Theos feared that he would have little time for letter writing to anyone besides Viola.

Although he thought that he could easily lose himself "here for the next fifty years in work and never know there was an outside world," nonetheless, she shouldn't worry too much about him losing his perspective:

Do not take it that I feel that the purpose of life is to learn a language or become versed in the Tibetan literature -- those two things are just as worthless as a million other things that man is playing with so far as his real purpose is concerned. I only dabble with this form because I believe that behind it there is some information that I can use to better enable me to continue on with my other work.


This was the real reason, he told her, that he never had done "a great deal of talking about the real inner development to be derived from Yoga" because he "did not want to talk without having had first hand personal experience with it." But in the absence of direct guidance and authentic commentaries, getting that experience would prove difficult. Nonetheless, Theos took encouragement when and where he could, even being allowed to photograph a Tibetan text belonging to Tharchin, with figures illustrating different yogic exercises.53

But many of these issues, Theos recognized, were long-term concerns. In the short term, he had received most of the knowledge that he needed from his father, and the rest was clearly explained in the pamphlets they had gotten from Kuvalavananda. Solidly engaged in those exercises. he was pleased to tell Viola that in addition to his language studies, his practice of the yogic exercises was progressing; working on his breathing exercises (pranayama), he had gotten to the point where his uddiyana bandha54 was "up to its highest form of perfect" -- something Viola had yet to see -- and he promised he would demonstrate it for her on his return, While all these developments provided positive reinforcement to Theos,

one of the thrills of the entire adventure has been the following of the footsteps of those that I have read about for so long -- David-Neel, McGovern, Sir Charles Bell, David Macdonald who I have come to know as a real friend, and all the members of the Everest Expeditions .... The field is so vast and those who have been combing it are of such a variety and interest that there is yet an unlimited quantity of material for me whose background is so entirely different. They have all told what there is to find, but no one has revealed what lies behind that which exists, and here is my task.


His challenge, as he saw it, was to "prove to others the real concrete aspects of this philosophy which is nothing but an explanation of the functioning of nature." But Theos thought all of this was exciting because he found it a stark contrast to his life in America and the obligations imposed on him by American society. It was an inner conflict that was causing him to waffle between excitement and frustration:

I am out for a Ph.D. and for some God for known reason I have chosen the most remote thing that we know of for its subject; so now that I have started, I must see it thru to the bitter end regardless of how much it hurts ... that is why I am here -- to work and find out how much of what I believe really exist[s] ... [but] if I did not have to have a degree, I have my doubts as to how long I would stay here. I do not care as much about the degree, but the public does, and I care about the public to a certain extent, therefore it is essential that I come up to what they call a standard, before 1 tell all to go to hell and do as 1 please about anything and everything. All I want to do is meet their requirements. Mine are much higher, but they do not understand them; so again, I must do the adjusting. And then to top off the distrust of the public, [ have its nest in my home, for Viola doesn't give a dam [sic] about it, just as I don't give a dam about medicine.55


For Theos, this was a wonderful thing -- the fact that they were "separate individuals" and yet had a love that couldn't be found elsewhere, with only "minor differences" between them. But when Theos's letter arrived, Viola was not amused by his comments. Minor differences? "Like hell they are!" she thought, and as fast as the mail could travel, Theos had Viola's response and once again had to work to repair the damage to their relationship. ''There is nothing that hurts me worse to feel that I have in some unknown way brought you a hurt," he wrote back. Trying to convince her that she had taken his statements "all wrong," he reassured her that "if you only knew all the love there is for you in me, you would never misinterpret things." Just the same, Theos couldn't hid his anger:

I suppose you think that I get a kick out of living away from you-what in the hell did I change the course of my life and marry you for if I wanted to get away from you. You also indicate that you feel that my whole choice of action is a bit queer -- well, I have to do something in this world, we all cannot be doctors.


But venting at Viola would solve little, he knew -- even if that realization didn't stop him -- so he suggested, "I feel that it is best for us to dispense with the writing and know that we have a complete understand[ing] over all of these things," while attempting to assuage her anger by saying that if they persisted in their long-distance argument it would be "likely to cause us a little trouble which is quite unnecessary, for our adjustment is perfect and will more than carry us on thru a life of continual happiness." Turning philosophical, as he usually did at such times, he reminded her that "our whole society is pretty rotten and that civilization on the whole is man's most highly perfected machine for his own destruction."

Theos sent his letter immediately, but by the next day had decided that a further apology was probably necessary, telling her, "I have been having my mood." More important, Theos tried to convince Viola that not only was it bad for their relationship in the long term for her to misunderstand him, but also it had an adverse effect on him in the present: "you always read or listen to my words and never hear what my heart is crying out," and "it is a hell of a feeling to have everything shot to hell and then realize that the only place that can be called home is the ground that you stand on for the moment." For without her, he told Viola, he was lost, but even with her, the future remained uncertain. "I wonder if there is any way of telling what on earth I will be doing five years from now," he wrote. "Hell, I bet that I do not even die regularly -- probably alone someplace, mad as hell at myself for being there." But, having run the gamut of his all too typical range of emotions, in the end, as always, he reaffirmed his undying love for her -- as Theos always chose to expressed it, "I lub OO OOoo."

How, precisely, all of these concerns would play out, Viola could not tell, so she chose to respond to all of Theos's conflicting signals, the expressions of his "dammed good for-nothing emotional nature," by putting such discussions on hold -- at Theos's request -- for the benefit of his state of mind until such time as they were reunited. After and despite it all, Viola reminded herself that she did love him, and he did seem lonely and very miserable.

As the weeks passed, Theos's spirits slowly recovered and his mood began to improve as the Tibetan New Year approached. When he met Tharchin for his daily morning Tibetan lesson, the comings and goings of various people for the holiday meant that Theos was introduced to many new faces. One man who stopped by to convey his greetings to Tharchin was a young Kalmyk Mongolian lama, Ngawang Wangyal. Wearing a traditional Mongolian monk's robes and a somewhat incongruous homburg hat,56 Wangyal made an immediate impression, He was, as Theos would find out, a brilliant scholar who had already played many roles over the course of his life.

Born to Mongolian parents in the Kalmyk region of Russia57 at the turn of the century, Wangyal had entered his local monastery at the age of six, joining his older brother, Kunsang, who began tutoring him. By the time he was sixteen, his interests had turned to medicine and he relocated to a medical college in Outer Mongolia, where he began studying the Tibetan medical tradition. After a year, however, his teacher suddenly passed away, and he was left stranded and directionless, for in the absence of his teacher, his interest in medicine quickly faded. To his good fortune, the Bolshevik revolution had just taken place in Russia, sending a group of Buryat Mongolian Buddhists south to attempt to secure sovereignty for the Mongolian peoples. Among them were the abbot of the Petrograd temple, Sodnom zhigzhitov; the notable Buryat intellectual Badzar Baradinevich Baradin; and the foremost Buddhist in all of Russia, onetime tutor to the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, and advisor to Tzar Nicholas II, Agwan Dorjiev -- whose presence in Lhasa at the turn of the century had made the British Raj so nervous. Although he hailed from Mongolian Buryatia in Siberia, Dorjiev had maintained a commitment to the Kalmyk Mongolians and was famous among them, often visiting Kalmykia and even establishing two colleges there for the study of Buddhism. Hearing of Wangyal's abilities as a student, Dorjiev took him on as a disciple and eventually decided to bring him along to Lhasa to ensure that his studies continued.

Thus accompanied by Buryat Russian political spies and secret emissaries, 58 Wangyal arrived in Tibet and settled into Drepung Monastic University, home to many Mongolian monks in Lhasa, and, like Dorjiev and so many other Mongolians before him, entered its Gomang College. Trained well by his teachers, the young Ngawang Wangyal completed his studies in half the time of his fellow Tibetan students by doubling his lessons. When his studies were finished, feeling homesick for Mongolia, by the late 1920s Wangyal was ready to return home for a while. Making his way to Peiping (Beijing), he had the good fortune to meet some Buryat monks who advised him to proceed no further. The Bolsheviks had begun to exert their complete authority over Russia and his Mongolian homeland and in every area under their control Buddhists -- and monks in particular -- were being persecuted. He was advised not even to contact his family, since doing so could put them at risk, Although he had no way of knowing, such difficulties had already touched his family, Kunsang, his older brother who had been such a formative influence on him as a young boy, had risen to the post of abbot of his monastery, only to be arrested by the Bolsheviks. Already in prison before Wangyal had even completed his studies. Kunsang would die there without the brothers ever seeing each other again.

Heeding the advice of his fellow monks, Wangyal decided to stay in China. Finding work as a translator for Russian scholars and as a teacher among his fellow Mongolians, he learned English in the process, and was sufficiently fluent in so short a time that he was able to serve as translator for the British Political Officer, Charles Bell, when he visited Mongolia, China, and Manchuria. Although Wangyal's studies in Tibet were completed, one of the requirements for the geshe degree was the obligation to feed one's home monastery for a day. As Drepung had a population of over 7,000 monks, this was no small feat, especially for a Mongolian far from home. With the money he earned in China during those years, Wangyal was eventually able to return to Lhasa, but initially did not want to fulfill the final obligations to his monastery in order to obtain his degree, even if he'd had the money, which he didn't, Feeling that the system had become corrupt, he, like his teacher Agwan DoIjiev, thought than too many monks and geshes weren't really studying. Worse yet, men he considered to be the really great teachers -- like Geshe She rap Gyatso, who had been driven out of Lhasa for daring to edit the canon, or his own teacher, Geshe Jinpa, who, poverty stricken, was living in the basement of Gomang College-were not receiving the respect and support that they deserved. Consequently, Wangyal felt that a geshe degree was no longer a hallmark of knowledge and attainment, but rather proof of having bought a lot of tea and made good aristocratic connections. The Pha-la family, however, who had been his friends, insisted that he go through with the process, going so far as to cover the cost of feeding his monastery. Even so, Geshe Wangyal eventually left Lhasa and made his way to India. At thirty-five, he was only a few years older than Theos when they met in Kalimpong. Having mastered Tibetan and Russian over his native Mongolian, Wangyal had English fluency that, though limited, was more than good enough for most conversations.

Theos and Geshe Wangyal immediately struck up a friendship, which Theos's interest in Tibetan literature only strengthened. Relaxing in Tharchin's home, they had a long conversation about the Tibetan canon and the educational system in the great monastic universities. Geshe Wangyal explained that he had agreed to work with Marco Pallis and would return to England with him at the end of his visit in a few months. Eager to learn about potential research partners for when he returned home, Theos quizzed Geshe Wangyal at length about where and in what texts he could find the answers to many of his research questions, and was duly impressed by the answers. "He is a fine chap," Theos wrote to Viola, "but now he is pretty naive so far as the world is concerned but he has covered a vast amount of literature in his own field and I have found him extremely helpful in telling me where certain kinds of information can be found."

Although Geshe Wangyal had only agreed to go to England with the tentative possibility of guiding Marco Pallis back to Tibet, he would rather return to China, he told Theos. "His favorite stop is Peking and he wishes to eventually get back there to do more studying." Since such a journey from England would be more easily accomplished by traveling via America, without hesitation Theos invited him to visit him (or Viola, at least) should he actually reach the United States. "I have given him your address;' he told Viola, "and told him by all means that he is to call you once he arrives and that you will do whatever is possible for him .... He may never turn up, or I may be there before he is. This is just all in the way of a warning that someday a Lama might come into your life."

At the end of Tharchin's impromptu tea party, thoroughly warmed up to Theos, Geshe Wangyal insisted that he accompany him to his home to attend his New Year's party, where a number of Tibetans were gathering. Far from the sort of restrained event that British decorum imposed in Tharchin's household. Geshe Wangyal's party was host to a contingent of guests freshly arrived from Tibet -- a group of dignitaries traveling en route to China via Calcutta, along with many local well-wishers.

No less prominent than the Three Great Seats of Learning that were homes to the scholars of the Lhasa valley, the great monastic university of Tashilhunpo in Shigatse, some hundred miles southwest of Lhasa, boasted many brilliant minds and political figures as well. Not the least of these was the Panchen Lama, whose political machinations had proven too much for the central government and who as a result had spent many years in self-imposed exile in China. Political instability seemed to be the theme in Europe and the rest of Asia in the 1930s, and Tibet was no exception. While the Bolsheviks to the north, the Chinese communists to the east, and the British to the south fought their opponents in both the physical and political arenas, all eyed Tibet as the key to controlling central Asia. Seeing the potential for the downfall of his beloved country, the Thirteenth Dalai Lama -- the "Great Thirteenth," as he came to be called -- had tried to modernize Tibet while maintaining its independence from the three surrounding empires.

With different factions in the monastic and aristocratic ranks all clamoring for influence, there was a constant power struggle among pro-British, pro-Chinese, and isolationist groups in Tibet throughout the first few decades of the twentieth century. The Panchen Lama and Tashilhunpo Monastery, always having had strong ties to China -- from which they benefited financially -- had supported the brief Chinese occupation of Tibet and seizure of the Lhasa government from 1909 to 1912. As the situation continued to heat up, ten years later the Ninth Panchen Lama would have to flee for his life. But the sudden death of the Great Thirteenth in December 1934 left a power vacuum at the highest levels in Tibet, and with a contingent of three hundred Chinese soldiers and the backing of the Chinese Republican government, the Panchen Lama was trying to return to Tibet and in particular, it was feared, to Lhasa to take control of the government. Having thrown out a failed Chinese invasion of Tibet twenty-five years earlier, Tibetans talked of renewed Chinese aspirations to take Eastern Tibet (Kham) and convert it into a Chinese province.59 There were rumors that the Panchen Lama had his own candidate for the Fourteenth Dalai Lama, whom he had identified himself and had traveling with him in his entourage. Even if all these things were untrue, fearing the leverage that any of them would give the Chinese government over Tibet, the Tibetan government chose active opposition, and by 1937 the Panchen Lama and his party had been stalled on the other side of an active skirmish line on the Tibetan-Chinese border. For several years he had been biding his time, awaiting resolution of the dispute.

Eager to see the situation resolved, the British Mission in Lhasa had been advising negotiations between the Lhasa government and the Panchen Lama, the latter choosing as his intermediary his associate in self-imposed exile, the Ta Lama, Ngak-chen Rinpoche. Quite a few notables had joined him on his circuitous trip to rendezvous with the Panchen Lama in Kye-gudo, including the semiofficial Republican envoy to Tibet in Lhasa, Madame Liu Manqing.60 Sitting in that small room with Theos in Kalimpong were Ngak-chen Rinpoche, Geshe Sherap Gyatso, and various members of Ngakchen Rinpoche's entourage -- a formidable party.

Ta Lama Ngak-chen Rinpoche, Losang Tenzin Jigme Wangchuk,61 was a descendant of the family of the Tenth Dalai Lama, educated at Tashilhunpo Monastery. When the Ninth Panchen Lama had fled Tibet in 1923, Ngak-chen Rinpoche had accompanied him, and they traveled throughout China giving teachings and empowerments. He had returned to Lhasa in 1931 and again in 1933, but by 1937 little progress had been made in resolving the stand-off between the factions, and so Ngak-chen Rinpoche had left Lhasa -- some say he was dismissed and recalled -- in the company of the Chinese representative, to rejoin the Panchen Lama on the Tibetan-Chinese border.

Traveling with him was a close friend of the late Thirteenth Dalai Lama, Geshe Sherap Gyatso, the scholar from Drepung who had been the editor of the most recent redaction of the Buddhist canon. Following the death of the Great Thirteenth, his political enemies had moved against him and he had decided to abandon his life in Tibet and go to China, ostensibly to translate his redaction of the Tibetan Buddhist canon into Chinese.62

Finally, Theos thought, he was making real progress; finally, he was beginning to interact in real Tibetan circles. For although the Tibetan expatriates and traders who populated Kalimpong were a pleasant enough group, the relentless proselytizing by the local missionaries had reduced many of them to a less than respectable state. Writing to a friend who had recently professed his belief in Christianity, Theos informed him that the faith "had reduced itself here to a handful of Devil Chasers preaching in elegant stone houses of superstition to a congregation of Money Christians," for that was about what it amounted to in Kalimpong in Theos's eyes. "The Tibetans are good Christians as long as there is a chance to make a little money or have something nice given to them," he continued, "but they all have their Buddha at home." Here now, however, were Tibetans with no such pretenses.

Image
Figure 7.1. Ngak-chen Rinpoche (PAHM)

From the positive impression he made on the assembled notables, a few days later Theos received an invitation to dinner from one of the aristocratic families that maintained a house in Kalimpong. Tsarong Lhacham -- Lady Tsarong -- the wife of the famous Tibetan general and former cabinet minister Tsarong shape, was in Kalimpong, and hearing about Theos, she invited him over for a meal. Although Theos thought little of it at the time -- beyond the details of the food itself and how it "played havoc" with his diet regimen -- this meeting would prove his most important connection within Tibet.

A couple of weeks later, the entourage of Ngak-chen Rinpoche was on the move again, south to Calcutta to board a ship for China. Though he did not plan on doing so, Theos would soon be reunited with them in Calcutta, for one morning a passing report in the morning newspaper sparked his imagination: a conference was scheduled to take place there soon. But this was no ordinary conference.

"To keep count of thousands of paces," the semifictional Hurree Babu explained to his pupil, there was "nothing more valuable than a rosary of eighty-one or a hundred and eight beads, for it was divisible and sub-divisible into many multiples and sub-multiples."63 When it was first published at the opening of the twentieth century, Rudyard Kipling's Kim was both hailed as a wonderful piece of literature and derided as the ultimate testament to the colonial fantasy, an idealized representation of life in "the Great Game." To those in the know, however, Kim was little more than a lightly fictionalized account of the actual sort of intrigues afoot in British India, such as those of Sarat Chandra Das ("Hurree Chunder Mookherjee"), Tibetan scholar and British spy.64 Das, a slightly rotund Bengali like Kipling's Mookerjee, had employed the very techniques described in Kipling's work in the early 1880s, traveling with a Tibetan lama65 from an outlying monastery as part of his disguise while laying the groundwork for a military invasion being planned by the more ambitious elements within the British Raj. "We had given ourselves out to be pilgrims," wrote Sarat Chandra Das,66 and though published within years of each of his trips, his works were not widely available, their circulation having been restricted by the Indian British authorities as a security risk.

Only slightly more than twenty years after Das's initial surveys of the southern passes and valleys, India's Viceroy, Lord Curzon, sent an army into Tibet, ostensibly to secure the release of two British Sikkimese spies captured there. As a result, in December 1903, the recently promoted Colonel Younghusband led his small army -- 2,000 infantry, 10,000 coolies, 7,000 mules, 4,000 yaks, and five newspaper correspondents67 -- up over the Jelapla Pass from Sikkim into Tibet, and after fighting a series of embarrassing and regrettably bloody battles,68 proceeded north toward Lhasa. Though aimed at stabilizing relations with the nation of Tibet, ironically, this confluence of events -- Agvan Dorjiev's emissary to the court of the Dalai Lama, British fears of Russian penetration into that Himalayan kingdom, and the obvious irrelevance and ineffectualness of Chinese representation in Lhasa -- produced levels of colonialist paranoia that served to mark independent Tibet as doomed, a prize destined to be swallowed by one of her aggressive imperialist neighbors.

Younghusband himself viewed his activities at the time entirely within the scope of his duties to the empire, remarking shortly after his return that he and his comrades "may have nasty jobs to do but it is the game and they will play it through."69 In February 1937, the Younghusband who was about to arrive in Calcutta was a very different man from who he had been in those days, for the years had transformed him -- like the occasional few who saw too closely the toll of death their campaigns had taken -- from unrepentant man of war to unrepentant man of peace. Younghusband himself attributed this change to the influence of a Tibetan lama he had met while in Tibet, the eighty-sixth Regent of Ganden Monastery (the Ganden Tri-pa), Tsang-pa Lo-sang-gyal-tsen,70 who had assumed the Regency of Tibet when the Thirteenth Dalai Lama fled the advancing British army and had served as the Tibetan government's chief negotiator. Comparing the Regent to the Tibetan lama in Kipling's Kim, Younghusband remarked that he was "an old and much respected Lama ... a cultured, pleasant-mannered, amiable old gentleman, with a kindly, benevolent expression." On his last full day in Lhasa, Younghusband was visited one last time by the Ganden Tri-pa, who presented him with a small bronze statue of the Buddha, telling him, "when we Buddhists look on this figure we think only of peace, and I want you, when you look at it, to think kindly of Tibet." Recounting his time in Tibet, Younghusband later wrote that he took some time for himself just before leaving and "went alone up onto the mountain side and in the holy calm of eventide I chewed the cud of all I had just experienced."

I was naturally elated at the successful ending of a critical mission. But suddenly, as I sat there among the mountains, bathed in the glow of sunset, there came upon me what was far more than elation or exhilaration ... I was beside myself with an intensity of joy, such as even the joy of first love can only give a faint foreshadowing of. And with this indescribable and almost unbearable joy came a revelation of the essential goodness of the world. I was convinced past all refutation that men at heart were good, that the evil in them was superficial, that the main impulse in them was to the good -- in short, that men at heart were divine.71


Rising early the next morning, he carefully placed the statue of the Buddha in his saddlebag, and looking out over the early morning skies and distant peaks of the Himalayas, headed out calm and contented in the wake of his deep religious epiphany.

By the spring of 1937, while most of Europe braced for another war, it was this Younghusband, a religious man of peace, who was organizing a "World Congress of Faiths" in Calcutta. Following the 1893 World Parliament of Religions in Chicago, the theme of religious ecumenicalism spurred a number of gatherings and conferences over the subsequent decades, and now Younghusband himself had taken up the challenge of promoting world peace and interreligious dialogue. "The aim and purpose of this Congress," it was declared,

is to promote a spirit of fellowship among mankind through religion and develop a world-loyalty while allowing full play for the diversity of men, nations and faiths. The Congress does not emphasise that all religions are alike, nor does it wish to formulate a synthetic faith out of the various elements contributed by the different religions, but seeks to engender a spirit of fellowship between the religions as they are, in their common attempt to solve the problems of humanity.72


Having hosted a similar meeting in England the year before, Younghusband set his sights on India, hoping to return to those lands for the first time in decades.

Excited by the prospect of meeting Younghusband, Theos prevailed upon David Macdonald to accompany him to Calcutta to attend the conference, offering to cover any and all expenses if he would introduce him to the esteemed knight,73 Not having seen Younghusband in many years and with little likelihood of any future opportunity to do so, Macdonald accepted and the two men headed south for Calcutta. After they checked into rooms at his favorite abode, the Great Eastern Hotel, Theos began strategizing for the days ahead. Just as they arrived in Calcutta, the newspapers were announcing even more exciting news concerning the conference: not only was Sir Francis Younghusband returning to India, but he was also being transported and accompanied by his friend and neighbor, Charles Lindbergh. Seizing the opportunity before him, Theos suggested to David Macdonald that they invite their old and new friends for lunch just prior to the start of the conference. Eager for a reunion, Younghusband accepted the invitation. and Ngak-chen Rinpoche, having shaken Younghusband's hand as a young man in Lhasa in 1904, looked forward to meeting the man again. So one evening in late February there assembled in a restaurant in Calcutta an impressive gathering of men and women of power, influence, and intelligence -- Sir Francis Younghusband, Charles and Anne Lindbergh, Madame Liu Manqing and the Chinese representative accompanying the party to china, David Macdonald, Ngak-chen Rinpoche, Geshe Sherap Gyatso, and Gedun Chopel -- and in the middle of them all was Theos Bernard,14 He was beside himself, overjoyed at having met Younghusband and having struck up a friendship with Lindbergh on top of it all:

How and why did I ever have Lindbergh dining with me in Calcutta with a Lama from Tibet is just as much a mystery to me as it is to you and even he -- for he expressed the same thoughts -- why should I from Arizona, meet him in India. As it turns out he is much interested in some of these things. He expresses the desire to have a longer chat so that we should go into many of the details -- this may come to pass -- hard to say -- for we are both anxious to leave Calcutta.
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Part 3 of 3

Although he enjoyed his time with the Tibetan company, Theos lamented his still inadequate language skills. Writing to Viola, he complained that while he could talk to David Macdonald in Tibetan and be understood, "when a group of Tibs all get talking at once -- I hear one word here another there" though he regrettably had "no clue what they are talking about in particular."75

Although the conference was to last a week, Ngak-chen Rinpoche's party would only be in attendance for a few days, as their ship was departing before the conference's dose,76 The first day, all would be in attendance to give their opening remarks, wishes, and congratulations to Younghusband and one another. Seeing an opportunity, Theos had a brilliant idea, and he described it in all its glory to Viola:

The right hand man of the Tashi Lama from Tashilhunpo was in town on his way to China ... I got Mr. Macdonald to bring him down -- we did good as it turns out -- he took a liking to me so now we are one. Never before has Buddhism from Tibet been represented at a Congress of World Faiths, so an invitation was extended and except then, I up and got ahead of them to put Ngak-chhen Rinpoche on the program representing Tibet. With this we were all guests of honor -- and in my estimation he was the finest of the entire lot .... Mr. Macdonald interpreted the speech which I had written for him to present -- it all happened in five minutes, mind you-he didn't know that he was to speak until he was in the taxi on the way to the Congress. It was given to him, he read it over and delivered it without notes in a most humble fashion.


Standing at the dais, with Younghusband seated nearby and his bronze Buddha statue from Tibet displayed prominently, Ngak-chen Rinpoche gave his brief speech:

It has afforded me a great pleasure to be present at this World Congress of Faiths. I bring good wishes to this Congress from all the Buddhists under Tashi Lama of Tibet. I heartily wish it all success in its universal call to bring peace and goodwill and happiness to mankind. I offer my blessings to the World Congress of Faiths on this auspicious occasion of the celebrations of the Centenary of Sri Ramakrishna, one of the greatest spiritual geniuses of India.


As author of the speech, given his familiarity with its content. Theos volunteered to serve as Ngak-chen Rinpoche's "translator" for the event. And so, the official conference proceedings read: "Mr. Ngak-Chhen Rimpoche, Prime Minister to the Tashi Lama ... interpreted by his Secretary Mr. T.C. Bernard."77

When Theos talked about translating the Tibetan canon with Ngakchen Rinpoche und Duvid Macdonald later that day, the lama offered his insights into the various problems associated with such an endeavor. As a final gesture, Ngak-chen Rinpoche recommended that Theos visit Tashilhunpo Monastery and extended a formal invitation to visit him in September, 78 when he hoped to return to Shigatse in the company of the Panchen Lama.79 "So there will be another opportunity for further works," Theos told Viola.

Isn't this all the making of my good fortune -- he is enshrined as one of the Masters of Tibet -- so I return to Calcutta to find in one of the filthiest, darkest and most remote holes of Chinatown the one individual that many people would go to any extreme to meet -- it is all because of friendship and interest in their teachings -- what would Paul Brunton do with a chap like this or Lachen Rinpoche -- such it is and I am trying hard so as to be able to take advantage of every opportunity that comes up.


Such opportunities were increasing, Theos noticed, and in addition to a personal invitation, Ngak-chen Rinpoche offered to secure a copy of the Tibetan canon -- Kangyur and Tengyur -- for Theos "at a reasonable figure" for, as u representative of a monastery, Nguk-chen Rinpoche could get a set "for the asking" and told him that he was willing to help Theos, since "he feels that it is wonderful they are for the Western world."

The next day, Theos's good fortune continued, as he and Lindbergh were able to meet and converse yet again. "Had a long talk of several hours with Lindbergh," he told Viola.

He is as keen as a child on all of my work here -- it is arousing his interest. He has been working for many years with Rockefeller Research in N.Y. on atmospheric effects on blood, mind, etc. -- for aviation purposes -- so he is eating a lot of these things up -- he is anxious that we get together and plan some experiments ... we are having lunch together today and then are going to see if we can find ... a place where I have had some good fortune with books.


Despite his profession of interest for the sake of his aviation research, there seemed to be more behind Lindbergh's fascination with yoga. At the time, his wife, Anne, was more than amused at the conference by "seeing her agnostic husband in front of banners declaring 'Religion is the highest expression of man'" and watching him blush when "an Indian poetess ... compared him to 'Buddha, Galileo, and other spiritual figures in the world,'" with un "intense embarrassment ... visible to all."80 However, in 1937 the pain of the kidnapping and murder of their son was still fresh, and Lindbergh continued to struggle with depression. He had tried to occupy himself with a series of "enthusiasms," some more superficial than others. When it came to yoga, Lindbergh hoped that it might offer a permanent solution to his problems.

Indeed, when he had contacted Francis Younghusbund a year earlier, Lindbergh had asked for his help in researching "supersensory phenomena" and his assistance to "find fakirs and fire-walkers and 'squat with a yogi' ... while stressing the need for total secrecy."81 When he met Theos Bernard, however, Lindbergh seemed to feel that his interests and research met these needs exactly, and they agreed to correspond and collaborate on u series of experiments upon Theos's return to America.

As the conference drew to a close, Theos was anxious to turn as many of the ideas he had discussed with different people -- yoga experiments with Lindbergh, obtaining copies of Sarat Chandra Das's then out-of-print Tibetan Dictionary and Grammar from his son, and arranging the purchase of a Kangyur and Tengyur through Ngak-chen Rinpoche, among other things -- into concrete plans. Meeting with Ngak-chen Rinpoche one more time with David Macdonald's help and interpretation, Theos settled on a price of Rs. 1200 for a copy of the Kungyur recently printed in Lhasa and offered to the Thirteenth Dalai Lama. Since it was "even a better buy than any other possible with Jinorasa's cousin in Sikkim" and Ngak-chen Rinpoche's entourage had the copy "here, packed, and ready to leave for America" in an instant, it was a deal he simply couldn't pass up. Cabling Viola for an extra five hundred dollars, Theos purchased the copy from Ngak-chen Rinpoche and the next day had it taken to the docks at Calcutta and loaded on a ship bound for New York, advising Viola to "have them stored anyplace but at the Club," for they could strategize upon his return about where to put the "325 vols. of Tibetan mss .... [so he] can have a monastery us a den to study in." Overjoyed at his luck in getting this set of books to America, Theos thought "nothing could be better except to have a lama over there to help me carry on my work." But he had plenty on hand to deal with before pursuing that idea any further. Seeing Ngak-chen Rinpoche and his entourage off as they boarded their ship, Theos and all assembled were treated to bon voyage speeches by both Younghusband and Macdonald at the docks.82

After a few more visits with Lindbergh, Theos was certain "we'll be doing things one of these days:' Having met "Sir Francis" -- who promised to help him make contacts at oxford, including Sir Charles Bell and L. Austin Waddell -- the Tibetan lamas, and the various other delegates in attendance, Theos felt that the "trip and stay in Calcutta has hit me pretty hard, but it is one of the best investments for friendship I ever had:' As he prepared to return north to Kalimpong, his luck held true: the day before he was to leave, Sarat Chandra Oas's son arrived at his hotel, bearing copies of his father's grammar that one otherwise "can't buy for love or money" and a promise to try to get him a copy of the dictionary as well, while van Manen provided him with a rare copy of Csoma de Koros's 1834 Tibetan grammar. All in all, the week was proving unbelievably profitable for Theos, not only in terms of his resources but also in his state of mind.

I will notice the effect of all of this on my work next week -- gee, I am going to have to buckle down still harder, because there is now going to be half enough time to complete this joy -- Never in my life have I enjoyed work so much -- If you were like me, you would forget that there was a world -- really I spend every working hour in a state of glowing enthusiasm -- regretting that I have to leave it for sleep. I wish I could live on two hours a day -- maybe someday. I have so much planned to do that it makes me tired carrying the thoughts around and the pressure is so great that I cannot act fast enough to keep from being almost smothered under it.


On his last evening in Calcutta, Theos had a final meeting with Lindbergh and his wife, Anne, "going into various aspects of Pranayama that hold an interest for him." The meeting reaffirmed that Lindbergh was "about the best chap that r have ever met," for Theos had "the strongest feeling for him -- just because of the way he thinks -- he actually sees the problems involved and their practical significances," as Lindbergh explained, for "high altitude flying."

Nonetheless, once back in Kalimpong, Theos had to settle back into his routine of study and practice. As he communicated all his adventures and thoughts to his wife, Viola took the opportunity in responding to raise some of the more practical issues about their life together. When she hinted that she didn't mind all of his expenses and running around, so long as it would help him get his fill of the experience and settle down afterward to some of the more practical issues about their life together. When she hinted that she didn't mind all of his expenses and running around, so long as it would help him get his fill of the experience and settle down afterward to "something more sane to the general run of the public," Theos responded in his typical half-flippant manner: while he thought visiting India and Tibet "once in a lifetime is enough," still he felt the need to justify himself by saying "you had better get to know what is really on the inside of me." Unfortunately for Theos, Viola was already beginning to, and his idea of a future was not her "life plan" at all. Nonetheless, Theos could take a hint, if not sensitively, and suggested that he indeed had plans for financial stability. Reiterating his eagerness to maintain a source of income for the years to come, Theos informed Viola that he was investigating opportunities connected with the wool trade passing through Kalimpong.

No sooner had Theos returned to Kalimpong, however, than he heard that the British Mission's cameraman, Freddy Chapman, had just returned from Tibet with color films of places and events and had gone down to Calcutta to develop and cut them. Given that he planned to do the some with his own films, Theos felt obliged to see what he had obtained. This would prove worthwhile, confirming the importance of color film in Tibet and leading to a solid friendship between Chapman and Theos, but more crucially, Chapman was the personal secretary to the British Political officer for Tibet, B.J. Gould, who had returned to Gangtok but was very ill and likely to be shortly sent to England for medical treatment. If Theos was to obtain the all-important letter of permission to enter Tibet from Gould, he would have to act quickly, so he began packing up to visit Calcutta again, with the knowledge that he would most likely head to Sikkim immediately afterward. Hedging his bets, however, Theos decided to also ask Viola to contact her friends at The Explorers Club for a letter of introduction to Suydam Cutting. the researcher from New York's Museum of Natural History recently approved for travel to Tibet.

Although she remained supportive of Theos's studies in India, over the months since her return, it seemed to Viola that he continued to place extra demands on her time irrespective of her obligations in her pediatric internship -- something Theos rather insensitively called "baby business ... one of those necessary evils in order that man can remain on the globe." Because of statements like that, at times it seemed that Theos was actively trying to enrage her. To make matters worse for Viola, by then beginning preparatory work for her psychiatric internship, Theos kept hinting that he was having experiences beyond the normal range of most -- semireligious experiences that were the result of delving deep into his own mind.

In this little adventure of mine into the hidden corners of my unconscious I have uncovered a few things that I would not trade for all the power and money on earth, and if I can but continue furthering deeper and deeper into those almost unfathomable depths my passing is sure to be a happy expression of this cycle of living.


Just as disturbing for Viola, Theos was also beginning to have what he saw as broad insights into the problems confronting human civilization, which he unhesitatingly shared with her as well.

There is no difficulty in being able to see why our constant buzz of this jittery night life, etc. is an essential part of the present civilization. It is not that the machine is wrong; it is because man is shot to hell -- If we changed the character of man all of this other turmoil and unrest would disappear -- so would even war vanish -- but such is not the case -- for now we have the machinery and the vicious circle is at play. I know that you think that I am going mad, but after [all] the actions believed by almost a billion people cannot be laughed at lightly. You always wanted to come forth and know the message of our ideal man -- true enough say all works of man -- there do exist those who live in that rich world of their inner conscious and there is where we must go to find true solace.


To Viola, these were more than just academic speculations in his graduate work, they were clearly ideas that he was taking on a personal level -- for more than ever before -- all of which she found more than a little disconcerting. Worried, Viola expressed her concerns to Theos, subtly suggesting that she thought it best for him to "have someone around" while he was away from home for so long. Initially interpreting her comments as nothing more than loneliness, Theos reassured her that he felt the same way, and reminded her how much he was relying on her for emotional support. "If I really felt that you were not with me in feeling on this adventure of mine," he told her, "I could not carry on as I am so far away, yet way down deep in the heart, the little man tells me that he and your little man know exactly what we are doing and how much we are as one in our conscious feeling ... for you and I are really as one even when you say that you are skeptical about what is supposed to be the true workings of this part of the world on that unfathomable problem of being." Not to take such things too seriously, he reminded Viola, these ramblings were just his way of telling her "I love you and am mighty glad of it." Even when she made her concerns more explicit, Theos dismissed them, reassuring her that "what may be happening to my consciousness during my stay in these parts" was only producing "a richer feeling for living" that would make him love her more and more. When she pressed him for "details," however, Theos finally responded,

It is impossible for me to go into the details of these "unconscious adventures" which I have been referring to, for it takes a certain time and mode; so you will have to wait until I have returned from Tibet when I will be settled again and at the job of trying to climb onto one of the dips which are more or less analogous to a rubber ball striking the floor no sooner than it hits, it is up again, and your job is to learn to hit and not return; so the big job first is that of changing the regular function of the system -- and it is towards this end that the various Yogic exercises come into play once the body has been thoroughly cleansed. I must say that it is one of life's richer experiences to hit bottom once even though it is impossible for you to remain -- you at least return knowing that there is something rich deep within you which you have never tasted before and to which there seems to be no external substitute....

After the first stage of development has been reached in the hot house of external activity, and little more internal cultivating can be carried out after which another rest period must follow for those seeds to develop and so on is the process.... Here is where the next life comes into play -- the individual will never be able to carry on his work of this life, but the Chit will continue in its path of development. However we do not have to talk about my metaphysical speculation, for there is more than enough right here in the material to hold the imagination of anyone and prove to them that there is a way to gain control of these finer forces. I am so anxious for the day to come when we can be continually together, and have endless hours on our hands during which we can live to a fixed discipline of hard work and thereby both have these experiences together, for never until you have tasted of such will you ever have my faith in my doings.


Although Viola promised that she would try "one of these days to get under a bush and let the tides of consciousness rise and fall," still Theos's attempt to attain a permanent alteration in his consciousness gave her much to think and worry about. Having promised not to disturb him with her concerns, she wrote at length about them to their mutual friend, Ashbel Welch, instead.

Despite what Viola may have thought, to Theos, his ideas seemed perfectly sane and rational. He could see what true madness was -- the materialism of the world -- and it was most irritating to him. "There is nothing that becomes more maddening to me," he told Viola, "than these people who live wholely [sic] on this material plane, and from such a group I have just returned." While he had admired Chapman's films in Calcutta -- "several thousand feet of colored Tibetan pictures which were wonderful" -- and while he liked Chapman on a personal level, Tibet, in Theos's opinion, had slightly unhinged the man.83 Chapman was, Theos felt, a "youngster of about 30 ... he doesn't know where he is or where he is going or why."84 Nonetheless, Theos was confident that he could "be friendly with all sorts and conditions of men and they are never the wiser about me, so we have got along wonderfully and thus still learning more about new conditions of the human beast." Chapman as well seemed to take a liking to Theos, and later even invited him to return to Tibet with him in a few months as part of his expedition to climb Chumolhari, whose peak approached 26,000 feet. Although Theos declined, citing his wife's concern for his health, his time spent with Chapman in Calcutta was very productive and led to his meeting not only a close friend of Suydam Cutting but also another resident of Kalimpong, Raja Dorje, and his brother, the King of Sikkim. Hurriedly returning to Kalimpong from Calcutta, Theos prepared to head straight to Darjeeling to meet with Gould, who was coming down from Gangtok. At the last minute, however, Gould's trip was postponed, leaving Theos in Kalimpong to resume his studies.

Informing Viola that he was trying to maintain modest goals for his studies and subsequent work, Theos reassured her that he had no delusions about what he thought he could accomplish.

I have secured some manuscripts which give the lives of Padma Sambhava, Tilopa, Naropa, Marpa, Mila, and his 100,000 songs. It is my aim to have the life of Padma Sambhava translated before I leave here, and also to have made a start on the others .... All I want to be able to do here with them is to paint a picture so that others can see the relationship and what each added to the line of thought, leaving it to future students to sound the depths of what lies here. One going into such a field for the first time can hardly be expected to do more than organize the material. I know that my greatest difficulty has been in finding out what existed and what was worthwhile; so with this as a start, others will be able to strike to the heart of things much more quickly.


With the biography of Padmasambhava already "in the process of being translated,"85 Theos laid out his approach to the materials before him systematically. First he would work through the Abhidharma treatises -- which had already received some treatment by the Pali Text Society -- and from there, he would engage in a study and translation of materials related to the "Wheel of Life" (srid pa'i 'khor lo), followed by an exhaustive study of the collected tantric works associated with Padmasambhava.

One of the problems Theos faced was the sorry state of scholarship in the English language. "I have read eight books since coming up here ... all on Buddhism," he told Viola, but they were far from useful, as "these authors in most instances are not so well informed ... they seem to think that there is hardly anything here but a lot of ignorant inspiration:' But from reading and studying the primary source materials himself, he exclaimed, "my mind is constantly filled with the things that I really get a real thrill out of [and] never in my life have I ever lived in such a perpetual orgy of inner happiness."

Nonetheless, Theos tried to remain focused on his main task-learning the Tibetan language. Even with a vocabulary of slightly more than a thousand memorized words, listening and speaking were difficult for him. In addition to his classes with Tharchin, he was lucky enough to be able to spend time with Geshe Wangyal. "He can speak a little English," Theos wrote to Viola, "but is anxious to improve it and since I want to become fluent in Tibetan there is no reason why we should not be talking." For Theos, talking with Geshe Wangyal was an enjoyable distraction -- if not also a challenge, as the geshe forced him to drink cup after cup of tea -- even if the subject of tantra was not open for discussion.

He is a very quiet and modest sort of chap and we have some fine chats at odd intervals, for we see each other several times a week ... from him I am able to get an excellent line up on the literature which exists in the country. As far as knowledge on the subject of my interest he is of little value, for they do not allow them to begin the study of the Tantras until they have finished their geshe, and he having just secured this recently -- a few years ago -- he has not had the time to go any further, for he has been too much on the move since that time. A couple of times to China, twice back to Lhasa and a long trip all over Mongolia and Inner Mongolia outlines his peregrinations; so you can see that he is familiar with Asia. He possesses a wonderful sense of humor so I am constantly at him for being such a sophisticated monk or rather Lama, for he has that title .... Really, I have a lot of fun out of him.


All in all, their talks were of benefit to Theos on many levels -- from the information Geshe Wangyal could impart to his simple encouragement. He is most tolerant with my broken speech, but always tries to encourage my attempts which I am a bit hesitant to use with him. With the bearers, traders, etc. I do not mind spitting out broken sentences, but with these fellows I seem to feel that I should say nothing unless I can say it perfectly which is never the case .... I am at least getting my vocabulary large enough that I can grasp what others are talking about which is something and if he keeps on giving me encouragement I may be able to answer them in the course of time.

Throughout that time, Theos's study of Tibetan seemed an unending series of complications, with grammar and spelling rules compounding one after another. He persisted in trying to read the biography of Padmasambhava with Tharchin and "every time that I am able to recognize a word," he told Viola, "I jump with more glee than a five-year old with an ice cream cone:' Still, he realized that at some point he was going to have to "bring my teacher home with me so that I can continue my study of the language and translating ... for it is obvious that one cannot learn to read a language of this nature fluently with only one year's study."

But far from just an extravagance for his own benefit, Theos was planning on a much grander scale. He had the idea, he told Viola, "of someday having an institution or what have you of my own where I can personally guide and try to inspire all the research that I would like to see done in the world on this subject that seems to hold an undying interest for me." Theos assured Viola that there would be a role for her to play in the institute as well. For, having studied ayurvedic medicine at length, Theos thought the next step would be running clinical trials in the United States to validate ayurvedic principles, with "large clinics and hundreds of patients and endless clerks to keep the necessary records." As soon as Viola finished her medical internships, Theos informed her, she would be in the perfect position to spearhead such a research project. "There is a great deal that awaits you," he told her, "and no one but you can do it and it must be done, for the ideas must be added to our present culture."

Theos let Viola know that he was pushing himself on the physical side of things as well, and by the beginning of April, having continued with his yoga practice, he had gotten to the point were he could perform his controlled breathing techniques (kumbhaka) for up to six minutes. While proud of his accomplishment, he knew he had a long way to go, remarking that a yogi in Kalimpong he had met could maintain his control for up to two hours. He lamented that "its technique he does not know how to convey to another, because of his lack of knowledge on the laws involved," despite long talks and practice sessions together.

By early April, preparations were well under way for his journey to Gyantse with Tharchin, including the purchase of a second camera. still weighing on his mind was the fact that he still did not have the all-important permission letter from Gould despite having set May 15 as his target date for departure. Continually reassured by his friends, Theos felt confident that it would come since "several friends in these parts have extended themselves in writing to him and talking with him personally;' including David Macdonald and the Raja of Bhutan.

While Theos bided his time waiting for an opportunity to meet Gould, as luck would have it, he again met Tsarong Lhacham, the wife of Lord Tsarong, this time at a long Tibetan afternoon meal hosted by the Macdonalds -- along with Rai Bahadur Norbu Dhondup, his wife, Frank Perry, and the Macdonald daughters. Although they had met a couple of months earlier, this time Theos was able to make a somewhat better impression. At David Macdonald's suggestion, he had letters of petition written and addressed to the four cabinet ministers, the Regent, and the prime minister of Tibet, seeking permission to visit Lhasa. When Theos and David Macdonald arrived at Tsarong Lhacham's home to present the letters and gifts for delivery to the officials, she gave them a tour of the family home. While showing her guests the family shrine room, she unwrapped one of the Tibetan books on the altar, and to her amazement, Theos managed to read the title out loud. Having never met a Westerner who could read Tibetan, much less scriptural Tibetan, she was duly impressed by his admittedly "blundering attempts" and promised to do what she could for him. But unless he could meet Sir Basil Gould, the British representative in Gangtok, no amount of assistance from her would help, for Gould was the only man who could guarantee his entry into Tibet, and without him, Theos was lost.

Still, Theos couldn't let mundane concerns slow him down. Having fixed on a plan for his return, he began to envision different ways of promoting himself and his newfound knowledge. Being "anxious to set up my own monastery in N.Y.," he speculated on the possibility of overseeing the construction of one at the 1939 World's Fair, scheduled to take place in Flushing Meadows, overlooking Manhattan. Another possibility, he thought, was to use his recent acquisition of the Lhasa Kangyur for advertising, if he could get a photo article published in Fortune through their contacts. That way, he theorized, the books could "be advertised some way so that scholars and interested students will know where there is such a set and it will in turn help me get in contact with people who are interested in this field of research." This was the "first essential," Theos thought, in order "to give this material all the publicity that we possibly can, for the purpose of stimulating a strong creative interest in the field and thereby get students interested so that this work can be carried on for all time." To that end, Theos suggested that Viola show some of their earlier photos to their friends in the publishing industry and inform them that he would endeavor to take more. Even a Tibetan curio shop -- possibly run by DeVries -- was not out of the question, and he put all of this forth to Viola for her opinion.

Among some of his other concerns during this time, however, was the fact that since he had sent most of his extraneous belongings home with his father, the clothes Theos had were beginning to wear thin. Rather than simply being able to purchase clothes, Theos discovered, due to "some more of this dam oriental servitude, or rather Artificial English Importance," he would have to have them handmade. Consequently, in addition to having a pair of jodhpur pants and coat made by a regimental tailor, Theos decided to have complete sets of Tibetan-style clothes made for himself and Viola and set off to Darjeeling to commission them, taking the opportunity to drop in on some of his friends there.

Visiting Jinorasa, Theos met another one of his brothers, Rhenock Kazi. and together they discussed and explained to Theos several new viewpoints on Buddhism that he had not understood. "So you see," he told Viola, "I am far from being set" in this knowledge. Most useful, however, was his good fortune in being able to buy a copy of the rare out-of-print Tibetan dictionary by Sarat Chandra Das in Darjeeling for Rs.I0, compared with the Rs. 100 being asked for it in Calcutta. With Jinorasa's help, Theos was able to get a pass for Sikkim so that he could visit Gould in Gangtok, with "no trouble since they more or less knew me -- I simply went to the office, had a nice chat about the inspiration of the century and walked away with the pass -- no police enquiry or anything." Flushed with success, Theos returned to Kalimpong to wait for the right moment to make his petition to Gould, while accolades and offers of assistance continued to pour in. Even the Raja of Bhutan promised to speak to Gould on Theos 's behalf after they played tennis together.

In the meantime, Theos continued to make his plans for the future, hoping to fulfill his "present ambition" of writing "an index to the Kangyur and Tengyur." Moreover, he explained to Viola that there was a man in Kalimpong who could play an important role in this undertaking. After several months of interactions at Tharchin's house, Gedun Chopel began to truly live up to his reputation in Theos's eyes. "Do you recall the Lama that you met at Jinorasa's?" he asked Viola.

Recall what a high reputation he held -- well during these past months I have been finding that he can well live up to it, and it is my desire to eventually have him come to the States and perhaps my present teacher [Tharchin] and the three of us will settle down to a real constructive undertaking. I want him particularly for the Tantric aspects of these books, for he is so well versed in all of the esoteric meanings and it is more or less necessary to have one so trained, while anyone knowing the language could carry on the other job.


And so Theos spelled out his plan "as a definite proposal," asking Viola what she thought. It was, Theos felt, an absolute necessity to have someone like Gedun Chopel by his side in America to work on this material, for although he had just completed working through two Tibetan grammars with Tharchin, his skills at reading literary Tibetan remained effectively nonexistent. He felt he could "read the stuff off in Tibetan as I can English," having memorized close to two thousand words, yet "the literary is too classical to be able to do anything with." So he resigned himself to spending the remainder of his time in the months to come focusing on colloquial Tibetan.

Viola, however, was deeply enmeshed in the obligations of her internship, her mother's ongoing health concerns, and managing the New York apartments. Unlike Theos, she was "in an impossible rhythm for planning, meditating, reflecting," while Theos was in an ideal one for engaging in endless "pipe dreams" that Viola could not consider "because of the preoccupation with things of the moment." As a result, she was simply left wondering where her husband's inspiration was leading. While Theos awaited Viola's response to his questions and proposals, after months of anticipation, he finally received word from Gould. Rather than having ignored Theos's letters and the appeals of several friends, it seemed that Gould had simply been delaying a meeting until he visited Kalimpong. Chapman, having arrived at the Himalayan Hotel to pay Theos a visit, conveyed word that Gould would be arriving the next morning. While fairly confident that the meeting would go well, Theos remained slightly apprehensive: "one never knows just how he stands because of all the petty intrigues and jealousies in this scatter brain corner of the disconnected British Empire."

Finally the next morning came, and meeting Gould for the first time, Theos succeeded in making a good impression; he and Gould "hit it off like a couple of old lovers after a twenty years absence." Gould had been hearing about Theos for some time now, and luckily for Theos, when they approached each other it was much less awkward than it could have been. The delay in meeting Gould had worked in Theos's favor, for as the weeks and months passed since he'd become a figure of public fascination, the stories of his abilities had grown as well. By the time they finally met, Gould believed Theos to be little short of a savant who had mastered Tibetan and Indian philosophy in a superhuman fashion. Gould went so far as to defer to Theos's better knowledge, asking him to review his own work on the Tibetan language, the Tibetan Word Book,86 that he was preparing for publication. Graciously, Theos agreed to come to Gangtok early and look over the manuscript. Downplaying his own abilities, and in a show of proper colonial etiquette, Gould offered Theos his assistance in helping him reach Tibet.

When Theos told of his desire to visit Gyantse, Gould suggested that he write a formal request, upon receipt of which he would send his official recommendation to the Indian authorities on Theos's behalf. But Theos had been told what to expect from Gould, and without a moment's hesitation, produced precisely such a letter from his pocket. With the sort of smile that a father gives an impetuous young son, Gould accepted the letter and composed a cablegram on the spot for Theos to wire down to Calcutta immediately. Theos had succeeded. That was the final piece of the puzzle, and with it in place, he was ready to leave. Gould cautioned him that his influence could only get him as far as the trading post in Gyantse -- and then only for a six-week stay; to proceed any farther into Tibet, Theos would be on his own. Hurrying home after sending off Gould's wire, Theos tracked down Frank Perry, who began helping him acquire the clothing and gear he would need for the trip north. Overjoyed, he bragged to Viola about how he had succeeded where others had failed. Just last spring, he told her, "there was this chap from England studying Buddhism and who can speak the Tibetan language and he was refused permission to enter the interior, but 1 must confess that none of them use their heads."

But Theos had to struggle to keep his own arrogance in check. Even as Gould was helping him achieve his goals, while claiming to like the man personally, Theos resented every moment of dependence upon him. "Gould," he wrote, "is a man of about fifty five and stands a little over six feet of which every inch is ego and he feels very proud of the fact that he has the only existing colored pictures in the world of the country." Not be outdone, Theos bragged to Viola, "I have several thousand feet of such film and hope to produce a much better job than they did; I know when to let the other fellow have the show, mine will come when they have all died off."

But Theos's ambitions went far beyond simple adventure documentation. "The so-called pillars of the 'United Kingdom,'" he felt, were blind to the enormous opportunities before them. "As the old saying is, the bigger they are the harder the fall, one might add that the bigger they are the deader they are, and a blind man could feel it;' he told his wife. British and American competitors-"glorified Himalayan heroes" he called them-were nothing but "a bunch of wash outs."

All delusions of grandeur aside, Theos was painfully aware of his actual abilities, at least on a linguistic level. For the past three months, he had been studying hard. He had managed to find dictionaries and texts, he had employed Tharchin Babu as his Tibetan teacher and routinely visited Geshe Wangyal and Gedun Chapel, and consequently had made considerable progress. But it fell far short of what he would need in Tibet; he knew he would need a guide and translator-and if nothing else, someone to handle the finances and negotiate expenses with the locals en route. It required little effort to convince Tharchin to take a leave of absence from his job at the Missionary Press in Kalimpong, for there was little love lost between Tharchin and the missionary Knox, who (when not trying to fire him) kept him working at a bare subsistence wage. It was better than no job at all, but Theos offered him a substantial salary for two months' work. So, obtaining assurances from his employers and a leave of absence (for only one month), Tharchin had already begun to pack his bags and prepare to lead Theos into Tibet.

Theos's only concern at this point was his age. Though perfectly acceptable as a scholar in America, Theos knew that as a young man in his late twenties, he was far too young to be given the sort of esoteric teachings he was seeking in Tibet. In the monasteries of Tibet, years of study and dozens of exams would have to be passed, putting a student well into their forties before they could request a teacher to bestow the tantric teachings. But Theos had neither the time nor the patience for such things. So in an attempt to look older, he decided to grow a beard. It would help hide his age, he told Viola, since "they all seem to think that only an old man should be doing this sort of thing." Hoping he could "pass off another ten years onto the beard," he sent her a picture of himself, promising he would shave it off before they saw each other again.

The logistical details, although foremost in importance, were least in Theos's regard. All of that had been left to the staff of the Himalayan Hotel, for David Macdonald himself actively promoted the hotel for just such activities in his guide, Touring in Sikkim and Tibet, published only a few years earlier:

For most of the tours Kalimpong affords the most suitable starting point. In this town, transport, servants, stores, and all to do with touring, may be arranged much cheaper than in Darjeeling, and most important of all, mules can be readily obtained for the carriage of kit. They are more satisfactory than coolies or ponies.

The Himalayan Hotel, in Kalimpong, caters especially for tourists in the hills and in Tibet, and the Proprietors, who have lived for years in Tibet and the Darjeeling District, can advise intending travelers, on receipt of enquiry, from their own experience.

They can give letters of introduction to Sikkimese and Tibetan notables and officials and prominent people, and thus afford visitors experiences which would otherwise be missed. They will make all arrangements for either short or long tours, with or without guides and interpreters. All the intending tourist need do is to take his ticket to Siliguri and the Himalayan Hotel will do the rest.87


Macdonald was still true to his word, and even as for weeks now, Theos, Tharchin, and their friends had been making their own plans and strategies for their absence, the staff of the Himalayan Hotel, under Frank Perry's observation, had been engaged in their own busy activities on their behalf. Theos was even able to purchase another 16-mm film camera, a Contax, one of the dozen or so brought back by the British Mission from Lhasa, which he decided to keep permanently stocked with color film.

But perfected logistics alone would not enable Theos to accomplish his goals. Cunning and precise timing would be equally crucial. In a few days, the wife of Lord Tsarong would be returning to Lhasa; having purchased a. number of gifts of different quality and quantity for different Tibetan governmental officials, each "in accordance with his position above the others" -- as McGovern had deftly noted was necessary -- Theos was sending them on ahead to arrive shortly after Tsarong Lhacham, along with an enlarged and framed portrait of her taken by Theos a few weeks earlier. To be successful, however, Theos knew that he would have to work every possible opportunity for its maximum potential. Tharchin was well on board with his agenda, as Theos had convinced him to write a series of short articles about "a sahib who is out from America studying their religion." A month before their departure, the first article appeared in Tharchin's newspaper:

An American Sahib named Mr. Bernard, having come to Kalimpong, has been studying the Tibetan literary language. He, himself, [has] great faith in the Insider's Doctrine [Buddhism], and with his preliminary exceptional study of Tibetan, has expressed his wish for a means of spreading the teachings of the Insider's Doctrine [Buddhism] in America. From the depths [of such aspiration, he] ransomed a Kangyur, [and] with this established foundation, once [he] has also acquired a Tengyur, he has indicated that he definitely plans on founding a large temple in America. This is the news in brief.88


It was a good start for the campaign that Theos was waging to reach Lhasa, establishing his motivations and aspirations. But not to let the Tibetan government's attention lapse, Tharchin published another article in the very next issue. in the form of a since re appeal for assistance.

We have received a request for advice for the next nine weeks. On this 3rd day of the 4th Tibetan month, having crossed the earth and the waters, the American Sahib named "Bernard" would like to ascertain if it is possible to depart northward to Tibet and if so, makes a formal request for any account of expenses and individual offerings per month for the duration of the fifth and sixth months, and makes a formal request to the newspaper readership, to anyone with a better knowledge of the costs, who has previously done so and is residing here.89


Having been granted permission to proceed into Tibet, Theos was quite self-conscious of the fact that he would be "the first American Student of Tibetan Buddhism that has ever been granted permission to visit Gyantse." To surpass this would require him to strategize at every turn and utilize every advantage.

A few days after his meeting with Gould, Theos had visited relatives in Kalimpong of yet another aristocratic family, the Pangdatsangs.90 They would be valuable contacts in the wool trade, and getting to know them was part of Theos's larger plan to make as many friends within the aristocracy as best he could, to "get down to the true consciousness of the people ... for it is a general rule that a traveler brings you back a study of the peasants and beggars of a country which is always a bad impression."

It was early one morning as he stepped outside the cottage barracks at the Himalayan Hotel, a room that had been his home for many months , that Theos looked to the north as he often did, and finally glimpsed in that morning light the first pass into Tibet. As the clouds cleared over Nathu-la in the distance, he could see the blanket of snow left in the wake of a recent storm; at 16,000 feet, it would be a cold crossing. But the day had finally arrived and now as the full force of the journey that lay ahead sank in, he knew that his efforts of the preceding weeks and months had finally come to fruition. This would be the culmination of his "having spent the most of this short span of life in awakening the consciousness necessary to be able to encompass what is concealed deep within all name and form of this 'Penthouse of the Gods."'91

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Figure 7.2. Preparing to leave for Tibet in front of the Himalayan Hotel (PAHM)

But scarcely awake more than an hour, Theos could hear men rustling about outside, crating last-minute items and labeling the last of his boxes filled with 20,000 feet of 16-mm motion picture film and 180 rolls of 35-mm still film. Echoing over it all was the sound of Frank Perry's voice instructing the various coolies and tinwallas in their activities and overseeing the entire operation as he had done for many days. With a knock on his barracks door, Theos knew that Frank was summoning him for the final departure. Gathering himself together, Theos joined the crowd assembling on the lawn in front of the Himalayan Hotel, with Frank even taking possession of two of Theos's cameras to record the entire event both in still photographs and on film.

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Figure 7.3. A Commemorative Portrait -- Theos Bernard with Geshe Wangyal

A cheery crowd of well-wishers had gathered at the hotel that morning to see Theos and Tharchin safely on their way. At the head of everything was David Macdonald, Theos 's host and advisor during those many months who, along with his son-in-law Frank Perry, had truly made the entire trip possible. The Macdonald daughters and the staff of the hotel had turned out as well to pay their respects to their long-term guest. Even Geshe Wangyal had come down to the hotel to bid Theos his fondest wishes, despite preparing to leave himself for London the very next day. After compliments were paid all around and he sent off two separate mule caravans -- one to Gangtok, which would accompany them, and one to phari, with provisions for his stay in Tibet -- Theos stepped into his waiting car to make the first leg of his journey, leaving Tharchin behind to oversee the mules. As the car pulled out of the compound, Frank Perry ran alongside, giving him one last "running handshake" of support before the car sped off, taking Theos down the dusty road ahead.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Thu Jul 23, 2020 5:32 am

Johan van Manen
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 7/22/20

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The Dutch orientalist Johan van Manen in 1898

Mari Albert Johan van Manen (Nijmegen, 16 April 1877 – Kolkata, 17 March 1943) was a Dutch orientalist and the first Dutch Tibetologist. A large portion of his collected manuscripts and art and ethnographic projects now make up the Van Manen collection at Leiden University's Kern Institute.[1][2]

References

1. Yang Enhong. "Johan van Manen: The founder of Tibetology in the Netherlands". International Institute for Asian Studies. Retrieved 24 January 2016.
2. "Mari Albert Johan van Manen". Dutch Studies on South Asia, Tibet and classical Southeast Asia. Archived from the original on 31 January 2016. Retrieved 24 January 2016.
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