Altruistic World Online Library

Harry Johnston
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/3/20

Continuing their discussion of the membership of "The Society of the Elect," Stead asked permission to bring in Milner and Brett. Rhodes agreed, so they telegraphed at once to Brett, who arrived in two hours. They then drew up the following "ideal arrangement' for the society:

1. General of the Society: Rhodes
2. Junta of Three: (1) Stead, (2) Brett, (3) Milner
3. Circle of Initiates: (1) Cardinal Manning, (2) General Booth, (3) Bramwell Booth, (4) "Little" [Harry] Johnston, (5) Albert Grey, (6) Arthur Balfour
4. The Association of Helpers
5. A College, under Professor Seeley, to be established to train people in the English-speaking idea."

Within the next few weeks Stead had another talk with Rhodes and a talk with Milner, who was "filled with admiration" for the scheme, according to Stead's notes as published by Sir Frederick Whyte.

-- The Anglo-American Establishment: From Rhodes to Cliveden, by Carroll Quigley

Harry Johnston, by Elliott & Fry.

Sir Henry Hamilton Johnston GCMG KCB (12 June 1858 – 31 July 1927), frequently known as Harry Johnston, was a British explorer, botanist, artist, colonial administrator and linguist who traveled widely in Africa and spoke many African languages. He published 40 books on African subjects and was one of the key players in the Scramble for Africa that occurred at the end of the 19th century.

Early years

Born at Kennington Park, south London, the son of John Brookes Johnstone and Esther Laetitia Hamilton. He attended Stockwell grammar school and then King's College London, followed by four years studying painting at the Royal Academy. In connection with his study he travelled to Europe and North Africa, visiting the little-known (by Europeans) interior of Tunisia.[1]

Exploration in Africa

In 1882 he visited southern Angola with the Earl of Mayo, and in the following year met Henry Morton Stanley in the Congo, becoming one of the first Europeans after Stanley to see the river above the Stanley Pool. His developing reputation led the Royal Geographical Society and the British Association to appoint him leader of an 1884 scientific expedition to Mount Kilimanjaro. On this expedition he concluded treaties with local chiefs (which were then transferred to the British East Africa Company), in competition with German efforts to do likewise.[2]

British colonial service and the Cape to Cairo vision

In October 1886 the British government appointed him vice-consul in Cameroon and the Niger River delta area, where a protectorate had been declared in 1885, and he became acting consul in 1887,[3] deposing and banishing the local chief Jaja.

While in West Africa in 1886, Johnston sketched what has been termed a "fantasy map" of his ideas of how the African continent could be divided among the colonial powers. This envisaged two blocks of British colonies, one of continuous territory in West Africa, the Nile valley and much of East Africa as far south as Lake Tanganyika and Lake Nyasa, the other in southern Africa south of the Zambezi. This left a continuous band in Portuguese occupation from Angola to Mozambique and Germany in possession of much of the East African coast.[4]

The original proposal for a Cape to Cairo railway was made in 1874 by Edwin Arnold, the then editor of the Daily Telegraph, which was joint sponsor of the expedition by H.M. Stanley to Africa to discover the course of the Congo River.[5] The proposed route involved a mixture of railway and river transport between Elizabethville, now Lubumbashi in the Belgian Congo and Sennar in the Sudan rather than a completely rail one.[6] Johnston later acknowledged his debt to Stanley and Arnold and when on leave in England in 1888, he revived the Cape-to-Cairo concept of acquiring a continuous band of British territory down Africa in discussion with Lord Salisbury. Johnston then published an supporting the idea article in Times anonymously, as "by an African Explorer" and later in 1888 and 1889 published a number of articles in other newspapers and journals with Salisbury's tacit approval.[7]

Scramble for Katanga

The Berlin Conference had allocated Katanga to the sphere of influence of King Leopold of Belgium's Congo Free State, but under the Berlin Conference's Principle of Effectivity this was only provisional. In July 1890, Leopold protested to Lord Salisbury that Johnston, as agent for Cecil Rhodes, was circulating maps showing that the Congo Free State did not include Katanga, and in response to Salisbury's enquiries, in August 1890 Johnston presented Rhodes' claim, which included the false information that Msiri, King of Garanganze in Katanga had asked for British protection.[8]

In November 1890, to justify his claim, Johnston sent Alfred Sharpe (who would become his successor in Nyasaland) to act for Rhodes and the British South Africa Company (BSAC), to obtain a treaty with Msiri, a move which had the potential to precipitate an Anglo-Belgian crisis. Sharpe failed with Msiri, though he obtained treaties with Mwata Kazembe covering the eastern side of the Luapula River and Lake Mweru, and with other chiefs covering the southern end of Lake Tanganyika. When Leopold again protested to Salisbury in May 1891, the latter had to admit Msiri had not signed a treaty asking for British protection and left Katanga open to Belgian colonisation. In 1891 Leopold sent the Stairs Expedition to Katanga. Johnston dissuaded it from accessing Katanga through Nyasaland, but it went through German East Africa instead, and took Katanga after killing Msiri. The southern border of the Congo Free State was settled by an Anglo-Congo agreement of 1894.[9]

Nyasaland (British Central Africa Protectorate)


Portrait of Johnston by Theodore Blake Wirgman (1894)

In 1879 the Portuguese government formally claimed the area south and east of the Ruo River (currently the southeastern border of Malawi) and then, in 1882, occupied the lower Shire River valley as far north as the Ruo. It attempted to gain British acceptance of this claim without success, and also failed in a claim that the Shire Highlands was part of Portuguese East Africa, as it was not under effective occupation[10] As late as 1888, the British Foreign Office would not accept responsibility for British missionaries and settlers in the Shire Highlands after the African Lakes Corporation had tried but failed to become a Chartered company with interests there and around the western shore of Lake Malawi.[11]

However, in 1885–86 Alexandre de Serpa Pinto had undertaken an expedition which reached Shire Highlands, which had failed make any treaties of protection with the Yao chiefs west of Lake Malawi.[12] To prevent possible Portuguese occupation, in November 1888, Johnston was appointed as Commissioner and Consul-general for the Mozambique and the Nyasa districts, and arrived in Blantyre in March 1889.[13] On his way to take up his appointment, Johnston spent six weeks in Lisbon attempting to negotiate an acceptable agreement on Portuguese and British spheres of influence in southeastern Africa. However, as the draft agreement did not expressly exclude the Shire Highlands from the Portuguese sphere, it was rejected by the Foreign Office.[14]

Among several pressing problems was the Karonga War, a dispute between and Swahili traders in slaves and ivory and their Henga allies on one side and the African Lakes Trading Company and elements of the Ngonde people on the other which had broken out in 1887[15]. As Johnston had no significant forces at that time, he agreed a truce with the Swahili leaders in October 1889[16]but the Swahili traders did not adhere to its terms.[17]

In late 1888 and early 1889, the Portuguese government sent two expeditions to make treaties of protection with local chiefs, one under Antonio Cardoso set off toward Lake Malawi, the other under Alexandre de Serpa Pinto moved up the Shire valley. Between them, they made over twenty treaties with chiefs in what is now Malawi[18] Johnston met Serpa Pinto in August 1889 east of the Ruo and advised him not to cross the river, but Serpa Pinto disregarded this and crossed the river to Chiromo, now in Malawi.[19] In September, following minor clashes between Serpa Pinto's force and local Africans, Johnston's deputy declared a Shire Highlands Protectorate, despite the contrary instructions.[20] Johnston's proclamation of a further protectorate, the Nyasaland Districts Protectorate, west of Lake Malawi was endorsed by the Foreign Office in May 1891.[21]

Johnston arrived in Chiromo, in the south of Nyasaland, on 16 July 1891.[22] By that time he had already selected a team of men who were to assist in forming the administration of the new protectorate. They included Alfred Sharpe (Johnston's Deputy Commissioner), Bertram L. Sclater (Surveyor, Roadmaker, and Commandant of the Constabulary), Alexander Whyte (a zoologist who was to discover several new species in Nyasaland), Cecil Montgomery Maguire (Military Commandant), Hugh Charlie Marshall (Customs Officer, Collector of Revenues and Postmaster for the Chiromo district), John Buchanan (an agriculturalist who had been in Nyasaland since 1876, and was appointed Vice Consul by Johnston), and others.

In 1891, Johnston only controlled a fraction of the Shire Highlands, itself a small part of the whole protectorate. He was provided with a small force of Indian troops in 1891, and began to train African soldiers and police. At first, Johnston used his small force in the south of the protectorate to suppress slave trading by Yao chiefs, who had established links with Swahili traders in ivory and slaves from the early 19th century. As the Yao people had no central authority, Johnston was able to defeat one group at a time, although this took until 1894, as he left the most powerful chief, Makanjira, until almost last, starting an amphibious operation against him in late 1893.[23]

Before the British Central Africa Protectorate was proclaimed in May 1891, a number of European companies and settlers had made, or claimed to have made, treaties with local chiefs under which the land owned by the African communities that occupied it was transferred to the Europeans in exchange for protection and some trade goods.[24] The African Lakes Company claimed over 2.75 million acres in the north of the protectorate, some under treaties that claimed to transfer sovereignty to the company[25], and three others individuals claimed to have purchased large areas of land in the south. Eugene Sharrer claimed 363,034 acres, Alexander Low Bruce claimed 176,000 acres, and John Buchanan and his brothers claimed a further 167,823 acres. These lands were purchased for trivial quantities of goods under agreements signed by chiefs with no understanding of English concepts of land tenure.[26][27]

Johnston had the task of reviewing these land claims, and began to do so in late 1892, as the proclamation of the protectorate had been followed by a wholesale land grab, with huge areas of land bought for trivial sums and some claims overlapping. He rejected any suggestion that treaties made before the protectorate was established could transfer sovereignty to individuals or companies, but accept that they could be evidence of land sales. Although Johnston accepted that the land belonged to its African communities, so their chiefs had no right to alienate it, he suggested that each community had given their chief this right. Despite having no legal training, he claimed that, as Commissioner, he was entitled to investigate these land sales and to issue Certificates of Claim registering freehold title to the European claimants. He rejected very few claims, despite the questionable evidence for several major ones. The existing African villages and farms were exempted from these sales, and the villagers were told that their homes and fields were not being alienated. Despite this, the concentration of much of the most fertile land in the Shire Highlands in the hands of European owners had profound economic consequences that lasted throughout the colonial period.[28][29]

In April 1894 Johnston returned to England and was away for a year. He had quarrelled with Cecil Rhodes who had so far provided most of his funds, and during the first three years the administration had run up a deficit of £20,000. During his leave he managed to persuade the British Government to agree to take over the financing of the country. On his way back he visited Egypt and India with a view to recruiting soldiers, and eventually arrived back in Nyasaland with a flotilla of boats, 202 Sikh soldiers, and over 400 other men. 4000 porters were recruited in the Shire Highlands to carry stores and equipment. Johnston reached Zomba on 3 May 1895.[30]

Johnston visited Karonga in June 1895 to try to make a settlement but the Swahili leaders refused either to meet him curtail their raiding activities, so Johnston decided on military action.[31] In November 1895, Johnston he embarked a force of over 400 Sikh and African riflemen, with artillery and machine guns on steamers to Karonga and surrounded the traders' main stockaded town, bombarding it for two days and finally assaulting it on 4 December. The Swahili leader, Mlozi was captured, given a cursory trial and hanged on 5 December and between 200 and 300 of fighters and several hundred non-combatants were killed, many while attempting to surrender. Other Swahili stockades did not resist and were destroyed.[32]

North-Eastern Rhodesia and Nyasaland

Johnston realised the strategic importance of Lake Tanganyika to the British, especially since the territory between the lake and the coast had become German East Africa forming a break of nearly 900 km in the chain of British colonies in the Cape to Cairo dream. However the north end of Lake Tanganyika was only 230 km from British-controlled Uganda, and so a British presence at the south end of the lake was a priority. Although the northern boundaries of North-Eastern Rhodesia and Nyasaland were eventually settled by negotiations between Britain, Germany. Portugal and the Congo Free State, Johnston ensured that British bomas were established (in addition to those in Nyasaland) east of Luapula-Mweru at Chiengi and the Kalungwishi River, at the south end of Lake Tanganyika at Abercorn, and at Fort Jameson between Mozambique and the Luangwa valley to demonstrate effective occupation.[33]

Until 1899, Johnson had administrative control the territory which became North-Eastern Rhodesia (the north-eastern half of today's Zambia), and he helped to set up and oversee the British South Africa Company's administration in that area. North-Eastern Rhodesia was little developed in this period, being regarded principally as a labour reserve, with only a handful of company administrators.[34]

Although he missed out in Katanga, altogether he helped to consolidate an area of nearly half a million square kilometres into the British Empire – nearly 200,000 square miles (520,000 km2), or twice the area of the United Kingdom in 2009 – lying between the lower Luangwa River valley and lakes Nyasa, Tanganyika, and Mweru.

Later years


Okapi, from an original painting by Johnston, based on preserved skins (1901)

In 1896 in recognition of this achievement he was appointed Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (KCB), but afflicted by tropical fevers, transferred to Tunis as consul-general. In the same year, he had married the Hon. Winifred Mary Irby, daughter of Florance George Henry Irby, fifth Baron Boston.[35]

In 1899 Sir Harry was sent to Uganda as special commissioner to end an ongoing war. He improved the colonial administration, and concluded the Buganda Agreement of 1900, dividing the land between the UK and the chiefs. For his services in Uganda, he received the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG) in the King's Birthday Honours list in November 1901.[36] Also in 1901, Johnston was the first recipient of the Royal Scottish Geographical Society's Livingstone Medal,[37] and in the following year he was appointed a member of the council of the Zoological Society of London.[38] He received the honorary degree Doctor of Science (D.Sc.) from the University of Cambridge in May 1902.[39] The Royal Geographical Society awarded him their 1904 Founder's Gold Medal for his services to African exploration.[40]

In 1902 his wife gave birth to twin boys, but neither survived more than a few hours, and they had no more children. His sister, Mabel Johnston, married Arnold Dolmetsch, an instrument maker and member of the Bloomsbury set, in 1903.

In 1903 and in 1906 he stood for parliament for the Liberal Party, but was unsuccessful on both occasions. In 1906, the Johnstons moved to the hamlet of Poling, near Arundel in West Sussex, where Harry Johnston largely concentrated on his literary endeavours. He took to writing novels, which were frequently short-lived, while his accounts of his own voyages through central Africa were rather more enduring. Some have put forward the unlikely theory that he was the principal model for 'The Man who loved Dickens' in the novel A Handful of Dust by Evelyn Waugh.


Wall plaque erected to the memory of Sir Harry Johnston in the church of St Nicholas, Poling, West Sussex. Designed and cut by Eric Gill

Harry Johnston suffered two strokes in 1925, from which he became partially paralysed and never recovered, dying two years later in 1927 at Woodsetts House near Worksop in Nottinghamshire. He was buried in the churchyard of St Nicholas, Poling, West Sussex, where there is a commemorative wall plaque within the nave of the church designed and cut by the Arts and Crafts sculptor and typeface designer, Eric Gill who lived in nearby Ditchling. The main typeface used on the plaque appears to be Gill's Perpetua – designed in 1925, but not released until 1929 – while the lower-case typeface used for the Latin quotation below is not presently recognised.

Harry Johnston was the very model of the multi-talented African explorer; he exhibited paintings, the majority of his works, highly valued today, represent diverse aspects of wildlife, landscapes and people of Africa, collected flora and fauna (he was instrumental in bringing the okapi to the attention of science), climbed mountains, wrote books, signed treaties, and ruled colonial governments. Like his fellow imperialists he believed in British and European superiority over Africans, though he tended towards paternalistic governance rather than the use of brute force. These attitudes, which seem patronising today, were outlined in his book The Backward Peoples and Our Relations with Them (1920), but included his view that colonial rulers should try to understand the culture of the subjugated peoples. Consequently, he was considered (by white settlers) as being unusually favourable towards the native peoples (for instance his administration was one of the first in British African colonies to train and employ Africans in the colonial service as clerks and skilled staff), and he had eventually fallen out with Cecil Rhodes as a result.[citation needed]

Legacy

Harry Johnston is commemorated in the scientific names of the okapi, Okapia johnstoni and of two species of African lizards, Trioceros johnstoni and Latastia johnstoni.[41]

The falls at Mambidima on the Luapula River were named Johnston Falls by the British in his honour.

Sir Harry Johnston Primary school in Zomba, Malawi is also named after him.

Prominent Bengali author Bibhutibhushan Bandyopadhyay mentioned the influence of Sir H. H. Johnston's works, one of many, in helping him portray scenes convincingly in his famous Bengali adventure novel Chander Pahar.

Books


Frontispiece painting "The Negro in West Africa – Liberian Hinterland" painted by Johnston and published in his book The Negro in the New World (1910)

• The River Congo (1884)
• The Kilema-Njaro Expedition (1886)
• The History of a Slave (1889)
• British Central Africa (1897)
• The Colonization of Africa (1899)
• The Uganda Protectorate (1902)
• The Nile Quest: The Story of Exploration (1903)
• Liberia (1906)
• George Grenfell and the Congo (1908)
• The Negro in the New World (1910)
• The Opening Up of Africa (1911)
• Phonetic Spelling (1913) (online)
• A Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages (1919, 1922) (online)
• The Gay-Dombeys (1919) – a sequel to Dombey and Son by Charles Dickens
• Mrs. Warren's Daughter—a sequel to Mrs. Warren's Profession by George Bernard Shaw
• The Backward Peoples and Our Relations with Them (1920)
• The Man Who Did the Right Thing (1921) – novel
• The Story of my Life (1923) – autobiography
• The Veneerings – a sequel to Our Mutual Friend by Charles Dickens

The standard author abbreviation H.H.Johnst. is used to indicate this person as the author when citing a botanical name.[42]

• Manuscripts of collected vocabularies of Sir Harry Hamilton Johnston are held by SOAS Archives

References

1. Obituary, (1927). Henry Hamilton Johnston, Ibis, Vol. XLIV, No. 1, p. 735.
2. Obituary, (1927). Henry Hamilton Johnston, Ibis, Vol. XLIV, No. 1, pp. 735–6.
3. Obituary, (1927). Henry Hamilton Johnston, Ibis, Vol. XLIV, No. 1, p. 736.
4. National Archives. "Mr Johnston's Imagination", 21 September 2017
5. K J Panton, (2015). "A Historical Dictionary of the British Empire", Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield, p. 113. ISBN 978-0-81087-801-3.
6. L Weintal, (1923). "The story of the Cape to Cairo Railway and River Route from 1887 to 1922 (Volume 4)", London, Pioneer Publishing, p. 4
7. G Harper, (2002). "Comedy, Fantasy and Colonialism", London, Bloomsbury Publications, pp. 142–3. ISBN 978-0-82644-919-1.
8. N. Ascherson, (1999). The King Incorporated: Leopold the Second and the Congo p. 161, London, Granta Books
9. N. Ascherson, (1999). The King Incorporated: Leopold the Second and the Congo pp. 162–3
10. F Axelson, (1967). Portugal and the Scramble for Africa, pp. 182–3, 198–200. Johannesburg, Witwatersrand University Press.
11. J McCracken, (2012). "A History of Malawi, 1859–1966", Woodbridge, James Currey, p. 51. ISBN 978-1-84701-050-6.
12. M Newitt, (1995). "A History of Mozambique", London, Hurst & Co, pp 276–7, 325–6. ISBN 1-85065-172-8
13. P. T. Terry, (1965). The Arab War on Lake Nyasa 1887–1895 Part II, The Nyasaland Journal, Vol. 18, No. 2, p. 39
14. Sir Harry Johnston, (1897). "British Central Africa", New York, Edward Arnold p. 81
15. O. J. M. Kalinga (1980). The Karonga War: Commercial Rivalry and Politics of Survival, Journal of African History, Vol. 21, p. 209
16. J McCraken, (2012). A History of Malawi, 1859-1966 pp. 57-8
17. P. T. Terry, (1965). The Arab War on Lake Nyasa 1887-1895 Part II, pp. 41-3
18. J McCracken, (2012). "A History of Malawi, 1859–1966", pp. 52–3
19. J McCracken, (2012). A History of Malawi, 1859–1966, pp. 53, 55
20. M Newitt, (1995). "A History of Mozambique", p 346.
21. R I Rotberg, (1965). "The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa: The Making of Malawi and Zambia", 1873–1964, Cambridge (Mass), Harvard University Press, p.15
22. Baker, C.A. (1970). Johnston's Administration: 1891–1897. Malawi Government Ministry of Local Government, Department of Antiquities, p. 21.
23. J McCraken, (2012). "A History of Malawi, 1859–1966" pp. 58–62
24. B Pachai, (1973). Land Policies in Malawi: An Examination of the Colonial Legacy, The Journal of African History Vol. 14 p. 685
25. Owen J. M. Kalinga, (1984). European Settlers, African Apprehensions, and Colonial Economic Policy: The North Nyasa Native Reserves Commission of 1929, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 17, No. 4, p.642
26. J McCraken, (2012). "A History of Malawi, 1859–1966", pp. 77–8.
27. Sir Harry Johnston, (1897). "British Central Africa", p. 85.
28. Sir Harry Johnston, (1897). "British Central Africa", pp. 112–13
29. B. Pachai, (1973). Land Policies in Malawi, pp. 682–3, 685
30. Baker, C.A. (1970). Johnston's Administration: 1891–1897. Malawi Government Ministry of Local Government, Department of Antiquities, pp. 42–4.
31. P. T. Terry, (1965). The Arab War on Lake Nyasa 1887–1895 Part II, pp. 43–4
32. J McCraken, (2012). "A History of Malawi, 1859–1966" pp. 61–3
33. A. Keppel-Jones, (1983). Rhodes and Rhodesia, 1884–1902, pp. 549–50, Kingston, McGill-Queen's University Press
34. E. A. Walker, (1963). The Cambridge History of the British Empire, Volume 1 pp. 696–7, Cambridge University Press
35. Obituary, (1927). Sir Harry H. Johnston, The Geographical Journal, Vol. 70, No. 4, pp. 415–16.
36. "No. 27377". The London Gazette. 15 November 1901. p. 7393.
37. RSGS memorial to recipients of the Livingstone Medal
38. "Zoological Society of London". The Times (36755). London. 30 April 1902. p. 6.
39. "University intelligence". The Times (36779). London. 28 May 1902. p. 12.
40. "List of Past Gold Medal Winners" (PDF). Royal Geographical Society. Retrieved 24 August 2015.
41. Beolens, Bo; Watkins, Michael; Grayson, Michael (2011). The Eponym Dictionary of Reptiles. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. xiii + 296 pp. ISBN 978-1-4214-0135-5. ("Johnston", pp. 135–136).
42. IPNI. H.H.Johnst.

Other Sources

• Thomas Pakenham, The Scramble for Africa
• Roland Oliver, "Sir Harry Johnston and the Scramble for Africa". 1958.
• James A. Casada, "Sir Harry H. Johnston: A Bio-Bibliographical Study. 1977.

External links

• Works by Harry Johnston at Project Gutenberg
• Full text of Johnston's book British Central Africa (1897). (text only)
• Full text of Johnston's book British Central Africa (1897). (facsimile)
• Works by or about Harry Johnston at Internet Archive
• Works by Harry Johnston at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
• Works by Harry Johnston at Open Library
• The International Primary School which bears Sir Harry Johnston's name was founded in the early 1950s in Zomba, Malawi
• Newspaper clippings about Harry Johnston in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW

Eliza Armstrong case
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/3/20

Continuing their discussion of the membership of "The Society of the Elect," Stead asked permission to bring in Milner and Brett. Rhodes agreed, so they telegraphed at once to Brett, who arrived in two hours. They then drew up the following "ideal arrangement' for the society:

1. General of the Society: Rhodes
2. Junta of Three: (1) Stead, (2) Brett, (3) Milner
3. Circle of Initiates: (1) Cardinal Manning, (2) General Booth, (3) Bramwell Booth, (4) "Little" [Harry] Johnston, (5) Albert Grey, (6) Arthur Balfour
4. The Association of Helpers
5. A College, under Professor Seeley, to be established to train people in the English-speaking idea."

Within the next few weeks Stead had another talk with Rhodes and a talk with Milner, who was "filled with admiration" for the scheme, according to Stead's notes as published by Sir Frederick Whyte.

-- The Anglo-American Establishment: From Rhodes to Cliveden, by Carroll Quigley

The Eliza Armstrong case was a major scandal in the United Kingdom involving a child supposedly bought for prostitution for the purpose of exposing the evils of white slavery. While it achieved its purpose of helping to enable the passage of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885, it also brought unintended consequences to its chief perpetrator, W. T. Stead.

Background

Main article: Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885

Since the middle of the 19th century, efforts by the Social Purity movement, led by early feminists such as Josephine Butler and others, sought to improve the treatment of women and children in Victorian society. The movement scored a triumph when the Contagious Diseases Acts were repealed under pressure due to their double standard nature and ultimate ineffectiveness.

At the same time, the campaign had also turned towards the problem of prostitution, and with male power over women. By the end of the 1870s, this had become particularly focused on fears that British women were being lured—or abducted—to brothels in the Continent, especially since this was happening to girls barely past the age of consent. Although the age was raised to 13 when amendments to the Offences against the Person Act 1861 were made in 1875, the movement sought to further raise this to at least 16, but Parliament was reluctant to make this change.

However, a Criminal Law Amendment Bill to change this was introduced in 1881. While it passed the House of Lords easily in 1883 after a two-year Select committee study, it stalled twice in the House of Commons. Then in 1885, it was reintroduced for a third time, but again it was threatened to be set aside ultimately because of a political crisis and the upcoming general election that year.

W. T. Stead


W.T. Stead in later years

Parliament recessed for the Whit Week bank holiday on 22 May, and the next day Benjamin Scott, anti-vice campaigner and the chamberlain of the City of London, went to see W. T. Stead, editor of the Pall Mall Gazette. Stead was a pioneer of modern investigative journalism, with a flair for the sensational. He was a supporter of the Social Purity movement.

Scott told stories of sexually exploited children to Stead, who agreed to work for popular support. Stead set up a "Special and Secret Committee of Inquiry" to investigate child prostitution, which included Josephine Butler, as well as representatives of the London Committee for the Suppression of the Traffic in British Girls for the Purposes of Continental Prostitution (of which Scott was the chairman) and the Salvation Army. As part of the investigation, two women, an employee of the Pall Mall Gazette and a girl from the Salvation Army, posed as prostitutes and infiltrated brothels, leaving before they were forced to render sexual services. Butler spent ten days walking the streets of London with her son Georgie, posing as a brothel-keeper and a procurer, respectively; together they spent a total of £100 buying children in high-class brothels. Stead, in turn, also spoke to a former director of criminal investigation at Scotland Yard to get first-hand information; he later cast his net wide to include active and retired brothel keepers, pimps, procurers, prostitutes, rescue workers and jail chaplains.

Stead felt that he needed something more to make his point: he decided to purchase a girl to show that he could do it under the nose of the law.

A £5 virgin


Bramwell Booth c.1881

With the help of Josephine Butler and Bramwell Booth of the Salvation Army, Stead got in touch with Rebecca Jarrett, a reformed prostitute and brothel-keeper who was staying with Mrs Butler in Winchester as an assistant. Although Mrs Butler had no problem with Rebecca's meeting Stead, she did not know Stead's reason for doing so.

Stead prevailed upon Jarrett to help him to show that a 13-year-old girl could be bought from her parents and transported to the Continent. Despite her reluctance about returning to her old brothel contacts for help, Jarrett agreed to help.

Rebecca Jarrett met an old associate, a procuress called Nancy Broughton. Through her Jarrett learned of a 13-year-old named Eliza Armstrong, whose alcoholic mother Elizabeth was in need of money. She arranged for Jarrett to meet Mrs Armstrong, who lived in the Lisson Grove area of West London, and although Rebecca told the mother the girl was to serve as a maid to an old gentleman, she believed Mrs Armstrong understood that she was selling her daughter into prostitution. The mother agreed to sell her daughter for a total of £5 — equivalent to approximately £574 in 2014.[1] On 3 June, the bargain was made.

On the same day, Jarrett then took Eliza to a midwife and abortionist named Louise Mourez, who examined her and attested to her virginity and sold Jarrett a bottle of chloroform. Then Eliza was taken to a brothel and lightly drugged to await the arrival of her purchaser, who was Stead. Stead, anxious to play the part of libertine almost in full, drank a whole bottle of champagne, although he was a teetotaler. He entered Eliza's room and waited for her to awaken from her stupor. When she came to, Eliza screamed. Stead quickly left the room, letting the scream imply he had "had his way" with her. Eliza was quickly handed over to Bramwell Booth, who spirited her to France, where she was taken care of by a Salvationist family.

In the meantime, Stead wrote his story.

The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon

Main article: The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon

On Saturday 4 July 1885, a "frank warning" was issued in the Pall Mall Gazette: "All those who are squeamish, and all those who are prudish, and all those who would prefer to live in a fool's paradise of imaginary innocence and purity, selfishly oblivious to the horrible realities which torment those whose lives are passed in the London inferno, will do well not to read the Pall Mall Gazette of Monday and the three following days".[2] The public's appetite whetted sufficiently in anticipation, on Monday 6 July, Stead published the first instalments of The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon.

The first instalment taking up six whole pages, Stead attacked vice with eye-catching subheadings: "The Violation of Virgins", "The Confessions of a Brothel-Keeper", "How Girls Were Bought and Ruined". He argued that while consensual adult behavior was a matter of private morality and not a law enforcement issue, issues rife in London existed that did require legislative prohibition, listing five main areas where the law should intervene:[3]

1. "The sale and purchase and violation of children.
2. The procuration of virgins.
3. The entrapping and ruin of women.
4. The international slave trade in girls.
5. Atrocities, brutalities, and unnatural crimes."

The theme of "Maiden Tribute" was child prostitution, the abduction, procurement and sale of young English virgins to Continental "pleasure palaces". Stead took his readers to the labyrinthine streets of London (intentionally recalling the Greek myth) to its darker side, exposing the flesh trade while exposing the corruption of those officials who not only turned a blind eye but also condoned such abuse. Stead acknowledged that his articles described the situation of a small minority of London's prostitutes, agreeing that most "have not come there by the road of organized rape", and that his focus was child victims who were "regularly procured; bought..., or enticed under various promises into the fatal chamber from which they are never allowed to emerge until they have lost what woman ought to value more than life".[3] In particular, he drew a distinction between sexual immorality and sexual criminality, and criticized those members of Parliament who were responsible for the Bill's impending "extinction in the House of Commons" and hinted that they might have personal reasons to block any changes in the law.

The disclosure began properly in the 6 July publication, in which Stead reveals that he had asked if genuine maiden virgins could be procured, and being told it was so, asked whether such girls were willing and consensual, or aware of the intentions planned for them:[3]

"But," I continued, "are these maids willing or unwilling parties to the transaction -- that is, are they really maiden, not merely in being each a virgo intacta in the physical sense, but as being chaste girls who are not consenting parties to their seduction?" He looked surprised at my question, and then replied emphatically: "Of course they are rarely willing, and as a rule they do not know what they are coming for." "But," I said in amazement, "then do you mean to tell me that in very truth actual rapes, in the legal sense of the word, are constantly being perpetrated in London on unwilling virgins, purveyed and procured to rich men at so much a head by keepers of brothels?" "Certainly," said he, "there is not a doubt of it." "Why, "I exclaimed, "the very thought is enough to raise hell." "It is true," he said; "and although it ought to raise hell, it does not even raise the neighbours." "But do the girls cry out?" "Of course they do. But what avails screaming in a quiet bedroom? Remember, the utmost limit of howling or excessively violent screaming, such as a man or woman would make if actual murder was being attempted, is only two minutes, and the limit of screaming of any kind is only five... But suppose the screams continue and you get uneasy, you begin to think whether you should not do something? Before you have made up your mind and got dressed the screams cease, and you think you were a fool for your pains... Once a girl gets into such a house she is almost helpless, and may be ravished with comparative safety."[3]

Stead commented that "Children of twelve and thirteen cannot offer any serious resistance. They only dimly comprehend what it all means. Their mothers sometimes consent to their seduction for the sake of the price paid by their seducer. The child goes to the introducing house as a sheep to the shambles. Once there, she is compelled to go through with it. No matter how brutal the man may be, she cannot escape". A madam confirmed the story for him, stating of one girl that she was rendered unconscious beforehand, and then coercively given the choice to continue or be homeless afterwards.[3]

The last section of the first instalment bore special mention: under the subheading "A Child of Thirteen bought for £5" Stead related the story of Eliza, a purchased victim, whose name he changed to "Lily". Although he vouched "for the absolute accuracy of every fact in the narrative", Stead changed a number of details, and omitted the fact that "Lily's" purchaser was none other than himself. Describing himself as an "investigator" rather than an "informer", and having also promised not to use information obtained against those who provided it, he stated that he would disclose actual names and identifying details only to the two UK Archbishops, one M.P., two members of the House of Lords active in criminal legislation or child protection, and a past director of the CID.[3]

Reactions to the "Maiden Tribute"

The "Maiden Tribute" was an instant hit. While W.H. Smith & Sons, who had a monopoly on all the news stalls, refused to sell the paper due to its lurid and prurient content, volunteers consisting of newsboys and members of the Salvation Army took over distribution. Even George Bernard Shaw telegraphed Stead offering to help. Crowds gathered in front of the Pall Mall Gazette offices. Second-hand copies of the paper sold for up to a shilling — twelve times its normal price.

Within days, Stead had been getting telegrams from across the Atlantic inquiring about the scandal. By the end of the series he had thrown Victorian society into an uproar about prostitution. Fearing riots on a national scale, the Home Secretary, Sir William Harcourt pleaded with Stead to cease publication of the articles; Stead replied that he would comply if the Bill would be passed without delay. Since Harcourt could not make that guarantee, Stead ordered the Pall Mall Gazette presses to continue until paper ran out.

Stead's revelations struck a responsive chord in the public. Amidst the hysteria, it provoked a wide variety of reform groups and prominent individuals to call for an end to the scandal. Dozens of protest meetings were held throughout London and the provincial towns. Thousands, including wagon loads of virgins dressed in white, marched to Hyde Park demanding that the Bill be passed. The government was soon on the defensive and those members of Parliament who had previously opposed the Bill, now understood that opposition would not only mean denying the existence of child prostitution, but condoning it as well. While many of them wanted to have the paper prosecuted under obscenity laws, they bowed to the inevitable. On Wednesday 8 July debate resumed over the bill, on 7 August it passed its third and final reading, and passed into law a week later.

Unintended consequences


W.T Stead photographed in his prison uniform

Although Stead was supported in his investigation by the Salvation Army and religious leaders including Cardinal Henry Edward Manning and Charles John Ellicott, the Bishop of Bristol, his plan backfired on him. Rival newspapers, including The Times, investigated the original "Lily" and found that Stead was the "purchaser". Mrs Armstrong told police that she had not consented to put her daughter into prostitution, saying she understood that she would enter domestic service. Jarrett did not get the permission of the child's father.

Stead, Jarrett, Booth and Louise Mourez, the midwife, and two others appeared in court on 2 September charged with the assault and abduction for Eliza Armstrong without the agreement of her parents.

On 23 October, the defendants were brought to trial, with the Attorney General, Richard Webster, acting as prosecutor. Stead defended himself. He admitted that the girl was procured without the consent of the father and that he had no written evidence of payment to the mother. Stead had relied on Rebecca Jarrett's word, and was unable to prove Mrs Armstrong's complicity in the crime. Stead, Jarrett and Mourez were found guilty of abduction and procurement. The others were acquitted. Jarrett and Mourez were sentenced to six months in jail and Stead was sentenced to three months.[4] He was sent to Coldbath Fields Prison for three days and then to Holloway as a first-class inmate for the rest of his sentence.

Aftermath

Many groups protested against Stead's imprisonment, and he was treated well in prison. "Never had I a pleasanter holiday, a more charming season of repose", he later said. In Holloway as a "first class misdemeanant" he had his own room with an open fire and a fellow prisoner as a servant to tend to him. His wife and children were allowed in for Christmas. Mourez died in jail. Jarrett survived her six months with hard labour. While in prison, he continued to edit the Pall Mall Gazette, and his Christmas card played up his martyrdom. Stead wrote a threepenny pamphlet of his prison experience soon after his release.[5] He asked the prison governor whether he could keep his prison uniform, although he spent much of his sentence in ordinary civilian street clothes. The governor agreed, and thereafter, every 10 November, the anniversary of his conviction, Stead would dress up in his prison garb to remind people of his "triumph".[6]

After the trial the prosecutor, surnamed Poland, started a public subscription for the Armstrong family through an advertisement in The Times. The money paid for Eliza to attend a training centre for girls to become servants. She lost connection with the Salvation Army after her return from France, and details of her later life are unknown.

Stead died in the Titanic disaster.

References

1. According to the Bank of England inflation calculator. Archived 22 November 2016 at the Wayback Machine Accessed 25 August 2015.
2. W.T. Stead, Notice to our Readers: A Frank Warning, The Pall Mall Gazette, 4 July 1885.
3. "W.T. Stead - "The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon - I" - Full Text - The Pall Mall Gazette, July 6, 1885".
4. Mr. Justice Henry Charles Lopes' Sentence, The Old Bailey (10 November 1885). Quoted in Alison Plowden (1974), The Case of Eliza Armstrong: A Child of 13 Bought for £5.
5. W.T. Stead (1886). My First Imprisonment. London: E. Marlborough & Co.
6. "Stead portrait". Archived from the original on 12 April 2004.

Further reading

• Weightman, Gavin (2013). The case of the £5 Virgin: the true story of a Victorian scandal. Backstory.

External links

• The W.T. Stead Resource Site - contains the complete text of "Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon" (including facsimiles of the original articles) as well as the most complete account of the Eliza Armstrong Case.

Social purity movement
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/3/20

The White Cross Army was an organisation set up in 1883 by philanthropist [Jane] Ellice Hopkins with help from the Bishop of Durham, to promote "social purity". The recruits –- all of them men -– pledged to show a "chivalrous respect for womanhood", to apply ideas of purity equally to men and women, and not to indulge in foul language or indecent behaviour. It was renamed the White Cross League in 1891, and merged with the Church of England Purity Society, which had been formed by Edward White Benson.

-- White Cross Army, by Wikipedia

The social purity movement was a late 19th-century social movement that sought to abolish prostitution and other sexual activities that were considered immoral according to Christian morality. The movement was active in English-speaking nations from the late 1860s to about 1910, exerting an important influence on the contemporaneous feminist, eugenics, and birth control movements.[1]

The roots of the social purity movement lay in early 19th-century moral reform movements, such as radical utopianism, abolitionism, and the temperance movement. In the late 19th century, "social" was a euphemism for "sexual"; the movement first formed in opposition to the legalization and regulation of prostitution, and quickly spread to other sex-related issues such as raising the age of consent, sexually segregating prisons, opposing contraception, preventing "white slavery", and censoring pornography.[2]

Influences

The rapid changing in American society was evident in temperance, women's rights, evangelical revivalists, and workers rights movements. Born out of a few debatable movements was the “Social Purity Movement” that has left a lasting legacy on sexual ethics and female bodily autonomy in the United States. Although this movement was mainly focused on the specific task of eliminating prostitution, its advocates had varying agendas and the results of this movement were skewed from the original task. Evangelism and a general moral panic around venereal diseases fueled the movement into gaining widespread support across the American public, including the support of some feminists and conservatives alike. Leading up to the social purity movement, the prevalence of prostitution was growing and conversations were being had around legalizing prostitution and regulating its commerce.[3] With the focus being on white women, even more specifically newly immigrated Eastern European white women, it was crucial that the popularity of prostitution be diminished to preserve the purity of white women (hence social purity). Prostitution was never legalized, yet the social purity movement had already begun and was breaking ground in other avenues to dampen prostitution and other products of lust.

Social purity as a movement took roots in the mid 1800s in England and was prominently lead by an evangelical woman Jane Ellice Hopkins.[4] She spent her early childhood and early adulthood on the east coast of America, however her transformative social work began in the United Kingdom. Hopkins was responsible for a multitude of organised support groups for the movement and became successful in her appeal to male involvement in ways that other social puritists were not.[4] Her deep dedication to the church not only gave her helpful connections in the spreading of this movement in Europe, but also gave her a characteristic drive and passion for this work. She was able to make changes in very practical ways, such as raising the legal age of consent for women to 16, and in individual moral ways, such as asking good Christian men to pledge themselves to respecting women and dismantling hypocrisy in sexual standards.[4] Her work set a precedence for what was to be done in the United States. There was a gray area in this movement where feminists, eugenicists, and social purists could agree. Feminists were concerned about the sexual exploitation of women as an act of violence against them and eugenicists were concerned with the preservation of the ‘fittest’ citizens, needing white female chastity to achieve these aspirations. There was some intersection of goals with the social purists in this sense, and they inevitably influenced one another. Religion, feminism, and eugenicists found common ground in the control and/or protection of women's bodies as something sacred and necessary, but only white women's bodies were included in this protection.

The Mann Act (White Slave Traffic Act)

The Social Purity Movement came to fruition under the White Slave Traffic Act passed in 1910, otherwise known as the Mann Act, named after politician James Mann. This Act originally intended to restrict the transportation of women by men across state lines for the purpose of ‘prostitution or debauchery’ but was later amended to include ‘any other immoral purpose’, which was interpreted in wildly different ways.[5] The Mann Act was made possible through the use of regulating foreign commerce which could have its own philosophical discussion regarding the agency of women in the early 1900s. Under the revised Act under Section 3, it was stated that any man transporting a woman across state borders “with the intent and purpose of such person that such woman or girl shall engage in the practice of prostitution or debauchery, or any other immoral practice, whether with or without her consent...shall be deemed guilty of a felony”.[5] The calling to action of the public came in the form of newspaper articles featuring “white slave narratives” that revealed the tragic, and “common”, situation that women who left home found themselves in.[6] Historians have referred to this as a part of a ‘moral panic’ that was sweeping across the United States during the Progressive Era, as activists and organizations were popping up in all different sections of American life demanding the government intervention on spreading corruption. These white slave narratives re-enforced assumptions that male sexuality was virtually uncontrollable, to the point of coercing and kidnapping them into prostitution, and yet women were also helpless to this coercion. The level to which some women were choosing prostitution versus those who were forced into it is unclear, but the numbers that were estimated are overestimated enough to lead scholars to believe much of this panic was ill-informed.[6] It also cannot be ignored that ‘white slavery’ makes a direct link to the previous system of ‘chattel slavery’, and the similarities or differences between these systems should be considered relevant to the movement.

See also

• Social hygiene movement
• Birth control movement in the United States
• Comstock law
• Mann Act

Notes

Citations

1. Olasky (1992), p. 127.
2. Gordon (2002), pp. 72–73.
3. Gordon, Linda (2007-03-12). The moral property of women : a history of birth control politics in America. ISBN 978-0252074592. OCLC 83767781.
4. Jeffreys, Sheila. (2010). The spinster and her enemies : feminism and sexuality, 1880-1930. Spinifex Press. ISBN 9781742194691. OCLC 615591000.
5. United States. Federal Bureau of Investigation. (1912). White Slave Traffic Act : approved June 25, 1910. OCLC 966855134.
6. Donovan, Brian (2006). White slave crusades : race, gender, and anti-vice activism, 1887-1917. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0252030253. OCLC 60373446.

Bibliography

• Gordon, L. (2002). The Moral Property of Women: A History of Birth Control Politics in America. University of Illinois Press.
• Olasky, Marvin N. (1992). Abortion Rites: A Social History of Abortion in America. Good News Publishers. ISBN 978-0-89107-687-2.
Further reading[edit]
• Egan, R. D.; Hawkes, G. (2007). "Producing the Prurient through the Pedagogy of Purity: Childhood Sexuality and the Social Purity Movement". Journal of Historical Sociology. 20 (4): 443–461. doi:10.1111/j.1467-6443.2007.00319.x.
• Hall, L. (2004). "Hauling Down the Double Standard: Feminism, Social Purity and Sexual Science in Late Nineteenth-Century Britain". Gender & History. 16 (1): 36–56. doi:10.1111/j.0953-5233.2004.325_1.x.
• Kevles, D. J. (1985). In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity. Knopf.
• Morgan, S. (2007). ""Wild oats or acorns?" Social purity, sexual politics and the response of the Late-Victorian Church". Journal of Religious History. 31 (2): 151–168. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9809.2007.00551.x.

Joseph Barber Lightfoot [Bishop of Durham]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/3/20

The White Cross Army was an organisation set up in 1883 by philanthropist [Jane] Ellice Hopkins with help from the Bishop of Durham, to promote "social purity". The recruits –- all of them men -– pledged to show a "chivalrous respect for womanhood", to apply ideas of purity equally to men and women, and not to indulge in foul language or indecent behaviour. It was renamed the White Cross League in 1891, and merged with the Church of England Purity Society, which had been formed by Edward White Benson.

-- White Cross Army, by Wikipedia

The Right Reverend Joseph Lightfoot, Bishop of Durham
Diocese: Durham
Elected: 15 March 1879
In office: 10 April 1879 (conf.)–1889 (died)
Predecessor: Charles Baring
Successor: Brooke Foss Westcott
Other posts: Hulsean Professor of Divinity (1861–1875)
Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity (1875–1879)
Deputy Clerk of the Closet (1875–?)
Personal details
Born: 13 April 1828, Liverpool, Lancashire, United Kingdom
Died: 21 December 1889 (aged 61), Bournemouth, Hampshire, UK
Buried: Auckland Castle chapel
Nationality: British
Denomination: Anglican
Residence: Auckland Castle (as Bishop of Durham)



Parents: John Lightfoot & Ann Lightfoot (née Barber)
Spouse: never married
Profession: academic; biblical scholar; bible translator; theologian; tutor
Education: King Edward's School, Birmingham
Alma mater: Trinity College, Cambridge


The grave of Bishop Joseph Barber Lightfoot, Durham Cathedral

Joseph Barber Lightfoot (13 April 1828 – 21 December 1889), known as J. B. Lightfoot, was an English theologian and Bishop of Durham.

Life

Lightfoot was born in Liverpool, where his father John Jackson Lightfoot was an accountant. His mother, Ann Matilda Barber, was from a family of Birmingham artists. He was educated at King Edward's School, Birmingham, under James Prince Lee. His contemporaries included Brooke Foss Westcott and Edward White Benson. In 1847, Lightfoot went to Trinity College, Cambridge, and read for his degree along with Westcott. He graduated senior classic and 30th wrangler, and was elected a fellow of his college.[1] From 1854 to 1859 he edited the Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology. In 1857, he became tutor and his fame as a scholar grew. He was made Hulsean professor in 1861, and shortly afterwards chaplain to the Prince Consort and honorary chaplain in ordinary to Queen Victoria.

In 1866, he was Whitehall preacher, and in 1871 he became canon of St Paul's Cathedral. The Times wrote after his death that

It was always patent that what he was chiefly concerned with was the substance and the life of Christian truth, and that his whole energies were employed in this inquiry because his whole heart was engaged in the truths and facts which were at stake.

In 1875, Lightfoot became Lady Margaret's Professor of Divinity in succession to William Selwyn. In 1879, he was consecrated bishop of Durham in succession to Charles Baring; he was enthroned at Durham Cathedral on 15 May. He soon surrounded himself with a band of scholarly young men.

Lightfoot was never married. He died at Bournemouth and was succeeded in the episcopate by Westcott, his schoolfellow and lifelong friend. He served as President of the first day of the 1880 Co-operative Congress.[2]

He is buried in Durham Cathedral close to the choir stalls.

Publications

Lightfoot wrote commentaries on the Epistle to the Galatians (1865), Epistle to Philippians (1868) and Epistle to the Colossians (1875). In 1874, the anonymous publication of Supernatural Religion, a work speculated by some to be authored by Walter Richard Cassels, attracted attention. In a series of papers in the Contemporary Review, between December 1874 and May 1877, Lightfoot undertook the defense of the New Testament canon. The articles were published in collected form in 1889. About the same time he was engaged in contributions to William Smith's Dictionary of Christian Biography and Dictionary of the Bible, and he also joined the committee for revising the translation of the New Testament.

The corpus of Lightfoot's writings include essays on biblical and historical subject matter, commentaries on Pauline epistles, and studies on the Apostolic Fathers. His sermons were posthumously published in four official volumes, and additionally in the Contemporary Pulpit Library series. At Durham he continued to work at his editions of the Apostolic Fathers, and in 1885 published an edition of the Epistles of Ignatius and Polycarp, collecting also materials for a second edition of Clement of Rome, which was published after his death (1st ed., 1869). He defended the authenticity of the Epistles of Ignatius.

• Apostolic Fathers. Part I. (two vols). London: MacMillan and Co. 1890.
• Apostolic Fathers. Part II. (three vols). London: MacMillan and Co. 1885–89.
• Apostolic Fathers Abridged. London: MacMillan and Co. 1891.
• Biblical Essays. London: MacMillan and Co. 1893.
• Cambridge Sermons. London: MacMillan and Co. 1890.
• Dissertations on the Apostolic Age. London: MacMillan and Co. 1892.
• Essays on Supernatural Religion. London: MacMillan and Co. 1889.
• Fresh Revision of the English New Testament. London: MacMillan and Co. 1871.
• Leaders in the Northern Church. London: MacMillan and Co. 1890.
• Historical Essays. London: MacMillan and Co. 1895.
• Notes on the Epistles of St. Paul from Unpublished Commentaries. London: MacMillan and Co. 1895.
• Ordination Addresses. London: MacMillan and Co. 1890.
• Primary Charge. London: MacMillan and Co. 1882.
• St. Clement of Rome. London: MacMillan and Co. 1869.
• Saint Paul's Epistle to the Galatians. London: MacMillan and Co. 1865.
• Saint Paul's Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon. London: MacMillan and Co. 1875.
• Saint Paul's Epistle to the Philippians. London: MacMillan and Co. 1868.
• The Christian Ministry. 1868.
• Sermons preached in St. Paul's. London: MacMillan and Co. 1891.
• Special Sermons. London: MacMillan and Co. 1891.
• The Contemporary Pulpit Library: Sermons by Bishop Lightfoot. London: Swan Sonnenschein. 1892.

In 2014, it was announced that InterVarsity Press had agreed to publish about 1500 pages of previously unpublished biblical commentaries and essays by Lightfoot found in Durham Cathedral.[3] The first of the three volume set covers the Acts of the Apostles,[4] the second is a commentary on the Gospel of John[5] and the third is on the Second Epistle to the Corinthians and the First Epistle of Peter.[6]

Family

Lightfoot was the nephew of the artists Joseph Vincent Barber and Charles Vincent Barber and grandson of the artist and founding member of the Birmingham School of Art, Joseph Barber and great grandson of the founder of Newcastle's first library, Joseph Barber whose tomb is in Newcastle Cathedral.[7]

References

1. "Lightfoot, Joseph Barber (LTFT847JB)". A Cambridge Alumni Database. University of Cambridge.
2. "Congress Presidents 1869-2002" (PDF). February 2002. Archived from the original (PDF) on 28 May 2008. Retrieved 10 May 2008.
3. Ben Witherington III, "Text Archaeology: The Finding of Lightfoot's Lost Manuscripts," Biblical Archaeology Review, Vol. 40, No. 2 (March/April 2014), pp. 28, 71.
4. Lightfoot, J. B. (2014). The Acts of the Apostles: A Newly Discovered Commentary. InterVarsity Press. ISBN 978-0-8308-9673-8.
5. Lightfoot, J. B. (2015). The Gospel of St. John: A Newly Discovered Commentary. InterVarsity Press. ISBN 978-0-8308-2945-3
6. Lightfoot, J. B. (2016). The Epistles of 2 Corinthians and 1 Peter: A Newly Discovered Commentary. InterVarsity Press. ISBN 978-0-8308-2946-0
7. Chrystal & Laundon 2015, p. 120.

Sources

• Treloar, Geoffrey R. (1998). Lightfoot the Historian: The Nature and Role of History in the Life and Thought of J.B. Lightfoot (1828-1889) as Churchman and Scholar. Mohr Siebeck. ISBN 978-3-16-146866-7.
• McIntire, C.T. (2001). "Review of Lightfoot the Historian". Anglican and Episcopal History. 70 (2): 254–256. ISSN 0896-8039. JSTOR 42612184.
• Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Lightfoot, Joseph Barber" . Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
• Hort, Fenton John Anthony (1893). "Lightfoot, Joseph Barber" . In Lee, Sidney (ed.). Dictionary of National Biography. 33. London: Smith, Elder & Co.
• Barrett, C. K. "Lightfoot, Joseph Barber (1828–1889)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/16650. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
• Chrystal, Paul; Laundon, Stan (2015). Secret Newcastle. Amberley. ISBN 978-1-4456-4139-3.

External links

• Works written by or about Joseph Lightfoot at Wikisource
• Works by J. B. Lightfoot at Project Gutenberg
• Works by Joseph Barber Lightfoot at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about J. B. Lightfoot at Internet Archive
• Works by J. B. Lightfoot at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
• Bibliographic page on Lightfoot, Project Canterbury
• Portraits of J. B. Lightfoot at the National Portrait Gallery, London

Social hygiene movement
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/3/20

-- The Task of Social Hygiene, by Havelock Ellis

"Sex hygiene" is contrasted with "false modesty" in this frontispiece to an early 20th-century book.

The social hygiene movement was an attempt by Progressive-era reformers to control venereal disease, regulate prostitution and vice, and disseminate sexual education through the use of scientific research methods and modern media techniques. Social hygiene as a profession grew alongside social work and other public health movements of the era. Social hygienists emphasized sexual continence and strict self-discipline as a solution to societal ills, tracing prostitution, drug use and illegitimacy to rapid urbanization. The movement remained alive throughout much of the 20th century and found its way into American schools, where it was transmitted in the form of classroom films about menstruation, sexually transmitted disease, drug abuse and acceptable sexual behavior in addition to an array of pamphlets, posters, textbooks and films.[1]

History

The social hygiene movement of the late 19th and early 20th centuries was an attempt by Progressive-era reformers to control venereal disease, regulate prostitution and vice, and disseminate sexual education through the use of scientific research methods and modern media techniques. A mental hygiene movement also developed, partly separately and now generally known as mental health, although the older term is still in use, e.g. in New York state's law.[2] The social hygiene movement represented a rationalized, professionalized version of the earlier social purity movement.[3] Many reformers, such as Marie Stopes, were also proponents of eugenics. Inspired by Charles Darwin's theory of natural selection, they argued for the sterilisation of certain groups, even racial groups, in society. Indeed, by the 1930s thousands of forced sterilizations of people deemed undesirable took place in America and other countries each year. This continued for several more decades in some countries, though after 1945, the movement was largely discredited.[4]

Social Hygiene Movement

Social hygiene as a profession grew alongside social work and other public health movements of the era. Social hygienists emphasized sexual continence and strict self-discipline as a solution to societal ills, tracing prostitution, drug use and illegitimacy to rapid urbanization.

The social hygiene movement began to gain momentum and in 1913 making the movement part of publishings such as the American Journal of Public Health.[5] The American Social Hygiene Association was officially formed in 1913. It was later renamed to the American Social Health Association and, in 2012, the American Sexual Health Association.

The Social hygiene approach was adopted in medical schools in Russia in the 1920s and supported by the Commissariat of Public Health. The definition adopted by Commissar Nikolai Semashko was less focussed on eugenics and more in line with what is now regarded as public health: “study of the influence of economic and social factors on the incidence of disease and on the ways to make the population healthy”. The State Institute for Social Hygiene opened in 1923. This approach was not popular with educators or with medical students. In 1930 the institute was renamed the Institute of Organisation of Health Care and Hygiene.[6]

The movement remained alive throughout much of the 20th century and found its way into American schools, where it was transmitted in the form of classroom films about menstruation, sexually transmitted disease, drug abuse and acceptable sexual behavior in addition to an array of pamphlets, posters, textbooks and films.[1]

American Social Hygiene Association

The American Social Hygiene Association partnered with the government during The Great War. The American Social Hygiene Association provided social hygiene health and sexual health information to the soldiers in hopes that this education would help take fewer soldiers out of action from venereal diseases.[7]

The idea of prostitution was considered a “necessary evil” in light of an artificial demand that had been created through various forms including political corruption and advertising. With further investigation into the business of prostitution cities that did not contain commercialized prostitution had less crime and appeared to be in better shape than those who contained such. Most prostitutes that had been examined were found to have venereal diseases, but with that included a negative social stigma which stopped people from getting examined and so there became a campaign involving several organizations to suppress prostitution and begin educating people about sex and venereal diseases. The two organizations that had developed were the American Vigilance Association, fighting prostitution, and the American Federation for Sex Hygiene. Finally, the two organizations had realized their mutual interest and called a meeting in Buffalo, New York which the term “social hygiene” was coined. By 1914 the organizations formed into one, calling themselves, “The American Social Hygiene Association”.[8]

Progressive Era

The social hygiene movement helped with the development of the management of prostitution in the Progressive Era. The Progressive Era was the turning point in the state's regulations of sexuality. It was said that the Progressive Era had physicians and women moral reformers working together to help manage prostitution and educate the people on social hygiene.[9]

Racial Hygiene Association

This link between racial hygiene and social hygiene movements can be seen in Australia, where the Racial Hygiene Association of New South Wales is now named The Family Planning Association.[10]

Negro Project

In the 1940s during World War II, ASHA (American Social Hygiene Association) launched a new project called The Negro Project, also known as the Negro Venereal Disease Education Project. The aim of this project was to address the widespread presence of venereal diseases among African Americans. In the early 1940s, ASHA drafted a grant proposal and in 1942 it was sent to prospective funding agencies. The proposal emphasized two main aspects of the Negro Project, “that the higher rate of prevalence of venereal diseases among the black population was alarming; and two, that this higher prevalence rate was not the fault of the black community.” (A. Sharma) The main purpose of the Negro Project was to provide educational materials and methods for instruction regarding syphilis. Some of the intended materials to be produced were pamphlets, posters, and motion pictures specifically aimed at the African American community. After being rejected by private funding organizations, the project found support from the Social Protection Division of the Federal Security Agency. In November 1943 in New York City, the Negro Project held its first major activity which was the National Conference on Wartime Problems in Venereal Disease Control. This conference was held so that they could form a committee and create an action plan for the Negro Project. After the national conference in 1943, project officials held meetings at regional level, predominantly in Southern states. However, in 1945 the records of the project suddenly go silent and no further activity for this project was documented in ASHA records. It has been speculated that due to the Social Protection Division of the Federal Security Agency being dissolved in the 1940s, the funds for the project dried up causing the project to end.[11]

Mental Hygiene Movement

In regards to the mental hygiene movement, it helped providers realize that the problems of mental health and prevention of disease goes beyond providers in hospitals. The movement helped healthcare train their providers properly. It also helped with studies of more sympathetic treatment for mental health patients.[12]

Helpful Definitions

Social Hygiene is "the practice of measures designed to protect and improve the family as a social institution. Specially the practice of measures aiming at the elimination of venereal disease and prostitution" according to the Merriam-Webster dictionary.[13]

Mental Hygiene is "the science of maintaining mental health and preventing the development of mental illness" according to the Merriam-Webster dictionary.[14]

See also

• Comstock laws
• History of condoms
• La Follette-Bulwinkle Act
• Mann Act
• Mental health
• Racial hygiene
• Timeline of reproductive rights legislation
• United States obscenity law

References

1. Tupper, Kenneth (2013). "Sex, Drugs and the Honour Roll: The Perennial Challenges of Addressing Moral Purity Issues in Schools". Critical Public Health. 24 (2): 115–131. doi:10.1080/09581596.2013.862517.
2. NYS Mental Hygiene Admissions Process
3. Simmons, Christina (1993). "African Americans and Sexual Victorianism in the Social Hygiene Movement, 1910-40". Journal of the History of Sexuality. 4 (1): 51–75. JSTOR 3704179.
4. Encyclopedia of Children and Childhood in History and Society: Hygiene JACQUELINE S. WILKIE.
5. "The Social Hygiene Movement". American Journal of Public Health. 3 (11): 1154–1157. November 1913. doi:10.2105/AJPH.3.11.1154. PMC 1089720. PMID 18008942.
6. Khwaja, Barbara (26 May 2017). "Health Reform in Revolutionary Russia". Socialist Health Association. Retrieved 26 May 2017.
7. Anderson, William B. (September 2017). "The great war against venereal disease: How the government used PR to wage an anti-vice campaign". Public Relations Review. 43 (3): 507–516. doi:10.1016/j.pubrev.2017.03.003.
8. American Social Health Association Records, 1905-2005. University of Minnesota, Twin Cities, Social Welfare History Archives. Minneapolis, MN: https://www.lib.umn.edu/swha (https://socialwelfare.library.vcu.edu/p ... -forecast/)
9. Luker, Kristin (1998). "Sex, Social Hygiene, and the State: The Double-Edged Sword of Social Reform". Theory and Society. 27 (5): 601–634. doi:10.1023/A:1006875928287. JSTOR 657941.
10. Family Planning NSW: News: Announcements: 80 years of Family Planning Archived 2009-01-06 at the Wayback Machine
11. Sharma, Alankaar (1 July 2009). "Diseased Race, Racialized Disease: The Story of the Negro Project of American Social Hygiene Association Against the Backdrop of the Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment". Journal of African American Studies. 14 (2): 247–262. doi:10.1007/s12111-009-9099-0.
12. Meyer, Adolf (July 1918). "The Mental Hygiene Movement". Canadian Medical Association Journal. 8 (7): 632–634. PMC 1585211. PMID 20311133.
13. https://www.merriam-webster.com/diction ... %20hygiene
14. https://www.merriam-webster.com/medical ... %20hygiene

External links

• American Social Hygiene Posters - Online repository of social hygiene posters from the University of Minnesota
• Lowry, Edith Belle (1912). "False Modesty". HathiTrust Digital Library. University of Michigan.
• The Prelinger Archives at the Internet Archive

Part 1 of 3

Progressive Era
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/3/20

The Progressive movement was comprised of white, Anglo-Saxon Protestants (WASPs) who often sought to reform minorities and people from other religious and cultural backgrounds, leaving the shift of power in the hands of the WASPs...

Racism often pervaded most Progressive reform efforts, as evidenced by the suffrage movement. Specifically, as women campaigned for the vote, most Progressives argued on behalf of female suffrage as a necessary reform to combat the influence of “corrupted” or “ignorant” black voters in the election booth. Civil rights and Progressive reforms were thus mostly exclusionary projects that had little real influence on each other in the early twentieth century...

Progressivism for Whites Only

African Americans, immigrants from Asia, and Native Americans were largely excluded from the focus of Progressive reform...

Key Points

• Many major Progressive leaders, such as Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, held racist views that limited their reform efforts to white, middle-class Americans.
• Many Progressives favored disenfranchising black voters in South.
• The American Federation of Labor (AFL) expressed a significant amount of racism during the Progressive Era.
• This rise in AFL prominence allowed it to not only strictly regulate its own members, but also to influence the development of anti- immigration policy over the course of the early twentieth century.
• Generally the AFL viewed women and black workers as competition, as strikebreakers, or as an unskilled labor reserve that kept wages low.
• The AFL supported the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, and then became avid in supporting further anti- immigrant labor legislation in 1921 and 1924.

-- The Limits of Progressivism, by lumne, Boundless US History

The Progressive Era was a period of widespread social activism and political reform across the United States that spanned the 1890s to the 1920s.[1] The main objectives of the Progressive movement were addressing problems caused by industrialization, urbanization, immigration, and political corruption. The movement primarily targeted political machines and their bosses. By taking down these corrupt representatives in office, a further means of direct democracy would be established. They also sought regulation of monopolies (trustbusting) and corporations through antitrust laws, which were seen as a way to promote equal competition for the advantage of legitimate competitors. They also advocated for new government roles and regulations, and new agencies to carry out those roles, such as the FDA.

Many progressives supported prohibition of alcoholic beverages, ostensibly to destroy the political power of local bosses based in saloons, but others out of a religious motivation.[2] At the same time, women's suffrage was promoted to bring a "purer" female vote into the arena.[3] A third theme was building an Efficiency Movement in every sector that could identify old ways that needed modernizing, and bring to bear scientific, medical and engineering solutions; a key part of the efficiency movement was scientific management, or "Taylorism". In Michael McGerr's book A Fierce Discontent, Jane Addams stated that she believed in the necessity of "association" of stepping across the social boundaries of industrial America.[4]

Many activists joined efforts to reform local government, public education, medicine, finance, insurance, industry, railroads, churches, and many other areas. Progressives transformed, professionalized and made "scientific" the social sciences, especially history,[5] economics,[6] and political science.[7] In academic fields, the day of the amateur author gave way to the research professor who published in the new scholarly journals and presses. The national political leaders included Republicans Theodore Roosevelt, Robert M. La Follette Sr. and Charles Evans Hughes, and Democrats William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson and Al Smith. Leaders of the movement also existed far from presidential politics: Jane Addams, Grace Abbott, Edith Abbott and Sophonisba Breckinridge were among the most influential non-governmental Progressive Era reformers.

Initially the movement operated chiefly at the local level, but later it expanded to the state and national levels. Progressives drew support from the middle class, and supporters included many lawyers, teachers, physicians, ministers, and business people.[8] Some Progressives strongly supported scientific methods as applied to economics, government, industry, finance, medicine, schooling, theology, education, and even the family. They closely followed advances underway at the time in Western Europe[9] and adopted numerous policies, such as a major transformation of the banking system by creating the Federal Reserve System in 1913[10] and the arrival of cooperative banking in the US with the founding of the first credit union in 1908.[11] Reformers felt that old-fashioned ways meant waste and inefficiency, and eagerly sought out the "one best system".[12][13]

Originators of progressive ideals and efforts

Certain key groups of thinkers, writers, and activists played key roles in creating or building the movements and ideas that came to define the shape of the Progressive Era.

Muckraking: exposing corruption

Further information: Muckraker and Mass media and American politics


McClure's Christmas 1903 cover

Magazines experienced a boost in popularity in 1900, with some attaining circulations in the hundreds of thousands of subscribers. In the beginning of the age of Mass media, the rapid expansion of national advertising led the cover price of popular magazines to fall sharply to about 10 cents, lessening the financial barrier to consume them.[14] Another factor contributing to the dramatic upswing in magazine circulation was the prominent coverage of corruption in politics, local government and big business, particularly by journalists and writers who became known as muckrakers. They wrote for popular magazines to expose social and political sins and shortcomings. Relying on their own investigative journalism, muckrakers often worked to expose social ills and corporate and political corruption. Muckraking magazines, notably McClure's, took on corporate monopolies and crooked political machines while raising public awareness of chronic urban poverty, unsafe working conditions, and social issues like child labor.[15] Most of the muckrakers wrote nonfiction, but fictional exposés often had a major impact as well, such as those by Upton Sinclair.[16] In his 1906 novel The Jungle Sinclair exposed the unsanitary and inhumane practices of the meat packing industry. He quipped, "I aimed at the public's heart and by accident I hit it in the stomach," as readers demanded and got the Pure Food and Drug Act.[17]

The journalists who specialized in exposing waste, corruption, and scandal operated at the state and local level, like Ray Stannard Baker, George Creel, and Brand Whitlock. Others such as Lincoln Steffens exposed political corruption in many large cities; Ida Tarbell is famed for her criticisms of John D. Rockefeller's Standard Oil Company. In 1906, David Graham Phillips unleashed a blistering indictment of corruption in the U.S. Senate. Roosevelt gave these journalists their nickname when he complained they were not being helpful by raking up all the muck.[18][19]

Modernization

Further information: Efficiency Movement

The Progressives were avid modernizers, with a belief in science and technology as the grand solution to society's flaws. They looked to education as the key to bridging the gap between their present wasteful society and technologically enlightened future society. Characteristics of Progressivism included a favorable attitude toward urban-industrial society, belief in mankind's ability to improve the environment and conditions of life, belief in an obligation to intervene in economic and social affairs, a belief in the ability of experts and in the efficiency of government intervention.[20][21] Scientific management, as promulgated by Frederick Winslow Taylor, became a watchword for industrial efficiency and elimination of waste, with the stopwatch as its symbol.[22][23]

Philanthropy

The number of rich families climbed exponentially, from 100 or so millionaires in the 1870s, to 4000 in 1892 and 16,000 in 1916. Many subscribed to Andrew Carnegie's credo outlined in The Gospel of Wealth that said they owed a duty to society that called for philanthropic giving to colleges, hospitals, medical research, libraries, museums, religion and social betterment.[24]

In the early 20th century, American philanthropy matured, with the development of very large, highly visible private foundations created by Rockefeller, and Carnegie. The largest foundations fostered modern, efficient, business-oriented operations (as opposed to "charity") designed to better society rather than merely enhance the status of the giver. Close ties were built with the local business community, as in the "community chest" movement.[25] The American Red Cross was reorganized and professionalized.[26] Several major foundations aided the blacks in the South, and were typically advised by Booker T. Washington. By contrast, Europe and Asia had few foundations. This allowed both Carnegie and Rockefeller to operate internationally with powerful effect.[27]

The middle class theory


Charlotte Perkins Gilman (pictured) wrote these articles about feminism for the Atlanta Constitution, published on December 10, 1916.

A hallmark group of the Progressive Era, the middle class became the driving force behind much of the thought and reform that took place in this time. With an increasing disdain for the upper class and aristocracy of the time, the middle class is characterized by their rejection of the individualistic philosophy of the Upper ten.[28] They had a rapidly growing interest in the communication and role between classes, those of which are generally referred to as the upper class, working class, farmers, and themselves.[29] Along these lines, the founder of Hull-House, Jane Addams, coined the term "association" as a counter to Individualism, with association referring to the search for a relationship between the classes.[30] Additionally, the middle class (most notably women) began to move away from prior Victorian era domestic values. Divorce rates increased as women preferred to seek education and freedom from the home.[quantify] Victorianism was pushed aside in favor of the rise of the Progressives.[31]

Individual activists' efforts and works

Politicians and government officials

• President Theodore Roosevelt was a leader of the Progressive movement, and he championed his "Square Deal" domestic policies, promising the average citizen fairness, breaking of trusts, regulation of railroads, and pure food and drugs. He made conservation a top priority and established many new national parks, forests, and monuments intended to preserve the nation's natural resources. In foreign policy, he focused on Central America where he began construction of the Panama Canal. He expanded the army and sent the Great White Fleet on a world tour to project the United States' naval power around the globe. His successful efforts to broker the end of the Russo-Japanese War won him the 1906 Nobel Peace Prize. He avoided controversial tariff and money issues. He was elected to a full term in 1904 and continued to promote progressive policies, some of which were passed in Congress. By 1906 he was moving to the left, advocating for some social welfare programs, and criticizing various business practices such as trusts. The leadership of the GOP in Congress moved to the right, as did his protege President William Howard Taft. Roosevelt broke bitterly with Taft in 1910, and also with Wisconsin's progressive leader Robert M. La Follette. Taft defeated Roosevelt for the 1912 Republican nomination and Roosevelt set up an entirely new Progressive Party. It called for a “New Nationalism” with active supervision of corporations, higher taxes, and unemployment and old-age insurance. He supported voting rights for women, but was silent on civil rights for blacks, who remained in the regular Republican fold. He lost and his new party collapsed, as conservatism dominated the GOP for decades to come. Biographer William Harbaugh argues:

In foreign affairs, Theodore Roosevelt’s legacy is judicious support of the national interest and promotion of world stability through the maintenance of a balance of power; creation or strengthening of international agencies, and resort to their use when practicable; and implicit resolve to use military force, if feasible, to foster legitimate American interests. In domestic affairs, it is the use of government to advance the public interest. “If on this new continent,” he said, “we merely build another country of great but unjustly divided material prosperity, we shall have done nothing.”[32]

• President Woodrow Wilson introduced a comprehensive program of domestic legislation at the outset of his administration, something no president had ever done before.[33] He had four major domestic priorities: the conservation of natural resources, banking reform, tariff reduction, and equal access to raw materials, which would be accomplished in part through the regulation of trusts.[34] Though foreign affairs would increasingly dominate his presidency starting in 1915, Wilson's first two years in office largely focused on the implementation of his New Freedom domestic agenda.[35]

Wilson presided over the passage of his progressive New Freedom domestic agenda. His first major priority was the passage of the Revenue Act of 1913, which lowered tariffs and implemented a federal income tax. Later tax acts implemented a federal estate tax and raised the top income tax rate to 77 percent. Wilson also presided over the passage of the Federal Reserve Act, which created a central banking system in the form of the Federal Reserve System. Two major laws, the Federal Trade Commission Act and the Clayton Antitrust Act, were passed to regulate business and prevent monopolies. Wilson did not support civil rights and did not object to accelerating segregate of federal employees. In World War I he made internationalism a key element of the progressive outlook, as expressed in his Fourteen Points and the League of Nations--an ideal called Wilsonianism.[36][37]

• Charles Evans Hughes, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, played a key role in upholding many reforms, tending to align with Oliver Wendell Holmes. He voted to uphold state laws providing for minimum wages, workmen's compensation, and maximum work hours for women and children.[38] He also wrote several opinions upholding the power of Congress to regulate interstate commerce under the Commerce Clause. His majority opinion in Baltimore & Ohio Railroad vs. Interstate Commerce Commission upheld the right of the federal government to regulate the hours of railroad workers.[39] His majority opinion in the 1914 Shreveport Rate Case upheld the Interstate Commerce Commission's decision to void discriminatory railroad rates imposed by the Railroad Commission of Texas. The decision established that the federal government could regulate intrastate commerce when it affected interstate commerce, though Hughes avoided directly overruling the 1895 case of United States v. E. C. Knight Co..[40]

• Gifford Pinchot was an American forester and politician. Pinchot served as the first Chief of the United States Forest Service from 1905 until 1910, and was the 28th Governor of Pennsylvania, serving from 1923 to 1927, and again from 1931 to 1935. He was a member of the Republican Party for most of his life, though he also joined the Progressive Party for a brief period. Pinchot is known for reforming the management and development of forests in the United States and for advocating the conservation of the nation's reserves by planned use and renewal.[41] He called it "the art of producing from the forest whatever it can yield for the service of man." Pinchot coined the term conservation ethic as applied to natural resources. Pinchot's main contribution was his leadership in promoting scientific forestry and emphasizing the controlled, profitable use of forests and other natural resources so they would be of maximum benefit to mankind.[41] He was the first to demonstrate the practicality and profitability of managing forests for continuous cropping. His leadership put conservation of forests high on America's priority list.[42]

Authors and journalists

• Upton Sinclair was an American writer who wrote nearly 100 books and other works in several genres. Sinclair's work was well known and popular in the first half of the 20th century, and he won the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction in 1943. In 1906, Sinclair acquired particular fame for his classic muck-raking novel The Jungle, which exposed labor and sanitary conditions in the U.S. meatpacking industry, causing a public uproar that contributed in part to the passage a few months later of the 1906 Pure Food and Drug Act and the Meat Inspection Act.[43] In 1919, he published The Brass Check, a muck-raking exposé of American journalism that publicized the issue of yellow journalism and the limitations of the "free press" in the United States. Four years after publication of The Brass Check, the first code of ethics for journalists was created.[44]

He is well remembered for the line: "It is difficult to get a man to understand something, when his salary depends upon his not understanding it."[45] He used this line in speeches and the book about his campaign for governor as a way to explain why the editors and publishers of the major newspapers in California would not treat seriously his proposals for old age pensions and other progressive reforms.[46] Many of his novels can be read as historical works. Sinclair describes the world of industrialized America from both the working man's and the industrialist's points of view. Novels such as King Coal (1917), The Coal War (published posthumously), Oil! (1927), and The Flivver King (1937) describe the working conditions of the coal, oil, and auto industries at the time.

• Ida Tarbell, a writer and lecturer, was one of the leading muckrakers and pioneered investigative journalism.[47] Tarbell is best known for her 1904 book, The History of the Standard Oil Company. The book was published as a series of articles in McClure's Magazine from 1902 to 1904. It has been called a "masterpiece of investigative journalism", by historian J. North Conway,[48] as well as "the single most influential book on business ever published in the United States" by historian Daniel Yergin.[49] The work would contribute to the dissolution of the Standard Oil monopoly and helped usher in the Hepburn Act of 1906, the Mann-Elkins Act, the creation of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and the Clayton Antitrust Act.

• Lincoln Steffens was another investigative journalist and one of the leading muckrakers. He launched a series of articles in McClure's, called Tweed Days in St. Louis,[50] that would later be published together in a book titled The Shame of the Cities. He is remembered for investigating corruption in municipal government in American cities and leftist values.

Researchers and intellectual theorists

• Henry George was an American political economist and journalist. His writing was immensely popular in the 19th century, and sparked several reform movements. His writings also inspired the economic philosophy known as Georgism, based on the belief that people should own the value they produce themselves, but that the economic value derived from land (including natural resources) should belong equally to all members of society. His most famous work, Progress and Poverty (1879), sold millions of copies worldwide, probably more than any other American book before that time. The treatise investigates the paradox of increasing inequality and poverty amid economic and technological progress, the cyclic nature of industrialized economies, and the use of rent capture such as land value tax and other anti-monopoly reforms as a remedy for these and other social problems.

The mid-20th century labor economist and journalist George Soule wrote that George was "By far the most famous American economic writer," and "author of a book which probably had a larger world-wide circulation than any other work on economics ever written."[51]

• Herbert David Croly was an intellectual leader of the progressive movement as an editor, political philosopher and a co-founder of the magazine The New Republic in early twentieth-century America. His political philosophy influenced many leading progressives including Theodore Roosevelt, as well as his close friends Judge Learned Hand and Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter.[52] His 1909 book The Promise of American Life looked to the constitutional liberalism as espoused by Alexander Hamilton, combined with the radical democracy of Thomas Jefferson.[53] The book was one of the most influential in American political history, shaping the ideas of many intellectuals and political leaders. It also influenced the later New Deal. Calling themselves "The New Nationalists", Croly and Walter Weyl sought to remedy the relatively weak national institutions with a strong federal government. He promoted a strong army and navy and attacked pacifists who thought democracy at home and peace abroad was best served by keeping America weak.

Croly was one of the founders of modern liberalism in the United States, especially through his books, essays and a highly influential magazine founded in 1914, The New Republic. In his 1914 book Progressive Democracy, Croly rejected the thesis that the liberal tradition in the United States was inhospitable to anti-capitalist alternatives. He drew from the American past a history of resistance to capitalist wage relations that was fundamentally liberal, and he reclaimed an idea that progressives had allowed to lapse—that working for wages was a lesser form of liberty. Increasingly skeptical of the capacity of social welfare legislation to remedy social ills, Croly argued that America's liberal promise could be redeemed only by syndicalist reforms involving workplace democracy. His liberal goals were part of his commitment to American republicanism.[54]

• Thorstein Veblen was an American economist and sociologist, who during his lifetime emerged as a well-known critic of capitalism. In his best-known book, The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899), Veblen coined the concept of conspicuous consumption and conspicuous leisure. Historians of economics regard Veblen as the founding father of the institutional economics school. Contemporary economists still theorize Veblen's distinction between "institutions" and "technology", known as the Veblenian dichotomy. As a leading intellectual, Veblen attacked production for profit. His emphasis on conspicuous consumption greatly influenced economists who engaged in non-Marxist critiques of capitalism and of technological determinism.

Activists and organizers

• Mary G. Harris Jones,[55][56] known as Mother Jones, was an Irish-born American schoolteacher and dressmaker who became a prominent organized labor representative, community organizer, and activist. She helped coordinate major strikes and co-founded the Industrial Workers of the World. Jones worked as a teacher and dressmaker, but after her husband and four children all died of yellow fever in 1867 and her dress shop was destroyed in the Great Chicago Fire of 1871, she became an organizer for the Knights of Labor and the United Mine Workers union. From 1897 onwards, she was known as Mother Jones. In 1902, she was called "the most dangerous woman in America" for her success in organizing mine workers and their families against the mine owners. In 1903, to protest the lax enforcement of the child labor laws in the Pennsylvania mines and silk mills, she organized a children's march from Philadelphia to the home of President Theodore Roosevelt in New York.

Societal reformers and activists

• Jane Addams was an American settlement activist, reformer, social worker,[57][58] sociologist,[59] public administrator[60][61] and author. She was a notable figure in the history of social work and women's suffrage in the United States and an advocate for world peace.[62] She co-founded Chicago's Hull House, one of America's most famous settlement houses. In 1920, she was a co-founder for the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU).[63] In 1931, she became the first American woman to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, and is recognized as the founder of the social work profession in the United States.[64] Maurice Hamington considered her a radical pragmatist and the first woman "public philosopher" in the United States.[65] In the 1930s, she was the best-known female public figure in the United States. .[66]

Key ideas and issues

Government reform

Disturbed by the waste, inefficiency, stubbornness, corruption, and injustices of the Gilded Age, the Progressives were committed to changing and reforming every aspect of the state, society and economy. Significant changes enacted at the national levels included the imposition of an income tax with the Sixteenth Amendment, direct election of Senators with the Seventeenth Amendment, Prohibition with the Eighteenth Amendment, election reforms to stop corruption and fraud, and women's suffrage through the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.[67]

A main objective of the Progressive Era movement was to eliminate corruption within the government. They made it a point to also focus on family, education, and many other important aspects that still are enforced today. The most important political leaders during this time were Theodore Roosevelt, Robert M. La Follette Sr., Charles Evans Hughes, and Herbert Hoover. Some democratic leaders included William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson, and Al Smith.[68]

This movement targeted the regulations of huge monopolies and corporations. This was done through antitrust laws to promote equal competition amongst every business. This was done through the Sherman Act of 1890, the Clayton Act of 1914, and the Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914.[68]

Family and food


Colorado judge Ben Lindsey, a pioneer in the establishment of juvenile court systems

Progressives believed that the family was the foundation stone of American society, and the government, especially municipal government, must work to enhance the family.[69] Local public assistance programs were reformed to try to keep families together. Inspired by crusading Judge Ben Lindsey of Denver, cities established juvenile courts to deal with disruptive teenagers without sending them to adult prisons.[70][71]

During the progressive era more women took work outside the home. For the working class this work was often as a domestic servant. Yet working or not women were expected to perform all the cooking and cleaning. This "affected female domestics' experiences of their homes, workplaces, and possessions, While the male household members, comforted by the smells of home cooking, fresh laundry, and soaped floors, would have seen home as a refuge from work, women would have associated these same smells with the labor that they expended to maintain order."[72] With increases in technology some of this work became easier. The "introduction of gas, indoor plumbing, electricity and garbage pickup had a significant impact on the homes and the women who were responsible for maintaining them."[73] With the introduction of new methods of heating and lighting the home allowed for use of space once used for storage to become living spaces.[73] Women were targeted by advertisements for many different products once produced at home. These products were anything from mayonnaise, soda, or canned vegetables.[74]

The purity of food, milk and drinking water became a high priority in the cities. At the state and national levels new food and drug laws strengthened urban efforts to guarantee the safety of the food system. The 1906 federal Pure Food and Drug Act, which was pushed by drug companies and providers of medical services, removed from the market patent medicines that had never been scientifically tested.[75]

With the decrease in standard working hours, urban families had more leisure time. Many spent this leisure time at movie theaters. Progressives advocated for censorship of motion pictures as it was believed that patrons (especially children) viewing movies in dark, unclean, potentially unsafe theaters, might be negatively influenced in witnessing actors portraying crimes, violence, and sexually suggestive situations. Progressives across the country influenced municipal governments of large urban cities, to build numerous parks where it was believed that leisure time for children and families could be spent in a healthy, wholesome environment, thereby fostering good morals and citizenship.[76]

Labor policy and unions

Labor unions, especially the American Federation of Labor (AFL), grew rapidly in the early 20th century, and had a Progressive agenda as well. After experimenting in the early 20th century with cooperation with business in the National Civic Federation, the AFL turned after 1906 to a working political alliance with the Democratic party. The alliance was especially important in the larger industrial cities. The unions wanted restrictions on judges who intervened in labor disputes, usually on the side of the employer. They finally achieved that goal with the Norris–La Guardia Act of 1932.[77]

By the turn of the century, more and more small businesses were getting fed up with the way that they were treated compared to the bigger businesses. It seemed that the "Upper Ten" were turning a blind-eye to the smaller businesses, cutting corners wherever they could to make more profit. The big businesses would soon find out that the smaller businesses were starting to gain ground over them, so they became unsettled as described; "Constant pressure from the public, labor organizations, small business interests, and federal and state governments forced the corporate giants to engage in a balancing act."[78] Now that all of these new regulations and standards were being enacted, the big business would now have to stoop to everyone's level, including the small businesses. The big businesses would soon find out that in order to succeed they would have to band together with the smaller businesses to be successful, kind of a "Yin and Yang" effect.

United States President William Howard Taft signed the March 4, 1913, bill (the last day of his presidency), establishing the Department of Labor as a Cabinet-level department, replacing the previous Department of Commerce and Labor. William B. Wilson was appointed as the first Secretary of Labor on March 5, 1913, by President Wilson.[79] In October 1919, Secretary Wilson chaired the first meeting of the International Labour Organization even though the U.S. was not yet a member.[80]

In September 1916, the Federal Employees' Compensation Act introduced benefits to workers who are injured or contract illnesses in the workplace. The act established an agency responsible for federal workers’ compensation, which was transferred to the Labor Department in the 1940s and has become known as the Office of Workers' Compensation Programs.[81]

Civil rights issues

Women

Main article: History of women in the United States § Progressive era: 1900–1940
Across the nation, middle-class women organized on behalf of social reforms during the Progressive Era. Using the language of municipal housekeeping women were able to push such reforms as prohibition, women's suffrage, child-saving, and public health.

Middle class women formed local clubs, which after 1890 were coordinated by the General Federation of Women's Clubs (GFWC). Historian Paige Meltzer puts the GFWC in the context of the Progressive Movement, arguing that its policies:

built on Progressive-era strategies of municipal housekeeping. During the Progressive era, female activists used traditional constructions of womanhood, which imagined all women as mothers and homemakers, to justify their entrance into community affairs: as "municipal housekeepers," they would clean up politics, cities, and see after the health and well being of their neighbors. Donning the mantle of motherhood, female activists methodically investigated their community's needs and used their "maternal" expertise to lobby, create, and secure a place for themselves in an emerging state welfare bureaucracy, best illustrated perhaps by clubwoman Julia Lathrop's leadership in the Children's Bureau. As part of this tradition of maternal activism, the Progressive-era General Federation supported a range of causes from the pure food and drug administration to public health care for mothers and children, to a ban on child labor, each of which looked to the state to help implement their vision of social justice.[82]

Women during the Progressive Era were often unhappy and faked enjoyment in their married heterosexual relationships.[83] Middle class women known for calling out change, specifically in cities like New York City, questioned the rethinking of marriage and sexuality. Women craved more sexual freedom following the sexually repressive and restrictive Victorian Era.[83] Dating in relationships became a new way of courting during the Progressive Era and moved the United States into a more romantic way of viewing marriage and relationships.[83] Within more engagements and marriages, both parties would exchange love notes as a way to express their sexual feelings. The divide between aggressive passionate love associated usually with men and a women's more spiritual romantic love became apparent in the middle-class as women were judged on how they should be respected based on how they expressed these feelings.[83] So, frequently women expressed passionless emotions towards love as a way to establish status among men in the middle class.[83]

Women's Suffrage

Main article: National American Woman Suffrage Association


"The Awakening": Suffragists were successful in the West; their torch awakens the women struggling in the East and South in this cartoon by Hy Mayer in Puck Feb. 20, 1915.

The National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) was an American women's rights organization formed in May 1890 as a unification of the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) and the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA). The NAWSA set up hundreds of smaller local and state groups, with the goal of passing woman suffrage legislation at the state and local level. The NAWSA was the largest and most important suffrage organization in the United States, and was the primary promoter of women's right to vote. Carrie Chapman Catt was the key leader in the early 20th century. Like AWSA and NWSA before it, the NAWSA pushed for a constitutional amendment guaranteeing women's voting rights, and was instrumental in winning the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution in 1920.[84][85] A breakaway group, the National Woman's Party, tightly controlled by Alice Paul, used civil disobedience to gain publicity and force passage of suffrage. Paul's members chained themselves to the White House fence in order to get arrested, then went on hunger strikes to gain publicity. While the British suffragettes stopped their protests in 1914 and supported the British war effort, Paul began her campaign in 1917 and was widely criticized for ignoring the war and attracting radical anti-war elements.[86]

Race relations

Across the South, black communities developed their own Progressive reform projects.[87][88] Typical projects involved upgrading schools, modernizing church operations, expanding business opportunities, fighting for a larger share of state budgets, and engaging in legal action to secure equal rights.[89] Reform projects were especially notable in rural areas, where the great majority of Southern blacks lived.[90]

Rural blacks were heavily involved in environmental issues, in which they developed their own traditions and priorities.[91][92] George Washington Carver (1860–1943) was a leader in promoting environmentalism, and was well known for his research projects, particularly those involving agriculture.[93]

Although there were some achievements that improved conditions for African Americans and other non-white minorities, the Progressive Era was the nadir of American race relations. While white Progressives in principle believed in improving conditions for minority groups, there were wide differences in how this was to be achieved. Some, such as Lillian Wald, fought to alleviate the plight of poor African Americans. Many, though, were concerned with enforcing, not eradicating, racial segregation. In particular, the mixing of black and white pleasure-seekers in "black-and-tan" clubs troubled Progressive reformers.[94] The Progressive ideology espoused by many of the era attempted to correct societal problems created by racial integration following the Civil War by segregating the races and allowing each group to achieve its own potential. That is to say that most Progressives saw racial integration as a problem to be solved, rather than a goal to be achieved.[95][96][97] As white progressives sought to help the white working-class, clean-up politics, and improve the cities, the country instated the system of racial segregation known as Jim Crow.[98]

One of the most impacting issues African Americans had to face during the Progressive Era was the right to vote. By the beginning of the 20th century, African Americans were "disfranchised", while in the years prior to this, the right to vote was guaranteed to "freedmen" through the Civil Rights Act of 1870.[99] Southern whites wanted to rid of the political influence of the black vote, citing "that black voting meant only corruption of elections, incompetence of government, and the engendering of fierce racial antagonisms."[99] Progressive whites found a "loophole" to the 15th Amendment's prohibition of denying one the right to vote due to race through the Grandfather Clause.[99] This allowed for the creation of "tests" that would essentially be designed in a way that would allow for whites to pass them but not African Americans or any other persons of color.[99] Actions such as these from whites of the Progressive Era are some of the many that tied into the Progressive goal, as historian Michael McGerr states, "to segregate society."[100]

Legal historian Herbert Hovenkamp argues that while many early progressives inherited the racism of Jim Crow, as they begin to innovate their own ideas, they would embrace behaviorism, cultural relativism and marginalism which stress environmental influences on humans rather than biological inheritance. He states that ultimately progressives "were responsible for bringing scientific racism to an end".[101]

Part 2 of 3

Key political reform efforts

Democracy


President Theodore Roosevelt


President William Howard Taft


President Woodrow Wilson

Theodore Roosevelt (1901–1909); William Howard Taft (1909–1913); and Woodrow Wilson (1913–1921); were the main progressive U.S. Presidents; their administrations saw intense social and political change in American society.

Many Progressives sought to enable the citizenry to rule more directly and circumvent machines, bosses and professional politicians. The institution of the initiative and referendums made it possible to pass laws without the involvement of the legislature, while the recall allowed for the removal of corrupt or under-performing officials, and the direct primary let people democratically nominate candidates, avoiding the professionally dominated conventions. Thanks to the efforts of Oregon State Representative William S. U'Ren and his Direct Legislation League, voters in Oregon overwhelmingly approved a ballot measure in 1902 that created the initiative and referendum processes for citizens to directly introduce or approve proposed laws or amendments to the state constitution, making Oregon the first state to adopt such a system. U'Ren also helped in the passage of an amendment in 1908 that gave voters power to recall elected officials, and would go on to establish, at the state level, popular election of U.S. Senators and the first presidential primary in the United States. In 1911, California governor Hiram Johnson established the Oregon System of "Initiative, Referendum, and Recall" in his state, viewing them as good influences for citizen participation against the historic influence of large corporations on state lawmakers.[102] These Progressive reforms were soon replicated in other states, including Idaho, Washington, and Wisconsin, and today roughly half of U.S. states have initiative, referendum and recall provisions in their state constitutions.[103]

About 16 states began using primary elections to reduce the power of bosses and machines.[104] The Seventeenth Amendment was ratified in 1913, requiring that all senators be elected by the people (they were formerly appointed by state legislatures). The main motivation was to reduce the power of political bosses, who controlled the Senate seats by virtue of their control of state legislatures. The result, according to political scientist Henry Jones Ford, was that the United States Senate had become a "Diet of party lords, wielding their power without scruple or restraint, on behalf of those particular interests" that put them in office.[105]

Municipal reform

Further information: American urban history § Progressive era: 1890s–1920s

A coalition of middle-class reform-oriented voters, academic experts, and reformers hostile to the political machines started forming in the 1890s and introduced a series of reforms in urban America, designed to reduce waste, inefficiency and corruption, by introducing scientific methods, compulsory education and administrative innovations.

The pace was set in Detroit, Michigan, where Republican mayor Hazen S. Pingree first put together the reform coalition.[106] Many cities set up municipal reference bureaus to study the budgets and administrative structures of local governments.

Progressive mayors took the lead in many key cities,[107] such as Cleveland, Ohio (especially Mayor Tom Johnson); Toledo, Ohio;[108] Jersey City, New Jersey;[109] Los Angeles;[110] Memphis, Tennessee;[111] Louisville, Kentucky;[112] and many other cities, especially in the western states. In Illinois, Governor Frank Lowden undertook a major reorganization of state government.[113] In Wisconsin, the stronghold of Robert La Follette Sr., the Wisconsin Idea used the state university as a major source of ideas and expertise.[114]

Rural reform

Further information: Country life movement

As late as 1920, half the population lived in rural areas. They experienced their own progressive reforms, typically with the explicit goal of upgrading country life.[115] By 1910 most farmers subscribed to a farm newspaper, where editors promoted efficiency as applied to farming.[116] Special efforts were made to reach the rural South and remote areas, such as the mountains of Appalachia and the Ozarks.[117]

The most urgent need was better transportation. The railroad system was virtually complete; the need was for much better roads. The traditional method of putting the burden on maintaining roads on local landowners was increasingly inadequate. New York State took the lead in 1898, and by 1916 the old system had been discarded in every area. Demands grew for local and state government to take charge. With the coming of the automobile after 1910, urgent efforts were made to upgrade and modernize dirt roads designed for horse-drawn wagon traffic. The American Association for Highway Improvement was organized in 1910. Funding came from automobile registration, and taxes on motor fuels, as well as state aid. In 1916, federal-aid was first made available to improve post-roads, and promote general commerce. Congress appropriated $75 million over a five-year period, with the Secretary of Agriculture in charge through the Bureau of Public Roads, in cooperation with the state highway departments. There were 2.4 million miles of rural dirt rural roads in 1914; 100,000 miles had been improved with grading and gravel, and 3000 miles were given high quality surfacing. The rapidly increasing speed of automobiles, and especially trucks, made maintenance and repair a high priority. Concrete was first used in 1933, and expanded until it became the dominant surfacing material in the 1930s.[118][119] The South had fewer cars and trucks and much less money, but it worked through highly visible demonstration projects like the "Dixie Highway."[120]

Rural schools were often poorly funded, one room operations. Typically, classes were taught by young local women before they married, with only occasional supervision by county superintendents. The progressive solution was modernization through consolidation, with the result of children attending modern schools. There they would be taught by full-time professional teachers who had graduated from the states' teachers colleges, were certified, and were monitored by the county superintendents. Farmers complained at the expense, and also at the loss of control over local affairs, but in state after state the consolidation process went forward.[121][122]

Numerous other programs were aimed at rural youth, including 4-H clubs,[123] Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts. County fairs not only gave prizes for the most productive agricultural practices, they also demonstrated those practices to an attentive rural audience. Programs for new mothers included maternity care and training in baby care.[124]

The movement's attempts at introducing urban reforms to rural America often met resistance from traditionalists who saw the country-lifers as aggressive modernizers who were condescending and out of touch with rural life. The traditionalists said many of their reforms were unnecessary and not worth the trouble of implementing. Rural residents also disagreed with the notion that farms needed to improve their efficiency, as they saw this goal as serving urban interests more than rural ones. The social conservatism of many rural residents also led them to resist attempts for change led by outsiders. Most important, the traditionalists did not want to become modern, and did not want their children inculcated with alien modern values through comprehensive schools that were remote from local control.[125][126] The most successful reforms came from the farmers who pursued agricultural extension, as their proposed changes were consistent with existing modernizing trends toward more efficiency and more profit in agriculture.

Constitutional change

The Progressives fixed some of their reforms into law by adding amendments 16, 17, 18, and 19 to the US Constitution. The 16th amendment made an income tax legal (this required an amendment due to Article One, Section 9 of the Constitution, which required that direct taxes be laid on the States in proportion to their population as determined by the decennial census). The Progressives also made strides in attempts to reduce political corruption through the 17th amendment (direct election of U.S. Senators). The most radical and controversial amendment came during the anti-German craze of World War I that helped the Progressives and others push through their plan for prohibition through the 18th amendment (once the Progressives fell out of power the 21st amendment repealed the 18th in 1933). The ratification of the 19th amendment in 1920, which recognized women's suffrage was the last amendment during the progressive era.[127] Another significant constitutional change that began during the progressive era was the incorporation of the Bill of Rights so that those rights would apply to the states. In 1920, Benjamin Gitlow was convicted under the Espionage Act of 1917 and the case went all the way to the Supreme Court, where the justices decided that the First Amendment applied to the states as well as the federal government. Prior to that time, the Bill of Rights was considered to apply only to the federal government, not the states.

Government policy and roles

Economic policy


President Wilson used tariff, currency, and antitrust laws to prime the pump and get the economy working.

The Progressive Era was one of general prosperity after the Panic of 1893—a severe depression—ended in 1897. The Panic of 1907 was short and mostly affected financiers. However, Campbell (2005) stresses the weak points of the economy in 1907–1914, linking them to public demands for more Progressive interventions. The Panic of 1907 was followed by a small decline in real wages and increased unemployment, with both trends continuing until World War I. Campbell emphasizes the resulting stress on public finance and the impact on the Wilson administration's policies. The weakened economy and persistent federal deficits led to changes in fiscal policy, including the imposition of federal income taxes on businesses and individuals and the creation of the Federal Reserve System.[128] Government agencies were also transformed in an effort to improve administrative efficiency.[129]

In the Gilded Age (late 19th century) the parties were reluctant to involve the federal government too heavily in the private sector, except in the area of railroads and tariffs. In general, they accepted the concept of laissez-faire, a doctrine opposing government interference in the economy except to maintain law and order. This attitude started to change during the depression of the 1890s when small business, farm, and labor movements began asking the government to intercede on their behalf.[129]

By the start of the 20th century, a middle class had developed that was leery of both the business elite and the radical political movements of farmers and laborers in the Midwest and West. The Progressives argued the need for government regulation of business practices to ensure competition and free enterprise. Congress enacted a law regulating railroads in 1887 (the Interstate Commerce Act), and one preventing large firms from controlling a single industry in 1890 (the Sherman Antitrust Act). These laws were not rigorously enforced, however, until the years between 1900 and 1920, when Republican President Theodore Roosevelt (1901–1909), Democratic President Woodrow Wilson (1913–1921), and others sympathetic to the views of the Progressives came to power. Many of today's U.S. regulatory agencies were created during these years, including the Interstate Commerce Commission and the Federal Trade Commission. Muckrakers were journalists who encouraged readers to demand more regulation of business. Upton Sinclair's The Jungle (1906) was influential and persuaded America about the supposed horrors of the Chicago Union Stock Yards, a giant complex of meat processing plants that developed in the 1870s. The federal government responded to Sinclair's book and the Neill–Reynolds Report with the new regulatory Food and Drug Administration. Ida M. Tarbell wrote a series of articles against Standard Oil, which was perceived to be a monopoly. This affected both the government and the public reformers. Attacks by Tarbell and others helped pave the way for public acceptance of the breakup of the company by the Supreme Court in 1911.[129]

When Democrat Woodrow Wilson was elected President with a Democratic Congress in 1912 he implemented a series of Progressive policies in economics. In 1913, the Sixteenth Amendment was ratified, and a small income tax was imposed on higher incomes. The Democrats lowered tariffs with the Underwood Tariff in 1913, though its effects were overwhelmed by the changes in trade caused by the World War that broke out in 1914. Wilson proved especially effective in mobilizing public opinion behind tariff changes by denouncing corporate lobbyists, addressing Congress in person in highly dramatic fashion, and staging an elaborate ceremony when he signed the bill into law.[130] Wilson helped end the long battles over the trusts with the Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914. He managed to convince lawmakers on the issues of money and banking by the creation in 1913 of the Federal Reserve System, a complex business-government partnership that to this day dominates the financial world.[131]

In 1913, Henry Ford dramatically increased the efficiency of his factories by large-scale use of the moving assembly line, with each worker doing one simple task in the production of automobiles. Emphasizing efficiency, Ford more than doubled wages (and cut hours from 9 a day to 8), attracting the best workers and sharply reducing labor turnover and absenteeism. His employees could and did buy his cars, and by cutting prices over and over he made the Model T cheap enough for millions of people to buy in the U.S. and in every major country. Ford's profits soared and his company dominated the world's automobile industry. Henry Ford became the world-famous prophet of high wages and high profits.[132] A study was conducted by Robert and Helen Lynd on American society as the need and want for cars was increasing and were made affordable to Americans. They published a book titled "Middletown[133]" in 1929. In this study they found how the automobile impacted American families. Budgets changed dramatically and the automobile has revolutionized how people spent their free time.

Immigration policy

The influx of immigration grew steadily after 1896, with most new arrivals being unskilled workers from southern and eastern Europe. These immigrants were able to find work in the steel mills, slaughterhouses, fishing industry, and construction crews of the emergent mill towns and industrial cities mostly in the Northeast, Midwest, and West Coast. The outbreak of World War I in 1914 halted most transcontinental immigration, only after 1919 did the flow of immigrants resume. Starting in the 1880s, the labor unions aggressively promoted restrictions on immigration, especially restrictions on Chinese, Japanese and Korean immigrants.[134] In combination with the racist attitudes of the time, there was a fear that large numbers of unskilled, low-paid workers would defeat the union's efforts to raise wages through collective bargaining.[135] In addition, rural Protestants distrusted the urban Catholics and Jews who comprised most of the Southern and Eastern European immigrants, and on those grounds opposed immigration.[136] On the other hand, the rapid growth of the industry called for a greater and expanding labor pool that could not be met by natural birth rates. As a result, many large corporations were opposed to immigration restrictions. By the early 1920s, a consensus had been reached that the total influx of immigration had to be restricted, and a series of laws in the 1920s accomplished that purpose.[137] A handful of eugenics advocates were also involved in immigration restriction for their own pseudo-scientific reasons.[138] Immigration restriction continued to be a national policy until after World War II.

During World War I, the Progressives strongly promoted Americanization programs, designed to modernize the recent immigrants and turn them into model American citizens, while diminishing loyalties to the old country.[139] These programs often operated through the public school system, which expanded dramatically.[140]

Foreign policy

Progressives looked to legal arbitration as an alternative to warfare. The two leading proponents were Taft, a constitutional lawyer who later became Chief Justice, and Democratic leaders William Jennings Bryan. Taft's political base was the conservative business community which largely supported peace movements before 1914. The businessmen believed that economic rivalries were cause of war, and that extensive trade led to an interdependent world that would make war a very expensive and useless anachronism. One early success came in the Newfoundland fisheries dispute between the United States and Britain in 1910. In 1911 Taft's diplomats signed wide-ranging arbitration treaties with France and Britain. However he was defeated by former President Theodore Roosevelt, who had broken with his protégé Taft in 1910. They were dueling for control of the Republican Party and Roosevelt encouraged the Senate to impose amendments that significantly weakened the treaties. On the one hand, Roosevelt was acting to sabotage Taft's campaign promises.[141] At a deeper level, Roosevelt truly believed that arbitration was a naïve solution and the great issues had to be decided by warfare. The Roosevelt in approach incorporated a near-mystical faith of the ennobling nature of war. It endorsed jingoistic nationalism as opposed to the businessmen's calculation of profit and national interest. [142]

Foreign policy in the progressive era was often marked by a tone of moral supremacy. Woodrow Wilson and William Jennings Bryan both saw themselves as 'Missionaries of Democracy', with the deliberate religious overtone. Historian Arthur S. Link says they felt they were, "Inspired by the confidence that they knew better how to promote the peace and well-being of other countries than did the leaders of those countries themselves."[143] Similar ideas and language had already been used previously in the Monroe Doctrine, wherein Roosevelt claimed that the United States could serve as the police of the world, using its power to end unrest and wrongdoing on the western hemisphere. Using this moralistic approach, Roosevelt argued for intervention with Cuba to help it to become a "just and stable civilization", by way of the Platt amendment. Wilson used a similar moralistic tone when dealing with Mexico. In 1913, while revolutionaries took control of the government, Wilson judged them to be immoral, and refused to acknowledge the in-place government on that reason alone.[144]

Overseas possessions: the Philippines

The Philippines were acquired by the United States in 1899, after victory over Spanish forces at the Battle of Manila Bay and a long series of controversial political debates between the senate and President McKinley and was considered the largest colonial acquisition by the United States at this time.[145]

While anti-imperialist sentiments had been prevalent in the United States during this time, the acquisition of the Philippines sparked the relatively minor population into action. Voicing their opinions in public, they sought to deter American leaders from keeping the Asian-Pacific nation and to avoid the temptations of expansionist tendencies that were widely viewed as "un-American" at that time.[146]

Philippines was a major target for the progressive reformers. A 1907 report to Secretary of War Taft provided a summary of what the American civil administration had achieved. It included, in addition to the rapid building of a public school system based on English teaching, and boasted about such modernizing achievements as:

steel and concrete wharves at the newly renovated Port of Manila; dredging the River Pasig; streamlining of the Insular Government; accurate, intelligible accounting; the construction of a telegraph and cable communications network; the establishment of a postal savings bank; large-scale road-and bridge-building; impartial and incorrupt policing; well-financed civil engineering; the conservation of old Spanish architecture; large public parks; a bidding process for the right to build railways; Corporation law; and a coastal and geological survey.[147]

In 1903 the American reformers in the Philippines passed two major land acts designed to turn landless peasants into owners of their farms. By 1905 the law was clearly a failure. Reformers such as Taft believed landownership would turn unruly agrarians into loyal subjects. The social structure in rural Philippines was highly traditional and highly unequal. Drastic changes in land ownership posed a major challenge to local elites, who would not accept it, nor would their peasant clients. The American reformers blamed peasant resistance to landownership for the law's failure and argued that large plantations and sharecropping was the Philippines' best path to development.[148]

Elite Filipina women played a major role in the reform movement, especially on health issues. They specialized on such urgent needs as infant care and maternal and child health, the distribution of pure milk and teaching new mothers about children's health. The most prominent organizations were the La Protección de la Infancia, and the National Federation of Women's Clubs.[149]

Peace movement

Although the Progressive Era was characterized by public support for World War I under Woodrow Wilson, there was also a substantial opposition to World War II.

Societal reforms

Eugenics

Main article: Eugenics in the United States

Some Progressives sponsored eugenics as a solution to excessively large or underperforming families, hoping that birth control would enable parents to focus their resources on fewer, better children.[150] Progressive leaders like Herbert Croly and Walter Lippmann indicated their classically liberal concern over the danger posed to the individual by the practice of eugenics.[151] The Catholics strongly opposed birth control proposals such as eugenics.[152]

Prohibition

Prohibition was the outlawing of the manufacture, sale and transport of alcohol. Drinking itself was never prohibited. Throughout the Progressive Era, it remained one of the prominent causes associated with Progressivism at the local, state and national level, though support across the full breadth of Progressives was mixed. It pitted the minority urban Catholic population against the larger rural Protestant element, and Progressivism's rise in the rural communities was aided in part by the general increase in public consciousness of social issues of the temperance movement, which achieved national success with the passage of the 18th Amendment by Congress in late 1917, and the ratification by three-fourths of the states in 1919. Prohibition was backed by the Methodists, Baptists, Congregationalists, Scandinavian Lutherans and other evangelical churches. Activists were mobilized by the highly effective Anti-Saloon League.[153] Timberlake (1963) argues the dries sought to break the liquor trust, weaken the saloon base of big-city machines, enhance industrial efficiency, and reduce the level of wife beating, child abuse, and poverty caused by alcoholism.[154]

Agitation for prohibition began during the Second Great Awakening in the 1840s when crusades against drinking originated from evangelical Protestants.[155] Evangelicals precipitated the second wave of prohibition legislation during the 1880s, which had as its aim local and state prohibition. During the 1880s, referendums were held at the state level to enact prohibition amendments. Two important groups were formed during this period. The Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) was formed in 1874.[156] The Anti-Saloon League which began in Ohio was formed in 1893, uniting activists from different religious groups.[157] The league, rooted in Protestant churches, envisioned nationwide prohibition. Rather than condemn all drinking, the group focused attention on the saloon which was considered the ultimate symbol of public vice. The league also concentrated on campaigns for the right of individual communities to choose whether to close their saloons.[158] In 1907, Georgia and Alabama were the first states to go dry followed by Oklahoma, Mississippi, North Carolina, and Tennessee in the following years. In 1913, Congress passed the Webb-Kenyon Act, which forbade the transport of liquor into dry states.

By 1917, two thirds of the states had some form of prohibition laws and roughly three quarters of the population lived in dry areas. In 1913, the Anti-Saloon League first publicly appealed for a prohibition amendment. They preferred a constitutional amendment over a federal statute because although harder to achieve, they felt it would be harder to change. As the United States entered World War I, the Conscription Act banned the sale of liquor near military bases.[159] In August 1917, the Lever Food and Fuel Control Act banned production of distilled spirits for the duration of the war. The War Prohibition Act, November, 1918, forbade the manufacture and sale of intoxicating beverages (more than 2.75% alcohol content) until the end of demobilization.

The drys worked energetically to secure two-third majority of both houses of Congress and the support of three quarters of the states needed for an amendment to the federal constitution. Thirty-six states were needed, and organizations were set up at all 48 states to seek ratification. In late 1917, Congress passed the Eighteenth Amendment; it was ratified in 1919 and took effect in January 1920. It prohibited the manufacturing, sale or transport of intoxicating beverages within the United States, as well as import and export. The Volstead Act, 1919, defined intoxicating as having alcohol content greater than 0.5% and established the procedures for federal enforcement of the Act. The states were at liberty to enforce prohibition or not, and most did not try.[160]

Consumer demand, however, led to a variety of illegal sources for alcohol, especially illegal distilleries and smuggling from Canada and other countries. It is difficult to determine the level of compliance, and although the media at the time portrayed the law as highly ineffective, even if it did not eradicate the use of alcohol, it certainly decreased alcohol consumption during the period. The Eighteenth Amendment was repealed in 1933, with the passage of the Twenty-First Amendment, thanks to a well-organized repeal campaign led by Catholics (who stressed personal liberty) and businessmen (who stressed the lost tax revenue).[160]

Prohibition also brought a rise to organized crime, who was able to profit off the sales of illegal alcohol. Al Capone was one of the most well-known criminals to partake in illegal alcohol sales. There was a huge demand for alcohol, but most business owners were unwilling to risk getting involved in the transportation of alcohol. The business owners did however have little issue with selling the alcohol that the criminals like Capone provided.[161]

Organized Crime was able to be successful due to their willingness to use intimidation and violence to carry out their illicit enterprises. During prohibition, the mafia was able to grow their stronghold on illegal activities throughout the United States. This illegal behavior began almost in conjunction with prohibition being voted into law. Within the first hours of prohibition, the police in Chicago reported the theft of medicinal liquor.[162] The prohibition era gangsters outlasted the law and used it as a starting point to launch their criminal enterprises.

Education

The reform of schools and other educational institutions was one of the prime concerns of the middle class during this time period. The number of schools in the nation increased dramatically, as did the need for a better more-rounded education system. The face of the Progressive Education Movement in America was John Dewey, a professor at the University of Chicago (1896–1904) who advocated for schools to incorporate everyday skills instead of only teaching academic content. Dewey felt the younger generation was losing the opportunity to learn the art of democratic participation and in turn wrote many novels such as The Child and the Curriculum and Schools of tomorrow. A higher level of education also gained popularity. By 1930, 12.4% of 18 to 21-year-olds were attending college, whereas in 1890 only about 3% of this demographic had an interest in higher learning.[163][164][165]

Women's education in home economics

A new field of study, the art and science of homemaking, emerged in the Progressive Era in an effort to feminize women's education in the United States. Home economics emerged at the end of the nineteenth century in response to the many changes occurring both at the level of material culture and practices and in the more abstract realm of gender ideology and thinking about the home. As the industrial revolution took hold of the American economy and as mass production, alienation, and urbanization appeared to be unstoppable trends, Americans looked for solutions that could soften the effects of change without slowing down the engines of progress.[166] Alternatively called home arts, the major curriculum reform in women's education was influenced by the publication of Treatise on Domestic Economy, written by Catherine Beecher in 1843. Advocates of home economics argued that homemaking, as a profession, required education and training for the development of an efficient and systematic domestic practice. The curriculum aimed to cover a variety of topics, including teaching standardized way of gardening, child-rearing, cooking, cleaning, performing household maintenance, and doctoring. Such scientific management applied to the domestic sphere was presented as a solution to the dilemma middle class women faced in terms of searching for meaning and fulfillment in their role of housekeeping. The feminist perspective, by pushing for this type of education, intended to explain that women had separate but equally important responsibilities in life with men that required proper training.[167]

Children and education

There was a concern towards working-class children being taken out of school to be put straight to work. Progressives around the country put up campaigns to push for an improvement in public education and to make education mandatory. It was further pushed in the South, where education was very much behind compared to the rest of the country. The Southern Education Board came together to publicize the importance of reform. However, many rejected the reform. Farmers and workers relied heavily on their eldest children, their first born, to work and help the family's income. Immigrants were not for reform either, fearing that such a thing would Americanize their children. Despite those fighting against reform, there was a positive outcome to the fight for reform. Enrollment for children (age 5 to 19) in school rose from 50.5 percent to 59.2 between 1900 and 1909. Enrollment in public secondary school went from 519,000 to 841,000. School funds and the term of public schools also grew.[168]

Medicine and law

The Flexner Report of 1910, sponsored by the Carnegie Foundation, professionalized American medicine by discarding the scores of local small medical schools and focusing national funds, resources, and prestige on larger, professionalized medical schools associated with universities.[169][170] Prominent leaders included the Mayo Brothers whose Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota, became world-famous for innovative surgery.[171]

In the legal profession, the American Bar Association set up in 1900 the Association of American Law Schools (AALS). It established national standards for law schools, which led to the replacement of the old system of young men studying law privately with established lawyers by the new system of accredited law schools associated with universities.[172]

Social sciences

Progressive scholars, based at the emerging research universities such as Harvard, Columbia, Johns Hopkins, Chicago, Michigan, Wisconsin and California, worked to modernize their disciplines. The heyday of the amateur expert gave way to the research professor who published in the new scholarly journals and presses. Their explicit goal was to professionalize and make "scientific" the social sciences, especially history,[5] economics,[6] and political science.[7] Professionalization meant creating new career tracks in the universities, with hiring and promotion dependent on meeting international models of scholarship.

Decline

In the 1940s typically historians saw the Progressive Era as a prelude to the New Deal and dated it from 1901 (when Roosevelt became president) to the start of World War I in 1914 or 1917.[173] Historians have moved back in time emphasizing the Progressive reformers at the municipal[174] and state[175] levels in the 1890s.

End of the Era

Much less settled is the question of when the era ended. Some historians who emphasize civil liberties decry their suppression during World War I and do not consider the war as rooted in Progressive policy.[176] A strong anti-war movement headed by noted Progressives including Jane Addams, was suppressed after Wilson's 1916 re-election, a victory largely enabled by his campaign slogan, "He kept us out of the war."[177] The slogan was no longer accurate by April 6 of the following year, when Wilson surprised much of the Progressive base that twice elected him and asked a joint session of Congress to declare war on Germany. The Senate voted 82–6 in favor; the House agreed, 373–50. Some historians see the so-called "war to end all wars" as a globalized expression of the American Progressive movement, with Wilson's support for a League of Nations as its climax.[178]

The politics of the 1920s was unfriendly toward the labor unions and liberal crusaders against business, so many if not most historians who emphasize those themes write off the decade. Urban cosmopolitan scholars recoiled at the moralism of prohibition, the intolerance of the nativists and the KKK, and on those grounds denounced the era. Richard Hofstadter, for example, in 1955 wrote that prohibition, "was a pseudo-reform, a pinched, parochial substitute for reform" that "was carried about America by the rural-evangelical virus".[179] However, as Arthur S. Link emphasized, the Progressives did not simply roll over and play dead.[180] Link's argument for continuity through the twenties stimulated a historiography that found Progressivism to be a potent force. Palmer, pointing to leaders like George Norris, says, "It is worth noting that progressivism, whilst temporarily losing the political initiative, remained popular in many western states and made its presence felt in Washington during both the Harding and Coolidge presidencies."[181] Gerster and Cords argue that, "Since progressivism was a 'spirit' or an 'enthusiasm' rather than an easily definable force with common goals, it seems more accurate to argue that it produced a climate for reform which lasted well into the 1920s, if not beyond."[182] Some social historians have posited that the KKK may in fact fit into the Progressive agenda, if Klansmen are portrayed as "ordinary white Protestants" primarily interested in purification of the system, which had long been a core Progressive goal.[183] This however ignores the violence and racism central to Klan ideology and activities, that had nothing to do with improving society, so much as enforcing racial hierarchies.

While some Progressive leaders became reactionaries, that usually happened in the 1930s, not in the 1920s, as exemplified by William Randolph Hearst,[184] Herbert Hoover, Al Smith and Henry Ford.[185][186]

First Red Scare

Main article: First Red Scare

Following the period rapid social change saw a worker's uprising turn to a full scale revolution in Russia in 1917 taken over by Bolsheviks along anarchist bombings of 1919 by foreigners encroached a large fear over many citizens of a possible Bolshevism revolt to overthrow values which the United States holds up to mainly capitalism. It saw persecutions of many ideals of the progressive era seeing raids, arrests, and persecutions taken place. Such as the period saw supporters such as worker unions, socialist, and others faced similar prosecutions. Along these convicted were foreigners, African Americans, Jews, Catholics, etc. The US government was also affected both legally and internally as of January 1920 saw 6,000 arrests of persecutions along changes in government policies where the government in acted censorship in the media and suppressing opinion on the matter going as far to use physical assaults or legal arrests having certain civil liberties stripped.[187]

Business progressivism in 1920s

What historians have identified as "business progressivism", with its emphasis on efficiency and typified by Henry Ford and Herbert Hoover[188] reached an apogee in the 1920s. Wik, for example, argues that Ford's "views on technology and the mechanization of rural America were generally enlightened, progressive, and often far ahead of his times."[189]

Tindall stresses the continuing importance of the Progressive movement in the South in the 1920s involving increased democracy, efficient government, corporate regulation, social justice, and governmental public service.[190][191] William Link finds political Progressivism dominant in most of the South in the 1920s.[192] Likewise it was influential in the Midwest.[193]

Historians of women and of youth emphasize the strength of the Progressive impulse in the 1920s.[194] Women consolidated their gains after the success of the suffrage movement, and moved into causes such as world peace,[195] good government, maternal care (the Sheppard–Towner Act of 1921),[196] and local support for education and public health.[197] The work was not nearly as dramatic as the suffrage crusade, but women voted[198] and operated quietly and effectively. Paul Fass, speaking of youth, says "Progressivism as an angle of vision, as an optimistic approach to social problems, was very much alive."[199] International influences that sparked many reform ideas likewise continued into the 1920s, as American ideas of modernity began to influence Europe.[200]

By 1930 a block of progressive Republicans in the Senate were urging Hoover to take more vigorous action to fight the depression. There were about a dozen members of this group, including William Borah of Idaho, George W. Norris of Nebraska, Robert M. La Follette Jr., of Wisconsin, Gerald Nye of North Dakota, Hiram Johnson of California and Bronson M. Cutting of New Mexico. While these western Republicans could stir up issues, they could rarely forge a majority, since they were too individualistic and did not form a unified caucus.[201] Hoover himself had sharply moved to the right, and paid little attention to their liberal ideas.[202] By 1932 this group was moving toward support for Roosevelt's New Deal. They remained staunch isolationists deeply opposed to any involvement in Europe. Outside the Senate, however, a strong majority of the surviving Progressives from the 1910s had become conservative opponents of New Deal economic planning.[203]

Part 3 of 3

Notable progressive leaders

• Jane Addams, social reformer
• Susan B. Anthony, suffragist
• Robert P. Bass, New Hampshire politician
• Charles A. Beard, historian and political scientist
• Louis Brandeis, Supreme Court justice
• William Jennings Bryan, Democratic presidential nominee in 1896, 1900, 1908; Secretary of State
• Lucy Burns, suffragist
• Andrew Carnegie, steel magnate, philanthropist
• Carrie Chapman Catt, suffragist
• Winston Churchill, author (not the British politician)
• Herbert Croly, journalist
• Clarence Darrow, lawyer
• Eugene V. Debs, American socialist, political activist, trade unionist, and five times the candidate of the Socialist Party of America for President of the United States.
• John Dewey, philosopher
• W. E. B. Du Bois, Black scholar
• Thomas Edison, inventor
• Irving Fisher, economist
• Abraham Flexner, education
• Henry Ford, automaker
• Henry George, writer on political economy
• Charlotte Perkins Gilman, feminist
• Susan Glaspell, playwright, novelist
• Emma Goldman, anarchist, philosopher, writer
• Lewis Hine, photographer
• Charles Evans Hughes, statesman
• William James, philosopher
• Hiram Johnson, Governor of California
• Mary Harris "Mother" Jones, union activist
• Samuel M. Jones, politician, reformer
• Florence Kelley, child advocate
• Robert M. La Follette Sr., Governor of Wisconsin
• Fiorello LaGuardia, U.S. Congressman from New York; New York City mayor
• Walter Lippmann, journalist
• Mayo Brothers, medicine
• Fayette Avery McKenzie, sociology
• John R. Mott, YMCA leader
• George Mundelein, Catholic leader
• Alice Paul, suffragist
• Ulrich B. Phillips, historian
• Gifford Pinchot, conservationist
• Walter Rauschenbusch, theologian of Social Gospel
• Jacob Riis, reformer
• John D. Rockefeller Jr., philanthropist
• Theodore Roosevelt, President
• Elihu Root, statesman
• Margaret Sanger, birth control activist
• Anna Howard Shaw, suffragist
• Upton Sinclair, novelist
• Albion Small, sociologist
• Ellen Gates Starr, sociologist
• Lincoln Steffens, reporter
• Henry Stimson, statesman
• William Howard Taft, President and Chief Justice
• Ida Tarbell, muckraker
• Frederick Winslow Taylor, efficiency expert
• Frederick Jackson Turner, historian
• Thorstein Veblen, economist
• Lester Frank Ward, sociologist
• Ida B. Wells, Black leader
• Burton Kendall Wheeler, Montana politician
• Woodrow Wilson, President

See also

• Efficiency Movement
• Machine age
• Trust-busting
• Wisconsin Idea
• Woman's club movement
• Edwardian era, for comparable trends in Great Britain around 1910

Key legislation

• New York State Tenement House Act
• Sherman Antitrust Act

Notes

References

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188. Barry C. Edwards, "Putting Hoover on the Map: Was the 31st President a Progressive. Congress & the Presidency41#1 (2014) pp 49–83 online
189. Reynold M. Wik, "Henry Ford's Science and Technology for Rural America," Technology & Culture, July 1962, Vol. 3 Issue 3, pp. 247–57
190. George B. Tindall, "Business Progressivism: Southern Politics in the Twenties," South Atlantic Quarterly 62 (Winter 1963): 92–106.
191. George B. Tindall, The Emergence of the New South, 1913–1945 (1970)
192. William A. Link, The Paradox of Southern Progressivism, 1880–1930 (1997) p. 294
193. Judith Sealander, Grand Plans: Business Progressivism and Social Change in Ohio's Miami Valley, 1890–1929 (1991)
194. Maureen A. Flanagan, America Reformed: Progressives and Progressivisms, 1890s–1920s (2006)
195. Susan Zeiger, "Finding a cure for war: Women's politics and the peace movement in the 1920s," Journal of Social History, Fall 1990, Vol. 24 Issue 1, pp. 69–86 JSTOR 3787631
196. J. Stanley Lemons, "The Sheppard-Towner Act: Progressivism in the 1920s," Journal of American History Vol. 55, No. 4 (Mar., 1969), pp. 776–86 JSTOR 1900152
197. Jayne Morris-Crowther, "Municipal Housekeeping: The Political Activities of the Detroit Federation of Women's Clubs in the 1920s," Michigan Historical Review, March 2004, Vol. 30 Issue 1, pp. 31–57
198. Kristi Andersen, After suffrage: women in partisan and electoral politics before the New Deal (1996)
199. Paula S. Fass, The damned and the beautiful: American youth in the 1920s (1977) p. 30
200. Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (2000) ch 9
201. Arthur M. Schlesinger (1959). The Crisis of the Old Order: 1919–1933. p. 242. ISBN 978-0547527635.
202. Edwards, "Putting Hoover on the Map: Was the 31st President a Progressive p 60.
203. Otis L. Graham, An Encore for Reform: The Old Progressives and the New Deal (1968)

Further reading

Overviews

• Buenker, John D., John Chynoweth Burnham, and Robert Morse Crunden. Progressivism (Schenkman Books, 1977). online
• Buenker, John D., and Edward R. Kantowicz, eds. Historical dictionary of the Progressive Era, 1890–1920 (Greenwood, 1988).
• Cocks, Catherine, Peter C. Holloran and Alan Lessoff. Historical Dictionary of the Progressive Era (2009)
• Dawley, Alan. Changing the World: American Progressives in War and Revolution (2003) excerpt and text search
• Diner, Steven J. A Very Different Age: Americans of the Progressive Era (1998)
• Flanagan, Maureen. America Reformed: Progressives and Progressivisms, 1890s–1920s (2007)
• Glad, Paul W. "Progressives and the Business Culture of the 1920s," Journal of American History, Vol. 53, No. 1. (June 1966), pp. 75–89. JSTOR 1893931
• Gould, Lewis L. America in the Progressive Era, 1890–1914" (2000)
• Gould Lewis L. ed., The Progressive Era (1974)
• Hays, Samuel P. The Response to Industrialism, 1885–1914 (1957),
• Hofstadter, Richard, The Age of Reform (1954), Pulitzer Prize
• Jensen, Richard. "Democracy, Republicanism and Efficiency: The Values of American Politics, 1885–1930," in Byron Shafer and Anthony Badger, eds, Contesting Democracy: Substance and Structure in American Political History, 1775–2000 (U of Kansas Press, 2001) pp. 149–80; online version
• Kennedy, David M. ed., Progressivism: The Critical Issues (1971), readings
• Kloppenberg, James T. Uncertain victory: social democracy and progressivism in European and American thought, 1870–1920 1986 online at ACLS e-books
• Lasch, Christopher. The True and Only Heaven: Progress and its Critics (1991)
• Lears, T. J. Jackson. Rebirth of a Nation: The Remaking of Modern America, 1877–1920 (2009) excerpt and text search
• Leuchtenburg, William E. "Progressivism and Imperialism: The Progressive Movement and American Foreign Policy, 1898–1916," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 39#3 (1952), pp. 483–504. JSTOR 1895006
• Link, William A. The Paradox of Southern Progressivism, 1880–1930 (1992) online
• Mann, Arthur. ed., The Progressive Era (1975) excerpts from scholars and from primary sources
• McGerr, Michael. A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America, 1870–1920 (2003) excerpt and text search
• Mowry, George. The Era of Theodore Roosevelt and the Birth of Modern America, 1900–1912. (1954) general survey of era
• Noggle, Burl. "The Twenties: A New Historiographical Frontier," The Journal of American History, Vol. 53, No. 2. (Sep., 1966), pp. 299–314. JSTOR 1894201
• Painter, Nell Irvin. Standing at Armageddon: The United States, 1877–1919 (1987) excerpt and text search
• Pease, Otis, ed. The Progressive Years: The Spirit and Achievement of American Reform (1962), primary documents
• Rodgers, Daniel T. Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (2000). stresses links with Europe online edition
• Solty, Ingar. "Social Imperialism as Trasformismo: A Political Economy Case Study on the Progressive Era, the Federal Reserve Act, and the U.S.'s Entry into World War One, 1890–1917", in M. Lakitsch, Ed., Bellicose Entanglements 1914: The Great War as a Global War (LIT, 2015), pp. 91–121.
• Thelen, David P. "Social Tensions and the Origins of Progressivism," Journal of American History 56 (1969), 323–41
• Wiebe, Robert. The Search For Order, 1877–1920 (1967).
• Young, Jeremy C. The Age of Charisma: Leaders, Followers, and Emotions in American Society, 1870–1940 (2017) excerpt and text search

Presidents and politics

• Beale Howard K. Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power. (1956).
• Blum, John Morton. The Republican Roosevelt. (1954). Series of essays that examine how TR did politics
• Brands, H.W. Theodore Roosevelt (2001).
• Clements, Kendrick A. The Presidency of Woodrow Wilson (1992).
• Coletta, Paolo. The Presidency of William Howard Taft (1990).
• Collin, Richard H. "Symbiosis versus Hegemony: New Directions in the Foreign Relations Historiography of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft." Diplomatic History 19.3 (1995): 473–497. online
• Cooper, John Milton The Warrior and the Priest: Woodrow Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt. (1983). online free; a dual biography
• Cooper, John Milton Woodrow Wilson: A Biography (2009), a standard scholarly biography
• Dalton, Kathleen. "Changing interpretations of Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive era." in Christopher M. Nichols and Nancy C. Unger, eds A Companion to the Gilded Age and Progressive Era (2017): 296–307.
• Edwards, Barry C. "Putting Hoover on the Map: Was the 31st President a Progressive. (1975). Congress & the Presidency 41#1 (2014) pp 49–83 online
• Gould, Lewis L. The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt (1991). Short scholarly biography; online free
• Harbaugh, William Henry. Power and Responsibility The Life and Times of Theodore Roosevelt (1961), a standard scholarly biography emphasizing politics. online free
• Harrison, Robert. Congress, Progressive Reform, and the New American State (2004).
• Hofstadter, Richard. The American Political Tradition (1948), ch. 8–9–10.
• Kolko, Gabriel (1963). The Triumph of Conservatism: A Reinterpretation of American History, 1900–1916. New York, NY: The Free Press.
• Link, Arthur S. Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era, 1910–1917 (1972) a standard political history of the era online
• Lurie, Jonathan. William Howard Taft: The Travails of a Progressive Conservative (2011)
• Morris, Edmund Theodore Rex. (2001), biography of T. Roosevelt covers 1901–1909
• Mowry, George E. Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement. (1946). online free
• Pestritto, R.J. "Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism." (2005).
• Rothbard, Murray N. The Progressive Era (2017), libertarian interpretation online excerpt
• Sanders, Elizabeth. Roots of Reform: Farmers, Workers and the American State, 1877–1917 (1999).

State, local, gender, ethnic, business, labor, religion

• Abell, Aaron I. American Catholicism and Social Action: A Search for Social Justice, 1865–1950 (1960).
• Bruce, Kyle and Chris Nyland. "Scientific Management, Institutionalism, and Business Stabilization: 1903–1923" Journal of Economic Issues, Vol. 35, 2001. JSTOR 4227725
• Buenker, John D. Urban Liberalism and Progressive Reform (1973).
• Buenker, John D. The History of Wisconsin, Vol. 4: The Progressive Era, 1893–1914 (1998).
• Feffer, Andrew. The Chicago Pragmatists and American Progressivism (1993).
• Frankel, Noralee and Nancy S. Dye, eds. Gender, Class, Race, and Reform in the Progressive Era (1991).
• Garrigues, George. "Marguerite Martyn: America's Forgotten Journalist," City Desk Publishing (2018)Marguerite Martyn: America's Forgotten Journalist
• Hahn, Steven. A Nation under Our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration (2003).
• Huthmacher, J. Joseph. "Urban Liberalism and the Age of Reform" Mississippi Valley Historical Review 49 (1962): 231–41, JSTOR 1888628; emphasized urban, ethnic, working class support for reform
• Link, William A. The Paradox of Southern Progressivism, 1880–1930 (1992).
• Maxwell, Robert S. La Follette and the Rise of the Progressives in Wisconsin. Madison, Wis.: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1956.
• Montgomery, David. The Fall of the House of Labor: The workplace, the state, and American labor activism, 1865–1925 (1987).
• Muncy, Robyn. Creating A Feminine Dominion in American Reform, 1890–1935 (1991).
• Lubove, Roy. The Progressives and the Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York City, 1890–1917 Greenwood Press: 1974.
• Pollack, Norman (1962). The Populist Response to Industrial America: Midwestern Populist Thought. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
• Recchiuti, John Louis. Civic Engagement: Social Science and Progressive-Era Reform in New York City (2007).
• Stromquist, Shelton. Reinventing 'The People': The Progressive Movement, the Class Problem, and the Origins of Modern Liberalism, (U. of Illinois Press, 2006). ISBN 0-252-07269-3.
• Thelen, David. The New Citizenship, Origins of Progressivism in Wisconsin, 1885–1900 (1972).
• Wesser, Robert F. Charles Evans Hughes: politics and reform in New York, 1905–1910 (1967).
• Wiebe, Robert. "Business Disunity and the Progressive Movement, 1901–1914," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 44#4 (1958), pp. 664–85. JSTOR 1886602

Primary sources and year books

• New International year book: 1909

Ellice Hopkins
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/3/20

The White Cross Army was an organisation set up in 1883 by philanthropist [Jane] Ellice Hopkins with help from the Bishop of Durham, to promote "social purity". The recruits –- all of them men -– pledged to show a "chivalrous respect for womanhood", to apply ideas of purity equally to men and women, and not to indulge in foul language or indecent behaviour. It was renamed the White Cross League in 1891, and merged with the Church of England Purity Society, which had been formed by Edward White Benson.

-- White Cross Army, by Wikipedia

Ellice Hopkins
Ellice Hopkins, from the 1907 posthumous biography by Rosa Mary Barrett.
Born: Jane Ellice Hopkins, 30 October 1836, Cambridge
Died: 21 August 1904, Brighton

Ellice Hopkins (30 October 1836 – 21 August 1904) was a Victorian social campaigner and author. Hopkins co-founded the White Cross Army in 1883, and vigorously advocated moral purity while criticising contemporary sexual double standards.[1]

Early life

Jane Ellice Hopkins was born in Cambridge, the daughter of William Hopkins, a mathematics tutor at the University of Cambridge, and his second wife, Caroline Frances Boys Hopkins. As a girl, Hopkins knew the photographer Julia Margaret Cameron. At age 30, after her father's death, Hopkins moved to Brighton with her mother.[1]

Activism

In 1874 Hopkins and rescue worker Sarah Robinson established the Soldier's Institute at Portsmouth,..

Sarah Robinson (1834-1921) was an English moral reformer who earned the title "Soldier's Friend" for her Christian and temperance work on behalf of British soldiers. Robinson's efforts reflected the activities of a wider social purity movement of the late nineteenth century that married moral reforms with Christian conversion. In 1874, she founded the Soldier's Institute at Portsmouth, which catered to the physical and spiritual welfare of soldiers and their families. Robinson also lectured to soldiers about moral hygiene and received a mention in the 1870 Parliamentary Blue Book on military education. In the early 1880s, she helped to found the Soldier's Institute in Alexandria, Egypt. By then, Robinson had broadened her temperance and religious work to include the working classes of Portsmouth. Due to ill health, she retired from active missionary work in 1892.

Robinson was born in 1834 in Blackheath, England, to a wealthy family as the fourth of six children. After her father moved the family to an estate new Lewes, Robinson briefly attended a girls' boarding school. She withdrew because of her mother's death and her own illness. Raised a Calvinist, Robinson attested that she had undergone a Christian conversion experience at the age of seventeen. In 1862, her family moved to Guildford, where she taught singing and Bible classes in Sunday school. In addition, she engaged in Christian mission work, visiting the homes of the sick and impoverished. In 1865, she embarked upon mission work to soldiers who were stationed in nearby Aldershot. With permission from military authorities, Robinson held Christian and temperance meetings with soldiers in their barracks. Her work with soldiers convinced her that true Christian conversion was impossible without total abstinence. In addition to her work with soldiers, she concurrently visited brothels in her attempts to improve the physical and spiritual condition of both prostitutes and their customers.

In 1873, with the backing of the National Temperance League and the permission of army officials, Robinson set up a temperance canteen for soldiers at Dartmoor during army maneuvers. After the success of this venture, Robinson extended the scope of her mission by establishing a permanent temperance canteen and home in Portsmouth designed to cater to the multitude of soldiers leaving for and returning from campaigns abroad. The Soldiers' Institute, opened in 1874, was an establishment that provided accommodation for soldiers, sailors, and their families.

-- Alcohol and Temperance in Modern History: An International Encyclopedia, Volume 1, by Jack S. Blocker, David M. Fahey, Ian R. Tyrrell

... and in 1876 toured several British towns, recruiting thousands of women to the Ladies' Association for the Care of Friendless Girls.[1] Her biographer describes her as "instrumental" in the passing of the Industrial Schools Amendment Act of 1880, which allowed children to be removed from hazardous homes (including brothels) and placed in industrial schools.[1] She also lobbied for the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1885, which raised the female age of consent from 13 to 16, and criminalized male homosexuality.[2] Hopkins co-founded the White Cross Army, a men's Christian organization, in 1883 with Bishop J. B. Lightfoot of Durham.[3] "It was hard that the power which would have been a glory to me if I were a man, should be held a shame and a disgrace to me because I was a woman," she recalled of her work.[3]

Writing

Hopkins wrote in a wide variety of genres, including two volumes of poetry, English Idylls (1865) and Autumn Swallows (1883), and a sensational gothic novel, Rose Turquand (1874).[4][5] An Englishwoman's Work Among Workingmen (1875) was a memoir of her activism. She wrote pamphlets, most notably True Manliness (1883), and Christian devotional works,[6] including Christ the Consoler, A Book of Comfort for the Sick (1879), and A plea for the wider action of the Church of England in the prevention of the degradation of women, an essay in which she criticised the contemporary double standard by which women were disproportionately blamed for sexual immorality.[1] Her last books were The Power of Womanhood (1899), on the role of mothers in "moral evolution",[3] and The Story of Life (1902), a guide intended to help parents teach sex education to their adolescent children.[7]

Personal life

Multiple chronic health issues led Hopkins to withdraw from public life in 1888.[3] She died in 1904, aged 67 years, in Brighton. Fellow activist Rosa Mary Barrett wrote a short biography of Hopkins, published in 1907.[8]

References

1. Morgan, S. (2004). "Hopkins, (Jane) Ellice (1836–1904)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/33978.
2. Morgan, Sue (1998). "'Knights of God': Ellice Hopkins and the White Cross Army, 1883–95". Studies in Church History. 34: 431–445. doi:10.1017/S0424208400013796. ISSN 0424-2084.
3. Lovesey, Oliver (2011). "Ellice Hopkins (1836-1904)". Victorian Review. 37 (1): 22–26. ISSN 0848-1512.
4. Lovesey, Oliver (1 July 2013). ""The Poor Little Monstrosity": Ellice Hopkins' Rose Turquand, Victorian Disability, and Nascent Eugenic Fiction". Nineteenth-Century Contexts. 35 (3): 275–296. doi:10.1080/08905495.2013.806711. ISSN 0890-5495.
5. Hingston, Kylee-Anne (30 September 2019). Articulating Bodies: The Narrative Form of Disability and Illness in Victorian Fiction. Oxford University Press. pp. 111–114. ISBN 978-1-78962-495-3.
6. Raphael, Melissa (September 1996). "J. Ellice Hopkins: The Construction of a Recent Spiritual Feminist Foremother". Feminist Theology. 5 (13): 73–95. doi:10.1177/096673509600001305. ISSN 0966-7350.
7. Hall, Lesley A., Outspoken Women : an anthology of women's writing on sex: 1870-1969. London : Routledge, 2005. ISBN 9780415253727 (pp. 79-80, 329).
8. Barrett, Rosa Mary (1907). "Ellice Hopkins : a memoir". Wellcome Collection. Retrieved 3 March 2020.

Further reading

• Morgan, Sue. A passion for purity : Ellice Hopkins and the politics of gender in the late-Victorian church (Bristol, 1999).
• Morgan, Sue. "Faith, sex and purity: the religio-feminist theory of Ellice Hopkins", Women's History Review, 9 (2000), p. 13.
• Mumm, Susan. "'I love my sex' : two late Victorian pulpit women", in Perry, Gill; Laurence, Anne; Bellamy, Joan (eds) Women, scholarship and criticism : gender and knowledge, c.1790–1900 (Manchester, 2000), pp. 204–21.
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Author:Jane Ellice Hopkins

External links

• Works by Ellice Hopkins at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about Ellice Hopkins at Internet Archive
• Archival Sources indexed by The National Archives

The Ladies' Association for the Care of Friendless Girls
by Children's Homes
Accessed: 3/3/20

The Ladies' Association for the Care of Friendless Girls (LA) was founded in 1883 under the auspices of the Church of England, at the initiative of the women's campaigner Ellice Hopkins. The LA's formally declared object was 'to prevent the degradation of women and children', in other words to prevent girls and women from falling into prostitution because of their social, economic or family or other circumstances. The LA operated as a confederation of locally run Associations, which by 1885 numbered 106.

The LA had four main strands to its work:

• The Moral Education Branch sought to provide good moral teaching and to promote purity and chastity. This was aimed at both men and women, but still viewed women as being largely responsible for putting this into practice, with an emphasis on women’s roles as wives and mothers. The Moral Education Branch founded several other organizations through which to channel its message:
o The Mothers’ Union – for mothers of all backgrounds, providing guidance on the moral education of children.
o The Women’s League – for middle-class women, encouraging them to offer a moral model to other women and girls.
o Snowdrop Bands – clubs for young (11+) working class young women. The club magazine, The Snowdrop, featured moralistic stories.
• The Petitioning Branch lobbied Parliament to take a stronger stand against prostitution, for example, by protecting girls from those who wished to seduce them. The Association’s support was instrumental in the passing of the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1885 which raised the age of female sexual consent from 13 to 16. The same Act also gave police greater powers for the prosecution of streetwalkers and brothel-keepers.
• The Preventive Branch established training homes, registry offices and clothing clubs for domestic servants. The homes provided training in the skills of domestic service for girls considered at moral risk, with the registry helping trained girls to obtain a position or to move to a new one. Clothing clubs helped provide the uniform which girls were usually expected to possess when entering a new situation.
• The Workhouse Magdalen Branch helped young, single, first-time mothers who, without family or other support, were often forced to enter workhouses. Such girls were viewed as particularly susceptible to resorting to prostitution in order to support themselves and their infant, the alternative being to give up the baby. Associations tried to help girls find positions with a sympathetic employer and arrange fostering for the child. Some LA-run homes, such as those in Oxford, Exeter and Liverpool, eventually also provided accommodation for babies while their mothers worked elsewhere.


Hastings Ladies’ Association Home, c. 1915. copyright Peter Higginbotham

Ladies’ Associations had largely disappeared by the Second World War. In some cases, the running of their residential homes – often given names such as the ‘House of Help’ – had been taken over by the local Anglican Diocese or some other body.

A list of LA-run homes and their locations, where known, is given on a separate page. Some of the homes changed location over the years and so have more than one address.

Bibliography

Bartley, Paula Prostitution: Prevention and Reform in England, 1860-1914 (2000, Routledge)