Part 3 of 3
5. Conclusion On the whole, the definitions of Humanistic Buddhism by Tai Xu and Hsing Yun are similar. Tai Xu emphasized the causes in education, culture and social welfare. He placed his hope in the propagation of Buddhism in Europe and America. Hsing Yun also has made tremendous endeavors to implement his principles, namely: to propagate Buddhism by education and promotion of culture, to serve society with compassion, love and kindness, and to purify people's minds by pilgrimage. He has inherited the tradition and makes good use of modern facilities in the dissemination of Buddhism.
Tai Xu, however, did not succeed in his life-long efforts in the reform of Chinese Buddhism. Unfortunately, he went against the veteran monks who were conservative when he was young. The side-effect of the Jinshan Incident [83] in which Tai Xu was deeply involved in 1912 lasted almost until his last years when the old conservative monks were finally gone. The old monks bore a long-standing grudge against Tai Xu for his imprudent actions in this attempt to take over the property of the one of the biggest monasteries in East China, were always suspicious of Tai Xu's suggestions and boycotted his propositions for reform. Isolated, he barely got the control of Chinese Buddhist Association in his later years, due to the support of Chiang Kai-shek. He lamented at his failure with the following words:
By chance, I approached the thinking of revolutionaries and sparked my revolutionary zeal for Buddhism. Influenced by the zeal and vigor of the 1911 Revolution, [84] I advanced the issue of Three Revolutions in Buddhism: namely: the revolution in doctrines, in Sangha systems and monastic property. The Three Revolutions were criticized by the Buddhist journal then. I refuted their points. I set up a Buddhist Society with a group of young monks who had received the new education. I played a role in theory development. A group of young monks in Jinshan Monastery, Zhenjiang, were practitioners. We were both rash and imprudent in our actions. The opposition soon started their counter-attack. We failed. My reputation as a revolutionary soon spread far and wide. Some people showed their respect and were sympathetic with me, some feared, or disliked me....
My failure in reform may be mainly ascribed to the strong opposition. But I know my weakness: I am good at theory but weak in practice. ... I am still confident of my strong points in theory and teaching. If I can get help from persons who are good at practice and guidance, I am sure we can establish Buddhist doctrines and systems appropriate to the modern Chinese situation....
I am still dedicated to my cause, but as I am getting on in age, I might continue the cause in good conditions. People after me should know my weakness and keep on guard against these shortcomings. Please do not criticize me when you place your hope in me. I still believe my theories and teachings for Buddhist reform. Please make my failure as the mother of success. [85]
During Tai Xu's time he witnessed the upheavals in Chinese society, the imperialist aggressions, civil wars, the radical movement of "New Culture," and so forth. At the turn of the 20th century, the Chinese imperial state was threatened by foreign invaders and challenged by the resentment against its rule from people at home. When the last emperor was dethroned, the country fell into chaos. The radical intellectuals called for reform aiming at making China stronger by challenging the traditional culture. They openly challenged the values of Confucianism, mainstream of Chinese ethics Buddhism and Taoism, and all religions. Time and again, they raised the issue of confiscation of monastic property for "education," thus striking heavy blows to Buddhism and other religions. In addition, Buddhism declined significantly due to the lack of unity among the monastic community, the low education of monks and nuns, and the conservative nature of monastic leaders, and so forth. It is too natural to see that monks were united when the issue of confiscation of monastic property was raised and when the issue was solved temporarily, they started their inner fight again. We can imagine how difficult it was for Tai Xu to fight alone with his followers.
As true as Tai Xu acknowledged his failures in this melancholy way, he had his success: he planted the seeds for the revival of Buddhism. After his death, his influence spread widely. Grand Master Hsing Yun has been able to revive Buddhism worldwide. The dreams of Tai Xu have only come true due to Hsing Yun's tremendous efforts and talent.
Comparing the two masters' background, we find that Tai Xu's period was full of tempest cultural storms which made his characters more radical and imprudent. Hsing Yun has been more moderately orientated in his practice in reform. Humanistic Buddhism has matured with time. Unlike Tai Xu, whose reform was teemed with utopia thinking, the Grand Master Hsing Yun spread the seeds of Humanistic Buddhism step by step. His amicable character, his friendly smiling face, his confidence, his courage, his full awareness of the social conditions and the needs of lay devotees have made him unique in taking the lead in the Buddhist reform movement. He has taken into consideration the basic spiritual needs of the Chinese people as well as the concrete situations they live in. Thus his followers have been able to disseminate Buddhism in ways appropriate to different situations.
Today the achievements of Fo Guang Shan are well known: In education we see different schools from kindergartens to a university in the United States. In social service, we see hospitals and homes for the aged. In culture, we see the dance ensemble and orchestra, the publication houses, the translation center, mass media and publication. Tai Xu dreamed that one day Buddhists might spread the teachings of dharma and build temples in the west. These have all become true with the joint efforts of the Fo Guang Shan movement guided by Venerable Hsing Yun.
Chinese historians often remark that history makes a man and great man makes history. In tracing Tai Xu's source for "Humanistic Buddhism," Lai Yonghai stressed the point that Tai Xu had profound understanding of the Chinese philosophical traditions, especially Confucianism. As Confucianism has long represented the mainstream thinking, it is necessary to practice Humanistic Buddhism in Chinese contexts. [86] If monks stay out of social life and content themselves to be the lodgers of heaven and meditate in high mountain monasteries, separated from the people as the Chinese rulers wished, there would be no future for the development of Buddhism.
Full of humanistic compassion, love, joy, and kindness, Hsing Yun boldly carries out the good tradition of Buddhism in society. With his deep wisdom, together with his broad knowledge of the Chinese tradition and the world, he is leading the Humanistic Buddhist movement towards the next century. In fact, Hsing Yun is such a man who shoulders the great historical responsibility of Buddhist reform in China. His success lies in the fact that he follows the tradition in a way that brings back the good tradition of Buddhism to our time while bringing Buddhism all facilities appropriate to the modem conditions. His integration with the tradition and modernity make him unique in the history of Buddhism, unique in a way that be is truly reviving Chinese Buddhism.
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Deng Zimei 1994 Chuantong Fojiao Yu Zhongguo Jindaihua (Traditional Buddhism and China's Modernity) (Shanghai: Huazhong Shifan Daxue Chubanshe)
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Fu Chihying 1995 Ch'uanteng: Hsing Yun Tashih Chuan (Handing Down the Light: Biography of Grand Master Hsing Yun) (Taipei: T'ienhsia Wenhua Kufen Yuhsien Kungszu)
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Guo Peng 1997 Tai Xu Sixiang Yanjiu (Studies on the Thinking of Tai Xu), (Beijing: Zongguo Shehui Kexu Chubanshe)
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Hong Xiuping 1995 Zhongguo Fojiao Wenhua Licheng (History of Chinese Buddhist Culture) (Nanjing: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe)
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Lai Yonghai 1992 Foxue Yu Ruxue (Buddhist Studies and Confucian Studies), (Hangzhou: Zhejiang Renmin Chubanshe)
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Lu K'eng 1990 Hsing Yun Tashih Yu Jensheng Fochiao (Master Hsing Yun and Humanistic Buddhism) (Hong Kong: New Asia Publications Co.)
Lu Chenting and 1987 Women Jenshih Te Hsing Yun Tashih Liu Fang et al (Master Hsing Yun as We know), (Taipei: Ts'aifeng Ch'upanshe)
Reichelt, Karl Ludvig 1927 Truth and Tradition in Chinese Buddhism (Shanghai: The Commercial Press)
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Shimada, Michihata 1990 Pioneer of the Chinese Revolution: Zhang Binglin and Confucianism. Translated by Joshua A. Fogel (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press)
Soothill 1992 William and Lewis Hodous, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms (Taipei: Hsinwenfeng Ch'upan Kungszu)
1998 The Sutra of Hui-neng: Grand Master of Zen with Hui-neng's Commentary on the Diamond Sutra, translated by Thomas Cleary ( Boston: Shambhala)
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Tu Wei-ming "Destructive Will and Ideological Holocaust," in Doedalus, Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences
Wang Zhiping 1998 Diwang Yu Fojiao (Emperors and Buddhism) (Beijing: Huawen Chubanshe)
Wright, Arthur Wright 1959 Buddhism in Chinese History (Stanford: Stanford University Press)
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Yongyun 1996 K'ua Shihchi te Peihsin Suiyueh Chungkuo Taiwan fochiao Wushihnien Hiehchen (Fifty years of Buddhism in Taiwan) (Miseries and Happiness), (Kaohsiung, Taiwan: Foguang Shuju)
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Zhou Xuenong 1996 "Chushi, " "Rushi" Yu Qili Qiji Tai Xu Fashi De "Renjian Fojiao," Sixiang Yanjiu (A Study on "Buddhism in this World" by Venerable Tai Xu) (Beijing: Beijing University, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation)
NOTES1. I would like to express my hearty thanks to President Naichen Chen, Professor Ananda W. P. Guruge, and Dr. Richard Kimball for their suggestions and criticisms for the improvement of the paper and to Venerable Tantra for his careful and patient proofreading. Hsi Lai University Library has provided me with rich sources on both Venerable Tai Xu and Grand Master Hsing Yun. Hereby I express my thanks to all who have helped me in writing this paper.
2. Ekottara-aagama.
3. The Sutra of Hui-neng: Grand Master of Zen with Hui-neng's Commentary on the Diamond Sutra, translated by Thomas Cleary (Boston: Shambhala, 1998), p. 23.
4. The Sutra of Hui-neng: Grand Master of Zen with Hui-neng's Commentary on the Diamond Sutra, translated by Thomas Cleary (Boston: Shambhala, 1998), pp. 28-29.
5. Xuanjue (665-713) first studied the doctrines of the Tiantai (T'ien-T'ai) School. When he heard of the teachings of Hui-neng, he converted to the Chan School represented by Hui-neng. He wrote this Yongjia Zhengdao Ge (Song to the Enlightenment), which contains 247 verses. It is one of the best poems describing the enlightenment.
6. Caoxi is a name of place situated in Shaozhou, in present Qujiang County, GuangdongProvince, China. It is famous because the Sixth Patriarch Hui-neng preached there. The word "Caoxi" implies that one has inherited the correct teachings of the Sixth Patriarch
7. Lai Yonghai, Foxue Yu Ruxue (Buddhist Studies and Confucian Studies) (Hangzhou:Zhejiang Remnin Chubanshe, 1992), p. 219.
8. Taiping Guangji (Miscellaneous Records Collected in the Taiping Reign Period, edited by Li Fang in 981 C.E.), volume 493. See Hong Xiuping, Zhonguo Fojiao Wenhua Licheng (History of Chinese Buddhist Culture) (Nanjing: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 1995), p. 285.
9. We are still unaware of the effects of monastic economy. More research work is needed. See Hong Xiuping, Zhongguo Fojiao Wenhua Licheng (History of Chinese Buddhist Culture) (Nanjing: Jiangsu Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 1995), pp. 155-156.
10. Michihata Ryoshu, Chungkuo Fochiao Yu Shehui Fuli Shihyeh (Chinese Buddhism and Its Social Welfare Service), translated by Kuan Shihch'ien, (Kaohsiung, Taiwan: Foguang Ch'upanshe, 1986), pp. 76-78, pp. 117-119. Such facilities were first established in the Southern dynasty (420-589) and the Northern dynasty (386-581). The Tang dynasty (618-906) started such a social service in the years of 701-703 C.E. during the reign of Empress Wu Zetian (r. 1684-705). In 845, Emperor Wuzong (reigned 841-846) decided to ban Buddhism. Almost all the temples were destroyed and monks and nuns were forced to return to lay people. We found a proposition made by Prime Minister Li Deyu (787-849) to the emperor. He suggested that the name of Beitianfang (field and home for the sick) be changed to Yangbingfang (home for the sick people) and local old persons who were of noble character and high prestige manage such social welfare services. See Quantangwen (Completed Prose Literature of the Tang Dynasty589-906), juan (volume) 704.
11. Dazhu Huihai was a Fujianese. His birth and death are still unknown. He was living probably in the mid of 8th century. He visited Mazu Daoyi (709-788) and spent six years with him. He became enlightened with the help of Mazu Daoyi who was largely responsible for the development of a New Chan sect in Jiangxi.
12. Xi Yun (? - 850), a native of Minxian County, Fujian Province, became a monk at Huangbi Mountain, Hongzhou. It was said that when he visited the capital, he met an old woman whose instruction enlightened him. He then returned to Hongzhou and visited Venerable Bai Zhang and became his successor. See Song Gaosengzhuan (Biography of Eminent Monks), TT. 50, p. 842.
13. See Wang Zhiping, Diwang Yu Fojiao (Emperors and Buddhism) (Beijing: Huawen Chubanshe, 1998), pp. 210-222. Also Zhou Qi, "On Zhu Yuanzhang's Policy in Buddhism," in Studies in World's Religions, edited by the Institute of World Religions, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, No. 3, 1998, pp. 20-29. Zhang Xuezhi, "The Harmonious Communication of Buddhism with Confucianism and Taoism in the Ming Dynasty Seen from Monk Zibai Zhenke," in Studies of World's Religions, No. 1, 1999, pp. 73-80. See Chun-fang Yu, The Renewal of Buddhism in China: Chu-hung and the Late Ming Synthesis (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), Chapter Seven, "Internal Causes of Monastic Decline in the Ming Dynasty (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), pp. 171-191. Sung-peng Hsu, A Buddhist Leader in Ming China: The Life and Thought of Han-Shan Te-Ch'ing (University Park and London: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1979), pp. l1-58.
14. The White Lotus Society was started during the early years of the Southern Song dynasty by Mao Ziyuan, a native of Jiangsu, who had been a disciple of Jing-fan (d. 1128), a Tiantai (T'ien-t'ai) master also interested in the Pure Land doctrine. Mao organized a White Lotus Society consisting of monks and laymen devoted to the restraint of the passions and the encouragement of good karma. The activities of the society aroused the opposition from Confucianists and the orthodox Buddhists. The Mongols banned the society by the decrees in 1281 and 1308. In the end of Yuan dynasty (1206-1368), the White Lotus Society became involved in a number of rebellions. Zhu Yuanzhang was one of the members of Red Kerchief Bandits. The chief of the bandits was Han Shantong, whose forebears had been members of the White Lotus Society. As soon as Zhu ascended the throne, he immediately banned the society. See Kenneth Ch'en, Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), pp. 419-431.
15. Ke Yenliang, Chinling Fanch'achih (Records of Buddhist Temples in Chinling) (Taipei: Kuangwen Shuchu, 1976), chuan 2, Part I, pp. 165-166.
16. Ke Yenliang, Chinling Fanch'achih (Records of Buddhist Temples in Chinling) (Taipei: Kuangwen Shuchu, 1976), chuan 2, Part I, p. 177.
17. Zhang Zhidong was a great advocate of railroads and heavy industry in China. He made the most explicit philosophical statement of "ti-yong" dichotomy. "Ti" means "substance" or "essence" in English and "yong" means "function" or "utility." Here "ti" represents the mainstream of Chinese culture and "yong" refers to western learning. He implies that elements of western culture would be introduced only for use. Professor Joseph Levenson has made a detailed analysis of Zhang's "ti-yong" concept. See Joseph Levenson, Confucian China and its Modern Fate: A Trilogy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1958), pp. 60-69.
18. Yuan Shikai (1859-1916) was a native of Xiangcheng, Henan Province. He began his military career in a conflict in Korea in 1882. Started his "New Army" training project in Tianjin in 1895, he became a powerful army leader. At the critical moment, he betrayed young Emperor Guangxu and helped the Dowager to abort the reform. When the 1911 Revolution broke out, he became President of Republic of China. Dissatisfied with the presidency, he desired to accede to the imperial throne. As soon as he claimed to be the emperor in the end of 1915, the army led by Cai E rose against his rule and governors of other provinces followed Cai's suit. On June 6, 1916, besieged and angered, Yuan Shikai died disgracefully with his dream to become the emperor.
19. Yang Hui-nan, Tangtai Fochiao Szuhsiang Chanwang (On Contemporary Buddhist Thoughts) (Taipei: Tongta Tushu Kungszu, 1991), pp. l30-131.
20. Jing An (1852-1912), also named Eight Fingers (Ba Zhi Tou Tuo), styled Ji Chan, was Tai Xu's mentor. He was the leader of Chinese General Buddhist Association. He enjoyed high prestige that came from having served as abbot of three famous monasteries, including Tiantong Si in Ningpo, Zhejiang Province. He was good at poems and a collection of his poems was published entitled Ba Zhi Tou Tuo Shiwen Ji by Hunan Yuelu Publishing House in 1985. For English, see Holmes Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China (Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press, 1968), pp. 35-37.
21. Su Mansu and Zhang Taiyan, "A Notice to All Buddhist Followers." See Deng Zimei, Chuantong Fojiao Yu Zhongguo Jindaihua (Traditional Buddhism and China's Modernity) (Shanghai: Huazhong Shifan Daxue Chubanshe, 1994), p. 146. Su Mansu (1884-1918) was born in Japan. His father was a merchant of Guangdong Province, doing business in Japan. His mother was a Japanese. He was actively involved in revolution but later became a monk in Huizhou, Guangdong Province. Not interested in Buddhist service, he wrote sentimental novels, the tragic stories and worked out translations of European novelists. Zhang Taiyan (1868-1936) was a well-known scholar and revolutionary. He showed strong criticisms against the Qing Government and was arrested in 1903. He made a careful study on Buddhism, especially the studies of Consciousness-Only and Buddhist logic. He even called for the wide spread of Buddhism in order to save the nation. See Shimada Kenji, Pioneer of the Chinese Revolution: Zhang Binglin and Confucianism. Trans. Joshua A. Fogel (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1990), and Hao Chang, Chinese Intellectuals in Crisis: Search for Order and Meaning, 1890-1911 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987).
22. Yang Wenhui (1837-1911) is widely regarded as the father of Buddhist revival at the turn of the 20th century. His contribution to the revival lies in his publishing house where millions of copies of Buddhist books were published and his influence spread far and wide. More importantly, his disciples included some of the leading Buddhist monks and laymen of the next generation. See Holmes Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China (Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press, 1968), pp. 2-10.
23. Yang Wenhui: "Speech Delivered at Praj~naa Paaramitaa Society." See Deng Zimei, Chuantong Fojiao Yu Zhongguo Jindaihua (Traditional Buddhism and China's Modernity) (Shanghai: Huazhong Shifian Daxue Chubanshe, 1994), p. 146.
24. Tu Wei-ming, "Destructive Will and Ideological Holocaust," in Daedalus, Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Winter 1996, p. 149.
25. Tai Xu must have read Fengshen Zhuan (Annals of the Investiture of Deities), Xiyuji (Record of a Trip to the West). The former is a story of the imaginary battles between the forces of the Shang and Zhou peoples, in which even the gods participated, bringing with them the most ingenious weapons. Xiyuji is an account of the travel and adventures of great traveler, translator and Buddhist scholar Xuan Zang (Hsuan Tsang, 602-664) in his search for the law and the extraordinary exploits of his companions, the monkey and the pig, who helped him overcome all obstacles and dangers encountered during the journey. See Kenneth Ch'en, Buddhism in China: A Historical Survey (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), p. 478.
26. A detailed description of Venerable Jing An can be found in Professor Holmes Welch's book. See The Buddhist Revival in China (Cambridge. MA: Harvard University Press, 1968), pp. 35-38.
27. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 5, pp. 128-152.
28. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 34, pp. 597-598.
29. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 5, pp. 218-222.
30. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 47, p. 431.
31. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 5, p. 215.
32. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 5, pp. 173-174.
33. Ibid., p. l74.
34. Guo Peng, Tai Xu Sixiang Yanjiu (Studies on Tai Xu's Thinking) (Beijing: Zhongguo Shehui Kexu Chubanshe, 1997), pp. 3-4.
35. Chiang Kai-shek (1887-1975) was born in Fenghua, Zhejiang Province. His mother, who gave Chiang great influence, was a devout Buddhist. Chiang converted to Christianity after his marriage with Meilin Soong.
36. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 34, pp. 668-670. Also Holmes Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 157.
37. Yinshun, Tai Xu Dashi Nianpu (Chronicle Record of Venerable Tai Xu) (Beijing: Zongjiao Wenhua Chubanshe, 1995), pp. 289-290.
38. Ibid., p. 290.
39. See Note 6.
40. Yu Lingbo, Zhongguo Jinxiandai Fojiao Renwuzhi (Biographies of Modern Chinese Buddhists) (Beijing: Zongjiao Wenhua Chubanshe, 1995), pp. 576-577.
41. Ouyang Jingwu (1871-1943) was leader of lay Buddhist movement in the first half of the 20th century. He was president of the Institute of Inner Learning that he organized in Nanjing in 1922. Holmes Welch's book mentions Ouyang Jingwu and his viewpoints. See Holmes Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968).
42. Liang Shuming (1893-1987) was a native of Guangxi Province in Southeast China. He was born in Beijing. By self-teaching, he became professor of Peking University during 1918-1924. He was known for his stand in defending Confucian values during the New Culture Movement which started in May 1919. He embraced Buddhism in his early twenties to thirties. But he was shocked at his father's suicide and returned to Confucianism. He lonely yet firmly rejected the trend to blame all China's backwardness to Confucianism as the radical intellectuals did at the time. He deemed it his obligation to defend Confucianism as true essence of Chinese culture. Although sympathetic with Buddhism, he rejected Tai Xu's reform. See Guy Alitto, The Last Confucian: Liang Shu-ming and the Chinese Dilemma of Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), pp. 52-56. The author was surprised to find that Liang still claimed himself to be a Buddhist when he interviewed him in 1980 and 1984, Cf. pp.337-338. Liang Shuming has been highly admired and respected by overseas Chinese and Chinese intelligentsia for his courage in a public debate with Chairman Mao Zedong in September 1953. Please refer to the same book on pages 1-3, 324-327 and the index on p. 393. Mao wrote a severe criticism against Liang. Please check the Bibliography of the same book, p.373.
43. Liu Renhang was a gentry merchant in Shanghai in 1920s.
44. Liang Qichao (1873-1929), also named Ren-gong, a native of Guangdong Province, was a famous reformer in the end of Qing dynasty as well as a well-known scholar. In his later years, he attended lectures by Ouyang Jingwu (1871-1943, see Note 64.) in Nanjing. He wrote 18 important articles on Buddhism.
45. See Note 6.
46. Liang Shuming, Liang Shuming Quanji (The Complete Works of Liang Shuming) (Ji'nan: Shandong Renmin Chubanshe, 1989), volume I, pp. 536-537. The original book is entitled Dongxi Wenhua Jiqi Zhexue (East and West Culture and Their Philosophies) (Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1922, p. 202.
47. Holmes Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China (Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press, 1968), p. 51.
48. I have written an essay on "The Interfaith Dialogues between Tai Xu and Christians in the 1930s." This was the project that I did at the Center for the Study of World Religions and Harvard-Yenching Institute, Harvard University, in the year 1996-1997. This paper is going to be published in Buddhist-Christian Studies, 2000.
49. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 41, part 13, p. 331.
50. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 43, pp. 988-1002.
51. Feng Yuxiang and Bai Congxi were both high-ranking generals in the NationalistGovernment.
52. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 52, part 17, pp. 485-486.
53. Karl Ludvig Reichelt, Truth and Tradition in Chinese Buddhism (Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1927), pp. 301-302.
54. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 34, part 9, II, pp. 555, 559, 563.
55. 'Tai Xu Fashi Jiang Foxue Ji,' in Haichaoyin Wenku Shehui Xue, p. 85, see Zhou Xuenong, "Chushi," "Rushi" Yu Qili Qiji ¡V Tai Xu Fashi De "Renjian Fojiao" Sixiang Yanjiu (A Study on "Buddhism in this World" by Venerable Tai Xu) (Beijing: Beijing University, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, 1996), p. 22.
56. After his return, Tai Xu delivered a speech about his tour, saying that Western scholars mainly relied on texts in Paali language and incomplete Sanskrit texts. The former belonged to the Theravaada School, and latter belonged to the Mahaayaana School. See Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 55, part 18, II, pp. 242-243, pp. 256-258.
57. Tai Xu delivered eight speeches in Ceylon. The last one was entitled "The Respectful Ceylon Buddhism." See Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 56, p. 585-597.
58. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 35, pp. 26-30.
59. Ibid., volume 35, p. 31.
60. Ibid., volume 47, p. 449.
61. See Lai Yonghai, Foxue Yu Ruxue (Buddhist Studies and Confucian Studies) (Hangzhou: Zhejiang Renmin Chubanshe, 1992), pp. 224-225.
62. Ibid., p. 224.
63. Gao Zhennong, Fojiao Wenhua Yu Jindai Zhongguo (Buddhist Culture and Modern China) (Shanghai: Shanghai Shehui Kexueyuan Chubanshe, 1992), p. 61.
64. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 57, pp. 61-63.
65. Five Precepts refer to the first five of the ten precepts which admonish killing, stealing, adultery, lying, and intoxicating liquors.
66. The ten good characteristics, or virtues, defined as the non-committal of the ten evils, including no killing, no stealing, no adultery, no lying, no double-tongue, no coarse language, no filthy language, no covetousness, no anger, no perverted views.
67. The four all-embracing (Bodhisattva) virtues refer to (1) daana, giving what others like, in order to lead them to love and receive the truth; (2) priyavacana, affectionate speech, with the same purpose; (3) arthakrtya, conduct profitable to others, with the same purpose, (4) samaanaarthataa, co-operation with and adaptation of oneself to others, to lead them into the truth.
68. These refer to the six things that ferry one beyond the sea of mortality to Nirvana, such as charity, keeping the precepts; patience under insult, zeal and progress, meditation, and wisdom. Notes 63-66 are taken from A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms compiled by William Edward Soothil and Lewis Hodous.
69. Fayin (Voice of the Dharma, organ of Chinese Buddhist Association, Beijing), No. 6, 1983. Also see Gao Zhennong, Fojiao Wenhua Yu Jindai Zhongguo (Buddhist Culture and Modern China) (Shanghai: Shanghai Shehui Kexueyuan Chubanshe, 1992), p. 61-62.
70. Grand Master Hsing Yun was a young student at the Buddhist Institute of Jiaoshan then.
71. Venerable Hsing Yun, "The Establishment of Humanistic Buddhism," in P'umen (Universal Gate Monthly), No. 3, 1999, pp. 4-11.
72. Hsing Yun, "Humanistic Buddhism," in 1990 Fo Guang Shan Fochiao Hsuehshu Huiyi Shihlu (Records of the Buddhist Academic Conference held at Fo Guang Shan in 1990) (Kaohsiung, Taiwan: Foguang Ch'upanshe, 1991), p. 22.
73. Speech delivered at the International Buddhist Academic Conference in 1990. See Hsing Yun Tashih Chiangyenchi (A Collection of Speeches of Grand Master Hsing Yun) (Kaohsiung, Taiwan: Foguang Ch'upanshe, 1991), volume 4, 32.
74. See Hsing Yun, "How to Modernize Buddhism," in Hsing Yun Tashih Yenchiangchi (A Collection of Speeches of Grand Master Hsing Yun) (Kaohsiung, Taiwan: Fo Guang Shan Ch'upanshe, 1991), volume 4, pp. 33-43.
75. Hsing Yun, "On Humanistic Buddhism," in 1990 Fo Guang Shan Fochiao Hsuehshu Huiyi Shihlu (Records of Buddhist Academic Conference Held at Fo Guang Shan in 1990) (Kaohsiung: Foguang Ch'upanshe, 1991), p. 20.
76. Pratyeka-buddha refers to one who is enlightened by the twelve nidaanas; it is considered as an advance on the Theravaada, cf. `Sraavaka (hearer), but not yet the standard of the altruistic Bodhisattva-vehicle, the Mahaayaana. See William Soothill and Lewis Hodous, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms (Taipei: Hsinwenfeng Ch'upan Kungszu, 1992), p. 441.
77. Hsing Yun, "On Humanistic Buddhism," in 1990 Fo Guang Shan Fochiao Hsuehshu Huiyi Shihlu (Records of Buddhist Academic Conference Held at Fo Guang Shan in 1990) (Kaohsiung: Foguang Ch'upanshe, 1991), pp. 19-30.
78. Hsing Yun Tashih Chiangyenchi (A Collection of Speeches of Grand Master Hsing Yun) (Kaohsiung, Taiwan: Foguang Ch'upanshe, 1991), volume 1, p. 237.
79. Hsing Yun Tashih Chiangyenchi (A Collection of Speeches of Grand Master Hsing Yun) (Kaohsiung, Taiwan: Foguang Ch'upanshe, 1991), volume 1, p. 238.
80. Hsing Yun Tashih Chiangyenchi (A Collection of Speeches of Grand Master Hsing Yun) (Kaohsiung, Taiwan: Foguang Ch'upanshe, 1991), volume 2, p. 720.
81. This is advanced by Fan Zhongyan (989-1052), a famous scholar official in the Song dynasty (960-1127). He was a great reformer and was dismissed from his post due to the attacks from his opponents in the court. He wrote this maxim in his "Yueyanglou ji." (Note on Yueyang Tower). This maxim is generally considered as Confucian scholar's saying, but its deep structure originates from Buddhism. Many Chinese have been familiar with this maxim but do not know the source. Had modern Chinese seen the influence of Buddhism in Chinese tradition, they would not have attacked it time and again in this century. See Arthur Wright, Buddhism in Chinese History (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959), p. 93.
82. Ibid., p. l23.
83. Most of the history books on modern Chinese Buddhism would mention this incident. Holmes Welch wrote a more detailed chapter about the quarrel and fight between Tai Xu's faction and other conservative hosts. See Holmes Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China (Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press, 1968), pp. 28-33.
84. This 1911 Revolution, led by Dr. Sun Yat-sen, overthrew the Manchus' rule in China and ended the thousand years of imperial rule.
85. Tai Xu Dashi Quanshu (The Complete Works of Venerable Tai Xu), volume 57, pp. 61-63.
86. Lai Yonghai, Foxue Yu Ruxue (Buddhist Studies and Confucian Studies) (Hangzhou: Zhejiang Renmin Chubanshe, 1992), pp. 226-227.