Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

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Part 1 of 3

Progressive Era
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/3/20

The Progressive Era was a period of widespread social activism and political reform across the United States that spanned the 1890s to the 1920s.[1] The main objectives of the Progressive movement were addressing problems caused by industrialization, urbanization, immigration, and political corruption. The movement primarily targeted political machines and their bosses. By taking down these corrupt representatives in office, a further means of direct democracy would be established. They also sought regulation of monopolies (trustbusting) and corporations through antitrust laws, which were seen as a way to promote equal competition for the advantage of legitimate competitors. They also advocated for new government roles and regulations, and new agencies to carry out those roles, such as the FDA.

Many progressives supported prohibition of alcoholic beverages, ostensibly to destroy the political power of local bosses based in saloons, but others out of a religious motivation.[2] At the same time, women's suffrage was promoted to bring a "purer" female vote into the arena.[3] A third theme was building an Efficiency Movement in every sector that could identify old ways that needed modernizing, and bring to bear scientific, medical and engineering solutions; a key part of the efficiency movement was scientific management, or "Taylorism". In Michael McGerr's book A Fierce Discontent, Jane Addams stated that she believed in the necessity of "association" of stepping across the social boundaries of industrial America.[4]

Many activists joined efforts to reform local government, public education, medicine, finance, insurance, industry, railroads, churches, and many other areas. Progressives transformed, professionalized and made "scientific" the social sciences, especially history,[5] economics,[6] and political science.[7] In academic fields, the day of the amateur author gave way to the research professor who published in the new scholarly journals and presses. The national political leaders included Republicans Theodore Roosevelt, Robert M. La Follette Sr. and Charles Evans Hughes, and Democrats William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson and Al Smith. Leaders of the movement also existed far from presidential politics: Jane Addams, Grace Abbott, Edith Abbott and Sophonisba Breckinridge were among the most influential non-governmental Progressive Era reformers.

Initially the movement operated chiefly at the local level, but later it expanded to the state and national levels. Progressives drew support from the middle class, and supporters included many lawyers, teachers, physicians, ministers, and business people.[8] Some Progressives strongly supported scientific methods as applied to economics, government, industry, finance, medicine, schooling, theology, education, and even the family. They closely followed advances underway at the time in Western Europe[9] and adopted numerous policies, such as a major transformation of the banking system by creating the Federal Reserve System in 1913[10] and the arrival of cooperative banking in the US with the founding of the first credit union in 1908.[11] Reformers felt that old-fashioned ways meant waste and inefficiency, and eagerly sought out the "one best system".[12][13]

Originators of progressive ideals and efforts

Certain key groups of thinkers, writers, and activists played key roles in creating or building the movements and ideas that came to define the shape of the Progressive Era.

Muckraking: exposing corruption

Further information: Muckraker and Mass media and American politics

McClure's Christmas 1903 cover

Magazines experienced a boost in popularity in 1900, with some attaining circulations in the hundreds of thousands of subscribers. In the beginning of the age of Mass media, the rapid expansion of national advertising led the cover price of popular magazines to fall sharply to about 10 cents, lessening the financial barrier to consume them.[14] Another factor contributing to the dramatic upswing in magazine circulation was the prominent coverage of corruption in politics, local government and big business, particularly by journalists and writers who became known as muckrakers. They wrote for popular magazines to expose social and political sins and shortcomings. Relying on their own investigative journalism, muckrakers often worked to expose social ills and corporate and political corruption. Muckraking magazines, notably McClure's, took on corporate monopolies and crooked political machines while raising public awareness of chronic urban poverty, unsafe working conditions, and social issues like child labor.[15] Most of the muckrakers wrote nonfiction, but fictional exposés often had a major impact as well, such as those by Upton Sinclair.[16] In his 1906 novel The Jungle Sinclair exposed the unsanitary and inhumane practices of the meat packing industry. He quipped, "I aimed at the public's heart and by accident I hit it in the stomach," as readers demanded and got the Pure Food and Drug Act.[17]

The journalists who specialized in exposing waste, corruption, and scandal operated at the state and local level, like Ray Stannard Baker, George Creel, and Brand Whitlock. Others such as Lincoln Steffens exposed political corruption in many large cities; Ida Tarbell is famed for her criticisms of John D. Rockefeller's Standard Oil Company. In 1906, David Graham Phillips unleashed a blistering indictment of corruption in the U.S. Senate. Roosevelt gave these journalists their nickname when he complained they were not being helpful by raking up all the muck.[18][19]


Further information: Efficiency Movement

The Progressives were avid modernizers, with a belief in science and technology as the grand solution to society's flaws. They looked to education as the key to bridging the gap between their present wasteful society and technologically enlightened future society. Characteristics of Progressivism included a favorable attitude toward urban-industrial society, belief in mankind's ability to improve the environment and conditions of life, belief in an obligation to intervene in economic and social affairs, a belief in the ability of experts and in the efficiency of government intervention.[20][21] Scientific management, as promulgated by Frederick Winslow Taylor, became a watchword for industrial efficiency and elimination of waste, with the stopwatch as its symbol.[22][23]


The number of rich families climbed exponentially, from 100 or so millionaires in the 1870s, to 4000 in 1892 and 16,000 in 1916. Many subscribed to Andrew Carnegie's credo outlined in The Gospel of Wealth that said they owed a duty to society that called for philanthropic giving to colleges, hospitals, medical research, libraries, museums, religion and social betterment.[24]

In the early 20th century, American philanthropy matured, with the development of very large, highly visible private foundations created by Rockefeller, and Carnegie. The largest foundations fostered modern, efficient, business-oriented operations (as opposed to "charity") designed to better society rather than merely enhance the status of the giver. Close ties were built with the local business community, as in the "community chest" movement.[25] The American Red Cross was reorganized and professionalized.[26] Several major foundations aided the blacks in the South, and were typically advised by Booker T. Washington. By contrast, Europe and Asia had few foundations. This allowed both Carnegie and Rockefeller to operate internationally with powerful effect.[27]

The middle class theory

Charlotte Perkins Gilman (pictured) wrote these articles about feminism for the Atlanta Constitution, published on December 10, 1916.

A hallmark group of the Progressive Era, the middle class became the driving force behind much of the thought and reform that took place in this time. With an increasing disdain for the upper class and aristocracy of the time, the middle class is characterized by their rejection of the individualistic philosophy of the Upper ten.[28] They had a rapidly growing interest in the communication and role between classes, those of which are generally referred to as the upper class, working class, farmers, and themselves.[29] Along these lines, the founder of Hull-House, Jane Addams, coined the term "association" as a counter to Individualism, with association referring to the search for a relationship between the classes.[30] Additionally, the middle class (most notably women) began to move away from prior Victorian era domestic values. Divorce rates increased as women preferred to seek education and freedom from the home.[quantify] Victorianism was pushed aside in favor of the rise of the Progressives.[31]

Individual activists' efforts and works

Politicians and government officials

• President Theodore Roosevelt was a leader of the Progressive movement, and he championed his "Square Deal" domestic policies, promising the average citizen fairness, breaking of trusts, regulation of railroads, and pure food and drugs. He made conservation a top priority and established many new national parks, forests, and monuments intended to preserve the nation's natural resources. In foreign policy, he focused on Central America where he began construction of the Panama Canal. He expanded the army and sent the Great White Fleet on a world tour to project the United States' naval power around the globe. His successful efforts to broker the end of the Russo-Japanese War won him the 1906 Nobel Peace Prize. He avoided controversial tariff and money issues. He was elected to a full term in 1904 and continued to promote progressive policies, some of which were passed in Congress. By 1906 he was moving to the left, advocating for some social welfare programs, and criticizing various business practices such as trusts. The leadership of the GOP in Congress moved to the right, as did his protege President William Howard Taft. Roosevelt broke bitterly with Taft in 1910, and also with Wisconsin's progressive leader Robert M. La Follette. Taft defeated Roosevelt for the 1912 Republican nomination and Roosevelt set up an entirely new Progressive Party. It called for a “New Nationalism” with active supervision of corporations, higher taxes, and unemployment and old-age insurance. He supported voting rights for women, but was silent on civil rights for blacks, who remained in the regular Republican fold. He lost and his new party collapsed, as conservatism dominated the GOP for decades to come. Biographer William Harbaugh argues:

In foreign affairs, Theodore Roosevelt’s legacy is judicious support of the national interest and promotion of world stability through the maintenance of a balance of power; creation or strengthening of international agencies, and resort to their use when practicable; and implicit resolve to use military force, if feasible, to foster legitimate American interests. In domestic affairs, it is the use of government to advance the public interest. “If on this new continent,” he said, “we merely build another country of great but unjustly divided material prosperity, we shall have done nothing.”[32]

• President Woodrow Wilson introduced a comprehensive program of domestic legislation at the outset of his administration, something no president had ever done before.[33] He had four major domestic priorities: the conservation of natural resources, banking reform, tariff reduction, and equal access to raw materials, which would be accomplished in part through the regulation of trusts.[34] Though foreign affairs would increasingly dominate his presidency starting in 1915, Wilson's first two years in office largely focused on the implementation of his New Freedom domestic agenda.[35]

Wilson presided over the passage of his progressive New Freedom domestic agenda. His first major priority was the passage of the Revenue Act of 1913, which lowered tariffs and implemented a federal income tax. Later tax acts implemented a federal estate tax and raised the top income tax rate to 77 percent. Wilson also presided over the passage of the Federal Reserve Act, which created a central banking system in the form of the Federal Reserve System. Two major laws, the Federal Trade Commission Act and the Clayton Antitrust Act, were passed to regulate business and prevent monopolies. Wilson did not support civil rights and did not object to accelerating segregate of federal employees. In World War I he made internationalism a key element of the progressive outlook, as expressed in his Fourteen Points and the League of Nations--an ideal called Wilsonianism.[36][37]

• Charles Evans Hughes, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, played a key role in upholding many reforms, tending to align with Oliver Wendell Holmes. He voted to uphold state laws providing for minimum wages, workmen's compensation, and maximum work hours for women and children.[38] He also wrote several opinions upholding the power of Congress to regulate interstate commerce under the Commerce Clause. His majority opinion in Baltimore & Ohio Railroad vs. Interstate Commerce Commission upheld the right of the federal government to regulate the hours of railroad workers.[39] His majority opinion in the 1914 Shreveport Rate Case upheld the Interstate Commerce Commission's decision to void discriminatory railroad rates imposed by the Railroad Commission of Texas. The decision established that the federal government could regulate intrastate commerce when it affected interstate commerce, though Hughes avoided directly overruling the 1895 case of United States v. E. C. Knight Co..[40]

• Gifford Pinchot was an American forester and politician. Pinchot served as the first Chief of the United States Forest Service from 1905 until 1910, and was the 28th Governor of Pennsylvania, serving from 1923 to 1927, and again from 1931 to 1935. He was a member of the Republican Party for most of his life, though he also joined the Progressive Party for a brief period. Pinchot is known for reforming the management and development of forests in the United States and for advocating the conservation of the nation's reserves by planned use and renewal.[41] He called it "the art of producing from the forest whatever it can yield for the service of man." Pinchot coined the term conservation ethic as applied to natural resources. Pinchot's main contribution was his leadership in promoting scientific forestry and emphasizing the controlled, profitable use of forests and other natural resources so they would be of maximum benefit to mankind.[41] He was the first to demonstrate the practicality and profitability of managing forests for continuous cropping. His leadership put conservation of forests high on America's priority list.[42]

Authors and journalists

• Upton Sinclair was an American writer who wrote nearly 100 books and other works in several genres. Sinclair's work was well known and popular in the first half of the 20th century, and he won the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction in 1943. In 1906, Sinclair acquired particular fame for his classic muck-raking novel The Jungle, which exposed labor and sanitary conditions in the U.S. meatpacking industry, causing a public uproar that contributed in part to the passage a few months later of the 1906 Pure Food and Drug Act and the Meat Inspection Act.[43] In 1919, he published The Brass Check, a muck-raking exposé of American journalism that publicized the issue of yellow journalism and the limitations of the "free press" in the United States. Four years after publication of The Brass Check, the first code of ethics for journalists was created.[44]

He is well remembered for the line: "It is difficult to get a man to understand something, when his salary depends upon his not understanding it."[45] He used this line in speeches and the book about his campaign for governor as a way to explain why the editors and publishers of the major newspapers in California would not treat seriously his proposals for old age pensions and other progressive reforms.[46] Many of his novels can be read as historical works. Sinclair describes the world of industrialized America from both the working man's and the industrialist's points of view. Novels such as King Coal (1917), The Coal War (published posthumously), Oil! (1927), and The Flivver King (1937) describe the working conditions of the coal, oil, and auto industries at the time.

• Ida Tarbell, a writer and lecturer, was one of the leading muckrakers and pioneered investigative journalism.[47] Tarbell is best known for her 1904 book, The History of the Standard Oil Company. The book was published as a series of articles in McClure's Magazine from 1902 to 1904. It has been called a "masterpiece of investigative journalism", by historian J. North Conway,[48] as well as "the single most influential book on business ever published in the United States" by historian Daniel Yergin.[49] The work would contribute to the dissolution of the Standard Oil monopoly and helped usher in the Hepburn Act of 1906, the Mann-Elkins Act, the creation of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and the Clayton Antitrust Act.

• Lincoln Steffens was another investigative journalist and one of the leading muckrakers. He launched a series of articles in McClure's, called Tweed Days in St. Louis,[50] that would later be published together in a book titled The Shame of the Cities. He is remembered for investigating corruption in municipal government in American cities and leftist values.

Researchers and intellectual theorists

• Henry George was an American political economist and journalist. His writing was immensely popular in the 19th century, and sparked several reform movements. His writings also inspired the economic philosophy known as Georgism, based on the belief that people should own the value they produce themselves, but that the economic value derived from land (including natural resources) should belong equally to all members of society. His most famous work, Progress and Poverty (1879), sold millions of copies worldwide, probably more than any other American book before that time. The treatise investigates the paradox of increasing inequality and poverty amid economic and technological progress, the cyclic nature of industrialized economies, and the use of rent capture such as land value tax and other anti-monopoly reforms as a remedy for these and other social problems.

The mid-20th century labor economist and journalist George Soule wrote that George was "By far the most famous American economic writer," and "author of a book which probably had a larger world-wide circulation than any other work on economics ever written."[51]

• Herbert David Croly was an intellectual leader of the progressive movement as an editor, political philosopher and a co-founder of the magazine The New Republic in early twentieth-century America. His political philosophy influenced many leading progressives including Theodore Roosevelt, as well as his close friends Judge Learned Hand and Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter.[52] His 1909 book The Promise of American Life looked to the constitutional liberalism as espoused by Alexander Hamilton, combined with the radical democracy of Thomas Jefferson.[53] The book was one of the most influential in American political history, shaping the ideas of many intellectuals and political leaders. It also influenced the later New Deal. Calling themselves "The New Nationalists", Croly and Walter Weyl sought to remedy the relatively weak national institutions with a strong federal government. He promoted a strong army and navy and attacked pacifists who thought democracy at home and peace abroad was best served by keeping America weak.

Croly was one of the founders of modern liberalism in the United States, especially through his books, essays and a highly influential magazine founded in 1914, The New Republic. In his 1914 book Progressive Democracy, Croly rejected the thesis that the liberal tradition in the United States was inhospitable to anti-capitalist alternatives. He drew from the American past a history of resistance to capitalist wage relations that was fundamentally liberal, and he reclaimed an idea that progressives had allowed to lapse—that working for wages was a lesser form of liberty. Increasingly skeptical of the capacity of social welfare legislation to remedy social ills, Croly argued that America's liberal promise could be redeemed only by syndicalist reforms involving workplace democracy. His liberal goals were part of his commitment to American republicanism.[54]

• Thorstein Veblen was an American economist and sociologist, who during his lifetime emerged as a well-known critic of capitalism. In his best-known book, The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899), Veblen coined the concept of conspicuous consumption and conspicuous leisure. Historians of economics regard Veblen as the founding father of the institutional economics school. Contemporary economists still theorize Veblen's distinction between "institutions" and "technology", known as the Veblenian dichotomy. As a leading intellectual, Veblen attacked production for profit. His emphasis on conspicuous consumption greatly influenced economists who engaged in non-Marxist critiques of capitalism and of technological determinism.

Activists and organizers

• Mary G. Harris Jones,[55][56] known as Mother Jones, was an Irish-born American schoolteacher and dressmaker who became a prominent organized labor representative, community organizer, and activist. She helped coordinate major strikes and co-founded the Industrial Workers of the World. Jones worked as a teacher and dressmaker, but after her husband and four children all died of yellow fever in 1867 and her dress shop was destroyed in the Great Chicago Fire of 1871, she became an organizer for the Knights of Labor and the United Mine Workers union. From 1897 onwards, she was known as Mother Jones. In 1902, she was called "the most dangerous woman in America" for her success in organizing mine workers and their families against the mine owners. In 1903, to protest the lax enforcement of the child labor laws in the Pennsylvania mines and silk mills, she organized a children's march from Philadelphia to the home of President Theodore Roosevelt in New York.

Societal reformers and activists

• Jane Addams was an American settlement activist, reformer, social worker,[57][58] sociologist,[59] public administrator[60][61] and author. She was a notable figure in the history of social work and women's suffrage in the United States and an advocate for world peace.[62] She co-founded Chicago's Hull House, one of America's most famous settlement houses. In 1920, she was a co-founder for the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU).[63] In 1931, she became the first American woman to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, and is recognized as the founder of the social work profession in the United States.[64] Maurice Hamington considered her a radical pragmatist and the first woman "public philosopher" in the United States.[65] In the 1930s, she was the best-known female public figure in the United States. .[66]

Key ideas and issues

Government reform

Disturbed by the waste, inefficiency, stubbornness, corruption, and injustices of the Gilded Age, the Progressives were committed to changing and reforming every aspect of the state, society and economy. Significant changes enacted at the national levels included the imposition of an income tax with the Sixteenth Amendment, direct election of Senators with the Seventeenth Amendment, Prohibition with the Eighteenth Amendment, election reforms to stop corruption and fraud, and women's suffrage through the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.[67]

A main objective of the Progressive Era movement was to eliminate corruption within the government. They made it a point to also focus on family, education, and many other important aspects that still are enforced today. The most important political leaders during this time were Theodore Roosevelt, Robert M. La Follette Sr., Charles Evans Hughes, and Herbert Hoover. Some democratic leaders included William Jennings Bryan, Woodrow Wilson, and Al Smith.[68]

This movement targeted the regulations of huge monopolies and corporations. This was done through antitrust laws to promote equal competition amongst every business. This was done through the Sherman Act of 1890, the Clayton Act of 1914, and the Federal Trade Commission Act of 1914.[68]

Family and food

Colorado judge Ben Lindsey, a pioneer in the establishment of juvenile court systems

Progressives believed that the family was the foundation stone of American society, and the government, especially municipal government, must work to enhance the family.[69] Local public assistance programs were reformed to try to keep families together. Inspired by crusading Judge Ben Lindsey of Denver, cities established juvenile courts to deal with disruptive teenagers without sending them to adult prisons.[70][71]

During the progressive era more women took work outside the home. For the working class this work was often as a domestic servant. Yet working or not women were expected to perform all the cooking and cleaning. This "affected female domestics' experiences of their homes, workplaces, and possessions, While the male household members, comforted by the smells of home cooking, fresh laundry, and soaped floors, would have seen home as a refuge from work, women would have associated these same smells with the labor that they expended to maintain order."[72] With increases in technology some of this work became easier. The "introduction of gas, indoor plumbing, electricity and garbage pickup had a significant impact on the homes and the women who were responsible for maintaining them."[73] With the introduction of new methods of heating and lighting the home allowed for use of space once used for storage to become living spaces.[73] Women were targeted by advertisements for many different products once produced at home. These products were anything from mayonnaise, soda, or canned vegetables.[74]

The purity of food, milk and drinking water became a high priority in the cities. At the state and national levels new food and drug laws strengthened urban efforts to guarantee the safety of the food system. The 1906 federal Pure Food and Drug Act, which was pushed by drug companies and providers of medical services, removed from the market patent medicines that had never been scientifically tested.[75]

With the decrease in standard working hours, urban families had more leisure time. Many spent this leisure time at movie theaters. Progressives advocated for censorship of motion pictures as it was believed that patrons (especially children) viewing movies in dark, unclean, potentially unsafe theaters, might be negatively influenced in witnessing actors portraying crimes, violence, and sexually suggestive situations. Progressives across the country influenced municipal governments of large urban cities, to build numerous parks where it was believed that leisure time for children and families could be spent in a healthy, wholesome environment, thereby fostering good morals and citizenship.[76]

Labor policy and unions

Labor unions, especially the American Federation of Labor (AFL), grew rapidly in the early 20th century, and had a Progressive agenda as well. After experimenting in the early 20th century with cooperation with business in the National Civic Federation, the AFL turned after 1906 to a working political alliance with the Democratic party. The alliance was especially important in the larger industrial cities. The unions wanted restrictions on judges who intervened in labor disputes, usually on the side of the employer. They finally achieved that goal with the Norris–La Guardia Act of 1932.[77]

By the turn of the century, more and more small businesses were getting fed up with the way that they were treated compared to the bigger businesses. It seemed that the "Upper Ten" were turning a blind-eye to the smaller businesses, cutting corners wherever they could to make more profit. The big businesses would soon find out that the smaller businesses were starting to gain ground over them, so they became unsettled as described; "Constant pressure from the public, labor organizations, small business interests, and federal and state governments forced the corporate giants to engage in a balancing act."[78] Now that all of these new regulations and standards were being enacted, the big business would now have to stoop to everyone's level, including the small businesses. The big businesses would soon find out that in order to succeed they would have to band together with the smaller businesses to be successful, kind of a "Yin and Yang" effect.

United States President William Howard Taft signed the March 4, 1913, bill (the last day of his presidency), establishing the Department of Labor as a Cabinet-level department, replacing the previous Department of Commerce and Labor. William B. Wilson was appointed as the first Secretary of Labor on March 5, 1913, by President Wilson.[79] In October 1919, Secretary Wilson chaired the first meeting of the International Labour Organization even though the U.S. was not yet a member.[80]

In September 1916, the Federal Employees' Compensation Act introduced benefits to workers who are injured or contract illnesses in the workplace. The act established an agency responsible for federal workers’ compensation, which was transferred to the Labor Department in the 1940s and has become known as the Office of Workers' Compensation Programs.[81]

Civil rights issues


Main article: History of women in the United States § Progressive era: 1900–1940
Across the nation, middle-class women organized on behalf of social reforms during the Progressive Era. Using the language of municipal housekeeping women were able to push such reforms as prohibition, women's suffrage, child-saving, and public health.

Middle class women formed local clubs, which after 1890 were coordinated by the General Federation of Women's Clubs (GFWC). Historian Paige Meltzer puts the GFWC in the context of the Progressive Movement, arguing that its policies:

built on Progressive-era strategies of municipal housekeeping. During the Progressive era, female activists used traditional constructions of womanhood, which imagined all women as mothers and homemakers, to justify their entrance into community affairs: as "municipal housekeepers," they would clean up politics, cities, and see after the health and well being of their neighbors. Donning the mantle of motherhood, female activists methodically investigated their community's needs and used their "maternal" expertise to lobby, create, and secure a place for themselves in an emerging state welfare bureaucracy, best illustrated perhaps by clubwoman Julia Lathrop's leadership in the Children's Bureau. As part of this tradition of maternal activism, the Progressive-era General Federation supported a range of causes from the pure food and drug administration to public health care for mothers and children, to a ban on child labor, each of which looked to the state to help implement their vision of social justice.[82]

Women during the Progressive Era were often unhappy and faked enjoyment in their married heterosexual relationships.[83] Middle class women known for calling out change, specifically in cities like New York City, questioned the rethinking of marriage and sexuality. Women craved more sexual freedom following the sexually repressive and restrictive Victorian Era.[83] Dating in relationships became a new way of courting during the Progressive Era and moved the United States into a more romantic way of viewing marriage and relationships.[83] Within more engagements and marriages, both parties would exchange love notes as a way to express their sexual feelings. The divide between aggressive passionate love associated usually with men and a women's more spiritual romantic love became apparent in the middle-class as women were judged on how they should be respected based on how they expressed these feelings.[83] So, frequently women expressed passionless emotions towards love as a way to establish status among men in the middle class.[83]

Women's Suffrage

Main article: National American Woman Suffrage Association

"The Awakening": Suffragists were successful in the West; their torch awakens the women struggling in the East and South in this cartoon by Hy Mayer in Puck Feb. 20, 1915.

The National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) was an American women's rights organization formed in May 1890 as a unification of the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) and the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA). The NAWSA set up hundreds of smaller local and state groups, with the goal of passing woman suffrage legislation at the state and local level. The NAWSA was the largest and most important suffrage organization in the United States, and was the primary promoter of women's right to vote. Carrie Chapman Catt was the key leader in the early 20th century. Like AWSA and NWSA before it, the NAWSA pushed for a constitutional amendment guaranteeing women's voting rights, and was instrumental in winning the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution in 1920.[84][85] A breakaway group, the National Woman's Party, tightly controlled by Alice Paul, used civil disobedience to gain publicity and force passage of suffrage. Paul's members chained themselves to the White House fence in order to get arrested, then went on hunger strikes to gain publicity. While the British suffragettes stopped their protests in 1914 and supported the British war effort, Paul began her campaign in 1917 and was widely criticized for ignoring the war and attracting radical anti-war elements.[86]

Race relations

Across the South, black communities developed their own Progressive reform projects.[87][88] Typical projects involved upgrading schools, modernizing church operations, expanding business opportunities, fighting for a larger share of state budgets, and engaging in legal action to secure equal rights.[89] Reform projects were especially notable in rural areas, where the great majority of Southern blacks lived.[90]

Rural blacks were heavily involved in environmental issues, in which they developed their own traditions and priorities.[91][92] George Washington Carver (1860–1943) was a leader in promoting environmentalism, and was well known for his research projects, particularly those involving agriculture.[93]

Although there were some achievements that improved conditions for African Americans and other non-white minorities, the Progressive Era was the nadir of American race relations. While white Progressives in principle believed in improving conditions for minority groups, there were wide differences in how this was to be achieved. Some, such as Lillian Wald, fought to alleviate the plight of poor African Americans. Many, though, were concerned with enforcing, not eradicating, racial segregation. In particular, the mixing of black and white pleasure-seekers in "black-and-tan" clubs troubled Progressive reformers.[94] The Progressive ideology espoused by many of the era attempted to correct societal problems created by racial integration following the Civil War by segregating the races and allowing each group to achieve its own potential. That is to say that most Progressives saw racial integration as a problem to be solved, rather than a goal to be achieved.[95][96][97] As white progressives sought to help the white working-class, clean-up politics, and improve the cities, the country instated the system of racial segregation known as Jim Crow.[98]

One of the most impacting issues African Americans had to face during the Progressive Era was the right to vote. By the beginning of the 20th century, African Americans were "disfranchised", while in the years prior to this, the right to vote was guaranteed to "freedmen" through the Civil Rights Act of 1870.[99] Southern whites wanted to rid of the political influence of the black vote, citing "that black voting meant only corruption of elections, incompetence of government, and the engendering of fierce racial antagonisms."[99] Progressive whites found a "loophole" to the 15th Amendment's prohibition of denying one the right to vote due to race through the Grandfather Clause.[99] This allowed for the creation of "tests" that would essentially be designed in a way that would allow for whites to pass them but not African Americans or any other persons of color.[99] Actions such as these from whites of the Progressive Era are some of the many that tied into the Progressive goal, as historian Michael McGerr states, "to segregate society."[100]

Legal historian Herbert Hovenkamp argues that while many early progressives inherited the racism of Jim Crow, as they begin to innovate their own ideas, they would embrace behaviorism, cultural relativism and marginalism which stress environmental influences on humans rather than biological inheritance. He states that ultimately progressives "were responsible for bringing scientific racism to an end".[101]
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Mar 04, 2020 12:36 am

Part 2 of 3

Key political reform efforts


President Theodore Roosevelt

President William Howard Taft

President Woodrow Wilson

Theodore Roosevelt (1901–1909); William Howard Taft (1909–1913); and Woodrow Wilson (1913–1921); were the main progressive U.S. Presidents; their administrations saw intense social and political change in American society.

Many Progressives sought to enable the citizenry to rule more directly and circumvent machines, bosses and professional politicians. The institution of the initiative and referendums made it possible to pass laws without the involvement of the legislature, while the recall allowed for the removal of corrupt or under-performing officials, and the direct primary let people democratically nominate candidates, avoiding the professionally dominated conventions. Thanks to the efforts of Oregon State Representative William S. U'Ren and his Direct Legislation League, voters in Oregon overwhelmingly approved a ballot measure in 1902 that created the initiative and referendum processes for citizens to directly introduce or approve proposed laws or amendments to the state constitution, making Oregon the first state to adopt such a system. U'Ren also helped in the passage of an amendment in 1908 that gave voters power to recall elected officials, and would go on to establish, at the state level, popular election of U.S. Senators and the first presidential primary in the United States. In 1911, California governor Hiram Johnson established the Oregon System of "Initiative, Referendum, and Recall" in his state, viewing them as good influences for citizen participation against the historic influence of large corporations on state lawmakers.[102] These Progressive reforms were soon replicated in other states, including Idaho, Washington, and Wisconsin, and today roughly half of U.S. states have initiative, referendum and recall provisions in their state constitutions.[103]

About 16 states began using primary elections to reduce the power of bosses and machines.[104] The Seventeenth Amendment was ratified in 1913, requiring that all senators be elected by the people (they were formerly appointed by state legislatures). The main motivation was to reduce the power of political bosses, who controlled the Senate seats by virtue of their control of state legislatures. The result, according to political scientist Henry Jones Ford, was that the United States Senate had become a "Diet of party lords, wielding their power without scruple or restraint, on behalf of those particular interests" that put them in office.[105]

Municipal reform

Further information: American urban history § Progressive era: 1890s–1920s

A coalition of middle-class reform-oriented voters, academic experts, and reformers hostile to the political machines started forming in the 1890s and introduced a series of reforms in urban America, designed to reduce waste, inefficiency and corruption, by introducing scientific methods, compulsory education and administrative innovations.

The pace was set in Detroit, Michigan, where Republican mayor Hazen S. Pingree first put together the reform coalition.[106] Many cities set up municipal reference bureaus to study the budgets and administrative structures of local governments.

Progressive mayors took the lead in many key cities,[107] such as Cleveland, Ohio (especially Mayor Tom Johnson); Toledo, Ohio;[108] Jersey City, New Jersey;[109] Los Angeles;[110] Memphis, Tennessee;[111] Louisville, Kentucky;[112] and many other cities, especially in the western states. In Illinois, Governor Frank Lowden undertook a major reorganization of state government.[113] In Wisconsin, the stronghold of Robert La Follette Sr., the Wisconsin Idea used the state university as a major source of ideas and expertise.[114]

Rural reform

Further information: Country life movement

As late as 1920, half the population lived in rural areas. They experienced their own progressive reforms, typically with the explicit goal of upgrading country life.[115] By 1910 most farmers subscribed to a farm newspaper, where editors promoted efficiency as applied to farming.[116] Special efforts were made to reach the rural South and remote areas, such as the mountains of Appalachia and the Ozarks.[117]

The most urgent need was better transportation. The railroad system was virtually complete; the need was for much better roads. The traditional method of putting the burden on maintaining roads on local landowners was increasingly inadequate. New York State took the lead in 1898, and by 1916 the old system had been discarded in every area. Demands grew for local and state government to take charge. With the coming of the automobile after 1910, urgent efforts were made to upgrade and modernize dirt roads designed for horse-drawn wagon traffic. The American Association for Highway Improvement was organized in 1910. Funding came from automobile registration, and taxes on motor fuels, as well as state aid. In 1916, federal-aid was first made available to improve post-roads, and promote general commerce. Congress appropriated $75 million over a five-year period, with the Secretary of Agriculture in charge through the Bureau of Public Roads, in cooperation with the state highway departments. There were 2.4 million miles of rural dirt rural roads in 1914; 100,000 miles had been improved with grading and gravel, and 3000 miles were given high quality surfacing. The rapidly increasing speed of automobiles, and especially trucks, made maintenance and repair a high priority. Concrete was first used in 1933, and expanded until it became the dominant surfacing material in the 1930s.[118][119] The South had fewer cars and trucks and much less money, but it worked through highly visible demonstration projects like the "Dixie Highway."[120]

Rural schools were often poorly funded, one room operations. Typically, classes were taught by young local women before they married, with only occasional supervision by county superintendents. The progressive solution was modernization through consolidation, with the result of children attending modern schools. There they would be taught by full-time professional teachers who had graduated from the states' teachers colleges, were certified, and were monitored by the county superintendents. Farmers complained at the expense, and also at the loss of control over local affairs, but in state after state the consolidation process went forward.[121][122]

Numerous other programs were aimed at rural youth, including 4-H clubs,[123] Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts. County fairs not only gave prizes for the most productive agricultural practices, they also demonstrated those practices to an attentive rural audience. Programs for new mothers included maternity care and training in baby care.[124]

The movement's attempts at introducing urban reforms to rural America often met resistance from traditionalists who saw the country-lifers as aggressive modernizers who were condescending and out of touch with rural life. The traditionalists said many of their reforms were unnecessary and not worth the trouble of implementing. Rural residents also disagreed with the notion that farms needed to improve their efficiency, as they saw this goal as serving urban interests more than rural ones. The social conservatism of many rural residents also led them to resist attempts for change led by outsiders. Most important, the traditionalists did not want to become modern, and did not want their children inculcated with alien modern values through comprehensive schools that were remote from local control.[125][126] The most successful reforms came from the farmers who pursued agricultural extension, as their proposed changes were consistent with existing modernizing trends toward more efficiency and more profit in agriculture.

Constitutional change

The Progressives fixed some of their reforms into law by adding amendments 16, 17, 18, and 19 to the US Constitution. The 16th amendment made an income tax legal (this required an amendment due to Article One, Section 9 of the Constitution, which required that direct taxes be laid on the States in proportion to their population as determined by the decennial census). The Progressives also made strides in attempts to reduce political corruption through the 17th amendment (direct election of U.S. Senators). The most radical and controversial amendment came during the anti-German craze of World War I that helped the Progressives and others push through their plan for prohibition through the 18th amendment (once the Progressives fell out of power the 21st amendment repealed the 18th in 1933). The ratification of the 19th amendment in 1920, which recognized women's suffrage was the last amendment during the progressive era.[127] Another significant constitutional change that began during the progressive era was the incorporation of the Bill of Rights so that those rights would apply to the states. In 1920, Benjamin Gitlow was convicted under the Espionage Act of 1917 and the case went all the way to the Supreme Court, where the justices decided that the First Amendment applied to the states as well as the federal government. Prior to that time, the Bill of Rights was considered to apply only to the federal government, not the states.

Government policy and roles

Economic policy

President Wilson used tariff, currency, and antitrust laws to prime the pump and get the economy working.

The Progressive Era was one of general prosperity after the Panic of 1893—a severe depression—ended in 1897. The Panic of 1907 was short and mostly affected financiers. However, Campbell (2005) stresses the weak points of the economy in 1907–1914, linking them to public demands for more Progressive interventions. The Panic of 1907 was followed by a small decline in real wages and increased unemployment, with both trends continuing until World War I. Campbell emphasizes the resulting stress on public finance and the impact on the Wilson administration's policies. The weakened economy and persistent federal deficits led to changes in fiscal policy, including the imposition of federal income taxes on businesses and individuals and the creation of the Federal Reserve System.[128] Government agencies were also transformed in an effort to improve administrative efficiency.[129]

In the Gilded Age (late 19th century) the parties were reluctant to involve the federal government too heavily in the private sector, except in the area of railroads and tariffs. In general, they accepted the concept of laissez-faire, a doctrine opposing government interference in the economy except to maintain law and order. This attitude started to change during the depression of the 1890s when small business, farm, and labor movements began asking the government to intercede on their behalf.[129]

By the start of the 20th century, a middle class had developed that was leery of both the business elite and the radical political movements of farmers and laborers in the Midwest and West. The Progressives argued the need for government regulation of business practices to ensure competition and free enterprise. Congress enacted a law regulating railroads in 1887 (the Interstate Commerce Act), and one preventing large firms from controlling a single industry in 1890 (the Sherman Antitrust Act). These laws were not rigorously enforced, however, until the years between 1900 and 1920, when Republican President Theodore Roosevelt (1901–1909), Democratic President Woodrow Wilson (1913–1921), and others sympathetic to the views of the Progressives came to power. Many of today's U.S. regulatory agencies were created during these years, including the Interstate Commerce Commission and the Federal Trade Commission. Muckrakers were journalists who encouraged readers to demand more regulation of business. Upton Sinclair's The Jungle (1906) was influential and persuaded America about the supposed horrors of the Chicago Union Stock Yards, a giant complex of meat processing plants that developed in the 1870s. The federal government responded to Sinclair's book and the Neill–Reynolds Report with the new regulatory Food and Drug Administration. Ida M. Tarbell wrote a series of articles against Standard Oil, which was perceived to be a monopoly. This affected both the government and the public reformers. Attacks by Tarbell and others helped pave the way for public acceptance of the breakup of the company by the Supreme Court in 1911.[129]

When Democrat Woodrow Wilson was elected President with a Democratic Congress in 1912 he implemented a series of Progressive policies in economics. In 1913, the Sixteenth Amendment was ratified, and a small income tax was imposed on higher incomes. The Democrats lowered tariffs with the Underwood Tariff in 1913, though its effects were overwhelmed by the changes in trade caused by the World War that broke out in 1914. Wilson proved especially effective in mobilizing public opinion behind tariff changes by denouncing corporate lobbyists, addressing Congress in person in highly dramatic fashion, and staging an elaborate ceremony when he signed the bill into law.[130] Wilson helped end the long battles over the trusts with the Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914. He managed to convince lawmakers on the issues of money and banking by the creation in 1913 of the Federal Reserve System, a complex business-government partnership that to this day dominates the financial world.[131]

In 1913, Henry Ford dramatically increased the efficiency of his factories by large-scale use of the moving assembly line, with each worker doing one simple task in the production of automobiles. Emphasizing efficiency, Ford more than doubled wages (and cut hours from 9 a day to 8), attracting the best workers and sharply reducing labor turnover and absenteeism. His employees could and did buy his cars, and by cutting prices over and over he made the Model T cheap enough for millions of people to buy in the U.S. and in every major country. Ford's profits soared and his company dominated the world's automobile industry. Henry Ford became the world-famous prophet of high wages and high profits.[132] A study was conducted by Robert and Helen Lynd on American society as the need and want for cars was increasing and were made affordable to Americans. They published a book titled "Middletown[133]" in 1929. In this study they found how the automobile impacted American families. Budgets changed dramatically and the automobile has revolutionized how people spent their free time.

Immigration policy

The influx of immigration grew steadily after 1896, with most new arrivals being unskilled workers from southern and eastern Europe. These immigrants were able to find work in the steel mills, slaughterhouses, fishing industry, and construction crews of the emergent mill towns and industrial cities mostly in the Northeast, Midwest, and West Coast. The outbreak of World War I in 1914 halted most transcontinental immigration, only after 1919 did the flow of immigrants resume. Starting in the 1880s, the labor unions aggressively promoted restrictions on immigration, especially restrictions on Chinese, Japanese and Korean immigrants.[134] In combination with the racist attitudes of the time, there was a fear that large numbers of unskilled, low-paid workers would defeat the union's efforts to raise wages through collective bargaining.[135] In addition, rural Protestants distrusted the urban Catholics and Jews who comprised most of the Southern and Eastern European immigrants, and on those grounds opposed immigration.[136] On the other hand, the rapid growth of the industry called for a greater and expanding labor pool that could not be met by natural birth rates. As a result, many large corporations were opposed to immigration restrictions. By the early 1920s, a consensus had been reached that the total influx of immigration had to be restricted, and a series of laws in the 1920s accomplished that purpose.[137] A handful of eugenics advocates were also involved in immigration restriction for their own pseudo-scientific reasons.[138] Immigration restriction continued to be a national policy until after World War II.

During World War I, the Progressives strongly promoted Americanization programs, designed to modernize the recent immigrants and turn them into model American citizens, while diminishing loyalties to the old country.[139] These programs often operated through the public school system, which expanded dramatically.[140]

Foreign policy

Progressives looked to legal arbitration as an alternative to warfare. The two leading proponents were Taft, a constitutional lawyer who later became Chief Justice, and Democratic leaders William Jennings Bryan. Taft's political base was the conservative business community which largely supported peace movements before 1914. The businessmen believed that economic rivalries were cause of war, and that extensive trade led to an interdependent world that would make war a very expensive and useless anachronism. One early success came in the Newfoundland fisheries dispute between the United States and Britain in 1910. In 1911 Taft's diplomats signed wide-ranging arbitration treaties with France and Britain. However he was defeated by former President Theodore Roosevelt, who had broken with his protégé Taft in 1910. They were dueling for control of the Republican Party and Roosevelt encouraged the Senate to impose amendments that significantly weakened the treaties. On the one hand, Roosevelt was acting to sabotage Taft's campaign promises.[141] At a deeper level, Roosevelt truly believed that arbitration was a naïve solution and the great issues had to be decided by warfare. The Roosevelt in approach incorporated a near-mystical faith of the ennobling nature of war. It endorsed jingoistic nationalism as opposed to the businessmen's calculation of profit and national interest. [142]

Foreign policy in the progressive era was often marked by a tone of moral supremacy. Woodrow Wilson and William Jennings Bryan both saw themselves as 'Missionaries of Democracy', with the deliberate religious overtone. Historian Arthur S. Link says they felt they were, "Inspired by the confidence that they knew better how to promote the peace and well-being of other countries than did the leaders of those countries themselves."[143] Similar ideas and language had already been used previously in the Monroe Doctrine, wherein Roosevelt claimed that the United States could serve as the police of the world, using its power to end unrest and wrongdoing on the western hemisphere. Using this moralistic approach, Roosevelt argued for intervention with Cuba to help it to become a "just and stable civilization", by way of the Platt amendment. Wilson used a similar moralistic tone when dealing with Mexico. In 1913, while revolutionaries took control of the government, Wilson judged them to be immoral, and refused to acknowledge the in-place government on that reason alone.[144]

Overseas possessions: the Philippines

The Philippines were acquired by the United States in 1899, after victory over Spanish forces at the Battle of Manila Bay and a long series of controversial political debates between the senate and President McKinley and was considered the largest colonial acquisition by the United States at this time.[145]

While anti-imperialist sentiments had been prevalent in the United States during this time, the acquisition of the Philippines sparked the relatively minor population into action. Voicing their opinions in public, they sought to deter American leaders from keeping the Asian-Pacific nation and to avoid the temptations of expansionist tendencies that were widely viewed as "un-American" at that time.[146]

Philippines was a major target for the progressive reformers. A 1907 report to Secretary of War Taft provided a summary of what the American civil administration had achieved. It included, in addition to the rapid building of a public school system based on English teaching, and boasted about such modernizing achievements as:

steel and concrete wharves at the newly renovated Port of Manila; dredging the River Pasig; streamlining of the Insular Government; accurate, intelligible accounting; the construction of a telegraph and cable communications network; the establishment of a postal savings bank; large-scale road-and bridge-building; impartial and incorrupt policing; well-financed civil engineering; the conservation of old Spanish architecture; large public parks; a bidding process for the right to build railways; Corporation law; and a coastal and geological survey.[147]

In 1903 the American reformers in the Philippines passed two major land acts designed to turn landless peasants into owners of their farms. By 1905 the law was clearly a failure. Reformers such as Taft believed landownership would turn unruly agrarians into loyal subjects. The social structure in rural Philippines was highly traditional and highly unequal. Drastic changes in land ownership posed a major challenge to local elites, who would not accept it, nor would their peasant clients. The American reformers blamed peasant resistance to landownership for the law's failure and argued that large plantations and sharecropping was the Philippines' best path to development.[148]

Elite Filipina women played a major role in the reform movement, especially on health issues. They specialized on such urgent needs as infant care and maternal and child health, the distribution of pure milk and teaching new mothers about children's health. The most prominent organizations were the La Protección de la Infancia, and the National Federation of Women's Clubs.[149]

Peace movement

Although the Progressive Era was characterized by public support for World War I under Woodrow Wilson, there was also a substantial opposition to World War II.

Societal reforms


Main article: Eugenics in the United States

Some Progressives sponsored eugenics as a solution to excessively large or underperforming families, hoping that birth control would enable parents to focus their resources on fewer, better children.[150] Progressive leaders like Herbert Croly and Walter Lippmann indicated their classically liberal concern over the danger posed to the individual by the practice of eugenics.[151] The Catholics strongly opposed birth control proposals such as eugenics.[152]


Prohibition was the outlawing of the manufacture, sale and transport of alcohol. Drinking itself was never prohibited. Throughout the Progressive Era, it remained one of the prominent causes associated with Progressivism at the local, state and national level, though support across the full breadth of Progressives was mixed. It pitted the minority urban Catholic population against the larger rural Protestant element, and Progressivism's rise in the rural communities was aided in part by the general increase in public consciousness of social issues of the temperance movement, which achieved national success with the passage of the 18th Amendment by Congress in late 1917, and the ratification by three-fourths of the states in 1919. Prohibition was backed by the Methodists, Baptists, Congregationalists, Scandinavian Lutherans and other evangelical churches. Activists were mobilized by the highly effective Anti-Saloon League.[153] Timberlake (1963) argues the dries sought to break the liquor trust, weaken the saloon base of big-city machines, enhance industrial efficiency, and reduce the level of wife beating, child abuse, and poverty caused by alcoholism.[154]

Agitation for prohibition began during the Second Great Awakening in the 1840s when crusades against drinking originated from evangelical Protestants.[155] Evangelicals precipitated the second wave of prohibition legislation during the 1880s, which had as its aim local and state prohibition. During the 1880s, referendums were held at the state level to enact prohibition amendments. Two important groups were formed during this period. The Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) was formed in 1874.[156] The Anti-Saloon League which began in Ohio was formed in 1893, uniting activists from different religious groups.[157] The league, rooted in Protestant churches, envisioned nationwide prohibition. Rather than condemn all drinking, the group focused attention on the saloon which was considered the ultimate symbol of public vice. The league also concentrated on campaigns for the right of individual communities to choose whether to close their saloons.[158] In 1907, Georgia and Alabama were the first states to go dry followed by Oklahoma, Mississippi, North Carolina, and Tennessee in the following years. In 1913, Congress passed the Webb-Kenyon Act, which forbade the transport of liquor into dry states.

By 1917, two thirds of the states had some form of prohibition laws and roughly three quarters of the population lived in dry areas. In 1913, the Anti-Saloon League first publicly appealed for a prohibition amendment. They preferred a constitutional amendment over a federal statute because although harder to achieve, they felt it would be harder to change. As the United States entered World War I, the Conscription Act banned the sale of liquor near military bases.[159] In August 1917, the Lever Food and Fuel Control Act banned production of distilled spirits for the duration of the war. The War Prohibition Act, November, 1918, forbade the manufacture and sale of intoxicating beverages (more than 2.75% alcohol content) until the end of demobilization.

The drys worked energetically to secure two-third majority of both houses of Congress and the support of three quarters of the states needed for an amendment to the federal constitution. Thirty-six states were needed, and organizations were set up at all 48 states to seek ratification. In late 1917, Congress passed the Eighteenth Amendment; it was ratified in 1919 and took effect in January 1920. It prohibited the manufacturing, sale or transport of intoxicating beverages within the United States, as well as import and export. The Volstead Act, 1919, defined intoxicating as having alcohol content greater than 0.5% and established the procedures for federal enforcement of the Act. The states were at liberty to enforce prohibition or not, and most did not try.[160]

Consumer demand, however, led to a variety of illegal sources for alcohol, especially illegal distilleries and smuggling from Canada and other countries. It is difficult to determine the level of compliance, and although the media at the time portrayed the law as highly ineffective, even if it did not eradicate the use of alcohol, it certainly decreased alcohol consumption during the period. The Eighteenth Amendment was repealed in 1933, with the passage of the Twenty-First Amendment, thanks to a well-organized repeal campaign led by Catholics (who stressed personal liberty) and businessmen (who stressed the lost tax revenue).[160]

Prohibition also brought a rise to organized crime, who was able to profit off the sales of illegal alcohol. Al Capone was one of the most well-known criminals to partake in illegal alcohol sales. There was a huge demand for alcohol, but most business owners were unwilling to risk getting involved in the transportation of alcohol. The business owners did however have little issue with selling the alcohol that the criminals like Capone provided.[161]

Organized Crime was able to be successful due to their willingness to use intimidation and violence to carry out their illicit enterprises. During prohibition, the mafia was able to grow their stronghold on illegal activities throughout the United States. This illegal behavior began almost in conjunction with prohibition being voted into law. Within the first hours of prohibition, the police in Chicago reported the theft of medicinal liquor.[162] The prohibition era gangsters outlasted the law and used it as a starting point to launch their criminal enterprises.


The reform of schools and other educational institutions was one of the prime concerns of the middle class during this time period. The number of schools in the nation increased dramatically, as did the need for a better more-rounded education system. The face of the Progressive Education Movement in America was John Dewey, a professor at the University of Chicago (1896–1904) who advocated for schools to incorporate everyday skills instead of only teaching academic content. Dewey felt the younger generation was losing the opportunity to learn the art of democratic participation and in turn wrote many novels such as The Child and the Curriculum and Schools of tomorrow. A higher level of education also gained popularity. By 1930, 12.4% of 18 to 21-year-olds were attending college, whereas in 1890 only about 3% of this demographic had an interest in higher learning.[163][164][165]

Women's education in home economics
A new field of study, the art and science of homemaking, emerged in the Progressive Era in an effort to feminize women's education in the United States. Home economics emerged at the end of the nineteenth century in response to the many changes occurring both at the level of material culture and practices and in the more abstract realm of gender ideology and thinking about the home. As the industrial revolution took hold of the American economy and as mass production, alienation, and urbanization appeared to be unstoppable trends, Americans looked for solutions that could soften the effects of change without slowing down the engines of progress.[166] Alternatively called home arts, the major curriculum reform in women's education was influenced by the publication of Treatise on Domestic Economy, written by Catherine Beecher in 1843. Advocates of home economics argued that homemaking, as a profession, required education and training for the development of an efficient and systematic domestic practice. The curriculum aimed to cover a variety of topics, including teaching standardized way of gardening, child-rearing, cooking, cleaning, performing household maintenance, and doctoring. Such scientific management applied to the domestic sphere was presented as a solution to the dilemma middle class women faced in terms of searching for meaning and fulfillment in their role of housekeeping. The feminist perspective, by pushing for this type of education, intended to explain that women had separate but equally important responsibilities in life with men that required proper training.[167]

Children and education

There was a concern towards working-class children being taken out of school to be put straight to work. Progressives around the country put up campaigns to push for an improvement in public education and to make education mandatory. It was further pushed in the South, where education was very much behind compared to the rest of the country. The Southern Education Board came together to publicize the importance of reform. However, many rejected the reform. Farmers and workers relied heavily on their eldest children, their first born, to work and help the family's income. Immigrants were not for reform either, fearing that such a thing would Americanize their children. Despite those fighting against reform, there was a positive outcome to the fight for reform. Enrollment for children (age 5 to 19) in school rose from 50.5 percent to 59.2 between 1900 and 1909. Enrollment in public secondary school went from 519,000 to 841,000. School funds and the term of public schools also grew.[168]

Medicine and law

The Flexner Report of 1910, sponsored by the Carnegie Foundation, professionalized American medicine by discarding the scores of local small medical schools and focusing national funds, resources, and prestige on larger, professionalized medical schools associated with universities.[169][170] Prominent leaders included the Mayo Brothers whose Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota, became world-famous for innovative surgery.[171]

In the legal profession, the American Bar Association set up in 1900 the Association of American Law Schools (AALS). It established national standards for law schools, which led to the replacement of the old system of young men studying law privately with established lawyers by the new system of accredited law schools associated with universities.[172]

Social sciences

Progressive scholars, based at the emerging research universities such as Harvard, Columbia, Johns Hopkins, Chicago, Michigan, Wisconsin and California, worked to modernize their disciplines. The heyday of the amateur expert gave way to the research professor who published in the new scholarly journals and presses. Their explicit goal was to professionalize and make "scientific" the social sciences, especially history,[5] economics,[6] and political science.[7] Professionalization meant creating new career tracks in the universities, with hiring and promotion dependent on meeting international models of scholarship.


In the 1940s typically historians saw the Progressive Era as a prelude to the New Deal and dated it from 1901 (when Roosevelt became president) to the start of World War I in 1914 or 1917.[173] Historians have moved back in time emphasizing the Progressive reformers at the municipal[174] and state[175] levels in the 1890s.

End of the Era

Much less settled is the question of when the era ended. Some historians who emphasize civil liberties decry their suppression during World War I and do not consider the war as rooted in Progressive policy.[176] A strong anti-war movement headed by noted Progressives including Jane Addams, was suppressed after Wilson's 1916 re-election, a victory largely enabled by his campaign slogan, "He kept us out of the war."[177] The slogan was no longer accurate by April 6 of the following year, when Wilson surprised much of the Progressive base that twice elected him and asked a joint session of Congress to declare war on Germany. The Senate voted 82–6 in favor; the House agreed, 373–50. Some historians see the so-called "war to end all wars" as a globalized expression of the American Progressive movement, with Wilson's support for a League of Nations as its climax.[178]

The politics of the 1920s was unfriendly toward the labor unions and liberal crusaders against business, so many if not most historians who emphasize those themes write off the decade. Urban cosmopolitan scholars recoiled at the moralism of prohibition, the intolerance of the nativists and the KKK, and on those grounds denounced the era. Richard Hofstadter, for example, in 1955 wrote that prohibition, "was a pseudo-reform, a pinched, parochial substitute for reform" that "was carried about America by the rural-evangelical virus".[179] However, as Arthur S. Link emphasized, the Progressives did not simply roll over and play dead.[180] Link's argument for continuity through the twenties stimulated a historiography that found Progressivism to be a potent force. Palmer, pointing to leaders like George Norris, says, "It is worth noting that progressivism, whilst temporarily losing the political initiative, remained popular in many western states and made its presence felt in Washington during both the Harding and Coolidge presidencies."[181] Gerster and Cords argue that, "Since progressivism was a 'spirit' or an 'enthusiasm' rather than an easily definable force with common goals, it seems more accurate to argue that it produced a climate for reform which lasted well into the 1920s, if not beyond."[182] Some social historians have posited that the KKK may in fact fit into the Progressive agenda, if Klansmen are portrayed as "ordinary white Protestants" primarily interested in purification of the system, which had long been a core Progressive goal.[183] This however ignores the violence and racism central to Klan ideology and activities, that had nothing to do with improving society, so much as enforcing racial hierarchies.

While some Progressive leaders became reactionaries, that usually happened in the 1930s, not in the 1920s, as exemplified by William Randolph Hearst,[184] Herbert Hoover, Al Smith and Henry Ford.[185][186]

First Red Scare

Main article: First Red Scare

Following the period rapid social change saw a worker's uprising turn to a full scale revolution in Russia in 1917 taken over by Bolsheviks along anarchist bombings of 1919 by foreigners encroached a large fear over many citizens of a possible Bolshevism revolt to overthrow values which the United States holds up to mainly capitalism. It saw persecutions of many ideals of the progressive era seeing raids, arrests, and persecutions taken place. Such as the period saw supporters such as worker unions, socialist, and others faced similar prosecutions. Along these convicted were foreigners, African Americans, Jews, Catholics, etc. The US government was also affected both legally and internally as of January 1920 saw 6,000 arrests of persecutions along changes in government policies where the government in acted censorship in the media and suppressing opinion on the matter going as far to use physical assaults or legal arrests having certain civil liberties stripped.[187]

Business progressivism in 1920s

What historians have identified as "business progressivism", with its emphasis on efficiency and typified by Henry Ford and Herbert Hoover[188] reached an apogee in the 1920s. Wik, for example, argues that Ford's "views on technology and the mechanization of rural America were generally enlightened, progressive, and often far ahead of his times."[189]

Tindall stresses the continuing importance of the Progressive movement in the South in the 1920s involving increased democracy, efficient government, corporate regulation, social justice, and governmental public service.[190][191] William Link finds political Progressivism dominant in most of the South in the 1920s.[192] Likewise it was influential in the Midwest.[193]

Historians of women and of youth emphasize the strength of the Progressive impulse in the 1920s.[194] Women consolidated their gains after the success of the suffrage movement, and moved into causes such as world peace,[195] good government, maternal care (the Sheppard–Towner Act of 1921),[196] and local support for education and public health.[197] The work was not nearly as dramatic as the suffrage crusade, but women voted[198] and operated quietly and effectively. Paul Fass, speaking of youth, says "Progressivism as an angle of vision, as an optimistic approach to social problems, was very much alive."[199] International influences that sparked many reform ideas likewise continued into the 1920s, as American ideas of modernity began to influence Europe.[200]

By 1930 a block of progressive Republicans in the Senate were urging Hoover to take more vigorous action to fight the depression. There were about a dozen members of this group, including William Borah of Idaho, George W. Norris of Nebraska, Robert M. La Follette Jr., of Wisconsin, Gerald Nye of North Dakota, Hiram Johnson of California and Bronson M. Cutting of New Mexico. While these western Republicans could stir up issues, they could rarely forge a majority, since they were too individualistic and did not form a unified caucus.[201] Hoover himself had sharply moved to the right, and paid little attention to their liberal ideas.[202] By 1932 this group was moving toward support for Roosevelt's New Deal. They remained staunch isolationists deeply opposed to any involvement in Europe. Outside the Senate, however, a strong majority of the surviving Progressives from the 1910s had become conservative opponents of New Deal economic planning.[203]
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Notable progressive leaders

• Jane Addams, social reformer
• Susan B. Anthony, suffragist
• Robert P. Bass, New Hampshire politician
• Charles A. Beard, historian and political scientist
• Louis Brandeis, Supreme Court justice
• William Jennings Bryan, Democratic presidential nominee in 1896, 1900, 1908; Secretary of State
• Lucy Burns, suffragist
• Andrew Carnegie, steel magnate, philanthropist
• Carrie Chapman Catt, suffragist
• Winston Churchill, author (not the British politician)
• Herbert Croly, journalist
• Clarence Darrow, lawyer
• Eugene V. Debs, American socialist, political activist, trade unionist, and five times the candidate of the Socialist Party of America for President of the United States.
• John Dewey, philosopher
• W. E. B. Du Bois, Black scholar
• Thomas Edison, inventor
• Irving Fisher, economist
• Abraham Flexner, education
• Henry Ford, automaker
• Henry George, writer on political economy
• Charlotte Perkins Gilman, feminist
• Susan Glaspell, playwright, novelist
• Emma Goldman, anarchist, philosopher, writer
• Lewis Hine, photographer
• Charles Evans Hughes, statesman
• William James, philosopher
• Hiram Johnson, Governor of California
• Mary Harris "Mother" Jones, union activist
• Samuel M. Jones, politician, reformer
• Florence Kelley, child advocate
• Robert M. La Follette Sr., Governor of Wisconsin
• Fiorello LaGuardia, U.S. Congressman from New York; New York City mayor
• Walter Lippmann, journalist
• Mayo Brothers, medicine
• Fayette Avery McKenzie, sociology
• John R. Mott, YMCA leader
• George Mundelein, Catholic leader
• Alice Paul, suffragist
• Ulrich B. Phillips, historian
• Gifford Pinchot, conservationist
• Walter Rauschenbusch, theologian of Social Gospel
• Jacob Riis, reformer
• John D. Rockefeller Jr., philanthropist
• Theodore Roosevelt, President
• Elihu Root, statesman
• Margaret Sanger, birth control activist
• Anna Howard Shaw, suffragist
• Upton Sinclair, novelist
• Albion Small, sociologist
• Ellen Gates Starr, sociologist
• Lincoln Steffens, reporter
• Henry Stimson, statesman
• William Howard Taft, President and Chief Justice
• Ida Tarbell, muckraker
• Frederick Winslow Taylor, efficiency expert
• Frederick Jackson Turner, historian
• Thorstein Veblen, economist
• Lester Frank Ward, sociologist
• Ida B. Wells, Black leader
• Burton Kendall Wheeler, Montana politician
• Woodrow Wilson, President

See also

• Efficiency Movement
• Machine age
• Trust-busting
• Wisconsin Idea
• Woman's club movement
• Edwardian era, for comparable trends in Great Britain around 1910

Key legislation

• New York State Tenement House Act
• Sherman Antitrust Act



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3. On purification, see David W. Southern, The Malignant Heritage: Yankee Progressives and the Negro Question, 1900–1915 (1968); Southern, The Progressive Era And Race: Reaction And Reform 1900–1917 (2005); Norman H. Clark, Deliver Us from Evil: An Interpretation of American Prohibition (1976) p 170; and Aileen Kraditor, The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement: 1890–1920 (1967). 134–36.
4. McGerr, Michael. A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of The Progressive Movement in America. Oxford University Press. p. 77.
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176. Paul L. Murphy, "World War I and the Origin of Civil Liberties in the United States" (1979)
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178. John Milton Cooper, Breaking the Heart of the World: Woodrow Wilson and the Fight for the League of Nations (2010)
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181. Niall A. Palmer, The Twenties in America: Politics and History (2006) p. 176
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186. Steven Watts (2009). The People's Tycoon: Henry Ford and the American Century. Knopf Doubleday. p. 430. ISBN 9780307558978.
187. Page., Smith (1985). America enters the world : a people's history of the Progressive Era and World War I. New York: McGraw-Hill. ISBN 978-0070585737. OCLC 10925102.
188. Barry C. Edwards, "Putting Hoover on the Map: Was the 31st President a Progressive. Congress & the Presidency41#1 (2014) pp 49–83 online
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190. George B. Tindall, "Business Progressivism: Southern Politics in the Twenties," South Atlantic Quarterly 62 (Winter 1963): 92–106.
191. George B. Tindall, The Emergence of the New South, 1913–1945 (1970)
192. William A. Link, The Paradox of Southern Progressivism, 1880–1930 (1997) p. 294
193. Judith Sealander, Grand Plans: Business Progressivism and Social Change in Ohio's Miami Valley, 1890–1929 (1991)
194. Maureen A. Flanagan, America Reformed: Progressives and Progressivisms, 1890s–1920s (2006)
195. Susan Zeiger, "Finding a cure for war: Women's politics and the peace movement in the 1920s," Journal of Social History, Fall 1990, Vol. 24 Issue 1, pp. 69–86 JSTOR 3787631
196. J. Stanley Lemons, "The Sheppard-Towner Act: Progressivism in the 1920s," Journal of American History Vol. 55, No. 4 (Mar., 1969), pp. 776–86 JSTOR 1900152
197. Jayne Morris-Crowther, "Municipal Housekeeping: The Political Activities of the Detroit Federation of Women's Clubs in the 1920s," Michigan Historical Review, March 2004, Vol. 30 Issue 1, pp. 31–57
198. Kristi Andersen, After suffrage: women in partisan and electoral politics before the New Deal (1996)
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200. Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (2000) ch 9
201. Arthur M. Schlesinger (1959). The Crisis of the Old Order: 1919–1933. p. 242. ISBN 978-0547527635.
202. Edwards, "Putting Hoover on the Map: Was the 31st President a Progressive p 60.
203. Otis L. Graham, An Encore for Reform: The Old Progressives and the New Deal (1968)

Further reading


• Buenker, John D., John Chynoweth Burnham, and Robert Morse Crunden. Progressivism (Schenkman Books, 1977). online
• Buenker, John D., and Edward R. Kantowicz, eds. Historical dictionary of the Progressive Era, 1890–1920 (Greenwood, 1988).
• Cocks, Catherine, Peter C. Holloran and Alan Lessoff. Historical Dictionary of the Progressive Era (2009)
• Dawley, Alan. Changing the World: American Progressives in War and Revolution (2003) excerpt and text search
• Diner, Steven J. A Very Different Age: Americans of the Progressive Era (1998)
• Flanagan, Maureen. America Reformed: Progressives and Progressivisms, 1890s–1920s (2007)
• Glad, Paul W. "Progressives and the Business Culture of the 1920s," Journal of American History, Vol. 53, No. 1. (June 1966), pp. 75–89. JSTOR 1893931
• Gould, Lewis L. America in the Progressive Era, 1890–1914" (2000)
• Gould Lewis L. ed., The Progressive Era (1974)
• Hays, Samuel P. The Response to Industrialism, 1885–1914 (1957),
• Hofstadter, Richard, The Age of Reform (1954), Pulitzer Prize
• Jensen, Richard. "Democracy, Republicanism and Efficiency: The Values of American Politics, 1885–1930," in Byron Shafer and Anthony Badger, eds, Contesting Democracy: Substance and Structure in American Political History, 1775–2000 (U of Kansas Press, 2001) pp. 149–80; online version
• Kennedy, David M. ed., Progressivism: The Critical Issues (1971), readings
• Kloppenberg, James T. Uncertain victory: social democracy and progressivism in European and American thought, 1870–1920 1986 online at ACLS e-books
• Lasch, Christopher. The True and Only Heaven: Progress and its Critics (1991)
• Lears, T. J. Jackson. Rebirth of a Nation: The Remaking of Modern America, 1877–1920 (2009) excerpt and text search
• Leuchtenburg, William E. "Progressivism and Imperialism: The Progressive Movement and American Foreign Policy, 1898–1916," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 39#3 (1952), pp. 483–504. JSTOR 1895006
• Link, William A. The Paradox of Southern Progressivism, 1880–1930 (1992) online
• Mann, Arthur. ed., The Progressive Era (1975) excerpts from scholars and from primary sources
• McGerr, Michael. A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America, 1870–1920 (2003) excerpt and text search
• Mowry, George. The Era of Theodore Roosevelt and the Birth of Modern America, 1900–1912. (1954) general survey of era
• Noggle, Burl. "The Twenties: A New Historiographical Frontier," The Journal of American History, Vol. 53, No. 2. (Sep., 1966), pp. 299–314. JSTOR 1894201
• Painter, Nell Irvin. Standing at Armageddon: The United States, 1877–1919 (1987) excerpt and text search
• Pease, Otis, ed. The Progressive Years: The Spirit and Achievement of American Reform (1962), primary documents
• Rodgers, Daniel T. Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (2000). stresses links with Europe online edition
• Solty, Ingar. "Social Imperialism as Trasformismo: A Political Economy Case Study on the Progressive Era, the Federal Reserve Act, and the U.S.'s Entry into World War One, 1890–1917", in M. Lakitsch, Ed., Bellicose Entanglements 1914: The Great War as a Global War (LIT, 2015), pp. 91–121.
• Thelen, David P. "Social Tensions and the Origins of Progressivism," Journal of American History 56 (1969), 323–41
• Wiebe, Robert. The Search For Order, 1877–1920 (1967).
• Young, Jeremy C. The Age of Charisma: Leaders, Followers, and Emotions in American Society, 1870–1940 (2017) excerpt and text search

Presidents and politics

• Beale Howard K. Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power. (1956).
• Blum, John Morton. The Republican Roosevelt. (1954). Series of essays that examine how TR did politics
• Brands, H.W. Theodore Roosevelt (2001).
• Clements, Kendrick A. The Presidency of Woodrow Wilson (1992).
• Coletta, Paolo. The Presidency of William Howard Taft (1990).
• Collin, Richard H. "Symbiosis versus Hegemony: New Directions in the Foreign Relations Historiography of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft." Diplomatic History 19.3 (1995): 473–497. online
• Cooper, John Milton The Warrior and the Priest: Woodrow Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt. (1983). online free; a dual biography
• Cooper, John Milton Woodrow Wilson: A Biography (2009), a standard scholarly biography
• Dalton, Kathleen. "Changing interpretations of Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive era." in Christopher M. Nichols and Nancy C. Unger, eds A Companion to the Gilded Age and Progressive Era (2017): 296–307.
• Edwards, Barry C. "Putting Hoover on the Map: Was the 31st President a Progressive. (1975). Congress & the Presidency 41#1 (2014) pp 49–83 online
• Gould, Lewis L. The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt (1991). Short scholarly biography; online free
• Harbaugh, William Henry. Power and Responsibility The Life and Times of Theodore Roosevelt (1961), a standard scholarly biography emphasizing politics. online free
• Harrison, Robert. Congress, Progressive Reform, and the New American State (2004).
• Hofstadter, Richard. The American Political Tradition (1948), ch. 8–9–10.
• Kolko, Gabriel (1963). The Triumph of Conservatism: A Reinterpretation of American History, 1900–1916. New York, NY: The Free Press.
• Link, Arthur S. Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era, 1910–1917 (1972) a standard political history of the era online
• Lurie, Jonathan. William Howard Taft: The Travails of a Progressive Conservative (2011)
• Morris, Edmund Theodore Rex. (2001), biography of T. Roosevelt covers 1901–1909
• Mowry, George E. Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement. (1946). online free
• Pestritto, R.J. "Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism." (2005).
• Rothbard, Murray N. The Progressive Era (2017), libertarian interpretation online excerpt
• Sanders, Elizabeth. Roots of Reform: Farmers, Workers and the American State, 1877–1917 (1999).

State, local, gender, ethnic, business, labor, religion

• Abell, Aaron I. American Catholicism and Social Action: A Search for Social Justice, 1865–1950 (1960).
• Bruce, Kyle and Chris Nyland. "Scientific Management, Institutionalism, and Business Stabilization: 1903–1923" Journal of Economic Issues, Vol. 35, 2001. JSTOR 4227725
• Buenker, John D. Urban Liberalism and Progressive Reform (1973).
• Buenker, John D. The History of Wisconsin, Vol. 4: The Progressive Era, 1893–1914 (1998).
• Feffer, Andrew. The Chicago Pragmatists and American Progressivism (1993).
• Frankel, Noralee and Nancy S. Dye, eds. Gender, Class, Race, and Reform in the Progressive Era (1991).
• Garrigues, George. "Marguerite Martyn: America's Forgotten Journalist," City Desk Publishing (2018)Marguerite Martyn: America's Forgotten Journalist
• Hahn, Steven. A Nation under Our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration (2003).
• Huthmacher, J. Joseph. "Urban Liberalism and the Age of Reform" Mississippi Valley Historical Review 49 (1962): 231–41, JSTOR 1888628; emphasized urban, ethnic, working class support for reform
• Link, William A. The Paradox of Southern Progressivism, 1880–1930 (1992).
• Maxwell, Robert S. La Follette and the Rise of the Progressives in Wisconsin. Madison, Wis.: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1956.
• Montgomery, David. The Fall of the House of Labor: The workplace, the state, and American labor activism, 1865–1925 (1987).
• Muncy, Robyn. Creating A Feminine Dominion in American Reform, 1890–1935 (1991).
• Lubove, Roy. The Progressives and the Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York City, 1890–1917 Greenwood Press: 1974.
• Pollack, Norman (1962). The Populist Response to Industrial America: Midwestern Populist Thought. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
• Recchiuti, John Louis. Civic Engagement: Social Science and Progressive-Era Reform in New York City (2007).
• Stromquist, Shelton. Reinventing 'The People': The Progressive Movement, the Class Problem, and the Origins of Modern Liberalism, (U. of Illinois Press, 2006). ISBN 0-252-07269-3.
• Thelen, David. The New Citizenship, Origins of Progressivism in Wisconsin, 1885–1900 (1972).
• Wesser, Robert F. Charles Evans Hughes: politics and reform in New York, 1905–1910 (1967).
• Wiebe, Robert. "Business Disunity and the Progressive Movement, 1901–1914," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 44#4 (1958), pp. 664–85. JSTOR 1886602

Primary sources and year books

• New International year book: 1909
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Mar 04, 2020 2:18 am

Ellice Hopkins
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/3/20

The White Cross Army was an organisation set up in 1883 by philanthropist [Jane] Ellice Hopkins with help from the Bishop of Durham, to promote "social purity". The recruits –- all of them men -– pledged to show a "chivalrous respect for womanhood", to apply ideas of purity equally to men and women, and not to indulge in foul language or indecent behaviour. It was renamed the White Cross League in 1891, and merged with the Church of England Purity Society, which had been formed by Edward White Benson.

-- White Cross Army, by Wikipedia

Ellice Hopkins
Ellice Hopkins, from the 1907 posthumous biography by Rosa Mary Barrett.
Born: Jane Ellice Hopkins, 30 October 1836, Cambridge
Died: 21 August 1904, Brighton

Ellice Hopkins (30 October 1836 – 21 August 1904) was a Victorian social campaigner and author. Hopkins co-founded the White Cross Army in 1883, and vigorously advocated moral purity while criticising contemporary sexual double standards.[1]

Early life

Jane Ellice Hopkins was born in Cambridge, the daughter of William Hopkins, a mathematics tutor at the University of Cambridge, and his second wife, Caroline Frances Boys Hopkins. As a girl, Hopkins knew the photographer Julia Margaret Cameron. At age 30, after her father's death, Hopkins moved to Brighton with her mother.[1]


In 1874 Hopkins and rescue worker Sarah Robinson established the Soldier's Institute at Portsmouth,..


Sarah Robinson (1834-1921) was an English moral reformer who earned the title "Soldier's Friend" for her Christian and temperance work on behalf of British soldiers. Robinson's efforts reflected the activities of a wider social purity movement of the late nineteenth century that married moral reforms with Christian conversion. In 1874, she founded the Soldier's Institute at Portsmouth, which catered to the physical and spiritual welfare of soldiers and their families. Robinson also lectured to soldiers about moral hygiene and received a mention in the 1870 Parliamentary Blue Book on military education. In the early 1880s, she helped to found the Soldier's Institute in Alexandria, Egypt. By then, Robinson had broadened her temperance and religious work to include the working classes of Portsmouth. Due to ill health, she retired from active missionary work in 1892.

Robinson was born in 1834 in Blackheath, England, to a wealthy family as the fourth of six children. After her father moved the family to an estate new Lewes, Robinson briefly attended a girls' boarding school. She withdrew because of her mother's death and her own illness. Raised a Calvinist, Robinson attested that she had undergone a Christian conversion experience at the age of seventeen. In 1862, her family moved to Guildford, where she taught singing and Bible classes in Sunday school. In addition, she engaged in Christian mission work, visiting the homes of the sick and impoverished. In 1865, she embarked upon mission work to soldiers who were stationed in nearby Aldershot. With permission from military authorities, Robinson held Christian and temperance meetings with soldiers in their barracks. Her work with soldiers convinced her that true Christian conversion was impossible without total abstinence. In addition to her work with soldiers, she concurrently visited brothels in her attempts to improve the physical and spiritual condition of both prostitutes and their customers.

In 1873, with the backing of the National Temperance League and the permission of army officials, Robinson set up a temperance canteen for soldiers at Dartmoor during army maneuvers. After the success of this venture, Robinson extended the scope of her mission by establishing a permanent temperance canteen and home in Portsmouth designed to cater to the multitude of soldiers leaving for and returning from campaigns abroad. The Soldiers' Institute, opened in 1874, was an establishment that provided accommodation for soldiers, sailors, and their families.

-- Alcohol and Temperance in Modern History: An International Encyclopedia, Volume 1, by Jack S. Blocker, David M. Fahey, Ian R. Tyrrell

... and in 1876 toured several British towns, recruiting thousands of women to the Ladies' Association for the Care of Friendless Girls.[1] Her biographer describes her as "instrumental" in the passing of the Industrial Schools Amendment Act of 1880, which allowed children to be removed from hazardous homes (including brothels) and placed in industrial schools.[1] She also lobbied for the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1885, which raised the female age of consent from 13 to 16, and criminalized male homosexuality.[2] Hopkins co-founded the White Cross Army, a men's Christian organization, in 1883 with Bishop J. B. Lightfoot of Durham.[3] "It was hard that the power which would have been a glory to me if I were a man, should be held a shame and a disgrace to me because I was a woman," she recalled of her work.[3]


Hopkins wrote in a wide variety of genres, including two volumes of poetry, English Idylls (1865) and Autumn Swallows (1883), and a sensational gothic novel, Rose Turquand (1874).[4][5] An Englishwoman's Work Among Workingmen (1875) was a memoir of her activism. She wrote pamphlets, most notably True Manliness (1883), and Christian devotional works,[6] including Christ the Consoler, A Book of Comfort for the Sick (1879), and A plea for the wider action of the Church of England in the prevention of the degradation of women, an essay in which she criticised the contemporary double standard by which women were disproportionately blamed for sexual immorality.[1] Her last books were The Power of Womanhood (1899), on the role of mothers in "moral evolution",[3] and The Story of Life (1902), a guide intended to help parents teach sex education to their adolescent children.[7]

Personal life

Multiple chronic health issues led Hopkins to withdraw from public life in 1888.[3] She died in 1904, aged 67 years, in Brighton. Fellow activist Rosa Mary Barrett wrote a short biography of Hopkins, published in 1907.[8]


1. Morgan, S. (2004). "Hopkins, (Jane) Ellice (1836–1904)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/33978.
2. Morgan, Sue (1998). "'Knights of God': Ellice Hopkins and the White Cross Army, 1883–95". Studies in Church History. 34: 431–445. doi:10.1017/S0424208400013796. ISSN 0424-2084.
3. Lovesey, Oliver (2011). "Ellice Hopkins (1836-1904)". Victorian Review. 37 (1): 22–26. ISSN 0848-1512.
4. Lovesey, Oliver (1 July 2013). ""The Poor Little Monstrosity": Ellice Hopkins' Rose Turquand, Victorian Disability, and Nascent Eugenic Fiction". Nineteenth-Century Contexts. 35 (3): 275–296. doi:10.1080/08905495.2013.806711. ISSN 0890-5495.
5. Hingston, Kylee-Anne (30 September 2019). Articulating Bodies: The Narrative Form of Disability and Illness in Victorian Fiction. Oxford University Press. pp. 111–114. ISBN 978-1-78962-495-3.
6. Raphael, Melissa (September 1996). "J. Ellice Hopkins: The Construction of a Recent Spiritual Feminist Foremother". Feminist Theology. 5 (13): 73–95. doi:10.1177/096673509600001305. ISSN 0966-7350.
7. Hall, Lesley A., Outspoken Women : an anthology of women's writing on sex: 1870-1969. London : Routledge, 2005. ISBN 9780415253727 (pp. 79-80, 329).
8. Barrett, Rosa Mary (1907). "Ellice Hopkins : a memoir". Wellcome Collection. Retrieved 3 March 2020.

Further reading

• Morgan, Sue. A passion for purity : Ellice Hopkins and the politics of gender in the late-Victorian church (Bristol, 1999).
• Morgan, Sue. "Faith, sex and purity: the religio-feminist theory of Ellice Hopkins", Women's History Review, 9 (2000), p. 13.
• Mumm, Susan. "'I love my sex' : two late Victorian pulpit women", in Perry, Gill; Laurence, Anne; Bellamy, Joan (eds) Women, scholarship and criticism : gender and knowledge, c.1790–1900 (Manchester, 2000), pp. 204–21.
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Author:Jane Ellice Hopkins

External links

• Works by Ellice Hopkins at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about Ellice Hopkins at Internet Archive
• Archival Sources indexed by The National Archives
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Mar 04, 2020 3:34 am

The Ladies' Association for the Care of Friendless Girls
by Children's Homes
Accessed: 3/3/20

The Ladies' Association for the Care of Friendless Girls (LA) was founded in 1883 under the auspices of the Church of England, at the initiative of the women's campaigner Ellice Hopkins. The LA's formally declared object was 'to prevent the degradation of women and children', in other words to prevent girls and women from falling into prostitution because of their social, economic or family or other circumstances. The LA operated as a confederation of locally run Associations, which by 1885 numbered 106.

The LA had four main strands to its work:

The Moral Education Branch sought to provide good moral teaching and to promote purity and chastity. This was aimed at both men and women, but still viewed women as being largely responsible for putting this into practice, with an emphasis on women’s roles as wives and mothers. The Moral Education Branch founded several other organizations through which to channel its message:
o The Mothers’ Union – for mothers of all backgrounds, providing guidance on the moral education of children.
o The Women’s League – for middle-class women, encouraging them to offer a moral model to other women and girls.
o Snowdrop Bands – clubs for young (11+) working class young women. The club magazine, The Snowdrop, featured moralistic stories.
The Petitioning Branch lobbied Parliament to take a stronger stand against prostitution, for example, by protecting girls from those who wished to seduce them. The Association’s support was instrumental in the passing of the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1885 which raised the age of female sexual consent from 13 to 16. The same Act also gave police greater powers for the prosecution of streetwalkers and brothel-keepers.
• The Preventive Branch established training homes, registry offices and clothing clubs for domestic servants.
The homes provided training in the skills of domestic service for girls considered at moral risk, with the registry helping trained girls to obtain a position or to move to a new one. Clothing clubs helped provide the uniform which girls were usually expected to possess when entering a new situation.
The Workhouse Magdalen Branch helped young, single, first-time mothers who, without family or other support, were often forced to enter workhouses. Such girls were viewed as particularly susceptible to resorting to prostitution in order to support themselves and their infant, the alternative being to give up the baby. Associations tried to help girls find positions with a sympathetic employer and arrange fostering for the child. Some LA-run homes, such as those in Oxford, Exeter and Liverpool, eventually also provided accommodation for babies while their mothers worked elsewhere.

Hastings Ladies’ Association Home, c. 1915. copyright Peter Higginbotham

Ladies’ Associations had largely disappeared by the Second World War. In some cases, the running of their residential homes – often given names such as the ‘House of Help’ – had been taken over by the local Anglican Diocese or some other body.

A list of LA-run homes and their locations, where known, is given on a separate page. Some of the homes changed location over the years and so have more than one address.


Bartley, Paula Prostitution: Prevention and Reform in England, 1860-1914 (2000, Routledge)
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Mar 04, 2020 4:15 am

Sarah Robinson (activist)
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/3/20

Sarah Robinson
Born: 1 August 1834, Peckham, Surrey
Died: 26 November 1921 (aged 87), Burley, Hampshire
Nationality: British
Occupation: Temperance activist

Sarah Robinson (1 August 1834 – 26 November 1921) was a British temperance activist. She set up the Aldershot Mission Institute in 1863 to cater to the town's garrison. Robinson spent much of the 1860s travelling around British Army camps and garrisons distributing bibles, holding prayer meetings and providing games and reading material to the soldiers. She established the Portsmouth Soldiers' Institute in 1874 to cater for soldiers travelling through the port. For her efforts she was nicknamed the "Soldier's Friend" and received some recognition from the government. Robinson suffered from a spinal problem that limited her mobility in later life, though she continued to travel widely to raise funds for her missions. She retired to Burley, Hampshire and wrote a number of books before her death.

Early life

Sarah Robinson was born on 1 August 1834 at Peckham, Surrey. She was the fourth child (out of six) of Rebecca and John James Robinson – who farmed a 150-acre estate near Lewes, Sussex.[1] Sarah attended a ladies' academy in Brighton from 1844 to 1848 but was withdrawn following an illness and the death of Rebecca.[1][2] As a child she was described as "delicate in health, reserved, sensitive and timid". She was, however, fascinated with the military, having played toy soldiers with her brothers and read widely on military heroes. Despite being baptised in the Grove Independent Chapel in Camberwell and her father being a strict Calvinist Robinson's faith was more fluid, affiliating to the Church of England from 1851 and to Presbyterianism from 1866.[1]

Aldershot temperance movement

In 1858 the Robinson family moved to Guildford where Robinson worked as a Sunday school singing teacher and lecturer on the bible. She also visited the homes of the sick and poor.[2] Robinson was inspired by reading Julia Wightman's 1860 book Haste to the Rescue, Sarah began visiting the nearby Aldershot Garrison to promote the temperance movement. She founded the Aldershot Mission Institute in 1863 with Louisa Daniell, an army officer's widow, to provide an alcohol-free place for entertaining servicemen.[2] The Institute was initially opposed by the Royal Army Chaplains' Department (RAChD) and the Chaplain-General of the Forces George Gleig forbade one Aldershot chaplain from attending the opening event.[3]

Together with Agnes Weston, who led the movement in the navy, she was instructed by the National Temperance League to promote a series of initiatives in the armed forces and campaigned for better accommodation, entertainment and education facilities for the men. From 1865 to 1873 she travelled widely across garrisons in England, including nine weeks spent camping in Dartmoor observing units on manoeuvres where she set up two marquees selling cheap food and non-alcoholic drinks. She also distributed bibles, held prayer meetings and provided games, newspapers and books to the troops.[1] Robinson also visited brothels with a view to improving the health of the sex workers and their clients.[2]

Portsmouth Institute

Robinson founded the Portsmouth Soldiers' Institute in a converted public house in 1874 to house troops and their families awaiting ships abroad or newly arrived from overseas service.[1] Robinson's efforts here were again opposed by the RAChD which was quite high church and ritualist in this period. The town's senior chaplain particularly disagreed with Robinson's bible classes. As a result, the army chaplains were not invited to meetings at the institute and no attempt was made to encourage them to visit.[3] The Institute was later expanded to provide accommodation for officers and additional educational and entertainment facilities despite opposition from the town (which she referred to as "Satan's very seat").[1]

Robinson's success in the army led her to become known as the "Soldier's Friend" and helped bring about an increase in the army's concern for the welfare of the troops.[1] She also received recognition by the government, being allowed to use army facilities and listed in a parliamentary blue book as a lecturer in military education.[1][4] One of her canteens was visited by the secretary of state for war and in 1874 the Portsmouth Institute was inspected by Prince George, Duke of Cambridge -– the commander-in-chief of the army. Robinson was also mentioned by Jeannie Chappell in her 1900 book Noble Work by Noble Women. Robinson herself published several works on temperance including an essay in Hatford Battersby's 1868 work Temperance Reformation, the 1876 book Christianity and Teetotalism and the autobiographical A Life Record of 1898.[1]

Later life

In the early 1880s Robinson founded the Soldier's Institute in Alexandria, British Egypt and had also expanded the remit of the Portsmouth Institute to the general working classes.[2] She established night schools, a coffee shop and a public laundry in the town.[4] Robinson spent the years of 1889–1891 travelling across the UK to raise money for her institute which was in debt. Suffering from a chronic spinal problem, and long warned by doctors in England that she would soon become permanently immobile, she used a steel apparatus that lessened the weight from the spine.[5] Also, she travelled more than 3,000 miles in a specially constructed coach; ultimately, despite these measures, she was forced to retire for health reasons to Burley, Hampshire, though she remained superintendent of the Institute.[1] She published The Soldiers Friend: A Pioneer's Record in 1913 and her last autobiography My Book: a Personal Narrative in 1914.[1][4] Robinson died at home on 26 November 1921; her wealth at probate was £1207 14s 10d and she was cremated in Woking.[1] Robinson has been described as the "most widely known female reformer in the field of rescue work among soldiers".[4]


1. "Robinson, Sarah (1834–1921), evangelist and army temperance activist". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-49197. Retrieved 9 September 2019.
2. Blocker, Jack S.; Fahey, David M.; Tyrrell, Ian R. (2003). Alcohol and Temperance in Modern History: An International Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 521. ISBN 9781576078334. Retrieved 9 September 2019.
3. Snape, Michael Francis (2008). The Royal Army Chaplains' Department, 1796-1953: Clergy Under Fire. Boydell Press. p. 128. ISBN 9781843833468. Retrieved 9 September 2019.
4. Hartley, Cathy (2003). A Historical Dictionary of British Women. Psychology Press. p. 374. ISBN 9781857432282. Retrieved 9 September 2019.
5. ^ ""Miss Sarah Robinson"". The Queen, the Lady's Newspaper and Court Chronicle: 3–4. 7 July 1883 – via Print.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Wed Mar 04, 2020 4:32 am

Louisa Daniell
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/3/20

Mrs Louisa Daniell in 1870

Mrs Louisa Daniell (1808/1809–16 September 1871) was a Protestant philanthropist known for her work among the poor of The Midlands but most especially for her Soldiers' Home and Institute in the garrison town of Aldershot in the United Kingdom during the Victorian era.

Early work

Louisa Daniell (née Drake) was orphaned soon after birth. A lonely child, she took comfort in religion.[1] She married Captain Frederick Daniell (died 1837 in India) of the 8th Madras Native Infantry, like herself a devout Christian. After marrying they went to India where they had two children. In India she held prayer meetings and distributed religious tracts.[2] On returning to England after the death of her husband she moved to The Midlands to be near her son Frederick William Daniell who was being educated at Rugby School. Her daughter, Georgiana Fanny Shipley Daniell (1835–1894) who succeeded her mother in her philanthropic work at Aldershot, was educated at Brighton. Deeply moved by the number of destitute vagrants she saw on the streets of Rugby Louisa Daniell set up five missions in five years in the area which were largely financed by local gentry. In these she provided reading rooms and sewing classes and gave out religious tracts and held Bible readings in an attempt to oppose what she saw as the threat of Roman Catholicism.[3][4][5]

Move to Aldershot

The Soldiers' Home and Institute in 1877

Miss Daniell's Soldiers' Home and Institute in 1910

The Meeting Hall at the Soldiers' Home. All that is left of the original building - it is now the Aldershot Masonic Centre

By the early 1860s her work at Rugby had brought Daniell to the notice of a Mr Wilson, the Secretary of the County Towns Mission Society, who implored her to “adopt Aldershot”[6] and “work it in the same way as her existing mission stations”.[4] Aldershot had few distractions for the 15,000 troops stationed there other than 18 canteens in the Camp where beer was served and 25 public houses and 47 beer houses in the town, most of which were also brothels where disease was rife. Daniell described Aldershot at this time as "one of Satan's strongholds".[7]

Mrs Daniell and her daughter arrived in Aldershot in April 1862 with the intention of setting up a place of recreation and relaxation for soldiers other than the public houses and saloons;[8] with the help and guidance of some of the outstanding evangelical philanthropists of the period including Lord Shaftesbury they rented a house in Artillery Terrace in October 1862[8] and fitted it up as a mission hall and reading room, providing recreation for soldiers in Aldershot out of concern for their spiritual needs and well-being. The building of her permanent Mission Hall and Soldiers' Home and Institute situated on Barrack Road was commenced in February 1863 on a plot of land donated by local businessman Mr Eggar, being officially opened on 11 October 1863 by Lord Shaftesbury.
This building was in the Elizabethan style and consisted of a lecture hall seating up to 500 for religious services, a tea and coffee bar, a smoking and games room, a reading room where newspapers were provided and a lending library in addition to a classroom capable of holding 150 people. Upstairs was the drawing room for use by officers and their families, while other rooms included a kitchen and living accommodation.[3][4]

Aldershot Mission Hall and Soldiers’ Institute

According to arrangement the ceremony of laying the foundation stone of this Hall was performed about half-past one o’clock on Wednesday, the 11th of February, by the Right Hon. the Earl of Shaftesbury.

Previously, however, to entering upon a description of the proceedings, it may be well to give a few particulars regarding the origin of the Institution thus inaugurated. The Aldershot Mission Hall and Soldiers’ Institute owes its existence to the indefatigable exertions of a Christian lady, Mrs. Daniell, who has already been instrumental in founding no fewer than six flourishing Missions in different parts of England. It originated as follows: A gentleman having learnt that there was a promising opening for missionary effort and the labours of Bible women in the town, pressed Mrs. Daniell to adopt Aldershot as another field of operations, and she was induced in consequence to pay it a visit, in the company of a valued friend. The result of that visit was given in p. 109 of the October Magazine. The following extract from that paper we give to refresh the memory of our readers:

”An open door seemed set before us by the pressing invitation of an officer in the camp to come at once, and truly our path hitherto has been a cheering one. Both officers and men have rallied round us, and together with the clergymen of the parish have promised every support. We have, therefore, decided to begin at once this most important and much needed work.

“But we see that the first great want in such a place is a ‘Mission Hall,’ where the soldier may spend his leisure time; and until we can secure this boon for him, the Mission, however well worked, cannot be perfect in its arrangements, or fully efficient in its results.

“A gentleman connected with the town has generously promised a piece of land, allowing us to make our own choice of a site; he has also kindly offered to act as architect free of cost; while two friends deeply anxious for the success of the Mission have engaged to provide 100 pounds each for the building. After much consultation with officers of the camp, we propose with their help, to erect a ‘Mission Hall,’ on a similar plan to the Workman’s Hall at Notting Hill, with lecture room, reading room, coffee and smoking rooms, and residence for the Missionary staff. All whom we have consulted, both in and out of the place, agree that such a building is required.”

The scheme met with great encouragement. One gentleman subscribed the very large sum of 1,000 pounds towards the cost of the building, and Mr. Eggar, who is referred to in Mrs. Daniell’s circular, gave the land for the site, besides adding his gratuitous services as Architect.

The situation of the new hall is a very fine one, commanding one of the most extensive and pleasant prospects in the neighborhood. It is also conveniently placed for access from the camp, and in every way well suited for the building about to rise upon it.

The usual preparations on such occasions had been made for the ceremony of laying the foundation stone; the stone itself was suspended on a crane ready for the lowering process, and an awning, from which the national flag fluttered, had been erected to screen the more important actors from the possible effects of this very variable season. Fortunately, however, the day was everything that could have been desired – bright, fresh, and bracing; and close upon the appointed hour a large assemblage had collected.

Among the more prominent of those who crowded the enclosure were the following: The Earl of Shaftesbury, Mrs. Daniell, Lord Calthorpe, Lord Radstock, Lord Henry, Lady and the Misses Cholmondeley, Mrs. Fleming, His Highness the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, General Lawrence, General Tomkins, Colonel and Mrs. Oakes (12th Lan.), Colonel Wodehouse (24th Rgt.), Colonel Desborough, Lieut-Colonel Sir E. Campbell (1st batt. 60th Rifles), Lieut-Colonel Lennox, V.C. (R.E.) and Mrs. Lennox, Lieut-Colonel Sir H. Havelock, V.C., Major Gray (Military Train) Major Macpherson (1st batt. 24th Rgt.), Captain Crawford (Royal Artillery), Captain M’Crea, Captain Trotter, Captain Harrison (Royal Engineers), Captain E.G. Fishbourne, C.B. (R.N.), Captain Dawes (Surrey Militia) and Friends, Captain W. Caldwell, Captain Dunbar (The Buffs), Mr. and Mrs. Lambert (M.T.), Rev. G. Braithwaite and lady (Vicar and Sub-Dean of Chichester), Rev. W. Pennefather, Rev. J. Dennett, Rev. H. Huleatt (Chaplain to the Forces) and Mrs. Huleatt, Rev. Dr. Rule, Rev. F. Cannon, Rev. Dr. Arthur (Chaplain), Dr. Fox, Dr. Leete (5th Fisileers), Dr. Barker, the Hon. Charles Hobart, Mr. R., Mrs. and Miss Baxter, Mr. and Mrs. J. Halliday, Messrs. J. Oliphant, S. Hanson, Herbert Mayo, J. Hopkinson, Geo. R. Brown, Alexander Haldane, J.O. Underwood, F. Eggar and friends, T. White, E. Wilson, S. Chase, Mr. and Mrs. D.M. Dewar, Mr. and Mrs. R. Allden, T. Taunton, Miss Barton, Mrs. Paul, &c & c.

The Rev. James Dennett, Incumbent of Aldershot, having offered a suitable and most impressive prayer, the hymn commencing,

”Come let us join our cheerful song
With angels round the rone,”

was sung.

The stone was then lowered to its place, Lord Shaftesbury administering the regulation taps on each of its four corners.

It bears the following inscription: “Aldershot Mission Hall and Soldiers’ Institute. This stone was laid by the Right Hon. The Earl of Shaftesbury, Feb. 11th, 1868. ‘The Lord hath done great things for us.’ Messrs. Eggar and Stapeley, Architects; Messrs. Goddard, Builders.”

His Lordship then, addressing the assemblage, said as follows:

Gentlemen and Ladies, and all our friends assembled at this important ceremony. First, I congratulate you on the event which has just taken place. There is little to state upon an occasion such as this. Yet it is customary that a few words should be addressed to those who are assembled. I shall, therefore, conform to this custom, being anxious to express how deeply I feel the importance of the object, how grateful we ought to be to the lady who has undertaken the management of the Institution, and to express, without limit, our thanks to Almighty God, that He has been pleased to put it into her heart to give us the opportunity of founding a house which shall be a remedy to the great evil prevailing here, and where those who come will enjoy the benefit of hearing the Word of God.

Now you know that for many years that has been a growing sentiment in this country of the necessity of establishments such as this for the great mass of the working people, where they might enjoy honest and sober recreation, where they might receive instruction, and where they might enter into many of those social enjoyments which are necessary – essentially necessary – to their comfort and their edification.

I am glad to say that some who have the command of our armies are of opinion that institutes, reading rooms, and places of social enjoyment should be founded adequate to the number of the soldiers. I believe they will look upon an Institution such as this with favour, although from the peculiarity of the circumstances in which they are placed it may not be possible for them to come forward and give it open and decided support. I don’t believe that those who have the welfare of the soldier at heart, I cannot believe that those who are in high places of command, can be indifferent to anything like this, so essentially necessary for their real and permanent benefit, if they reclaim them from the unhappy circumstances in which they now are, and give them that instruction which they cannot attain in any other way.

At the same time, when building institutions we must be very careful to consider the dangers of their position. I know perfectly well the impediments that stand in the way of the commanders of our armies giving full and free support to institutions of this description. I need not enter very minutely into this matter. You must know that our army does consist of pretty equal divisions of men of antagonistic religions; the commanders think that all matters where there is a possibility of any special difference of opinion being brought forward, must be avoided, and, therefore, they take that course as official people; but as private individuals they have power to supplement these deficiencies which they cannot meet as officials, though I think at the same time it is necessary to give a word of caution; not that I believe it is for those who have undertaken the charge of this establishment; but it may be necessary to say to those who are standing here, that this Institute is for social recreation; that it is for religious instruction; that it is for the purpose of communicating individually that spiritual knowledge that cannot be given upon such a scale in the camp. It is to give them access to the fountain of faith; but in this establishment controversial teaching will not be entered upon. They will be content to give them the essential and fundamental truths, but controversy will be avoided, and wise they are to do so. Although it is necessary that there should be men trained to controversy, it is not desirable that the whole mass of the population should be trained to such. It is well that the simple truths of the Gospel should be placed before them in all sincerity, and that every man should have free access to the Bible, and that every man should have the opportunity, as you can give it him, for securing his social and religious instruction. Here we must own the basis from which we must never depart, to which we must not make any concession whatsoever – the inalienable right of every man, be he in the ranks or be he an officer – the inalienable right, out of service and parade, apart from military duty, to take every opportunity he can of communicating religious intelligence, of imparting the Word of God, the infusing into the hearts and minds of men the knowledge and love of true religion. He may abstain, and probably must abstain, during parade and military discipline; our of that he is as free to act as any living being on the face of God’s earth; as free to act as any minister set apart for the sacred duty.

Now, of the necessity of such an Institution as this, there can be little or no question to those who are conversant with military life. I need not go further than refer you to those you see here every day. When you consider the position of the soldier, you must see he, more than any other, needs the appliances of such institutions as these; he needs the opportunities which this establishment will offer to him.

Consider how these young men, not only in the prime, but in the very commencement of life, are brought from their homes, brought from their domestic influences, brought from all their social influences, which in many countries and many families have been the main stay of the young man during his early life. They are brought suddenly, many in the lowest possible state of education, many barely acquainted with the first principles of religion, many barely acquainted with the elements of secular knowledge. If men are suddenly brought into the very heart and centre of the greatest temptations to which they can be exposed, and surrounded with vice in every form, they think it no shame whatever in going along with the crowd. There is nothing to deter them from the commission of the offence. The temptations to which they are exposed are more than temptations. I have no doubt they are shamed into it, just as in many trades there is an organized system of persecution into a particular course of life from which a private individual would shrink. I say it is necessary to afford to these young men some place of refuge – some place where we might advise them – some place where we might instruct them – and some one who would take them by the hand and give them that refuge which they cannot find in camp, and which they cannot find amongst the great mass of their associates. There are many difficulties connected with a work of this kind, I know. I am not going to say that the military rulers are to blame; I am not going to pass any censure upon them. I state these things (which you all know) to show the great necessity of our supplementing their efforts by institutions such as these. The fact of the impediment put in the way of the Scripture Reader, a most efficient, a most admirable, and generally speaking a most discreet body, -- the Scripture Reader is interdicted in going from hut to hut, and even from going into the hospital except by special commission. That may be very necessary. I am not going to object now. But something must be done to give these men the thing which is essentially needful, and which is their inalienable right. There are many other impediments, but I would not detain you with them now. I think you will see that I have stated enough to show that an Institution such as this, which will give personal individual religious training, is necessary. It will enable the men to come face to face, to open their sorrow, and to seek for advice to confess their sins, and to ask counsel and assistance. This never can be in the present state of affairs; even if the chaplains were increased an hundredfold, they could never establish that intimacy, that confidence, that trust, that burning desire to communicate with those who have come forward in so simple, so Christian-like, and so disinterested a manner, for no other end than to communicate to them the way of salvation.

Now I think many do not own or entertain these opinions. We are told that they are a useless class; you must let them pursue the course they have begun; you cannot reform them. All your exertions are in vain, you only make matters worse, with these additions, that you have made a few more hypocrites. I deny that statement. I maintain it is a very hopeful case, -- I maintain that we have proofs, indubitable amongst those who are gone and those still living of the truth which is spoken in Holy Scripture, “The word shall not return unto Him void.”

You can, no doubt, recollect the period of the great war in India. You remember the number of letters that were written by private soldiers to friends and relations. They were never intended to be brought to light. They were brought forward only at the earnest request of those people who thought it was a great proof of the effect of godly teaching on these men. You recollect the war in the Crimea, the excellent bearing and Christian conduct of these men, and the prayers they offered before going to battle; and yet we are to be told this is a hopeless case. I hold it little short of blasphemy to say that any case is so degraded, so sunk, as to be forsaken by God; to say that when the Word of truth and salvation, in the name of the Lord, is placed before him, that he shall not acknowledge its influence and fall on his knees and confess his sins. If but few are brought to a condition of repentance, we should be more than thankful that we have had the opportunity of founding this Institution, and that the godly lady, under God’s providence, the instrument, may go to her rest, saying, “Here am I, Lord, and the children Thou hast given me.”

But in a point of view not connected with the spiritual advantages, it seems to me a very hopeful case. Are you aware of this secular fact? – that the soldiers, in proportion to their number, are by far the largest contributors to the savings’ banks. These men, who are said to spend all their money in nothing but vice, ungodliness, and drink. They have been by various appliances reclaimed to such an extent, that they have become by far the largest contributors to our savings’ banks. It is not altogether hopeless when you tell them of that great savings’ bank beyond all this, in which everything must be laid up for a coming eternity.

Now let me again return to the point, and merely say that I humbly and heartily pray to Almighty God that this Institution may be carried on in the spirit in which it is commenced; that it may be an institution essentially for teaching, preaching, and maintaining the great doctrine of salvation, the great doctrine of the atonement, the great doctrine of justification by faith – these great and good old doctrines which the prophet Jeremiah calls “old paths;” in which I trust we shall all stand and walk unto the day when we shall be called to our great account. I hope you will be careful to abstain from doing anything which will give the least ground for quarrelling to those who are antagonistic to these institutions; there are many who will take ever occasion to do so. Be content to lay the foundation on the truth, to abstain from controversial teaching. Do not attempt to set man against man simply on account of the diversity of creed which he may happen to hold. (Cheers.) Stand to your essentials of Christianity, you will be safe, you will prosper, and the blessing of God will always rest upon you. I hope the men who shall come here to this Institution, to share the blessings it is calculated to afford, will come with a hearty spirit, and determine that they will avail themselves of all these signal advantages during the short time they may be enabled to reside here; that they may participate in all these great benefits, and recognize the hand of God as having touched the hearts of these good people to found an institution so essential to their welfare; that they will preserve with gratitude and joy, and retain with vigour and determination, that great principle of the Gospel that they here will drink in; that they will live and learn not to be ashamed of, but to confess the faith of Christ crucified, and to continue as Christ’s faithful servants unto their lives’ end.

Now, may God’s blessing descend upon you and yours, the blessings that have been so earnestly prayed for by all God’s people assembled here. We desire not you but yours. We seek not anything but your spiritual and your eternal welfare.

His Lordship then read the names of the Trustees of the building as follows: -- Mrs. Daniell, Mrs. Fleming, Lord Henry Cholmondeley, The Hon. Arthur Kinnaird, Lieut-Colonel Sir Edward F. Campbell, Bart. (60th Rifes), Lieut-Colonel Sir Henry M. Havelock, Bart., Captain E. Gardner Fishbourne, R.N., C.B., Stevenson A. Blackwood, Esq., John Halliday, Esq., Frederick Eggar, Esq., and Robert Baxter, Esq.

The hymn “Gloria Patri,” was next sung, the band of the Surrey Militia, which was in attendance, performed the national anthem, and the proceedings terminated.

The Luncheon

Lord Shaftesbury presided at the luncheon in the AsSembly Room. On his Lordship’s right, sat Mrs. Daniell and Lord Calthorpe, and many of the distinguished visitors, as well as of the leading townsmen, were present. Grace was said by the Rev. J. Dennett, and thanks returned by the Rev. H. Huleatt. Afterwards,

Lord Calthorpe spoke as follows:

Captain Trotter next, at the hall of the chairman, addressed the company:

My dear Lord Shaftesbury,-- It is with very great pleasure that I respond to your call, though only for a moment or two, as I am obliged to leave by train in a very short time. I gladly avail myself of the opportunity of saying how cordially I respond to the remarks which have just been made by Lord Calthorpe. I feel that the necessity is one that is patent. Those who have been in any way connected with the army, directly or indirectly, must feel that the evil is beyond the ordinary control of those that are placed in authority, or rather, placed here by the authorities – put in places of influence, -- the chaplains, Scripture Readers, or any others who have access to the camp, doing their utmost to promote the truth. Giving them credit for more than ordinary toil it is impossible for them to keep pace with the amount of iniquity that must occur. One may suppose that the steps which are taken in the present day to support lay agency and to encourage such institutions as these, may be thought to be casting a slur upon the existing clergyman. I wish to separate myself from such as those. On the contrary, lay agency is put forward with a view of supplementing their work.

Now what is the effort? It is, as I understand, feeling the extreme grace of God in bringing her to a knowledge savingly of His truth, and feeling the importance of the work of Christ for her, she desires to communicate this blessed and simple truth – to use Lord Shaftesbury’s words – without entering into any controversial points, -- to promote the publication of the first great principles of truth, upon which if a soul trusts in simple faith, by the grace of God that soul shall live for ever. It is a noble work! Dear friends, allow me to say that your presence here will warrant my supposing that you desire to promote, not only by contributing your money, not only by giving your presence on the occasion of the laying of the foundation stone, but that you in your own hearts have to some measure felt the preciousness, that you know the real value of the blood shed for you, and the promise that the Spirit of God shall lead you into all truth. Realising this in some measure, you come here not only to give your countenance and to give your money, but you will cooperate with this institution. These institutions need support afterwards, by money, by effort, by countenance, by prayer for God’s Holy Spirit and blessing upon the work. Yet let each one ask himself whether it is not their bounden duty to see if they cannot do something distinctive. Be assured at the last day that there will not be anything which we shall be so glad to have done as to have shown our desire to cooperate in the salvation of souls.

I speak as one who spent my early life in the army. Whenever I see a red coat my heart leaps with gratitude, and makes me long to glorify His name in the service in which I spent my early life in sin and ignorance of the truth. I bless God that He has shown me the value of His word – His precious word. I would remind my dear hearers who may be in the army of the solemn importance of doing something for God; more than this, I would remind these young men – and I speak faithfully to them – I implore them to give their hearts to God early. How many years I spent in the army, and no one ever said a solitary word to me about my soul! no one ever took me by the hand and said, “Now, young man, give your heart to God.”

May God bless this institution! may it be the means of bringing many men to the way of life! I am reminded of that precious chapter, the fifteenth of Luke, that parable in three divisions. We are told of the shepherd going to seek the sheep lost. No doubt that gives a description of the interest of the Lord Jesus in securing souls. We are told in the next division of the parable of the woman who lost the piece of silver, and she seeks diligently till she finds it. Then we are told how the father stands with his arms open to receive the prodigal son and welcome him with joy. How blessed to our dear friend to be the instrument in taking part and cooperating exactly according to the mind of God.

There is an open door for every man – not only for Mrs. Daniell – a glorious work for all. May God put it into your hearts to be fellow-workers with her.

The Rev. W. Pennefather said:


Robert Baxter, Esq., said:

My Lord, Ladies and Gentlemen, -- I have a message from Mrs. Daniell, to express from her the deep obligation she feels under, the debt of gratitude she owes for the kindness that has been shown to her, the readiness of those in the camp and out of the camp to come forward in this work, to come here and to take part in the ceremony we have been going through. She desires to express how her hands have been strengthened by those here.

One word from the noble earl. He stated this morning the proportions of the different views of religion within the camp, that, as a matter of statistics, as he understood it, to be about half and half; but he now wishes that to be corrected; it should have been two-thirds and one-third, instead of half and half,-- that he understand to be the proportion of those in the camp who entertain different views on the subject of religion.

Now, may I be permitted to say a word or two upon the general subject on which we have met. I know many say, What is this we are doing? what can be the meaning of it all? why should Mrs. Daniell come here? why should we have a mission hall? why should we be asked to come Sunday after Sunday to speak on religious subjects here? The whole thing is new. It may be so with those who make the observations.

It has been my pleasure, at the request of Mrs. Daniell, to go to her other missionary stations in the midland counties. They have been working well for the last five years. She has also the same kind of establishments in other towns. There is nothing new in it; it is a repetition of a work which has been carried on in different parts of the country. In more than two hundred other places throughout Great Britain the same movement is carried on, and carried on with great blessing, and with the greatest satisfaction to all. I think it cannot have escaped our observation that within the last five years the laity have felt their obligation as Christ’s disciples to assist the ministers in their labours; and there has sprung up in place after place a systematized effort for laymen to come forward and speak to their fellows on religious subjects, to open rooms for the purpose of joining with reading rooms and other establishments for their recreation and social improvement. These efforts are very much esteemed. I could mention place after place where they exist, and where such labours have been very much valued and been highly beneficial to all classes of the community. In the very parish of our friend who last spoke he has his church, he has his schools; none better attended, none better built; but he has found it necessary to supplement that church and school by what I might call a mission hall. It is an iron room which will hold about 1200 people, which he uses for assemblies of a miscellaneous character, that he could not well hold in the church, and for which the schools are not adequate. He has this mission hall under his own superintendence; it was built by special subscription. In another place, through the efforts of a lady, a similar place has been built capable of holding 800 people. There laymen are invited to come and speak to the people of Christ. I trust there will be no misgivings here because laymen are to come down and speak. Why should not laymen speak? Can we absolve him from the obligation which lies on every man to do what good he can in instructing, comforting, and edifying his fellow creatures? There are none, I think, present who would be bold enough to assert the contrary. There never was a time when there was a greater knowledge of the Gospel diffused throughout the country, and when the clergy were so active as at the present moment. There never was a time when there was so much care taken of the soldier by the chaplains. Yet there still lies on every man the obligation to come forward and speak to his fellow-man what he knows himself.

Within the last few weeks the same movement has been originated in the south of Ireland, entirely among the country gentlemen – not by ministers, but by country gentlemen. One after another were moved to stand up to bear testimony to, and to hold up, Christ among their tenants. Never has there been such a work in the south of Ireland – a movement which can only have beneficial results. This is what is needed, viz., that Christians should join hand in hand to help on the work; then knowledge shall be spread around, and the great principles of truth shall be brought to bear upon the people. There should be many to lay the hand upon the shoulder of the man, and say “Friend, art thou caring for thy soul?” Many should do this – nay, all should be ready to do it.

-- Country Towns Mission Magazine, Mar. 1, 1863

When the Home first opened it was not thought appropriate for ladies to make such a place their home and a Council of Management was appointed to run it consisting of officers and their wives, representatives from the town and a small staff of volunteers. This arrangement did not work and by 1864 Mrs Daniell and her daughter were back, and stayed for the rest of their lives.[8] Her Total Abstinence Society was set up 1863 and within a year had 500 members, and while many lapsed either temporarily or permanently it held regular meetings and awarded medals to men who kept the pledge.

In addition to the soldiers Mrs Daniells endeavoured to help their wives also. At this time soldiers' wives were either "on the strength" meaning they had basic food and accommodation provided by the Army, or they were "off the strength" meaning they received nothing so their husbands had to provide for them from their low wages. This resulted in extreme poverty in Aldershot's West End where many of these women lived with their children. To help them Mrs Daniell organised Mothers’ Meetings and sewing classes where the women learned to sew clothes which they could then sell at the Mission Hall thus enabling them to earn three or four shillings a week. Mrs Daniell also set up a weekly savings club for the wives where they could put aside small sums to pay for clothing, shoes and other essentials.[4]

Mrs Daniell set up a “Band of Hope” for local children which provided activities and basic education. In 1868 she took over the vacant public house the Wellington Arms in the West End which had a dance hall which could be used as a schoolroom. Here between 50 and 60 children aged 6 to 12 years of age received a basic education in reading and writing, taught by women from the Mission Hall.

Mrs Louisa Daniell died on 16 September 1871 at the family home, Eastwick House in Great Malvern, where she was being treated for breast cancer. Her body lay in state at the Aldershot Mission Hall before being taken for burial at Aldershot Military Cemetery with an escort of Royal Engineers.[9] She is one of the few civilians buried in Aldershot Military Cemetery.

Miss Daniell

Grave of Mrs Louisa Daniell and Miss Georgina Daniell (left) and Miss Hanson (right) in Aldershot Military Cemetery

Miss Georgiana Fanny Shipley Daniell (20 May 1835 – 24 June 1894) was born in India to Louisa Daniell and Captain Frederick Daniell. She never married and was known as 'Miss Daniell' in Aldershot where, assisted by Miss Kate Hanson (1834–1913), one of the volunteer workers, she continued and expanded her mother's work, raising £30,000 to open further Miss Daniell's Soldiers' Homes at Weedon (1873), Colchester (1873), Manchester (1874), Plymouth (1874), Chatham (1876) and London (1890). She fought tirelessly on behalf of serving soldiers and their wives and children in addition to promoting foreign missionary activities - earning her the name "the Soldiers' Friend".[3][4]

Georgiana Daniell died in the Mission Hall and Soldiers' Home in Barrack Road in Aldershot from an illness brought on by influenza on 24 June 1894. On 29 June her coffin was carried on a gun carriage for burial with her mother in Aldershot Military Cemetery. Miss Kate Hanson carried on the work as Honorary Superintendent of all Mrs Daniell’s Soldiers’ Homes until she died from heart failure on 22 April 1913, aged 79. In recognition of her long service to the soldiers and their wives and children of the British Army she too was buried in Aldershot Military Cemetery, beside the grave of Louisa and Georgiana Daniell.[4]

Miss Daniell's Soldiers' Home in Aldershot

Havelock House in Aldershot opened in 1963 on the site of Miss Daniell's Soldiers' Home

Much of Miss Daniell's Soldiers’ Home in Barrack Road in Aldershot was demolished in 1958, leaving only three walls and a roof from the main hall where the religious services had been held. In 1962 this derelict building was adopted by the Freemasons of Aldershot as a Masonic Hall by building a fourth wall to secure the building. They obtained the building on a 99-year lease from November 1962 and today it is a meeting place for twelve Masonic Lodges and associated organisations.[10]

A new Soldiers’ Home, Havelock House, was built on the site of the former Home and Institute and was opened by Elizabeth II in 1963 on the centenary of the original Miss Daniell's Soldiers' Home. Today it is the headquarters of the Soldiers’ and Airmen’s Scripture Reading Association (SASRA) who are the trustees of Miss Daniell’s Soldiers' Homes, a registered charity[11] with the aim of “Spreading the Gospel of Jesus Christ to personnel in the British Army through provision of physical and spiritual sustenance.”[4]


1. Cathy Hartley, A Historical Dictionary of British Women, Europa Publications (2003) - Google Bookspgs 263-4
2. Hartley, C. (2003). A Historical Dictionary of British Women. Taylor & Francis Books Limited. p. 128. ISBN 9781857432282. Retrieved 27 Nov 2016.
3. Edward M. Spiers, ‘Daniell, Louisa (1808/9–1871)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 accessed 26 Nov 2016
4. Paul Vickers. "A public-house without the drink: the early days of Miss Daniell's Soldiers' Home". Friends of the Aldershot Military Museum - Garrison Herald Articles - 004. Retrieved 27 Nov 2016.
5. John Walters, Aldershot Review, Jarrolds (1970) p42
6. Walters, pg43
7. G. Daniell, Aldershot: A Record of Mrs Daniell's Work Amongst Soldiers and its Sequel (1879) p26
8. Howard N. Cole, The Story of Aldershot: a History of the Civil and Military Towns, Gale & Polden, Aldershot (1951) p151
9. Walters, p54
10. Freemasonry in Aldershot - Aldershot Masonic Centre website
11. "Miss Daniell's Soldiers' Homes – Armed Forces Charities website". Retrieved 27 Nov 2016.

External links

• History of Miss Daniell's Soldiers' Home at Brompton
• History of Miss Daniell's Soldiers' Homes
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Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/3/20

The Earl of Shaftesbury
Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury by John Collier
Born 28 April 1801
24 Grosvenor Square, Mayfair, London, England
Died 1 October 1885 (aged 84)
12 Clifton Gardens, Folkestone, Kent, England
Cause of death Inflammation of the lungs
Resting place The parish church on his estate at Wimborne St Giles, Dorset
Known for Philanthropy
Years active 44 Years
Nationality British
Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 8th Earl of Shaftesbury

Shield of arms of Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury, as displayed on his Order of the Garter stall plate, viz. quarterly 1st and 4th, argent three bulls passant sable armed and unguled or, for Ashley; 2nd and 3rd, gules a bend engrailed between six lions rampant or, for Cooper.

Anthony Ashley Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury KG (28 April 1801 – 1 October 1885),[1] styled Lord Ashley from 1811 to 1851 and then Lord Shaftesbury following the death of his father, was a British politician, philanthropist and social reformer. He was the eldest son of Cropley Ashley-Cooper, 6th Earl of Shaftesbury and his wife Lady Anne Spencer, daughter of George Spencer, 4th Duke of Marlborough, and older brother of Henry Ashley, MP.

Early life

Lord Ashley, as he was styled until his father's death in 1851,[2] was educated at Manor House school in Chiswick (1812–1813), Harrow School (1813–1816) and Christ Church, Oxford, where he gained first class honours in classics in 1822, took his MA in 1832 and was appointed DCL in 1841.[3]

Ashley's early family life was loveless, a circumstance common among the British upper classes, and resembled in that respect the fictional childhood of Esther Summerson vividly narrated in the early chapters of Charles Dickens's novel Bleak House.[4] G.F.A Best in his biography Shaftesbury writes that: "Ashley grew up without any experience of parental love. He saw little of his parents, and when duty or necessity compelled them to take notice of him they were formal and frightening."[5] Even as an adult, he disliked his father and was known to refer to his mother as "a devil".

This difficult childhood was softened by the affection he received from his housekeeper Maria Millis, and his sisters. Millis provided for Ashley a model of Christian love that would form the basis for much of his later social activism and philanthropic work, as Best explains: "What did touch him was the reality, and the homely practicality, of the love which her Christianity made her feel towards the unhappy child. She told him bible stories, she taught him a prayer."[6] Despite this powerful reprieve, school became another source of misery for the young Ashley, whose education at Manor House from 1808 to 1813 introduced a "more disgusting range of horrors".[5] Shaftesbury himself shuddered to recall those years, "The place was bad, wicked, filthy; and the treatment was starvation and cruelty."[5]

By teenage years he had become a committed Christian and whilst at Harrow two experiences happened that would influence his later life. "Once, at the foot of Harrow Hill, he was the horrified witness of a pauper’s funeral. The drunken pall-bearers, stumbling along with a crudely-made coffin and shouting snatches of bawdy songs, brought home to him the existence of a whole empire of callousness which put his own childhood miseries in their context. The second incident was his unusual choice of a subject for a Latin poem. In the school grounds, there was an unsavoury mosquito-breeding pond called the Duck Puddle. He chose it as his subject because he was urgently concerned that the school authorities should do something about it, and this appeared to be the simplest way of bringing it to their attention. Soon afterwards the Duck Puddle was inspected, condemned and filled in. This little triumph was a useful fillip to his self-confidence, but it was more than that. It was a foretaste of his skill in getting people to act decisively in face of sloth or immediate self-interest. This was to prove one of his greatest assets in Parliament."[7]

Political career

Ashley was elected as the Tory Member of Parliament for Woodstock (a pocket borough controlled by the Duke of Marlborough) in June 1826 and was a strong supporter of the Duke of Wellington.[3] After George Canning replaced Lord Liverpool as Prime Minister, he offered Ashley a place in the new government, despite Ashley having been in the Commons for only five months. Ashley politely declined, writing in his diary that he believed that serving under Canning would be a betrayal of his allegiance to the Duke of Wellington and that he was not qualified for office.[8] Before he had completed one year in the Commons, he had been appointed to three parliamentary committees and he received his fourth such appointment in June 1827, when he was appointed to the Select Committee On Pauper Lunatics in the County of Middlesex and on Lunatic Asylums.[9]

Reform of the Lunacy Laws

See also: History of psychiatric institutions

Lord Shaftesbury by Henry Hering.

In 1827, when Ashley-Cooper was appointed to the Select Committee On Pauper Lunatics in the County of Middlesex and on Lunatic Asylums, the majority of lunatics in London were kept in madhouses owned by Dr Warburton. The Committee examined many witnesses concerning one of his madhouses in Bethnal Green, called the White House. Ashley visited this on the Committee's behalf. The patients were chained up, slept naked on straw, and went to toilet in their beds. They were left chained from Saturday afternoon until Monday morning when they were cleared of the accumulated excrement. They were then washed down in freezing cold water and one towel was allotted to 160 people, with no soap. It was overcrowded and the meat provided was "that nasty thick hard muscle a dog could not eat". The White House had been described as "a mere place for dying" rather than curing the insane and when the Committee asked Dr MacMichael whether he believed that "in the lunatic asylums in the neighbourhood of London any curative process is going on with regard to pauper patients", he replied: "None at all".[10]

Lord Shaftesbury by George Frederick Watts.

The Committee recommended that "legislative measures of a remedial character should be introduced at the earliest period at the next session", and the establishment of a Board of Commissioners appointed by the Home Secretary possessing extensive powers of licensing, inspection and control.[11] When in February 1828 Robert Gordon, Liberal MP for Cricklade, introduced a bill to put these recommendations into law, Ashley seconded this and delivered his maiden speech in support of the Bill. He wrote in his diary: "So, by God's blessing, my first effort has been for the advance of human happiness. May I improve hourly! Fright almost deprived me of recollection but again thank Heaven, I did not sit down quite a presumptuous idiot". Ashley was also involved in framing the County Lunatic Asylums (England) Act 1828 and the Madhouses Act 1828. Through these Acts, fifteen commissioners were appointed for the London area and given extensive powers of licensing and inspection, one of the commissioners being Ashley.[12]

In July 1845 Ashley sponsored two Lunacy Acts, ‘For the Regulation of lunatic Asylums’ and ‘For the better Care and Treatment of Lunatics in England and Wales’. They originated in the Report of the Commissioners in Lunacy which he had commended to Parliament the year before. These Acts consolidated and amended previous lunacy laws, providing better record keeping and more strict certification regulations to ensure patients against unwarranted detention. They also ordered, instead of merely permitting, the construction of country lunatic asylums with and establishing an ongoing Lunacy Commission with Ashley as its chairman.[13] In support of these measures, Ashley gave a speech in which he claimed that although since 1828 there had been an improvement, more still needed to be done. He cited the case of a Welsh lunatic girl, Mary Jones, who had for more than a decade been locked in a tiny loft with one boarded-up window with little air and no light. The room was extremely filthy and was filled with an intolerable smell. She could only squat in a bent position in the room and this had caused her to become deformed.[14]

The Earl of Shaftesbury by Carlo Pellegrini, 1869

In early 1858 a Select Committee was appointed over concerns that sane persons were detained in lunatic asylums. Lord Shaftesbury (as Ashley had become upon his father's death in 1851) was the chief witness and opposed the suggestion that the certification of insanity be made more difficult and that early treatment of insanity was essential if there was to be any prospect of a cure. He claimed that only one or two people in his time dealing with lunacy had been detained in an asylum without sufficient grounds and that commissioners should be granted more not fewer powers. The Committee's Report endorsed all of Shaftesbury's recommendations except for one: that a magistrate's signature on a certificate of lunacy be made compulsory. This was not put into law chiefly due to Shaftesbury's opposition to it. Clarification needed The Report also agreed with Shaftesbury that unwarranted detentions were "extremely rare".[15]

In July 1877 Shaftesbury gave evidence before the Select Committee on the Lunacy Laws, which had been appointed in February over concerns that it was too easy for sane persons to be detained in asylums. Shaftesbury feared that because of his advanced age he would be taken over by forgetfulness whilst giving evidence and was greatly stressed in the months leading up to this: "Shall fifty years of toil, anxiety and prayer, crowned by marvellous and unlooked-for success, bring me in the end only sorrow and disgrace?" When "the hour of trial" arrived Shaftesbury defended the Lunacy Commission and claimed he was now the only person alive who could speak with personal knowledge of the state of care of lunatics before the Lunacy Commission was established in 1828. It had been "a state of things such as would pass all belief". In the Committee's Report, the members of the Committee agreed with Shaftesbury's evidence on all points.[16]

In 1884 the husband of Mrs Georgina Weldon tried to have her detained in a lunatic asylum because she believed that her pug dog had a soul and that the spirit of her dead mother had entered into her pet rabbit. She commenced legal action against Shaftesbury and other lunacy commissioners although it failed. In May Shaftesbury spoke in the Lords against a motion declaring the lunacy laws unsatisfactory but the motion passed Parliament. The Lord Chancellor Selborne supported a Lunacy Law Amendment Bill and Shaftesbury wanted to resign from the Lunacy Commission as he believed he was honour bound not to oppose a Bill supported by the Lord Chancellor. However, Selborne implored him not to resign so Shaftesbury refrained. However, when the Bill was introduced and it contained the provision which made it compulsory for a certificate of lunacy to be signed by a magistrate or a judge, he resigned. The government fell, however, and the Bill was withdrawn and Shaftesbury resumed his chairmanship of the Lunacy Commission.[17]

Shaftesbury's work in improving the care of the insane remains one of his most important, though less well known, achievements. He wrote: "Beyond the circle of my own Commissioners and the lunatics that I visit, not a soul, in great or small life, not even my associates in my works of philanthropy, has any notion of the years of toil and care that, under God, I have bestowed on this melancholy and awful question".[18]

Child labour and factory reform

In March 1833 Ashley introduced the Ten Hours Act 1833 into the Commons, which provided that children working in the cotton and woollen industries must be aged nine or above; no person under the age of eighteen was to work more than ten hours a day or eight hours on a Saturday; and no one under twenty-five was to work nights. However the Whig government, by a majority of 145, amended this to substitute "thirteen" in place of "eighteen" and the Act as it passed ensured that no child under thirteen worked more than nine hours, insisted they should go to school, and appointed inspectors to enforce the law.[19]

In June 1836 another Ten Hours act was introduced into the Commons and although Ashley considered this Bill ill-timed, he supported it. In July one member of the Lancashire committees set up to support the Bill wrote that: "If there was one man in England more devoted to the interests of the factory people than another, it was Lord Ashley. They might always rely on him as a ready, steadfast and willing friend".[20] In July 1837 he accused the government of ignoring the breaches of the 1833 Act and moved the resolution that the House regretted the regulation of the working hours of children had been found to be unsatisfactory. It was lost by fifteen votes.[20]

The text of A Narrative of the Experience and Sufferings of William Dodd a Factory Cripple was sent to Lord Ashley and with his support was published in 1840.[21] Ashley employed William Dodd at 45 shillings a week and he wrote "The Factory System: Illustrated" to describe the conditions of working children in textile manufacture. This was published in 1842.[22] These books were attacked by John Bright in parliament who said that he had evidence that the books described Dodd's mistreatment but were in fact driven by Dodd's ingratitude as a disgruntled employee. Ashley sacked Dodd who emigrated to America.[23]

In 1842 Ashley wrote twice to the Prime Minister, Robert Peel, to urge the government to support a new Factory Act. Peel wrote in reply that he would not support one and Ashley wrote to the Short Time Committees of Cheshire, Lancashire and Yorkshire who desired a Ten Hours Act:

Though painfully disappointed, I am not disheartened, nor am I at a loss either what course to take, or what advice to give. I shall persevere unto my last hour, and so must you; we must exhaust every legitimate means that the Constitution afford, in petitions to Parliament, in public meetings, and in friendly conferences with your employers; but you must infringe no law, and offend no proprieties; we must all work together as sensible men, who will one day give an account of their motives and actions; if this course is approved, no consideration shall detach me from your cause; if not, you must elect another advocate. I know that, in resolving on this step, I exclude myself altogether from the tenure of office; I rejoice in the sacrifice, happy to devote the remainder of my days, be they many or be they few, as God in His wisdom shall determine, to an effort, however laborious, to ameliorate your moral and social condition.[24]

In March 1844 Ashley moved an amendment to a Factory Bill limiting the working hours of adolescents to ten hours after Sir James Graham had introduced a Bill aiming to limit their working hours to twelve hours. Ashley's amendment was passed by eight votes, the first time the Commons had approved of the Ten Hour principle. However, in a later vote his amendment was defeated by seven votes and the Bill was withdrawn.[25] Later that month Graham introduced another Bill which again would limit the employment of adolescents to twelve hours. Ashley supported this Bill except that he wanted ten hours not twelve as the limit. In May he moved an amendment to limit the hours worked to ten hours but this was lost by 138 votes.[26]

In 1846, whilst he was out of Parliament, Ashley strongly supported John Fielden's Ten Hours Bill, which was lost by ten votes.[27] In January 1847 Fielden reintroduced his Bill and it finally passed through Parliament to become the Ten Hours Act.[28]


Ashley introduced the Mines and Collieries Act 1842 in Parliament to outlaw the employment of women and children underground in coal mines. He made a speech in support of the Act and the Prince Consort wrote to him afterwards, sending him the "best wishes for your total success". At the end of his speech, his opponent on the Ten Hours issue, Cobden, walked over to Ashley and said: "You know how opposed I have been to your views, but I don't think I have ever been put into such a frame of mind in the whole course of my life as I have been by your speech".[29]

Climbing boys

Ashley was a strong supporter of prohibiting the employment of boys as chimney sweeps. Many climbing boys were illegitimate who had been sold by their parents. They suffered from scorched and lacerated skin, their eyes and throats filled with soot, with the danger of suffocation and their occupational disease—cancer of the scrotum.[30] In 1840 a Bill was introduced into the Commons outlawing the employment of boys as chimney sweeps, and strongly supported by Ashley. Despite being enforced in London, elsewhere the Act did not stop the employment of child chimney sweeps and this led to the foundation of the Climbing-Boys' Society with Ashley as its chairman. In 1851, 1853 and 1855 Shaftesbury introduced Bills into Parliament to deal with the ongoing use of boy chimney sweeps but these were all defeated. He succeeded in passing the Chimney Sweepers Regulation Act 1864 but like its predecessors, it remained ineffectual. Shaftesbury finally persuaded Parliament to pass the Chimney Sweepers Act 1875 which ensured the annual licensing of chimney sweeps and the enforcement of the law by the police. This finally eradicated the employment of boys as chimney sweeps.[31]

After Shaftesbury discovered that a boy chimney sweep was living behind his house in Brock Street, London, he rescued the child and sent him to "the Union School at Norwood Hill, where, under God's blessing and special merciful grace, he will be trained in the knowledge and love and faith of our common Saviour".[32]

Education reform

In 1844 Ashley became president of the Ragged School Union that promoted ragged schools. These schools were for poor children and sprang up from volunteers. Ashley wrote that "If the Ragged School system were to fail I should not die in the course of nature, I should die of a broken heart".[33]

Religion and Jewish restorationism

Shaftesbury was a pre-millennial evangelical Anglican who believed in the imminent second coming of Christ. His belief underscored the urgency of immediate action. He strongly opposed the Roman Catholic Church and any hint of Romanism or ritualism among High Church Anglicans. He strongly opposed the Oxford Movement in the Church of England, fearful of Catholic features. In 1845 he denounced the Maynooth Act, which funded the Catholic seminary in Ireland that would train many priests.[34]

Lord Shaftesbury's "Memorandum to Protestant Monarchs of Europe for the restoration of the Jews to Palestine", published in the Colonial Times, in 1841

Shaftesbury was a leading figure within 19th-century evangelical Anglicanism.[35] Shaftesbury was President of the British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS) from 1851 until his death in 1885. He wrote, of the Bible Society, "Of all Societies, this is nearest to my heart... Bible Society has always been a watchword in our house." He was also president of the Evangelical Alliance for some time.[2]

Shaftesbury was also a student of Edward Bickersteth and together they became prominent advocates of Christian Zionism in Britain.[36][37] Shaftesbury was an early proponent of the Restoration of the Jews to the Holy Land, providing the first proposal by a major politician to resettle Jews in Palestine. The conquest of Greater Syria in 1831 by Muhammad Ali of Egypt changed the conditions under which European power politics operated in the Near East. As a consequence of that shift, Shaftesbury was able to help persuade Foreign Minister Palmerston to send a British consul, James Finn, to Jerusalem in 1838. Shaftesbury became president of the London Society for Promoting Christianity Amongst the Jews,[38] of which Finn was a prominent member. A committed Christian and a loyal Englishman, Shaftesbury argued for a Jewish return because of what he saw as the political and economic advantages to England and because he believed that it was God's will. In January 1839, Shaftesbury published an article in the Quarterly Review, which although initially commenting on the 1838 Letters on Egypt, Edom and the Holy Land (1838) by Lord Lindsay, provided the first proposal by a major politician to resettle Jews in Palestine:[39][40]

The soil and climate of Palestine are singularly adapted to the growth of produce required for the exigencies of Great Britain; the finest cotton may be obtained in almost unlimited abundance; silk and madder are the staple of the country, and olive oil is now, as it ever was, the very fatness of the land. Capital and skill are alone required: the presence of a British officer, and the increased security of property which his presence will confer, may invite them from these islands to the cultivation of Palestine; and the Jews, who will betake themselves to agriculture in no other land, having found, in the English consul, a mediator between their people and the Pacha, will probably return in yet greater numbers, and become once more the husbandmen of Judaea and Galilee.[41]

The lead-up to the Crimean War (1854), like the military expansionism of Muhammad Ali two decades earlier, signalled an opening for realignments in the Near East. In July 1853, Shaftesbury wrote to the Prime Minister, Lord Aberdeen, that Greater Syria was "a country without a nation” in need of “a nation without a country... Is there such a thing? To be sure there is, the ancient and rightful lords of the soil, the Jews!" In his diary that year he wrote "these vast and fertile regions will soon be without a ruler, without a known and acknowledged power to claim dominion. The territory must be assigned to some one or other... There is a country without a nation; and God now in his wisdom and mercy, directs us to a nation without a country."[42][43] This is commonly cited as an early use of the phrase, "A land without a people for a people without a land" by which Shaftesbury was echoing another British proponent of the restoration of the Jews to Israel, (Dr Alexander Keith.)

Bust of Anthony Ashley-Cooper, by F. Winter, 1886. In the collection of Dorset County museum, Dorchester

Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade

Shaftesbury served as the first president of the Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade: a lobbying group opposed to the Anglo-Asian opium trade. The Society was formed by Quaker businessmen in 1874, and Shaftesbury was president from 1880 until his death.[44] The Society's efforts eventually led to the creation of the investigative Royal Commission on Opium.

Shaftesbury Memorial Fountain

The Shaftesbury Memorial Fountain in Piccadilly Circus, London, erected in 1893, was designed to commemorate his philanthropic works. The fountain is crowned by Alfred Gilbert's aluminium statue of Anteros as a nude, butterfly-winged archer. This is officially titled The Angel of Christian Charity, but has become popularly if mistakenly known as Eros. It appears on the masthead of the Evening Standard.


Lord Shaftesbury is honoured together with William Wilberforce on the liturgical calendar of the Episcopal Church on 30 July. Lord Shaftesbury was a member of the Canterbury Association, as were two of Wilberforce's sons, Samuel and Robert. Lord Ashley joined on 27 March 1848.[45]


Lord Shaftesbury, then Lord Ashley, married Lady Emily Caroline Catherine Frances Cowper (died 15 October 1872), daughter of Peter Cowper, 5th Earl Cowper and Emily Lamb, Countess Cowper; Emily is likely in fact to have been the natural daughter of Lord Palmerston (later her official stepfather), on 10 June 1830. This marriage, which proved a happy and fruitful one, produced ten children.[46] It also provided invaluable political connections for Ashley; his wife's maternal uncle was Lord Melbourne and her stepfather (and supposed biological father) Lord Palmerston, both Prime Ministers.

The children, who mostly suffered various degrees of ill-health, were:[47]

1. Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 8th Earl of Shaftesbury (27 June 1831 – 13 April 1886), ancestor of all subsequent earls.[48] He proved to be a disappointing heir apparent, constantly running up debts with his extravagant wife Harriet, born Lady Harriet Chichester.[49]
2. Hon. (Anthony) Francis Henry Ashley-Cooper, second son (b. 13 March 1833[50] – 13 May 1849)[51][52]
3. Hon. (Anthony) Maurice William Ashley-Cooper, third son (22 July 1835 – 19 August 1855), died aged 20, after several years of illness.[53]
4. Rt. Hon. (Anthony) Evelyn Melbourne Ashley (24 July 1836 – 15 November 1907), married 1stly 28 July 1866 Sybella Charlotte Farquhar (ca. 1846 – 31 August 1886), daughter of Sir Walter Rockcliffe Farquhar, 3rd Bt. by his wife Lady Mary Octavia Somerset, a daughter of the Duke of Beaufort and had one son Wilfred William Ashley, and one daughter. His granddaughter was Hon. Edwina Ashley, later Lady Mountbatten (1901–1960), who had two daughters Patricia, Countess Mountbatten of Burma (1924-2017) and Lady Pamela Hicks (b. 1929). Evelyn Ashley left several other descendants via his daughter and Edwina's younger sister. Evelyn Ashley married 2ndly 30 June 1891 Lady Alice Elizabeth Cole (4 February 1853 – 25 August 1931), daughter of William Willoughby Cole, 3rd Earl of Enniskillen by his 1st wife Jane Casamajor, no issue. The Rt Hon Evelyn Melbourne Ashley died 15 November 1907.
5. Lady Victoria Elizabeth Ashley, later Lady Templemore (23 September 1837[54] – 15 February 1927), married 8 January 1873 (aged 35) St George's, Hanover Square, London Harry Chichester, 2nd Baron Templemore (4 June 1821 – 10 June 1906), son of Arthur Chichester, 1st Baron Templemore and Lady Augusta Paget, and had issue.[55]
6. Hon (Anthony) Lionel George Ashley-Cooper (b. 7 September 1838 – 1914).[54] He md 12 December 1868 Frances Elizabeth Leigh "Fanny (d. 12 August 1875), daughter of Capel Hanbury Leigh;[56] apparently had no issue.
7. Lady Mary Charlotte Ashley-Cooper, second daughter (25 July 1842[57] – 3 September 1861.[58]
8. Lady Constance Emily Ashley-Cooper, third daughter, or "Conty" (29 November 1845 – 16 December 1872[59] or 1871[60] of lung disease[61])
9. Lady Edith Florence Ashley-Cooper, fourth daughter (1 February 1847 – 25 November 1913)[62]
10. Hon. (Anthony) Cecil Ashley-Cooper, sixth son and tenth and youngest child (8 August 1849 – 23 September 1932);[62] apparently died unmarried.


Although he was offered a burial at Westminster Abbey, Shaftesbury wished to be buried at St. Giles. A funeral service was held in Westminster Abbey during early morning of 8 October and the streets along the route from Grosvenor Square and Westminster Abbey were thronged with poor people, costermongers, flower-girls, boot-blacks, crossing-sweepers, factory-hands and similar workers who waited for hours to see Shaftesbury's coffin as it passed by. Due to his constant advocacy for the better treatment of the working classes, Shaftesbury became known as the "Poor Man's Earl".[3]

One of his biographers, Georgina Battiscombe, has claimed that "No man has in fact ever done more to lessen the extent of human misery or to add to the sum total of human happiness".[63]

Three days after his death, Charles Spurgeon eulogized him saying, "DURING the past week the church of God, and the world at large, have sustained a very serious loss. In the taking home to himself by our gracious Lord of the Earl of Shaftesbury, we have, in my judgment, lost the best man of the age. I do not know whom I should place second, but I certainly should put him first—far beyond all other servants of God within my knowledge—for usefulness and influence. He was a man most true in his personal piety, as I know from having enjoyed his private friendship; a man most firm in his faith in the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ; a man intensely active in the cause of God and truth. Take him whichever way you please, he was admirable: he was faithful to God in all his house, fulfilling both the first and second commands of the law in fervent love to God, and hearty love to man. He occupied his high position with singleness of purpose and immovable steadfastness: where shall we find his equal? If it is not possible that he was absolutely perfect, it is equally impossible for me to mention a single fault; for I saw none. He exhibited scriptural perfection, inasmuch as he was sincere, true, and consecrated. Those things which have been regarded as faults by the loose thinkers of this age are prime virtues in my esteem. They called him narrow; and in this they bear unconscious testimony to his loyalty to truth. I rejoiced greatly in his integrity, his fearlessness, his adherence to principle, in a day when revelation is questioned, the gospel explained away, and human thought set up as the idol of the hour. He felt that there was a vital and eternal difference between truth and error; consequently, he did not act or talk as if there was much to be said on either side, and, therefore, no one could be quite sure. We shall not know for many a year how much we miss in missing him; how great an anchor he was to this drifting generation, and how great a stimulus he was to every movement for the benefit of the poor. Both man and beast may unite in mourning him: he was the friend of every living thing. He lived for the oppressed; he lived for London; he lived for the nation; he lived still more for God. He has finished his course; and though we do not lay him to sleep in the grave with the sorrow of those that have no hope, yet we cannot but mourn that a great man and a prince has fallen this day in Israel. Surely, the righteous are taken away from the evil to come, and we are left to struggle on under increasing difficulties" (“Departed Saints Yet Living.” The Metropolitan Tabernacle Pulpit Sermons. Vol. 31. London: Passmore & Alabaster, 1885. 541–542).

See also

• London Society for Promoting Christianity Among the Jews – Shaftesbury was president of the society.
• A land without a people for a people without a land
• Christian Zionism
• YMCA - Shaftesbury served as YMCA's first president from 1851 until his death in 1885.[64]


1. "Hall of fame: Anthony Ashley Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury", The Gazette
2. Smith, Benjamin E., ed. (1906). "Cooper, Anthony Ashley". The Century Cyclopedia of Names. New York: The Century Company. p. 277.
3. John Wolffe, ‘Cooper, Anthony Ashley-, seventh Earl of Shaftesbury (1801–1885)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008, accessed 13 February 2012.
4. Geoffrey Best, Shaftesbury (London: B. T. Batsford, 1964), p. 14.
5. Best, p. 15.
6. Best, p. 16.
7. II. Grand Seigneur —Good Samaritan, 24/11/2018.
8. Georgina Battiscombe, Shaftesbury: A Biography of the Seventh Earl. 1801–1885 (London: Constable, 1974), p. 28.
9. Battiscombe, p. 31.
10. Battiscombe, pp. 35–36.
11. Battiscombe, p. 37.
12. Battiscombe, pp. 37–38.
13. Battiscombe, p. 182.
14. Battiscombe, p. 182–183.
15. Battiscombe, p. 259.
16. Battiscombe, pp. 319–320.
17. Battiscombe, pp. 330–331.
18. Battiscombe, p. 318.
19. Battiscombe, p. 88, p. 91.
20. Battiscombe, p. 109.
21. Lord Ashley, Spartacus, retrieved 2 January 2014
22. Anthony Ashley Cooper, HistoryMole, retrieved 2 January 2014
23. William Dodd in Spartacus Educational, retrieved 2 January 2014
24. Battiscombe, pp. 143–144.
25. Battiscombe, p. 171.
26. Battiscombe, p. 175.
27. Battiscombe, p. 199.
28. Battiscombe, p. 202.
29. Battiscombe, pp. 148–149.
30. Battiscombe, pp. 125–126.
31. Battiscombe, pp. 126–127.
32. Battiscombe, p. 127.
33. Battiscombe, p. 196.
34. John Wolffe, "Cooper, Anthony Ashley-, seventh Earl of Shaftesbury (1801–1885)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 accessed 6 Nov 2017
35. Chapman, Mark (2006). Anglicanism: A Very Short Introduction. Very Short Introductions. Oxford University Press. p. 61. ISBN 9780192806932.
36. Larsen, David L.; et al. (1998). The Company of the Preachers: A History of Biblical Preaching from the Old Testament to the Modern Era, Volume 2. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Kregel Publications. p. 463. ISBN 978-0-8254-3086-2.
37. Lewis, Donald (2 January 2014). The Origins of Christian Zionism: Lord Shaftesbury And Evangelical Support For A Jewish Homeland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 380. ISBN 9781107631960.
38. Wigram, Joseph Cotton bp. of Rochester (1866). Report on the conference upon the Rosenthal case, held with the representatives of the committee of the London society for promoting Christianity among the Jews, by the bishop of Rochester and others. London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer. p. 2 [1].
39. The London Quarterly Review, Volume 64
40. Nahum Sokolow "History of Zionism, 1600–1918"
41. Masalha, Nur. The Zionist Bible, Routledge, 2014 ISBN 9781317544654
42. Shaftsbury as cited in Hyamson, Albert, "British Projects for the Restoration of Jews to Palestine", American Jewish Historical Society, Publications 26, 1918, p. 140
43. Garfinkle, Adam M., "On the Origin, Meaning, Use and Abuse of a Phrase". Middle Eastern Studies, London, Oct. 1991, vol. 27
44. A.W. Bob Coats (15 May 1995). The Economic Review. Taylor and Francis. p. 47. ISBN 978-0-415-13135-3. Retrieved 29 May 2012.
45. Blain, Rev. Michael (2007). The Canterbury Association (1848–1852): A Study of Its Members’ Connections (PDF). Christchurch: Project Canterbury. pp. 12–13, 89–92. Retrieved 21 March 2013.
46. Grace Irwin (1976). The seventh earl: a dramatized biography. Eerdmans. ISBN 978-0-8028-6059-0.
47. Brigitte Gastel Descendants of John Churchill, Duke of Marlborough Archived 8 July 2004 at
48. He was father of the 9th Earl (1869–1961), whose elder son Lord Ashley was father of the ill-fated 10th Earl (1938–2004, murdered by an estranged third wife), father of the 11th Earl (1977–2005) and the 12th Earl (b. 1979). Ironically, despite the 7th Earl's six sons, only the eldest son's heirs male survive to the present, in the person of the 12th Earl, last of his line. Other lines, including that of the reformer Lord Shaftesbury's four brothers, had all died out by 1986 (the death, without sons, of the Hon. John Ashley-Cooper, younger son of the 9th Earl).
49. Geoffrey B. A M. Finlayson. The Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, 1801–1885 Published by Regent College Publishing, 2004 ISBN 1-57383-314-2, ISBN 978-1-57383-314-1, 640 pages, p. 501 in particular refers to the future 8th Earl's debts, but there are other references. Page 500 refers to the birth of the future 9th Earl in 1869.
50. Finlayson. The Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, 1801–1885 p. 94
51. Ibid p. 622 index
52. Brigitte Gastel Descendants of John Churchill, Duke of Marlborough< Archived 8 July 2004 at provides full details, including full Christian names, dates of birth and death, places etc. Retrieved 8 December 2008
53. Brigitte Gastel for full dates. Also see less detail in Finlayson p. 130
54. Jump up to:a b Brigitte Gastel. Also see Finlayson p. 130
55. Lord Templemore's heir male and descendant is the present Marquess of Donegall; his fatherinheriting that title in 1975.
56. Ibid p. 622 index
57. Brigitte Gastel. Also see Finlayson p. 196. According to Finlayson, Countess Emily nearly suffered a miscarriage, and did indeed have a miscarriage in 1843.
58. Brigitte Gastel. Also see Ibid p. 427. However, p. 504 gives a different date 1860.
59. Brigitte Gastel.
60. Finlayson p. 621 index
61. Ibid p. 504
62. Brigitte Gastel. Also see Finlayson p. 621 index
63. Battiscombe, p. 334.
64. Cannon, John (2015). A Dictionary of British History. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780191044809.


• Georgina Battiscombe, Shaftesbury: A Biography of the Seventh Earl. 1801–1885 (London: Constable, 1974).
• John Wolffe, ‘Cooper, Anthony Ashley-, seventh earl of Shaftesbury (1801–1885)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Jan 2008, accessed 13 February 2012.

Further reading

• Best, Geoffrey. Shaftesbury (1964) short scholarly biography online free
• Bready, J. Wesley. Lord Shaftesbury and social-industrial progress (1927)
• Finlayson, Geoffrey. "The Victorian Shaftesbury." 'History Today (March 1983) 33#3 pp 31-35.
• Finlayson, Geoffrey B. A. M. The Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury (1981), a major scholarly biography
• Furse-Roberts, David Andrew Barton. "The Making of an Evangelical Tory: The Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury (1801-1885) and the Evolving Character of Victorian Evangelicalism." (PhD thesis, University of New South Wales, 2015, ).
• J. L. Hammond and B. Hammond, Lord Shaftesbury (1923). online free
• E. Hodder, The Life and Work of the Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, 3 vols. (1887). Volume 1; Volume2; Volume3
• Lewis, Donald (2010). The Origins of Christian Zionism: Lord Shaftesbury And Evangelical Support For A Jewish Homeland. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 380. ISBN 9781107631960.

External links

• Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by the Earl of Shaftesbury
• John Debrett The Peerage of the United Kingdom of Great Britain & Ireland vol. 1: "Cropley Ashley-Cooper, Earl of Shaftesbury", p. 143. Reprinted 2002 from the original edition circa 1810. The entry gives details of Shaftesbury's four brothers and three surviving sisters. Further details of their marriages and descendance are available here.
• "Archival material relating to Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury". UK National Archives.
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Josephine Butler
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/4/20

Butler in 1851, portrait by George Richmond

Josephine Elizabeth Butler (née Grey; 13 April 1828 – 30 December 1906) was an English feminist and social reformer in the Victorian era. She campaigned for women's suffrage, the right of women to better education, the end of coverture in British law, the abolition of child prostitution, and an end to human trafficking of young women and children into European prostitution.

Grey grew up in a well-to-do and politically connected progressive family
which helped develop in her a strong social conscience and firmly held religious ideals. She married George Butler, an Anglican divine and schoolmaster, and the couple had four children, the last of whom, Eva, died falling from a banister. The death was a turning point for Butler, and she focused her feelings on helping others, starting with the inhabitants of a local workhouse. She began to campaign for women's rights in British law. In 1869 she became involved in the campaign to repeal the Contagious Diseases Acts, legislation that attempted to control the spread of venereal diseases—particularly in the British Army and Royal Navy—through the forced medical examination of prostitutes, a process she described as surgical or steel rape. The campaign achieved its final success in 1886 with the repeal of the Acts. Butler also formed the International Abolitionist Federation, a Europe-wide organisation to combat similar systems on the continent.

While investigating the effect of the Acts, Butler had been appalled that some of the prostitutes were as young as 12, and that there was a slave trade of young women and children from England to the continent for the purpose of prostitution. A campaign to combat the trafficking led to the removal from office of the head of the Belgian Police des Mœurs, and the trial and imprisonment of his deputy and 12 brothel owners, who were all involved in the trade. Butler fought child prostitution with help from the campaigning editor of The Pall Mall Gazette, William Thomas Stead, who purchased a 13-year-old girl from her mother for £5. The subsequent outcry led to the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885 which raised the age of consent from 13 to 16 and brought in measures to stop children becoming prostitutes. Her final campaign was in the late-1890s, against the Contagious Diseases Acts which continued to be implemented in the British Raj.

Butler wrote more than 90 books and pamphlets over the course of her career, most of which were in support of her campaigning, although she also produced biographies of her father, her husband and Catherine of Siena. Butler's Christian feminism is celebrated by the Church of England with a Lesser Festival, and by representations of her in the stained glass windows of Liverpool's Anglican Cathedral and St Olave's Church in the City of London. Her name appears on the Reformers Memorial in Kensal Green Cemetery, London, and Durham University named one of their colleges after her. Her campaign strategies changed the way feminist and suffragists conducted future struggles, and her work brought into the political milieu groups of people that had never been active before. After her death in 1906 the feminist leader Millicent Fawcett hailed her as "the most distinguished Englishwoman of the nineteenth century".[1]


Early life; 1828–1850

John Grey, Butler's father, portrait by George Patten

Josephine Grey was born on 13 April 1828 at Milfield, Northumberland. She was the fourth daughter and seventh child of Hannah (née Annett) and John Grey, a land agent and agricultural expert,[2][3][a] who was a cousin of the reformist British Prime Minister, Lord Grey.[5] In 1833 John was appointed manager of the Greenwich Hospital Estates in Dilston, near Corbridge, Northumberland, and the family moved to the area,[4] where John acted as Lord Grey's chief political agent in Northumberland.[5] In this role John promoted his cousin's political opinions locally, including support for Catholic emancipation, the abolition of slavery, the repeal of the Corn Laws and reform of the poor laws.[5] Josephine was taught at home before completing her schooling at a boarding school in Newcastle upon Tyne which she attended for two years.[6]

John treated his children equally within the home. He educated them in politics and social issues and exposed them to various politically important visitors.[7] John's political work and ideology had a strong influence on his daughter, as did the religious teaching she received from her mother;[8] the family background and the circles in which she moved formed a strong social conscience and a staunch religious faith.[9]

At about the age of 17 Grey went through a religious crisis, which probably stemmed from an incident in which she discovered the body of a suicide while out riding.[10][ b] She became disenchanted with her weekly church attendance, describing the local vicar as "an honest man in the pulpit ... [who] taught us loyally all that he probably himself knew about God, but whose words did not even touch the fringe of my soul's deep discontent".[12] Following her crisis, Grey did not identify with any single strand of Christianity, and remained critical of the Anglican church.[13] She later wrote that she "imbibed from childhood the widest ideas of vital Christianity, only it was Christianity. I have not much sympathy with the Church".[14] She began to speak directly to God in her prayers:

I spoke to Him in solitude, as a person who could answer. ... Do not imagine that on these occasions I worked myself up into any excitement; there was much pain in such an effort, and dogged determination required. Nor was it a devotional sentiment that urged me on. It was a desire to know God and my relation to Him.[15]

In mid-1847 Grey visited her brother in County Laois, Ireland. It was at the height of the Great Famine and the first time she had come into contact with widespread suffering among the poor; she was deeply affected by her experiences[16][17] and later recalled that "As a young girl, I had no conception of the full meaning of the misery I saw around me, yet it printed itself upon my brain and memory."[18]

Early married life; 1850–1864

George Butler, Josephine's husband

By 1850 Grey had grown close to George Butler, a Fellow of Exeter Colege, Oxford, whom she had met at several of the balls hosted around County Durham.[19][c] By October that year George was sending her self-penned poems; the couple were engaged in January 1851 and married in January 1852. The Butlers set up home at 124, High Street, Oxford.[21] George was a scholar and cleric and shared with his wife a commitment to liberal reforms and a love of Italian culture.[19] The couple also both had a strong Christian belief and Josephine Butler later wrote of her husband that they often "prayed together that a holy revolution might come about and that the Kingdom of God might be established on the earth".[22]

In November 1852 the Butlers had a son, George Grey Butler, followed by a second, Arthur Stanley—known as Stanley—in May 1854.[23] Butler's later memories of Oxford were of a closeted and misogynist community lacking in family life; she was often the only female at social gatherings and would listen in anger to what her biographer Judith Walkowitz describes as "the open acceptance of the double standard by the gentlemen of the university".[2] Butler was offended by a discussion regarding the publication in 1853 of Elizabeth Gaskell's novel Ruth in which the heroine is seduced by a man of means and subsequently abandoned. Butler saw that the male conversationalists considered it natural that a "moral lapse in a woman was spoken of as an immensely worse thing than in a man";[24] she decided not to voice her feelings on the point but "to speak little with men, but much with God".[25] As a more practical measure she—and George—began to help many of the fallen woman of Oxford and invited some to live in their house. One case in which they were involved concerned a young woman serving a prison sentence at Newgate Prison. She had been seduced by a university don who had subsequently abandoned her; the woman had murdered her baby in despair. The Butlers contacted the governor of Newgate to arrange for her to stay in their house at the end of her sentence.[2][26]

Bust of Butler in 1865, aged 36, by Alexander Munro

In 1856 Butler's health began to suffer from Oxford's damp atmosphere,[d] which exacerbated a long-standing lesion on her lung; her doctor informed her that to remain in Oxford could be fatal. As an immediate step George purchased a house in Clifton, near Bristol, where their third son, Charles, was born in 1857.[28] The same year, as a longer-term measure, George took the position of vice-principal at Cheltenham College and they moved to a local house.[29] They continued their support for liberal causes, including that of the Italian nationalist Giuseppe Garibaldi, although their sympathy for the Union side in the American Civil War led to social ostracism; Butler considered that the resultant feeling of social isolation "was often painful ... but the discipline was useful".[2][30]

In May 1859 Butler gave birth to her final child, a daughter, Evangeline Mary, known as Eva. In August 1864 Eva fell 40 feet (12 m) from the top-floor banister onto the stone floor of the hallway in her home; she died three hours later.[31] Butler was distraught at the loss and had disturbed sleep for several years; she was unable to write about the circumstances until 30 years later.[32][33] The subsequent inquest gave a verdict of accidental death.[34]

In October 1864 Stanley contracted diphtheria while Butler was still grieving for Eva. She was suffering from depression and was in poor health. After the worst of Stanley's ailment passed, Butler decided to take him to Naples for them both to rest and recuperate. The ship in which they travelled down the west coast of Italy faced rough weather, and Butler had a physical breakdown on board from which she nearly died.[35][e]

Liverpool and the start of reform work; 1866–1869

In January 1866 George was appointed headmaster of Liverpool College, and the family moved to premises in the Dingle area.[37][38] Despite the new surroundings, Butler continued to mourn for Eva but focused her feelings on helping others; she later wrote that she "became possessed with an irresistible urge to go forth and find some pain keener than my own, to meet with people more unhappy than myself. ... It was not difficult to find misery in Liverpool."[39] She made regular visits to the workhouse at Brownlow Hill, an institution that could hold 5,000 individuals.[f] She would sit with the women in the cellars—many of whom were prisoners—and pick oakum with them, while discussing the Bible or praying with them.[42][43]

Butler's hostel for women, Liverpool in a derelict condition in 2009 before its demolition

Just as they had done in Cheltenham, the Butlers began providing shelter in their own home for some of the women, often prostitutes in the terminal stages of venereal disease. It soon became clear that there were more women in need than they could provide for, so Butler set up a hostel, with funds from local men of means.[44] By Easter 1867 she had established a second, larger home, in which more appropriate work was provided, such as sewing and the manufacture of envelopes; the "Industrial Home", as she called it, was funded by the workhouse committee and local merchants.[45]

Butler campaigned for women's rights, including the right to the vote and to have a better education.[2] In 1866 she was a signatory on a petition to amend the Reform Bill to widen the franchise to include women. The petition, which was supported by the MP and philosopher John Stuart Mill, was ignored and the bill became law.[46]

Butler considered the Liverpool hostels a stop-gap; women would continue to struggle to find employment until they had been better educated.[47] In 1867, with the suffragist Anne Clough, she established the North of England Council for Promoting the Higher Education of Women, which aimed to raise the status of governesses and female teachers to that of a profession;[48] She served as its president until 1873.[2] A series of lectures, initially in towns in the north of England, began under James Stuart, a Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Although it was thought thirty students would sign up, three hundred joined.[49] In 1868 Butler published "The Education and Employment of Women", her first pamphlet, in which she argued for access to higher education for women, and more equal access to a wider range of jobs.[2] It was the first of 90 books and pamphlets she wrote.[2] That May she petitioned the senate of the University of Cambridge to provide examinations for women; the Cambridge Higher Examination for women was introduced the following year. Jordan notes that "much of the credit for this should go to Anne Clough, but ... Butler played a very influential part ... of the campaign."[50]

At the time British law relating to marriage was based on the legal doctrine of coverture, in which a woman's legal rights and obligations were subsumed by those of her husband upon their matrimony. By law a woman had no separate legal existence, and all her property became her husband's; divorce initiated by a woman was difficult and complicated.[51] In April 1868 Butler and fellow suffragist Elizabeth Wolstenholme set up and became joint secretaries of the Married Women's Property Committee to pressure parliament into changing the law. Butler remained on the committee until the campaign was successful, with the passing into law of the Married Women's Property Act 1882.[52]

First attempt to repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts; 1869–1874

Butler in 1876

In 1869 Butler became aware of the Contagious Diseases Acts. They had been introduced in 1864, 1866 and 1869 to regulate prostitution in an attempt to control the spread of venereal diseases, particularly in the British Army and Royal Navy.[53] The Acts authorised the police to detain women in specific areas[g][h] considered to be prostitutes—no evidence was needed, other than the police officer's word. If a magistrate agreed, women were given genital examinations. If women were suffering from sexually transmitted diseases, they were held in a lock hospital until the condition was cured. If they refused to be examined or hospitalised they could be imprisoned, often with hard labour.[54][56]

Units of plain-clothed policemen specialised in arresting suspected prostitutes; according to Jordan, the officers were "hated for their surveillance and harassment of prostitutes and working-class women ... who they treated with little regard for their legal rights".[57] Women who were subjected to the examination found their names and reputations affected and, according to the historian Hilary Cashman, "the Acts had the effect of turning them to prostitution by barring respectable ways of life to them".[58]

In September 1869 Wolstenholme met Butler in Bristol to discuss what could be done about the Acts. The National Association for the Repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts was founded that October, but excluded women from its membership. In response, Wolstenholme and Butler formed the Ladies National Association for the Repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts (LNA) before the end of the year.[59][60] The organisation published a Ladies Manifesto, which stated that the Acts were discriminatory on grounds of both sex and class; the Acts, it was claimed:

not only deprived poor women of their constitutional rights and forced them to submit to a degrading internal examination, but they officially sanctioned a double standard of sexual morality, which justified male sexual access to a class of 'fallen' women and penalised women for engaging in the same vice as men.[56]

On 31 December 1869 the Ladies National Association published a statement in The Daily News that it had "been formed for the purposes of obtaining the repeal of these obnoxious Acts". Among the 124 signatories were the social theorist Harriet Martineau and the social reformer Florence Nightingale.[61][ i]

Butler toured Britain in 1870, travelling 3,700 miles to attend 99 meetings in the course of the year. She focused her attention on working-class family men, the majority of whom were outraged at the description Butler gave of the examination women were forced to undergo; she called the process surgical or steel rape.[63][64] Although she persuaded many members of her audiences,[65] she faced significant opposition, which put her in danger. At one meeting pimps threw cow dung at her; at another, the windows of her hotel were smashed, while at a third, threats were made to burn down the building where she was hosting a meeting.[66][67]

The Home Secretary, Henry Bruce, who set up a Royal Commission in 1871 to examine the Contagious Diseases Acts

At the 1870 Colchester parliamentary by-election the LNA fielded a candidate against the Liberal Party candidate Sir Henry Storks, a supporter of the Acts, who had implemented a similar regime when he commanded the British army in Malta.[68] Butler held several local meetings during the campaign; during one, she was chased by a group of brothel owners.[69] The presence of the LNA candidate split the Liberal vote and allowed the Conservative Party candidate to win the seat;[68] Butler considered that "it proved to be somewhat of a turning-point in the history of our crusade".[70] Because of Stork's loss at the by-election the Home Secretary, Henry Bruce, announced a Royal Commission to examine the situation.[71][72] One MP told Butler that

Your manifesto has shaken us very badly in the House of Commons; a leading man in the House remarked to me, "We know how to manage any other opposition in the House or in the country, but this is very awkward for us—this revolt of the women. It is quite a new thing; what are we to do with such an opposition as this?"[73]

The commission began work in early January 1871 and spent six months taking evidence.[74] After Butler testified on 18 March, a member of the committee, Liberal MP Peter Rylands, stated: "I am not accustomed to religious phraseology, but I cannot give you an idea of the effect produced except by saying that the spirit of God was there".[2][75] Nevertheless, the commission's report defended the one-sided nature of the legislation, saying "... there is no comparison to be made between prostitutes and the men who consort with them. With the one sex the offence is committed as a matter of gain; with the other it is an irregular indulgence of a natural impulse."[76] The report accepted the findings that the sexual health of men in the 18 areas covered by the Acts had improved. In relation to the compulsory examinations, the commission was swayed by the descriptions of "steel rape", and suggested it should be voluntary not compulsory. The commission heard significant evidence that many prostitutes were as young as 12 and recommended that the age of consent should be raised from 12 to 14. Bruce took no action on the recommendations for six months.[77]

In February 1872 Bruce proposed a bill that took some of the commission's recommendations,[j] but widened the geographical scope from the 18 military centres to the whole of the UK. Although the LNA's initial stance was to accept some of the bill's clauses and try and change others, Butler rejected it in its entirety and published The New Era, a 56-page pamphlet attacking the legislation; the pamphlet was re-published in serial form in The Shield.[k] It was the first split in the repeal movement and she lost many personal supporters because of her stance. The bill faced too much opposition from the parliamentary supporters of the Contagious Diseases Acts, and was withdrawn.[80][81]

Handbill issued prior to a talk during the 1872 Pontefract by-election

Two months after the withdrawal of Bruce's bill, a ministerial by-election in Pontefract in 1872 gave the LNA an opportunity for further action. Although they did not field a candidate, Butler attended meetings in the town. At one LNA meeting the floor of the room had been liberally sprinkled with cayenne pepper by her opponents, making speaking difficult. After it was cleared away, her opponents set bales of straw alight in a storeroom below, which led to smoke rising through the floorboards; two members of the Metropolitan Police—specially drafted into the town for the by-election—looked on but took no action.[82][83][l] Although the incumbent Liberal candidate, Hugh Childers, was returned, there were heavy abstentions, and his vote was reduced by around 150 (from an electorate of 2,000).[85][m] In December 1872 Butler met the Prime Minister, William Gladstone, when he visited Liverpool College. Although he supported the aims of the LNA, he was politically unable to back the LNA publicly, and had supported Bruce's bill.[87]

European pressure and the white slave trade; 1874–1880

James Stansfeld, the first general secretary of the International Abolitionist Federation, caricature by Carlo Pellegrini in Vanity Fair

The fall of the Liberal government in 1874, and its replacement with Benjamin Disraeli's Conservative administration meant that the repeal campaign stalled;[2] Butler called it a "year of discouragement" when there was "deep depression in the work".[88] Although the LNA kept up the pressure, progress in persuading Liberal MPs to oppose the Contagious Diseases Acts was slow, and the government was implacable in its support of the measures.[89]

At a meeting of regional LNA branches in May, one speech focused on legislation in Europe; the meeting resolved to correspond with sister organisations on the continent. At the start of December 1874 Butler left for Paris and a tour that covered France, Italy and Switzerland, where she met with local pressure groups and civic authorities. She encountered strong support from feminist groups, but hostility from the authorities.[90][91] She returned from her travels at the end of February 1875.[92]

As a result of her experiences, in March 1875 Butler formed the British and Continental Federation for the Abolition of Prostitution (later renamed the International Abolitionist Federation),[n] an organisation that campaigned against state regulation of prostitution and for "the abolition of female slavery and the elevation of public morality among men".[96][97] The Liberal MP James Stansfeld—who wished to repeal the Acts—became the federation's first general secretary;[92] Butler and her friend, the Liberal MP Henry Wilson, became joint secretaries.[96]

In 1878 Josephine wrote a biography of Catherine of Siena, which Glen Petrie—her biographer—thought was probably her best work;[98] Walkowitz considers the work provided a "historical justification for her own political activism".[2] Another biographer, Helen Mathers, believes that "in emphasising that she and Catherine were born to be leaders, of both men and women, ... [Butler] made a profound contribution to feminism".[99]

Butler became aware of the slave trade of young women and children from England to mainland Europe in 1879.[100] Young girls were considered "fair game", according to Mathers, as the law allowed them to become prostitutes at the age of 13. After playing a minor role in starting an investigation into an accusation of trafficking,[o] Butler became active in the campaign in May 1880, and wrote to The Shield that "the official houses of prostitution in Brussels are crowded with English minor girls", and that in one house "there are immured little children, English girls of from twelve to fifteen years of age ... stolen, kidnapped, betrayed, got from English country villages by every artifice and sold to these human shambles".[101] She visited Brussels where she met the mayor and local councillors and made allegations against the head of the Belgian Police des Mœurs and his deputy as to their involvement in the trade. After the meeting she was contacted by a detective who confirmed that the senior members of the Police des Mœurs were guilty of collusion with brothel keepers. She returned home and filed a deposition containing a copy of the statement from the detective and sent them to the Procureur du Roi (Chief Prosecutor) and the British Home Secretary. Following an investigation in Belgium, the head of the Police des Mœurs was removed from office, and his deputy was put on trial alongside 12 brothel owners; all were imprisoned for their roles in the trade.[102]

Second attempt to repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts; 1880–1885

William Gladstone, a friend of the Butlers, and a tacit supporter of Butler's work

The 1880 general election had removed Disraeli's Conservative party from office; they were replaced by Gladstone's second ministry containing a high proportion of MPs who wanted to repeal the Acts.[103] As Prime Minister, Gladstone had the power to nominate candidates to vacant positions within the Church and, in June 1882, he offered George Butler the position of canon of Winchester Cathedral. George had been considering retirement, but he and Josephine were concerned about their finances, as much of their income had been spent on the LNA and other causes Josephine supported. George accepted the appointment, and they moved into a grace and favour home near the cathedral.[104] Josephine Butler set up another hostel for women near their home.[105]

Political pressure from Liberal backbenchers, particularly Joseph Chamberlain and Charles Hopwood, led to increasing opposition to the Acts. In February 1883 Hopwood tabled a resolution in parliament: "That this House disapproves of the compulsory examination of women under the Contagious Diseases Acts", which was debated in April. MPs voted by a majority of 72 to suspend the inspections; three years later the Acts were formally repealed.[106]

Child prostitution and Eliza Armstrong; 1885–1887

Two of Butler's allies in the campaign against child prostitution

Florence Soper Booth

William Thomas Stead

In 1885 Butler met Florence Soper Booth, the daughter-in-law of William Booth, who founded the Salvation Army. The meeting led to Butler's involvement in the campaign to expose child prostitution in Britain and its associated trade.[107] Along with Booth, Benjamin Scott the City Chamberlain and several supporters from the LNA, she persuaded the campaigning editor of The Pall Mall Gazette, William Thomas Stead, to help their cause.[108][109]

Stead considered the best way to prove that the purchase of young girls for prostitution took place in London, was to buy a girl himself.[110] Butler introduced him to a former prostitute and brothel owner who was staying in her hostel. In a slum in Marylebone, Stead purchased a 13-year-old girl from her mother for £5, and took her to France.[p] In July 1885 Stead began the publication of a series of articles entitled "The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon", exposing the extent of child prostitution in London.
[112] In the first article—which covered six pages of the Gazette—Stead recounted an interview he had with Howard Vincent, the head of the Criminal Investigation Department:

"But", I said in amazement, "then do you mean to tell me that in very truth actual rapes, in the legal sense of the word, are constantly being perpetrated in London on unwilling virgins, purveyed and procured to rich men at so much a head by keepers of brothels?" "Certainly", said he, "there is not a doubt of it." "Why", I exclaimed, "the very thought is enough to raise hell." "It is true", he said; "and although it ought to raise hell, it does not even raise the neighbours."[113][114]

On 16 July—ten days after the article was published—Butler gave a speech at a meeting at London's Exeter Hall calling for increased protection for the young and the raising of the age of consent. The following day she and George left for a holiday in Switzerland and France.[115] While they were away, a moribund parliamentary bill from 1883 dealing with the age of consent was re-debated by MPs; the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885 was passed on 14 August 1885.[115][116] The Act raised the age of consent from 13 to 16 years of age, while the procurement of girls for prostitution by administering drugs, intimidation or fraud was made a criminal offence, as was the abduction of a girl under 18 for purposes of carnal knowledge.[117][q] The police investigated Stead's purchase, and Butler was forced to cut her holiday short to return for questioning. Although she avoided all charges, Stead was imprisoned for three months.[120]

The passing of the Criminal Law Amendment Act led to the formation of purity societies, such as the White Cross Army, whose aims were to force the closure of brothels through prosecution. The societies widened their remit to suppress what they considered indecent literature—including information on birth control—and the entertainment provided by the music halls.[2][121] Butler warned against the purity societies because of their "fatuous belief that you can oblige human beings to be moral by force, and in so doing that you may in some way promote social purity".[122] Her warnings went unheeded by other suffragists, and some, such as Millicent Fawcett—who was later Butler's biographer—continued to combine their activities in the feminist movement with the work for the purity societies.[2]

India, Empire and the final years; 1897–1906

Butler in old age, by George Frederic Watts, 1894

Although the Contagious Diseases Acts had been repealed in the UK, the equivalent legislation was active in the British Raj in India, where prostitutes near the British cantonments were subjected to regular forced examinations.[123] The relevant law was contained in the Special Cantonments Acts which had been put on to a practical footing by Major-General Edward Chapman, who issued standing orders for the inspection of prostitutes, and the provision of "a sufficient number of women, to take care that they are sufficiently attractive, to provide them with proper houses".[124]

Butler began a new campaign to have the legislation repealed, comparing the girls to slaves. After the campaign put pressure on MPs, the widespread publication of Chapman's orders led to what Mathers describes as "outrage across Britain".[125] In June 1888 the House of Commons passed a unanimous resolution repealing the legislation, and the Indian government was ordered to cancel the Acts.[126] To circumvent the order, the India Office advised the Viceroy of India to instigate new legislation ensuring that prostitutes suspected of carrying contagious diseases had to undergo an examination or face expulsion from the cantonment.[125]

Towards the end of the 1880s George's health began to decline, and Butler spent increasing time looking after him.[127] They holidayed in Naples in 1889, but George contracted influenza in the 1889–90 pandemic. They returned to Britain but George died on 14 March 1890;[19] Butler suspended campaigning in the aftermath of his death.[2] Soon after, she left Winchester, and moved to a house in Wimbledon, London, which she shared with her eldest son and his wife.[128]

Butler, at 62, felt she was too old to travel to India, but two American supporters visited on her behalf and spent four months building a dossier showing that the lock hospitals, compulsory examination and use of underage prostitutes—some as young as 11—were all continuing to operate.[129] The campaign in Britain pushed again for changes, and Butler spoke at meetings, published pamphlets and wrote to missionaries in India.[2][130]

Although many of Butler's friends and supporters of shared causes spoke out against British Imperial Policy, Butler did not. She wrote that because of the work Britain had undertaken in making slavery illegal, "[w]ith all her faults, looked at from God's point of view, England is the best, and the least guilty of the nations".[131] During the Second Boer War (1899–1902), Butler published Native Races and the War (1900), in which she supported British action and its imperialist policy. In the book she took a strong line against the casual racism inherent in her countrymen's dealings with foreigners, writing:

Great Britain will in future be judged, condemned or justified, according to her treatment of those innumerable, coloured races, heathen or partly Christianized, over whom her rule extends ... Race prejudice is a poison which will have to be cast out if the world is ever to be Christianized, and if Great Britain is to maintain the high and responsible place among the nations which has been given to her.[132]

From 1901 Butler began to withdraw from public life, resigning her positions in the campaign organisations and spending more time with her family.[133] In 1903 she moved to Wooler in Northumberland, to live near her eldest son. On 30 December 1906 she died at home and was buried in the nearby village of Kirknewton.[2]

Approach, analysis and legacy

Two memorials to Butler

Butler's name on the lower section of the Reformers memorial, Kensal Green Cemetery

The blue plaque erected in 2001 by English Heritage at Butler's former residence in Wimbledon

In 1907 Josephine Butler's name was added to the south side of the Reformers' Memorial in Kensal Green Cemetery, London. The memorial was erected for those "who had defied custom and interest for the sake of conscience and public good".[134] She is celebrated in the Church of England with a Lesser Festival on 30 May,[135] and represented in a stained glass window in Liverpool's Anglican Cathedral,[136] All Saints' Church, Cambridge and St Olave's Church in the City of London.[137]

Her connections to Liverpool were memorialised in a more secular fashion. A building in the Faculty of Business and Law at Liverpool John Moores University was named "Josephine Butler House". The building, originally the first Radium Institute in the UK, in the Cultural Quarter in Hope Street, was built in 1867 and demolished in 2013 when the site became a car park[138][139] and subsequently student housing which opened in 2015.[140]

In 1915 the LNA merged with the International Abolitionist Federation to form the Association of Moral and Social Hygiene, which changed its name to the Josephine Butler Society in 1953. As at 2017 the society still operates; it campaigns for the protection of prostitutes and provides "protection for women and children who are criminally detained, violently abused or exploited by others who profit from their prostitution".[141][142]

In 2005 Durham University named Josephine Butler College after her, reflecting her and George's connection to the area and the university.[143][144] The Women's Library, at the London School of Economics, holds a number of collections related to Butler. They include papers from the Ladies' National Association; more than 2,500 letters in the Josephine Butler Letter Collection; and the Josephine Butler Society Library consisting of books and pamphlets collected by the society.[145] In 2001 English Heritage placed a blue plaque on her former residence in Wimbledon;[146] her former house in Cheltenham was demolished in the 1970s, but in 2002 the Cheltenham Civic Society placed a plaque on the building which now occupies the site.[147]

Butler was not only a staunch feminist but a passionate Christian,[148] whose favourite phrase was "God and one woman make a majority".[149] Although staunchly liberal, she felt constant tensions between her liberal and feminist philosophies. According to the feminist historian Barbara Caine, "Liberalism provided the framework for Butler's whole social and political approach. It was an integral part of her feminism", although it was in conflict with the liberal approach to sexuality and desire. Butler resolved the conflict through her religion.[150]

According to Walkowitz, Butler "pushed liberal feminism in new directions, developing theories and methods of political agitation that directly affected future campaigns for the emancipation of women".[2] She developed new approaches to campaigning and moved the debate beyond discussions in middle-class houses to the public forum, bringing into the political debate women who had never been involved before.[2][67] Butler's campaigning, says Walkowitz, "not only reshaped gender, class, and sexual subjectivities in late Victorian Britain but also informed national political history and state-building".[2]

Numerous historians consider the success of the campaign to repeal the Contagious Diseases Acts to be a milestone in the history of female emancipation.[2] According to the political historian Margaret Hamilton, the campaign showed that "attitudes toward women were changing".[54] The feminist scholar Sheila Jeffreys says that Butler is "one of the bravest and most imaginative feminists in history",[67] while Fawcett wrote that she was "convinced that ... [Butler] should take the rank of the most distinguished Englishwoman of the nineteenth century".[1] Her unnamed obituarist in The Daily News considered that Butler's name

will always rank amongst the noblest of the social reformers, the fruit of whose labours is the highest inheritance that we have. She fought with enormous courage and self-sacrifice in a battlefield where she was subjected to the fiercest antagonism ... She never faltered in her task, and it is to her in supreme that the English statute book owes the removal of one of the greatest blots that ever defaced it. Her victory marked one of the great stages of progress of woman to that equality of treatment which is the final test of a nation's civilization.[151]

See also

• Biography portal
• Christianity portal
• History of feminism
• List of suffragists and suffragettes

Notes and references


1. The couple eventually had ten children, the last of whom was born in May 1836.[4]
2. The man—a valet to a local gentleman—had been dismissed from his position for fathering an illegitimate child; Grey recognised him.[10][11]
3. Although she wrote an autobiography and a biography of her husband, Josephine never clarified where or when they first met.[20]
4. Extensive flooding of the local Thames Valley that year had been a contributory factor.[27]
5. Jordan considers that Butler was suffering a hysterical paralysis,[36] while her biographer, Helen Mathers, describes it as a "psychogenic paralysis, which produces ... [a] dramatic physical manifestation of the patient's emotional suffering".[35]
6. The workhouse system—brought about by the Poor Law Amendment Act 1834—was a method of providing accommodation and employment to those unable to find work or support themselves. The employment provided was of a menial nature, including digging ditches, grinding corn or breaking stones.[40][41]
7. Those areas covered by the Acts were 18 military stations, garrisons and seaport towns, including an area of up to 15 miles from the military installation.[54]
8. In 1869 the "Association for the Extension of the Contagious Diseases Acts" was formed to campaign to extend their operation over the whole of the UK.[55]
9. In March 1870 the statement was reprinted in The Shield, a weekly newspaper launched to support the repeal campaign.[62]
10. The bill raised the age of consent to 14 and gave police powers to suppress brothels, crack down on prostitutes under the age of 16.[78]
11. In The New Era, She pointed out that Bruce's Bill was based on legislation that governed the situation in Berlin, where nearly 30,000 women were being examined; cases of syphilis has risen since the legislation had been introduced.[79]
12. Local residents were appalled at the treatment meted out to the women, and identified 16 men who were among those responsible; all were members of the election committee of the Liberal candidate Hugh Childers.[84]
13. Childers was also shocked by the events, and made efforts to apprehend those responsible. He also changed his stance on the Contagious Diseases Acts, and in an 1875 speech in the House of Commons he said the legislation failed "in the most marked degree with regard to the principle of equally treating the two sexes, which ought to be the basis for our legislation". He was one of the MPs who voted to finally repeal the Acts in 1886.[86]
14. Sources disagree about the original name. One source says it was the "British, Continental and General Federation for the Abolition of the Government Regulation of Vice";[93] another calls it the "British, Continental and General Federation for the Abolition of Government Regulation of Prostitution";[94] others call it the "British and Continental (later International) Federation for the Abolition of Governmental (later State) Regulation of Vice".[95]
15. Butler was contacted by Alfred Dyer, a Quaker, who told her details of one case; she put him in touch with the lawyer Alexis Spingard and the men investigated the case—and others—more fully.[100]
16. The girl, Eliza Armstrong, was temporarily homed in France before being returned to Britain where she was educated at the Princess Louise Home, Essex, where she was trained for a career in domestic service. Several years later she wrote to Stead thanking him for his actions. By that time she had married and had six children.[111]
17. A late amendment to the bill by Henry Labouchère—Section 11, known as the Labouchere Amendment—created the crime of indecency between men, the first criminalisation on all acts aside from sodomy, which was covered by earlier legislation. Sex between males was illegal in Britain until 1967.[118][119]


1. Fawcett & Turner 1927, p. 1.
2. Walkowitz 2004.
3. Garner 2009, p. 1.
4. Jordan 2001, p. 13.
5. Thompson 2004.
6. Jordan 2001, p. 15.
7. Jordan 2001, p. 23.
8. Jordan 2001, pp. 14–15.
9. "Josephine Butler Collection". University of Liverpool. Archived from the original on 31 August 2016. Retrieved 6 July 2016.
10. Petrie 1971, p. 27.
11. Boyd 1982, p. 29.
12. Butler 1909, p. 15.
13. Mathers 2014, p. 22.
14. Jordan 2001, p. 16.
15. Jordan 2001, p. 19.
16. Jordan 2001, pp. 17–18.
17. Mathers 2014, p. 20.
18. Butler 1887, p. 44.
19. Matthew 2004.
20. Mathers 2014, p. 27.
21. Mathers 2014, pp. 27–28, 198.
22. Butler 1892, p. 102.
23. Mathers 2014, pp. 32, 39.
24. Butler 1892, pp. 95–96.
25. Williamson 1977, p. 16.
26. Mathers 2014, p. 36.
27. Jordan 2001, p. 47.
28. Jordan 2001, pp. 47–50.
29. Petrie 1971, p. 41.
30. Petrie 1971, p. 44.
31. Mathers 2014, pp. 45–46.
32. Jordan 2001, p. 55.
33. Garner 2009, p. 6.
34. Jordan 2001, p. 57.
35. Mathers 2014, p. 47.
36. Jordan 2001, p. 62.
37. Petrie 1971, pp. 47–48.
38. Jordan 2001, p. 66.
39. Butler 1892, p. 183.
40. Williams 2006, p. 116.
41. Snell 1987, p. 122.
42. Williamson 1977, p. 18.
43. Mathers 2014, p. 53.
44. Mathers 2014, p. 60.
45. Boyd 1982, p. 39; Mathers 2014, p. 60; Walkowitz 1982a, p. 116.
46. Mathers 2014, p. 61.
47. Boyd 1982, p. 39.
48. Jordan 2001, p. 86.
49. Jordan 2001, pp. 87–88.
50. Jordan 2001, p. 96.
51. Mathers 2014, p. 70.
52. Walkowitz 2004; Jordan 2001, p. 88; Gordon & Doughan 2014, pp. 91–92.
53. Summers 1999, p. 1.
54. Hamilton 1978, p. 14.
55. Gordon & Doughan 2014, p. 16.
56. Walkowitz 1982, p. 80.
57. Jordan 2001, p. 107.
58. Cashman 1990, p. 27.
59. D'Itri 1999, p. 31.
60. Jordan 2001, p. 110.
61. "The Ladies' National Association for the Repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts". The Daily News. 31 December 1869. p. 5.
62. Jordan 2001, p. 112.
63. Mathers 2014, pp. 81, 84.
64. Williamson 1977, p. 79.
65. Walkowitz 2004; Jordan 2001, pp. 113–15; Mathers 2014, pp. 84–85.
66. Jordan 2001, p. 123.
67. Bindel, Julie (21 September 2006). "A Heroine for Our Age". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 31 August 2016.
68. Mathers 2014, p. 86.
69. Butler 1910, pp. 27–28.
70. Butler 1910, p. 25.
71. Jordan 2001, p. 127.
72. Fawcett & Turner 1927, p. 64.
73. Butler 1910, p. 11.
74. Petrie 1971, p. 108.
75. Butler 1909, p. 112.
76. Royal Commission 1871, p. 17.
77. Mathers 2014, p. 97.
78. Mathers 2014, p. 98.
79. Mathers 2014, p. 99.
80. Mathers 2014, pp. 98–99.
81. Jordan 2001, pp. 134–35.
82. Butler 1910, pp. 48–50.
83. Jordan 2001, pp. 138–39.
84. Jordan 2001, pp. 139–40.
85. Jordan 2001, p. 140.
86. Petrie 1971, p. 136.
87. Mathers 2014, p. 102.
88. Butler 1909, p. 61.
89. Mathers 2014, p. 125.
90. Jordan 2001, p. 146.
91. Mathers 2014, pp. 111–13.
92. Petrie 1971, p. 183.
93. Limoncelli 2010, p. 46.
94. Gordon & Doughan 2014, p. 25.
95. Harrington 2013, p. 32.
96. Jordan 2001, p. 165.
97. Summers 2006, p. 216.
98. Petrie 1971, p. 185.
99. Mathers 2014, p. 133.
100. Mathers 2014, p. 128.
101. Butler 2003, pp. 21–22.
102. Boyd 1982, p. 49; Jordan 2001, pp. 192–98; Mathers 2014, pp. 129–31.
103. Mathers 2014, p. 139.
104. Mathers 2014, pp. 136–37.
105. Williamson 1977, p. 85.
106. Strachey 1928, pp. 21–22; Jordan 2001, pp. 213–15; Mathers 2014, pp. 141–43.
107. Jordan 2001, p. 217.
108. Mathers 2014, pp. 149–50.
109. Jordan 2001, pp. 224–25.
110. Petrie 1971, p. 250.
111. Le Feuvre 2015, 3750–56.
112. Jordan 2001, p. 225.
113. Stead, William Thomas (6 July 1885). "The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon". Pall Mall Gazette. p. 3.
114. Petrie 1971, pp. 244–45.
115. Mathers 2014, p. 154.
116. Jordan 2001, p. 229.
117. Farmer 2016, p. 276.
118. Selfe & Burke 2012, p. 11.
119. "The Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1885". British Library. Archived from the original on 31 August 2016. Retrieved 6 August 2016.
120. Mathers 2014, p. 155.
121. Mathers 2014, p. 158.
122. Walkowitz 1982a, p. 252.
123. Petrie 1971, pp. 266–67.
124. Fawcett & Turner 1927, p. 127.
125. Mathers 2014, p. 165.
126. Jordan 2001, p. 243.
127. Jordan 2001, pp. 162–63.
128. Mathers 2014, p. 199.
129. Mathers 2014, pp. 169–70.
130. Fawcett & Turner 1927, p. 120.
131. Butler 1954, p. 196.
132. Butler 1900, pp. 152–53.
133. Jordan 2001, pp. 284–85, 289.
134. Crawford 2003, p. 142.
135. "Collects—Lesser Festival—May". Church of England. Archived from the original on 31 August 2016. Retrieved 6 August 2016.
136. Jordan 2001, p. 297.
137. Beeson 2011, p. 119.
138. Prentice, David; Jones, Catherine (28 August 2007). "The 800; A birthday celebration of 800 people who put Liverpool on the map". Liverpool Daily Echo. p. 1.
139. Bartlett, David (14 April 2009). "LJMU applauds pounds 10m deal for Hope Street sites sale; Income helped fund arts and learning academy". Daily Post. p. 3.
140. Graham, James (21 October 2013). "US buyer for Josephine Butler site". TheBusinessDesk. Archived from the original on 31 August 2016. Retrieved 6 August 2016.
141. Daggers & Neal 2006, p. 3.
142. "Basic Principles". The Josephine Butler Society. Archived from the original on 6 September 2016. Retrieved 7 August 2016.
143. "Durham's latest College salutes social reformer and women's campaigner". Durham University. 14 December 2005. Archived from the original on 31 August 2016. Retrieved 6 August 2016.
144. "Our History". Durham University. Archived from the original on 31 August 2016. Retrieved 6 August 2016.
145. "LSE Library". London School of Economics. Archived from the original on 31 August 2016. Retrieved 6 August 2016.
146. "Butler, Josephine (1828–1906)". English Heritage. Archived from the original on 31 August 2016. Retrieved 6 August 2016.
147. "Cheltenham Civic Society Blue Plaques Commemorate Prominent People". Gloucestershire Echo. 11 March 2002. p. 18.
148. Summers 1999, pp. 8–9.
149. Mathers 2014, p. 109.
150. Caine 1993, pp. 155–56.
151. "A Noble Woman". The Daily News. 2 January 1907. p. 6.


• Beeson, Trevor (2011). The Church's Other Half: Women's Ministry. London: SCM Press. ISBN 978-0-334-04382-9.
• Boyd, Nancy (1982). Three Victorian Women Who Changed Their World: Josephine Butler, Octavia Hill, Florence Nightingale. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-333-30057-2.
• Butler, Arthur (1954). Portrait of Josephine Butler. London: Faber & Faber. OCLC 4025069.
• Butler, Josephine (1887). Our Christianity Tested by the Irish Question. London: T Fisher Unwin. JSTOR 60214285. OCLC 908833972.
• Butler, Josephine (1892). Recollections of George Butler. Bristol: J W Arrowsmith. OCLC 315370873.
• Butler, Josephine (1900). Native Races and the War. London: Gay & Bird. OCLC 10402401.
• Butler, Josephine (1909). Johnson, George William; Johnson, Lucy A. Nutter (eds.). Josephine E. Butler: an autobiographical memoir. Bristol: J W Arrowsmith. OCLC 15558901.
• Butler, Josephine (1910) [1896]. Personal Reminiscences of a Great Crusade. London: H Marshall & Son. OCLC 26954275.
• Butler, Josephine (2003). Jordan, Jane; Sharp, Ingrid (eds.). Josephine Butler and the Prostitution Campaigns: Child prostitution and the age of consent. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-22688-2.
• Caine, Barbara (1993). Victorian Feminists. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198204336.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-19-820433-6.
• Cashman, Hilary (January 1990). "Singular Iniquities: Josephine Butler and Marietta Higgs". New Blackfriars. 71 (834): 26–32. JSTOR 43248476.
• Crawford, Elizabeth (2003). The Women's Suffrage Movement: A Reference Guide 1866–1928. London: Routledge. ISBN 1-135-43402-6.
• Daggers, Jenny; Neal, Diana, eds. (2006). "Introduction". Sex, Gender, and Religion: Josephine Butler Revisited. New York: Peter Lang. ISBN 978-0-8204-8117-3.
• D'Itri, Patricia Ward (1999). Cross Currents in the International Women's Movement, 1848–1948. Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press. ISBN 978-0-87972-782-6.
• Farmer, Lindsay (2016). Making the Modern Criminal Law: Criminalization and Civil Order. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-105859-2.
• Fawcett, Millicent; Turner, E M (1927). Josephine Butler: Her Work and Principles, and Their Meaning for the Twentieth Century. London: Association for Moral & Social Hygiene. OCLC 1252742.
• Garner, Rod (2009). Josephine Butler. London: Darton Longman & Todd. ISBN 978-0-232-52747-6.
• Gordon, Peter; Doughan, David (2014). Dictionary of British Women's Organisations, 1825–1960. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-7130-4045-6.
• Hamilton, Margaret (Spring 1978). "Opposition to the Contagious Diseases Acts, 1864–1886". Albion. 10(1): 14–27. JSTOR 4048453.
• Harrington, Carol (2013). Politicization of Sexual Violence: From Abolitionism to Peacekeeping. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4094-9963-3.
• Jordan, Jane (2001). Josephine Butler. London: Hambledon Continuum. ISBN 978-1-84725-045-2.
• Le Feuvre, Cathy (2015). The Armstrong Girl: A child for sale: the battle against the Victorian sex trade(Kindle ed.). Oxford: Lion Books. ISBN 978-0-7459-6821-6.
• Limoncelli, Stephanie (2010). The Politics of Trafficking: The First International Movement to Combat the Sexual Exploitation of Women. Standford, CA: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-6294-6.
• Mathers, Helen (2014). Patron Saint of Prostitutes: Josephine Butler and the Victorian Sex Scandal. Stroud, Gloucestershire: The History Press. ISBN 978-0-7524-9209-4.
• Matthew, H C G (2004). "Butler, George (1819–1890)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/4184. Retrieved 8 July 2016. (subscription or UK public library membership required)
• Petrie, Glen (1971). Singular Iniquity: Campaigns of Josephine Butler. London: Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-333-11662-3.
• Report of Royal Commission upon the Administration and Operation of the Contagious Diseases Acts. London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office. 1871. OCLC 23264353.
• Selfe, David W; Burke, Vincent (2012). Perspectives on Sex Crime & Society. Oxford: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-135-34063-6.
• Snell, K D M (1987). Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England, 1660–1900. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-33558-4.
• Strachey, Ray (March 1928). "The Centenary of Josephine Butler: An Interview with Dame Millicent Garrett Fawcett". Social Service Review. 2 (1): 1–9. JSTOR 30009144.
• Summers, Anne (Autumn 1999). "'The Constitution Violated': The Female Body and the Female Subject in the Campaigns of Josephine Butler". History Workshop Journal. 48: 1–15. JSTOR 4289632. PMID 21351675.
• Summers, Anne (Autumn 2006). "Which Women? What Europe? Josephine Butler and the International Abolitionist Federation". History Workshop Journal. 62: 214–31. JSTOR 25472881.
• Thompson, F M L (2004). "Grey, John (1785–1868)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/11550. Retrieved 4 July 2016. (subscription or UK public library membership required)
• Walkowitz, Judith R (1982a). Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women, Class, and the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-27064-9.
• Walkowitz, Judith R (Spring 1982). "Male Vice and Feminist Virtue: Feminism and the Politics of Prostitution in Nineteenth-Century Britain". History Workshop. 13: 79–93. JSTOR 4288404.
• Walkowitz, Judith R (2004). "Butler, Josephine Elizabeth (1828–1906)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/32214. Retrieved 2 June 2016. (subscription orUK public library membership required)
• Williams, Chris (2006). A Companion to 19th-Century Britain. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4051-5679-0.
• Williamson, Joseph (1977). Josephine Butler: The Forgotten Saint. Leighton Buzzard: Faith Press. ISBN 978-0-7164-0485-9.

External links

• Josephine Butler Memorial Trust
• Works by Josephine Butler at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about Josephine Butler at Internet Archive
• Works by Josephine Butler at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
• Archival Material at Leeds University Library
• Newspaper clippings about Josephine Butler in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW
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Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 3/4/20

The Right Honourable The Earl Grey, KG PC
Portrait painting by an unknown artist after Sir Thomas Lawrence c. 1828
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
In office: 22 November 1830 – 9 July 1834
Monarch: William IV
Preceded by: The Duke of Wellington
Succeeded by: The Viscount Melbourne
Leader of the House of Lords
In office: 22 November 1830 – 9 July 1834
Preceded by: The Duke of Wellington
Succeeded by: The Viscount Melbourne
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
In office: 24 September 1806 – 25 March 1807
Prime Minister: The Lord Grenville
Preceded by: Charles James Fox
Succeeded by: George Canning
Leader of the House of Commons
In office: 24 September 1806 – 31 March 1807
Prime Minister: The Lord Grenville
Preceded by: Charles James Fox
Succeeded by: Spencer Perceval
First Lord of the Admiralty
In office: 11 February 1806 – 24 September 1806
Prime Minister: The Lord Grenville
Preceded by: The Lord Barham
Succeeded by: Thomas Grenville
Personal details
Born: 13 March 1764, Fallodon, Northumberland, England
Died: 17 July 1845 (aged 81), Howick, Northumberland, England
Political party: Whig
Spouse(s): Mary Ponsonby (m. 1794)
Relations: House of Grey (family)
Children: 16, including Henry, Charles, Frederick, and Eliza Courtney (illegitimate)
Parents: Charles Grey, 1st Earl Grey; Elizabeth Grey
Relatives: Sir George Grey (brother)
Alma mater: Trinity College, Cambridge

Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey, KG, PC (13 March 1764 – 17 July 1845), known as Viscount Howick between 1806 and 1807, was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from November 1830 to July 1834.

A member of the Whig Party, he was a long-time leader of multiple reform movements, most famously the Reform Act 1832. His government also saw the abolition of slavery in the British Empire, in which the government purchased slaves from their owners in 1833. Grey was a strong opponent of the foreign and domestic policies of William Pitt the Younger in the 1790s. In 1807, he resigned as foreign secretary to protest the King's uncompromising rejection of Catholic Emancipation. Grey finally resigned in 1834 over disagreements in his cabinet regarding Ireland, and retired from politics. His biographer G. M. Trevelyan argues:

in our domestic history 1832 is the next great landmark after 1688 ... [It] saved the land from revolution and civil strife and made possible the quiet progress of the Victorian era.[1]

Scholars rank him highly among all British prime ministers. [2] Earl Grey tea is named after him.[3]

Early life

Shield of arms of Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey

Descended from a long-established Northumbrian family seated at Howick Hall, Grey was the second but eldest surviving son of General Charles Grey KB (1729–1807) and his wife, Elizabeth (1743/4–1822), daughter of George Grey of Southwick, co. Durham. He had four brothers and two sisters. He was educated at Richmond School,[4] followed by Eton and Trinity College, Cambridge,[5] acquiring a facility in Latin and in English composition and declamation that enabled him to become one of the foremost parliamentary orators of his generation.


He became the second Earl Grey, Viscount Howick and Baron Grey of Howick on 14 November 1807 upon the death of his father. Upon the death of his uncle on 30 March 1808 he became the third Baronet Grey of Howick.

Government career

Elected to Parliament, 1786

Grey was elected to Parliament for the Northumberland constituency on 14 September 1786, aged just 22. He became a part of the Whig circle of Charles James Fox, Richard Brinsley Sheridan, and the Prince of Wales, and soon became one of the major leaders of the Whig party. He was the youngest manager on the committee for prosecuting Warren Hastings. The Whig historian T. B. Macaulay wrote in 1841:

At an age when most of those who distinguish themselves in life are still contending for prizes and fellowships at college, he had won for himself a conspicuous place in Parliament. No advantage of fortune or connection was wanting that could set off to the height his splendid talents and his unblemished honour. At twenty-three he had been thought worthy to be ranked with the veteran statesmen who appeared as the delegates of the British Commons, at the bar of the British nobility. All who stood at that bar, save him alone, are gone, culprit, advocates, accusers. To the generation which is now in the vigour of life, he is the sole representative of a great age which has passed away. But those who, within the last ten years, have listened with delight, till the morning sun shone on the tapestries of the House of Lords, to the lofty and animated eloquence of Charles Earl Grey, are able to form some estimate of the powers of a race of men among whom he was not the foremost.[6]

Grey in a blue coat, white waistcoat and tied cravat, and powdered hair, by Henry Bone (after Thomas Lawrence), August 1794.

Grey was also noted for advocating Parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation. His affair with the Duchess of Devonshire, herself an active political campaigner, did him little harm although it nearly caused her to be divorced by her husband.

Foreign Secretary, 1806–07

In 1806, Grey, by then Lord Howick owing to his father's elevation to the peerage as Earl Grey, became a part of the Ministry of All the Talents (a coalition of Foxite Whigs, Grenvillites, and Addingtonites) as First Lord of the Admiralty.

Following Fox's death later that year, Howick took over both as Foreign Secretary and as leader of the Whigs. The ministry broke up in 1807 when George III blocked Catholic Emancipation legislation and required that all ministers individually sign a pledge, which Howick refused to do, that they would not, "propose any further concessions to the Catholics."[7]

Years in Opposition, 1807–30

A group of naked British Whig politicians, including three Grenvilles, Sheridan, St. Vincent, Moira, Temple, Erskine, Howick, Petty, Whitbread, Sheridan, Windham,and Tomline, Bishop of Lincoln, crossing the river Styx in a boat named the Broad Bottom Packet. Sidmouth's head emerges from the water next to the boat. The boat's torn sail has inscription "Catholic Emancipation" and the center mast is crowned with the Prince of Wales feathers and motto "Ich Dien". On the far side the shades of Cromwell, Charles Fox and Robespierre wave to them. Overhead, on brooms, are the Three Fates; to the left a three-headed dog. Above the boat three birds soil the boat and politicians.

In Charon's Boat (1807), James Gillray caricatured the fall of the Whig administration, with Howick taking the role of Charon rowing the boat.

The government fell from power the next year, and, after a brief period as a member of parliament for Appleby from May to July 1807, Howick went to the Lords, succeeding his father as Earl Grey. He continued in opposition for the next 23 years. There were times during this period when Grey came close to joining the Government. In 1811, the Prince Regent tried to court Grey and his ally William Grenville to join the Spencer Perceval ministry following the resignation of Lord Wellesley. Grey and Grenville declined because the Prince Regent refused to make concessions regarding Catholic Emancipation.[8] Grey's relationship with the Prince was strained further when his estranged daughter and heiress, Princess Charlotte, turned to him for advice on how to avoid her father's choice of husband for her.[9]

On the Napoleonic Wars, Grey took the standard Whig party line. After being initially enthused by the Spanish uprising against Napoleon, Grey became convinced of the French emperor's invincibility following the defeat and death of Sir John Moore, the leader of the British forces in the Peninsular War.[10] Grey was then slow to recognise the military successes of Moore's successor, the Duke of Wellington.[11] When Napoleon first abdicated in 1814, Grey objected to the restoration of the Bourbons, an authoritarian monarchy and when Napoleon was reinstalled the following year, he said that that was an internal French matter.[12]

Grey c. 1820

In 1826, believing that the Whig party no longer paid any attention to his opinions, Grey stood down as leader in favour of Lord Lansdowne.[13] The following year, when Canning succeeded Lord Liverpool as Prime Minister, it was therefore Lansdowne and not Grey who was asked to join the Government which needed strengthening following the resignations of Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington.[14] When Wellington became Prime Minister in 1828, George IV (as the Prince Regent had become) singled out Grey as the one person he could not appoint to the Government.[15]

Prime Minister (1830–34) and Great Reform Act 1832

Further information: Whig government, 1830–1834

In 1830, following the death of George IV and when the Duke of Wellington resigned on the question of Parliamentary reform, the Whigs finally returned to power, with Grey as Prime Minister. In 1831, he was made a member of the Order of the Garter. His term was a notable one, seeing passage of the Reform Act 1832, which finally saw the reform of the House of Commons, and the abolition of slavery throughout the British Empire in 1833. As the years had passed, however, Grey had become more conservative, and he was cautious about initiating more far-reaching reforms, particularly since he knew that the King was at best only a reluctant supporter of reform.

Grey contributed to a plan to found a new colony in South Australia: in 1831 a "Proposal to His Majesty's Government for founding a colony on the Southern Coast of Australia" was prepared under the auspices of Robert Gouger, Anthony Bacon, Jeremy Bentham and Grey, but its ideas were considered too radical, and it was unable to attract the required investment.[16]

It was the issue of Ireland which precipitated the end of Grey's premiership in 1834. Lord Anglesey, the Viceroy of Ireland, preferred conciliatory reform including the partial redistribution of the income from the church tithe to the Catholic church and away from the established Protestant one, a policy known as “appropriation”.[17] The Chief Secretary for Ireland, Lord Stanley, however, preferred coercive measures.[18] The cabinet was divided and when Lord John Russell drew attention in the House of Commons to their differences over "appropriation", Stanley and others resigned.[19] This triggered Grey to retire from public life, leaving Lord Melbourne as his successor. Unlike most politicians, he seems to have genuinely preferred a private life; colleagues remarked caustically that he threatened to resign at every setback.

Grey returned to Howick but kept a close eye on the policies of the new cabinet under Melbourne, whom he, and especially his family, regarded as a mere understudy until he began to act in ways of which they disapproved. Grey became more critical as the decade went on, being particularly inclined to see the hand of Daniel O'Connell behind the scenes and blaming Melbourne for subservience to the Radicals with whom he identified the Irish patriot. He made no allowances for Melbourne's need to keep the radicals on his side to preserve his shrinking majority in the Commons, and in particular he resented any slight on his own great achievement, the Reform Act, which he saw as a final solution of the question for the foreseeable future. He continually stressed its conservative nature. As he declared in his last great public speech, at the Grey Festival organised in his honour at Edinburgh in September 1834, its purpose was to strengthen and preserve the established constitution, to make it more acceptable to the people at large, and especially the middle classes, who had been the principal beneficiaries of the Reform Act, and to establish the principle that future changes would be gradual, "according to the increased intelligence of the people, and the necessities of the times".[20] It was the speech of a conservative statesman.[21]

Lord Grey's Ministry, November 1830 – July 1834

Lord Grey atop Grey's Monument, looking down Grey Street in Newcastle upon Tyne

• Lord Grey — First Lord of the Treasury and Leader of the House of Lords
• Lord Brougham — Lord Chancellor
• Lord Lansdowne — Lord President of the Council
• Lord Durham — Lord Privy Seal
• Lord Melbourne — Secretary of State for the Home Department
• Lord Palmerston — Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
• Lord Goderich — Secretary of State for War and the Colonies
• Sir James Graham — First Lord of the Admiralty
• Lord Althorp — Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House of Commons
• Charles Grant — President of the Board of Control
• Lord Holland — Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster
• The Duke of Richmond — Postmaster-General
• Lord Carlisle — Minister without Portfolio


• June 1831 — Lord John Russell, the Paymaster of the Forces, and Edward Smith-Stanley, the Chief Secretary for Ireland, join the Cabinet.
• April 1833 — Lord Goderich, now Lord Ripon, succeeds Lord Durham as Lord Privy Seal. Edward Smith-Stanley succeeds Ripon as Secretary of State for War and the Colonies. His successor as Chief Secretary for Ireland is not in the Cabinet. Edward Ellice, the Secretary at War, joins the Cabinet.
• June 1834 — Thomas Spring Rice succeeds Stanley as Colonial Secretary. Lord Carlisle succeeds Ripon as Lord Privy Seal. Lord Auckland succeeds Graham as First Lord of the Admiralty. The Duke of Richmond leaves the Cabinet. His successor as Postmaster-General is not in the Cabinet. Charles Poulett Thomson, the President of the Board of Trade, and James Abercrombie, the Master of the Mint, join the Cabinet.

Personal life

On 18 November 1794, Grey married Hon. Mary Elizabeth Ponsonby (1776–1861), only daughter of William Ponsonby, 1st Baron Ponsonby of Imokilly and Hon. Louisa Molesworth. The marriage was a fruitful one; between 1796 and 1819 the couple had ten sons and six daughters:

• unnamed daughter Grey (stillborn, 1796)
• Lady Louisa Elizabeth Grey (7 April 1797 – 26 November 1841). She married John Lambton, 1st Earl of Durham, on 9 December 1816. They had five children, including Charles, Grey's favourite grandson, who died young named Charles William.
• Lady Elizabeth Grey (10 July 1798 – 8 November 1880). She married John Crocker Bulteel on 13 May 1826. They had five children, including Louisa Bulteel through her daughter Margaret Baring who is the great-grandmother of Diana, Princess of Wales.
• Lady Caroline Grey (30 August 1799 – 28 April 1875). She married Captain Hon. George Barrington on 15 January 1827. They had two children
• Lady Georgiana Grey (17 February 1801 – 13 September 1900), who never married.
• Henry George Grey, 3rd Earl Grey (28 December 1802 – 9 October 1894). He married Maria Copley on 9 August 1832.
• General Charles Grey (15 March 1804 – 31 March 1870). He married Caroline Farquhar on 26 July 1836. They had seven children, including Albert Grey, 4th Earl Grey.
• Admiral Sir Frederick William Grey (23 August 1805 – 2 May 1878). He married Barbarina Sullivan on 20 July 1846.
• Lady Mary Grey (2 May 1807 – 6 July 1884). She married Charles Wood, 1st Viscount Halifax, on 29 July 1829. They had seven children.
• The Honourable William Grey (13 May 1808 – 11 February 1815), who died at the age of six.
• Admiral The Honourable George Grey (16 May 1809 – 3 October 1891). He married Jane Stuart (daughter of General Hon. Sir Patrick Stuart) on 20 January 1845. They had eleven children.
• Thomas Grey (29 December 1810 – 8 July 1826), who died at the age of fifteen.
• Rev. John Grey MA, DD, Canon and Rector of Durham (2 March 1812 – 11 November 1895). He married Lady Georgiana Hervey (daughter of Frederick William Hervey, 1st Marquess of Bristol) in July 1836. They had three children. He remarried Helen Spalding (maternal granddaughter of John Henry Upton, 1st Viscount Templetown) on 11 April 1874.
• Reverend Francis Richard Grey (31 March 1813 – 22 March 1890). He married Lady Elizabeth Howard (daughter of George Howard, 6th Earl of Carlisle and granddaughter of Lady Georgiana Spencer Cavendish, Duchess of Devonshire) on 12 August 1840.
• Captain the Hon. Henry Cavendish Grey (16 October 1814 – 5 September 1880)
• William George Grey (15 February 1819 – 19 December 1865). He married Theresa Stedink on 20 September 1858.

He also had an illegitimate daughter with Georgiana Cavendish, Duchess of Devonshire:

• Eliza Courtney (20 February 1792 – 2 May 1859). She married General Robert Ellice on 10 December 1814.

Inscription on Grey's Monument

Relationship with Georgiana Cavendish

While Mary was frequently pregnant during their marriage and remained at home, Grey travelled alone and had affairs with other women. Before he married Mary, his engagement to her nearly suffered because of his affair with Georgiana Cavendish, Duchess of Devonshire. The young Grey met Georgiana sometime in the late 1780s to early 1790s while attending a Whig society meeting in Devonshire House. Grey and Georgiana became lovers, and in 1791 she became pregnant. Grey wanted Georgiana to leave her husband the duke and live with him, but the duke told Georgiana if she did, she would never see her children again. Georgiana was sent to France where, on 20 February 1792 in Aix-en-Provence, she gave birth to a daughter, whom she named Eliza Courtney. She returned to England with the child in September 1793, and entrusted her to Grey's parents, who raised her as though she were his sister.

Georgiana and Charles spent time with their daughter, who was informed of her true parentage some time after Georgiana's death in 1806. She married General Robert Ellice. Her maternal aunt, Henrietta Ponsonby, Countess of Bessborough, visited the Greys in 1808 (without knowing she was Eliza's aunt) and later wrote of her strange observations in which she stated "he (Charles) seems very fond of her". Eliza later named her youngest child Charles and named her eldest daughter Georgiana.

Later years

Grave at Howick Hall in Howick, Northumberland

Grey spent his last years in contented, if sometimes fretful, retirement at Howick with his books, his family, and his dogs. The one great personal blow he suffered in old age was the death of his favourite grandson, Charles, at the age of 13. Grey became physically feeble in his last years and died quietly in his bed on 17 July 1845, forty-four years to the day since going to live at Howick.[22] He was buried in the Church of St Michael and All Angels there on the 26th in the presence of his family, close friends, and the labourers on his estate.[21]

In popular culture

Charles Grey is portrayed by Dominic Cooper in the 2008 film The Duchess, directed by Saul Dibb and starring Keira Knightley and Ralph Fiennes. The film is based on Amanda Foreman's biography of Georgiana Cavendish, Duchess of Devonshire.

Commemoration and tea

Earl Grey tea is named after Grey

Earl Grey tea, a blend which uses bergamot oil to flavour the brew, is named after Grey.[23]

Grey is commemorated by Grey's Monument in the centre of Newcastle upon Tyne, which consists of a statue of Lord Grey standing atop a 40 m (130 ft) high column.[citation needed] The monument was once struck by lightning and Earl Grey's head was seen lying in the gutter in Grey Street.[citation needed] The monument lends its name to Monument Metro station on the Tyne and Wear Metro (at that point effectively Newcastle's 'underground' system), located directly underneath.[citation needed] Grey Street in Newcastle upon Tyne and Grey College, Durham are also named after Grey.[citation needed]


1. Peter Brett, "Grey, Charles, 2nd Earl Grey" in D. M. Loades, ed. (2003). Reader's guide to British history. p. 1:586. ISBN 9781579584269.
2. Paul Strangio; Paul 't Hart; James Walter (2013). Understanding Prime-Ministerial Performance: Comparative Perspectives. Oxford UP. p. 225. ISBN 9780199666423.
3. Kramer, Ione. All the Tea in China. China Books, 1990. ISBN 0-8351-2194-1. Pages 180–181.
4. "Info" (PDF).
5. "Grey, Charles (GRY781C)". A Cambridge Alumni Database. University of Cambridge.
6. Thomas Babington Macaulay, ‘Warren Hastings’, Edinburgh Review LXXIV (October 1841), pp. 160–255.
7. Smith paperback 1996 p125
8. Smith, E.A. (1996). Lord Grey 1764–1845. Stroud, Gloucestershire: Alan Sutton Publishing Limited. pp. 198–9. ISBN 978-0750911276.
9. Smith paperback 1996 pp 222–6
10. Smith paperback 1996 pp 169–71
11. Smith paperback 1996 pp 172–4
12. Smith paperback 1996 pp 176–8
13. Smith paperback 1996 pp 240–1
14. Smith paperback 1996 pp 241–2
15. Smith paperback 1996 pp245-6
16. "Foundation of the Province". SA Memory. State Library of South Australia. 5 February 2015. Retrieved 19 November 2019.
17. Smith paperback 1996 pp 288–93
18. Smith paperback 1996 p301
19. Smith paperback pp 304–5
20. Edinburgh Weekly Journal, 17 September 1834.
21. E. A. Smith, 'Grey, Charles, second Earl Grey (1764–1845)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, September 2004; online edn, May 2009, accessed 13 February 2010.
22. GRO Register of Deaths: SEP 1845 XXV 130 ALNWICK
23. Wallop, Harry (28 March 2011). "Lady Grey tea: fact file". Retrieved 18 October 2012.

Further reading

• Brett, Peter. "Grey, Charles, 2nd Earl Grey" in D. M. Loades, ed. (2003). Reader's guide to British history. pp. 1:586–87. ISBN 9781579584269.
• Smith, E. A. (2004). "Charles Grey, second Earl Grey (1764–1845)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/11526. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
• Smith, E. A. (1990), Lord Grey, 1764–1845, London
• Phillips, John A., and Charles Wetherell. "The Great Reform Act of 1832 and the political modernization of England." American historical review 100.2 (1995): 411-436. in JSTOR
• Trevelyan, G. M. (1920), Lord Grey of the Reform Bill online free

Other sources

• Mosley, Charles (1999), Burke's Peerage and Baronetage of Great Britain and Ireland (106th ed.), Cassells
• A N Other (1910), "A Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, Literature and General Information", Encyclopædia Britannica, New York, retrieved 10 May 2008
• Mosley, Charles (1999), Charles Mosley (ed.), Burke's Peerage & Baronetage (106th ed.)
• 10 Downing Street website, PMs in history, archived from the original on 25 August 2008, retrieved 26 July 2006

External links

• Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by the Earl Grey
• on the Downing Street website.
• Works by or about Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
• "Archival material relating to Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey". UK National Archives.
• Portraits of Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey at the National Portrait Gallery, London
• Works by or about Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey at Internet Archive
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