Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Aug 18, 2020 7:08 am

Iyothee Thass [Kathavarayan] [Pandit C. Ayodhya Dasa] [C. Iyothee Doss] [C. Iyodhi Doss] [C. Iyothee Thoss] [K. Ayottitacar (avarkal)] [K. Ayottitasa (pantitaravarkaḷ)] [Kaathavarayan]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 8/17/20

Image
Iyothee Thass
Born: 20 May 1845, Thousand Lights, Madras, Madras Presidency, British India
Died: 1914
Nationality: Indian
Other names: Kathavarayan
Occupation: Siddha physician
Known for: South Indian Sakya Buddhist movement

C. Iyothee Thass (20 May 1845 – 1914) was a prominent Tamil anti-caste activist and a practitioner of Siddha medicine.

Siddha (Sanskrit: सिद्ध siddha; "perfected one") is a term that is used widely in Indian religions and culture. It means "one who is accomplished". It refers to perfected masters who have achieved a high degree of physical as well as spiritual perfection or enlightenment. In Jainism, the term is used to refer to the liberated souls. Siddha may also refer to one who has attained a siddhi, paranormal capabilities.

Siddhas may broadly refer to siddhars, naths, ascetics, sadhus, or yogis because they all practice sādhanā.

The Svetasvatara (II.12) presupposes a Siddha body.

In Jainism, the term siddha is used to refer the liberated souls who have destroyed all karmas and have obtained moksha. They are free from the transmigratory cycle of birth and death (saṃsāra) and are above Arihantas (omniscient beings). Siddhas do not have a body; they are soul in its purest form. They reside in the Siddhashila, which is situated at the top of the Universe. They are formless and have no passions and therefore are free from all temptations. They do not have any karmas and they do not collect any new karmas...

In Hindu theology, Siddhashrama is a secret land deep in the Himalayas, where great yogis, sadhus and sages who are siddhas live. The concept is similar to Tibetan mystical land of Shambhala.

Siddhashrama is referred in many Indian epics and Puranas including Ramayana and Mahabharata. In Valmiki's Ramayana it is said that Viswamitra had his hermitage in Siddhashrama, the erstwhile hermitage of Vishnu, when he appeared as the Vamana avatar. He takes Rama and Lakshmana to Siddhashrama to exterminate the rakshasas who are disturbing his religious sacrifices (i.28.1-20).

-- Siddha, by Wikipedia


He famously converted to Buddhism and called upon the Paraiyars to do the same, arguing that this was their original religion.[1]

Paraiyar or Parayar or Maraiyar (formerly anglicised as Pariah and Paree) is a caste group found in the Indian states of Tamil Nadu and Kerala.

-- Paraiyar, by Wikipedia


He also founded the Punchmar Mahajana Sabha in 1891 along with Rettamalai Srinivasan.

Rettamalai Srinivasan (1859–1945), commonly known as R. Srinivasan, was a Scheduled Caste activist and politician from the then Madras Presidency of British India (now the Indian state of Tamil Nadu). He is a Dalit icon and was a close associate of Mahatma Gandhi and was also an associate of B. R. Ambedkar. He is remembered today as one of the pioneers of the Scheduled caste movement in India...

Rettamalai Srinivasan represented the Paraiyars in the first two Round Table Conferences in London (1930 and 1931) along with B. R. Ambedkar. In 1932, Ambedkar, M. C. Rajah and Rettamalai Srinivasan briefly joined the board of the Servants of Untouchables Society established by Gandhi In 1939, with Ambedkar's support, he established the Madras Province Scheduled Castes' Federation.

-- Rettamalai Srinivasan, by Wikipedia


Punchamas are the ones who do not come under Varna system; they are called as Avarnas.

"Iyothee Thass" is the most common Anglicized spelling of his name; other spellings include Pandit C. Ayodhya Dasa, C. Iyothee Doss, C. Iyodhi Doss, C. Iyothee Thoss, K. Ayōttitācar (avarkaḷ) or K. Ayōttitāsa (paṇṭitaravarkaḷ).[1]

Early life

Iyothee Thass possessed deep knowledge in Tamil, Siddha medicine and philosophy, and literary knowledge in languages such as English, Sanskrit and Pali.[citation needed]

Iyothee Thass was born Kathavarayan on 20 May 1845[2] in Thousand Lights, a neighbourhood in Madras (now Chennai), and later migrated to the Nilgiris district.[1]:9 His family followed Vaishnavism and on that basis he named his children Madhavaram, Pattabhiraman, Janaki, Raman and Rasaram. His grandfather worked for George Harrington in Ootacamund (now Ooty) and little Kathavarayan profited immensely from this association.[3]

Assumption of leadership of Scheduled Caste

In the 1870s, Iyothee Thass organized the Todas and other tribes of the Nilgiri Hills into a formidable force. In 1876, Thass established the Advaidananda Sabha and launched a magazine called Dravida Pandian in collaboration with Rev. John Rathinam.[2]

John Rathinam was the founder of Dravida Pandian magazine together with Iyothee Thass in 1885, focusing on the sufferings of the untouchables in Madras. An "untouchable covert", throughout the 1880s he was involved in the promotion of education for "the depressed classes" within Madras. Before founding the magazine, he founded an association for the promotion of welfare among them called Dravida Kazhgam.

-- John Rathinam, by Wikipedia


In 1886, Thass issued a revolutionary declaration that Scheduled caste people (Dalits) were not Hindus.[2] Following this declaration, he established the "Dravida Mahajana Sabha" in 1891. During the 1891 census, he urged the members of Scheduled castes to register themselves as "casteless Dravidians" instead of identifying themselves as Hindus.[2] His activities served as an inspiration to Sri Lanka's Buddhist revivalist Anagarika Dharmapala.[4]

Conversion to Buddhism

Iyothee Thass met Colonel H. S. Olcott with his followers and expressed a sincere desire to convert to Buddhism.[2] According to Thass, the Paraiyars of Tamilakam were originally Buddhists and owned the land which had later been robbed from them by Aryan invaders.[1]:9–10 With Olcott's help, Thass was able to visit Ceylon and obtain diksha from the Sinhalese Buddhist monk Bikkhu Sumangala Nayake [Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Thera].[2]

Dīkṣā (Sanskrit: दीक्ष in Devanagari) also spelled diksha, deeksha or deeksa in common usage, translated as a "preparation or consecration for a religious ceremony", is giving of a mantra or an initiation by the guru (in Guru–shishya tradition) of Indian religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism. Diksa is given in a one-to-one ceremony, and typically includes the taking on of a serious spiritual discipline. The word is derived from the Sanskrit root dā ("to give") plus kṣi ("to destroy") or alternately from the verb root dīkṣ ("to consecrate"). When the mind of the guru and the disciple become one, then we say that the disciple has been initiated by the guru. Diksa can be of various types, through the teacher's sight, touch, or word, with the purpose of purifying the disciple or student. Initiation by touch is called sparśa dīkṣā. The bestowing of divine grace through diksa is sometimes called śaktipāt.

-- Diksha, by Wikipedia


On returning, Thass established the Sakya Buddhist Society in Madras with branches all over South India. The Sakya Buddhist Society was also known as the Indian Buddhist Association[5] and was established in the year 1898.[6]

Political activism and later life

On 19 June 1907, Iyothee Thass launched a Tamil newspaper called Oru Paisa Tamizhan or One Paise Tamilian.[4]

Iyothee Thass died in 1914 at the age of 69.[3]

Legacy

Iyothee Thass remains the first recognized anti-caste leader of the Madras Presidency. In many ways, Periyar, Dravidar Kazhagam, and B. R. Ambedkar are inheritors of his legacy. He was also the first notable Scheduled Caste leader to embrace Buddhism.

However, Iyothee Thass was largely forgotten until recent times when the Dalit Sahitya Academy, a publishing house owned by Dalit Ezhilmalai, published his writings.[5] Ezhilmalai, then the Union Health Minister, also made a desire to name the planned National Center for Siddha Research after the leader.[5] However, the proposal did not come into effect until 2005, when vehement protests by Se. Ku. Tamilarasan of the Republican Party of India (RPI) forced the Government to take serious note of the matter.[5] The institute for Siddha Research (National Institute of Siddha) was subsequently inaugurated by Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Dr Anbumani Ramadoss the then Union Health Minister on 3 September 2005 and named it after the anti-caste Buddhist leader.[5] At its inauguration, the hospital had 120 beds.[5] The patients were treated as per the traditional system of Siddha medicine.[5]

Manmohan Singh (Punjabi: [mənˈmoːɦən ˈsɪ́ŋɡ] born 26 September 1932) is an Indian economist, academic, and politician who served as the 13th Prime Minister of India from 2004 to 2014. The first Sikh in office, Singh was also the first prime minister since Jawaharlal Nehru to be re-elected after completing a full five-year term.

Born in Gah (now in Punjab, Pakistan), Singh's family migrated to India during its partition in 1947. After obtaining his doctorate in economics from Oxford, Singh worked for the United Nations during 1966–69. He subsequently began his bureaucratic career when Lalit Narayan Mishra hired him as an advisor in the Ministry of Commerce and Industry. During the 1970s and 1980s, Singh held several key posts in the Government of India, such as Chief Economic Advisor (1972–76), governor of the Reserve Bank (1982–85) and head of the Planning Commission (1985–87).

-- Manmohan Singh, by Wikipedia


Anbumani Ramadoss is an Indian politician from Tamil Nadu, India. He is a member of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Parliament of India from Tamil Nadu. Anbumani was the Minister of Health and Family Welfare in the First Manmohan Singh ministry from (2004-2009) as a part of the UPA government. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India from Dharmapuri, Tamil Nadu. He is also the youth wing president of the Pattali Makkal Katchi.

-- Anbumani Ramadoss, by Wikipedia


A commemorative postage stamp on him was issued on 21 October 2005.[7] His works are nationalized and solatium was given to their legal heirs in 2008.[8]

Criticism

In the early part of the 20th century, he indulged in vehement condemnation of the Swadeshi movement and the nationalist press remarked that he could "locate the power of the modern secular brahmin in the control he wielded over public opinion."[9]

See also

• Dalit Buddhist Movement
• Dalit Ezhilmalai

References

1. Bergunder, Michael (2004). "Contested Past: Anti-Brahmanical and Hindu nationalist reconstructions of Indian prehistory" (PDF). Historiographia Linguistica. 31 (1): 59–104.
2. Ravikumar (28 September 2005). "Iyothee Thass and the Politics of Naming". The Sunday Pioneer. Retrieved 9 September 2008.
3. "Death centenary of a Dravidian leader". The Hindu. Coimbatore, India. 13 November 2014.
4. "Taking the Dhamma to the Dalits". The Sunday Times. Sri Lanka. 14 September 2014.
5. Manikandan, K. (1 September 2005). "National Institute of Siddha a milestone in health care". The Hindu: Friday Review. Retrieved 12 September 2008.
6. M. Lynch, Owen (2004). Reconstructing the World: B. R. Ambedkar and Buddhism in India. Oxford University Press. p. 316.
7. "Stamps-2005". Department of Posts, Government of India. Retrieved 2 August 2013.
8. "Tamil development - Budget speech" (PDF). Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly. 20 March 2008. Retrieved 2 August 2013.
9. Nigam, Aditya. SECULARISM, MODERNITY, NATION:An Epistemology Of The Dalit Critique(PDF). p. 16.

Further reading

• Geetha, V. (2001). Towards a Non-Brahmin Millennium: From Iyothee Thass to Periyar. Bhatkal & Sen. ISBN 978-81-85604-37-4.
• Geetha, V. Re-making the Past: Iyothee Thass Pandithar and Modern Tamil Historiography.
• Balasubramaniam, J. [1]
• Leonard, Dickens. [2]

*******************************

Iyothee Thass: Founder of the Sakya Buddhist Society
by Round Table India For an Informed Ambedkar Age
Accessed: 8/18/20

Iyothee Thass or Pandit C. Ayodhya Dasa (Tamil: ?????????) (May 20, 1845–1914) was a practitioner of Siddha medicine who is regarded as a pioneer of the Dravidian Movement. Born on 20 May 1845, Thass's original name was Kaathavarayan. His grandfather has served as a butler to Lord Arlington. Kaathavarayan gained expertise in Tamil literature, philosophy, Siddha, and had good knowledge of English, Sanskrit and Pali. After organising the tribal people in the Nilgris in the 1870s, he established the Advaidananda Sabha in 1876. He launched a magazine called Dravida Pandian along with Rev.

John Rathinam in 1885. He issued a statement in 1886 announcing that the so-called untouchables' are not Hindus. He established the Dravida Mahajana Sabha in 1891 and during the very first Census urged the so-called untouchables to register themselves as casteless Dravidians. This in fact makes Tamil Dalits the true descendents of the anti-Brahmin legacy which is today claimed by non-Brahmin non-Dalits.

Early life

Iyothee Thass was born Kathavarayan on May 20, 1845 in a Dalit (Paraiyar) family from Coimbatore district. His grandfather worked for Lord Arlington and little Kathavarayan profitted immensely from this association. Soon, he became an expert on Tamil literature, philosophy and indigenous medicine and could speak Tamil, English, Sanskrit and Pali.

Assumption of leadership of Dalits

In the 1870s, Iyothee Thass organized the Todas and other tribes of the Nilgiri Hills into a formidable force. In 1876, Thass established the Advaidananda Sabha and launched a magazine called Dravida Pandian in collaboration with Rev. John Rathinam.

In 1886, Thass issued a revolutionary declaration that untouchables were not Hindus. Following this declaration, he established the Dravida Mahajana Sabha in 1891. During the 1891 census, he urged Dalits to register themselves as "casteless Dravidians" instead of identifying themselves as Hindus.

Conversion to Buddhism

Iyothee Thass met Colonel H. S. Olcott with his followers and expressed a sincere desire to convert to Buddhism. According to Thass, the Paraiyars of Tamilakam were originally Buddhists and owned the land which had later been robbed from them by aryan invaders. With Olcott's help, Thass was able to visit Ceylon and obtain diksha from the Sinhalese Buddhist monk Bikkhu Sumangala Nayake. On returning, Thass established the Sakya Buddhist Society in Madras with branches all over South India. The Sakya Buddhist Society was also known as the Indian Buddhist Association, and was established in the year 1898.

Political activism and later life

On June 19, 1907, Iyothee Thass launched a Tamil newspaper called Oru Paisa Tamizhan or One Paise Tamilian. In his later days, he was a vehement criticizer of Brahmins.

Iyothee Thass died in 1914 at the age of 69.

Legacy

Iyothee Thass remains the first recognized anti-Brahmin leader of the Madras Presidency. In many ways, Periyar, Dravidar Kazhagam, Dr. Ambedkar, Udit Raj and Thirumavalavan are inheritors of his legacy. He was also the first notable Dalit leader to embrace Buddhism.

However, Iyothee Thass was largely forgotten until recent times when the Dalit Sahitya Academy, a publishing house owned by Dalit Ezhilmalai published his writings.[4] Ezhilmalai, then the Union Health Minister, also made a desired to name the planned National Center for Siddha Research after the leader.However, the proposal did not come into effect until 2005, when vehement protests by Se. Ku. Tamilarasan of the Republican Party of India (RPI) forced the Government to take serious note of the matter.

The institute for Siddha Research was subsequently inaugurated by Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on September 3, 2005 and named the Dalit leader.At its inauguration, the hospital had 120 beds.The patients were treated as per the traditional system of Siddha medicine.

Criticism

Some later critics labeled Iyothee Thass as an Anglophile, who was staunchly against the Indian freedom movement. In the early part of the 20th century, he indulged in vehement condemnation of the Swadeshi movement and the nationalist press remarking that he could "locate the power of the modern secular brahmin in the control he wielded over public opinion."
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Aug 18, 2020 7:20 am

Buddhist Society of India [Bharatiya Bauddha Mahasabha] [Bharatiya Bauddha Janasangh (Indian Buddhist People's Organisation)]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 8/18/20

Image
Buddhist Society of India
Formation: 4 May 1955 (65 years ago)
Founder: B. R. Ambedkar
Legal status: Active
Purpose: Spread of Buddhism
Headquarters: Shop No. 2, MMRDA Building, BMC, Station Road, Bhandup (West), at Mumbai, in Maharashtra, India
Area served: India
Official language: Marathi, Hindi, English
National President: Rajratna Ashok Ambedkar
Affiliations: World Fellowship of Buddhists
Website https://www.tbsi.org.in

The Buddhist Society of India, known as the Bharatiya Bauddha Mahasabha, is a national Buddhist organization in India. It was founded by B. R. Ambedkar on 4 May 1955 in Mumbai, Maharashtra, India. Ambedkar was the father of the Indian Constitution, polymath, human rights activist and Buddhism revivalist in India. He was first national President of the organization. At a ceremony held on 8 May 1955 in Nare Park, Bombay (now Mumbai), Ambedkar formally announced the establishment of this organization for the spread of Buddhism in India.[1][2] Its headquarters is in Mumbai. Currently Rajratna Ashok Ambedkar, the great grandson of B. R. Ambedkar, is the National President of the Buddhist Society of India.[3] It is a member of the International Buddhist Association World Fellowship of Buddhists.[4]

History

Image
B. R. Ambedkar.

B. R. Ambedkar studied Buddhism all his life. Around 1950, he devoted his attention to Buddhism and travelled to Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) to attend a meeting of the World Fellowship of Buddhists.[5] While dedicating a new Buddhist vihara near Pune, Ambedkar announced he was writing a book on Buddhism, and that when it was finished, he would formally convert to Buddhism.[6] He twice visited Burma (now Myanmar) in 1954; the second time to attend the third conference of the World Fellowship of Buddhists in Rangoon.[7] In July 1951 he formed the "Bharatiya Bauddha Janasangh" (Indian Buddhist People's Organisation), which became the "Bharatiya Bauddha Mahasabha" or the "Buddhist Society of India" in May 1955.[8][9]

See also

• World Buddhist Sangha Council
• International Buddhist Confederation

References

1. "The Buddhist Society of India". http://www.thebuddhistsocietyofindia.in. Retrieved 2018-11-28.
2. Rao, Kurukundi Raghavendra; Goswami, Mamani Rayachama; Goswāmī, Māmaṇi Raẏachama; Goswami, Indira; Goswami, Mamani Raisam (1993). Babasaheb Ambedkar. Sahitya Akademi. ISBN 9788172011529.
3. https://www.tbsi.org.in
4. https://www.tbsi.org.in
5. Sangharakshita (2006). "Milestone on the Road to conversion". Ambedkar and Buddhism (1st South Asian ed.). New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers. p. 72. ISBN 978-8120830233. Retrieved 17 July 2013.
6. Pritchett, Frances. "In the 1950s" (PHP). Archived from the original on 20 June 2006. Retrieved 2 August 2006.
7. Ganguly, Debjani; Docker, John, eds. (2007). Rethinking Gandhi and Nonviolent Relationality: Global Perspectives. Routledge studies in the modern history of Asia. 46. London: Routledge. p. 257. ISBN 978-0415437400. OCLC 123912708.
8. Omvedt, Gail (17 April 2017). Ambedkar: Towards An Enlightened India. Random House Publishers India Pvt. Limited. ISBN 9789351180883 – via Google Books.
9. Quack, Johannes (2011). Disenchanting India: Organized Rationalism and Criticism of Religion in India. Oxford University Press. p. 88. ISBN 978-0199812608. OCLC 704120510.

External links

• Official website
• Battle to head Ambedkar's Buddhist Society of India nears end in the High Court
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Aug 18, 2020 8:00 am

Part 1 of 2

Periyar E. V. Ramasamy [E.V.R.] [Vaikom Veerar] [Venthaadi Venthan]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 8/18/20

Image
Periyar E. V. Ramasamy
Thanthai Periyar E. V. Ramasamy
President of Dravidar Kazhagam
In office: 27 August 1944 – 24 December 1973
Preceded by: Position Established
Succeeded by: Annai E. V. R. Maniammai
Head of Justice Party
In office: 1939 – 27 August 1944
Inaugural Holder: C. Natesa Mudaliar
Preceded by: Ramakrishna Ranga Rao of Bobbili
Succeeded by: P. T. Rajan
Personal details
Born: 17 September 1879, Erode, Madras Presidency, British India (present-day Tamil Nadu, India)
Died: 24 December 1973 (aged 94), Vellore, Tamil Nadu, India
Resting place: Periyar Ninaividam
Nationality: Indian
Political party: Dravidar Kazhagam
Other political affiliations: Indian National Congress; Justice Party
Spouse(s): Annai E. V. R. Nagammai (m. 1899; died 1933); Annai E. V. R. Maniammai (m. 1948)
Occupation: Activist politician social reformer
Nickname(s): E.V.R., Vaikom Veerar, Venthaadi Venthan

Erode Venkatappa Ramasamy[1] (17 September 1879 – 24 December 1973), commonly known as Periyar, also referred to as Thanthai Periyar, was an Indian social activist and politician who started the Self-Respect Movement and Dravidar Kazhagam. He is known as the 'Father of the Dravidian movement'.[2] He did notable work against Brahminical dominance and gender and caste inequality in Tamil Nadu.[3][4][5]

E.V. Ramasamy joined the Indian National Congress in 1919, but resigned in 1925 when he felt that the party was only serving the interests of Brahmins. He questioned the subjugation of non-Brahmin Dravidians as Brahmins enjoyed gifts and donations from non-Brahmins but opposed and discriminated against non-Brahmins in cultural and religious matters.[6][7] In 1924, E.V. Ramasamy participated in non-violent agitation (satyagraha) in Vaikom, Kerala. From 1929 to 1932 Ramasamy made a tour of British Malaya, Europe, and Russia which influenced him.[how?][8] In 1939, E.V. Ramasamy became the head of the Justice Party,[9] and in 1944, he changed its name to Dravidar Kazhagam.[10] The party later split with one group led by C. N. Annadurai forming the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) in 1949.[10] While continuing the Self-Respect Movement, he advocated for an independent Dravida Nadu (land of the Dravidians).[11]

E.V. Ramasamy promoted the principles of rationalism, self-respect, women’s rights and eradication of caste. He opposed the exploitation and marginalisation of the non-Brahmin Dravidian people of South India and the imposition of what he considered Indo-Aryan India.[12]

Early years

Image
B. R. Ambedkar with Periyar when they met in connection with a Buddhist conference in Rangoon, Myanmar in 1954.

Erode Venkata Ramasamy was born on 17 September 1879 to a Kannada[13] Balija merchant family[14][15][16] in Erode, then a part of the Coimbatore district of the Madras Presidency.[17] E. V. Ramasamy's father is a,Venkatappa Nayakar (or Venkata), and his mother was Chinnathyee, Muthammal. He had one elder brother named Krishnaswamy and two sisters named Kannamma and Ponnuthoy.[1][17] He later came to be known as "Periyar" meaning 'respected one' or 'elder' in the Tamil.[1][18][19][20][21]

E. V. Ramasamy married when he was 19, and had a daughter who lived for only 5 months. His first wife, Nagammai, died in 1933.[22] E.V. Ramasamy married for a second time in July 1948.[23] His second wife, Maniammai, continued E. V. Ramasamy's social work after his death in 1973, and his ideas then were advocated by Dravidar Kazhagam.[24]

In 1929, E. V. Ramasamy announced the deletion of his caste title Naicker from his name at the First Provincial Self-Respect Conference of Chengalpattu.[25] He could speak three Dravidian languages: Kannada, Telugu and Tamil.[26][26][27][28][29][citation needed][30][31] Periyar attended school for five years after which he joined his father's trade at the age of 12. He used to listen to Tamil Vaishnavite gurus who gave discourses in his house enjoying his father's hospitality. At a young age, he began questioning the apparent contradictions in the Hindu mythological stories.[1] As Periyar grew, he felt that people used religion only as a mask to deceive innocent people and therefore took it as one of his duties in life to warn people against superstitions and priests.[32]

E.V. Ramasamy's father arranged for his wedding when he was nineteen. The bride, Nagammai, was only thirteen. Despite having an arranged marriage, Periyar and Nagammai were already in love with each other.[citation needed] Nagammai actively supported her husband in his later public activities and agitation. Two years after their marriage, a daughter was born to them. However, their daughter died when she was five months old. The couple had no more children.[22]

Kasi Pilgrimage Incident

In 1904, E.V. Ramasamy went on a pilgrimage to Kasi to visit the revered Shiva temple of Kashi Vishwanath.[1] Though regarded as one of the holiest sites of Hinduism, he witnessed immoral activities such as begging, and floating dead bodies.[1] His frustrations extended to functional Hinduism in general when he experienced what he called Brahmanic exploitation.[33]

However, one particular incident in Kasi had a profound impact on E.V. Ramasamy's ideology and future work. At the worship site there were free meals offered to guests. To E.V. Ramasamy's shock, he was refused meals at choultries, which exclusively fed Brahmins. Due to extreme hunger, E.V. Ramasamy felt compelled to enter one of the eateries disguised as a Brahmin with a sacred thread on his bare chest, but was betrayed by his moustache. The gatekeeper at the temple concluded that E.V. Ramasamy was not a Brahmin, as Brahmins were not permitted by the Hindu shastras to have moustaches. He not only prevented Periyar's entry but also pushed him rudely into the street.[1]

As his hunger became intolerable, Periyar was forced to feed on leftovers from the streets. Around this time, he realised that the eatery which had refused him entry was built by a wealthy non-Brahmin from South India.[1] This discriminatory attitude dealt a blow to Periyar's regard for Hinduism, for the events he had witnessed at Kasi were completely different from the picture of Kasi he had in mind, as a holy place which welcomed all.[1] Ramasamy was a theist until his visit to Kasi, after which his views changed and he became an atheist.[34]

Member of Congress Party (1919–1925)

Image
E.V. Ramasamy statue at Vaikom town in Kottayam, Kerala

E.V. Ramasamy joined the Indian National Congress in 1919 after quitting his business and resigning from public posts. He held the chairmanship of Erode Municipality and wholeheartedly undertook constructive programs spreading the use of Khadi, picketing toddy shops, boycotting shops selling foreign cloth, and eradicating untouchability. In 1921, Periyar courted imprisonment for picketing toddy shops in Erode. When his wife as well as his sister joined the agitation, it gained momentum, and the administration was forced to come to a compromise. He was again arrested during the Non-Cooperation movement and the Temperance movement.[6] In 1922, Periyar was elected the President of the Madras Presidency Congress Committee during the Tirupur session, where he advocated strongly for reservation in government jobs and education. His attempts were defeated in the Congress party due to discrimination and indifference, which led to his leaving the party in 1925.[7]

Vaikom Satyagraha (1924–1925)

Main article: Vaikom Satyagraha

According to the prevalent caste system in Kerala and the rest of India, low-caste Hindus were denied entry into temples. In Kerala, they were denied permission to walk on the roads that led to the temples also. (Kerala state was formed in 1956; earlier it was broadly divided into Malabar (North Kerala), Cochin and Travancore kingdoms).

In the Kakinada meet of the Congress Party in 1923, T K Madhavan presented a report citing the discrimination faced by the depressed castes in Kerala. That session decided to promote movements against untouchability.

In Kerala, a committee was formed comprising people of different castes to fight untouchability in the region. The committee was chaired by K Kelappan; the rest of the members were T K Madhavan, Velayudha Menon, Kurur Neelakantan Namboodiripad and T R Krishnaswami Iyer. In early 1924, they decided to launch a ‘Keralaparyatanam’ to gain temple entry and also the right to use public roads for every Hindu irrespective of caste or creed.

The movement gained all-India prominence and support came from far and wide. The Akalis of Punjab lend their support by setting up kitchens to provide food to the Satyagrahis. Even Christian and Muslim leaders came forward for support. This was shunned by Gandhiji who wanted the movement to be an intra-Hindu affair. On advice from Gandhiji, the movement was withdrawn temporarily in April 1924. After the talks with caste-Hindus failed, the leaders resumed the movement. Leaders T K Madhavan and K P Kesava Menon were arrested. E V Ramaswamy (Periyar) came from Tamil Nadu to give his support. He was arrested.

On 1 October 1924, a group of savarnas (forward castes) marched in a procession and submitted a petition to the Regent Maharani Sethulakshmi Bai of Travancore with about 25000 signatures for temple entry to everyone. Gandhiji also met with the Regent Maharani. This procession of savarnas was led by Mannath Padmanabhan Nair. Starting with about 500 people at Vaikom, the number increased to about 5000 when the procession reached Thiruvananthapuram in November 1924.

In February 1924, they decided to launch a ‘Keralaparyatanam’ to gain temple entry and also the right to use public roads for every Hindu irrespective of caste or creed.

In Vaikom, a small town in Kerala state, then Travancore, there were strict laws of untouchability in and around the temple area. Dalits, also known as Harijans, were not allowed into the close streets around and leading to the temple, let alone inside it. Anti-caste feelings were growing and in 1924 Vaikom was chosen as a suitable place for an organised Satyagraha. Under his guidance a movement had already begun with the aim of giving all castes the right to enter the temples. Thus, agitations and demonstrations took place. On 14 April, Periyar and his wife Nagamma arrived in Vaikom. They were immediately arrested and imprisoned for participation. In spite of Gandhi's objection to non-Keralites and non-Hindus taking part, Periyar and his followers continued to give support to the movement until it was withdrawn. He received the title Vaikom Veeran, given by his followers who participated in the Satyagraha.[35][36][37]

The way in which the Vaikom Satyagraha events have been recorded provides a clue to the image of the respective organisers. In an article entitle Gandhi and Ambedkar, A Study in Leadership, Eleanor Zelliot relates the 'Vaikom Satyagraha', including Gandhi's negotiations with the temple authorities in relation to the event. Furthermore, the editor of E.V. Ramasamy's Thoughts states that Brahmins purposely suppressed news about E.V. Ramasamy's participation. A leading Congress magazine, Young India, in its extensive reports on Vaikom never mentions E.V. Ramasamy.[33]

In Kerala, a committee was formed comprising people of different castes to fight untouchability in the region. The committee chaired by K Kelappan, composed of T K Madhavan, Velayudha Menon, Kurur Neelakantan Namboodiripad and T R Krishnaswami Iyer. In February 1924, they decided to launch a ‘Keralaparyatanam’ to gain temple entry and also the right to use public roads for every Hindu irrespective of caste or creed.

Self-Respect Movement

Main article: Self-Respect Movement

Image
Periyar during the early years of Self-Respect Movement

Periyar and his followers campaigned constantly to influence and pressure the government to take measures to remove social inequality,(abolish untouchability, manual scavenging system etc) even while other nationalist forerunners focused on the struggle for political independence. The Self-Respect Movement was described from the beginning as "dedicated to the goal of giving non-Brahmins a sense of pride based on their Dravidian past".[38]

In 1952, the Periyar Self-Respect Movement Institution was registered with a list of objectives of the institution from which may be quoted as

for the diffusion of useful knowledge of political education; to allow people to live a life of freedom from slavery to anything against reason and self respect; to do away with needless customs, meaningless ceremonies, and blind superstitious beliefs in society; to put an end to the present social system in which caste, religion, community and traditional occupations based on the accident of birth, have chained the mass of the people and created "superior" and "inferior" classes... and to give people equal rights; to completely eradicate untouchability and to establish a united society based on brother/sisterhood; to give equal rights to women; to prevent child marriages and marriages based on law favourable to one sect, to conduct and encourage love marriages, widow marriages, inter caste and inter-religious marriages and to have the marriages registered under the Civil Law; and to establish and maintain homes for orphans and widows and to run educational institutions.[33]


Propagation of the philosophy of self respect became the full-time activity of Periyar since 1925. A Tamil weekly Kudi Arasu started in 1925, while the English journal Revolt started in 1928 carried on the propaganda among the English educated people.[39] The Self-Respect Movement began to grow fast and received the sympathy of the heads of the Justice Party from the beginning. In May 1929, a conference of Self-Respect Volunteers was held at Pattukkotai under the presidency of S. Guruswami. K.V. Alagiriswami took charge as the head of the volunteer band. Conferences followed in succession throughout the Tamil districts of the former Madras Presidency. A training school in Self-Respect was opened at Erode, the home town of Periyar. The object was not just to introduce social reform but to bring about a social revolution to foster a new spirit and build a new society.[40]

International travel (1929–1932)

Between 1929 and 1935, under the strain of World Depression, political thinking worldwide received a jolt from the spread of international communism.[8] Indian political parties, movements and considerable sections of leadership were also affected by inter-continental ideologies. The Self-Respect Movement also came under the influence of the leftist philosophies and institutions. E.V. Ramasamy, after establishing the Self-Respect Movement as an independent institution, began to look for ways to strengthen it politically and socially. To accomplish this, he studied the history and politics of different countries, and personally observed these systems at work.[8]

E.V. Ramasamy toured Malaya for a month, from December 1929 to January 1930, to propagate the self-respect philosophy. Embarking on his journey from Nagapattinam with his wife Nagammal and his followers, E.V. Ramasamy was received by 50,000 Tamil Malaysians in Penang. During the same month, he inaugurated the Tamils Conference, convened by the Tamils Reformatory Sangam in Ipoh, and then went to Singapore. In December 1931 he undertook a tour of Europe, accompanied by S. Ramanathan and Erode Ramu, to personally acquaint himself with their political systems, social movements, way of life, economic and social progress and administration of public bodies. He visited Egypt, Greece, Turkey, the Soviet Union, Germany, England, Spain, France and Portugal, staying in Russia for three months. On his return journey he halted at Ceylon and returned to India in November 1932.[8]

The tour shaped the political ideology of E.V. Ramasamy to achieve the social concept of Self-Respect. The communist system in the Soviet Union appealed to him as appropriately suited to deal with the social ills of the country. Thus, on socio-economic issues Periyar was Marxist, but he did not advocate for abolishing private ownership.[41] Immediately after his return, E.V. Ramasamy, in alliance with the enthusiastic communist, M. Singaravelar, began to work out a socio-political scheme incorporating socialist and self-respect ideals. This marked a crucial stage of development in the Self-Respect Movement which got politicised and found its compatibility in Tamil Nadu.[8]

Opposition to Hindi

Main article: Anti-Hindi agitations

In 1937, when Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari became the Chief Minister of Madras Presidency, he introduced Hindi as a compulsory language of study in schools, thereby igniting a series of anti-Hindi agitations.[11] Tamil nationalists, the Justice Party under Sir A. T. Panneerselvam, and E.V. Ramasamy organised anti-Hindi protests in 1938 which ended with numerous arrests by the Rajaji government.[42]

During the same year, the slogan "Tamil Nadu for Tamilians"[43] was first used by E.V. Ramasamy in protest against the introduction of Hindi in schools. He claimed that the introduction of Hindi was a dangerous mechanism used by the Aryans to infiltrate Dravidian culture.[43] He reasoned that the adoption of Hindi would make Tamils subordinate to the Hindi-speaking North Indians. E.V. Ramasamy claimed that Hindi would not only halt the progress of Tamil people, but would also completely destroy their culture and nullify the progressive ideas that had been successfully inculcated through Tamil in the recent decades.[44]

Cutting across party lines, South Indian politicians rallied together in their opposition to Hindi.[44] There were recurrent anti-Hindi agitations in 1948, 1952 and 1965.[45]

As President of the Justice Party (1938–1944)

Main article: Justice Party (India)

A political party known as the South Indian Libertarian Federation (commonly referred to as Justice Party) was founded in 1916, principally to oppose the economic and political power of the Brahmin groups. The party's goal was to render social justice to the non-Brahmin groups. To gain the support of the masses, non-Brahmin politicians began propagating an ideology of equality among non-Brahmin castes. Brahmanical priesthood and Sanskritic social class-value hierarchy were blamed for the existence of inequalities among non-Brahmin caste groups.[10]

In 1937, when the government required that Hindi be taught in the school system, E.V. Ramasamy organised opposition to this policy through the Justice Party. After 1937, the Dravidian movement derived considerable support from the student community. In later years, opposition to Hindi played a big role in the politics of Tamil Nadu. The fear of the Hindi language had its origin in the conflict between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. To the Tamils, acceptance of Hindi in the school system was a form of bondage. When the Justice Party weakened in the absence of mass support, E.V. Ramasamy took over the leadership of the party after being jailed for opposing Hindi in 1939.[9] Under his tutelage the party prospered, but the party's conservative members, most of whom were rich and educated, withdrew from active participation.[10]

Dravidar Kazhagam (1944–onwards)

Main article: Dravidar Kazhagam

Formation of the Dravidar Kazhagam

At a rally in 1944, Periyar, in his capacity as the leader of the Justice Party, declared that the party would henceforth be known as the Dravidar Kazhagam, or "Dravidian Association". However, a few who disagreed with Periyar started a splinter group, claiming to be the original Justice Party. This party was led by veteran Justice Party leader P. T. Rajan and survived until 1957.

The Dravidar Kazhagam came to be well known among the urban communities and students. Villages were influenced by its message. Hindi, and ceremonies that had become associated with Brahmanical priesthood, were identified as alien symbols that should be eliminated from Tamil culture. Brahmins, who were regarded as the guardians of such symbols, came under verbal attack.[10] From 1949 onwards, the Dravidar Kazhagam intensified social reformist work and put forward the fact that superstitions were the cause for the degeneration of Dravidians. The Dravidar Kazhagam vehemently fought for the abolition of untouchability amongst the Dalits. It also focused its attention on the liberation of women, women's education, willing marriage, widow marriage, orphanages and mercy homes.[46]

Split with Annadurai

Main article: Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam

In 1949, E.V. Ramasamy's chief lieutenant, Conjeevaram Natarajan Annadurai, established a separate association called the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), or Dravidian Progressive Federation.[10] This was due to differences between the two, while Periyar advocated a separate independent Dravidian or Tamil state, Annadurai compromised with the Delhi government, at the same time claiming increased state independence.[47] E.V. Ramasamy was convinced that individuals and movements that undertake the task of eradicating the social evils in the Indian sub-continent have to pursue the goal with devotion and dedication without deviating from the path and with uncompromising zeal. Thus, if they contest elections aiming to assume political power, they would lose vigour and a sense of purpose. But among his followers, there were those who had a different view, wanting to enter into politics and have a share in running the government. They were looking for an opportunity to part with E.V. Ramasamy.[citation needed] Thus, when E.V. Ramasamy married Maniammai on 9 July 1948, they quit the Dravidar Kazhagam, stating that E.V. Ramasamy married Maniammayar who was the daughter of Kanagasabhai when he was 70 and she 32. Those who parted company with E.V. Ramasamy joined the DMK.[23] Though the DMK split from the Dravidar Kazhagam, the organisation made efforts to carry on E.V. Ramasamy's Self-Respect Movement to villagers and urban students. The DMK advocated the thesis that the Tamil language was much richer than Sanskrit and Hindi in content, and thus was a key which opened the door to subjects to be learned.[10] The Dravidar Kazhagam continued to counter Brahminism, Indo-Aryan propaganda, and uphold the Dravidians' right of self-determination.[48]

Later years

Image
Periyar Thidal at Vepery, where Periyar's body was buried.

In 1956, despite warnings from P. Kakkan, the President of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee, Periyar organised a procession to the Marina to burn pictures of the Hindu God Rama.[49] Periyar was subsequently arrested and confined to prison.[49]

The activities of Periyar continued when he went to Bangalore in 1958 to participate in the All India Official Language Conference. There he stressed the need to retain English as the Union Official Language instead of Hindi. Five years later, Periyar travelled to North India to advocate the eradication of the caste system. In his last meeting at Thiagaraya Nagar, Chennai on 19 December 1973, Periyar declared a call for action to gain social equality and a dignified way of life. On 24 December 1973, Periyar died at the age of 94.[23]

Principles and legacy

Periyar spent over fifty years giving speeches, propagating the realisation that everyone is an equal citizen and the differences on the basis of caste and creed were man-made to keep the innocent and ignorant as underdogs in the society. Although Periyar's speeches were targeted towards the illiterate and more mundane masses, scores of educated people were also swayed.[50] Periyar viewed reasoning as a special tool. According to him, all were blessed with this tool, but very few used it. Thus Periyar used reasoning with respect to subjects of social interest in his presentations to his audiences.[50] Communal differences in Tamil society were considered by many to be deep-rooted features until Periyar came to the scene.[51]

Rationalism

The bedrock of E.V. Ramasamy’s principles and the movements that he started was rationalism. He thought that an insignificant minority in society was exploiting the majority and trying to keep it in a subordinate position forever. He wanted the exploited to sit up and think about their position, and use their reason to realise that they were being exploited by a handful of people. If they started thinking, they would realise that they were human beings like the rest, that birth did not and should not endow superiority over others and that they must awaken themselves and do everything possible to improve their own lot.[50]

Likewise, E.V. Ramasamy explained that wisdom lies in thinking and that the spear-head of thinking is rationalism. On caste, he stated that no other living being harms or degrades its own class. But man, said to be a rational living being, does these evils. The differences, hatred, enmity, degradation, poverty, and wickedness, now prevalent in the society are due to lack of wisdom and rationalism and not due to God or the cruelty of time. E.V. Ramasamy had written in his books and magazines dozens of times of various occasions that the British rule is better than self-rule[52]

E.V. Ramasamy also blamed the capitalists for their control of machineries, creating difficulties for the workers. According to his philosophy, rationalism, which has to lead the way for peaceful life to all, had resulted in causing poverty and worries to the people because of dominating forces. He stated that there is no use of simply acquiring titles or amassing wealth if one has no self-respect or scientific knowledge. An example he gave was the West sending messages to the planets, while the Tamil society in India were sending rice and cereals to their dead forefathers through the Brahmins.[52]

In a message to the Brahmin community, Periyar stated, "in the name of god, religion, and sastras you have duped us. We were the ruling people. Stop this life of cheating us from this year. Give room for rationalism and humanism".[53] He added that "any opposition not based on rationalism, science, or experience will one day or another, reveal the fraud, selfishness, lies and conspiracies".[53]

Self-respect

Main article: Self-Respect Movement

Periyar's philosophy of self-respect was based on his image of an ideal world and a universally accepted one. His philosophy preaches that human actions should be based on rational thinking. Further, the outcome of the natural instinct of human beings is to examine every object and every action and even nature with a spirit of inquiry, and to refuse to submit to anything irrational as equivalent to slavery. Thus, the philosophy of self-respect taught that human actions should be guided by reason, right and wrong should follow from rational thinking and conclusions drawn from reason should be respected under all circumstances. Freedom means respect to thoughts and actions considered 'right' by human beings on the basis of 'reason'. There is not much difference between 'freedom' and 'self-respect'.[54]

Periyar's foremost appeal to people was to develop self-respect. He preached that the Brahmins had monopolised and cheated other communities for decades and deprived them of self-respect. He stated that most Brahmins claimed to belong to a "superior" community with the reserved privilege of being in charge of temples and performing archanas. He felt that they were trying to reassert their control over religion by using their superior caste status to claim the exclusive privilege to touch idols or enter the sanctum sanctorum.[51]

Women’s rights

Main article: Periyar E. V. Ramasamy and women's rights

As a rationalist and ardent social reformer, Periyar advocated forcefully throughout his life that women should be given their legitimate position in society as the equals of men and that they should be given good education and have the right to property. He thought age and social customs was not a bar in marrying women. He was keen that women should realise their rights and be worthy citizens of their country.[55]

Periyar fought against the orthodox traditions of marriage as suppression of women in Tamil Nadu and throughout the Indian sub-continent. Though arranged marriages were meant to enable a couple to live together throughout life, it was manipulated to enslave women.[56] Much worse was the practice of child marriages practised throughout India at the time. It was believed that it would be a sin to marry after puberty.[57] Another practice, which is prevalent today, is the dowry system where the bride's family is supposed to give the husband a huge payment for the bride. The purpose of this was to assist the newly wedded couple financially, but in many instances dowries were misused by bridegrooms. The outcome of this abuse turned to the exploitation of the bride's parents wealth, and in certain circumstances, lead to dowry deaths.[58] There have been hundreds of thousands of cases where wives have been murdered, mutilated, and burned alive because the father of the bride was unable to make the dowry payment to the husband. Periyar fiercely stood up against this abuse meted out against women.[59]

Women in India also did not have rights to their families' or husbands' property. Periyar fought fiercely for this and also advocated for women to have the right to separate or divorce their husbands under reasonable circumstances.[59] While birth control remained taboo in society of Periyar's time, he advocated for it not only for the health of women and population control, but for the liberation of women.[60]

He criticised the hypocrisy of chastity for women and argued that it should either apply also to men, or not at all for both genders.[61] While fighting against this, Periyar advocated getting rid of the Devadasi system. In his view it was an example of a list of degradations of women, attaching them to temples for the entertainment of others, and as temple prostitutes.[62] Further, for the liberation of women, Periyar pushed for their right to have an education and to join the armed services and the police force.[61][63]

According to biographer M.D. Gopalakrishnan, Periyar and his movement achieved a better status for women in Tamil society. Periyar held that, in matters of education and employment, there should be no difference between men and women. Gopalakrishnan states that Periyar's influence in the State departments and even the Center made it possible for women to join police departments and the army. Periyar also spoke out against child marriage.[51]

Social reform and eradication of caste

Main articles: Periyar E.V. Ramasamy and social reform and Periyar E. V. Ramasamy and the eradication of caste
Periyar wanted thinking people to see their society as far from perfect and in urgent need of reform. He wanted the government, the political parties and social workers to identify the evils in society and boldly adopt measures to remove them.[64] Periyar's philosophy did not differentiate social and political service.[65] According to him, the first duty of a government is to run the social organisation efficiently, and the philosophy of religion was to organise the social system. Periyar stated that while Christian and Islamic religions were fulfilling this role, the Hindu religion remained totally unsuitable for social progress. He argued that the government was not for the people, but, in a "topsy-turvy" manner, the people were for the government. He attributed this situation to the state of the social system contrived for the advantage of a small group of people.[65]

One of the areas of Periyar's focus was on the upliftment of rural communities. In a booklet called Village Uplift, Periyar pleaded for rural reform. At that time rural India still formed the largest part of the Indian subcontinent, in spite of the ongoing process of urbanisation. Thus, the distinction between rural and urban had meant an economic and social degradation for rural inhabitants. Periyar wanted to eradicate the concept of "village" as a discrimination word among places, just as the concept of "outcast" among social groups. Periyar advocated for a location where neither the name nor the situation or its conditions imply differences among people.[66] He further advocated for the modernisation of villages by providing public facilities such as schools, libraries, radio stations, roads, bus transport, and police stations.[67]

Periyar felt that a small number of cunning people created caste distinctions to dominate Indian society, so he emphasised that individuals must first develop self-respect and learn to analyse propositions rationally. According to Periyar, a self-respecting rationalist would readily realise that the caste system had been stifling self-respect and therefore he or she would strive to get rid of this menace.[68]

Periyar stated that the caste system in South India is, due to Indo-Aryan influence, linked with the arrival of Brahmins from the north. Ancient Tamil Nadu (part of Tamilakkam) had a different stratification of society in four or five regions (Tinai), determined by natural surroundings and adequate means of living.[69] Periyar also argued that birds, animals, and worms, which are considered to be devoid of rationalism do not create castes, or differences of high and low in their own species. But man, considered to be a rational being, was suffering from these because of religion and discrimination.[70]

The Samathuvapuram (Equality Village) social equality system introduced by the Government of Tamil Nadu in the late 1990s is named after Ramasamy.[71]
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Tamil language and writing

Main article: Periyar E. V. Ramasamy and Tamil grammar

Periyar claimed that Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam, and Kannada came from the same mother language of Old Tamil. He explained that the Tamil language is called by four different names since it is spoken in four different Dravidian states. Nevertheless, current understanding of Dravidian languages contradicts such claims. For example, the currently known classification of Dravidian languages provides the following distinct classes: Southern (including Tamil–Malayalam, Kannada and Tulu); Central (including Telugu–Kui and Kolami–Parji); and, Northern (including Kurukh–Malto and Brahui).

With relation to writing, Periyar stated that using the Tamil script about the arts, which are useful to the people in their life and foster knowledge, talent and courage, and propagating them among the masses, will enlighten the people. Further, he explained that it will enrich the language, and thus it can be regarded as a zeal for Tamil.[72] Periyar also stated that if words of North Indian origin (Sanskrit) are removed from Telugu, Kannada, and Malayalam, only Tamil will be left. On the Brahmin usage of Tamil, he stated that the Tamil spoken by the Andhras and the Malayali people was far better than the Tamil spoken by the Brahmins. Periyar believed that Tamil language will make the Dravidian people unite under the banner of Tamil culture, and that it will make the Kannadigas, Andhras and the Malayalees be vigilant. With regards to a Dravidian alliance under a common umbrella language, Periyar stated that "a time will come for unity. This will go on until there is an end to the North Indian domination. We shall reclaim an independent sovereign state for us".[73]

At the same time, Periyar was also known to have made controversial remarks on the Tamil language and people from time to time. On one occasion, he referred to the Tamil people as "barbarians"[74] and the Tamil language as the "language of barbarians".[75][74][76][77][78] However, Anita Diehl explains that Periyar made these remarks on Tamil because it had no respective feminine verbal forms.[33] But Anita Diehl's explanation doesn't match with Periyar's own explanation. Periyar himself explained reasons many times in his speeches and writings, for instance, an excerpt from his book Thamizhum, Thamizharum(Tamil and Tamil people) reads, "I say Tamil as barbarian language. Many get angry with me for saying so. But no one ponders over why I say so. They say Tamil is a 3,000 to 4,000 years-old language and they boast about this. Precisely that is what the reason why I call Tamil as barbarian language. People should understand the term primitive and barbarism. What was the status of people living 4,000 years ago and now? We are just blindly sticking to old glories. No one has come forward to reform Tamil language and work for its growth."[79]

Periyar's ideas on Tamil alphabet reforms included those such as the reasons for the vowel 'ஈ' (i) having a cursive and looped representation of the short form 'இ' (I).[clarification needed] In stone inscriptions from 400 or 500 years ago, many Tamil letters are found in other shapes. As a matter of necessity and advantage to cope with printing technology, Periyar thought that it was sensible to change a few letters, reduce the number of letters, and alter a few signs. He further explained that the older and more divine a language and its letters were said to be, the more they needed reform. Because of changes brought about by means of modern transport and international contact, and happenings that have attracted words and products from many countries, foreign words and their pronunciations have been assimilated into Tamil quite easily. Just as a few compound characters have separate signs to indicate their length as in ' கா ', ' கே ' (kA:, kE:), Periyar questioned why other compound characters like ' கி ', ' கீ ', 'கு ', ' கூ ' (kI, ki:, kU, ku:) (indicated integrally as of now), shouldn't also have separate signs. Further, changing the shape of letters, creating new symbols and adding new letters and similarly, dropping those that are redundant, were quite essential according to Periyar. Thus, the glory and excellence of a language and its script depend on how easily they can be understood or learned and on nothing else"[33]

Thoughts on Thirukkural

Main article: Thirukkural

Periyar hailed the Thirukkural as a valuable scripture which contained many scientific and philosophical truths. He also praised the secular nature of the work. Periyar praised Thiruvalluvar for his description of God as a formless entity with only positive attributes. He also suggested that one who reads the Thirukkural will become a Self-respecter, absorbing knowledge in politics, society, and economics. According to him, though certain items in this ancient book of ethics may not relate to today, it permitted such changes for modern society.[80]

On caste, he believed that the Kural illustrates how Vedic laws of Manu were against the Sudras and other communities of the Dravidian race. On the other hand, Periyar opined that the ethics from the Kural was comparable to the Christian Bible. The Dravidar Kazhagam adopted the Thirukkural and advocated that Thiruvalluvar's Kural alone was enough to educate the people of the country.[80] One of Periyar's quotes on the Thirukkural from Veeramani's Collected Works of Periyar was "when Dravida Nadu (Dravidistan) was a victim to Indo-Aryan deceit, Thirukkural was written by a great Dravidian Thiruvalluvar to free the Dravidians".[80]

Periyar also asserted that due to the secular nature of Thirukkural, it has the capacity to be the common book of faith for all humanity and can be kept on par or above the holy books of all religions.

Self-determination of Dravida Nadu

Main article: Dravida Nadu

Image
Periyar with Muhammad Ali Jinnah and B. R. Ambedkar

The Dravidian-Aryan conflict was believed to be a continuous historical phenomenon that started when the Aryans first set their foot in the Dravidian lands. Even a decade before the idea of separation appeared, Periyar stated that, "as long as Aryan religion, Indo-Aryan domination, propagation of Aryan Vedas and Aryan "Varnashrama" existed, there was need for a "Dravidian Progressive Movement" and a "Self-Respect Movement".[81] Periyar became very concerned about the growing North Indian domination over the south which appeared to him no different from foreign domination. He wanted to secure the fruits of labour of the Dravidians to the Dravidians, and lamented that fields such as political, economic, industrial, social, art, and spiritual were dominated by the north for the benefit of the North Indians. Thus, with the approach of independence from Britain, this fear that North India would take the place of Britain to dominate South India became more and more intense.[82]

Periyar was clear about the concept of a separate nation, comprising Tamil areas, that is part of the then existing Madras Presidency with adjoining areas into a federation guaranteeing protection of minorities, including religious, linguistic, and cultural freedom of the people. A separatist conference was held in June 1940 at Kanchipuram when Periyar released the map of the proposed Dravida Nadu, but failed to get British approval. On the contrary, Periyar received sympathy and support from people such as Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar and Muhammad Ali Jinnah for his views on the Congress, and for his opposition to Hindi. They then decided to convene a movement to resist the Congress.[81][83]

The concept of Dravida Nadu was later modified down to Tamil Nadu.[84] This led to a proposal for a union of the Tamil people of not only South India but including those of Ceylon as well.[85] In 1953, Periyar helped to preserve Madras as the capital of Tamil Nadu, which later was the name he substituted for the more general Dravida Nadu.[86] In 1955 Periyar threatened to burn the national flag, but on Chief Minister Kamaraj's pledge that Hindi should not be made compulsory, he postponed the action.[33] In his speech of 1957 called Suthantara Tamil Nadu En? (Why an independent Tamil Nadu?), he criticised the Central Government of India, inducing thousands of Tamilians to burn the constitution of India. The reason for this action was that Periyar held the Government responsible for maintaining the caste system. After stating reasons for separation and turning down opinions against it, he closed his speech with a "war cry" to join and burn the map of India on 5 June. Periyar was sentenced to six months imprisonment for burning the Indian constitution.[87]

Advocacy of such a nation became illegal when separatist demands were banned by law in 1957. Regardless of these measures, a Dravida Nadu Separation Day was observed on 17 September 1960 resulting in numerous arrests.[88] However, Periyar resumed his campaign in 1968. He wrote an editorial on 'Tamil Nadu for Tamilians' in which he stated, that by nationalism only Brahmins had prospered and nationalism had been developed to abolish the rights of Tamils. He advocated that there was need to establish a Tamil Nadu Freedom Organization and that it was necessary to work towards it.[89]

Anti-Brahmanism vs. Anti-Brahmin

Periyar was a radical advocate of anti-Brahmanism. Periyar's ideology of anti-Brahmanism is quite often confused as being anti-Brahmin. Even a non-Brahmin who supports inequality based on caste was seen as a supporter of brahmanism. Periyar called on both Brahmins and non-Brahmins to shun brahmanism.

In 1920, when the Justice Party came to power, Brahmins occupied about 70 percent[24][90] of the high level posts in the government. After reservation was introduced by the Justice Party, it reversed this trend, allowing non-Brahmins to rise in the government of the Madras Presidency.[90] Periyar, through the Justice Party, advocated against the imbalance of the domination of Brahmins who constituted only 3 percent[24][91] of the population, over government jobs, judiciary and the Madras University.[91] His Self-Respect Movement espoused rationalism and atheism and the movement had currents of anti-Brahminism.[92] Furthermore, Periyar stated that:

"Our Dravidian movement does not exist against the Brahmins or the Banias (a North Indian merchant caste). If anyone thinks so, I would only pity him. But we will not tolerate the ways in which Brahminism and the Bandiaism[clarification needed] is degrading Dravidanadu. Whatever support they may have from the government, neither myself nor my movement will be of cowardice".[93][94]


Periyar also criticised Subramanya Bharathi in the journal Ticutar for portraying Mother Tamil as a sister of Sanskrit in his poems:

"They say Bharati is an immortal poet.…Even if a rat dies in an akrakāram, they would declare it to be immortal. … of Tamilnadu praises him. Why should this be so? Supposedly because he sang fulsome praises of Tamil and Tamilnadu. What else could he sing? His own mother tongue, Sanskrit, has been dead for years. What other language did he know? He cannot sing in Sanskrit. … He says Tamilnadu is the land of Aryas."[95]


Comparisons with Gandhi

In the Vaikom Satyagraha of 1924, Periyar and Gandhi ji both cooperated and confronted each other in socio-political action. Periyar and his followers emphasised the difference in point of view between Gandhi and himself on the social issues, such as fighting the Untouchability Laws and eradication of the caste system.

According to the booklet "Gandhi and Periyar", Periyar wrote in his paper Kudi Arasu in 1925, reporting on the fact that Gandhi was ousted from the Mahasabha because he opposed resolutions for the maintaining of caste and Untouchability Laws which would spoil his efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity. From this, Gandhi learned the need for pleasing the Brahmins if anything was to be achieved.[96]

Peiryar in his references to Gandhi used opportunities to present Gandhi as, on principle, serving the interests of the Brahmins. In 1927, Periyar and Gandhi met at Bangalore to discuss this matter. The main difference between them came out when Periyar stood for the total eradication of Hinduism to which Gandhi objected saying that Hinduism is not fixed in doctrines but can be changed. In the Kudi Arasu, Periyar explained that:

"With all his good qualities, Gandhi did not bring the people forward from foolish and evil ways. His murderer was an educated man. Therefore nobody can say this is a time of high culture. If you eat poison, you will die. If electricity hits the body, you will die. If you oppose the Brahmin, you will die. Gandhi did not advocate the eradication of Varnasrama Dharma structure, but sees in it a task for the humanisation of society and social change possible within its structure. The consequence of this would be continued high-caste leadership. Gandhi adapted Brahmins to social change without depriving them of their leadership".[96]


Gandhi accepted karma in the sense that "the Untouchables reap the reward of their karma,[96] but was against discrimination against them using the revaluing term Harijans. As shown in the negotiations at Vaikom his methods for abolishing discrimination were: to stress on the orthodox, inhumane treatment of Untouchables; to secure voluntary lifting of the ban by changing the hearts of caste Hindus; and to work within a Hindu framework of ideas.[96]

On the Temple Entry issue, Gandhi never advocated the opening of Garbha Griha to Harijans in consequence of his Hindu belief. These sources which can be labelled "pro-Periyar" with the exception of M. Mahar and D.S. Sharma, clearly show that Periyar and his followers emphasised that Periyar was the real fighter for the removal of Untouchability and the true upliftment of Hairjans, whereas Gandhi was not. This did not prevent Periyar from having faith in Gandhi on certain matters.[96]

Religion and atheism

Main article: Religious views of Periyar E. V. Ramasamy

Periyar was generally regarded[by whom?] as a pragmatic propagandist who attacked the evils of religious influence on society, mainly what he regarded as Brahmin domination. At a young age, he felt that some people used religion only as a mask to deceive innocent people and regarded it as his life's mission to warn people against superstitions and priests.[32] Anita Diehl explains that Periyar cannot be called an atheist philosopher. Periyar, however, qualified what the term "atheist" implies in his address on philosophy. He repudiated the term as without real sense: "…the talk of the atheist should be considered thoughtless and erroneous. The thing I call god... that makes all people equal and free, the god that does not stop free thinking and research, the god that does not ask for money, flattery and temples can certainly be an object of worship. For saying this much I have been called an atheist, a term that has no meaning".

Anita Diehl explains that Periyar saw faith as compatible with social equality and did not oppose religion itself.[97] In a book on revolution published in 1961, Periyar stated: "be of help to people. Do not use treachery or deceit. Speak the truth and do not cheat. That indeed is service to God."[98]

On Hinduism, Periyar believed that it was a religion with no distinctive sacred book (bhagawad gita) or origins, but an imaginary faith preaching the "superiority" of the Brahmins, the inferiority of the Shudras, and the untouchability of the Dalits (Panchamas).[43] Maria Misra, a lecturer at Oxford University, compares him to the philosophes, stating: "his contemptuous attitude to the baleful influence of Hinduism in Indian public life is strikingly akin to the anti-Catholic diatribes of the enlightenment philosophes".[99] In 1955 Periyar was arrested for his public action of burning pictures of Rama in public places as a symbolic protest against the Indo-Aryan domination and degradation of the Dravidian leadership according to the Ramayana epic.[100] Periyar also shoed images of Krishna and Rama, stating that they were Aryan gods that considered the Dravidian Shudras to be "sons of prostitutes".[101]

Periyar openly suggested to those who were marginalised within the Hindu communities to consider converting to other faiths such as Islam, Christianity, or Buddhism. On Islam, he stated how it was good for abolishing the disgrace in human relationship, based on one of his speeches to railway employees at Tiruchirapalli in 1947. Periyar also commended Islam for its belief in one invisible and formless God; for proclaiming equal rights for men and women; and for advocating social unity.[102]

At the rally in Tiruchi, Periyar said:

"Muslims are following the ancient philosophies of the Dravidians. The Arabic word for Dravidian religion is Islam. When Brahmanism was imposed in this country, it was Mohammad Nabi who opposed it, by instilling the Dravidian religion's policies as Islam in the minds of the people"[103]


Periyar viewed Christianity as similar to the monotheistic faith of Islam. He explained that the Christian faith says that there can be only one God which has no name or shape. Periyar took an interest in Martin Luther - both he and his followers wanted to liken him and his role to that of the European reformer. Thus Christian views, as expressed for example in The Precepts of Jesus (1820) by Ram Mohan Roy, had at least an indirect influence on Periyar.[104]

Apart from Islam and Christianity, Periyar also found in Buddhism a basis for his philosophy, though he did not accept that religion. It was again an alternative in the search for self-respect and the object was to get liberation from the discrimination of Hinduism.[105] Through Periyar's movement, Temple Entry Acts of 1924, 1931, and up to 1950 were created for non-Brahmins. Another accomplishment took place during the 1970s when Tamil replaced Sanskrit as the temple language in Tamil Nadu, while Dalits finally became eligible for priesthood.[33]

Controversies

Factionism in the Justice Party


See also: Justice Party (India)

When B. Munuswamy Naidu became the Chief Minister of Madras Presidency in 1930, he endorsed the inclusion of Brahmins in the Justice Party, saying:

So long as we exclude one community, we cannot as a political speak on behalf of, or claim to represent all the people of our presidency. If, as we hope, provincial autonomy is given to the provinces as a result of the reforms that may be granted, it should be essential that our Federation should be in a position to claim to be a truly representative body of all communities. What objection can there be to admit such Brahmins as are willing to subscribe to the aims and objects of our Federation? It may be that the Brahmins may not join even if the ban is removed. But surely our Federation will not thereafter be open to objection on the ground that it is an exclusive organisation.[106]


Though certain members supported the resolution, a faction in the Justice Party known as the "Ginger Group" opposed the resolution and eventually voted it down. Periyar, who was then an observer in the Justice Party, criticised Munuswamy Naidu, saying:

At a time when non-Brahmins in other parties were gradually coming over to the Justice Party, being fed up with the Brahmin's methods and ways of dealing with political questions, it was nothing short of folly to think of admitting him into the ranks of the Justice Party.[107]


This factionism continued until 1932 when Munuswamy Naidu stepped down as the Chief Minister of Madras and the Raja of Bobbili became the chief minister.[107]

Followers and influence

After the death of Periyar in 1973, conferences were held throughout Tamil Nadu for a week in January 1974. The same year Periyar's wife, Maniyammai, the new head of the Dravidar Kazhagam, set fire to the effigies of 'Rama', 'Sita' and 'Lakshmana' at Periyar Thidal, Madras. This was in retaliation to the Ramaleela celebrations where effigies of 'Ravana', 'Kumbakarna' and 'Indrajit' were burnt in New Delhi. For this act she was imprisoned. During the 1974 May Day meetings held at different places in Tamil Nadu, a resolution urging the Government to preserve 80 percent[24] of jobs for Tamils was passed. Soon after this, a camp was held at Periyar Mansion in Tiruchirapalli to train young men and women to spread the ideals of the Dravidar Kazhagam in rural areas.[24]

On Periyar's birthday on 17 September 1974, Periyar's Rationalist Library and Research Library and Research Institute was opened by the then Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi. This library contained Periyar's rationalist works, the manuscripts of Periyar and his recorded speeches.[68] Also during the same year Periyar's ancestral home in Erode, was dedicated as a commemoration building. On 20 February 1977, the opening function of Periyar Building in Madras was held. At the meeting which the Managing Committee of the Dravidar Kazhagam held, there on that day, it was decided to support the candidates belonging to the Janata Party, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), and the Marxist Party during the General Elections.[24]

On 16 March 1978, Maniyammai died. The Managing Committee of the Dravidar Kazhagam elected K. Veeramani as General Secretary of the Dravidar Kazhagam on 17 March 1978. From then on, the Periyar-Maniyammai Educational and Charitable Society started the Periyar Centenary Women's Polytechnic at Thanjavur on 21 September 1980. On 8 May 1982, the College for Correspondence Education was started under the auspices of the Periyar Rationalist Propaganda Organization.[24]

Over the years, Periyar influenced Tamil Nadu's political party heads such as C.N. Annadurai[23] and M. Karunanidhi[108] of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam' (DMK), V. Gopalswamy[109][110] founder of the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), S. Ramadoss[111] founder of the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), Thol. Thirumavalavan, founder of the Dalit Panthers of India (DPI), and Dravidar Kazhagam's K. Veeramani.[112] Nationally, Periyar is main ideological icon for India's third largest voted party, Bahujan Samaj Party[113][114] and its founder Kanshi Ram.[115] Other political figures influenced by Periyar were former Congress minister K. Kamaraj,[23] former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Mayawati.[116] Periyar's life and teachings have also influenced writers and poets such as Kavignar Inkulab, and Bharathidasan[117] including actors such as Kamal Haasan[118] and Sathyaraj.[119] Noted Tamil Comedian N. S. Krishnan was a close friend and follower of Periyar.[120][121]W. P. A. Soundarapandian Nadar was a close confidant of Periyar and encouraged Nadars to be a part of the Self-Respect Movement.[122][123] A writer from Uttar Pradesh, Lalai Singh Yadav translated Periyar's notable works into Hindi.[124][125][126]

In popular culture

Main article: Periyar (2007 film)

Sathyaraj and Khushboo Sundar starred in a government-sponsored film Periyar released in 2007. Directed by Gnana Rajasekaran, the film was screened in Malaysia on 1 May 2007 and was screened at the Goa International Film Festival in November that year.[127][128] Sathyaraj reprised his role as Periyar in the film Kalavadiya Pozhudugal directed by Thangar Bachan which released in 2017.[129]

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Cited sources

• Diehl, Anita (1977). E. V. Ramaswami Naicker-Periar: A study of the influence of a personality in contemporary South India. Sweden: Scandinavian University Books. ISBN 978-91-24-27645-4.
• Gopalakrishnan, G.P. (1991). Periyar: Father of the Tamil race. Chennai: Emerald Publishers.
• Ralhan, O. P. (2002). Encyclopaedia of Political Parties. Anmol Publications PVT. LTD. ISBN 81-7488-865-9.
• Saraswathi, S. (2004). Towards Self-Respect. Madras: Institute of South Indian Studies.
• Veeramani, K. (1992). Periyar on Women's Rights. Chennai: Emerald Publishers.
• Veeramani, K. (2005). Collected Works of Periyar E.V.R. Chennai: The Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institution.

Further reading

• Bandistse, D.D., (2008). Humanist Thought in Contemporary India. B.R. Pub: New Delhi.
• Bandyopadhyaya, Sekhara, (2004). From Plassey to Partition: A history of modern India. Orient Longman: New Delhi. ISBN 978-81-250-2596-2
• Biswas, S.K., (1996). Pathos of Marxism in India. Orion Books: New Delhi.
• Chand, Mool, (1992). Bahujan and their Movement. Bahujan Publication Trust: New Delhi.
• Dirks, Nicholas B., (2001). Castes of mind : colonialism and the making of modern India. Princeton University Press: Princeton, New Jersey.
• Kothandaraman, Ponnusamy, (1995). Tamil Varalarril Tantai Periyar (Tamil). Pumpolil Veliyitu: Chennai.
• Mani, Braj Ranjan, (2005). Debrahmanising History: Dominance and Resistance in Indian Society. Manohar: New Delhi.
• Mission Prakashan, (2003). Second Freedom Struggle: Chandapuri’s Call to Overthrow Brahmin Rule. Mission Prakashan Patna: Bihar.
• Omvedt, Gail, (2006). Dalit Visions. Oscar Publications: New Delhi.
• Ram, Dadasaheb Kanshi, (2001). How to Revive the Phule-Ambedkar-Periyar Movement in South India. Bahujan Samaj Publications: Bangalore.
• Ramasami, Periyar, [3rd edition] (1998). Declaration of War on Brahminism. Chennai.
• Ramasami, Periyar E.V., [ new ed] (1994). Periyana. Chintakara Chavadi: Bangalore.
• Ramasami, Periyar, [new ed] (1994). Religion and Society:: Selections from Periyar’s Speeches and Writings. Emerald Publishers: Madras.
• Richman, Paula, (1991). Many Ramayanas: The Diversity of a Narrative Tradition in South Asia. University of California Press: Berkeley. ISBN 0-520-07281-2.
• Sen, Amiya P., (2003). Social and Religious Reform: The Hindus of British India. Oxford University Press: New Delhi; New York.
• Srilata, K., (2006). Other Half of the Coconut: Women Writing Self-Respect History – an anthology of self-respect literature, 1928–1936. Oscar Publications: Delhi.
• Thirumavalavan, Thol; Meena Kandasamy (2003). Talisman, Extreme Emotions of Dalit Liberation: Extreme emotions of Dalit Liberation. Popular Prakashan: Mumbai.
• Thirumavalavan, Thol; Meena Kandasamy (2004). Uproot Hindutva: The Fiery Voice of the Liberation Panthers. Popular Prakashan.
• Venugopal, P., (1990). Social Justice and Reservation. Emerald Publishers: Madras.
• Yadav, Bibhuti, (2002). Dalits in India (A set of 2 Volumes). Anmol Publications. New Delhi.
• Gawthaman.Pasu, (2009). "E.V.Ramasamy enginra naan". Bhaathi Puthakalayam. Chennai.

External links

• Periyar (official website) (in English)
• Thanthai Periyar (in English)
• Periyar Kural (online radio in Tamil)
• Rationalist/Social Reformer (article) (in English)
• The Revolutionary Sayings of Periyar (in English)
• `The economic interest... that was the contradiction' (article) (in English)
• Thanthai Periyar (in English)
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Young Men's Buddhist Association
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 8/18/20



Image
Barrister Don Baron Jayatilaka, President of the YMBA Colombo, pre 1920.

Sir Don Baron Jayatilaka (Sinhala:ශ්‍රීමත් දොන් බාරොන් ජයතිලක; 13 February 1868 – 29 May 1944) known as D.B. Jayatilaka was a Sri Lankan educationalist, statesmen and diplomat. He was Vice-President of the Legislative Council of Ceylon; the Minister for Home Affairs and Leader of the House of the State Council of Ceylon; and Representative of Government of Ceylon in New Delhi. Sir D. B. Jayatilaka is also considered as a flag bearer of Buddhist education in Sri Lanka.

-- Don Baron Jayatilaka, by Wikipedia


The YMBA, or Young Men's Buddhist Association, was created in Sri Lanka in 1898. The main founder was C. S. Dissanayake [1] as part of a bid to provide Buddhist institutions as an alternative to YMCA, otherwise known as the Young Men's Christian Association.

The riots of 1915 occurred when Muslims interfered with a Buddhist perahera in Kandy and in retaliation the Buddhists attacked Muslims in many parts of the country. The British authorities, already uneasy with the Buddhists because of the temperance agitation, severely punished them for these riots. In particular, the government jailed all of the leading Buddhist temperance leaders because they headed the most visible organizations. Fernando observed that their imprisonment after the riots "brought many Western-educated Buddhist leaders to the political limelight and helped them to emerge as national leaders."74 Among these leaders were F. R. Senanayake, D. S. Senanayake, D. B. Jayatilaka, D. R. Wijewardene, Arthur V. Dias, and W. A. deSilva. After the riots, when these men were freed and resumed the leadership of the Buddhist movement, they avoided the militant and emotional reformism of Dharmapala, preferring instead restraint and order. DeSilva notes, "Their approach to the religious problems of the day was in every way a contrast to Dharmapala's and they it was who set the tone up to Jayatilaka's retirement from politics in 1943."75

These leaders worked for the uplift of Buddhism through a number of lay Buddhist organizations. Having their roots in the organizational inspiration that Olcott gave to the lay Buddhist revival, these laymen's groups became the chief vehicles of the revival and reform of Buddhism during this period. They represented important expressions of Protestant Buddhism. Four organizations dominated the scene. The Buddhist Theosophical Society, as noted above, was founded by Olcott in 1880. The Maha Bodhi Society followed in 1891, founded by Dharmapala to regain the Buddhist sites in India and to revive Buddhism in Sri Lanka. Inspired by these two movements, twenty young men led by C. S. Dissanayake met at the BTS [Buddhist Theosophical Society] in 1898 to form the Young Men's Buddhist Association. The final organization in this group began in 1919 when the various branches of the YMBA came together to form the All Ceylon YMBA Congress, which later became the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress.76

All of these organizations were closely related both in their membership and in their objectives. Drawing on the same constituency of lay Buddhists, the societies' membership rolls overlapped. Their members belonged to the Anglicized elite or emerging classes. A historian of the YMBA has described it as "the first secular society for English speaking Buddhists," and he notes with pride that the YMBA in 1916 possessed the " largest collection of English Buddhist books in the Island."77 Not surprisingly, the leadership of these organizations also overlapped considerably. A small group of men served as leaders of all of them. The same men who led the temperance movement and served as the political leaders of the Anglicized Sinhalese during the first part of this century also led the lay Buddhist organizations. Among them was D. B. Jayatilaka [Don Baron Jayatilaka], who served as the first president of the YMBA in 1898 and continued in that office for forty-six years, until his death in 1944. Jayatilaka had been, with Dharmapala, an early follower of Olcott and had worked in the BTS [Buddhist Theosophical Society]. When the ACBC [All Ceylon Buddhist Congress] was established, the Congress members chose Jayatilaka as their president. One of the leading politicians in the liberation movement in Sri Lanka, Jayatilaka also became the senior statesman of the Buddhist laity movement. 78

Other lay leaders included the brothers Senanayake, with the oldest brother, F. R., being an active leader in lay organizations and his younger brothers, D. S. and D. C., following him. Dr. C. A. Hevavitharana, Dharmapala's younger brother, provided leadership in these groups. Dr. W. A. deSilva, also an early follower of Dharmapala, served as a president of the BTS [Buddhist Theosophical Society], as general manager of the Buddhist schools operated by the BTS, as vice-president of the YMBA for thirty-four years, and as a founding member and president of the ACBC. 79


These men, who led the lay Buddhists during much of the first half of the twentieth century, had a synoptic vision of Buddhism and its restoration. Their viewpoint was more traditional, or neotraditional, than reformist. Although they rallied to Dharmapala's cry to revive both Buddhism and their Sinhala identity, they did not share his zeal for reforming the tradition. DeSilva observes that, as political leaders, these men "were committed to the maintenance of the liberal ideal of a secular state" with clear separation of church and state. 80 This moderate stance carried over to their approach to Buddhism. The Buddhism they sought to revive approximated traditional Theravada, with traditional roles for the laity. Unlike Dharmapala, who had opened the supramundane path to laypersons, these men retained the traditional separation of the mundane and supramundane paths and kept laymen firmly entrenched on the mundane path.

-- The Buddhist Revival in Sri Lanka: Religious Tradition, Reinterpretation and Response, by George D. Bond


It has had many famous presidents such as philanthropists Ernest de Silva and Henry Woodward Amarasuriya. It also exists in other countries, although they seem to be independent organizations.

See also

• Young Men's Buddhist Association (Burma)

References

1. Human Rights Watch (2009), The Resistance of the Monks: Buddhism and Activism in Burma, p. 12.

Further reading

• Tessa J. Bartholomeuz.In Defense of Dharma: Just-War Ideology in Buddhist Sri Lanka. RoutledgeCurzon, NY: New York, 2002.

External links

• YMBA Kolonnawa, Sri Lanka
• YMBA Colombo, Sri Lanka
• YMBA Maharagama, Sri Lanka
• YMBA Dehiwala-MtLavinia, Sri Lanka
• Young Men's Buddhist Association America
• YMBA New Delhi, India

***********************************

Young Men's Buddhist Association (Burma)
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 8/18/20

Image
Young Men's Buddhist Association (Burma)
ဗုဒ္ဓဘာသာ ကလျာဏယုဝအသင်း
Abbreviation: YMBA
Formation: 1906
Founder: Ba Pe, U Kin, Doctor Ba Yin, Sein Hla Aung, Hla Pe, May Oung, and Joseph Maung Gyi
Founded at: Yangon (Rangoon)
Location: Yangon, Yangon Region, Myanmar

The Young Men's Buddhist Association (YMBA) (Burmese: ဗုဒ္ဓဘာသာ ကလျာဏယုဝအသင်း) was a Buddhist cultural organisation in Burma.

History

The YMBA was founded in Rangoon in 1906 as a federation of lay Buddhist groups dating back to 1898, with prominent founders including Ba Pe, U Kin, May Oung and Joseph Maung Gyi.[1] It was modelled on the Young Men's Buddhist Association founded in Ceylon in 1898,[2] and was created to preserve the Buddhist-based culture in Burma against the backdrop of British colonialism including the incorporation of Burma into India.

The YMBA started its first open campaign against British rule in 1916,
[3] and after many protests obtained a ruling that abbots could impose dress codes on all visitors to Buddhists monasteries.[4]

The organisation split in 1918 when older members insisted that it should remain apolitical, whilst younger members sought to enter the political sphere, sending a delegation to India to meet the Viceroy and Secretary of State to request the separation of Burma from India.[1] Further lobbying delegations were sent to London in 1919 and 1920. Following its key involvement in the 1920 student strike,[1] the most nationalist elements of the YMBA broke off and formed a political party known as the General Council of Burmese Associations,[5] whilst a senior faction later formed the Independent Party.

Activities

The organisation founded multiple schools. It was one of the key organisations in the start of nationalist sentiment in Burma.

References

1. Haruhiro Fukui (1985) Political parties of Asia and the Pacific, Greenwood Press, pp153–154
2. Human Rights Watch (2009) The Resistance of the Monks: Buddhism and Activism in Burma p12
3. William Roger Louis (1999) Oxford History of the British Empire, Vol. 4, Oxford University Press
4. History of Burma Michigan State University
5. Here Today, Gone Tomorrow The Irrawaddy, 8 November 2009

Further reading

• Michale W. Charney. A History of Modern Burma. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009. p. 31.
• Georgetown Berkeley Center article on this organization
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Don Baron Jayatilaka
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 8/18/20

Image
The Right Honourable Don Baron Jayatilaka දොන් බාරොන් ජයතිලක MLC, MP
Minister of Home Affairs
In office: 10 July 1931 – 30 November 1942
Preceded by: Position established
Succeeded by: Arunachalam Mahadeva
Leader of the House of the State Council of Ceylon
In office: 10 July 1931 – 30 November 1942
Preceded by: Position established
Succeeded by: Don Stephen Senanayake
Vice-President of the Legislative Council of Ceylon
In office: 1930–1931
President: Herbert Stanley; Bernard Henry Bourdillon; Graeme Thomson
Preceded by: James Peiris
Succeeded by: Position abolished
Member of Parliament for Kelaniya
Personal details
Born: 13 February 1868, Waragoda, Kelaniya, Sri Lanka
Died: 29 May 1944 (aged 76), Bangalore, India
Nationality: Ceylonese
Spouse(s): Mallika Batuwantudawe
Children: Three daughters and Two sons
Occupation: Barrister, politician, Diplomat, Educationalist

Sir Don Baron Jayatilaka (Sinhala:ශ්‍රීමත් දොන් බාරොන් ජයතිලක; 13 February 1868 – 29 May 1944) known as D.B. Jayatilaka was a Sri Lankan educationalist, statesmen and diplomat. He was Vice-President of the Legislative Council of Ceylon; the Minister for Home Affairs and Leader of the House of the State Council of Ceylon; and Representative of Government of Ceylon in New Delhi.[1] Sir D. B. Jayatilaka is also considered as a flag bearer of Buddhist education in Sri Lanka.[2]

Early life

Born at Waragoda, Kelaniya, he was the eldest male child of Don Daniel Jayatilaka, a government servant, and his wife Liyanage Dona Elisiyana Perera Weerasinha, daughter of oriental scholar, Don Andiris de Silva Batuwantudawe of Werahena. He had two brothers, and two sisters, both of whom died young.

Education

When he was seven years Jayatilaka was sent to the Vidyalankara Pirivena, where he learned Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit by Ratmalane Sri Dharmaloka Thera. To study English and other subjects in the English medium, he was sent to the local Baptist school from where he was sent to Wesley College in 1881, there he passed the junior and senior Cambridge examinations, travelling daily by cart from Kelaniya to the Pettah.

Jayatilaka graduated from the University of Calcutta with a BA in 1896 and went on to gain a BA in jurisprudence from Jesus College, Oxford in 1913 which was later upgraded to a MA some years later. He was called to the bar as a Barrister from the Lincoln's Inn and became an Advocate of the Supreme Court of Ceylon.


Career

Image
Sir D.B.Jayatilaka (Seated left) as a member of the Second State Council of Ceylon in 1936.

He first met Colonel Henry Steel Olcott in 1890 and joined his campaign to establish English medium Buddhist schools in the country. In 1898 he was appointed as the Principal of the Buddhist High School in Kandy (now Dharmaraja College), thereafter he became the vice principal of the English Buddhist School in Colombo (now Ananda College) under principal C. W. Leadbeater. Several years later he succeed Leadbeater as principal. He was instrumental in the establishment of the Young Men's Buddhist Association (YMBA) at Borella becoming its president in 1898 and holding the post until his death.

He left for Europe in 1910, spending three years there. During which he attended the representative of Ceylon, at the Congress of Religions in Berlin; gained a BA from Oxford and became a Barrister.


During the 1915 riots he was arrested under orders of General Officer Commanding, Ceylon seditious speeches and writings. Imprisoned under Martial Law along with many leading personalities of the day. Soon after his release he left for Britain where he campaigned for the injustices in Ceylon and for the calls for a Royal Commission to investigate the 1915 riots. When the National Congress of Ceylon was formed he became its representative in London.

He returned in 1919 and was elected President of the Ceylon National Congress in 1923. Soon thereafter he was elected from the Colombo District to the Legislative Council of Ceylon and was elected as its vice-president after the demise of Sir James Peiris in 1930. The post of President was held by the Governor of Ceylon. Following the constitutional reforms of the Donoughmore Commission, Jayatilaka was elected to the newly formed State Council of Ceylon and became Leader of the House and Minister for Home Affairs. In 1943 he was knighted for his services to the country. During World War II, he help organise volunteers to unload food from ships at the Colombo harbour after it was deserted following Japanese air raids. In August 1943, he went to India to negotiate food shipments to Ceylon after they stopped by the Indian Government. Following successful concretion of negotiations he was appointed as Representative of Government of Ceylon in New Delhi.

He served as President of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society from 1935 to 1941
.[3]

The Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka (RASSL) is based in Colombo, Sri Lanka. It is one of the oldest learned societies in Sri Lanka with a history of over 160 years. It was established on 7 February 1845, paralleling the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland to further oriental research as the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. In 1977 it was renamed the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka.

-- Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka, by Wikipedia


He was the founding chief editor of the monumental monolingual etymological Sinhala dictionary, Siṃhala śabdakoṣaya (completed in 1992), and the related A Dictionary of the Sinhalese Language (with fascicles from 1985 titled A Dictionary of the Sinhala Language.) His extraordinary leadership of the project and editorial service extended from 1927 through 1941.[4]

Sir D. B. Jayathilaka served as the president of Young Men's Buddhist Association for a continuous period of 46 years, from 1898 until his death in 1944. Under his influence Colombo YMBA inaugurated a program for promoting 'Dhamma School education', with the obligation of giving every Buddhist child in Ceylon the gift of Dhamma”.[2]

Personal life

He married Mallika Batuwantudawe in 1898, they had five children, three daughters and two sons.

Death & legacy

In 1944, he fell ill and began his return to Ceylon. He died on 29 May 1944 due to a heart attack in Bangalore. His body was returned to Ceylon in a special plane for the final rites. Sir Baron Jayatilaka was highly respected during his lifetime by both Ceylonese and British. Following his retirement from the State Council, he held the first diplomatic appointment of the Government of Ceylon. In 2018, a statue of Sir Baron Jayatilaka was erected at Thurburn House, Colombo.[5]

See also

• Sri Lankan Non Career Diplomats

References

1. Don Baron Jayatilaka
2. Sirisena, Sunil S. (6 January 2019). "Birth Anniversary: Sir D.B. Jayatilaka - flag bearer of Buddhist education". The Sunday Observer.
3. "Past Presidents". Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka. Retrieved 7 January 2017.
4. Sinhala Dictionary Office. “Former Editors”
5. Statue of D. B. Jayatilaka unveiled to commemorate 150th birth anniversary

External links

• Sir D.B. Jayatilaka – Scholar and National Leader
• A beacon of light
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Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 8/18/20



Image

The Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka (RASSL) is based in Colombo, Sri Lanka. It is one of the oldest learned societies in Sri Lanka with a history of over 160 years. It was established on 7 February 1845, paralleling the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland to further oriental research as the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. In 1977 it was renamed the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka.

History

The Society played a major role in the establishment of national institutions including the Colombo National Museum, Department of Archaeology, Department of National Archives, Department of Meteorology, Department of Statistics, the University of Ceylon, Historical Manuscripts Commission and the Sinhalese Dictionary.

It pioneered the studies on the Veddas (the aborigines of Sri Lanka), an English translation of the Mahavamsa (the Great Chronicle of Sri Lanka), Study of the Etymology of the Sinhalese Language, Research and Translation of the Dutch Archives, Maldivian Studies, Toponymy of Sri Lanka and Translations of Pali Buddhist Commentaries into Sinhala. At its early stages, its membership included the British governors of Ceylon and high civil, judicial and medical officials of the government.

The Society began admitting Ceylonese officers 1916, with the appointment of the President, Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam followed by eminent local scholars including Sir Paul Pieris and Sir Baron Jayatilaka.


In 1984, the Society moved to the Mahaweli Centre along the Ananda Coomaraswamy Mawatha (Ananda Coomaraswamy Street).

The Society’s main academic publication is its Journal, first published in 1846 as the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. In 1988, it was renamed the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka.

Journal

The Society published the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society from 1845-onwards.

Presidents

Past presidents:[1]


• 1845 John Stark (aka James Stark)
• 1846–1857: James Emerson Tennent
• 1858: Daniel John Gogerly
• 1859–1860: William Carpenter Rowe
• 1861–1864: Edward S. Creasy
• 1865–1869: J. Fraser
• 1870–1873: Amelius Beauclerk Fyers
• 1874–1877: Robert Dowson
• 1878-1881: Amelius Beauclerk Fyers
• 1882: Charles Bruce
• 1883: Hon. W.H. Ravenscroft
• 1884: Hon. John F. Dickson
• 1885-1901: R.S. Copleston
• 1902–1904: Everard im Thurn
• 1905–1908: J. Ferguson
• 1909–1912: Hugh Clifford
• 1913–1916: John Harward
• 1916: Ponnambalam Arunachalam
• 1924: Cecil Clementi
• 1926–1928: A.G.M. Fletcher
• 1929–1930: Herbert J. Stanley
• 1931: Bernard Henry Bourdillon
• 1932–1934: Paul E. Pieris
• 1935–1941: Don Baron Jayatilaka
• 1942–1948: Charles Collins
• 1949–1952: Sidney Arnold Pakeman
• 1952–1955: Paules Edward Pieris Deraniyagala
• 1956–1958: S. Paranavitana
• 1959–1961: Edmund Peiris
• 1962–1964: Richard Leslie Brohier
• 1965–1966: Garett Champness Mendis
• 1967: Nandadeva D. Wijesekera
• 1967–1970: Charles Edmund Godakumbura
• 1971–1973: Nandadeva D. Wijesekera
• 1974–1976: Henry W. Thambiah
• 1977–1979: D.P.E. Hettiaratchi
• 1980–1985: Manikku Badaturu Ariyapala
• 1986: Prof. Thambiah Nadaraja
• 1987–1991: Christopher Gunapala Uragoda
• 1992–1993: Kankani Tantri Wilson Sumanasuriya
• 1994–1995: A. Denis N. Fernando
• 1996–1997: R.C. de S. Manukulasooriya
• 1998: Manikku Badaturu Ariyapala
• 1998: G.P.S. Harischandra de Silva
• 2000–2001: H.N.S. Karunatilake
• 2002–2006: Suraweerage Gunadasa Samarasinghe
• 2009–2015: Susantha Goonatilake
• 2016–present: Hema Goonatilake

References

1. "Past Presidents". Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka. Retrieved 6 January 2017.

External links

• Official website
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Colombo Buddhist Theosophical Society
by Colombo Buddhist Theosophical Society
Accessed: 8/18/20



INTRODUCTION

Colombo Buddhist Theosophical Society was formed on 17th June 1880 and was incorporated by an Act of Parliament No. 25 of 1998. WHEREAS Col. Henry Steel Olcott, an American Theosophist and Madam Helena P. Blavatsky, a Russian author and Theosophist, inspired by the message of Buddhism disseminated by the ‘Panadura Debate’ of August, 1873, arrived in Sri Lanka on 17th May, 1880, and proclaimed themselves Buddhist by observing Thisarana Paanchaseela.

Though many writers have written that Olcott's visit to Sri Lanka was inspired by learning about the religious debate at Panadura it is the correspondence he had with the Ven Piyaratana Nayake Thera that brought Olcott to our shores.

In the archives, Olcott's diary still exists. He has written that he came to this country from the port of Galle and visited the temple of Piyaratana Thera after addressing a gathering of about 2000 that came to Galle to greet him. He said the temple was one of the most well organised and orderly temples. He spent ten days at the temple discussing the future of Buddhist education in this country and formulating the concept of the Buddhist Theosophical Society (BTS) schools that changed the colonial education map of this country.


-- Dodanduwa Sri Piyaratana Tissa Mahanayake Thero, by Memories of Weerasooriya Clan


After the formation of Colombo Buddhist Theosophical Society on 17th June 1880 the premises No. 54, Maliban Street, Colombo has been bought by the society in 1885. Col. Olcott continued his social activities until his last days in this premises.

The First English School also started in this premises and Mr. Leadbeater was the first principal.This school was shifted to Maradana where present day Ananda College which became one of the foremost colleges in Sri Lanka.

The "Bauddha Mandiraya", the epic center was constructed and formally opened on 28th January 1929 by His Excellency Sir Herbert Stanley Governor of Ceylon.
Up to now there have been 29 Presidents who have rendered yeoman services.

The current President Mr. S. P. Weerasekara was elected at the 121st Annual General Meeting held on 2002 and continues the onerous duties strengthening the stability of the Society. He is in touch with many donor organizations abroad to obtain financial aid to refurbish the present building which is 79 years old.

VISION

WHEREAS the said theosophists, perceiving the need for the upliftment of the people’s self-esteem in collaboration with Most Ven. Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala, Ven. Migettuwatte Gunananda, Anagarika Dharmapala and other Buddhists Leaders founded the Colombo Buddhist Theosophical Society for the purpose of fostering education, traditional culture and national heritage and protecting Buddha Sasana and consequently the Society has managed as many as 420 public schools.

MISSION

• To foster and develop the Buddha Sasana and propagate the Buddhist doctrine, by establishing and maintaining Dhamma Schools, Abbhidhamma and Pali teaching Centers and by organizing lecture programmes, conferences, debates and workshops;
• To establish Training Colleges for Bhikkus to make them learned and well established in the Dhamma and to promote the enrolment of suitable young persons in the Order;
• To promote the advancement of Buddhist culture, literature and art;
• To bring about the moral, cultural and social development of Buddhists and to protect their
• To establish and maintain orphanages and homes for the aged, to grant assistance to persons affected by floods, cyclones, epidemics and other disasters;
• To provide rest houses for pilgrims in Sri Lanka and abroad and organize other social service and welfare activities;
• To establish and maintain pre-school, school, other Educational Institutions and Training Centers which could advance the objects of the Society and accordingly to grant financial aid, scholarship and facilities for the education and development of children;
• To establish libraries, print, publish and sell books and periodicals relating to the objects of the Society;
• To establish a center for the strengthening of Universal Brotherhood without distinction of race, religion, sex, caste or colour;
• To encourage the study of comparative religions, philosophy and science;
• To assist the promotion of universal peace; and
• To do such and other acts conducive or incidental to the attainment of all or any of the above objects.

A Cycle of National Progress
by W.A. de Silva,
President of the B.T.S. (1940)

ANCIENT Hindu and event Greek Astronomers, divided time into Yuga and into cycle of sixty years.

A Sixty–year Cycle consists of three twenty–year periods or “Vinsati.” Brahma Vinsati is the period of growth. Next twenty years –- Iswara Vinsati –- is the period of concentration.

The Colombo Buddhist Theosophical Society was started on 17th June 1880. It has now passed all the period of a complete Cycle, and ‘starts a new cycle from an advance position, after accomplishing much that it aspired to do originally. So the history of the movement is the history of a national consciousness and aspirations. In giving an account of the work of the Society, it is proposed examine the conditions under which the new movement was born and trace its progress during these sixty years.

At the period when the movement started there was swing in the pendulum of public consciousness towards a scheme which had as its pivot a new order of things with “imitation” as its prominent ingredient.

Imitation may be the sincerest from of flattery. But there is no denying the fact that it is also the manifestation of a lack of the primary elements of self-esteem. As a rule most people in Ceylon did not get the chance to practice imitation. It was left to those who considered themselves more fortunate in acquiring knowledge of new languages and finding new opportunities for advancing their interests. They became the followers of governing classes. A few hundreds of Sinhalese imitate the Portuguese resident, attempted to speak his language, to dress like him, where possible and to lead an inferior exesistence. The same thing followed during the Dutch times, but appears that the Dutch were more exclusive and they did not encourage imitation. In fact they discouraged it.

Under British Rule

With the arrival of the British, there was freedom for people to do what they liked in regard to such matters. So the ranks of the imitators increased. Dress, named, language, were all in the imitator’s world, and at one time it was evident that no sacrifice was considered too great for the purpose. Some years ago journalist got sketched made of Ceylon imitation dress. These sketches were in interesting study. They began with shoes, socks and trousers with the cloth over it. Hats of all shapes and forms, ties of all design, coats, jackets, etc., and ended with all sorts of combination of these and permutation which could be counted in a hundred varieties. As for named, why, the Portuguese gave the bulk, the Dutch hardly any, and the English gave freedom to add Arthurs, Williams and Richards.

In regard to language, up to recent times it was the fashion in certain circles to tack on Portugues; fifty year ago it was considered a distinction. A few more years of such a calamity would have landed the people of this country in the category of the south Sea Islanders or the Negroes of Africa. Luckily this advance guard who made all this noise consisted only of an infinitesimal fraction of the population thought no doubt they were like a magnet attracting others to follow them. Nationalism was powerful enough to arrest this decline.

Where a people assimilated into their lives new ideas, they grow; where such ideas, are adopted by them for some immediate purpose they become impediments.

In the Middle Ages learning was pursued for its own sack. Europe started a new orientation when she began to build up an economic system based on the capacity for individual assertion. It was for them an experiment in civilization. It was introduced to Ceylon with a new scheme of education. The utilitarian system of education that had begun in Europe at the time was taken up and was pushed as far as possible. In this form of education Cultural direction was elbowed aside.

The new system of education, that is, education for economic advantages, became one that ignored the religion of the people, under these narrowed conditions of life there was no room for the creation of a national consciousness.

A Popular Hero

It was at this time that the Buddhist monk, Mohottiwatte Gunananda, or better known as Migettuwatte Unnanse, came into prominence. He was ordained a Buddhist monk at the Kotahena Temple. He left the priesthood after a time. There is an unverified story that during this time he joined a class for the training of catechists held by the Rev. C. Alvis a well known Sinhalese Scholar, who himself left the Church at a subsequent period. Under him Migettuwatte learned Christian books and the works of Christian critics. He returned to the Buddhist priesthood again and remained ever afterwards a Samanera (novice). Without entering into Upasampada (full ordination) megattuwatte published books, pamphlets and leaflets in answer to those issued by Protestant missionaries. He further started a counter campaign, carrying war to his opponent’s camp.

Before many years were out he became a popular hero. He was unorthodox in his methods. He engaged himself in public controversies. His most notable achievement was at Panadura in August, 1873. John Capper published “A full account of the Buddhist controversy held at Panadura in August 1873, by the ‘Ceylon Times’ special reporter with the addresses revised and amplified history. The book had a wider circulation than was ever expected by John Capper.

A Missionary’s Estimate

There is also a description of this controversy in the “Ceylon Friend” of September, 1873, by Rev.S. Langden, the well-known Missionary. His description is interesting as it comes from a Christian Minister at that time new to the country.

He writes:-

“The most remarkable incident in my first three months of missionary experience and one of the most remarkable things I have ever witnessed was the great controversy, Christianity versus Buddhism. It proved in a striking manner the strong interest, nay more, the deep anxiety which exists among the masses of the people……. about their religion. It is one of the signs of the time………

“When we arrived at the place appointed for the discussion we found that thousands had got there before us…. A more picturesque scene could hardly be imagined than the one which presented itself to us as we sat on that platform. On one side of it there were Rev. S. Coles, Church missionary, Mr. Tebb and myself, several native ministries and some lay members of the other side there was a large number-robed priests.

“As the clock struck nine the priest Migettuwatte arose and commenced his address on the Buddhist side. There is that in his manner as he rises to speak which puts one in mind of some orators at home. He showed a consciousness of power with the people. In voice he has the advantage of his antagonist. It is of great compass and has a clear ring about it. His action is good and the long yellow robe thrown over one shoulder helps to make it impressive. His powers of persuasion show him to be a born orator.””

Three Days’ controversy

Rev. David de Silva, a learned and fluent speaker full of Pali and Sanskrit, and Mr. Sirimanne, a catechist who was known to be a popular speaker, were the advocates on the Christian side.

Supporting the Buddhist champion were the learned High Priest of Adam’s Peak, Sipkaduwe sumangalabhidana Bulatgama Dhammalankara, Sri Sumanatissa Dhammalankara, Subhati, Potuwila Indajoti, Koggala Sanghatissa, Amaramoli, Gunarathna and Weligama Terunnanses-the ablest Original Scholars among the Buddhist Priests of the Island.

The controversy lasted for three days, August 27, 28, 29. Each party made six discourses

To quote the Rev. Mr. Langden again: “The last speaker was Migettuwatte. He (Migettuwatte) thanked the people for their attention, exhorted them to hold fast to Buddhism and then sat down. So ended this remarkable discussion. The people in the outer circle of the crowd raised a shout of applause crying Sadu! Sadu! But beyond that there was no demons tradition or disturbance
Whatever and that was to me the most surprising thing about it. I question if a controversy of that kind could be held in the presence of so many thousands in any country in Europe without disturbance.

A New Consciousness

This controversy awakened in the minds of the people a consciousness of strength and a felling of self-esteem which went beyond the confines of religious assertions. Capper’s book found its way to Europe. It was re-published in America. At that time students in the West knew very little of Pali literature; so the book, when it went into the hands of serious scholars, created a new interest in the religion and literature of Ceylon. Migettuwatte received numerous inquiries from Western scholars and others interested in religion. He laid the foundation for a new awakening which was the beginning of the growth of a movement of cultural progress in the Island which loosened the shackles of prejudice of race and creed, and has brought about today a spirit of co-operation and mutual understanding hardly dreamt of sixty years ago.

Man From The west

The account of the Panadura controversy attracted widespread attention and brought a man from the teachings of the Orient. He with his eminently practical mind gave the clue to constructive activity.

He was Col H.S.Olcott

Col Olcott was born in 1832 in new jersey, U.S.A. he was only 23 when his success in scientific agriculture led the Greek Government to offer him the chair.of Agriculture in the University of Athens. He declined the hounoer. He continued his Scientific researches in agriculture and when the American Civil war broke out he enlisted in the Northern Army. Shortly after he was appointed a commission to enquire into suspected frauds in the Army and the Navy Department and in spite of threats and intimidations he fought for four years though a storm of opposition and calumny till he sent the worst criminals to jail and his moral courage was shown out brightly. His Government bore testimony to the ‘, great zeal and fidelity which characterize his conduct under circumstances very trying to the integrity of an officer.

Sacrificed A Career

Col. Olcott who resigned from the war department and had been admitted to the Bar, , was earning a large income. He abandoned his practice, in 1875 and founded the Theosophical Society. He and his colleagues came to India in 1878 and in 1880 he began his work in Ceylon. From 1875 to 1906. 893 branches of the Theosophical Society were founded all over the world. The most northerly branch is in the Arctic Circle and the southern most is in New Zealand. Many difficulties confronted him. He steered the Society through many crisis. Through good and ill report he worked unwaveringly.

Such was the man who came to Ceylon in 1880, attracted by the message of Buddhism. The arrival of a number of men from the west, who professed Buddhism and who proclaimed to the world the hertage of this Island, created an unusual stir. Vested interested and entrenched ideas were shaken to their foundations. Col. Olcott from the very start attracted to him a large circle of able and enthusiastic workers. He indicated in unmistakable terms the steps that were necessary to transform the new found enthusiasm into practical lines so that it might find a permanent place in the growth and progress of the country. No obstacle could stand in his way; antagonist propaganda gave strength to the movement, opposition of some of the Government officials added weight to his arguments.

Education of Children

The one thing necessary, he pointed out, was to tack up the education of children into their own hands. The worked should be done by the people themselves; it should grow form the soil and the roots should go deep down. From 1880omwards he watched the movement, he gave his advice freely, he did not dictate he allowed those who were in the work to make many mistakes, to struggle, to achive, to quarrel to disagree and fight their battles. He was a genuine and a professed Buddhist which he proclaimed without hesitation to the whole world. He suggested the Buddhist flag and assisted in selecting a design .He suggested the necessity for a public holiday on the full moon day of Wesak and got the Buddhists to ask for it; he suggested the importance of a Headquarters’ Buildings and got the Buddhists to purchase the Maliban Street and Norris Road site. He urged the importance of propaganda and the establishment of a newspaper, and “ Sarasavi Sandaresa” was the result. He impressed on all his colleagues that self- reliance was the quality that should be cultivated by those who aspire to do any effective work. His diary shows that from 1880 to 1906 he spent a certain period of time Ceylon practically each year. He loved the people of Ceylon with a love of intimate feeling he lived to see the work grow and strengthen beyond the expectations of those who started it. “The seeds were sown and they have grown to trees and are bearing an ample crop; my venerable Guru nothing in heaven or earth can stop the seed from bearing successive fresh crop on the trees,” thus he once addressed the High Priest Sumangala on a memorable occasion, He died at Adyar on 17th February, 1907.

Since that day, the 17th of February is celebrated in his memory as Olcott day in Ceylon.

Foundation of The Society

The Colombo Buddhist Theosophical Society was founded on 17th June, 1880,The list of original supporters of the Society show the names of learned Buddhist monks who influenced the life and thoughts of the Buddhists at the time.

The establishment of schools and the bringing together of Buddhist workers in a cooperative body without distinction of caste or position for the purpose of promoting the welfare of the Buddhists of Ceylon, were the primary objects aimed at by the new Society.

Many gathered round the movement to devote their time in attaining its objects. A few came from Europe and rendered invaluable service in work. Of these special mention should be made of C.W. Leadbeater and J. Bowles Daly. Leadbeater was a Christian Minister before he came to Ceylon. His capacity for work was great He was a good organizer and an intelligent worker. During his short stay in Ceylon, he founded the Buddhist High School which eventually became Ananda College. He wrote to the press effectively meeting the criticisms leveled at the work of the Society. He founded the English supplement of the “Sarasavi Sandaresa” under name of “The Buddhist” Its weekly issued was extremely well edited and gained a great reputation.

Other Workers

J. Bowles Daly was an Irishmant who had in England identified himself with the Irish National Movement of Paranell and his band of workers. Daly was a journalist and was for some time a leader write on the “Daily Telegraph” His energy was boundless. He was outspoken both in his speech and his writings. The local English press had a very high regard for him and the European officers of the Government paid much attention to him and his outbursts of temper. The members of the local society dreaded his criticism. He never minced his words and was no respecter of persons. During his short stay he travel throughout the Island, and roused up the people to great enthusiasm.Mahinda College Galle and Dharmaraja Kandy, owe much to him.

Among other Europeans who joined in the work, Mr. F.L.Woodward, who is now in retirement in Tasmania, rendered valuable service to both education and the religion. His name will long be remembered by his friends and colleagues and his pupils.

In this connection one should remember with gratitude the part played by Mrs. M.m. Higgins as a pioneer of Buddhist women’s Education in Ceylon. She lived for her work and died here after founding and carrying on the important work of women’s education.

May names of those who devoted a great part of their time in the promotion of the objects of the Society easily occur. Of these those of A.E. Bultjens and Ven’ble Darmapala require special notice.

At all times it is extremely difficult for a man to make up his mind to break away from tradition and pursue for himself a line of independent activity. The man who is able to do so is one who deserves well from those who value freedom and progress. He is qualified to make a success of what he undertakes. It is after all the spirit that defies the demands of expediency that eventually prevails and is able to take its proud place in the events of life.

A.E. Bultjens

A.E. Bultjens had to face difficulties and was able to contribute his quota in no small measure toward the forward march of the people of this country. There was a scholarship awarded on the result of the Cambridge local Examinations which enable a Ceylon man to pursue his studies in an English University. This scholarship was restricted to boy of the Royal College. After considerable public agitation it was thrown open to other schools. The very first year of the inauguration of the open completion – 1883-A.E. Bultjens of St. Thomas’ College was able to win. It was a great event in the scholastic world. Bultjens joined the Cambridge University. He was attracted to the study of philosophy and religion and before he left England he became a Buddhist. The news created a stis in Ceylon. At that time a normal Christian was not expected to change his religion. Bultgens came from a Christian family, he was a Burgher and a departure from family tradition was considered in certain circles as almost a social offence. Moreover he was the most distinguished boy of the premier Christian college, and for him to forsake his religion was a disappointment to his teachers. He returned to Ceylon to face the frowns of his friends and relatives. This he did not mind, for at that time the torch of free thought was held high in England.

Beginnings of Ananda College

About this time the Buddhists of Ceylon were attempting to organize a system of education for their children. A few Sinhalese schools had been opened and recognized after much opposition from those supporting vested interests. An English school was started in maliban street, pettah, by C.W. Leadbeater. Leadbeater left for Europe to engage himself in wider field of work in the theosophical society. Some of the members of the Buddhist theosophical society approached young Bultjens and invited him to join their work. Bultjens readily consented and from that day devoted his talents to the furtherance of the work of the Buddhist movement. He brought youth and intelligence, energy and enthusiasm to the movement. He soon organized the small school and brought it to a state of efficiency he persuaded his colleagues to seek a new site for the High school. He foresaw the possibilities of expansion and progress. The present site at Maradana was secured. A small building came up and the Maliban street School was removed to maradana and became Ananda college.

A Difficult Task

Bultjens’ task was an extremely difficult one. He had to face obstacles, one from his own contemporaries, relatives and friend and the other from unsympathetic government officials who were very loth to encourage Buddhists in their attempt to alter the then existing methods in the conduct of schools. Bultjens’ name was displayed prominently on the boards of his old college as one of its most distinguished pupils; when he threw in his lot with the Buddhist in their activities, the authorities of St. Thomas’ college had his name erased from the honour boards. The news of this ill-advised action reached England and Labouchere of “truth” who commanded great influence on English liberal thought had a deal to say on it. He pilloried the action of college authorities and in his inimitable way made much fun out of the incident. Bultjens tuned a blind eye to the incident and in the faith of his convictions and his devotion to his work he brought greater honour to his school. The times are different today. We have made progress in the spirits of appreciation of good and unselfish work and Bultjens’ college has restored his name to the honour boards.

Handing on the torch

Bultjens devoted his whole energy to the work of the Buddhists. He pushed the work of Ananda College and took up in addition the work of general manager of Buddhist schools. He travelled in the villages, he attended villages, he meetings and he helped in the establishment of schools. He edited the ‘Buddhist,” a weekly Buddhist journal, where the news of the activities of Buddhist work found a fitting place in addition to articles of scientific and literary value of translations of Buddhist Pali works. Bultjens took a prominent part in all this work. Year after year the work grew both in volume and importance. Others gradually arose who were able to take an active part in the extension work and who were able and competent to assist him and relieve him out of the gathering work. After a number of years when ill-health intervened he was in the position to hand over his work with confidence to others who were his colleagues and to watch the further expansion of the movement he assisted so unselfishly and with such great personal sacrifice.

The rise of the working class movement in Sri Lanka had also been closely associated with the Buddhist movement. The first trade union in Sri Lanka was formed in 1893 when there was a strike of printers. Its Secretary was A.E. Buultjens, a Burgher who had become a Buddhist and was the first Principal of Ananda College founded through the activities of the Buddhist Renaissance. The meetings of these first strikers were addressed by other Buddhist leaders like journalist C. Don Bastian and lay preacher Martinus C. Perera. In their strike in 1912, two of the leading lay Buddhist leaders, Anagarika Dharmapala and Walisinha Harischandra helped the railway workers financially and organisationally. They organised a mass meeting of the strikers at the Mahabodhi College, a Buddhist school.

-- Pānadurā Vādaya and Its Consequences: Mischievous Association with Fundamentalism, by Susantha Goonatilake


The Venerable Devamitta Dharmapala

A flood which leaves behind it fertilizing material that brings sustenance and life to hundreds of thousands is always impressive. It is energy expressing itself irrespective of banks, boundaries and obstructions.

The life and career of Venerable Devamitta Dharmapala was a flood of energy from beginning to end. It gained in momentum from year to year, never flagging in its onward rush. Disappointments, discouragements, age or ill-Handing on the torchid not alter his temperament, his purpose, or his activities in the slightest degree. His faith in himself was his great asset he had no use for “expediency” or tact. He was uncompromising in his views he met friends and opponent alike with a plain unmistakable expression of his own views.

New work

While still a young man he was brought in intimate contact with High Priest Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala, Migettuwatte Gunananda and Col. H.S.Olcott, among others who were laying the foundations of a national revival of the Sinhalese. He supplied in no small measure the translation into practical activity the ideals put forward by these early workers. He had left school and had embarked on a successful worldly career. He gave this up cheerfully at his own free will. He was not gaining any personal kudos by the change. There were very few people who at the time could admire his attitude. The mentality of Ceylon at that period was such that Dharmapala was looked upon as a foolish young man. They did not even give him the distinction of calling him a crank.

Young Dharmapala put his whole life into his new work.. He saw its potentialities. He was a free agent and independent and did not require favours from any one. He plunged himself in work; nothing was too small or big for him. He would clean his own room, make his own bed, attend to office work, write all the letters and take them to post himself, not as a matter of virtue but as a part of his daily routine. He would interpret for one he would translate a lecture for some one else, he would write original articles for the newspaper, he would discuss the policy of the editor and would correct proofs for him, and he would interview those who visited the office. He wrote to people all over Ceylon inviting them to visit the head office, and to contribute their “good will” towards the progress of the cause all were alike to him, whether one was old or young or a schoolboy, learned or ignorant, rich or poor did not matter; he intuitively knew what each was able to contribute towards the common good. He spent well night fifteen to sixteen hours a day in intensive work. he had a pleasant manner, cheerful at all times; his written and spoken words were eloquent and their sincerity went to the hearts of all those who met him. This bundle of energy and goodwill continued his useful career at the Buddhist headquarters’ for nearly five years. He helped in the foundation of schools, and in Buddhist propaganda. He attracted men to new organization till the Colombo Buddhist theosophical society became a power in the land.

Visit to India

In 1891 Dharmapala visited the holy shrines of India. At Buddha Gaya his religious emotions were roused to such an extent that a further transformation occurred in his outlook on life. The work he had already strived for was progressing in a satisfactory manner. His energies called for a wider range of activities. What could a man aspire to do more than concentrate his attention in rescuing the holy places attached to his religion which had been left neglected for several centuries?

He formed the Maha Bodhi society. Its object was the restoration to Buddhists of the holy sites of Buddhism and the re-establishment of Buddhism in its motherland. He met opposition from very influential quarters. The task was more difficult than he originally thought it to be. There were powerful vested interests which had to face. Nothing daunted he attacked the problem from various angles. He erected a pilgrims’ Rest at Buddha Gaya. He established a place for worship. He negotiated with the Mahant who was occupying the temple to induce him to give it over to the Buddhist. Next he devised a scheme to purchase the site attached to the temple. The site belongs to the Raja of Tikari and he had hopes that he would be able to purchase it at a price. There was remarkable response from the Buddhists of Ceylon. A certain number of them put togather fairly large sum (a very handsome contribution for that time). Support was promised from Burma. Siam too was approached. It is no secret that the king of Siam would have generously responded to the appeal if the transaction with the Raja of Tikari could have been completed.

The Site Refused

Influence was brought to bear the on those who administered the property of the Raja. Ultimately they refused to part with the land. This frustrated the second plan. The Buddhist of Ceylon who contributed their money left it to Dharmapala to do whatever he liked with it. Dharmapala conceived a third plan of action, that of asserting a legal claim to the holy site on behalf of the Buddhists. He wants before the Courts of Low and fought for the rights of the Buddhists. The litigation was a prolonged one. The case went from Court to Court and finally the High Court decided against the claims of the Buddhists. The case brought the Question of Buddhist Shrines in India to the notice of the world and a favorable opinion was created in India and elsewhere justifying the Buddhist point of view. The pursuit, however, was not abandoned. The fourth stage saw the energies of the Anargarika directed towards the spread of Buddhism in India. If India became Buddhist minded, the Holy Shrines naturally would come into the hand of Buddhists.

In America

In 1894 Dharmapala was a Buddhist delegate to the Parliament of Religions held at Chicago. His addressed at the assemble created the favorable impression in America and elsewhere. He was well received and he became the first missionary of Buddhism in the West.

Dharmapala each year made additions, to his activities, but he never gave up one activity in order to engage himself in another. With him his order ideas grew in intensity as the time went on, new enterprises were only added to them. From thenceforward his missionary activities grew apace. He established his Headquarters in Calcutta. He continued his work in Ceylon through the Maha Bodhi Society. He built a Vihara in Calcutta. He completed a handsome Vihara and established a Buddhist institution at Isipatanan in Benares, one of the most sacred sites of Buddhism - –the Deer Park -– where the land Buddha preached his first sermon. He established activities in south India. He carried the flag to England and planted the Buddhist Mission and a Vihara in London undeterred by difficulties which met there.

He never ceased using his eloquent words and his eloquent writings. He contributed regularity interesting view and notes to his papers. He kept in touch with every movement that mattered. His sympathies were very wide when the school of the Colombo Buddhist Theosophical Society were in difficulties in 1928 the Anagarika was ill and confined to his bed, but his anxiety to save the situation was so great that he had consultations with his friends and rendered substantial financial assistance.

Characteristic Letters

Anagarika Dharmapala had a clear vision and an intuition that helped him to direct his energies to good purpose. I have before me two characteristic letters written by him to direct his energies to good purpose. I have before me two characteristic letters written by him in two different periods. One is dated 23rd September, 1886 (just 47 years ago) from Buddhist Headquarters; in it he appeals to youth who had just left school asking him to write a series of articles to the “Sarasavi Sandaresa” and help the cause. The acquaintance formed in response to that letter led to a life of long intimate friendship. The other is a letter written in 1930; it breathes the happy thoughts and aspirations of one though physically very ill, yet was mentally free and joyous. This reveals the speaker’s great success:

BUDDHIST MISSIONARY SOCIETY
Maha-Bodhi Society
Founder and Director General—
Anagarika Dharmapala

Established 2435/1891

Maha-Bodhi Mandira,
Malikanda,
Colombo, 07th Decr., 2474/1930.

W.A de Silva,
Colombo.

Peace and Happiness to all

My Dear Brother,

You may consider this as my dying request and hope that you will do something to strengthen the foundations of declining Buddhism.

None worked with greater zeal than myself for the welfare of the Theosophical Society. There was none to accompany Col. Alcott in his tour in February, 1986, in the villages. Had I not resigned my post in Education Department to work with him he would have left Ceylon in disgust.

The Theosophical Society in India has no sympathy with Buddhism. In America I found that in the Theosophical branches nothing is known of Buddhism. The T.S. teachers [believe in] the existence of a personal creator and a eternal Atman. Both is against the Dhamma. Moreover there is the cult of Krishnamurti and the order of the star. Leadbeater is the Bishop of the Liberal Catholic Church. There is all confusion within the T.S. all the donations received by the T.S are spent on other things except Buddhism. The Colombo T.S. has received no donation from the Adyar T.S. The Ananda College property is paying yearly interest at 4% on Rs. 34,000. The Ananda, Nalanda, and the Buddha Mandira are maintained by the Buddhist Ceylon.

The Buddhist Press was the property of debenture-holders. In 1886 I got the shareholders to present their shares to the Theosophical Society and made the Buddhist Press the property of the T.S. For five years I labored hard to increase the usefulness of the “Sandaresa.”

The Adyar T.S. is also declining because of the Liberal Catholic Church and Krishnamurti cult. Since the last few months there is a conflict between Krishnamurti PARTY AND Leadbeater party.

For 40 years I have preached the pure Dhamma and I know the Dhamma is appreciated by a large number of Europeans.

The pure Dhamma is strong enough to do its work without the help of Theosophy. Sinhalese Buddhists have conserved the pure Dhamma for 2,200 years. I am now feeble and my strength is failing. But I have made the Maha-Bodhi Society Strong.

There are two beautiful Viharas -- one in Calcutta and the other is at Isipatana, Benares. There is a large Dharmasala at Gaya, and another at Buddhagaya. A new Pansala is being built at Perambur, Madras. The London Buddhist Mission is built on solid foundations. Mrs. Mary Foster and myself have spent over a lakh of Rupees to establish the Mission at 41, Gloucester Road.

I have spent over Rs. 40,000 to establish the Maha-Bodhi Press and the Sinhala Buddhaya.

For 38 years I have kept up the English Maha-Bodhi Journal.

We have a splendid Oriental library at the Calcutta Vihara.

The cost of building the Calcutta Vihara amount to RS. 125,000. The Vihara at Isipatana has cost us Rs. 109,000. For 20 years I have kept up the Maha Bodhi free school at Sarnath.

There is no Buddhist Girls’ School in Malikanda. All the Buddhist girls attend the Chifton School. When they leave school they are no longer Buddhists. Buddhism depends on Buddhist mothers.

We want a big Buddhist Press. The Buddhist Press and the Maha-Bodhi Press can be amalgamated and form one United Buddhist Press.

The “Bauddaya” and the “Sandaresa” are both tottering. The two should be amalgamated and a powerful Buddhist newspaper started. Buddhist patronizes the Silumina. The two Buddhists Societies should work in Co-operation the name Theosophical is utterly misleading. The Maha-Bodhi Society shall carry on the propaganda and the Buddhist National Education Society take up the local educational work. I remember in 1914 when you returned from your European tour we got together and started a new Educational Society.

Col. Olcott started the Sinhalese National Educational Buddhist Fund in 1881.
The T.S. appropriated the Found in 1885. I promise that the Maha-Bodhi Mandira, Maligakanda, be converted into a high grade Girl’s School and get our Buddhist girls under our control.

The M.B. Press and the Bauddhaya, the Buddhist Press and the Sandaresa should be located in the Bauddha Mandira. It is a Buddhist building.

These are the suggestions which I hope you and the T.S. members will consider.

Yours ever affectionately,

(Sgd.) ANAGARIKA DHARMPALA.


Establishment of Newspaper

The Colombo Buddhist Theosophical Society was organized at the very start on lines in which associations were formed in America. In addition to constitution. An association hall, a library and reading room, a newspaper was established. The Society got a charter affiliating it to the parent Theosophical Society with its seven or eight kindred branches established throughout the world. Members received certificates of membership. During the early times of the Society they were initiated ceremoniously.

A flag for the Buddhists was introduced. The present Buddhists flag of six colours was designed and prepared for the Society. It became very popular and it caught on rapidly and extended throughout the Island to all Buddhist countries and became recognized Buddhist Flag in the world.

Powerful Paper

The Society started its annual dinner when each year all members sat down to a dinner at the Headquarters of the Society and made a practical demonstration of the brotherhood of the members at a time when there were differences in Caste and class. All castes and all class united and year after year this union was cemented not only at the dinner of the Society but also extended to Social functions.

The newspaper “Sarasavisandaresa” created a place for itself as a powerful exponent of Buddhist and national public opinion. “Sarasavisandaresa” was started in Dec., 3rd 1880, with Veragama Punchi Banda as its Editor. Veragama soon became the foremost Sinhalese writer; Pandit Vergama Bandara brought a new spirit into Sinhalese writing. He introduced a fine style, elegant and popular, which created a new era in Sinhalese prose composition. Anagarika Dharmapala as a young man took an active part in the management of the paper. A few years later Veragama Bandara died and Anagarika Dharmapala left for Japan, Chicago and India. The Editor’s place was filled by the appointment of Pandit Karunaratne.

There was about this time a young man H.S. Perera -- who contributed very readable paragraphs to the “Sandaresa” who lived in Kandy and who showed a keen journalistic sense. He was a private clerk to justice Lawrie, at that time District Judge of Kandy. Lawrie was interested in history and archaeology and was compiling his very valuable book ‘The Gazetter of the Central Province” H.S. Perera did some of the work of the Gazetteer.

The “Sandaresa” asked H.S. Perera whether he would come as Managing Editor and what his terms would be. H.S. Perera was waiting for an opportunity to put his dreams into some practical form; he wanted a platform and he accepted the offer and as for his terms he said, “Find a room for me and give me just sufficient money for my meals.”

New Life

He came and took over the office, the paper and everything pertaining to it and fixed his own salary at Thirty Rupees a month. He devoted all his talents to the work of the paper. He gave a new life to the Sinhalese newspaper. He never published mere translations. He rewrote all the news. He appealed direct to his readers in the news, in the letters, in the special articles, in the paragraphs and in the leaders. He led public opinion as nobody ever had done before. He encouraged his correspondents and gave them the news Sense. The “Sandaresa” and its Managing Editor very soon became an institution to be reckoned with.

At this time there were many sacrosanct classes in Ceylon. A Mudaliyar was a great master minor Headman were masters. Government servants never made mistakes, the Civil Service and the Government one dared not even mention by name much less subject to criticism. H.S. Perera started showing up these institutions which were entrenched in their own importance, as human ones as frail and vulnerable as other institutions. He continually wrote asking the public to give up their fear of the ant hill (humbas baya). The timid man, he said, was cautions that he would not approach an ant-hill lest it may be harboring a deadly cobra. The very word ANT HILL FEAR was adapted by him and it became popular. In this manner he tried to remove the inferiority complex which was very pronounced in the country. He started analyzing the doing and misdoings of Mudaliyars, Presidents of Village Tribunals and minor officials subjecting them to stern criticism; and holding them up to ridicule when it became necessary to do so. He trained his correspondents to supply him with facts, he investigated matters himself before he seriously took them up. He extended the sphere of his criticism to public societies and members of religious bodies and to the doings of those known as higher officials. He found interesting copy in ridiculing farewell functions given to officials, the practice of decorating rest houses and putting up of pandals whenever a Government Agent when on circuit. He attacked the practice of the supply of free previsions to officials on circuit as a part of the duty of minor headmen. These writings gradually had their effect. Villagers particularly began to feel that they had their rights and could not be led by the fear of those entrusted with administrating the country. Government had to take notice of the criticisms. They were couched in fine language, direct and to the point, and never bordered on anything like personal abuse and the use of vulgar invective. H.S Perera gave plain unvarnished facts and based his criticism and his advice both to the Government and the public in a dignified manner. When the higher Government officials began to come under his castigations there was apparent alarm. Their first impulse was to ask Government to ignore the writings. This could not allow that. He developed a way of drawing the attention of the Colonial Secretary and the Governor and inquiring from them as to the steps they had taken in remedying the grievances he had exposed.

Cry of Sedition

Then arose the cry of “sedition” and those interested in suppressing what they called a “new danger to the peace and prosperity of the Island” turned to their ally in the English press. There was editorial demand that the growing tendency of the creation of a seditious “native” Press should be sternly suppressed. The word Bolshevism was not known at the time. H.S. Perera worked quietly and followed his own line of action. He strengthened himself by getting some of the local Legislative Council to bring matters to the notice of the Government. When he found the artificial opposition that was being created against his work he got himself in touch with journalists and public men in England. He was fortunate in getting their ear and was able to get questions asked in parliament. So the local Government found they could not suppress him and they had to put up with him. The hitherto suppressed public opinion found a ready means of expression. The sacrosanct idols were broken one by one and were brought down from their high pedestals and opinion began to express itself without let or hindrance. Some one has said that the real influence of a journalist can be gauged from libel actions brought against him. H.S Perera had to face more than one action in the Courts for civil and criminal libel and he had scores of threats of libel actions and lawyers’ letters. He never flinched and in his long career never had to apologize and withdraw a word of what he wrote.

“The Buddhist”

The ‘Buddhist,” an English supplement to the “Sandaresa” was started by C.W Leadbeater and edited by him. The paper made a mark for itself. L.C. Wijesinghe Mudaliyar and A.E Bultjens, and D.B. Jayatilaka followed in the editorial chair; later the present writer took it up.

In the year 1918 the “Buddhist” was handed over to the Y.M.B.A and is being continued today as a monthly magazine.

The Society created many admirers outside Ceylon through its publication. “sanderasa” found its way to India, Strait Settlements, Malay, Java, Japan, Siam, China, Australia, North and South America. Wherever Sinhalese were working in these lands most of them kept a life line with the Island through the columns of the paper and also assisted the Society from time to time by making money contributions. The settlers in Homebush, Australia, collected a fund endowed a scholarship at Ananda College.

National Fund

At the very inception of the Society Colonel Olcott started a Buddhist National Fund which was placed under trustees especially appointed for the purpose. The Buddhist National Fund came to over Rs. 6,000 and with it was purchased the site and old buildings of the present Buddhist Headquarters in Maliban Street and Norris Road.

At a later time through the untiring efforts of the then Secretary, Mr. W.H.W. Perera, the Society was able to put up the present imposing building facing Norris Road.

The promotion of education became the most important work of the Society. The necessity for placing Buddhist children under Buddhist influence from their early years was recognized and from year to year the results of this policy demonstrated the wisdom of the step. In 1880 when the Society started there were only two Buddhist schools in the Island -- one at Dodanduwa conducted under the supervision of Piyarathna Nayaka Thero, and the other at Panadura under the supervision of Gunaratana Nayaka Thero. These had an attendance of 246 children and received as Government Grants a sum of Rs.532-70. Whereas there was at the time 805 schools conducted by Christian Missionaries with an attendance of 78.086 children receiving Government Grants to the extent of 174,420 rupees.

Difficulties

The new organization which aspired to enter into the field of education was opposed, and difficulties placed in its way by the Government. The Director of Education visualizes a conflict of interests and the introduction of a dissension which the new organization was likely to create. Its ability to take its part in the education programme was doubted. Difficulties were placed on the path by the enactment of regulations likely to hamper their progress. The energy and determination of those who formed the new movement and the intelligent help and guidance they received enabled them to overcome these obstacles which acted as an impetus and activity throughout the country. The report of 1892, that is twelve years after the establishment of the Society, shows 25 boys’ schools, 11 girls’ schools and 10 mixed schools, a total, i.e., in 1903 there were under the management of the Society 174 schools with an attendance of about 30,000 children. The importance of the establishment of Buddhists schools had been realized and within the period of 24 years in addition to the number of schools under the management of the Society, a very large number of Buddhist schools under the management of other Societies and private individuals came into existence. These schools assisted in the promotion of the objects of the Society.

1915

In 1915 the Society went through a very difficult time. Martial Law was proclaimed in Ceylon. Most of the leaders of the Buddhist community were subjected to detention and imprisonment. Government ceased paying grants to schools and decided to have all its schools closed. The disaster looked as if all national progress was to cease. The way in which people of this island rose to the occasion to meet a difficult situation without distinction or religion or caste and met the crisis is the beginning of a great epoch. Within a short time they united to destroy a system of Government which was capable of being so disastrously misused and the present system of Government was evolved. So far as the Buddhist Theosophical Society is concerned it partook of the new awakening. Buddhists rallied round it as they never did before. The Society was strengthened with new members and a constitution was registered. It planned its future work and strengthened with new members and a constitution was registered. It planned its future work and strengthened what had already been built up. Funds came in to meet all these new requirements.

In 1925 there were 260 schools under the management of the Society with a staff of 1,906 teachers, Today (1940) the Society has under its management 420 schools.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Aug 18, 2020 10:19 am

Herbert Stanley
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 8/23/20

Image
Sir Herbert Stanley GCMG
25th Governor of British Ceylon
In office: 20 August 1928 – 11 February 1931
Monarch: George V
Preceded by: Arthur George Murchison Fletcher (Acting governor)
Succeeded by: Bernard Henry Bourdillon (Acting governor)
Personal details
Born: 25 July 1872
Died: 5 June 1955 (aged 82)

Sir Herbert James Stanley, GCMG (25 July 1872 – 5 June 1955) was a leading British colonial administrator, who served at different times as Governor of Northern Rhodesia, Ceylon and Southern Rhodesia.

Life and career

Born in England, Stanley was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford,[1] and worked in the foreign service in Dresden and Coburg before serving as the Resident Commissioner for Southern and Northern Rhodesia from 1911 to 1914.

Stanley proved controversial in this role when he refused to allow settlers to take land from Africans, instead assigning 21,500,000 acres (87,000 km2) in perpetuity exclusively for the use of Africans.[2]


Based in South Africa during World War I, Stanley married Reniera Cloete, from a leading Cape Town family, in Cape Town in 1918. She was described as "one of the most beautiful women of the century in any country of the world".[3]

In 1918, Stanley was appointed Imperial Secretary in South Africa, a position he held until 1924, when he was appointed the inaugural Governor of Northern Rhodesia.

The Governor of Northern Rhodesia was the representative of the British monarch in the self-governing colony of Northern Rhodesia from 1924 to 1964. The Governor was appointed by The Crown and acted as the local head of state, receiving instructions from the British Government.

-- Governor of Northern Rhodesia, by Wikipedia


As Governor, Stanley sought an amalgamation of the central African colonies and an extension of the Northern Rhodesian railway into Southern Rhodesia.[4] He was also active in establishing and promoting Boy Scouts and Girl Guides.[5]

In 1927, Stanley was transferred to Ceylon as its Governor, which drew criticism due to his lack of background knowledge of Asian affairs, although he is reported to have acquitted himself well.[1]
Whilst in Ceylon he served as President of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1929–30.[6]

In 1932, he was made Knight of Grace of the Venerable Order of Saint John[7].

The Order of St John, formally The Most Venerable Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (French: l'ordre très vénérable de l'Hôpital de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem) and also known as St John International, is a British royal order of chivalry first constituted in 1888 by royal charter from Queen Victoria.

The Order traces its origins back to the Knights Hospitaller in the Middle Ages, which was later known as the Order of Malta. A faction of them emerged in France in the 1820s and moved to Britain in the early 1830s, where, after operating under a succession of grand priors and different names, it became associated with the founding in 1882 of the St John Ophthalmic Hospital near the old city of Jerusalem and the St John Ambulance Brigade in 1887.


The order is found throughout the Commonwealth of Nations, Hong Kong, the Republic of Ireland, and the United States of America, with the worldwide mission "to prevent and relieve sickness and injury, and to act to enhance the health and well-being of people anywhere in the world." The order's approximately 25,000 members, known as confrères, are mostly of the Protestant faith, though those of other Christian denominations or other religions are accepted into the order. Except via appointment to certain government or ecclesiastical offices in some realms, membership is by invitation only and individuals may not petition for admission.

The Order of St John is perhaps best known for the health organisations it founded and continues to run, including St John Ambulance and St John Eye Hospital Group. As with the Order, the memberships and work of these organizations are not constricted by denomination or religion. The Order is a constituent member of the Alliance of the Orders of Saint John of Jerusalem.

The Alliance of the Orders of Saint John of Jerusalem is a federation of European (mostly Protestant) chivalric orders that share inheritance of the tradition of the mediaeval military Knights Hospitaller (Order of Knights of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem).

-- Alliance of the Orders of Saint John of Jerusalem, by Wikipedia


Its headquarters are in London and it is a registered charity under English law.

-- Order of Saint John (chartered 1888), by Wikipedia


He returned to Africa in 1931 to serve as High Commissioner for the United Kingdom in South Africa before his appointment as Governor of Southern Rhodesia in 1935, initially for a two-year term, but he was persuaded to remain in Salisbury until 1942, when he retired from active service.[8]

Upon his retirement, Stanley settled in Cape Town and was appointed Chief Commissioner of the Boy Scouts of South Africa.[9]

Scouts South Africa is the World Organization of the Scout Movement (WOSM) recognised Scout association in South Africa. Scouting began in the United Kingdom in 1907 through the efforts of Robert Baden-Powell and rapidly spread to South Africa, with the first Scout troops appearing in 1908. South Africa has contributed many traditions and symbols to World Scouting...

Organized Scouting spread to South Africa only a few months after its birth in Britain in 1907. In 1908, several troops formed in Cape Town, Natal, and Johannesburg and the following year saw the first official registration of South African troops.

Scouting in South Africa grew rapidly, and in 1912 Robert Baden-Powell visited South African Scouts. Due to the rapid spread of Scouting it became necessary to provide some form of local co-ordination. Provincial Councils were formed in South Africa between 1912 and 1916. These councils had no direct contact with each other and reported directly to Imperial Scout Headquarters in London.

The first Union Scout Council was formed in 1922 to provide a common national control on an advisory basis. Six years later, in 1928, the Union Scout Council adopted a constitution which enabled it to perform the functions of Imperial Scout Headquarters.

Scouting in South Africa, as in most British Colonies (such as Rhodesia), was originally segregated by race. This did not prevent black Scout groups from forming, and in the 1920s, black Scouts were given the name Klipspringers (a type of small antelope). The Pathfinder Council was formed in 1929.

In 1930, the Imperial Scout Headquarters granted the complete independence of the Scout Movement in South Africa. Work started on yet another constitution which was finalised in 1936 at Bloemfontein during the visit of Baden-Powell. During 1937, the Boy Scouts Association of South Africa became a member of the International Scout Conference (now World Scout Conference) and was registered with the International Bureau (now World Scout Bureau) on 1 December 1937. South Africa was the first of the Commonwealth countries to achieve independence for its Scout Movement.

The now independent association maintained the racial segregation with four separate associations. After consultation with Baden-Powell, four separate Scouting organisations were created in 1936. These were The Boy Scouts Association (for whites), The African Boy Scouts Association (for blacks), The Coloured Boy Scouts Association (for coloureds) and The Indian Boy Scouts Association (for Indians). A revision of the 1936 constitution in 1953 even strengthened the whites-only branch: its Chief Scout was now Chief Scout of the three other associations, with each association providing a Chief Scout's Commissioner as executive head under the Chief Scout.

With the rise of Afrikaner nationalism in South Africa during the early part of the 20th century, Scouting was viewed with suspicion by many Afrikaners because of its English roots, and rival Afrikaans organisations including the Voortrekkers were established. These had a strong social and political aim. Negotiations about an amalgamation of both movements in the years 1930 to 1936 were not successful.

In the 1970s, the Nordic countries placed pressure on the World Organization of the Scout Movement (WOSM) to expel the South African Movement for its racial policies. South African Scouting responded to this by combining all branches of the Movement into a single Boy Scouts of South Africa organisation at a conference known as Quo Vadis that was held on 2 July 1977.

-- Scouts South Africa, by Wikipedia


He died a widower in a Cape Town nursing home, aged 82, survived by two sons and two daughters.[1]

Family

Reniera Cloete Stanley was created a Dame Commander of the Order of the British Empire (DBE) in 1941, and was styled thereafter as Dame Reniera Stanley. She predeceased her husband and was survived by their four children.

References

1. The Times, 6 June 1955 "Sir Herbert Stanley", p. 8.
2. Wood, J. (2005) So Far and No Further!' Rhodesia's Bid for Independence During the Retreat From Empire, Trafford Publishing. ISBN 1-4120-4952-0.
3. Hulugalle, H.A.J., British Governors of Ceylon, Associated Newspapers of Ceylon (1963)
4. Mansergh, N. (1980) The First British Commonwealth, Routledge. ISBN 0-7146-3153-1
5. Ranger, Terence (July 1980). "Making Northern Rhodesia Imperial: Variations on a Royal Theme, 1924–1938" (PDF). African Affairs. Oxford University Press. pp. 349–373. Retrieved 22 November 2016.
6. "Past Presidents". Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka. Retrieved 7 January 2017.
7. https://www.thegazette.co.uk/London/iss ... /page/4109
8. Kent Rasmussen, R. & Rubert, S. (1990) Historical Dictionary of Zimbabwe, Second Edition, The Scarecrow Press Inc., New Jersey. ISBN 0-8108-3471-5.
9. "Chief Scouts of South Africa" (PDF). SCOUTS South Africa. Retrieved 21 November 2016.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#2)

Postby admin » Tue Aug 18, 2020 10:28 am

Dharmapala and the Tamil downtrodden, Excerpt from White Sahibs, Brown Sahibs: Tracking Dharmapala
by Susantha Goonatilake
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka
New Series, Vol. 54 (2008), pp. 53-136 (84 pages)

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.




Dharmapala and the Tamil downtrodden

The interactions between Sri Lanka and India during the Sinhalese Buddhist Renaissance of the 19th and 20th centuries had reverberations in several parts of India. Some of these are only now coming to light in the literature. One reverberation was the rise of a Tamil emancipatory movement as described by the Christian social scientist, Aloysius in his Religion as Emancipatory Identity: a Buddhist Movement among Tamils under Colonialism. He writes from a Dalit (that is "untouchable") caste point of view. He considers the recent Buddhism in South India as a religion of the oppressed44.

Aloysius relates the recent interest in Buddhism in traditional Buddhist communities like those in Sri Lanka and Burma and North-East India as well as to orientalist scholars and publications like Arnold's Light of Asia. Aloysius positions an Indian national stage to Ambedkar, the Dalit leader who converted a large number to Buddhism, in contrast to the international Buddhism of Dharmapala. From the 1930s, Ambedkar was discovering Buddhism and reconstructing it for his own emancipatory use.

But, before Ambedkar, around the beginning of the 20th century among South Indian Tamils, there was a resurgence of Buddhism under the banner of the South Indian Buddhist Association. This had links to both the Theosophical Society and the Maha Bodhi Society. Aloysius describes how Dharmapala's teachings on Buddhism as a rational religion and against the caste system was important in this "Tamil emancipatory" exercise45.

One of the important acts of this Buddhist and Theosophical influence on South Indian Tamils was the "Free Schools for Parayar ["untouchable"] Children" started by Colonel Olcott46. In 1898, a Sakya Buddhist Society was formed by Pandit Iyothee Thass which is the main subject of Aloysius's book47. Pandit Iyothee Thass had sought out Olcott who had then written to Venerable Sumangala, the Principal of Vidyodaya College in Colombo about Thass's interest. In the presence of Dharmapala and another Buddhist monk who had arrived from Sri Lanka, a public meeting to form a Dravidian Buddhist Society for the lower castes was now held in Madras.

Pandit Thass then proceeded to Sri Lanka from Madras and met Venerable Sumangala "in the presence of a large and representative gathering" and with the blessing of the monk returned to Madras to start the "Sakya Buddhist Society", Olcott records how delighted the Chief Monk had been to meet the delegates of the Untouchables. The monks had told the Madras delegates that when they became Buddhist, all the arbitrary social distinctions would be removed off their shoulders and they would become free, "entitled to their own self-respect"48.

The delegates from Madras observed the Buddhist Five Precepts at the Vidyodaya temple to great enthusiasm from the Sinhalese audience. In the days following, the visiting new Tamil Buddhists went to key temples in Sri Lanka including the Kelaniya Temple, They met also the Chief Monks of the Royal Temples of Malwatta and Asgiriya as well as the Chief Monk of the Ramanna Nikaya49.

The new Tamil Buddhist community in South India now identified themselves as being original Indian Buddhists who had been put down by the Brahmin caste and were now only making a return to the Buddhist fold. Earlier, Iyothee Thass had already said that the outcaste communities were the original Tamils and were not part of the later Hindus. The new Buddhist converts now set out to explain their claimed Buddhist origins to other Tamil outcasts. Iyothee Thass shored up the "rediscovery" of this earlier Buddhist heritage by constructing Buddhist temples, having Buddhist burials, opening Buddhist medical halls, Buddhist colleges and a Buddhist Young Men's Association as well as celebrating the Buddha's birthday50.

The Sakya Buddhist Society began its activities in 1898 with religious meetings on Sundays, lectures on religious and social issues and getting members to take the Five Precepts. The Maha Bodhi Society also opened a branch in South India in 1900, but the two societies were distinct, sometimes working side by side, sometimes not. A Buddhist Young Men's Association was formed with Anagarika Dharmapala and Thass as joint secretaries but not much came out of it. Monks visiting Maha Sodhi Society did the rituals at the Sakya Buddhist Society. The latter also became an international center, Thass writing in 1911 noted that 260 Buddhist visitors from different pans of Europe and Asia including from Sri Lanka had on different occasions stayed at the Sakya Buddhist Society51.


Thass campaigned against orthodox Vedic-Brahminic ideas that were now coming from the Theosophy's headquarters at Adyar in Madras. Soon he was able to get help from other progressive elements from South Indian Tamils. The journal Tamilan became a major carrier of Buddhist thought. These Buddhists formed branch societies and one functionary Prof. Laksmi Narasu published in 1907 a book The Essence of Buddhism, a follow up to his lectures on Buddhism, rationalism and anti-Brahmanism. The introduction to the book was written by Anagarika Dharmapala and the book went on for several editions and was also translated into Japanese and Czechoslovakian. It was later the basis for a popular Tamil book by Appaduraiyar Putharathu Arularom ("Buddha's Compassionate Religion")52. During the period 1907-1914, the debates around rationalism, Dravidianism and anti-Brahmanism came to the fore through this "theory and practice of Tamil Buddhism". And Aloysius adds, "it was these very ideas that were later developed into a full-fledged political ideology within the Dravidian movement"53.

As activities of the movement intensified. there were writings by Tamils praising the Buddha. A member of the Society Lingaiah went to Sri Lanka to take up robes and study Pali at the Vidyodaya College54. A major preoccupation of the new South Indian Buddhists was to have a separate identity as Buddhists saying "Buddhists will not be treated as Hindus", and to be included as a separate demographic category. This was granted by the then British government as was a separate burial ground away from the Hindus55. Tamils who had migrated to different countries from South Africa to Myanmar also began to be incorporated in the new Tamil Buddhist movement. When the Buddhist delegation from Sri Lanka attended the Annual Conference of the Indian National Congress in 1923, Appaduraiyar joined the Sri Lanka delegation to press for a resolution to transfer Bodh Gaya to the Buddhists56. In the 1920s, a "Ceylon Tamil Buddhist Association" inspired by South Indian Tamil Buddhist revival and in close collaboration with Sinhalese-Buddhists was sponsoring propagation of Tamil Buddhist literatures57.

The rise of Ramasami Naickar ("Periyar") and the Dravidian movement in the 1930s began to see the down grading of Tamil Buddhism and its gradual replacement by a strident Tamil nationalism. The visits in the 1950s to Tamil areas by Ambedkar who was then considering converting to Buddhism, could not halt this drift to a strong Tamil nationalism. The mass conversions of Ambedkar and his followers in 1956, therefore, did not have an effect on Tamil Buddhism in the South Indian Dalit community. Yet the Tamil Buddhist social movement had existed for nearly half a century prior to this mass conversion of Ambedkar in 1956. Ambedkar also had once read the Essence of Buddhism by the Tamil author Narasu with its introduction by Dharmapala. Ambedkar declared that it was the best book on Buddhism to have appeared so far "a text which is complete in its treatment and lucid in exposition"58. Tamil Buddhists also had extensive discussions with Ambedkar in the series of Buddhist conferences of the 1950s in which Sinhalese were actively involved.

Summing up the contribution of the Tamil Buddhist movement to the Dravidian/Tamil movement in those years, Aloysius identifies three distinct phases, "its ideological antecedent, programmatic partnership and mass merger". The masses initially mobilised by the Buddhists later "became the foot soldiers of the Dravidian movement under the leadership of E. V. Ramasamy himself59. In fact in 1928, Periyar himself had been one of the Chief Guests and a speaker at the General Conference of the South Indian Buddhists Association held in Madras. Periyar, Aloysius notes held both the Buddha and Buddhism in high esteem and he himself spoke many a time from Buddhist platforms and through the Buddhist idiom60. Soon though, as Aloysius concludes "'the Dravidian movement took off from where the Tamil Buddhism left off ... to become an all embracing and mass popular Dravidian National Movement"6 . The various Dravidian political parties such as the DMK and its offshoots are the results of this movement.

White noting through Aloysius the influences of Sinhalese Buddhists on the Tamil oppressed, it is useful also to briefly recall another indirect influence, namely on Ambedkar. Again in this emancipatory movement too, the foot prints of the Sinhala Buddhist renaissance can be detected.

In his rallying slogans, Ambedkar spoke of liberty, equality and fraternity but emphasised that these were not taken from the French but from Buddhist sources. He said, "Let no one however say that I have borrowed my philosophy from the French Revolution. I have not. My philosophy has roots in religion and not in political science. I have derived them from the teachings of my master, the Buddha"62. The basic philosophy and ideas about his "master, the Buddha" had come to India in the late 19th and early 20th centuries through primarily Sinhalese sources which influenced the European and Indian discovery of Buddhism that Allen recorded. And it was these that eventually became the reading material on Buddhism for Ambedkar.

In 1950 at the invitation of the Young Men's Buddhist Association, Colombo, Ambedkar visited Sri Lanka and addressed a meeting of the World Fellowship of Buddhists. This was an organisation started by the Sinhalese, as were almost all other global Buddhist organizations. In 1954, he visited Burma twice. The second visit was to attend the third conference of the World Fellowship of Buddhists. His actual conversion to Buddhism on 14 October, 1956, was done in an orthodox Theravada (that is Sinhalese) manner. He took the Three Refuges and Five Precepts from a Buddhist monk. In turn he administered them to 380,000 persons. A few weeks after the conversion he was in Kathmandu, attending the fourth conference of the World Fellowship of Buddhists. Here the theme of his speech was ''The Buddha and Karl Marx," a topic much debated and discussed by Sri Lankan Buddhist scholars and activists at the time. The present day Dalit Publisher "Critical Quest" has republished this speech61. In this little book are given further details of his debt to Buddhist material of Sinhalese Buddhist origin. He describes going to Sri Lanka to observe how monks preach to see for himself the practice of Buddhism64.

The present followers of Ambedkar are today continuing the efforts begun by Dharmapala to regain the management of the Mahabodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya from the Hindus. These Ambedkar Buddhist campaigns have included marches, demonstrations, and other political acts.


Ambedkar's Buddhist movement's transformational influence on Indian politics is today well known not only in the Dalit groups that became Buddhist but also in politicians like Mayawati of Uttar Pradesh India's state with the largest population, Mayawati, a Dalit with great reverence for the Buddha, is spoken of as a future Prime Minister of India65.

If the above authors described aspects of Sinhalese Buddhists in a matter-of-fact manner, let us see how the anthropologists on Sinhalese Buddhism have treated them.
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