Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Mon Aug 09, 2021 10:27 pm

Learning to Live in Steven Weinberg’s Pointless Universe: The late physicist’s most infamous statement still beguiles scientists and vexes believers
Scientific American
by Dan Falk
July 27, 2021

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Steven Weinberg, who died last week at the age of 88, was not only a Nobel laureate physicist but also one of the most eloquent science writers of the last half century. His most famous (or perhaps infamous) statement can be found on the second-to-last page of his first popular book, The First Three Minutes, published in 1977. Having told the story of how our universe came into being with the big bang some 13.8 billion years ago, and how it may end untold billions of years in the future, he concludes that whatever the universe is about, it sure as heck isn’t about us. “The more the universe seems comprehensible,” he wrote, “the more it also seems pointless."

For thousands of years, people had assumed just the opposite. Our ancestors gazed at the world around us—the people and animals, the mountains and seas, the sun, moon and stars—and saw the divine. As the 19th Psalm puts it: “The heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament shows his handiwork.” Even Isaac Newton saw a universe filled with purpose. In his masterwork, the Principia, he wrote: “This most beautiful system of the sun, planets, and comets, could only proceed from the counsel and dominion of an intelligent and powerful being.”

Science advanced by leaps and bounds in the centuries following Newton, and scientists dialed back much of the God-talk. Many thinkers suggested that the universe runs like a mighty clockwork. Perhaps a creator was needed at the very beginning, to set it going, but surely it now runs on its own. Einstein, who often spoke of God metaphorically, took a different tack. He rejected a personal deity, but saw a kind of pantheism—roughly, the identification of God with nature—as plausible.

In the second half of the 20th century, many saw even these lesser gods as redundant. In A Brief History of Time (1988), Stephen Hawking speculated on the possibility that the universe had no precise beginning; his controversial “no-boundary proposal” (formulated in the 1980s with Jim Hartle) suggested that time might have behaved like space in the universe’s earliest moments. Without a “time zero,” there was no moment of creation—and nothing for a creator to do. (It’s hardly a surprise that some people who balk at the teaching of evolution also object to the teaching of big bang cosmology.)

Hawking’s materialist philosophy, shared by Weinberg and many other prominent physicists, sees the universe as arising through some combination of chance and natural law. Where Prince Hamlet saw purpose in even the minutest occurrence—“There’s a special providence in the fall of a sparrow”—many of today’s scientists see only the impersonal laws of physics.

When I interviewed Weinberg in 2009, he told me about the long shadow cast by that one sentence on a “pointless” universe. “I get a number of negative reactions to that statement,” he said. “Sometimes they take the form, ‘Well, why did you think it would have a point?’ Other times people say, ‘Well, this is outside the province of science, to decide whether it has a point or not.’ I agree with that. I don’t think that science can decide that there is no point; but it can certainly testify that it has failed to find one.” And he specifically criticized what used to be called “natural theology”—the idea that, as the 19th Psalm suggests, one could learn about God by studying nature. Natural theology “is now discredited; we don’t see the hand of God in nature. What conclusions you draw from that is up to you.”

Although he never tried to hide his atheism—perhaps only Richard Dawkins and Sam Harris have been more vocal—Weinberg was sympathetic to those who yearn for a more intimate conception of God. “I think a world governed by a creator who is concerned with human beings is in many ways much more attractive than the impersonal world governed by laws of nature that have to be stated mathematically; laws that have nothing in them that indicates any special connection with human life,” he told me. To embrace science is to face the hardships of life—and death—without such comfort. “We’re going to die, and our loved ones are going to die, and it would be very nice to believe that that was not the end and that we would live beyond the grave and meet those we love again,” he said. “Living without God is not that easy. And I feel the appeal of religion in that sense.”

And religion deserves credit for giving us “requiem masses, gothic cathedrals, wonderful poetry. And we don’t have to give that up; we can still enjoy those things, as I do. But I think I would enjoy it more if I thought it was really about something; and I don’t. It’s just beautiful poetry, and beautiful buildings, and beautiful music—but it’s not about anything.”

The philosophy that Weinberg laid out in The First Three Minutes is now echoed in many popular physics books. In The Big Picture (2016), physicist Sean Carroll sees nothing to fear in an amoral universe. Our task, he writes, is “to make peace with a universe that doesn’t care what we do, and take pride in the fact that we care anyway.” In a similar vein, string theorist Brian Greene is adamant that it’s physics all the way down. In Until the End of Time (2020) he writes: “Particles and fields. Physical laws and initial conditions. To the depth of reality we have so far plumbed, there is no evidence for anything else.”

As for meaning, he is firmly in the Weinberg camp: “During our brief moment in the sun, we are tasked with the noble charge of finding our own meaning.” In The End of Everything (2020), astrophysicist Katie Mack relays the existential opinions of an array of astronomers and physicists, most of whom repeat some version of the Weinberg-Carroll-Greene position: The universe doesn’t come laden with meaning; instead, you have to find your own. On the second-to-last page—clearly, this is where such things go—she reflects on “this great experiment of existence. It’s the journey, I repeat to myself. It’s the journey.”

Weinberg saw science and religion as having nothing constructive to say to one another,
a view shared by many (though certainly not all) of his colleagues. But the history of science could have unfolded differently. We can imagine generations of scientists standing with Newton, investigating nature as a path to understanding the mind of God. To be sure, some scientists think of their work in this way even today. (Guy Consolmagno, a Vatican astronomer, would be one example.)

But they are a minority. As science and religion began to go their separate ways—a process that accelerated with the work of Darwin—science became secular. “The elimination of God-talk from scientific discourse,” writes historian Jon Roberts, “constitutes the defining feature of modern science.” Weinberg would have agreed. As he told an audience in 1999: “One of the great achievements of science has been, if not to make it impossible for intelligent people to be religious, then at least to make it possible for them not to be religious. We should not retreat from that accomplishment.”

This is an opinion and analysis article; the views expressed by the author or authors are not necessarily those of Scientific American.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Wed Aug 11, 2021 1:16 am

Part 1 of 2

The Siege of Madras in 1746 and the Action of La Bourdonnais
by G.W. Forrest, CLE.
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society
Third Series, Vol. II, P. 189-
1908
Read May 21, 1908



When I was invited to read a paper on Indian history at a meeting of the Royal Historical Society I felt not only honoured by the request, but also gratified to learn that the Society intended to bring within its scope the encouragement of the study of the history of our Indian Empire, an empire whose progress and growth is a wondrous fact in the history of the world. The history of the Hindu kingdoms and the history of the government of the Mahomedans should be the special province of the Royal Asiatic Society, for no Englishman can deal with them in a satisfactory manner without a knowledge of the classical languages of the East He must study and compare the original historians of India. The systematic study of the history of British dominion in India must be the most effectual agency in removing that ignorance (so strange and so discreditable) which prevails among all classes in England regarding the history of our Indian Empire. The responsibility for a just, impartial and stable government of India has been committed for good or evil into the hands of Parliament, and through Parliament to the electoral body of Great Britain; but the electoral body must fail to discharge that great responsibility if the reading multitude remain ignorant of the history of English government  in India. It is also the duty and the interest of England that the young men who are sent from our universities to be the main instruments of administering the government of our Indian Empire in all its extensive and complicated branches should be trained to pursue the study of history in a scientific spirit, so that they may be able to apply scientific methods of inquiry to an examination in detail of the development of our administration in India. Many years spent in examining the musty documents in the Indian archives has brought home to me the value of the light which history may shed on practical problems. In India there is no problem which is old, there is no problem which is new. Measures which were supposed to be new would never have been passed if they had been studied by the dry light of history. In the Record Office under his charge the Indian civilian will generally find some material which will reward the labour of research.

In selecting a subject for my paper, I have been embarrassed by the numerous topics that were open to me. I might have selected a more recent and a more exciting period of Indian history. I might have selected a siege of greater dramatic interest I was guided in my choice by remembering that the object of history is to discover and set forth facts. The first object of a Historical Society should be to record and diffuse the knowledge of the facts which have been discovered. I chose the Siege of Madras in 1746 as my subject because it enabled me to bring to your notice this afternoon two documents of considerable historical value. The duties of my office as Director of Records of the Government of India led me to pay sundry visits to Madras. My primary aim was to search among the archives of that Government for all papers relating to Clive. Many a happy day have I spent in the company of Stringer Lawrence who taught Clive to be a soldier, of Clive himself, of Eyre Coote, and of Bussy whose sagacity and address were equal to that of Warren Hastings, and whose courage and genius were hardly inferior to that of Clive. Gentlemen, in that stubborn struggle between French and English in Southern India for a great dominion there is sufficient glory to cover both nations. In order to complete my work, I paid sundry visits to Pondicherry, a picturesque French city transplanted to the East I have stood by the fine statue, unlike most English statues, full of originality and life, which France has erected as a monument of one of the most famous of her sons. The sculptor has succeeded in giving the magnificent head, the lofty and wise forehead, and the intellectual face full of energy and penetration, of the great French administrator — Dupleix. When I was at Pondicherry I was taken to the house of a native gentleman, where we saw hanging on a wall the watch and a miniature of Dupleix given to their ancestor Ranga Pillai. Below them burn a lamp. It is now regarded as a household shrine. Ranga Filial held the post of chief dubash, or the broker who transacted business with the natives for the Pondicherry Government. He was on intimate terms with Dupleix and his wife, who seem to have had the greatest confidence in his integrity and judgment General Macleod, R.A., Consular Agent at Pondicherry, informed me that Ranga Filial had left a most valuable diary. In 1892 General Macleod and myself brought to the notice of the Madras Government the existence of the diary, and it was suggested that the matter which it contained was of such interest and value that it was highly desirable that a copy of it should be obtained, and a translation made of this and published. The Madras Government, which was then presided over by Lord Wenlock, readily adopted the suggestion, and after considerable research the undoubted originals of volumes i. and ii. and the last volume were discovered. They have been transcribed, and two volumes of translation published. They have been edited with the utmost care by Sir Frederick Price, who on his retirement from the Madras Civil Service after a long and distinguished career has devoted his time to so laborious a task.1 [ 'In 1846 M. Gallois Montbrun, the father of the gentleman who until recently was Mayor of Pondicherry — to whose courteous help in making search and enquiry regarding the diary I desire here to express my indebtedness — unearthed the manuscript, which up to then had lain unheeded in the house of the representatives of the family. M. Montbrun, who took the deepest interest in old vernacular writings, then proceeded to make a copy of it. But he apparently started with selections only, for the volume from which the translation for the Government of Madras was originally made is full of breaks. This was not observed until the actual work of editing was commenced. The omissions then noticed led to inquiry, and it was ascertained that M. Montbrun had subsequently supplied the blanks by a supplemental volume, which, however, was not forth- coming. Further search was made, and this resulted in the discovery of the undoubted originals of volumes i. and ii. The volume now being published is practically a fresh translation from these. — Ranga Pillai's Diary, vol. i. General Introduction, pp. xiii, xiv. Another copy of the Diary, which is in the National Library in Paris, was made by M. Areel, but at present it is impossible to ascertain whether it is perfect. In 1870 was published Le Siege de Pondichery en 1746: Extrait des Memoires Inedits de Ranga Poulle Divan de la Compagnie des Indes, par F. N. Laude, Procureur-General. In 1889, M. Julien Vinson, Professor of the Special School of Living Oriental Languages at Paris, published a translation of some portions of it, which he followed up in 1894 by a volume amplifying these, and bearing the title of Les Francais dans l'Inde, This, however, does not go beyond 1748, and is composed of extracts referring only to a few special matters.'] The diary, never meant for publication, is a very human document, and it reveals to us the habits and manners of the time. It brings to life Dupleix and his wife, whose influence on his career was so great. She was a widow; her father was French, her mother an Indo-Portuguese. She was born and educated in India. Her brains, her strength of character, her diplomatic skill, her knowledge of the native languages (she corresponded with the native princes in their own language) were of the utmost service in forwarding the political schemes of her husband. She was to Dupleix what the beloved Marian was to Warren Hastings. Macintosh, 'the man of promise,' said that Jonathan Duncan had been Brahmanised and Wellesley Sultanised. Ranga Pillai reveals to us that Dupleix was both 'Brahminised' and 'Sultanised' and this accounts in a great measure for his failure. I shall illustrate the lecture by extracts from his diary. I also intend to read to you an important document which contains some fresh evidence as to whether La Bourdonnais received a large present from the English for the restoration to them of Madras.

In a paper on a particular period of English history the reader may fairly assume the possession by the audience of a certain knowledge of the events which preceded it But I am sorry to say that the same test does not always apply in the case of Indian history. It may therefore be desirable to give a brief account of the rise of Madras and Pondicherry, and of the leading events which preceded the siege of the former city in 1746.1 [With regard to the early history of Madras, we owe a good deal to Mr. Talboy Wheeler, to whose work in the field of Indian history sufficient justice has not been done; to Mr. Pringle, whose early death prevented the completion of his most excellent Selections from the Madras Records; to Mr. William Foster, Superintendent of Records at the India Office, who is so willing to aid any fellow-labourer, and to bestow on him the fruits of his own research.]

The foundation of Fort St George was due to the struggle between the Portuguese, the Dutch and the English as to who should enjoy the trade between India and the Spice Islands. In 1611, eleven years after Elizabeth had granted the first charter to 'the Governor and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East Indies', Captain Hippon was despatched by the directors of the India Company in the ship Globe to open a trade with the Coromandel coast. He was accompanied by two Dutch merchants, Peter Floris and Lucas Antheunis.2 [The Journal of Peter Floris is in the India Office. Extracts from it were printed by Purchas.] The English and Dutch were both attracted to the eastern coast of Hindostan by the same object They wished to purchase painted cloths, or Indian cotton goods, and take them to the Moluccas in exchange for spices to be sold in Europe. The Globe touched at Pulicat, where the Dutch had established a factory and built a fort The Dutch governor, Van Wersecke, refused to allow the English to trade. Hippon, therefore, left Pulicat and coasted up the Bay of Bengal till he reached Masulipatam at the mouth of the Kistna, then the principal port of that part of India. At Masulipatam the English managed to establish a small agency, which was put under a chief, and a council was chosen from the merchants. Fifteen years later, in 1626, a factory was established and fortified at Armagon, a roadstead south of Masulipatam, and forty miles north of Pulicat It was the first fortification erected by the English in India. In the year 1628-9 Armagon is described as defended by twelve pieces of cannon mounted round the factory, and by a guard of twenty-three factors and soldiers. The factory at Masulipatam was transferred in 1629 to this fortress owing to the oppression of the native governor. But Armagon was not a good entrepot for the supply of 'white cloths,' and three years later the agency was again established at Masulipatam.

In 1639, Francis Day, one of the council at Masulipatam, was sent to examine the country in the vicinity of the station which the Portuguese, who were then friendly to us, had established at St. Thome.1 [Alfred the Great sent an embassy, under Bishop Sighelm, of Sherborne, to do honour to the tomb of a Holy Thomas. Gibbon hints that the envoys got no further than Alexandria, the great centre-point of the East and West, where they collected their cargo, and invented the legend. According to the legend of antiquity the Gospel was preached in India by St. Thomas. It was preached in the eighth century by Thomas Cana, an Armenian merchant, as Marco Polo was informed on the spot, at Meleapoor, the native name for St Thome.] Day 'was Inordered to goe towards St Thomay to see what payntings2 [Payntings, painted cloths, i.e. chintz.] those parts doth afforde, as alsoe to see whether any place were fitt to fortifie upon.' In August of the same year, three years before the outbreak of the Civil War in England, Day, 'haveinge Dispatcht what hee was sent about,' returned to Masulipatam and told his colleagues what he had done.

'And, first, he makes it appeare to us that at a place Called Madraspatam, neare St. Thomay, the best paintings are made, or as good as anywhere on this Coast, likwise Exellant long Cloath, Morrees,3 [Morrees (muri), blue cloth.] and percalla4 [Percalla (parkala), spangled cloth.] (of which wee have scene Musters), and better Cheape by 2c per cent, then anywhere Else. The Nague5 [Naik, H. (Nayak) was a general name for the Lords of Madura and other places in Southern India until the middle of the tenth century.] of that place is very Desirous of our residence there, for hee hath made us very fayre proffers to that Effect; for, first, hee proffers to build a forte, in what manner wee please, upon a high plott of ground adjoyneinge to the sea, where a ship of any Burthen may Ride within Muskett shott. Close by a river which is Capeable of a Vessel of 50 Tonns; and upon possession given us by him, and not before, to pay what Charges hee shall have disbursed.'6 [The Founding of Fort St. George, Madras, by William Foster, p. 10.]


Day was 'dispeeded' back to Madraspatam, and so important was the new acquisition considered that the agency at Masulipatam directed him to begin building the fort without waiting for the orders of the Court from England.

In their first letter, dated September 20, 1642, 'the Agent and Council on the Coast of Coromandel ' write:

'When wee doe (as that wee doe often) fall into Consideration how much your Worships are displeased with us, for proceedinge on this worke, it even breakes some of our hearts. Tis now to late to wish it undone, and yett wee may not but tell you that if soe bee your Woi ships will follow this Coast Trade (or rather the Kamatt) this place may proove as good as the best, but all things must have its growth and tyme, but on the contrary, if your Worships will not continew it, you may doe it away to proffiett, and not hazard the loss of a man, if you Resolve upon the latter, after advice given once within 12 mo, it may with ease be effected, unless the Moores Conquer the Country before .... wee have found him [our naique] still as good as his word, onely in the Forts erection (the Mayne thinge of all); but in that thinge he excuseth himself.'1 [Original Correspondence, No. 1791.]


Day offered 'to pay the Interest of all the monies that should be expended till the Forte was finished,' but their worships at home refused ' to allow of any Charge of [at?] all neither in building or payeing of Garrison.'

The fort, as first erected, was but a small place, not a quarter of a mile long, only a hundred yards wide from east to west, and situated in the north-east comer of the present fort Five years after its first erection its total cost had been only Rs. 23,000, and the highest estimate of a sufficient garrison was one hundred soldiers. In 1652, thirteen years after its foundation, it was considered safe with a garrison of twenty men. No great change was made in it for a century.

Madras, however, proved 'as good as the best.' A large number of natives sought protection of the English. Thus a prosperous settlement arose outside the English bounds which part was styled the Black Town, the original settlement, where none but Europeans were allowed to reside, being known as the White Town. When war was declared between England and France in 1744, the town had, owing to the trade from England to the coast of Coromandel, 'to the great returnes it makes in callicoes and muslins,' to its considerable trade with China, Persia and Mocha, and to its 'not being a great way from the diamond mines of Golconda,' risen * to a degree of opulence and reputation which rendered it inferior to none of the European establishments in trade except Goa and Batavia.' There were 250,000 inhabitants in the Company's territory, of which the greatest part were natives of India of various castes and religions. The English in the colony, however, did not exceed the number of 300 men, and 200 of these were soldiers who composed the garrison, 'but none of them, excepting two or three of their officers, had ever seen any other service than that of the parade.' Fort St George 'was surrounded with a slender wall, defended with four bastions and as many batteries,' but these were very slight and defective in their construction, nor had they any outworks to defend them. The principal buildings inside were fifty good houses in which the chief Europeans resided, an English and a Roman Catholic church, the warehouse of the Company and the factory in which their servants lived.

On September 24, 1744, 'at a Consultation, Present Nicholas Morse, Esq., Governour and President,' it was 'Agreed to despatch a Pattamar1 [Pattimar, Tam., messenger.] this evening at Bombay to advise of the war with France lest any accident should have befallen the King William.' It was further agreed, 'The war with France being broke out and it being therefore highly proper to have our garrison in the best order we can, and as it happened that for some months past there have not been less than forty to fifty of the Military on the Sick Roll which, with the servants hitherto allowed the officers, reduces considerably the number of Mounting Men. Its agreed that in lieu of servants each Lieutenant have five (5) Pagodas1 [A pagoda was worth forty-two fanams, or about seven shillings.] per month and Each Ensign four (4), and that this be continued to them only so long as the Board shall think it necessary.'2 [The Consultations and Diary Book of the President and Governor, &c., Council of Fort St. George, September 24, 1744.] This is the first mention in the records of that long combat which was to determine the issue whether France or England should win an empire in Asia.

On August 27, 1664, twenty-five years after Francis Day had obtained permission to form the settlement of Madras, Louis XIV., induced by Colbert, issued an edict founding the French East India Company.'3 [L'Inde Francaise avant Dupleix, par H. Castonnel des Fosses, p. 49.] The French, settling to work with considerable zeal, established factories at Surat and other places on the Malabar coast In 1672 they took from the Dutch, with whom they were at war, the splendid harbour of Trincomalee; but the Dutch soon retook it. The French then passed over to the Coromandel coast and obtained possession of St. Thome; two years later they were compelled to restore it also to the Dutch. The fortune of the French East India Company, now at its lowest ebb, was revived by the far sight, courage and administrative capacity of Francois Martin, whose name shines with a fair and honest lustre in an age of intrigue and corruption. Martin had lent the governor of Jinji, the great mountain fortress sixty miles from Pondicherry, money he could not repay, and in return he bestowed upon him a village4 [It was called by the natives Puduchere, which, by degrees, was corrupted to Pondicherry.] near the coast, and gave him permission to fortify a strip of land by the sea. Here, in 1676, Martin brought sixty Frenchmen, all that remained of the factories at Ceylon and St Thom6. 'The fortification that Martin erected could not have been of any great extent, seeing that it cost only the modest sum of seven hundred crowns.' Beneath the shelter of the slender walls he, however, proceeded to lay out streets and to build houses for the native weavers, whom he wished to attract to his new settlement The aim of his policy was to gather at Pondicherry a thrifty, loyal population, and he was wise enough to see that the best way of doing this was by respecting the manners, customs and religion of the people, and so winning their love and confidence. His policy proved eminently successful. However, just as Martin's little colony began to rise and flourish, a grave danger menaced it. Sivaji seized Jinji and threatened an attack on the new settlement. But Martin pacified the great freebooter by a present of 500 pagodas, and obtained from him a grant for the French to reside at Pondicherry in perpetuity on condition they did not interfere in the wars of the neighbouring states. Sivaji, however, insisted that the French should pay him a heavy tax on the imports and exports of the little colony, which continued to grow in wealth and importance. To protect it still further, Martin now threw around the town a wall, which was flanked by four towers, each of which mounted six guns. He had hardly finished the new fortifications when war broke out between France and Holland, and in 1693 Pondicherry was attacked by a Dutch fleet consisting of nineteen ships of war. Martin, who had only forty European soldiers to defend the place, was compelled to surrender. The Dutch, fully realising the value of their new possession, proceeded to improve the town and fortification, and make it the capital of their Indian possessions. But, five years after it had come into their hands, the treaty of Ryswick restored Pondicherry to the French. Martin hastened from France to resume possession of the city which he had founded, but the Dutch refused to restore it until they had been handsomely compensated for the improvements they had made. A French writer with patriotic indignation states: 'The sale, characteristic of a nation of traders, took place on the 17th September 1699, when Martin paid 16,000 pagodas to the Director of the Dutch Company as the price of the improvements and fortifications they had made.' Under the wise and vigorous administration of Martin, the town rapidly grew in prosperity. He mapped out new streets on the lines of an important European capital, erected substantial houses, warehouses and shops, and built a palace for the governor. When the English had only a small factory at Calcutta, and Chowringee was a malarious swamp, Pondicherry was a flourishing town with fifty thousand inhabitants. For the greater protection of the city Martin proceeded to construct a citadel after the model of Tournay. When finished, the new fortress was consecrated with great pomp and ceremony. On August 25, 1706, a stately procession of laymen and priests, chanting the Te Deum and Exaudiat, wended its way around the town, and as it reached the bastion, the cannons sent forth a roar of triumph and joy. This was the crowning day of Francois Martin's life. A few months later the patriot's manly heart ceased to beat.

After the death of Francois Martin, two of his successors, Lenoir and Dumas, managed the Company's affairs with prudence and sagacity. Mahe and Karikal were acquired by France, and Pondicherry soon rose to distinguished importance among the European settlements in India. Dumas was succeeded by Dupleix, who, after being first member of the supreme council at Pondicherry for ten years, was appointed chief of the French factory at Chandernagore in Bengal. By his knowledge of Orientals, by his strong business capacity, he not only amassed a fortune for himself, due to the coast trade which he introduced, but he raised Chandernagore from an insignificant village on the Hooghly to a rich and populous colony. The success at Chandernagore led to his being appointed governor of Pondicherry and ex-officio director-general of the affairs of the French East Company. On arriving at Pondicherry he found there La Bourdonnais, whom he had known in former years. They were of the same age, both endowed with extraordinary abilities, but dissimilar in their talents and their character. Born at the ancient town of St Malo, a nursery for hardy mariners. La Bourdonnais made several voyages to different parts of the world. He entered, when he was twenty, the service of the French East India Company. After having served as lieutenant and second captain, he left the Company in 1727, and commanded, as 'captain and supercargo,' the Pondicherry, a special vessel which had been commissioned by Lenoir and the council of Pondicherry. For five years he traded on the coast Then he quarrelled with Lenoir and entered the Portuguese service, in which he remained for two years. In 1733, he returned to France. He sent to the ministry a report on the situation in India, and was appointed, in 1735, governor of the Isle of France and Bourbon. The appointment was criticised, and Dupleix wrote at the time: 'I am utterly amazed. The Company must have lost its head. God grant that they may not repent the step. The petulance and vivacity of the man make me fear it The Company has been fascinated by the rigmaroles of this flighty spirit'.1 [Dupleix by Prosper Cultru, p. 200.] Dupleix was, however, jealous of La Bourdonnais, and saw in him a rival for the government of Pondicherry. The islands of Mauritius and Bourbon had been taken possession of by the French after they had been abandoned by the Dutch and the Portuguese. When La Bourdonnais arrived, they were in a lamentable state of barbarism and prostration, induced by extravagant abuse and cruel misgovernment. He made them healthy and prosperous. He taught the art of agriculture to the runaway slaves who inhabited the dense forests in the interior, and introduced the culture of the sugar-cane, cotton and indigo; he constructed vehicles, broke in bulls, and made roads for their commerce to the sea. He built docks, quays, mills, arsenals; also a hospital, which he visited every day. By his constant personal supervision, and the healthy stimulus of his strong character, the islands became, during the eleven years of his rule, flourishing colonies, and the naval arsenal in the East But strong complaints were brought by 'captains of ships, and other visitants of the islands, whom he checked in their unreasonable demands, and from whom he exacted the discharge of their duties,' to the ears of the Company's directors, who, 'with too little knowledge for accurate judgment, and too little interest for careful inquiry, inferred culpability, because there was accusation.'1 [Mill, History of India, vol. iii. p. 41.]

In 1739, La Bourdonnais returned to France. He saw that war with England must shortly arise, and he proposed to certain friends that they should subscribe to equip a fleet to cruise in search of English merchantmen. But the ministry proposed to send out a fleet composed partly of the king's ships and partly of the Company's ships, with La Bourdonnais in command, and La Bourdonnais gives us no explanation of this change of plan. On April 5, 1741, he sailed from L'Orient with five of the Company's ships, and arrived at the Isle of France on August 14. He there learnt that the Mahrattas had invaded the Carnatic and that the garrisons had left the islands, summoned by Dumas, the governor of Pondicherry, who feared a siege. La Bourdonnais, when he reached Pondicherry, found the danger had blown over, but that Mahe had been eight months blockaded.

On January 14, 1742, Dupleix reached Pondicherry and succeeded Dumas as governor. To him La Bourdonnais explained his project of capturing Madras when war was declared. Dupleix approved of it and sent Paradis, an able Swiss soldier and an engineer, on a secret mission to Madras, who examined the place with sufficient precision to enable him to draw up a memorandum and prepare a plan of attack. La Bourdonnais proceeded to Mahe, chastised the enemy, re-established the factory, and then returned to the Mauritius, ready to prey upon the English commerce. But the finances of the French Company did not admit of their keeping ships without some commercial profit, and, hoping that neutrality would be maintained in India, they recalled the fleet It was a grave error.

When the ministers in England heard of the preparations made by the French, they sent a squadron of men-of-war in 1744 under Commander Barnet to India. It consisted of two sixty-gun ships, one of fifty, and a frigate of twenty guns. They sailed first to the straits between India and China, where they took 'three French ships returning from China to Europe, and one returning from Manilha to Pondicherry, the cargoes of which prizes produced the sum of 180,000 l. sterling. They also took a French East India ship, which was converted into an English man-of-war of forty guns.1 [ Orme, vol. i. p. 61.] In July 1745 the squadron appeared upon the coast of Coromandel, at which time the garrison of Pondicherry consisted of no more than 436 Europeans, and its fortifications were still incomplete. This was due to no fault of Dupleix, for as soon as he took charge, he began to reform the administration, to discipline the soldiers, to recruit sepoys and to build fortifications. But, on September 18, 1743, he received a despatch from the Company which told him 'to make a point of reducing all expenses by at least one half, and to suspend all outlay on buildings and fortifications.' He obeyed the first order. But he continued with renewed vigour the construction of the fortifications. He advanced to the treasury of the Company 'cinq cent mille livres '; a part of it he employed on the fortifications, and the remainder in supplying cargoes for two ships, which he sent post-haste to France for arms, munition of war and men. But before reinforcements could reach him or the fortifications be completed, the English squadron anchored off Fort St David. Pondicherry was now at their mercy. Happily for the French, the Nawab of the Carnatic informed the Madras government that their ships of war must not 'commit any hostilities by land against the French possessions' within his territories. At the same time he assured the English that 'he would oblige the French to observe the same law of neutrality, if their force should hereafter become superior to that of the English.'

Moved by these threats, the authorities at Madras persuaded Barnet to suspend his attack. He sent one of the fifty-gun ships to cruise at the entrance of the Ganges, where she took several ships returning to Bengal. Soon after, the approach of the monsoon compelled him to leave the coast.

In the beginning of 1746 the squadron returned to the coast of Coromandel, and was reinforced by two fifty-gun ships and a frigate of twenty guns from England. The sixty-gun ship however, in which Barnet hoisted his flag, was found unfit for action, and, together with the frigate, was sent back to England. The French squadron was now daily expected. But months went on and no French ships could be seen. 'The 29th April 174S, Mr. Barnet departed this life at this place [Fort St David] when all the ships were here or near us.' His death was generally regretted as a public loss, 'and indeed he was a man of great abilities in public affairs.' Captain Peyton then commanded the squadron as senior captain. On June 9, the Princess Mary^ laden with bales and treasure, 'sailed to Madras under convoy of his Majesty's Ship the Lively, as did the rest of the squadron for Trancomolay.' But just as they were getting to the Bay, the Preston's bowspirit was sprung and they had to bear away to Negapatam. 'On the 25 at daybreak, from the mast- head in Negapatam road, they made several ships in the offing to which they Went out and found them to be nine (9) French ships.'

On September 18, in the previous year, 1744, the frigate La Fiere had arrived at the Mauritius with the news that war had been declared. She also brought a message from the directors to La Bourdonnais forbidding him to commence hostilities; he was only to return them. La Bourdonnais began at once to arm all the Company's ships he could collect, and he wrote to Dupleix that he could assemble six vessels and 1,500 to 1,800 men. These, with 300 to 400 furnished by Dupleix, would make a little army with which they might carry out some enterprise that would repair their losses. He proposed that he should send half of his ships to cruise for the Company and half for Dupleix and himself. He further suggested the vessels should cruise between the Cape and St. Helena, because, in all probability, the Indian Seas would be a neutral region. Dupleix replied that he had approached the English governor, and therefore counted on the maintenance of peace. He added that he had very few soldiers, barely enough to guard Pondicherry. He also disapproved of the cruise in the Atlantic as it would be contrary to the wishes of the Company, who could not authorise their officers to sail under the conditions proposed by La Bourdonnais, without running the risk of ruining their ordinary commerce, which was less protected than that of the English. But the capture of the China ships by Barnet, in some of which Dupleix had a pecuniary interest, roused his wrath, and drove from his mind all thoughts of neutrality. He set about equipping the country ships to follow the squadron. La Bourdonnais now sent him a plan of his voyage, and inquired if the scheme of 1741 for taking Madras was still feasible. He asked for the service of Paradis and a body of sepoys. He was certain that, with the aid of Dupleix, he could easily take and retain Madras. He had studied Paradis's plan, and he sent Dupleix the result of his study. 'It is,' says he, 'the only means of repairing our loss.' A little later he asked Dupleix to send him clothes for his troops, arms and the munitions of war. Dupleix complied with the greatest good-nature with these requests. He was full of zeal for the enterprise, and burning to have his revenge for the loss of the China ships. He once more had Madras thoroughly explored, and procured an account of the place from Madame Baraval, his wife's daughter, who was married to an Englishman. He had a plan made on a large scale indicating the measures pro- posed by Paradis for taking the fort.1 [Dupleix, by Prosper Cultru, p. 203.]

Meanwhile the departure of the ships which La Bourdonnais had equipped was delayed by the news that a fleet was being sent from France. La Bourdonnais was appointed to the command, and it was suggested to him that, after having landed the treasure on board the ships at Pondicherry, he should proceed to the Bay of Bengal. He might, if he wished, return to the Mauritius about June 1746, and start for France with the fleet in 1747. But the French fleet, which was expected in October, did not reach the Mauritius till January 1746. They arrived in bad order, and only one was armed. La Bourdonnais with characteristic energy proceeded to repair and equip them, and as soon as they were ready he sent them to Madagascar. On March 24 he sailed in the last ship from the Mauritius. Before his ships left Madagascar they were driven from their anchorage and scattered by a hurricane. One was lost and the rest greatly damaged. La Bourdonnais, collecting them in the bay of a desert island on the coast of Madagascar, refitted them, 'overcoming the greatest difficulties with such indefatigable perseverance and activity as intitles him to a reputation equal to that of the ablest marine officer his country has produced.'1 [Orme, i. 63. Mill writes: 'Here the operations of repairing were to be renewed, and in still more unfavourable circumstances. To get the wood they required, a road was made across a marsh, a league in circumference; the rains were incessant; disease broke out among the people; and many of the officers showed a bad disposition; yet the work was prosecuted with so much efficiency, that in forty-eight days the fleet was ready for sea.' — Vol. iii. p. 44.] In forty-eight days the fleet was again ready for sea. It now consisted of nine sail containing 3,342 men, among whom were 720 blacks and from three to four hundred sick. In passing the island of Ceylon they heard the English fleet was at hand, and on June 25 the British ships appeared to windward, advancing in full sail towards them.

La Bourdonnais knew that he was superior to the English in number of men, but greatly inferior in weight of cannon. He therefore determined to gain, if possible, the wind and to board. But Peyton, seeing his design, kept the wind and so frustrated it. The breeze was also light, and it was not till four in the afternoon that a distant fight began and lasted till about seven, when it grew dark. 'In the English squadron,' the despatch states, 'were Fourteen killed and Forty Six wounded, but not one killed or wounded in the Medway' The Medway was Peyton's ship.2 [Despatch from Fort St. David, October 17, 1746. Orme states: 'The fight finished with the entrance of the night; about thirty-five men were killed in the English squadron, and the greatest part of these on board the forty-gun ship. We are not exactly informed of the loss sustained by the French; but it was believed that the killed and wounded together did not amount to less than 300. One of their ships, that which mounted thirty guns, was in less than half an hour dismasted and so much shattered that immediately after the action Mr. De la Bourdonnais ordered her to proceed to Bengal to be refitted in the Ganges.' — Vol. i. p. 64.]

The next morning the two squadrons were near one another, according to the despatch, and continued so all the day. 'At four in the afternoon Capt. Payton summoned a Council of War when it was agreed not to engage the enemy but to proceed to Trincomalay Bay.' The resolution was mainly due to the sixty-gun ship being extremely leaky. The English ships made sail for the harbour of Trincomalee, and in the evening lost sight of the French squadron, which had lain to the whole day as if challenging the English, who were to windward, to bear down and renew the fight. 'This appearance of resolution in M. De la Bourdonnais,' writes Orme, ' was no more than a feint, practised to deter the English from doing what most he dreaded; for most of his ships had expended the greatest part of their ammunition, and several of them had not victuals on board for twenty-four hours.'1 [Orme, vol. i. p. 64.] La Bourdonnais in his 'Memoirs' states that it was not a feint, and that it was with supreme regret that he saw the English escape him.

On Saturday, July 9, 1746, Ranga Pillai enters in his diary:

'This evening at 5, M. de la Bourdonnais disembarked [at Pondicherry], and as he did so, fifteen guns were discharged by his ship. Another salute of fifteen guns was fired on his arrival at the sea-gate, where he was met by the Deputy Governor and other members of the Council, and by the Captain and other officers — M. Dupleix alone excepted — and was escorted by them to the Governor's residence. On M. de la Bourdonnais entering this, the Governor received him at the Sentinel's post, with an embrace, and conducted him into the courtyard, when a salute of fifteen guns was again fired. They afterwards conversed together for a while in the open space on the other side of the verandah.'2 [Ranga Pillai's Diary, vol. ii. p. 113.]


Four days later, as La Bourdonnais was leaving Pondicherry, the soldiers at the gate turned out and formed up as a guard of honour. He, however, sent word to them by his peon that such a ceremonial was unnecessary as he was not wearing uniform, but had on only a dressing-gown and night-cap. 'Nevertheless they paid him the honour and beat the Tambour.' On his return the guards at the gates were anxious to pay him the same honour, but he begged they would do nothing of the sort He afterwards sent for Captain Duquesne:1 [Ranga Pillai's Diary, vol. ii. p. 121.]

'Because I am within the jurisdiction of your Governor, your guards, when I pass them, beat the "Tambour" for me, an honour accorded to the Deputy Governor. But I suppose that you will not take exception to the beating, as is done in the case of the Governor, of the "Tambour-aux-champs" for me when surrounded by my own majors, captains, and soldiers?'2 [This was the major form of salute, and was accorded only to officials of high degree. It still exists in the French army.]


M. Duquesne replied that he could not allow it.

On the following day Ranga Pillai informs us:3 [Ranga Pillai's Diary, vol. ii. p. 223.]

'M. de la Bourdonnais landed some of those who were aboard the ships; and mustering all his soldiers, who had been posted at the city gates in forties and fifties, as also his officers, and the men whom he had brought ashore, held a parade opposite to the Governor's house, and reviewed them. He then stood in their midst, when he was saluted by them with their weapons, after the manner of the Governor. After the parade was over, he repaired to M. Desjardins' house, which had been assigned to him as a residence. The parade held by M. de la Bourdonnais was not attended or witnessed by M. Dupleix, who pretended to be asleep all the while, and then having dressed after the troops had dispersed, came out to sit as usual in the courtyard. The Deputy Governor and others, who had for some time been waiting outside, presented themselves before him. M. de la Bourdonnais also paid him a visit. The Governor and he entertain a mutual dislike for one another. The former is aggrieved because M. de la Bourdonnais does not regard himself as his subordinate, maintains a guard of honour of troopers, keeps at his residence a party of soldiers and troopers, and conducts everything independently, and without consultation with him; whilst M. de la Bourdonnais holds that he is on a par with the Governor, and is consequently entitled to all the honours accorded to that functionary; and that the control of military operations resting wholly with him, he is not bound to consult the Governor in matters connected therewith. Thus business is transacted between them with but little cordiality. The future development of this remains to be seen.'


On July 16, in a conversation with Ranga Pillai, Dupleix gave vent to his feelings:1 [Ranga Pillai's Diary, vol. ii. p. 128.]

'In the course of conversation with me this morning at 9, the Governor said as follows: "M. de la Bourdonnais is a strange man, with an ungovernable temper. He is a babbler. His injustice to Mascareigne drove the inhabitants there to petition against him to the Minister in France. He was on the point of being executed; but thanks to his good luck, which seems to attend him still, he effected his escape by propitiating with lavish presents M. de Fuivy, the brother of the Comptroller-General, who was open to bribes. With a squadron of seven sail he set out on an expedition to Arabia, boasting that he would subjugate that country. But he failed in this project, and thereby caused serious loss to the Company. He is a great impostor." M. Dupleix said many other disparaging things of M. de la Bourdonnais. Not only did I throughout express myself in harmony with his views, but I dwelt at length, and in highly eulogistic terms, on the address with which he administered the affairs of this city at so critical a time as the present.'


On July 17 La Bourdonnais wrote to Dupleix asking for sixty large cannon, a body of men, and food for the squadron. He intended to search for the English vessels, and, having defeated them, return and attack Madras. He consulted Dupleix as to what he was to do with the town. Was he to occupy it, or demolish it? He awaited the decision of Dupleix, and declared that 'all the glory was for him, whose help had made the expedition possible.' Dupleix supplied him with men, ammunition, and twenty-six guns, though he writes, 'These cannons leave many blanks in our ramparts.'

On August 3 Ranga Pillai enters in his diary:

'At noon to-day M. de la Bourdonnais and the Governor, M. Dupleix, were entertained by M. de la Villebague at his house. At about 3, they left in palanquins; that of M. de la Bourdonnais preceding that of M. Dupleix. As they passed out together through the sea-gate, the "Tambour-aux-champs" was beaten. They alighted at the custom-house, and there, as he was starting on an expedition against Commodore Peyton who commands the English fleet, M. de la Bourdonnais bade M. Dupleix farewell. A salute of twenty-one guns was then fired. The Governor accompanied M. de la Bourdonnais to the boat, embracing and kissing him before he embarked. When the boat with M. de la Bourdonnais on board pushed off from the shore, there was another salute of twenty-one guns. The Governor watched it until it had passed the outer surf, then returned to his house, and afterwards went out for a drive.'1 [Ranga Pillai's Diary, vol. ii. p. 166.]


Ranga Pillai enters in his diary on August 4: 'The fleet of M. de la Bourdonnais consisting of eight ships set sail at II this forenoon to seek the English at Galle, Colombo, Jaffna, and Trincomalee.' Orme says the French squadron sailed from Pondicherry on July 24, 'working to the southward against the southern monsoon and on the 6th of August discovered that of the English which had been refitted at Trincomalee.'

Mill says: 'On the 17th [August] he [La Bourdonnais] descried the English fleet off Negapatam, and hoisted Dutch colours as a decoy. The English understood the stratagem, changed their course and fled.' Ranga Pillai gives an interesting account founded on a letter written by La Bourdonnais at the time of his landing at Negapatam. The diarist states:

'The Governor met M. de la Bourdonnais on the beach and conducted him in state along the carpeted way to the fire. M. de la Bourdonnais was entertained at a great banquet. The Governor executed to his guest a deed binding himself to pay the value of the ships (two English ships which the French had captured and the Dutch purchased) within fifteen days, and obtained from him a general safe conduct to protect the Dutch shipping from molestation by the French. Whilst M. de la Bourdonnais was still at table news was brought to him that five English men-of-war were in sight to the southward He hastily took his departure and, accompanied by the Governor and all his men, proceeded to the beach, where, after bidding farewell to his host, he stepped into the boat in which he had come ashore. The Governor watched its progress until it had conveyed M. de la Bourdonnais on board. He then left the beach and returned to the fort. By 2 o'clock M. de la Bourdonnais had reached his ship and cleared for action.'
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According to Ranga Pillai, night being at hand, La Bourdonnais waited for the morning to engage the enemy. 'When the day dawned, however, no English ships were to be seen.' On August 18 the French squadron appeared before Madras 'and fired on the Princess Mary, which was returned from the ship and from the fort Each ship gave a broadside as she stood to the northward and another as she returned, and then stood to the southward again. We are since informed they had two motives for this expedition. One was to make a plea with the country government that the English had committed the first hostility ashore and the other to see if Captain Peyton would come to our assistance or not.' The inhabitants of Madras anxiously watched for the appearance of the English squadron on which their safety depended, and they were struck with consternation when they heard 'that on the 23rd Captain Peyton with his squadron stood into Pullicat Road, where he sent his lieutenant, Mr. Weeims, on board a vessel in the Road, who was there told of all the circumstances of their attacking the Princess Mary, and of their then being between Madras and Pondicherry, on which he disappeared and has never since been heard of,1 [ Orme states: 'They proceeded to Bengal; for the 60-gun ship was now so leaky, that it was feared the shock of firing her own cannon would sink her if she should be brought into an engagement.— Vol. i. p. 67.] or from, by any of the English, though there has been no cost or pains spar'd for that Purpose as may easily be imagined from the since Mellancholly situation of affairs on the Coast. The last letter that was receivd from anyone belonging to the squadron was from Captain Payton to Governor Morse dated the 4th August when he was just come out from refitting. This unhappy con- duct of his so animated our enemys that they determined on attacking Fort St George. We call it unhappy because it has truly proved so in its consequences, though what reasons Captain Payton may have had for this Proceeding we know not.'

Morse, the governor of Madras, now called on the Nawab of the Camatic to fulfil his promise of restraining the French from committing hostilities against them by land. But he omitted to forward a present of money, and consequently the Nawab took no steps to prevent them from attacking Madras. When war became imminent, the French governors, Dumas and Dupleix, made all possible preparations for the struggle; the English, according to a well-established custom, did nothing. The day after news reached them that war had been declared they chose a safe site for a powder magazine. But it was never built. The fort was entirely unfit to stand a siege.

'The principal officer among the garrison was one Peter Eckman, an ignorant, superannuated Swede, who had been a common soldier, and now bore the rank of a first lieutenant; he was assisted by two other lieutenants and seven ensigns. To all which may be further added, that though the garrison had near 200 pieces of cannon, yet they wanted men that were capable of playing them; besides that the want of military stores was equal to the paucity of military men.'1 [Despatch from Fort St. David, October 17, 1746.] Long before the war with France, the English Company had promised to augment the garrison of Madras to 600 Europeans, 'exclusive of the gun-room crew,' but they never sent the recruits. The time had now come when European soldiers were sorely needed.

On August 24, 1746, Ranga Pillai enters in his diary, 'The eight ships comprising M. de la Bourdonnais' fleet came to an anchor in the roads last night. A salute of fifteen guns was fired by only the commanding officer's ship, the Achille. M. de la Bourdonnais, who was ill with fever and diarrhoea, wrapped himself up in his dressing gown, covered his head with a cap, and in this costume came ashore. On landing, he was put into a closed palanquin and conveyed to the house of the Governor who had previously ordered that it should be cleared of every one, and guarded by armed soldiers, who were posted in the streets running to the west and east of the building.' . . . 'The palanquin carrying M. de la Bourdonnais was brought to the residence of the Governor, into whose presence he was, on alighting, supported by two men, one on either side. The Governor came forward to meet him, embraced him, and took him into a room where they had a conference, in which M. Paradis took part'.1 [Ranga Pillai's Diary, vol. ii. p. 233.]

On August 29, M. Desmares, a merchant, met Ranga Pillai on his way to the Governor's house and informed him what had taken place at the conference.

'The Governor asked why the expedition against Madras had been delayed. M. de la Bourdonnais replied: "The orders which I have received from the Company, and from the Government, are that I should attack the English ships wherever I might fall in with them at sea. My instructions do not extend to fighting on shore. I therefore cannot undertake a land attack. If you desire me to do so, I will; but I must first have the written order of your Council to that effect." "Was it not at your desire, expressed in writing," the Governor exclaimed, "that I made all these preparations for the expedition? I cannot understand why you now demand the Council's orders." High words then ensued between them. The Councillors were next summoned, but they declined all responsibility, stating that the Governor and M. de la Bourdonnais had not consulted them when they first planned the undertaking. The whole amount expended up to the present on this may, perhaps, have to be borne by the Governor himself. It is not known how it will end. M. Dupleix tried very hard to have Paradis appointed Commander in the place of M. de la Bourdonnais who is now ill; but the latter would not assent to this.'


Dupleix, who told La Bourdonnais that the capture of Madras was 'so necessary to the honour of the King and the welfare of the Company, that if you are prevented from carrying it out this season you must attempt it next January,' was naturally vexed at the vacillation and delay. He was a man of violent temper, and gave reins to it in his conversation with Ranga Pillai on September 4. He again abused La Bourdonnais in unmeasured terms.

'"La Bourdonnais was an utterly petty-minded man and one utterly regardless of the blow which the honour of the French has sustained." ..." He is, however, an artful man. Although he was a party to the arrangements, he has made me alone bear the whole expense, and has thus impoverished and ruined me. On his arrival he was but a pauper bringing nothing with him but the woollen coat which he wore. Did you not then see him with your own eyes? You are a shrewd man, and there is scarcely anything of which you are not aware." He added, "The Ministers of the King of France are the cause of all this."'


On the morning of September 12, the French fleet, having on board the troops, artillery and stores intended for the siege of Madras, sailed from Pondicherry. A letter from Madras dated October 17, 1747, states: 'They came in sight the 2nd. Nine Sail, and landed 800 Europeans at Covalong, marched to Thome, there landed more.' The neighbourhood covered with country houses was given up to pillage, and the French Commissary-General states that La Bourdonnais and his brother La Villebague harassed the town of St. Thome for loot. On September 17 the French 'began to play their mortars being 1 5 in number from behind the garden house, 10 and 5 from across the Bar: their strength on shore I compute 2,000 Europeans, Seapiahs, and 300 Coffrees: they have when all on board about 3,000 Europeans, 600 of which were Pondicherry troops: their intent was to have stormed us by escalade which we were in no condition to prevent, 1,000 Bombs having prevented our sleeping for 3 days and Nights. Yet we had more to dread from our own disorder within and want of Government and Council than from the enemy without.' On September 29, William Monson, ensign, and John Hallyburton, ensign, were sent as deputies to treat with La Bourdonnais. He received them with all courtesy, and, after a consultation, he offered them the following conditions; that the town should be delivered up, and all the English remain prisoners of war; that the articles of capitulation being settled, those of the ransom should be regulated amicably; that the garrison should be conducted to Fort St. David, and the sailors sent to Cuddalore. The deputies pressed for a more explicit explanation as to the ransom being regulated in a friendly manner. La Bourdonnais replied, 'Gentlemen, I do not sell honour: the flag of my King shall fly over Madras, or I will die at the foot of the walls. In regard to the ransom of the town, and in everything that is interesting, you shall be satisfied with me'; (and, taking the hat of one of the deputies, he said) 'here is nearly the manner how we will regulate matters: this hat is worth six rupees, you shall give me three for it, and so of the rest.' The capitulation was signed the next day, and in the afternoon La Bourdonnais, at the head of a large body of troops, marched to the gates, where he received the keys from the governor. The French flag was immediately hoisted and the boats of the French squadron took possession of the Company's ships. The letter from Madras adds that 'The French hitherto have been extremely civil with respect to the Inhabitants, and have come to a Treaty with the Govemour and Council for the ransom of the place at eleven Laack of Pagodas, payable in 3 years half in India and half in Europe; they to carry off all the Company's Goods and J the Cannon and Warlike Stores: but here's to be a Garrison of 400 ''french till January and I dont much trust to their faith.' The value of the Company's goods was about four laack of pagodas in silver, broadcloth, etc., and 'it is generally believed that Monsr. L Bourdonnie in Diaminds, Jewells, etca., Screwed Us a Purse of about 150,000 Pagodas, so Altogether makes up the Sum of 1,650,000, One million six hundred and fifty thousand Pagodas,1 [Grose states: 'The Governor and Council settled the price of the ransom with the French Commodores at 1,100,000 pagodas, or 421,666£ sterling.] for security of which hostages were to be delivered to Monsr. L Bourdonnie, the Governor's two Children, Mr Stratton and family, Mr Harris and wife, and Messrs Strake and Walsh. The first capitulation was according to the above terms, and the town was to be delivered the English on the 1st October.'

The terms did not suit Dupleix. He had agreed with La Bourdonnais that they should levy a large sum from Madras, either before the assault or in case the French were too weak to hold it But a few days after the squadron set sail for Madras, Dupleix learnt that a squadron of three large vessels of the French Company had touched at Mahe. This reinforcement would enable him to hold both Madras and Pondicherry against any attacks made by the English, and he at once declared that the arrangement of restoring it on the payment of a ransom must be altered. He determined to keep the town or have it at his mercy. He, however, had to consider the native power.

On September 9, three days before the fleet sailed Dupleix received a letter from the Nawab of the Carnatic which was to the following effect:

'"In spite of our explicit instructions that you should forbear from attacking Madras, you have despatched an expedition thither. We are therefore not disposed to allow Pondichery to continue in your possession. We accordingly propose to advance against your town. You transgress all bounds; this is improper."

'The letter was couched in these harsh terms. The Governor directed the despatch of a reply as below: — "The captains of the ships of war of France are bound by the orders of their King; and will not care to listen to the counsels of others."'2 [Ranga Pillai's Diary, vol. ii. p. 291.]

On the following day a letter was despatched to Nawab Anwal-ud-din Khan enclosing a copy of another addressed to Nizam-ul-mulk. The purport of the communication was as follows — 'the King of France has been informed that the English at Madras have unjustly seized French ships, and that they have taken another, bound for Manilla, which bore the name and flag of Muhammad Shah Emperor of Delhi, and was carrying a cargo consigned to him. The insult offered to the Emperor, by thus capturing a ship bearing his name and flag, has exceedingly enraged the King of France, his most faithful friend. He is therefore resolved that the city of Madras, which belongs to the English, shall be seized, and that the British flag which now flies there shall be torn down, and replaced by that of the French. He has accordingly despatched a few men-of-war to take Madras and to hoist the white flag over it. We are carrying out the royal mandate, and you should help us in whatever way you can.'1 [Ranga Pillai's Diary, vol. ii. p. 292.]


On September 19, a camel-express brought a letter from Nawab-ud-din Khan to the governor. The Nawab expressed his surprise that, in defiance of his remonstrances, the French should have despatched an expedition against the English, and trusted that they would in future refrain from affording ground for similar complaint. 'When this letter was read to the Governor, he, with a grimace, ordered me to send a reply couched in the following courteous terms: — "No harm will be done to the merchants of Madras, and any offender found guilty of wrong doing will be punished by the Commander-in-Chief of the French fleet." A letter to this effect was despatched by the camel courier.' Dupleix fully realised the necessity of conciliating the Nawab. He wrote to La Bourdonnais — 'I believe I have found the means of keeping him quiet by telling him we will give him up Madras, you understand, on the condition that we think suitable. This warning should induce you to press the attack briskly and not to listen to any propositions for ransoming the place after it is taken, as this would be deceiving the Nabob and causing him to unite with our enemies. After all, when you are master of this place, I do not see where the English can find the means to pay the ransom. I beg of you to reflect suitably on this subject.'

Dupleix was determined to build up solidly a French dominion in India, but in order to do that Madras, the rival of Pondicherry, must be destroyed. He would sack the town, dismantle the fortifications, and hand the place over to the Nawab. But La Bourdonnais clung obstinately to the first project of a ransom. On September 23, two days after the capitulation, he wrote to Dupleix a long letter in which he announced his intention of carrying off the goods taken, And making the English pay first a ransom for the town, and second for the pillage he had stopped. The first of these two contributions was to be for the Company, the second for the soldiers. He asked advice from the council as to whether he should seize the goods of the Armenians and Malabars. On the 24th he wrote again to Dupleix, asking him to send a scheme of how he thought Madras should be treated. All this time he was acting as if he were independent of any control. He was accompanied on the expedition by two commissioners. Messieurs d'Espremesnil and Bonneau, who were charged with the duty of taking over the captured property. The former was appointed by Dupleix, the latter by La Bourdonnais. D'Espremesnil was the head of the supreme council and second in authority only to Dupleix. On entering Madras La Bourdonnais received all the keys of the shops and the counting-houses, which he states he handed at once to the two commissioners. D'Espremesnil wrote the same day at 9 P.M. to Dupleix: 'I have already spoken to the Admiral and to M. Bonneau many times that they should let us attend to our duties. I had no answer, and if I had not spoken strongly as I did, we should not now have the keys of the Treasury, which had been given to M. Villebague, I hope with no evil design. I have declared to M. de la Bourdonnais that I will sleep at the door of the Treasury, if he does not order the key to be delivered to me, and that if he refuses I will institute a proces-verbal. At last the keys are come.' Espremesnil, hearing La Bourdonnais state that he would not give an account to anyone, told him that such a course of action would not redound to his credit. Seeing that La Bourdonnais intended to act as if he were sole master in Madras, Espremesnil asked Dupleix to come himself to Madras, the town being in his government.

Dupleix did not go to Madras. But in a letter, written on September 23, he informed La Bourdonnais that in whatever concerned Madras he must give an account to the supreme council. On the 24th Ranga Pillai enters in his diary — 'At 4 this afternoon M. Dulaurens embarked for Madras to manage the financial affairs of that place.' He also states that M. Barthelemy was nominated to assist him in council. A letter was sent to La Bourdonnais announcing the departure of the two councillors, and stating they were to form with four other persons1 [MM. d'Espremesnil, Bonneau, Desforges, and Paradis, all Pondicherry men.] an auxiliary council at Madras under the presidency of La Bourdonnais. On the 25th La Bourdonnais announced that he had appointed as commissioners his own brother. La Villebague, and a certain Desjardins to superintend the loading of the vessels. 'At the observation that this was an irregular proceeding he became very angry. However d'Espremesnil learnt that they were loading by night the Marie Gertrude, whose captain, La Gatinais, was in the pay of M. La Bourdonnais, and that long-boats loaded to the water's edge were carrying the spoil from the town.'

On the 25th Dupleix, replying to the letter in which La Bourdonnais had asked the advice of the council, boldly put to him the question whether he recognised the superior authority of the supreme council and of the governor-general of the Indian settlements, which were founded on the permanent orders of the king passed before the special letter that La Bourdonnais received conferring on him the naval command. Dupleix added that the promise of a ransom was a decoy, and that the governor's bills would never be paid. La Bourdonnais promptly replied that he had never been forewarned of the supremacy of the council, that he had come to Madras as a man in full authority, and as a man possessed of full authority he must keep to the terms of his engagement. From this position he would not depart: 'Whether I am right or wrong,' he said, 'I believe myself to be acting within my powers in granting a capitulation to the Governor of this place. I have pledged my honour to the English deputies that I will treat favourably the ransom of the fort and the city.' On the 30th Ranga Pillai informs us all the Europeans at Pondicherry went to the governor's house and made the following representation to him:

'We live under the flag of the French King, and are bound to uphold his honour. The English have done us many wrongs and have even insulted us. You have now by the capture of Madras lowered the English pride, and have established for ever the fame of the King of France, and this will reach the ears of the Emperor of Delhi. The fall of Madras is due to your superior skill, and forethought; and it was not possible for anyone else to have achieved the success which you have. Now we hear that M. de la Bourdonnais is treating with the English for the return of Fort St. George to them. If he has restored it, we dare not show our faces in this Muhammadan kingdom. All our glory will have departed. What does he mean by making restitution of Fort St. George, which was captured only after a severe struggle, and the taking of which has greatly added to our reputation? We have come to you to protest against his proceedings.'


Dupleix told them that he would forthwith send a letter to La Bourdonnais forbidding him to proceed further. Ranga Pillai adds that, 'having written a despatch to M. de la Bourdonnais on the lines suggested by the deputation (Dupleix) directed M. Paradis, M. de Bury, M. Desmareis the greffier (record-clerk) and M. Bruyeres to proceed by ship to Madras. They set sail at 4 in the evening.' On the 4th Ranga Pillai enters in his diary:

'This evening letters from MM. d'Espremenil, Dulaurens, and their party, arrived from Madras. These contained the following particulars. M. Paradis, M. de Bury, and those with them who quitted Pondichery on Friday, 18th Purattasi (30th September), arrived at Mylapore on Saturday, 19th idem (1st October). They had a talk with M. d'Espremenil, and his companions, who had betaken themselves there in displeasure at the conduct of M. de la Bourdonnais. On Sunday, 20th Purattasi (2nd October), they all proceeded to Madras, and asked M. de la Bourdonnais to explain why he had restored it to the English. He replied that he did so as he had been authorized in writing by the Council at Pondichery to exercise his discretion. M. d'Espremenil, Dulaurens, and other officials, explained that the order to which he referred gave him full discretionary powers in the conduct of the siege of Madras alone, and did not invest him with any authority to interfere thereafter, either in the administration of the fort, or in that of the town. M. de la Bourdonnais replied that he had restored the town to the English, because the capture of Madras was planned and effected by them all, without any authority from the King of France to wage war on land, and also because he had seized all the treasure that he found in the fort, and had settled with the English for the payment of eleven lakhs of pagodas, as a condition of restoring the fort to them. The Frenchmen, who came to remonstrate with him, now declared that the new order issued by the Council at Pondichery conferred the supreme authority on M. d'Espremenil, and cancelled the powers of M. de la Bourdonnais. They, thereupon, drew their swords, and called upon the ships' crews, the officers, the captains, and all others, to swear fealty to the King of France, and to take an oath of allegiance to M. d'Espremenil. The order of the Council at Pondichery was next read, and proclaimed. M. de la Bourdonnais was called upon to surrender his sword and to take the oath. They threatened that, if be did not, he would in accordance with the instructions which they said that they had received, be taken into custody. The captains and officers of the ships remained silent M. d'Espremenil took charge of the keys of the fort, and issued his orders. Mr. Morse, the Governor of Madras, and the other English- men, were next summoned and were informed that they were prisoners, and that the restoration of the fort to them was cancelled.'


On October 7, Ranga Pillai states:

'I asked M. de la Touche to tell me why a Council sat yesterday, from sunrise until 6 in the evening, and again until noon to-day, and why the Governor appeared depressed. He replied to me as follows: "M. de la Bourdonnais, in celebration of his Saint's day, ordered guns to be fired at Madras, at sunrise, on the 21st and 22nd Purattasi (3rd and 4th October). He then invited M. d'Espremenil, M. Dulaurens, M. de Bury, M. Paradis, M. Barthelemy, M. de la Tour, and other distinguished men, to dine with him in the fort at midday. When the guests were seated at table, M. de la Bourdonnais addressed them and said, 'I have received a report that English ships are approaching. You must permit me to embark all the soldiers from Pondichery on board my fleet.' 'No, no,' cried M. de Bury, M. Paradis, and their companions. M. de la Bourdonnais frowned on them, and ordered twenty-four of his men, who were under arms, to seize M. de Bury, M. Paradis, and M. de la Tour, and to keep them in custody. He deprived M. d'Espremenil of his authority, and assumed the sole power. He next ordered that the soldiers be embarked on board his ships, and directed that the merchandise in the fort and town should be conveyed on board."'


La Bourdonnais was most anxious to put an end to his quarrel with Dupleix and to set sail with his ships for France. He had in former years traded on the coast, and he knew well the danger of remaining in the Madras roadstead when the northern monsoon burst, which it does about October 15. He, however, did not wish to leave until his treaty had been ratified by the superior council at Pondicherry. He therefore opened negotiations with Dupleix and informed him of the conditions on which he would leave Madras. The principal ones were that Madras should be restored to the English, at the latest at the end of January, that it should not be attacked by either nation before that period, and that as long as it should remain in the hands of the French the roadstead should be accessible to the ships of both nations. On October 14 the superior council replied as follows:

'M. Dupleix has communicated to us your letter of the 12th with some articles which we have examined very attentively. Many reasons prevent us from being able to accede to them. The time to which you limit the evacuation of the place is not sufficient to enable us to make a division of the Artillery, rigging and the supplies and to take them away. All that we can promise you, is to work as promptly as possible. . . .

With respect to the hostages, letters of exchange and bills, we are very willing to engage to receive them on the understanding that this acceptance on our part does not pass for an acquiescence in the articles which relate to them. . . . The roadstead of Madras cannot be open to the English during the division of the prize property; the English squadron has only to come there with five or six ships from Europe as well as from India and disembark their crews gradually. It would thus be very easy, as you will see, for the English to take possession of Madras, at least to concentrate there a force of 2,000 Europeans. It is for this reason that we have inserted a paragraph that the roadstead of Madras must not be open to the English.'


Ranga Pillai informs us that on the night of the 13th 'the north wind blew, accompanied by lightning and a little rain.' The following morning, as the wind was blowing and the rain was falling, he did not go to the house of the governor, 'who was suffering from two boils on the neck.'

'At 8, as the stormy weather continued, the Governor did not put on his ordinary dress, but clothing himself in his night costume — loose trousers, a shirt, a waist-coat and a cap— he entered the travelling coach of Madame Dupleix, went to the beach, watched the ships tossing on the waves, and listened to the roaring of the sea; and having ascertained from the fishermen— who said that the northeast wind had subsided, and the south-west was blowing, there was no ground for fear — that the gale and rain would soon cease and no danger to the shipping need be apprehended, he, so it is reported, went home.'


On October 13 the weather at Madras, Orme tells us, was remarkably fine and moderate all day.

'About midnight a furious storm arose and continued with the greatest violence until the noon of the next day. Six of the French ships were in the roadstead when the storm began, and not one of them was to be seen at day-break. One put before the wind and was driven so much to the southward that she was not able to gain the coast again: the 70 gun ship lost all her masts: three others of the squadron were likewise dismantled and had so much water in the hold, that the people on board expected every minute to perish, notwithstanding they had thrown overboard all the cannon of the lower tier; the other ship during the few moments of whirlwind which happened in the most furious part of the storm, was covered by the waves and foundered in an instant, and only six of the crew escaped alive. Twenty other vessels belonging to different nations were either driven on shore, or perished at sea.'


La Bourdonnais' fleet was destroyed. He was no longer able to face the English or to continue on the coast of Coromandel. On October 21 a treaty, which he asserted had been assented to at Pondicherry, was signed by him and Governor Morse and five of the English council. All the merchandise, part of the military stores to the East India Company, all the naval stores belonging to the Company or private persons became the property of the French Company. La Bourdonnais gave it up to the English and the other inhabitants all the effects and merchandise belonging to them except the naval stores. It was agreed that the French should evacuate the town before the end of the ensuing January, after which the English were to remain in possession of it without being attacked by them again during the war. Upon these conditions the governor and council of Madras agreed to pay the sum of 100,000 pagodas, or 440,000 l. sterling. Of this sum 240,000 l. were to be paid at Pondicherry, by six equal payments before the month of October in the year 1749: and for the remaining 200,000 l. bills were drawn on the East India Company in London, payable a few months after they should be presented. The English gave hostages for the performance of this treaty.

On October 23, having made over the governorship of Madras to the senior member of council sent by Dupleix, La Bourdonnais sailed for the roads of Pondicherry. He anchored there the following day, but did not land. After an angry discussion with the Pondicherry council he acquiesced in their desire that the fleet, consisting of seven ships, should proceed to Acheen in Sumatra. For that port he accordingly set sail; the three ships which arrived last from Europe with another that had escaped from the storm made good their destination in spite of a contrary wind; but La Bourdonnais' seventy-gun ship and two others which had suffered in the storm were forced to give way and sail before the wind to the island of Mauritius, where they arrived; in the beginning of December. Here he was placed in charge of a squadron and directed to proceed to France, taking Martinique on the way. Owing to a storm which he encountered, he put in for shelter at St Paul de Loando, the Portuguese colony. As I have stated, he had been some time in the Portuguese service in India, and it was reported at Madras that he meant to send gold, silver, diamonds and merchandise to Goa. At St. Paul he chartered a small vessel, which carried his wife, his children (and, it was stated, the riches that he had gotten), to Brazil and thence to Lisbon. He reached Martinique with only four of his ships. He now found that his home- ward voyage was barred by English cruisers. He proceeded to St Eustache, one of the islands forming the colony of Curacoa, lying north from the coast of Venezuela, and took a passage to France in a Dutch ship. War, however, had now been declared between France and Holland, and the Dutch vessel was forced into an English harbour. La Bourdonnais was recognised and made a prisoner. Grose states: 'The ship was taken by an English privateer, and carried into Falmouth in December 1747. But the Commodore's lady, with most of the jewels, arrived in a Portuguese ship at Lisbon.'1 [A Voyage to the East Indies, began in 1750, with Observations continued [illegible] 1764, by John Henry Grose (second edition), vol. ii. p. xxi.] He adds, 'The Commodore was confined some days in Pendennis Castle, from whence he was conducted to London in the custody of two messengers. He was treated with the utmost politeness and afterwards sent to France.' As you all know on reaching France he was imprisoned in the Bastille and remained there for three years in the most rigorous confinement. He was charged, in addition to his political offences, with corruption, embezzlement and extortion, but was at length acquitted by a Committee of the Privy Council to whom his case was referred.

The chief accusation brought against La Bourdonnais is that he received a large sum of money from the English to conclude an unauthorised treaty for the ransom of Madras. Professor Cultru in his most interesting and useful work on Dupleix remarks — 'We have not the positive proof that La Bourdonnais did receive money from the English but there are signs that point to this.' He adds — 'Only a study of La Bourdonnais' case, and of the English documents, if there are any, can show if these suspicions of La Bourdonnais are founded on facts.' It is strange that a writer whose work is based on considerable research should not have learnt that in the archives of the India Office there are some important documents bearing on the case. He himself draws attention to the important fact that in 1750 a pamphlet in the form of a letter was published in England, which distinctly accused La Bourdonnais.1 [A Letter to A Proprietor of the East India Company, London: Printed for T. Osborne in Grays Inn, mdccl.] The pamphlet contained a letter from Governor Morse, written from Pondicherry, January 18, 1747, to The Secret Committee for Affairs of the United Company of Merchants of England, trading to the East Indies, in which he stated: 'I take this Occasion to advise you apart, that in that Transaction we were under a Necessity of applying a further Sum beside that stipulated by the Articles; which Affair, as it required Privacy, was by the Council referred to myself and Mr. Monson to negotiate: As therefore that Gentleman, who presents you this, is by that Means well qualified to give you the fullest view of that Matter, I believe we shall stand excused by you, that the Explanation of it with its Circumstances, its Consequences, and our Reasons, is thus referred to him, rather than committed to Paper.' No action was taken in the matter until December 15, 1748, when at a court of directors it was

'Resolved, that Mr. Monson be desired to give an Account in Writing to the Court of Directors, of the Matter referred to by Mr. Morse, in his letter to the Secret Committee, dated January 18, 1746-7, and also of the several Sums of Money taken up on Bond, or otherwise, after the Surrender of Madras to the French, and to explain the same, with the Circumstances relating thereto, together with the Reasons for the same, and that he be acquainted he may lay any Thing else before the Court he thinks proper, and desired to give in such Account by Wednesday next.'

Mr. Monson in his reply to this resolution (London, December 21, 1748) states that 'he did hope' that the secret committee 'would have given me an Opportunity to have explained it before themselves only; for as there is a Sort of Faith, which ought to be preserved, even with one's Enemies, I cannot help saying, it is a Thing which chagrins me exceedingly, to be called upon now to do it, in a Manner so much more public. However, as your Commands have fixed an indispensable Obligation on me to comply therewith, I am to acquaint you, that in treating for the Ransom of the Place, we were soon given to understand, that a further Sum was necessary to be paid, beside that to be mentioned in the Public Treaty. You will easily imagine from the Nature of the Thing, that it required to be conducted with some Degree of Secrecy; there was, however, a Necessity of acquainting the Council with it, though for Form Sake, and to preserve Appearances with the Person treated with, it was referred to Mr. Morse and myself to settle the Matter with him: I can nevertheless with great Truth assure you, that all the Gentlemen of the Council were constantly and faithfully acquainted with every Step that was taken in that Matter, except Mr. Edward Fowke, who, from the Beginning of the Treaty about the Ransom, declared, that he would not join with us in any of those Measures, which by all the rest were thought absolutely necessary at that Juncture.'

Mr. Monson adds: 'Having said thus much, it remains for me to acquaint you, that we had no Possibility of raising the Money, but by giving the Company's Bonds for it; and this Negotiation was not kept secret from those who supplied the Money on this Occasion, as they were to a Man informed of the Use it was borrowed for before they lent it; and thought by lending it, they did a meritorious Piece of Service to the Company: Bonds were accordingly given for so much as we could borrow, under the Company's Seal, and signed by Mr. Morse, and all the Council except Mr. Edward Fowke; a List whereof, I mean such only as were not mentioned in our general Advices,1 [Only a bill of exchange for 3,000 pagodas.] I add here.2
['To Mr. Morse / a Bond for Pagodas / 10,000
Mr. Salomons / a Bond for Pagodas / 40,000
Mess. Jones and Moses / a Bond for Pagodas /15,000
Mr. Heyman / a Bond for Pagodas / 10,000
Mess. Edw. and Jos. Fowke / a Bond for Pagodas / 5,400
Mr. Peter Baillieu / a Bond for Pagodas / 5,000
The Church Stock / a Bond for Pagodas / 2,000
The Mayor's Court (Mr. Monson made a mistake; the Mayor's Court lent 4,368 pagodas, and he omitted the bonds for smaller sums.) / a Bond for Pagodas /2000]

'Having gone thus far, and acquainted you with the Engagements we were under, I submit it to your further Consideration, whether you will insist upon my mentioning in this publick Manner the Sum agreed for; what Part was paid in Consequence thereof; and to whom: For the rest of what was borrowed in this Manner, over and above what was actually paid to the Person treated with, it was disbursed in defraying the Charges of the Garrison, till the French broke the Capitulation, and turned us out of the Town.'

'The Minister of Foreign Affairs in France ordered, in his letter of June 20, 1750, that Messrs. Monson and Straton, Councillors of Madras, should come to Paris, to give their evidence in the affair of La Bourdonnais. All their expenses were to be paid.' This shows that the Foreign Minister attached importance to the publication.

The documents in the archives of the Indian Office are the three folios relating to the Law Case No. 31, March 3, 1752. The case arose from the objection of the Court of Directors of the East India Company to meet the bonds on which the sum required for the ransom of Madras was raised on the ground that in part at least the bonds had been given not to save the Company's property, but the private property of the governor and his council. Attention was first drawn to these papers by Colonel Malleson in his History of the French in India.

Sir George Birdwood, in his most interesting and useful report on 'The Old Records of the India Office,' gives some copious extracts from these papers. In them we find the letter of Governor Morse, dated January 18, 1748; the letter of Mr. Monson, dated December 21, 1748. In the letter of Monson, as given in folio 3, we are told that * bonds were given for so much as we could borrow under the Company's seal, and signed by Mr. Morse and all the rest of the Council except Mr. Fowke. Part of the money thus borrowed was actually paid to the person treated with, and the rest was disbursed in defraying charges of the garrison until the French broke the capitulations and turned us out of the town.' In folio 4 there is another letter from Monson, dated May 3, 1749, who, after excusing himself from declaring to whom . . . this money . . . was given, says: — 'I hope I shall stand excused if I declare no further than that part of the money was appropriated to pay six months' salary and two months* diet to your covenant servants, with a month's arrear to the garrison, besides sundry disbursements to the officers and sailors of the Princess Mary, to your officers and military that were going to Cuddalore, and some little advances we judged necessary towards our future reestablishment, the rest of the money, with the diamonds, was actually and bona fide applied to the purpose already mentioned' (the payment of 'that person'), 'which, in the opinion of those who were concerned in this business, would have redounded very much to the honour, the credit, and the real advantage of the Company.'

In folio 5, 'Mr. Edward Fowke . . . speaking [letter of December 25, 1746] of the ransom . . . says: " In regard to ransoming of the town, afterwards when Monsieur La Bourdonnais told us we might march out with our swords and hats, I thought it' [going out with swords and hats] 'much more to your interest than to accept the terms that were agreed upon. ... I could have consented so far as five or six lacs. . . . Madras is but a tributary town . . . therefore for your Honours to be loaded with such a monstrous sum, and the Native Government not to feel any part of so severe a blow, would, I am afraid, in future have a very bad effect, especially with a little money laid out among the great men, which the French pretty well know how to place.'

Again, March 3, 1748: 'I can assure you, gentlemen, notwithstanding I may have appeared so lukewarm in defence of your town . . . I would rather have sacrificed my life than to have acceded to those terms of agreement, I thought them as directly opposite to your interest, honour, and credit, as others thought them for it.' In the same letter he says one of the bonds was brought to him to sign, and he wrote on it: 'I acknowledge Mr. George Jones to have brought me the above-mentioned bond to sign, but as I do not approve the ransom, nor do I know whether I am now legally authorised ' (being a prisoner of La Bourdonnais) 'to take up money on the Company's account, I refuse to sign it.'

It is important, however, to remember that Mr. Fowke said, in his answer to the interrogatories, that though he was a stranger to the payment he did not doubt the money being paid.

We have also the evidence of the bond creditors, who in answer to the interrogatories stated: 'That they heard and believe that the then President and Council of Fort St George did after the 10th September, 1746, agree to give and pay to Monsieur de la Bourdonnais 88,000 pagodas, but that they did not know or believe that the said 88,000 pagodas, or any part thereof, were so agreed to be paid in order to free or exempt the goods and effects of the merchants and inhabitants . . . and particularly the goods and effects of the said Govemour in Council, or the said Solomon Solomons' [one of the bondholders] 'in their private capacity, from being seized, taken, or plundered, but that the same was agreed to be given or paid to the said Monsieur de la Bourdonnais, as a douceur or present on behalf of the said East India Company, with a view to reduce the amount or value of the ransom insisted on by the said Monsieur de la Bourdonnais.'

And the same further say (folio II): 'They do believe in their consciences that . . . the same and said present of 88,000 pagodas, as agreed to be given to the said Monsieur de la Bourdonnais, was entered into for the benefit and interest of the East India Company.'

Folio 12, 'Francis Salvadore, executor to Jacob Salvadore, says: " He don't know, but hath heard and believes that the said President and Council did, after the said 10th day of September 1746, agree to give or pay to or to the use of the said Monsieur de la Bourdonnais the sum or value of 88,000 pagodas, as a present, but whether ... in order to exempt or free the goods and effects of the merchants or inhabitants . . . and particularly of the proper goods and effects of the said Govemour and Council, in their private capacity, or the said Edward and Joseph Fowke, or the said Jacob Salvadore, . . . he don't know nor has been informed."'

In 1749 Monson was unwilling to declare the name of 'that person,' but in 1753 he declared, in answer to certain interrogatories, that 'he the said Mr. Monson heard from Monsieur de La Bourdonnais that they must pay him down 100,000 pagodas if they expected performance of the agreement, he communicated such his information to the Council, who after deliberation agreed to pay it, but says this money was not demanded for granting the fifteenth and sixteenth Articles.' He also states, 'No receipt was taken or required for the money privately paid, nor could any be insisted on in such a transaction, nor was any agreement made for returning the 88,000 pagodas in case the treaty was rejected by the Governour and Council of Pondicherry; and can't say whether the Governour and Council of Pondicherry were ever informed of this private transaction.'

Dupleix, who had little doubt of the guilt of La Bourdonnais, had his grave suspicions confirmed by an important witness. When I was in Pondicherry a learned French lawyer, who took most patriotic interest in the history of his countrymen in India, told me that there was in the archives some important evidence as to La Bourdonnais having taken a bribe. He also with the characteristic generosity of his race gave me the following authenticated copy of the document. The translation was made by Mr. Markheim, Fellow of Queen's College, Oxford, whose death deprived that University of one of her brilliant sons.

'21 August 1747. This day, twenty-first of August 1747, at four o'clock in the afternoon, I was summoned by Mr. Dupleix to act as interpreter between him and Mr. Savage, formerly Councillor at Madras and now ready to leave on parole for Ceylon. Mr. Savage asked me to make his best thanks to the Governour for all the civilities which he had received from him, and on his own part to assure him of his everlasting gratitude. The Governour after making response to this compliment, requested him as a proof of friendship to tell him how much Mr. Morse and the Madras Council had given privately to Mr. de La Bourdonnais, and to declare to him there and then, in a friendly way, and in secrecy, how the business had been done. Mr. Savage, very much surprised by this unexpected request, appeared to hesitate in his answer. I consented, he said, to all that was done, and I signed. What will Mr. Dupleix think of me, if I myself reveal operations at which I should be the first to blush. Never mind, replied Mr. Dupleix, anybody would have done the same in your place; you did your best to extricate yourself, and to get out of the hands of the victor whose overtures you were obliged to accept, however inconsistent they might appear to you with straightforwardness and with your honourable sentiments which are known to me.

'This answer cleverly given reassured Mr. Savage. After several long-winded compliments, he required of Mr. Dupleix his word of honour that he would not mention the matter and made the same request of me. Mr. Dupleix insinuated that he did not ask him the question with intent to use his name, but simply and solely, in order to get a clue; that he knew already a great deal but in a confused way, and without being positively sure.

'Your Madras Council must have already written to you fully about it, said Mr. Savage, for our English gentlemen of the hill have revealed to them the whole mystery. Mr. Dupleix answered that nothing had been told them. Pardon me, replied Mr. Savage, I was present when some of our gentlemen took Mr. Morse to task for this matter. They blamed him for the way in which he had practised upon them, but [added] that he would not take advantage of it, since they had revenged themselves by the expose they had made of all his secret manoeuvres to the gentlemen of the Pondicherry Council then at Madras. I am surprised, he continued that so public a matter and which has been in the mouths of so many malcontents, is not known to you in all its circumstances; you know the public treaty of the eleven lacs; the secret article was that we were to give privately to Mr. La Bourdonnais one lac down, to save the town from pillage and secure private property from aggression.

'Did he receive the whole lac, asked Mr. Dupleix.

'No, but to my knowledge he received in gold and silver as well as in diamonds eighty five to ninety thousand pagodas, and if he had but waited a day longer, the whole sum would have been paid.

'From whom was the sum levied? From the English residents? Were the Malabars made to contribute? I have not been able to clear up this point, but they complain loudly. And as to the Armenians what was extracted from them before they were let loose from prison?

'I do not believe that till then anything had been got out of them, but if the town had remained in our possession, they would have been compelled to do as the others did.

'Who were those malcontents who cried out so much against Mr. Morse and his Council?

'They were Messrs. Fawkes Junior and many others, because after contributing to the payment of this lac with their most clear and portable property, they saw by the way matters were going that their goods were going to be confiscated, nothing less than that. Don't ask me more about it, he continued, you will see all these underhand dealings in the English public papers next year; there have been so many complaints that they cannot fail to be noised about in Europe. I wish that all that has passed at Madras could be forgotten, I can only think of it with abhorrence.

'I asked him how many boxes of piastres there were in the Treasury the day when the town was taken.

'I cannot recollect the exact number, he said. But, Sir, I answered him by the minute of the deliberations, which is in your handwriting, there were in the last days of August eighteen boxes. This record goes as far as the sixth or seventh of September. Your . . . and no mention is made in it that piastres had been taken out of the Treasury. I have noticed in all this record that as soon as they were drawn, and even before, you did not fail to make an entry of it.

'Yes, he said, there must have been eighteen boxes, and no doubt they were there.

'He was much surprised when I told him that there were only six.

'This is the gist of what passed in that conversation. On leaving Mr. Dupleix asked me to put it down in writing, so that he might be the better able to remember it. Which I did as accurately as possible before seven o'clock in the evening, this twenty first of August 1747.

(Signed) Friell.

'I the undersigned certify on my soul and conscience that the contents of this document are true and were told me by Mr. Savage in English which I interpreted in French to the said Mr. Dupleix at Pondichery, at half past seven in the evening, this twenty first of this August 1747.

(Signed) Friell.

'I the undersigned Councillor in the Higher Council and commandant of Karikal, certify that the present document was presented to me by Mr. Dupleix commandant general of India at the very moment when it was completed by Mr. Friell, and that I read it after having previously given my word of honour to the said Mr. Dupleix to keep a profound silence on its contents, in consequence of the same pledge which had been required of those two gentlemen by Mr. Savage at Pondichery at half past seven in the evening, this twenty first of August 1747.

(Signed) Paradis.
Pondichery, 10 April, 1876.
(Copy) The Conservator of the Library and of the Old Records.
(Signed) de Gacon.
Stamp of the Old Records of Pondichery.'


In conclusion I would venture to suggest that little doubt can exist from the evidence I have placed before you that La Bourdonnais received a large sum of money to ransom the town of Madras. But in condemning him for the act it is necessary to consider that La Bourdonnais was a corsair of the same stuff as Drake and Hawkins. He regarded the capture of Madras as a prize in a privateering cruise, and he considered he was entitled to a share of it, as Drake did when he captured the Spanish cities and held them to ransom. It must also be remembered that La Bourdonnais was instructed not to form any new settlements, and the only alternatives in his power with regard to Madras were to restore or destroy it. The capture of Madras was but a part of his general plan to destroy the prestige and power of all the English settlements. By the capture of Madras he had dealt a severe blow to the reputation of the English, but the hurricane which destroyed his ships altered his prospects. He was no longer able to continue on the coast of Coromandel, and he had to settle with all expedition the affairs of Madras. He was obliged to leave the Indian Ocean for want of ships, but he left at Pondicherry 900 Europeans and 300 'Caffres': '1,200 disciplined men,' says Orme, who were of the utmost service to Dupleix in his future operations. Resolution, daring, and professional skill historians allow to La Bourdonnais, and he must have a place among the fighting heroes of France.1 [Orme writes: 'His knowledge in mechanics rendered him capable of building a ship from the keel: his skill in navigation of conducting him to any part of the globe: and his courage, of defending him against an equal force. In the conduct of an expedition he superintended all the details of the service, without being perplexed either with the variety or number of them. His plans were simple, his orders precise, and both the best adapted to the service in which he was engaged. His application was incessant; and difficulties served only to heighten his activities, which always gave the example of zeal to those he commanded.' — Orme, vol. i. p. 73.]
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Chapter 4: Law Books in an Oral Culture: The Indian Dharmasastras, Excerpt from "Studies in Hindu Law and Dharmaśastra"
by Ludo Rocher
edited by Donald R. Davis, Jr.
foreword by Richard W. Lariviere
February, 2013

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Chapter 4: Law Books in an Oral Culture: The Indian Dharmasastras

In 1772 the British authorities in Calcutta decided that, to be fair to the Indians, they should administer to them not British laws, which the Indians did not know and would not understand, but the local Hindu and Muslim laws, which they not only understood but had held in high esteem for centuries.87 [Governor Warren Hastings' Plan for the Administration of Justice included a section to the effect that "[ i]n all suits regarding inheritance, marriage, caste and other religious usages or institutions, the laws of the Koran with respect to the Mohamedans and those of the Shaster with respect to the Gentoos shall invariably be adhered to." It became law as S. 27 of the Administration of Justice Regulation of 11 April 1780.]

A fair, humane decision it was; a practical, easy decision it was not. The difficulty was not so much with the Muslims: they had the Quran and the Sharia, and many of the Englishmen who were to administer law to them knew Persian, some even Arabic. The problem was with the Hindus. They too, had law books, but these were in Sanskrit, and of that language no Englishman had any notion whatever.

I will pass over the early British solutions to that problem, since they are not relevant to the point I wish to make. I will just note that, after a few years, some courageous Englishmen came to the conclusion that there was only one way to do it right: they had to learn Sanskrit. That and only that would enable them to read the original texts of the Sanskrit law books, without having to depend on intermediaries, pandits, whom they no longer trusted.88 [Pandits were first attached to the Anglo-Indian Courts in 1772; they continued to act as legal counselors until 1864 when their office was abolished. On the distrust of pandits, see, e.g., Derrett 1968: 243.]

The British were told that the laws of the Hindus were contained in books called Dharmasastras, i.e., sastras "text, treatises" on dharma "the aggregate of all the rules which a Hindu is supposed to live by."89 [The term Dharmasastra, in a general sense, is used for both the Dharmasutras, which are in prose, and the Dharma-sastras stricto sensu, which are in verse. The individual Dharmasutras and Dharmasastras are also called smrtis, and the entire corpus of these texts is referred to as part of "the" smrti (literally, "memory"), i.e., a form of revelation inferior only to the higher form of revelation contained in the several Vedic texts (sruti). I must stress that this entire essay deals with this body of texts only, not with the immense commentarial literature on them, which developed at a later time.] The British also learned that the Dharmasastra the Hindus most highly respected was the one attributed to Manu, one of the several ancient sages who are supposed to have composed -- rather, "revealed" -- treatises on dharma.

One of the Englishmen who studied Sanskrit was Sir William Jones, since 1783 a judge in the Supreme Court of Judicature in Calcutta.90 [The fact that Jones' decision to study Sanskrit was linked to his distrust of the Court pandits is highlighted in a letter to Charles Chapman, written from the Bengal town of Krishnagar on 28 September 1785: "I am proceeding slowly, but surely, in this retired place, in the study of Sanscrit; for I can no longer bear to be at the mercy of our pundits, who deal out Hindu law as they please, and make it at reasonable rates when they cannot find it ready-made" (Cannon 1970; 683-684).] In 1794 Jones indeed completed and published, in Calcutta, an English translation of the Dharmasastra attributed to Manu: Institutes of Hindu Law: or, the Ordinances of Menu.

To be sure, Jones' translation, which was "printed by the order of Government," was intended, primarily, to serve the administration of justice. According to Jones, the judge,

it must be remembered, that those laws are actually revered, as the word of the Most High, by nations of great importance to the political and commercial interests of Europe, and particularly by millions of Hindu subjects, whose well directed industry would add largely to the wealth of Britain, and who ask no more in return than protection for their persons and places of abode, justice in their temporal concerns, indulgence to the prejudices of their old religion, and the benefit of those laws, which they have been taught to believe sacred, and which alone they can possibly comprehend. (Jones 1796, rpt. in Haughton 1825: 2.xxi-xxii; see note 92)


Yet, at the same time Jones, the scholar, expressed an opinion that is particularly important in the context of this essay. Jones was convinced that, by translating Manu, he not only had access to the laws to be applied to Hindus in 1794, but learned from the Manusmrti "that system of duties, religious and civil, and the law in all its branches, which the Hindus firmly believe to have been promulgated in the beginning of time by menu" (ibid.: viii).91 [Even though he was to be proved wrong on that account, Jones believed that the Manusmrti was composed as early as 1280 B.C.]

The Manusmrti continued to attract attention after 1794.92 [Jones' translation was reprinted, in England, in 1796, and translated into German in 1797. It was again reprinted, with an edition of the Sanskrit text and new annotations, by Graves Chamney Haughton, in 1825. For these and later editions, see Garland Cannon, Sir William Jones: A Bibliography of Primary and Secondary Sources (Amsterdam: Benjamins, 1979), 32-34. The first edition of Manu in France, by Auguste Loiseleur Deslongchamps, appeared in 1830; his 1833 translation was reprinted in 1840.] Yet, more than a half century would pass before the publication of the translation of a second Dharmasastra, the one attributed to Yajnavalkya. This translation was not in English but in German, and it was not produced to be of any service whatever to the administration of justice in India. As the translator, Adolf Friedrich Stenzler (1849: iii), pointed out, the British had turned away from the ancient Dharmasastras to other Sanskrit texts that were totally devoted to law and, consequently, more important for the administration of justice.93 [English translations of other ancient dharma texts appeared more than one century after Hastings' Plan. Except for a preliminary translation, from manuscripts, of the Naradasmrti by Julius Jolly (1876), most translations were published, at Oxford, in Max Muller's The Sacred Books of the East: Apastamba and Gautama (vol. 2, Buhler 1879), Visnu (vol. 7, Jolly, 1880), Vasistha and Baudhayana (vol. 14, Buhler, 1882), Manu (vol. 25, Buhler, 1886), Narada and Brhaspati (vol. 33, Jolly, 1889). Many other Dharmasastras, some of them known only from quotations in the commentaries, still remain untranslated.]

Stenzler noted that the time had come to make a scholarly study of the entire corpus of Indian law books. He submitted that, once the relative chronology of the texts was established, "[a] comparative study of all these texts is bound to lead to results which will contribute not a little to our understanding of the development of life in India" (Stenzler 1849: Vorrede, iii). One year later he argued even more forcefully and in greater detail that "[ i]t is to be expected that a more accurate knowledge of this richly developed branch of Indian literature, which draws on the most varied situations of life, will provide true insights into the history of the Indian people" (Stenzler 1850: 237). Stenzler thus formulated, for the Dharmasastra literature as a whole, the same expectation voiced for Manu by Jones much earlier, namely that these texts provide a true picture of the law of the land, i.e., of law as it was actually practiced in classical India.

The same idea appears again and again in later scholarly literature. I will restrict myself to quoting some of its major proponents. Friedrich Max Muller noted, at least as far as the prose Dharmasutras -- which he considered to be older than the versified Dharmasastras -- are concerned, that "[t]hey are of great importance for forming a correct view of the old state of society in India" (1859: 134).94 [There is a potentially misleading statement by Georg Buhler concerning Muller's views on the versified Dharmasastras. In connection with the Dharmasutras attributed to Apastamba, Buhler noted: "Their discovery enabled Max Muller, nearly thirty years ago, to dispose finally of the Brahmanical legend according to which Hindu society was supposed to be governed by the codes of ancient sages, compiled for the express purpose of tying down each individual to his station, and of strictly regulating even the smallest acts of his daily life" (Sacred Books of the East, 2: ix). What Muller really meant is that the versified sastras, which he considered to be more recent than the prose sutras, should not be used to reconstruct life in earlier Vedic times, for "they likewise admitted the rules and customs of a later age" (1859: 61). Muller did not say that the versified Dharmasastras were unreliable sources as far as their own times were concerned.] In 1868 Albrecht Weber expressed the hope that the publication of more dharma texts "would spread the kind of light which we can as yet hardly fathom" (Weber 1868: 815-117). Arthur Cole Burnell realized that there were considerable differences between the various Dharmasastras, but that was "no reason to believe that these works do not represent the actual laws which were administered" (1868: xiii).95 [This is all the more remarkable since Burnell was a close friend of James H. Nelson whose -- very different -- views on the Dharmasastras will be discussed later.] Leopold von Schroeder spoke of the Indian law books as being "of the highest importance for the knowledge of public and private relations, nay of any aspect of Indian life and activity" (Schroeder 1887: 734). Willy Foy proposed to use the Dharmasastras to draw a picture of royal power which was to be "important for the cultural history of India" (Foy 1895: 4), and Joseph Dahlmann heralded the law books as "truly historical records."96 ["Der Gesellschaftskunde erschliessen sich seit dem neunten Jahrundert v. Chr. im Bereiche des indischen Rechts wahrhaft geschictliche Quellen" [Google translate: Social studies have been opening up since the ninth century BC. In the realm of Indian law, truly historical sources] (Dahlmann 1899: 48). Dahlmann opposed the opinion of Senart; see below.]

Perhaps most important of all is that Julius Jolly's classic work on Hindu Law and Custom (1928 [1896]) and Pandurang Vaman Kane's monumental History of Dharmasastra (1930-62) were based on the assumption that the legal precepts contained in the texts were real,97 [Jolly refers to the sutras and the sastras as two "stages of Indian legal literature" (2). In Kane's third volume (1946), which is more specifically devoted to the legal aspects of dharma, he says: "This work in intention and scope ... concerns itself with pointing out what the law of the Smrtis and writers of medieval digests was" (544).] and that the two standard treatises of modern Hindu law confirm in their introductions that "[t]here can be no doubt that the smriti rules were concerned with the practical administration of the law" (Aiyar 1950: 2), and, in connection with Manu, speak of "the systematic and cogent collection of rules of existing law that it gave to the people with clarity and in language simple and easy of comprehension" (Desai 1970 [1966]: 20).

Yet, not everyone agreed. I will mention only in passing the opinion of Thomas Babington Macaulay that "neither as the languages of law nor as the languages of religion have the Sanskrit and Arabic any peculiar claim to our encouragement," and his expectation that, once the Indian Law Commission of 1833, on which he sat, had completed its task, "the shastras and the hadith will become useless" (cited in Phillips 1977: 1411, 1410).98 [Macaulay wished to go even further: "I would strike at the root of the bad system which has hitherto been fostered by us. I would at once stop the printing of Arabic and Sanskrit books" (Phillips 1977: 1412).]

Far more important was the proclamation, as early as 1861, of no less a personage than Sir Henry Sumner Maine that

[t]he Hindoo Code, called the Laws of Menu, which is certainly a Brahmin compilation, undoubtedly enshrines many genuine observances of the Hindu race, but the opinion of the best contemporary orientalists is, that it does not, as a whole, represent a set of rules ever actively administered in Hindostan. It is, in great part, an ideal picture of that which, in the view of the Brahmins, ought to be the law.99 [On Maine, see J. Duncan M. Derrett 1959. It is not clear to me whom Maine means by "the best contemporary orientalists." According to Derrett (42) "much of what turns up in Maine" was supplied by James Mill's "disastrous" History of British India (first published in 1817). As far as I know Mill did not make any statement similar to Maine's. Speaking about the "endless conceits" of Sanskrit grammatical literature, he said, thought, that "[ i]t could not happen otherwise than that the Hindus should, beyond other nations, abound in those frivolous refinements which are suited to the taste of an uncivilized people. A whole race of men were set apart and exempted from the ordinary cares and labours of life, whom the pain of vacuity forced upon some application of mind, and who were under the necessity of maintaining their influence among the people, by the credit of superior learning, and, if not by real knowledge, which is slowly and with much difficulty attained, by artful contrivances for deceiving the people with the semblance of it. This view of the situation of the Brahmans serves to explain many things which modify and colour Hindu society" (reprint from the 2nd edition, 1972 [1820]: 1.383-384). Mill also agreed with Francis Wilford that the king lists in the Puranas "are the creation of the fancies of the writers" (ibid.: 464).] (14)


Maine put the blame squarely on William Jones: "The opinions of Sir William Jones produced great effects both in the East and in the West... The Anglo-Indian Courts accepted from the school of the Sanscritists which he founded the assertion of his Brahmanical advisers, that the sacred laws beginning in the extant book of Manu were acknowledged by all Hindus to be binding on them" (1975 [1886]: 6).100 [At least this much is clear, that Jones, the "orientalist," was one of the principal betes noires of James Mill.]

Among the chief advantages which the Twelve Tables and similar codes conferred on the societies which obtained them,011 was the protection which they afforded against the frauds of the privileged oligarchy and also against the spontaneous depravation and debasement of the national institutions. The Roman Code was merely an enunciation in words of the existing customs of the Roman people. Relatively to the progress of the Romans in civilisation, it was a remarkably early code, and it was published at a time when Roman society had barely emerged from that intellectual condition in which civil obligation and religious duty are inevitably confounded. Now a barbarous society practising a body of customs, is exposed to some especial dangers which may be absolutely fatal to its progress in civilisation. The usages which a particular community is found to have adopted in its infancy and in its primitive seats are generally those which are on the whole best suited to promote its physical and moral well-being; and, if they are retained in their integrity until new social wants have taught new practices, the upward march of society is almost certain. But unhappily there is a law of development which ever threatens to operate upon unwritten usage. The customs are of course obeyed by multitudes who are incapable of understanding the true ground of their expediency, and who are therefore left inevitably to invent superstitious reasons for their permanence. A process then commences which may be shortly described by saying that usage which is reasonable generates usage which is unreasonable. Analogy, the most valuable of instruments in the maturity of jurisprudence, is the most dangerous of snares in its infancy. Prohibitions and ordinances, originally confined, for good reasons, to a single description of acts, are made to apply to all acts of the same class, because a man menaced with the anger of the gods for doing one thing, feels a natural terror in doing any other thing which is remotely like it. After one kind of food has been interdicted for sanitary reasons, the prohibition is extended to all food resembling it, though the resemblance occasionally depends on analogies the most fanciful. So, again, a wise provision for insuring general cleanliness dictates in time long routines of ceremonial ablution; and that division into classes which at a particular crisis of social history is necessary for the maintenance of the national existence degenerates into the most disastrous and blighting of all human institutions—Caste. The fate of the Hindoo012 law is, in fact, the measure of the value of the Roman code. Ethnology shows us that the Romans and the Hindoos sprang from the same original stock, and there is indeed a striking resemblance between what appear to have been their original customs. Even now, Hindoo jurisprudence has a substratum of forethought and sound judgment, but irrational imitation has engrafted in it an immense apparatus of cruel absurdities. From these corruptions the Romans were protected by their code. It was compiled while the usage was still wholesome, and a hundred years afterwards it might have been too late. The Hindoo law has been to a great extent embodied in writing, but, ancient as in one sense are the compendia which still exist in Sanskrit, they contain ample evidence that they were drawn up after the mischief had been done. We are not of course entitled to say that if the Twelve Tables had not been published the Romans would have been condemned to a civilisation as feeble and perverted as that of the Hindoos, but thus much at least is certain, that with their code they were exempt from the very chance of so unhappy a destiny.

--Ancient Law: Its Connection to the History of Early Society, by Sir Henry James Sumner Maine


Maine's view found support from various quarters. Both for practical and academic reasons. James Henry Nelson who was active in various locations in South India, was unhappy administering the Hindu law created by Jones and other Sanskrit scholars in faraway Calcutta (on Nelson see Derrett 1961: 354-372). He raised the question. "Has such a thing as 'Hindu Law' at any time existed in the world? Or is it that 'Hindu Law' is a mere phantom of the brain, imagined by Sanskritists without law and lawyers without Sanskrit?" (Nelson 1877: 2).

Nelson questioned not only the reliability of the Manusmrti as a source of law, but the existence of Manu himself: "If he at any time existed ... , which is most unlikely, Manu cannot be supposed to have set laws to India" (4).

In early texts, it refers to the archetypal man, or to the first man (progenitor of humanity). The Sanskrit term for 'human', मानव (IAST: mānava) means 'of Manu' or 'children of Manu'. In later texts, Manu is the title or name of fourteen mystical Kshatriya rulers of earth, or alternatively as the head of mythical dynasties that begin with each cyclic kalpa (aeon) when the universe is born anew. The title of the text Manusmriti uses this term as a prefix, but refers to the first Manu – Svayambhuva, the spiritual son of Brahma...

In Vishnu Purana, Vaivasvata, also known as Sraddhadeva or Satyavrata, was the king of Dravida before the great flood. He was warned of the flood by the Matsya (fish) avatar of Vishnu, and built a boat that carried the Vedas, Manu's family and the seven sages to safety, helped by Matsya. The tale is repeated with variations in other texts, including the Mahabharata and a few other Puranas. It is similar to other flood such as that of Gilgamesh and Noah.

-- Manu, by Wikipedia


And he continued:

Assuming however, for argument's sake that a man named Manu once existed and set laws to men ..., it must ... be conceded that he set them only to certain masses of men abiding in and about part of the Punjab, namely to certain Arya tribes or families and in some instances also to certain tribes or families styled Sudras. Now: whether a remnant of any one of those tribes or families still exists in any part of India of course is exceedingly doubtful. And whether a remnant of any one of them existed at any time within the limits of the Madras Province, except perhaps on the Western Coast, is still more doubtful.101[John D. Mayne, whose Treatise of Hindu Law and Usage 1878) was first published one year after Nelson's View, admits that "[ i]n much that he says I thoroughly agree with him." Yet, "it seems to me that the influence of Brahmanism upon even the Sanskrit writers has been greatly exaggerated, and that those parts of the Sanskrit law which are of any practical importance are mainly based upon usage, which, in substance, though not in detail, is common to both the Aryan and non-Aryan tribes" (vii).] (Ibid.: 4-5)


[A]t the end of his letter Mr. Innes shows plainly that, at all costs, the Madras High Court intends to continue to perform its self-imposed duty of civilising the 'lower castes' of Madras, that is to say, the great bulk of its population, by gradually destroying their local usages and customs, the safety of which the royal proclamation of November 1, 1858, by express words, guarantees. It was Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen who said, 'We disclaim alike the right and desire to impose our convictions on any of our subjects.... We will that generally in framing and administering the law due regard be paid to the ancient rights, usages, and customs of India.' Mr. Innes, however, as the representative of the Madras High Court, has announced (at p. 110): —

'To adopt Mr. Nelson's suggestions, whether as regards the higher or lower castes, would commit us to chaos in the matter of the Hindu law we are now called on to administer. What is contemplated would result in our abdicating the vantage ground we have occupied for nearly a century, in which, if we continue to hold it, we may hope gradually to remove the differentiations of customary law, and bring about a certain amount of manageable uniformity. It would be to commit us to the investigation and enforcement of an overwhelming variety of discordant customs among the lower castes, many of them of a highly immoral and objectionable character, which if not brought into prominence and sanctioned by judicial recognition, will gradually give place to the less objectionable and more civilised customs of the superior castes.'

-- Indian Usage and Judge-Made Law in Madras, by J.H. Nelson, M.A.




Arguments against the Dharmasastras also came from one eminent European Sanskrit scholar, the Frenchman Emile Senart. In Les castes dans l'Inde: Les faits et le systeme, Senart was less concerned with the legal sections of the Dharmasastras than with their presentation of the four-fold caste system: Brahmin, Ksatriya, Vaisya, Sudra. Yet, the result of his study was damaging to the law books as a whole. Senart contrasted the infinitely complex modern caste system with the relatively simple and structured way in which it appears in the Dharmasastras and other classical texts such as the epics. He submitted that the present-day complexities must, to a certain degree, go back as far as the time of the ancient texts, and concluded: "What seems certain to me is that neither the epics nor, above all, the Smrtis should be accepted as straightforward and faithful witnesses [temoins integres et fidels] of contemporary data"102 [Senart's view was criticized by Hermann Oldenberg (1897: 268), and by Dahlmann (1899: 49-50): "Der ganze Charakter des aus der Wirklichkeit des Lebens hervorgehenden Rechts schliesst aber jene bewusste Falschung auf das entschiedenste aus".] (1927 [1896]: 11).

Finally, according to Govinda Das, an Indian Sanskrit scholar, "[ i]t is a profound error to regard the Smritis as complete codes of law or as getting all their 'rules' rigidly enforced by the political authorities of their times" (Das 1914: 8), And he concluded a long discussion with the question: "After all this can one seriously contend that Hindu law was in the main ever more than a pious wish of its metaphysically-minded, ceremonial-ridden priestly promulgators, and but seldom a stern reality?" (16)

In other words, according to a number of reputable scholars the ancient Indian Dharmasastras duly and truly described the law of the land; according to other equally reputable scholars they were the product of pure brahmanical fantasy and they tell us only what the Brahmin caste would have liked the law of the land to be. The dilemma this situation makes for the historian of classical Hindu law is obvious. Either the information at his disposal is infinitely broad and detailed, allowing him to reconstruct both substantive and adjective law in ancient India with a high degree of accuracy; or the entire corpus of classical Indian law books is untrustworthy and should be dismissed as a source of information on what really was the law of the land. I will suggest in the following pages that there is a better and more productive approach to understanding the nature and meaning of the Indian Dharmasastras than asking the single question whether or not they describe the law of the land and, depending on the answer, concluding that they are or are not reliable law books.103 [This essay supersedes my earlier attempts (1957, 1967, and 1978) at understanding the nature of the Dharmasastra.]

By way of introduction I would like to remind the reader of the signal importance, in India, of memorization. It is well known that the entire system of education in classical, and to a certain extent in modern India, was and is based on learning by rote.104 [Hence, the emphasis on mnemotechnic devices in books on Indian education. See, for example, Mookerji 1969: 211-215; Rocher 1994.] From a very early age onward Indians were -- and still are -- trained to memorize sentences, passages, even books on all kinds of topics, whether learned or trivial.

Numerous Western visitors to India have expressed their amazement at this phenomenon, but I wish to concentrate on two such visitors because they reported not only on the mnemonics of Indians but also on law and law books.

In the first place there is a statement attributed to Megasthenes, the ambassador whom Seleucus Nicator, one of the successors of Alexander the Great, sent to Candragupta, the king of the Mauryas. Megasthenes visited India, perhaps several times, ca. 300 BC. A fragment of his lost Indica, as recorded in Strabo's Geography, relates the ambassador's surprise that there was so little crime among the Indians, "and that too among a people who use unwritten laws only." "For," he continues, "they have no knowledge of written letters, and regulate every single thing from memory" (Strabo in Jones 1930: 15. 1.53, 86-89). Megasthenes must have seen an Indian court of law at work. As a Greek, he was puzzled that the judge did not use any law books; as a Greek, he drew the logical conclusion that, if the judge did, i.e. , had to do, without a law book, first, the Indians did not have law books, and, second, they must not have known the art of writing.

Megasthenes was wrong as far as the latter part of his conclusion is concerned. We know that there was writing in India in the time of Megasthenes. Also, one of his predecessors, Nearchus, Alexander's friend and companion, reported that, according to some, Indians "write missives on linen cloth that is very closely woven" (ibid.: 15.1.67, 116-117) . But Nearchus did confirm Megasthenes' conclusion that the Indians had no law books: "Nearchus ... declares ... [t]hat their laws, some public and some private, are unwritten" (ibid.: 15.1.66, 114-115).

Nearchus' and, far more so, Megasthenes' statements on the absence of law books have attracted much scholarly attention. Knowing, as we do, that the Indians had many Dharmasastras, some of which may go back to 500 BC, the Greek observers must have been misled. According to one explanation, the ancient Indians did have written law books, but they were not needed in the law courts because the judges had memorized them (Schwanbeck 1846: 50-51, n. 48).105 [Schwanbeck adds an alternative explanation, namely that "for some reason" (quadam causa) Indians call their law books smrti (=mnene, memory). Cf. Rocher 1956-1957, also included in the present volume.] In the opinion of the latest editor of Megasthenes' fragments, "the laws were indeed mainly unwritten; it was not customary [for Indians] to reduce their sacred books (and the Dharmasastras belong to them) to writing" (Timmer 1930: 245). Others, finally, dismissed the statements on the absence of law books in ancient India as one of the many instances "in which the ignorance of the classical writers is difficult to explain" (Majumdar 1960: xix).

At this point I will introduce a document produced by the second visitor to India whom I announced earlier. It is a letter, sent to a prominent jurist in Paris, by a French Jesuit missionary, from Pondicherry in South India, in 1714. It has been published in several editions of the Lettres edifiantes et curieuses, the vast collection of letters written from various Jesuit missions. The writer of the letter is Father Jean Venant Bouchet; except for an introductory paragraph, the long letter is entirely devoted to the administration of law as Bouchet saw it in India, some two thousand years after Megasthenes.106 [Although the letter has not remained unnoticed, it has not received the attention it deserves. J.H. Nelson referred to it, especially in "Hindu Law at Madras," (1881). For an annotated English translation, see Rocher, "Father Bouchet's Letter," 1984b.] Yet, some two millennia after Megasthenes, Father Bouchet's first sentence sounds uncannily familiar: "They have neither codes or digests, nor do they have any books in which are written down the laws to which they have to conform to solve the disputes that arise in their families" (Rocher 1984b: 18). In other words, as astute and inquisitive an observer as Father Bouchet did not see any Hindu law books in 1714, either.

The observations on the absence of law books in settling disputes among Hindus, made by two foreigners visiting India at an interval of two thousand years, raise a number of questions. First, what did the Hindu judicial authorities use instead of law books to settle disputes? Second, where were the Dharmasastras, composed from ca. 500 BC onward, of which neither Megasthenes nor Bouchet saw any trace? Third, and most important, what are the Dharmasastras which William Jones accepted as representing the law of the land, and which Henry Sumner Maine dismissed as brahmanical fantasy?

On the first question Bouchet leaves no doubt. Echoing Megasthenes' brief remark that unwritten laws among Indians did not entail a higher degree of lawlessness, Bouchet explains, in far greater detail, that absence of law books did not in any way imply absence of justice.

The equity of all their verdicts is entirely founded on a number of customs which they consider inviolable, and on certain usages which are handed down from father to son. They regard these usages as definite and infallible rules, to maintain peace in the family and to end the suits that arise, not only among private individuals, but also among royal princes. (Ibid.: 18-19)
 

Bouchet makes it clear that some of these customs were "accepted in all castes," such as the belief that children of two brothers or of two sisters are brothers whereas children of a brother and a sister are cousins, with the result that the latter can intermarry, the former cannot. Other customs on the contrary, are valid within a particular caste only, and customs may vary from caste to caste: "As soon as it has been proven that someone's claim is based on a custom that is followed within the caste, and on common usage, that is enough" (ibid.: 19). Also, whereas the village head is the natural judge in suits arising in his village, "[ i]f it is a question related to caste, it is the heads of the castes who decide" (ibid.: 31).

In connection with the fact that these customs were unwritten, Bouchet relates how a European gentleman suggested to him that there must be much injustice in a system in which, unlike Europe, judges were not held in check by written laws.

I shall not examine here the enormous advantages one pretends to derive from this prodigious multitude of laws; but it seems to me that the Indians are not really to be blamed for not having cared to codify their customs. After all, is it not enough that they possess them perfectly? And, if this is so, what is the good of books? In reality, nothing is better known than these customs: I have seen children ten or twelve years old who knew them perfectly. (Ibid .: 21)


Finally, as to the form in which the customs are memorized and transmitted, Bouchet uses, interchangeably, the terms "maxims," "proverbs," and "'quatrains," the latter of which seems to indicate that they were in verse. At one point he more specifically refers to the fact that "they quote a quatrain which is to them more or less what Pibrac's quatrains are to us" (ibid.: 28-29).107 [This is a reference to the collection of moralizing quatrains by Gui du Faur, Seigneur de Pibrac (1529-1584). First published in 1574, they became very popular, and went through numerous editions, with additions.] Bouchet quotes and comments on several of these maxims. For instance:

When there are several children in a family, the males alone inherit; the girls have no claim at all to the inheritance. (Ibid.: 38-40)

If the property has not been divided upon the death of the father, anything that has been acquired by one of the children shall be entered into the common stock and divided equally. (Ibid.: 42-43)

Adopted children share equally in the estate with the children of their adoptive fathers and mothers. (Ibid.: 43-45)

The father shall pay all debts contracted by his children; children shall equally pay all debts of their father, (Ibid,: 47-48)


Bouchet's letter ends as follows:

It is these general maxims, Sir, that serve as substitutes for laws in India; it is these that are followed in the administration of justice. There are other more specific laws which are applicable within each caste. Since these would lead me too far, they shall be the subject of another letter which I will be honored to write you. (Ibid.: 48)


Unfortunately, this other letter does not seem to have been written.

The main conclusion to be drawn from Bouchet's letter is that in the area of India with which he was familiar, and probably in most other areas as well, law was administered on the basis of unwritten maxims, which were transmitted from generation to generation, in the local vernaculars, some of them applicable to the population of the area generally, others to specific groups such as the members of a particular caste only. I often wonder whether, had Bouchet also provided the readings of these maxims in the original vernacular, there would not be ample opportunity to compare them with specific verses, "quatrains." slokas, in the written, Sanskrit Dharmasastras.108 [For example, Bouchet's first maxim closely resembles a half stanza preserved in the Baudhayanadharmasutra (2.2.5.46) which declares women to be adaya "without a share," an idea which also occurs in earlier Vedic texts (Taittiriyasamhita 6.5.8.2: women are adayada). Cf. even Rgveda 3.31.2: "The son-of- the-body did not share the inheritance with his sister" (transl. Geldner). The principle referred to in the fourth maxim quoted above is well known in the Dharmasastras, and corresponds to what in Anglo-Indian law was to be called the pious obligation.]

Turning to the second question I asked earlier, it is quite clear that the Dharmasastras were unknown to Bouchet's informants. In fact, they were unaware of, and opposed to, even their own maxims being preserved in writing. Bouchet reports that he inquired why they had not collected their customs in books to consult if needed. "Their answer is that, if these customs were entered into books, only the learned would be able to read them, whereas, if they are handed down orally from generation to generation, everyone is fully informed" (Rocher 1984: 20).

Yet, there are indications that the Dharmasastras existed in written form perhaps even at a relatively early date. According to a verse in the Naradasmrti the sastra is one of the eight "limbs" of legal procedure, together with the king or chief judge, the assessors. the accountant, the scribe, gold, fire, and water (transl. Jolly, Introduction, 1.16). A sloka "quatrain" attributed to the lost Brhaspatismrti 1.17 prescribes that "the king should cause gold, fire, water, and the codes of the sacred law (Dharmasastras, plural) to be placed in the midst of them, i.e., the members of the court], also (other) holy and auspicious things."109 [I must note, though, that this verse is attested in one later digest, Devannabhatta's Smrticandrika, only.] Two other verses attributed to Brhaspati also provide the earliest interpretation and reconciliation of the conflicting views on levirate appearing in the preserved Manusmrti (to which I will return later) (transl. Jolly 24, 16-17).

Finally, even Bouchet's informants were vaguely aware of certain laws inscribed on mysterious copper plates, and guarded with care by learned Brahmins in a big tower in the city of Conjeeveram. However, "[s]ince the Moors have nearly entirely destroyed this large and famous town, no one has been able to find out what happened to these plates; the only thing we know is that they contained everything that relates to any caste in particular and the relations which different castes should observe among one another" (Rocher 1984: 20).

In other words, law books, even law books in the vernacular, and, a fortiori, Sanskrit law books, were the preserve of the learned, of the select few who were able to read -- and write -- them. In ordinary legal practice everyone used detached, unconnected maxims.

I can now return to the third question I raised: what exactly are the learned, written Dharmasastras?110 [I wish to remind the reader that the conclusions that will follow relate to the ancient Dharmasutras and Dharmasastras only (cf. note 3). The commentaries, which are also part of the Dharmasastra literature in its broader sense, raise problems of a totally different nature. See, e.g., my "Schools of Hindu Law," 1972, also included in the present volume.] To answer this question I must refer to one of their most salient features, which has helped me greatly to reach the conclusion I present in this essay. The point is that there are, in the Dharmasastras, some strange and troubling contradictions, not only between different Dharmasastras (Kane 1930-62: 3.866-870), but within one and the same text as well.

For instance, in Manu's section on inheritance there is a verse (9.104) to the effect that, after the death of both parents, the sons get together and divide the inheritance equally. The next verse (9.105), without any transition whatever, enjoins that, after the death of both parents, the eldest son gets everything and the younger sons continue to live under him as they did under their father. A few verses are then dedicated to praising the greatness of an eldest son. And then, again without transition, Manu 9.112 declares that, when both parents are deceased, the inheritance is divided, but in such a way that the eldest son receives an additional share of 5 percent, the next son an extra share of half of that, etc. In other words, within the brief span of nine verses Manu offers three different ways for sons to deal with the parental inheritance.

Elsewhere Manu 9.57 informs us that, when a husband dies without having a son, his younger brother shall substitute for him and have a son with his elder brother's widow. The text goes into detail on how and when the intercourse shall take place, on how the parties shall behave, etc. All of this clearly indicates that Manu is familiar with the custom of levirate which is also known in other legal systems.111 [The son born of this kind of union is called ksetra-ja "field-born," i.e., born from seed sown in someone else's field. Manu describes his share in the inheritance at 9.120-121.] But Manu 9.64 then goes on to say that a widow should never have intercourse with anyone other than her husband, including her brother-in-law. Such behavior, the text adds is pasudharma "dharma of pasus, beasts" (9.66).112 [On the history of niyoga, from Vedic times onward, see Emeneau and van Nooten 1991: 481-494.]

Contradictions of this kind occur throughout the Manusmrti, but they are particularly obvious in the ninth book devoted to family law (for other examples, see Lingat 1973 [1967]: 182). Scholars who believed that the Dharmasastras were codices representing the law of the land were forced to look for justifications. It has been suggested that contradictory rules in the Dharmasastras, as in all revealed Hindu texts, must be interpreted as options (Buhler 1886: xcii-xciii).113 [Hence Buhler introduces Manu 9.105 which makes the entire paternal property devolve on the eldest son with the word "[Or]" which is not present in the Sanskrit text. He also offers an alternate explanation: the fact that the versified Manava-Dharmasastra is, in his view, a recast of a lost prose Manavadharmasutra "alone is sufficient to account for contradictions."] According to Lingat, "[ i]t emerges from these texts that the author of the Code of Manu was hostile" to a number of practices, "but he was confronted by customs too deeply rooted for prohibition to be efficacious. All he could do was to try to discredit them" (1973: 182).114 [According to Derrett too, "the Rishis are found to acknowledge as existing and worthy of regulation a few institutions which affronted their refined moral senses" (Derrett 1978: 52) and he refers to niyoga as a prime example. Seventy years earlier Joseph Kohler used Manu's passage on niyoga as "a well-known example" of the fact that lex posterior derogat priori is a Western, not an Eastern principle (Kohler 1910: 242).] In connection with levirate in particular, it has been suggested by some that Manu intended the practice to be allowed for sudras, but forbidden for the three higher classes.115 [This interpretation based on Manu 9.66 ("the practice is reprehended by the learned of the twice-born classes"), appears as early as Eduard Gans, Das Erbrecht in weltgeschichtlicher Entwickelung (1824-1825: 1.77), and has often been repeated.] Most other explanations tacitly assume that Hindu society moved from a stage in which niyoga was common practice to a stage in which it was considered taboo.116 [Typically, see Ludwik Sternbach's introduction to Chakradar Jha's History and Sources of Law in Ancient India (1987: vii). I should note that this is also the traditional Indian interpretation, exhibited for the first time in the passage from the Brhaspatismrti to which I referred earlier: niyoga was allowed in the three earlier world ages, but is forbidden in the present, decadent Kali age.] The verses prohibiting levirate, therefore, "are probably a later addition" (Burnell 1884: E.W. Hopkins' note at 255); they have "obviously been tacked on ... at a time when the practice of Niyoga had fallen into disuse" (Jolly 1885: 48), the practice having to be described nevertheless as "being part of the traditional Dharma" (Holly 1928 [1896]: 121).

Notwithstanding these and other ingenious efforts, by the commentators first, by modern scholars later, to account for the contradictions in the Dharmasastras, it is obvious that books that prescribe three different ways of dealing with paternal property, books that first prescribe levirate and then forbid it, are hardly usable in legal practice.

The important but easily overlooked point is that it is normal, that it is a premise, in Hinduism, that what is dharma for one is different from what is dharma for another. Dharma, basically, is accepted custom (acara), i.e., custom accepted in a region, in a village, even in a caste or a sub-caste within a village. But all these different customs are dharma in their own right.117 [Marc Galanter rightly pointed out that this is one of the main differences between traditional and modern Indian law which "put[s] forth claims in terms of general rules applicable to the whole society" ("Hinduism, Secularism, and the Indian Judiciary," 1971; reprinted in Law and Society, in Modern India, 1989: 237).] With the single and relatively vague proviso that "they should not be contrary to the Veda," the Dharmasutras and Dharmasastras themselves unanimously accept the validity of practices recognized within a region, a caste, or a family; they provide that customs peculiar to cultivators, traders, herdsmen, money-lenders, artisans, etc., are binding on these various groups (see Kane 193(k;2: 3.857-863). In the case of inheritance in particular, a verse in Kautilya's Arthasastra 3.7.40 prescribes: "whatever be the customary law (dharma) of a region, a caste, a corporation or a village, in accordance with that alone shall he [i.e., the judge] administer the law of inheritance" (Kangle 1963: 249).118 [A nearly identical verse is transmitted as part of the lost Katyayanasmrti (Kane 313 [884A]).

In actual dispute settlement each of these customs, or sets of customs, was applied, consistently, in the appropriate circumstances. Members of one area or one group always divided paternal property equally, others unequally, others again did not divide it at all. Among some there was levirate, among others there was not.119 [On the practice of levirate in modern India, see Emeneau and van Nooten 1991: 487, based primarily on Karve 1965.] In India's largely oral culture these area-specific or group-specific rules were transmitted in the form of Memorialverse, in the vernacular; and they remained unwritten.120 [I borrowed the term Memorialverse in the context of Sanskrit dharma literature from an article by Luders 1917; reprinted in Philologica Indica. Ausgewahlte kleine Schriften, 1940.] The composers of the Dharmasastras, on the other hand, compiled treatises on dharma, on anything they considered worthy of being recorded as dharma with some people, somewhere. They gathered that information in books, in the language of the learned, Sanskrit.

What I wanted to show in this essay is that it is possible, in a culture in which memorization plays an important role in day-to-day life, to have books, the Dharmasastras, that are legal fiction because they were divorced from the practical administration of justice -- the role they were given in 1772 121 [The question whether Hastings' decision was right or wrong has been the object of much scholarly discussion. Derrett refers to K.V. Venkatasubramania Iyer, according to whom Hastings misunderstood what function the sastra had, when he made it the sole source of law, and adds: "this is not quite certain, but the fact that the doubt can arise is significant" (1968: 288). K. Lipstein's conclusion that the Plan of 1772 "led to the application of rules which were either obsolete or never in force" has to be seen against the background of his opinion that the sastra "was never more than a fiction" (1957: 281).] -- but which are not for that reason the product of brahmanical fantasy.122 [The argument of "brahmanical fantasy" has been used in other areas as well. Cf. Mill's statement on the Brahmins above. Also, in connection with the Dhatupatha, a list of some two thousand verbal roots of which more than half have not been met with in Sanskrit literature, it has been suggested that it was "concocted" by the Indian grammarians (Whitney 1884; reprinted in Staal 1992: 142). In fact, the Indian pandits have been accused of inventing the Sanskrit language (Dugald Stewart and Christoph Meiners, quoted in Rosane Rocher 1983: 78).] They are books of law -- rather, books of laws -- containing "a mass of floating verses of rules and observations" that were, indeed, at some time and in some place "governing the life and conduct of people" (Raghavan 1962: 2.335).
The main thing which makes of the grammarians' Sanskrit a special and peculiar language is its list of roots. Of these there are reported to us about two thousand, with no intimation of any difference in character among them, or warning that a part of them may and that another part may not be drawn upon for forms to be actually used; all stand upon the same plane. But more than half — actually more than half — of them never have been met with, and never will be met with, in the Sanskrit literature of any age. When this fact began to come to light, it was long fondly hoped, or believed, that the missing elements would yet turn up in some corner of the literature not hitherto ransacked; but all expectation of that has now been abandoned. One or another does appear from time to time; but what are they among so many? The last notable case was that of the root stigh, discovered in the Maitrayani-Sanhita, a text of the Brahmana period; but the new roots found in such texts are apt to turn out wanting in the lists of the grammarians. Beyond all question, a certain number of cases are to be allowed for, of real roots, proved such by the occurrence of their evident cognates in other related languages, and chancing not to appear in the known literature; but they can go only a very small way indeed toward accounting for the eleven hundred unauthenticated roots. Others may have been assumed as underlying certain derivatives or bodies of derivatives — within due limits, a perfectly legitimate proceeding; but the cases thus explainable do not prove to be numerous. There remain then the great mass, whose presence in the lists no ingenuity has yet proved sufficient to account for. And in no small part, they bear their falsity and artificiality on the surface, in their phonetic form and in the meanings ascribed to them; we can confidently say that the Sanskrit language, known to us through a long period of development, neither had nor could have any such roots. How the grammarians came to concoct their list, rejected in practice by themselves and their own pupils, is hitherto an unexplained mystery. No special student of the native grammar, to my knowledge, has attempted to cast any light upon it; and it was left for Dr. Edgren, no partisan of the grammarians, to group and set forth the facts for the first time, in the Journal of the American Oriental Society (Vol. XI, 1882 [but the article printed in 1879], pp. 1-55), adding a list of the real roots, with brief particulars as to their occurrence.1 [I have myself now in press a much fuller account of the quotable roots of the language, with all their quotable tense-stems and primary derivatives — everything accompanied by a definition of the period of its known occurrence in the history of the language.] It is quite clear, with reference to this fundamental and most important item, of what character the grammarians' Sanskrit is. The real Sanskrit of the latest period is, as concerns its roots, a true successor to that of the earliest period, and through the known intermediates; it has lost some of the roots of its predecessors, as each of these some belonging to its own predecessors or predecessor; it has, also like these, won a certain number not earlier found: both in such measure as was to be expected. As for the rest of the asserted roots of the grammar, to account for them is not a matter that concerns at all the Sanskrit language and its history; it only concerns the history of the Hindu science of grammar. That, too, has come to be pretty generally acknowledged.1 [Not, indeed, universally; one may find among the selected verbs that are conjugated in full at the end of F. M. Muller's Sanskrit Grammar, no very small number of those that are utterly unknown to Sanskrit usage, ancient or modern.] Every one who knows anything of the history of Indo-European etymology knows how much mischief the grammarians' list of roots wrought in the hands of the earlier more incautious and credulous students of Sanskrit: how many false and worthless derivations were founded upon them. That sort of work, indeed, is not yet entirely a thing of the past; still, it has come to be well understood by most scholars that no alleged Sanskrit root can be accepted as real unless it is supported by such a use in the literary records of the language as authenticates it — for there are such things in the later language as artificial occurrences, forms made for once or twice from roots taken out of the grammarians' list, by a natural license, which one is only surprised not to see oftener availed of (there are hardly more than a dozen or two of such cases quotable): that they appear so seldom is the best evidence of the fact already pointed out above, that the grammar had, after all, only a superficial and negative influence upon the real tradition of the language.

-- The Study of Hindu Grammar and the Study of Sanskrit, by William Dwight Whitney

It has been already observed, that the Bedas are written in the Shanscrita tongue. Whether the Shanscrita was, in any period of antiquity, the vulgar language of Hindostan, or was invented by the Brahmins, to be a mysterious repository for their religion and philosophy, is difficult to determine. All other languages, it is true, were casually invented by mankind to express their ideas and wants; but the astonishing formation of the Shanscrita seems to be beyond the power of chance. In regularity of etymology and grammatical order, it far exceeds the Arabic. It, in short, bears evident marks that it has been fixed upon rational principles, by a body of learned men, who studied regularity, harmony, and a wonderful simplicity and energy of expression....

Though the Shanscrita is amazingly copious, a very small grammar and vocabulary serve to illustrate the principles of the whole. In a treatise of a few pages, the roots and primitives are all comprehended, and so uniform are the rules for derivations and inflections, that the etymon of every word is, with facility, at once investigated. The pronunciation is the greatest difficulty that attends the acquirement of the language to perfection. This is so quick and forcible that a person, even before the years of puberty, must labour a long time before he can pronounce it with propriety; but when once the pronunciation is attained to perfection, it strikes the ear with amazing boldness and harmony. The alphabet of the Shanscrita consists of fifty letters, but one half of these convey combined sounds, so that its characters, in fact, do not exceed ours in number.


-- History of Hindostan; From the Earliest Account of Time, To the Death of Akbar; Translated From the Persian of Mahummud Casim Ferishta of Delhi: Together With a Dissertation Concerning the Religion and Philosophy of the Brahmins; With an Appendix, Containing the History of the Mogul Empire, From Its Decline in the Reign of Mahummud Shaw, to the Present Times, by Alexander Dow.
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Asoka and the Buddha-Relics
by T.W. Rhys Davids
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
pp. 397-410
1901


Our oldest authority, the Maha-parinibbana suttanta, which can be dated approximately in the fifth century B.C., (1) [That is substantially, as to not only ideas, but words. There was dotting of i's and crossing of t's afterwards. It was naturally when they came to write these documents that the regulation of orthography [the conventional spelling system of a language] and dialect arose. At the time when the Suttanta was first put together out of older material, it was arranged for recitation, not for reading, and writing was used only for notes. See the Introduction to my "Dialogues of the Buddha," vol. i.] states that after the cremation of the Buddha's body at Kusinara, the fragments that remained were divided into eight portions.

-- Dialogues of the Buddha, In 3 vols. Bound in 2., Vol. 1, translated from the Pali of the Digha Nikaya by T.W. Rhys Davids
Dialogues of the Buddha
In 3 vols. Bound in 2. Vol. 1
translated from the Pali of the Digha Nikaya by T.W. Rhys Davids
1899

PREFACE.

NOTE ON THE PROBABLE AGE OF THE DIALOGUES.


The Dialogues of the Buddha, constituting, in the Pali text, the Digha and Magghima Nikayas, contain a full exposition of what the early Buddhists considered the teaching of the Buddha, to have been. Incidentally they contain a large number of references to the social, political, and religious condition of India at the time when they were put together. We do not know for certain what that time exactly was. But every day is adding to the number of facts on which an approximate estimate of the date may be based. And the ascertained facts are already sufficient to give us a fair working hypothesis.

In the first place the numerous details and comparative tables given in the Introduction to my translation of the Milinda show without a doubt that practically the whole of the Pali Pitakas were known, and regarded as final authority, at the time and place when that work was composed. The geographical details given on pp. xliii, xliv tend to show that the work was composed in the extreme North-West of India. There are two Chinese works, translations of Indian books taken to China from the North of India, which contain, in different recensions, the introduction and the opening chapters of the Milinda1 [See the authors quoted in the Introduction to voi. ii of my translation. Professor Takakusu, in an article in the J.R.A.S. for 1896, has added important details.]. For the reasons adduced (loco citato) it is evident that the work must have been composed at or about the time of the Christian era. Whether (as M. Sylvain Levy thinks) it is an enlarged work built up on the foundation of the Indian original of the Chinese books; or whether (as I am inclined to think) that original is derived from our Milinda, there is still one conclusion that must be drawn — the Nikayas, nearly if not quite as we now have them in the Pali, were known at a very early date in the North of India.

Then again, the Katha Vatthu (according to the views prevalent, at the end of the fourth century A.D., at Kankipura in South India, and at Anuradhapura in Ceylon; and recorded, therefore, in their commentaries, by Dhammapala and Buddhaghosa) was composed, in the form in which we now have it, by Tissa, the son of Moggali, in the middle of the third century B.C., at the court of Asoka, at Pataliputta, the modern Patna, in the North of India.

It is a recognised rule of evidence in the courts of law that, if an entry be found in the books kept by a man in the ordinary course of his trade, which entry speaks against himself, then that entry is especially worthy of credence. Now at the time when they made this entry about Tissa’s authorship of the Katha Vatthu the commentators believed, and it was an accepted tenet of those among whom they mixed — just as it was, mutatis mutandis, among the theologians in Europe, at the corresponding date in the history of their faith — that the whole of the canon was the word of the Buddha. They also held that it had been actually recited, at the Council of Ragagaha, immediately after his decease. It is, I venture to submit, absolutely impossible, under these circumstances, that the commentators can have invented this information about Tissa and the Katha Vatthu. They found it in the records on which their works are based. They dared not alter it. The best they could do was to try to explain it away. And this they did by a story, evidently legendary, attributing the first scheming out of the book to the Buddha. But they felt compelled to hand on, as they found it, the record of Tissa's authorship. And this deserves, on the ground that it is evidence against themselves, to have great weight attached to it.

The text of the Katha Vatthu now lies before us in a scholarly edition, prepared for the Pali Text Society by Mr. Arnold C. Taylor. It purports to be a refutation by Tissa of 250 erroneous opinions held by Buddhists belonging to schools of thought different from his own. We have, from other sources, a considerable number of data as regards the different schools of thought among Buddhists — often erroneously called ‘the Eighteen Sects.'1 [They are not ‘sects' at all, in the modem European sense of the word. Some of the more important of these data are collected in two articles by the present writer in the ‘Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society' for 1891 and 1892.] We are beginning to know something about the historical development of Buddhism, and to be familiar with what sort of questions are likely to have arisen. We are beginning to know something of the growth of the language, of the different Pali styles. In all these respects the Katha Vatthu fits in with what we should expect as possible, and probable, in the time of Asoka, and in the North of India.

Now the discussions as carried on in the Katha Vatthu are for the most part, and on both sides, an appeal to authority. And to what authority? Without any exception as yet discovered, to the Pitakas, and as we now have them, in Pali. Thus on p. 339 the appeal is to the passage translated below, on p. 278, § 6; and it is quite evident that the quotation is from our Suttanta, and not from any other passage where the same words might occur, as the very name of the Suttanta, the Kevaddha (with a difference of reading found also in our MSS.), is given. The following are other instances of quotations: —

Katha Vatthu / The Nikayas

p. 344 = A. II, 50.
345 = S. I, 33.
345 = A. II, 54.
347 = Kh. P.VII, 6, 7.
348 = A. III, 43.
351 = Kh. P. VIII, 9.
369 = M. I, 85, 92, &c,
404 = M. I, 4.
413 = S. IV, 362.
426 = D. I, 70.
440 = S. I, 33.
457 = D. (M. P. S. 23).
457 = A. II, 172.
459 = M. I, 94.
481 = D. I, 83, 84.
483 = D. I, 84.
484 = A. II, 126.
494 = S. I, 206 = J. IV, 496.
p. 505 = M. I, 490.
506 = M. I, 485 = S. IV, 393 (nearly).
513 = A. I, 197.
522 = M. I, 389.
525 = Dhp. 164.
528 = M. I, 447.
549 = S. N. 227 = Kh. P. VI, 6.
554 = S. I, 233.
554 = Vim. V. XXXIV, 25-27.
565 = D. I, 156.
588, 9= P. P. pp. 71, 72.
591 = M. I, 169.
597, 8 = A. I, 141, 2.
602 = Dh. C. P. Sutta, §§ 9-23.


There are many more quotations from the older Pitaka books in the Katha Vatthu, about three or four times as many as are contained in this list. But this is enough to show that, at the time when the Katha Vatthu was composed, all the Five Nikayas were extant; and were considered to be final authorities in any question that was being discussed. They must themselves, therefore, be considerably older.

Thirdly, Hofrath Buhler and Dr. Hultsch have called attention1 ['Epigr. Ind.,' II, 93, and 'Z.D.M.G.,’ xl, p. 58.] to the fact that in inscriptions of the third century B.C. we find, as descriptions of donors to the dagabas,, the expressions dhammakathika, petaki, suttantika, suttantakini, and panka-neka-yika. The Dhamma, the Pitakas, the Suttantas, and the five Nikayas must have existed for some time before the brethren and sisters could be described as preachers of the Dhamma, as reciters of the Pitaka, and as guardians of the Suttantas or of the Nikayas (which were not yet written, and were only kept alive in the memory of living men and women).

Simple as they seem, the exact force of these technical designations is not, as yet, determined. Dr. K. Neumann thinks that Petaki does not mean ‘knowing the Pitakas,' but ‘knowing the Pitaka,’ that is, the Nikayas — a single Pitaka, in the sense of the Dhamma, having been known before the expression ‘the Pitakas’ came into use.1 ['Reden des Gotamo,' pp. x, xi.] As he points out, the title of the old work Petakopadesa, which is an exposition, not of the three Pitakas, but only of the Nikayas, supports his view. So again the Dialogues are the only parts or passages of the canonical books called, in our MSS., suttantas. Was then a suttantika one who knew precisely the Dialogues by heart? This was no doubt the earliest use of the term. But it should be recollected that the Katha Vatthu, of about the same date, uses the word suttanta also for passages from other parts of the scriptures.

However this may be, the terms are conclusive proof of the existence, some considerable time before the date of the inscriptions, of a Buddhist literature called either a Pitaka or the Pitakas, containing Suttantas, and divided into Five Nikayas.

Fourthly, on Asoka's Bhabra Edict he recommends to the communities of the brethren and sisters of the Order, and to the lay disciples of either sex, frequently to hear and to meditate upon seven selected passages. These are as follows: —

1. Vinaya-samukkamsa.
2. Ariya-vasini from the Digha (Samgiti Suttanta).
3. Anagata-bhayani from the Anguttara III, 105-108.
4. Muni-gatha from the Sutta Nipata 206-220.  
5. Moneyya Sutta from the Iti Vuttaka 67 = A. 1, 272.
6. Upatissa-pasina.
7. Rahulovada = Rahulovada Suttanta (M. I, 414-420).


Of these passages Nos. 1 and 6 have not yet been satisfactorily identified. The others may be regarded as certain, for the reasons I have set out elsewhere.1 [‘Journal of the Pali Text Society,' 1896; ‘Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,’ 1898, p. 639. Compare ‘Milinda' (S.B.E., vol. xxxv), pp. xxxvii foll.]
The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1898
11. Asoka's Bhadra Edict

by T.W. Rhys Davids
1898

p. 639

As the seven passages (pariyaya) mentioned by name on this Edict have now been (with various degrees of certainly) identified, it may be of use to record the result: —
Asoka / Pali / Where Found

1. Vinaya-samukkamsa / (? Patimokkha) / J.R.A.S., 1876
2. Ariya-vasani / Ariya-vasa / Digha (Sangiti Sutta)
3. Anagata-bhayani / Anagata-bhayani / Anguttara, iii, 105-108
4. Muni-gatha / Muni-sutta / Sutta Nipata, 206-220
5. Moneyya-sutta / Moneyya-sutta / It., No. 67 = A., i, 272
6. Upatissa-pasina / (Upatissa-panho / Vin., i, 39-41)
7. Rahulovada / Rahulovada-sutta / Majjhima, i, 414-420

Nos. 1 and 6 are the most doubtful. The Patimokkha can scarcely be rightly called a dhamma-pariyaya, and it does not correspond to the meaning of the title used by Asoka. The noun samukkamsa has not been found in the Pitakas. The verb always means 'to exalt.' (S.N., 132 = 438; M., i, 498; Th., i, 632.) 'The Exaltation of Vinaya' or 'of the Vinaya ' is much more probably meant, as the title of some short sutta or passage in praise of Vinaya in one or other of its two senses, ethical or legal. And I quite agree, therefore, with M. Senart (p. 204) in regarding this identification as unsatisfactory.  

As to No. 6, short edifying passages of the Vinaya are distinguished by titles. Vin., i, pp. 13, 14, §§ 38-47 (=S., iii, 66-68), is the Anatta-lakkhana-sutta; Vin., i, pp. 34, 35 ( = S., iv, 19, 20), is the Aditta-pariyaya, etc. And the passage identified with No. 6 might have been called Sariputta- or Upatissa-panho. But no mention of the title has yet been found in the Pitakas, and the identification, though otherwise suitable, is therefore at least uncertain.

No. 2 is no doubt the passage on the ten Ariya-vasa, not yet published, but contained in the Sangiti Sutta of the Digha. A similar passage may also be looked for in the Nipata of the Anguttara dealing with the Tens. The difference of gender is no objection. So pariyayani = pariyaya.

With regard to No. 7, it is not without reason that a special qualification is introduced in the Edict. There are so many 'Exhortations to Rahula' in the Pitakas that it was necessary to specify the one meant. The ones excluded, or some of them, will be found at S.N., 325-342 (dated in the 14th year after the Nirvana}; M.. i, 420 foll. (dated in the 12th year of the Nirvana); S., ii, 244 foll.; and S., iii, 135 and 136. All these are spoken by the Buddha. The expression in the Edict would seem also to imply that there is at least one other, not yet published, spoken by some one else.

No. 4, the Muni-gatha, called Muni Sutta in the Pali, is called Muni-gatha (exactly as in the Edict) in the Divyavadana. Other instances of such slight variations in titles are given in my article on this Edict in the Journal of the Pali Text Society, 1896.

Nos. 2 and 5 are, I believe, identified here for the first time.

T.W. Rhys Davids

No. 2 also occurs in the tenth book of the Anguttara. It is clear that in Asoka’s time there was acknowledged to be an authoritative literature, probably a collection of books, containing what was then believed to be the words of the Buddha: and that it comprised passages already known by the titles given in his Edict. Five out of the seven having been found in the published portions of what we now call the Pitakas, and in the portion of them called the Five Nikayas, raises the presumption that when the now unpublished portions are printed the other two will also, probably, be identified. We have no evidence that any other Buddhist literature was in existence at that date.

What is perhaps still more important is the point to which M. Senart2 ['Inscriptions de Piyadasi,' II, 314-322.] has called attention, and supported by numerous details: — the very clear analogy between the general tone and the principal points of the moral teaching, on the one hand of the Asoka edicts as a whole, and on the other of the Dhammapada, an anthology of edifying verses taken, in great part, from the Five Nikayas The particular verses selected by M. Senart, as being especially characteristic of Asoka’s ideas, include extracts from each of the Five.

Fifthly, the four great Nikayas contain a number of stock passages, which are constantly recurring, and in which some ethical state is set out or described. Many of these are also found in the prose passages of the various books collected together in the Fifth, the Khuddaka Nikaya. A number of them are found in each of the thirteen Suttantas translated in this volume. There is great probability that such passages already existed, as ethical sayings or teachings, not only before the Nikayas were put together, but even before the Suttantas were put together.

There are also entire episodes, containing not only ethical teaching, but names of persons and places and accounts of events, which are found, in identical terms, at two or more places. These should be distinguished from the last. But they are also probably older than our existing texts. Most of the parallel passages, found in both Pali and Sanskrit Buddhist texts, come under one or other of these two divisions.

Sixthly, the Samyutta Nikaya (III, 13) quotes one Suttanta in the Dialogues by name; and both the Samyutta and the Anguttara Nikayas quote, by name and chapter, certain poems now found only in a particular chapter of the Sutta Nipata. This Suttanta, and these poems, must therefore be older, and older in their present arrangement, than the final settlement of the text of these two Nikayas.

Seventhly, several of the Dialogues purport to relate conversations that took place between people, cotemporaries with the Buddha, but after the Buddha's death: One Sutta in the Anguttara is based on the death of the wife of Munda, king of Magadha, who began to reign about forty years after the death of the Buddha. There is no reason at all to suspect an interpolation. It follows that, not only the Sutta itself, but the date of the compilation of the Anguttara, must be subsequent to that event.

There is a story in Peta Vatthu IV, 3, 1 about a King Pingalaka. Dhammapala, in his commentary, informs us that this king, of whom nothing is otherwise known, lived two hundred years after the Buddha. It follows that this poem, and also the Peta Vatthu in which it is found, and also the Vimana Vatthu, with which the Peta Vatthu really forms one whole work, are later than the date of Pingalaka. And there is no reason to believe that the commentator’s date, although it is evidently only a round number, is very far wrong. These books are evidently, from their contents, the very latest compositions in all the Five Nikayas.

There is also included among the Thera Gatha, another book in the Fifth Nikaya, verses said, by Dhammapala the commentator,1 [Quoted by Prof. Oldenberg at p. 46 of his edition.] to have been composed by a thera of the time of King Bindusara, the father of Asoka, and to have been added to the collection at the time of Asoka's Council.

Eighthly, several Sanskrit Buddhist texts have now been made accessible to scholars. We know the real titles, given in the MSS. themselves, of nearly 200 more.2 [Miss C. Hughes is preparing a complete alphabetical list of all these works for the 'Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,’ 1899.] And the catalogues in which the names occur give us a considerable amount of detailed information as to their contents. No one of them is a translation, or even a recension, of any one of the twenty-seven canonical books. They are independent works; and seem to bear to the canonical books a relation similar, in many respects, to that borne by the works of the Christian Fathers to the Bible. But though they do not reproduce any complete texts, they contain numerous verses, some whole poems, numerous sentences in prose, and some complete episodes, found in the Pali books. And about half a dozen instances have been already found in which such passages are stated, or inferred, to be from older texts, and are quoted as authorities. Most fortunately we may hope, owing to the enlightened liberality of the Academy of St. Petersburg, and the zeal and scholarship of Professor d’Oldenbourg and his co-workers, to have a considerable number of Buddhist Sanskrit Texts in the near future. And this is just what, in the present state of our knowledge of the history of Buddhist writings, is so great a desideratum.

It is possible to construct, in accordance with these facts, a working hypothesis as to the history of the literature. It is also possible to object that the evidence drawn from the Milinda may be disregarded on the ground that there is nothing to show that that work, excepting only the elaborate and stately introduction and a few of the opening chapters, is not an impudent forgery, and a late one, concocted by some Buddhist in Ceylon. So the evidence drawn from the Katha Vatthu may be disregarded on the ground that there is nothing to show that that work is not an impudent forgery, and a late one, concocted by some Buddhist in Ceylon. The evidence drawn from the inscriptions may be put aside on the ground that they do not explicitly state that the Suttantas and Nikayas to which they refer, and the passages they mention, are the same as those we now have. And the fact that the commentators point out, as peculiar, that certain passages are nearly as late, and one whole book quite as late, as Asoka, is no proof that the rest are older. It may even be maintained that the Pali Pitakas are not therefore Indian books at all: that they are all Ceylon forgeries, and should be rightly called ‘the Southern Recension’ or ‘the Simhalese Canon.'

Each of these propositions, taken by itself, has the appearance of careful scruple. And a healthy and reasonable scepticism is a valuable aid to historical criticism. But can that be said of a scepticism that involves belief in things far more incredible than those it rejects.? In one breath we are reminded of the scholastic dulness, the sectarian narrowness, the literary incapacity, even the senile imbecility of the Ceylon Buddhists. In the next we are asked to accept propositions implying that they were capable of forging extensive documents so well, with such historical accuracy, with so delicate a discrimination between ideas current among themselves and those held centuries before, with so great a literary skill in expressing the ancient views, that not only did they deceive their contemporaries and opponents, but European scholars have not been able to point out a single discrepancy in their work.1 [As is well known, the single instance of such a discrepancy, which Prof. Minayeff made so much of, is a mare's nest. The blunder is on the pert of the European professor, not of the Ceylon pandits. No critical scholar will accept the proposition that because the commentary on the Katha Vatthu mentions the Vetulyaka, therefore the Katha Vatthu itself must be later than the rise of that school.] It is not unreasonable to hesitate in adopting a scepticism which involves belief in so unique, and therefore so incredible, a performance.

The hesitation will seem the more reasonable if we consider that to accept this literature for what it purports to be — that is, as North Indian,2 [North Indian, that is, from the modern European point of view. In the books themselves the reference is to the Middle Country (Magghima Desa). To them the country to the south of the Vindhyas simply did not come into the calculation. How suggestive this is as to the real place of origin of these documents!] and for the most part pre-Asokan — not only involves no such absurdity, but is really just what one would a priori expect, just what the history of similar literatures elsewhere would lead one to suppose likely.

The Buddha, like other Indian teachers of his time, taught by conversation. A highly educated man (according to the education current at the time), speaking constantly to men of similar education, he followed the literary habit of his time by embodying his doctrines in set phrases, sutras, on which he enlarged on different occasions in different ways. In the absence of books — for though writing was widely known, the lack of writing materials made any lengthy written books impossible3 [Very probably memoranda were used. But the earliest records of any extent were the Asoka Edicts, and they had to be written on stone.] — such sutras were the recognised form of preserving and communicating opinion. These particular ones were not in Sanskrit, but in the ordinary conversational idiom of the day, that is to say, in a sort of Pali.


When the Buddha died these sayings were collected together by his disciples into the Four Great Nikayas. They cannot have reached their final form till about fifty years afterwards. Other sayings and verses, most of them ascribed not to the Buddha himself, but to the disciples, were put into a supplementary Nikaya. We know of slight additions made to this Nikaya as late as the time of Asoka. And the developed doctrine found in certain short books in it — notably in the Buddhavamsa and Kariya Pitaka, and in the Peta- and Vimana-Vatthus — show that these are later than the four old Nikayas.

For a generation or two the books as originally put together were handed down by memory. And they were doubtless accompanied from the first, as they were being taught, by a running commentary. About 100 years after the Buddha’s death there was a schism in the community. Each of the two schools kept an arrangement of the canon — still in Pali (or possibly some allied dialect). Sanskrit was not used for any Buddhist works till long afterwards, and never used at all, so far as we know, for the canonical books. Each of these two schools broke up, in the following centuries, into others; and several of them had their different arrangements of the canonical books, differing also no doubt in minor details. Even as late as the first century after the Christian Era, at the Council of Kanishka, these books, among many others then extant, remained the only authorities.1 [On the often repeated error that a Sanskrit canon was established at Kanishka’s Council, see my 'Milinda,' vol. ii, pp. xv, xvi.] But they all, except only our present Pali Nikayas, have been lost in India. Of the stock passages of ethical statement, and of early episodes, used in the composition of them, and of the Suttas now extant, numerous fragments have been preserved in the Hinayana Sanskrit texts. And some of the Suttas, and of the separate books, as used in other schools, are represented in Chinese translations of the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. A careful and detailed comparison of these remains with the Pali Nikayas, after the method adopted in Windisch’s 'Mara und Buddha,' cannot fail to throw much light on the history, and on the method of composition, of the canonical books, which in style and method, in language and contents and tone, bear all the marks of so considerable an antiquity.

Hofrath Dr. Buhler, in the last work he published, expressed the opinion that these books, as we have them in the Pali, are good evidence, certainly for the fifth, probably for the sixth, century B.C. Subject to what has been said above, that will probably become, more and more, the accepted opinion. And it is this which gives to all they tell us, either directly or by implication, of the social, political, and religious life of India, so great a value.1 [No reference has been made, in these slight and imperfect remarks, to the history of the Vinaya. There is nothing to add, on that point, to the able and lucid exposition of Prof. Oldenberg in the Introduction to his edition of the text.]

It is necessary, in spite of the limitations of our space, to add a few words on the method followed in this version. We talk of Pali books. They are not books in the modern sense. They are memorial sentences intended to be learnt by heart; and the whole style, and method of arrangement, is entirely subordinated to this primary necessity. The leading ideas in any one of our Suttantas, for instance, are expressed in short phrases not intended to convey to a European reader the argument underlying them. These are often repeated with slight variations. But neither the repetitions nor the variations — introduced, and necessarily introduced, as aids to memory — help the modern reader very much. That of course was not their object. For the object they were intended to serve they are singularly well chosen, and aptly introduced.

Other expedients were adopted with a similar aim. Ideas were formulated, not in logically co-ordinated sentences, but in numbered groups; and lists were drawn up such as those found in the tract called the Silas, and in the passage on the rejected forms of asceticism, both translated below. These groups and lists, again, must have been accompanied from the first by a running verbal commentary, given, in his own words, by the teacher to his pupils. Without such a comment they are often quite unintelligible, and always difficult.

The inclusion of such memoria technica [memory technique] makes the Four Nikayas strikingly different from modern treatises on ethics or psychology. As they stand they were never intended to be read. And a version in English, repeating all the repetitions, rendering each item in the lists and groups as they stand, by a single English word, without commentary, would quite fail to convey the meaning, often intrinsically interesting, always historically valuable, of these curious old documents.

It is no doubt partly the result of the burden of such memoria technica, but partly also owing to the methods of exposition then current in North India, that the leading theses of each Suttanta are not worked out in the way in which we should expect to find similar theses worked out now in Europe. A proposition or two or three, are put forward, re-stated with slight additions or variations, and placed as it were in contrast with the contrary proposition (often at first put forward by the interlocutor). There the matter is usually left. There is no elaborate logical argument. The choice is offered to the hearer; and, of course, he usually accepts the proposition as maintained by the Buddha. The statement of this is often so curt, enigmatic, and even —owing not seldom simply to our ignorance, as yet, of the exact force of the technical terms used — so ambiguous, that a knowledge of the state of opinion on the particular point, in North India, at the time, or a comparison of other Nikaya passages on the subject, is necessary to remove the uncertainty.

It would seem therefore most desirable that a scholar attempting to render these Suttantas into a European language — evolved in the process of expressing a very different, and often contradictory, set of conceptions — should give the reasons of the faith that is in him. He should state why he holds such and such an expression to be the least inappropriate rendering: and quote parallel passages from other Nikaya texts in support of his reasons. He should explain the real significance of the thesis put forward by a statement of what, in his opinion, was the point of view from which it was put forward, the stage of opinion into which it fits, the current views it supports or controverts. In regard to technical terms, for which there can be no exact equivalent, he should give the Pali. And in regard to the mnemonic lists and groups, each word in which is usually a crux, he should give cross-references, and wherever he ventures to differ from the Buddhist explanations, as handed down in the schools, should state the fact, and give his reasons. It is only by such discussions that we can hope to make progress in the interpretation of the history of Buddhist and Indian thought. Bare versions are of no use to scholars, and even to the general reader they can only convey loose, inadequate, and inaccurate ideas.


These considerations will, I trust, meet with the approval of my fellow workers. Each scholar would of course, in considering the limitations of his space, make a different choice as to the points he regarded most pressing to dwell upon in his commentary, as to the points he would leave to explain themselves. It may, I am afraid, be considered that my choice in these respects has not been happy, and especially that too many words or phrases have been left without comment, where reasons were necessary. But I have endeavoured, in the notes and introductions, to emphasise those points on which further elucidation is desirable; and to raise some of the most important of those historical questions which will have to be settled before these Suttantas can finally be considered as having been rightly understood.

T.W. Rhys Davids
'Nalanda,' April, 1899.


These eight portions were allotted as follows:--

1. To Ajatasattu, king of Magadha.
2. To the Licchavis of Vesali.
3. To the Sakyas of Kapilavastu.
4. To the Bulis of Allakappa.
5. To the Koliyas of Ramagama.
6. To the brahmin of Vethadipa.
7. To the Mallas of Pava.
8. To the Mallas of Kusinara.

Drona, the brahmin who made the division, received the vessel in which the body had been cremated. And the Moriyas of Pipphalivana, whose embassy claiming a share of the relics only arrived after the division had been made, received the ashes of the funeral pyre.

Of the above, all except the Sakyas and the two brahmins based their claim to a share on the fact that they also, like the deceased teacher, were Kshatriyas. The brahmin of Vethadipa claimed his because he was a brahmin; and the Sakyas claimed theirs on the ground of their relationship. All ten promised to put up a cairn over their portion, and to establish a festival in its honour.

Of these ten cairns, or stupas, only one has been discovered -- that of the Sakyas. The careful excavation of Mr. Peppe makes it certain that this stupa had never been opened until he opened it. The inscription on the casket states that "This deposit of the remains of the Exalted One is that of the Sakyas, the brethren of the Illustrious One." It behoves those who would maintain that it is not, to advance some explanation of the facts showing how they are consistent with any other theory. We are bound in these matters to accept, as a working hypothesis, the most reasonable of various possibilities. The hypothesis of forgery is in this case simply unthinkable. And we are fairly entitled to ask: "If this stupa and these remains are not what they purport to be, then what are they?" As it stands the inscription, short as it is, is worded in just the manner most consistent with the details given in the Suttanta. And it advances the very same claim (to relationship) which the Sakyas alone are stated in the Suttanta to have advanced. It does not throw much light on the question to attribute these coincidences to mere chance, and so far no one has ventured to put forward any explanation except the simple one that the stupa is the Sakya tope.

Though the sceptics -- only sceptics, no doubt, because they think it is too good to be true -- have not been able to advance any other explanation, they might have brought forward an objection which has so far escaped notice. It is alleged, namely, in quite a number of Indian books, that Asoka broke open all the eight stupas except one, and took the relics away. This is a remarkable statement. That the great Buddhist emperor should have done this is just as unlikely as that his counterpart, Constantine the Great, should have rifled, even with the best intentions, the tombs most sacred in the eyes of Christians. The legend deserves, therefore, investigation, quite apart from its reference to the Sakya tope. And in looking further into the matter I have come across some curious points which will probably be interesting to the readers of this Journal.

The legend might be given in my own words, filling out the older versions of it by details drawn from the later ones. We might thus obtain an easy narrative, with literary unity and logical sequence. But we should at the same time lose all historical accuracy. We should only have a new version -- one that had not been current anywhere, at any time, among Buddhists in India. The only right method is to adhere strictly to the historical sequence, taking each account in order of time, and letting it speak for itself.

Now it is curious that there is no mention of the breaking open of stupas in any one of the twenty-nine canonical Buddhist writings, though they include documents of all ages from the time of the Buddha down to the time of Asoka. Nor, with one doubtful exception, is such an act referred to in any book which is good evidence for the time before Asoka. But in the canonical books there is frequent reference to the man who breaks up the Order, the schismatic, the sangha-bhedako. And in the passages in later books, which enlarge on this thesis, we find an addition -- side by side with the sangha-bhedako is mentioned the stupa-bhedako, the man who breaks open the stupas. The oldest of the passages is the exception referred to. It is in the Mahavastu, certainly the oldest Buddhist Sanskrit text as yet edited, and most probably in its oldest portions older than Asoka. Whether this isolated verse belongs to the oldest portions of the work is doubtful. It says (i, 101):

Sanghan ca te na bhindanti na ca te stupa-bhedaka
Na te Tathagate cittam dusayanti kathancana.


We find these gentlemen, therefore -- the violators of tombs, tomb-riflers -- first mentioned in a way that may or may not, and probably does not, refer to Asoka. In the same connection, that is with the schismatics, they are also mentioned in the Netti Pakarana, p. 93. The editor of this work, Professor Edmond Hardy, dates it about, or shortly after, the beginning of our era. And he was the first to call attention to the mention in these passages of the `tomb-violators' as a test of age.

The next passage will seem more to the point, inasmuch as it mentions both Asoka and the Eight Topes. It is in the Asokavadana, a long legend, or historical romance, about Asoka and his doings, included in the collection of stories called the Divyavadana. These stories are by different authors, and of different dates. The particular one in question mentions kings of the Sunga dynasty, and cannot therefore be much older than the Christian era.(1) [See J.P.T.S., 1899, p. 89] The passage is printed at p. 380 of Professor Cowell and Mr. Neil's edition. The paragraph is unfortunately very corrupt and obscure; but the sense of those clauses most important for our present purpose is clear enough. It begins, in strange fashion, to say, a propos of nothing:--

"Then the King [Asoka], saying, 'I will distribute the relics of the Exalted One,' marched with an armed force in fourfold array, opened the Drona Stupa put up by Ajatasattu, and took the relics."


There must be something wrong here. Ajatasattu's stupa was at Rajagaha, a few miles from Asoka's capital. The Drona Stupa, the one put up over the vessel, was also quite close by.(1) [See Yuan Thsang, chap. vii; Beal, ii, 65.] Whichever is the one referred to, it was easily accessible, and the time given was one of profound peace. Asoka's object in distributing the relics, in the countless stupas he himself was about to build, is represented as being highly approved of by the leaders of the Buddhist order. What, then, was the mighty force to do?

Then the expression Drona Stupa is remarkable. What is probably meant is a stupa over the bushel (drona) of fragments (from the pyre) supposed to have been Ajatasattu's share. But it is extremely forced to call this a Drona Stupa; and Ajatasattu's stupa is nowhere else so called. Burnouf thinks(2) ["Introduction, etc., p. 372.] this is probably a confusion between the name of the measure and the name of the brahmin, Drona, who made the division. The story goes on:

"Having given back the relics, putting them distributively in the place [or the places] whence they had been taken, he restored the stupa. He did the same to the second, and so on till he had taken the seventh bushel [drona];(3) [Bhaktimato is omitted. The discussion of its meaning, irrelevant to the question in hand, is here unnecessary. It is of value for the very important history of bhakti in India.] and restoring the stupas, he then went on to Ramagama."


Here again the story-teller must have misunderstood some phrase in the tradition (probably in some Prakrit or other) which he is reproducing. Asoka did not want to get these relics in order to put them back into the place, or places, they had come from. He wanted, according to the Divya-vadana itself, to put them in his own stupas. We shall see below a possible explanation. The story goes on:--

"Then the king was led down by the Nagas into their abode, and was given to understand that they would pay worship [puja] to it [that is, to the stupa or the portion of relics] there. As soon as that had been grasped by the king, then the king was led up again by the Nagas from their abode."


Their abode, of course, was under the sacred pool at Ramagama, the stupa being on the land above. After stating how Asoka then built 84,000 stupas (in one day!) and distributed the relics among them, the episode closes with the statement that this was the reason why his name was changed from Candasoka to Dharmasoka. Burnouf adds to the confusion with which this part of the story is told through translating (throughout) dharmarajika by 'edicts of the law.' It evidently is an epithet of the stupas. Can we gather from this any hint as to a possible origin of this extraordinary legend?

There is namely a very ancient traditional statistical statement -- so ancient that it is already found in the Thera Gatha. (verse 1022) among the verses attributed to Ananda -- that the number of the sections of the Dhamma (here meaning apparently the Four Nikayas) was 84,000, of which 82,000 were attributed to the master and 2,000 to a disciple.

Dvasiti Buddhato ganhim dve sahassani bhikkhuto
Caturasiti sahassani ye 'me dhamma pavattino.(1) [Quoted Sumangala, i, 24.]


Could it have happened that after the knowledge of the real contents of the Asoka Edicts had passed away, and only the memory of such edicts having been published remained alive, they were supposed to contain or to record the 84,000 traditional sections of the Dhamma? And then that by some confusion, such as that made by Burnouf, between epithets applicable equally to stupas and 'edicts of the law,' the edicts grew into stupas? We cannot tell without other and earlier documents. But this we know, that the funniest mistakes have occurred through the telling in one dialect of traditions received in another; and that the oldest form of the legend of Asoka's stupas is in so late a work that such a transformation had had ample time in which to be brought gradually about.  

Such a solution of the mystery how this amazing proposition could have become matter of belief is confirmed by our next authority, the Dipavamsa (vi, 94-vii, 18), which says distinctly that the number of Asoka's buildings was determined by the number of the sections of the Dhamma. But the legend here is quite different. There is no mention of breaking open the eight old stupas. The 84,000 viharas -- they are no longer stupas -- are not built in one day; they take three years to build. It is the dedication festival of each of them that takes place on the same day, and on that day Asoka sees them all at once, and the festivals being celebrated at each. This was the form of the story as believed at Anuradhapura in the early part of the fourth century A.D.

The next book, in point of date, which mentions Asoka in connection with the eight original stupas is Fa Hian (ch. xxiii). The passage runs, in Legge's translation, as follows:--

"When King Asoka came forth into the world he wished to destroy the Eight Topes, and to build instead of them 84,000 topes. After he had thrown down the seven others he wished next to destroy this tope (at Ramagama). But then the dragon (1) [Chinese-English for Naga.] showed itself, and took the king into his palace. And when he had seen all the things provided for offerings, it said to him: 'If you are able with your offerings to exceed these, you can destroy the tope, and take it (2) ["It" must be wrong. What he wanted to take away was the relics. Beal translates, "Let me tale you out," a more likely rendering, and one that would harmonize with the Divyavadana legend as given above.] all away. I will not contend with you.' The king, knowing that such offerings were not to be had anywhere in the world, thereupon returned.

"Afterwards the ground all about became overgrown with vegetation; and there was nobody to sweep and sprinkle about the tope. But a herd of elephants came regularly, which brought water with their trunks to water the ground, and various kinds of flowers and incense which they presented at the tope."


A group of elephants behaving precisely in this way is sculptured on one of the bas-reliefs in the Bharhut Tope (plates xv and xxx in Cunningham).

The pilgrim goes on to say that in recent times a devotee, seeing this, had taken possession of the deserted site.

This will probably represent the tradition at the place itself about 400 A.D., or a few years earlier. For Fa Hian left China in 399 A.D., and when he heard this tale at Ramagama it was no doubt already current there. It is good evidence of Ramagama having been very early deserted. Incidentally, its distance east of the Lumbini pillar is given as five yojanas, say thirty-eight miles.

Only twenty or thirty years later is Buddhaghosa's version of the story in the introduction to the Samanta Pasadika, his commentary on the Vinaya, in the portion edited for us by Professor Oldenberg.(1) [Oldenberg's Vinaya iii, 304 foll.] The story is well told, but we need not repeat it, as it reproduces the Dipavamsa version. In both versions the story is used merely as an explanation of the way in which Asoka's son, Mahinda, came to enter the Order. For it is on seeing the glory of the 84,000 festivals that Asoka boasts of his gift. But he is told that the real benefactor is one who gives his son to the Order; and then he, too, has both his son and his daughter initiated. All this is said to have happened after the ninth year of Asoka's reign had expired. We see there is nothing at all in this version about the original eight stupas, or rather seven of them, having been broken open.

But Buddhaghosa has another account in the Sumangala Vilasini, a little later than the last, and in that he introduces an entirely new factor. Here it is not Asoka, but Ajatasattu who gets the relics out of all the eight stupas (except that at Ramagama, which is protected by the Nagas). This he does (twenty years after the Buddha's death, according to Bigandet, ii, 97) on the advice of Maha-kassapa, who was afraid -- it is not stated why -- for their safety. The king agrees to build a shrine for them, but says it is not his business to get relics. The thera then brings them all, and the king buries them in a wonderful subterranean chamber. In the construction of this underground shrine Sakka, the king of the gods, or rather Vissakamma, on his order, assists. And it is there that Asoka, after breaking into all the seven stupas in vain (the Nagas protecting the eighth), finds the relics.(1) [Is it possible that this idea can lie behind the enigmatic expressions given above, p. 401, from the Divyavadana?] These he takes, and restoring the place where he had found them, establishes them in his own 84,000, not stupas, but viharas. It is incidentally mentioned that Rajagaha is 25 yojanas, say 190 miles, from Kusinara.(2) [This harmonizes with the distances given in the Jataka. See my "Buddhist Birth Stories," p. 87.]

The text of this part of the Sumangala has not yet been published. It will appear in the forthcoming edition for the Pali Text Society; and meanwhile an English version of a very late Burmese adaptation of the Pali can be consulted in Bigandet, ii, 131 foll. The legend is here very well and clearly told, and suggests possible explanations of several of the obscurities and inconsistencies in the oldest version in the Divyavadana.

The Mahavamsa (chap. v), which is again a very little later, gives the episode of the 84,000 viharas on the same lines as the Dipavamsa, omitting all reference to the breaking open of the stupas. But it agrees with the Divyavadana in stating (p. 35 of Turnour's edition) that this building of the 84,000 viharas was the reason why the king's name was changed from Asoka(3) [So the text. We ought perhaps to read Candasoka.] to Dhammasoka.

The form of the legend, as thus given in almost identical terms by the Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa, is no doubt derived by both from the older Mahavamsa, in Simhalese, then handed down in the Maha Vihara at Anuradhapura, and now lost.  

About the same age (412-454 A.D.) is the Chinese work which Mr. Beal translated in vol. xix of the "Sacred Books of the East," and which he calls a translation of Asvaghosa's Buddha-Carita. Were this so, it would be of the first importance for our point. But it is nothing of the kind. There are resemblances, just as there would be if two Christian poets had, in different times and countries, turned the Gospels into rhyme with poetical embellishments. There are still closer resemblances, as if a later poet had borrowed phrases and figures from a previous writer. But there are greater differences. Taking the first chapter as a specimen, the Chinese has 126, the Sanskrit 94 verses. Of these, only about 40 express the same thought, and this is often merely a thought similar because derived from the same old tradition. More than half the verses in the Sanskrit have no corresponding verse in the Chinese, More than two- thirds of the verses in the Chinese have no corresponding verse in the Sanskrit. And even when the verses do, in the main, correspond, there are constant differences in the details and in the wording. It is uncritical, even absurd, to call this a translation.

The blunder of dating the Lalita Vistara in the first century on the ground of a 'translation' into Chinese of that date, rests on a similar misleading use of the word. We know of no such translation in the exact and critical sense. Twenty years ago (Hibbert Lectures, 198 foll.) I called attention to this. But Foucaux's conclusion still sometimes repeated as though it were valid. We must seek for the date of the Lalita Vistara on other and better grounds. Beal's so-called Dhammapada is also a quite different and much later work than the canonical book of which he calls it a version. See the detailed comparative tables ibid., p. 202. Mr. Rockhill, "Life of Buddha," p. 222, says that Beal's Chinese text "could not have been made from the same original" as the Tibetan version of the Buddha-Carita.

It was necessary to point this out as the Chinese book has two verses, of interest in the present discussion, which are not in the Sanskrit. If Beal were right we should have to ascribe them to Asvaghosa.(1) [There are six Asvaghosas mentioned in Chinese works quoted by Mr. Suzuki in his translation of the " Awakening of Faith," p.7.] As it is we are in complete ignorance of the real name and author and date of the original of Beal's Chinese book. We must, therefore, take the opinions expressed in the verses referred to as being good evidence only for the date of the Chinese book itself, only noting the fact that they are taken from some Sanskrit work of unknown date. The verses run, in Beal's words:--

"Opening the dagabas raised by those seven kings to take the Sariras thence, he spread them everywhere, and raised in one day 84,000 towers. (2,297.)

"Only with regard to the eighth pagoda in Ramagrama, which the Naga spirit protected, the king was unable to obtain those relics." (2,298.)


We see from Yuan Thsang's Travels, Book vi (Beal, ii, 26), that this curious story still survived in the seventh century of our era. It is interesting to notice how the legend had, by that time, become rounded off and filled in. Thsang naturally has nothing of the second Ajatasattu episode. He was never in Ceylon, and we have no evidence that this part of the legend was ever current in North India. But he also drops the absurd detail of the 84,000 stupas built in one day; and he fills out the Naga episode, making a very pretty story of it, turning the Naga, when he comes out to talk to the king, into a brahmin, and giving much fuller details of the conversation. He mentions also the interesting fact that in his time there was an inscription at the spot "to the above effect."

Finally, when we come to the Tibetan texts, which are considerably later,(2) [About 850 A.D.: see Rockhill, pp. 218 and 223.] we find an altogether unexpected state of things. We have long abstracts of the account, in the Dulva, of the death and cremation of the Buddha and of the distribution of his relics, from two scholars whose work can be thoroughly relied on, Csoma Korosi(3) ["Asiatic Researches," xx, 309-317.] and W.W. Rockhill.(1) ["Life of Buddha," pp. 122-148, and especially 141-148.] According to both these authorities the Tibetan works follow very closely, not any Sanskrit work known to us, but the Maha-parinibbana Suttanta. Where they deviate from it, it is usually by way of addition; and of addition, oddly enough, again not from any Sanskrit work, but on the lines of the Sumangala Vilasini.

However we try to explain this it is equally puzzling. Could they possibly, in Tibet, and at that time (in the ninth century A.D.), have had Pali books, and have understood them? In discussing another point, Mr. Rockhill (p. ix) thinks that the Tibetan author had access to Pali documents. M. Leon Feer has a similar remark ("Annales," vol. v, PP. xi, 133), and talks at pp. 133, 139, 143, 221, 224, 229, 408, 414 of a Tibetan text as though it were a translation from a Pali one. And the translations he gives, in support of his proposition, certainly, for the most part, show that the texts are the same.(2) [M. Leon Feer has not been able always to give volume and page of the originals of these Tibetan texts, often because they had not been edited. It may be useful, therefore, to point out that his page 145 = Anguttara, 5. 108. " 222 = Ang.5. 342, Jat. 6.14. " 231 = Ang. 4. 55 (which gives better readings), comp. 2. 61. " 293 = Divy. 193, Itiv. 76.] Strange as it may seem, therefore, it is by no means impossible that in our case also the Tibetan depends on a Pali original, or originals. We have at least good authority for a similar conclusion as to other Tibetan writings. And we now know, thanks to Professor Bendall, that a similar conclusion would be possible in Nepal.(3) [J.R.A.S., 1899, p. 422.]

If, on the other hand, our Tibetan texts are based on Sanskrit originals, the difficulty arises whence, at that date, could the Tibetans have procured Sanskrit books adhering so closely to the ancient standpoint.


Rockhill has not even a word about Asoka; Csoma Korosi has only a line, added like a note, at the end of the whole narrative, and saying:--

"The King Mya-nan-met (Asoka), residing at Pataliputta, has much increased the number of Chaityas of the seven kinds."(1) ["Asiatic Researches," xx, 317.]


What, then, are the conclusions to be drawn from our little enquiry?

1. That the breaking open of stupas is not mentioned at all in the most ancient Buddhist literature.

2. That Asoka's doing so is first mentioned in a passage long after his time. This passage is also so curt, self-contradictory: and enigmatic, that we probably have to suppose a confusion arising from difference of dialect. It is of little or no value as evidence that Asoka did actually break open seven of the eight ancient topes.

3. The number of the stupas he is supposed to have built -- 84,000 -- is derived from the traditional number (which is about correct) of the number of sections in the Four Nikayas, that is, in Buddhist phraseology, in the Dhamma. This suggests a possible origin of the whole of the legend.

4. In any case the eighth, that at Ramagama, was untouched. The site of it can be determined within a few miles, as we know, from the passages quoted above, its distance from Rajagaha on the one hand and the Lumbini pillar on the other; and we have, besides, the details as to distance given by the Chinese pilgrims. There was an inscription there, presumably put up by Asoka's orders. It will be most interesting to see if it lends support to, or could have given rise to, the legend.

5. The greatest circumspection must be used in dating any Indian work by the date of an alleged translation into Chinese. Even when a Chinese book is said to have the same title, and even similar chapter-titles, as a Sanskrit or Pali one, it does not follow it is really the same.

6. The Indian pandits who assisted in the ninth century in the translation of Indian books into Tibetan knew not only classical Sanskrit as well as Buddhist Sanskrit, but also Pali. It would be a great service if Tibetan scholars would ascertain exactly which Pali MSS. they had. They certainly had the Paritta; and certain Suttantas from, if not the whole of, the Digha; and certain Suttas from, if not the whole of, the Anguttara and the Samyutta. These books must have been handed down all the time in India; for we know enough of the journey of the emissaries from Tibet to be certain they did not go to Ceylon.

But we must stop. We are here brought face to face with some of the most debated of those larger questions on the solution of which the solution of the problem of the history of Indian thought and literature must ultimately depend.
We can only hope in an enquiry like the present to lay one or two very unpolished stones on the foundation of the Dhamma Pasada of history, in which the scholars of a future generation will, we hope, have the good fortune to dwell.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

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Dialogues of the Buddha
In 3 vols. Bound in 2. Vol. 1
translated from the Pali of the Digha Nikaya by T.W. Rhys Davids
1899



PREFACE.

NOTE ON THE PROBABLE AGE OF THE DIALOGUES.


The Dialogues of the Buddha, constituting, in the Pali text, the Digha and Magghima Nikayas, contain a full exposition of what the early Buddhists considered the teaching of the Buddha, to have been. Incidentally they contain a large number of references to the social, political, and religious condition of India at the time when they were put together. We do not know for certain what that time exactly was. But every day is adding to the number of facts on which an approximate estimate of the date may be based. And the ascertained facts are already sufficient to give us a fair working hypothesis.

In the first place the numerous details and comparative tables given in the Introduction to my translation of the Milinda show without a doubt that practically the whole of the Pali Pitakas were known, and regarded as final authority, at the time and place when that work was composed. The geographical details given on pp. xliii, xliv tend to show that the work was composed in the extreme North-West of India. There are two Chinese works, translations of Indian books taken to China from the North of India, which contain, in different recensions, the introduction and the opening chapters of the Milinda1 [See the authors quoted in the Introduction to voi. ii of my translation. Professor Takakusu, in an article in the J.R.A.S. for 1896, has added important details.]. For the reasons adduced (loco citato) it is evident that the work must have been composed at or about the time of the Christian era. Whether (as M. Sylvain Levy thinks) it is an enlarged work built up on the foundation of the Indian original of the Chinese books; or whether (as I am inclined to think) that original is derived from our Milinda, there is still one conclusion that must be drawn — the Nikayas, nearly if not quite as we now have them in the Pali, were known at a very early date in the North of India.

Then again, the Katha Vatthu (according to the views prevalent, at the end of the fourth century A.D., at Kankipura in South India, and at Anuradhapura in Ceylon; and recorded, therefore, in their commentaries, by Dhammapala and Buddhaghosa) was composed, in the form in which we now have it, by Tissa, the son of Moggali, in the middle of the third century B.C., at the court of Asoka, at Pataliputta, the modern Patna, in the North of India.

It is a recognised rule of evidence in the courts of law that, if an entry be found in the books kept by a man in the ordinary course of his trade, which entry speaks against himself, then that entry is especially worthy of credence. Now at the time when they made this entry about Tissa’s authorship of the Katha Vatthu the commentators believed, and it was an accepted tenet of those among whom they mixed — just as it was, mutatis mutandis, among the theologians in Europe, at the corresponding date in the history of their faith — that the whole of the canon was the word of the Buddha. They also held that it had been actually recited, at the Council of Ragagaha, immediately after his decease. It is, I venture to submit, absolutely impossible, under these circumstances, that the commentators can have invented this information about Tissa and the Katha Vatthu. They found it in the records on which their works are based. They dared not alter it. The best they could do was to try to explain it away. And this they did by a story, evidently legendary, attributing the first scheming out of the book to the Buddha. But they felt compelled to hand on, as they found it, the record of Tissa's authorship. And this deserves, on the ground that it is evidence against themselves, to have great weight attached to it.

The text of the Katha Vatthu now lies before us in a scholarly edition, prepared for the Pali Text Society by Mr. Arnold C. Taylor. It purports to be a refutation by Tissa of 250 erroneous opinions held by Buddhists belonging to schools of thought different from his own. We have, from other sources, a considerable number of data as regards the different schools of thought among Buddhists — often erroneously called ‘the Eighteen Sects.'1 [They are not ‘sects' at all, in the modem European sense of the word. Some of the more important of these data are collected in two articles by the present writer in the ‘Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society' for 1891 and 1892.] We are beginning to know something about the historical development of Buddhism, and to be familiar with what sort of questions are likely to have arisen. We are beginning to know something of the growth of the language, of the different Pali styles. In all these respects the Katha Vatthu fits in with what we should expect as possible, and probable, in the time of Asoka, and in the North of India.

Now the discussions as carried on in the Katha Vatthu are for the most part, and on both sides, an appeal to authority. And to what authority? Without any exception as yet discovered, to the Pitakas, and as we now have them, in Pali. Thus on p. 339 the appeal is to the passage translated below, on p. 278, § 6; and it is quite evident that the quotation is from our Suttanta, and not from any other passage where the same words might occur, as the very name of the Suttanta, the Kevaddha (with a difference of reading found also in our MSS.), is given. The following are other instances of quotations: —

Katha Vatthu / The Nikayas

p. 344 = A. II, 50.
345 = S. I, 33.
345 = A. II, 54.
347 = Kh. P.VII, 6, 7.
348 = A. III, 43.
351 = Kh. P. VIII, 9.
369 = M. I, 85, 92, &c,
404 = M. I, 4.
413 = S. IV, 362.
426 = D. I, 70.
440 = S. I, 33.
457 = D. (M. P. S. 23).
457 = A. II, 172.
459 = M. I, 94.
481 = D. I, 83, 84.
483 = D. I, 84.
484 = A. II, 126.
494 = S. I, 206 = J. IV, 496.
p. 505 = M. I, 490.
506 = M. I, 485 = S. IV, 393 (nearly).
513 = A. I, 197.
522 = M. I, 389.
525 = Dhp. 164.
528 = M. I, 447.
549 = S. N. 227 = Kh. P. VI, 6.
554 = S. I, 233.
554 = Vim. V. XXXIV, 25-27.
565 = D. I, 156.
588, 9= P. P. pp. 71, 72.
591 = M. I, 169.
597, 8 = A. I, 141, 2.
602 = Dh. C. P. Sutta, §§ 9-23.


There are many more quotations from the older Pitaka books in the Katha Vatthu, about three or four times as many as are contained in this list. But this is enough to show that, at the time when the Katha Vatthu was composed, all the Five Nikayas were extant; and were considered to be final authorities in any question that was being discussed. They must themselves, therefore, be considerably older.

Thirdly, Hofrath Buhler and Dr. Hultsch have called attention1 ['Epigr. Ind.,' II, 93, and 'Z.D.M.G.,’ xl, p. 58.] to the fact that in inscriptions of the third century B.C. we find, as descriptions of donors to the dagabas,, the expressions dhammakathika, petaki, suttantika, suttantakini, and panka-neka-yika. The Dhamma, the Pitakas, the Suttantas, and the five Nikayas must have existed for some time before the brethren and sisters could be described as preachers of the Dhamma, as reciters of the Pitaka, and as guardians of the Suttantas or of the Nikayas (which were not yet written, and were only kept alive in the memory of living men and women).

Simple as they seem, the exact force of these technical designations is not, as yet, determined. Dr. K. Neumann thinks that Petaki does not mean ‘knowing the Pitakas,' but ‘knowing the Pitaka,’ that is, the Nikayas — a single Pitaka, in the sense of the Dhamma, having been known before the expression ‘the Pitakas’ came into use.1 ['Reden des Gotamo,' pp. x, xi.] As he points out, the title of the old work Petakopadesa, which is an exposition, not of the three Pitakas, but only of the Nikayas, supports his view. So again the Dialogues are the only parts or passages of the canonical books called, in our MSS., suttantas. Was then a suttantika one who knew precisely the Dialogues by heart? This was no doubt the earliest use of the term. But it should be recollected that the Katha Vatthu, of about the same date, uses the word suttanta also for passages from other parts of the scriptures.

However this may be, the terms are conclusive proof of the existence, some considerable time before the date of the inscriptions, of a Buddhist literature called either a Pitaka or the Pitakas, containing Suttantas, and divided into Five Nikayas.

Fourthly, on Asoka's Bhabra Edict he recommends to the communities of the brethren and sisters of the Order, and to the lay disciples of either sex, frequently to hear and to meditate upon seven selected passages. These are as follows: —

1. Vinaya-samukkamsa.
2. Ariya-vasini from the Digha (Samgiti Suttanta).
3. Anagata-bhayani from the Anguttara III, 105-108.
4. Muni-gatha from the Sutta Nipata 206-220.  
5. Moneyya Sutta from the Iti Vuttaka 67 = A. 1, 272.
6. Upatissa-pasina.
7. Rahulovada = Rahulovada Suttanta (M. I, 414-420).


Of these passages Nos. 1 and 6 have not yet been satisfactorily identified. The others may be regarded as certain, for the reasons I have set out elsewhere.1 [‘Journal of the Pali Text Society,' 1896; ‘Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,’ 1898, p. 639. Compare ‘Milinda' (S.B.E., vol. xxxv), pp. xxxvii foll.]

The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1898
11. Asoka's Bhadra Edict

by T.W. Rhys Davids
1898

p. 639

As the seven passages (pariyaya) mentioned by name on this Edict have now been (with various degrees of certainly) identified, it may be of use to record the result: —
Asoka / Pali / Where Found

1. Vinaya-samukkamsa / (? Patimokkha) / J.R.A.S., 1876
2. Ariya-vasani / Ariya-vasa / Digha (Sangiti Sutta)
3. Anagata-bhayani / Anagata-bhayani / Anguttara, iii, 105-108
4. Muni-gatha / Muni-sutta / Sutta Nipata, 206-220
5. Moneyya-sutta / Moneyya-sutta / It., No. 67 = A., i, 272
6. Upatissa-pasina / (Upatissa-panho / Vin., i, 39-41)
7. Rahulovada / Rahulovada-sutta / Majjhima, i, 414-420

Nos. 1 and 6 are the most doubtful. The Patimokkha can scarcely be rightly called a dhamma-pariyaya, and it does not correspond to the meaning of the title used by Asoka. The noun samukkamsa has not been found in the Pitakas. The verb always means 'to exalt.' (S.N., 132 = 438; M., i, 498; Th., i, 632.) 'The Exaltation of Vinaya' or 'of the Vinaya ' is much more probably meant, as the title of some short sutta or passage in praise of Vinaya in one or other of its two senses, ethical or legal. And I quite agree, therefore, with M. Senart (p. 204) in regarding this identification as unsatisfactory.  

As to No. 6, short edifying passages of the Vinaya are distinguished by titles. Vin., i, pp. 13, 14, §§ 38-47 (=S., iii, 66-68), is the Anatta-lakkhana-sutta; Vin., i, pp. 34, 35 ( = S., iv, 19, 20), is the Aditta-pariyaya, etc. And the passage identified with No. 6 might have been called Sariputta- or Upatissa-panho. But no mention of the title has yet been found in the Pitakas, and the identification, though otherwise suitable, is therefore at least uncertain.

No. 2 is no doubt the passage on the ten Ariya-vasa, not yet published, but contained in the Sangiti Sutta of the Digha. A similar passage may also be looked for in the Nipata of the Anguttara dealing with the Tens. The difference of gender is no objection. So pariyayani = pariyaya.

With regard to No. 7, it is not without reason that a special qualification is introduced in the Edict. There are so many 'Exhortations to Rahula' in the Pitakas that it was necessary to specify the one meant. The ones excluded, or some of them, will be found at S.N., 325-342 (dated in the 14th year after the Nirvana}; M.. i, 420 foll. (dated in the 12th year of the Nirvana); S., ii, 244 foll.; and S., iii, 135 and 136. All these are spoken by the Buddha. The expression in the Edict would seem also to imply that there is at least one other, not yet published, spoken by some one else.

No. 4, the Muni-gatha, called Muni Sutta in the Pali, is called Muni-gatha (exactly as in the Edict) in the Divyavadana. Other instances of such slight variations in titles are given in my article on this Edict in the Journal of the Pali Text Society, 1896.

Nos. 2 and 5 are, I believe, identified here for the first time.

T.W. Rhys Davids


No. 2 also occurs in the tenth book of the Anguttara. It is clear that in Asoka’s time there was acknowledged to be an authoritative literature, probably a collection of books, containing what was then believed to be the words of the Buddha: and that it comprised passages already known by the titles given in his Edict. Five out of the seven having been found in the published portions of what we now call the Pitakas, and in the portion of them called the Five Nikayas, raises the presumption that when the now unpublished portions are printed the other two will also, probably, be identified. We have no evidence that any other Buddhist literature was in existence at that date.

What is perhaps still more important is the point to which M. Senart2 ['Inscriptions de Piyadasi,' II, 314-322.] has called attention, and supported by numerous details: — the very clear analogy between the general tone and the principal points of the moral teaching, on the one hand of the Asoka edicts as a whole, and on the other of the Dhammapada, an anthology of edifying verses taken, in great part, from the Five Nikayas The particular verses selected by M. Senart, as being especially characteristic of Asoka’s ideas, include extracts from each of the Five.

Fifthly, the four great Nikayas contain a number of stock passages, which are constantly recurring, and in which some ethical state is set out or described. Many of these are also found in the prose passages of the various books collected together in the Fifth, the Khuddaka Nikaya. A number of them are found in each of the thirteen Suttantas translated in this volume. There is great probability that such passages already existed, as ethical sayings or teachings, not only before the Nikayas were put together, but even before the Suttantas were put together.

There are also entire episodes, containing not only ethical teaching, but names of persons and places and accounts of events, which are found, in identical terms, at two or more places. These should be distinguished from the last. But they are also probably older than our existing texts. Most of the parallel passages, found in both Pali and Sanskrit Buddhist texts, come under one or other of these two divisions.

Sixthly, the Samyutta Nikaya (III, 13) quotes one Suttanta in the Dialogues by name; and both the Samyutta and the Anguttara Nikayas quote, by name and chapter, certain poems now found only in a particular chapter of the Sutta Nipata. This Suttanta, and these poems, must therefore be older, and older in their present arrangement, than the final settlement of the text of these two Nikayas.

Seventhly, several of the Dialogues purport to relate conversations that took place between people, cotemporaries with the Buddha, but after the Buddha's death: One Sutta in the Anguttara is based on the death of the wife of Munda, king of Magadha, who began to reign about forty years after the death of the Buddha. There is no reason at all to suspect an interpolation. It follows that, not only the Sutta itself, but the date of the compilation of the Anguttara, must be subsequent to that event.

There is a story in Peta Vatthu IV, 3, 1 about a King Pingalaka. Dhammapala, in his commentary, informs us that this king, of whom nothing is otherwise known, lived two hundred years after the Buddha. It follows that this poem, and also the Peta Vatthu in which it is found, and also the Vimana Vatthu, with which the Peta Vatthu really forms one whole work, are later than the date of Pingalaka. And there is no reason to believe that the commentator’s date, although it is evidently only a round number, is very far wrong. These books are evidently, from their contents, the very latest compositions in all the Five Nikayas.

There is also included among the Thera Gatha, another book in the Fifth Nikaya, verses said, by Dhammapala the commentator,1 [Quoted by Prof. Oldenberg at p. 46 of his edition.] to have been composed by a thera of the time of King Bindusara, the father of Asoka, and to have been added to the collection at the time of Asoka's Council.

Eighthly, several Sanskrit Buddhist texts have now been made accessible to scholars. We know the real titles, given in the MSS. themselves, of nearly 200 more.2 [Miss C. Hughes is preparing a complete alphabetical list of all these works for the 'Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,’ 1899.] And the catalogues in which the names occur give us a considerable amount of detailed information as to their contents. No one of them is a translation, or even a recension, of any one of the twenty-seven canonical books. They are independent works; and seem to bear to the canonical books a relation similar, in many respects, to that borne by the works of the Christian Fathers to the Bible. But though they do not reproduce any complete texts, they contain numerous verses, some whole poems, numerous sentences in prose, and some complete episodes, found in the Pali books. And about half a dozen instances have been already found in which such passages are stated, or inferred, to be from older texts, and are quoted as authorities. Most fortunately we may hope, owing to the enlightened liberality of the Academy of St. Petersburg, and the zeal and scholarship of Professor d’Oldenbourg and his co-workers, to have a considerable number of Buddhist Sanskrit Texts in the near future. And this is just what, in the present state of our knowledge of the history of Buddhist writings, is so great a desideratum.

It is possible to construct, in accordance with these facts, a working hypothesis as to the history of the literature. It is also possible to object that the evidence drawn from the Milinda may be disregarded on the ground that there is nothing to show that that work, excepting only the elaborate and stately introduction and a few of the opening chapters, is not an impudent forgery, and a late one, concocted by some Buddhist in Ceylon. So the evidence drawn from the Katha Vatthu may be disregarded on the ground that there is nothing to show that that work is not an impudent forgery, and a late one, concocted by some Buddhist in Ceylon. The evidence drawn from the inscriptions may be put aside on the ground that they do not explicitly state that the Suttantas and Nikayas to which they refer, and the passages they mention, are the same as those we now have. And the fact that the commentators point out, as peculiar, that certain passages are nearly as late, and one whole book quite as late, as Asoka, is no proof that the rest are older. It may even be maintained that the Pali Pitakas are not therefore Indian books at all: that they are all Ceylon forgeries, and should be rightly called ‘the Southern Recension’ or ‘the Simhalese Canon.'

Each of these propositions, taken by itself, has the appearance of careful scruple. And a healthy and reasonable scepticism is a valuable aid to historical criticism. But can that be said of a scepticism that involves belief in things far more incredible than those it rejects.? In one breath we are reminded of the scholastic dulness, the sectarian narrowness, the literary incapacity, even the senile imbecility of the Ceylon Buddhists. In the next we are asked to accept propositions implying that they were capable of forging extensive documents so well, with such historical accuracy, with so delicate a discrimination between ideas current among themselves and those held centuries before, with so great a literary skill in expressing the ancient views, that not only did they deceive their contemporaries and opponents, but European scholars have not been able to point out a single discrepancy in their work.1 [As is well known, the single instance of such a discrepancy, which Prof. Minayeff made so much of, is a mare's nest. The blunder is on the pert of the European professor, not of the Ceylon pandits. No critical scholar will accept the proposition that because the commentary on the Katha Vatthu mentions the Vetulyaka, therefore the Katha Vatthu itself must be later than the rise of that school.] It is not unreasonable to hesitate in adopting a scepticism which involves belief in so unique, and therefore so incredible, a performance.

The hesitation will seem the more reasonable if we consider that to accept this literature for what it purports to be — that is, as North Indian,2 [North Indian, that is, from the modern European point of view. In the books themselves the reference is to the Middle Country (Magghima Desa). To them the country to the south of the Vindhyas simply did not come into the calculation. How suggestive this is as to the real place of origin of these documents!] and for the most part pre-Asokan — not only involves no such absurdity, but is really just what one would a priori expect, just what the history of similar literatures elsewhere would lead one to suppose likely.

The Buddha, like other Indian teachers of his time, taught by conversation. A highly educated man (according to the education current at the time), speaking constantly to men of similar education, he followed the literary habit of his time by embodying his doctrines in set phrases, sutras, on which he enlarged on different occasions in different ways. In the absence of books — for though writing was widely known, the lack of writing materials made any lengthy written books impossible3 [Very probably memoranda were used. But the earliest records of any extent were the Asoka Edicts, and they had to be written on stone.] — such sutras were the recognised form of preserving and communicating opinion. These particular ones were not in Sanskrit, but in the ordinary conversational idiom of the day, that is to say, in a sort of Pali.


When the Buddha died these sayings were collected together by his disciples into the Four Great Nikayas. They cannot have reached their final form till about fifty years afterwards. Other sayings and verses, most of them ascribed not to the Buddha himself, but to the disciples, were put into a supplementary Nikaya. We know of slight additions made to this Nikaya as late as the time of Asoka. And the developed doctrine found in certain short books in it — notably in the Buddhavamsa and Kariya Pitaka, and in the Peta- and Vimana-Vatthus — show that these are later than the four old Nikayas.

For a generation or two the books as originally put together were handed down by memory. And they were doubtless accompanied from the first, as they were being taught, by a running commentary. About 100 years after the Buddha’s death there was a schism in the community. Each of the two schools kept an arrangement of the canon — still in Pali (or possibly some allied dialect). Sanskrit was not used for any Buddhist works till long afterwards, and never used at all, so far as we know, for the canonical books. Each of these two schools broke up, in the following centuries, into others; and several of them had their different arrangements of the canonical books, differing also no doubt in minor details. Even as late as the first century after the Christian Era, at the Council of Kanishka, these books, among many others then extant, remained the only authorities.1 [On the often repeated error that a Sanskrit canon was established at Kanishka’s Council, see my 'Milinda,' vol. ii, pp. xv, xvi.] But they all, except only our present Pali Nikayas, have been lost in India. Of the stock passages of ethical statement, and of early episodes, used in the composition of them, and of the Suttas now extant, numerous fragments have been preserved in the Hinayana Sanskrit texts. And some of the Suttas, and of the separate books, as used in other schools, are represented in Chinese translations of the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. A careful and detailed comparison of these remains with the Pali Nikayas, after the method adopted in Windisch’s 'Mara und Buddha,' cannot fail to throw much light on the history, and on the method of composition, of the canonical books, which in style and method, in language and contents and tone, bear all the marks of so considerable an antiquity.

Hofrath Dr. Buhler, in the last work he published, expressed the opinion that these books, as we have them in the Pali, are good evidence, certainly for the fifth, probably for the sixth, century B.C. Subject to what has been said above, that will probably become, more and more, the accepted opinion. And it is this which gives to all they tell us, either directly or by implication, of the social, political, and religious life of India, so great a value.1 [No reference has been made, in these slight and imperfect remarks, to the history of the Vinaya. There is nothing to add, on that point, to the able and lucid exposition of Prof. Oldenberg in the Introduction to his edition of the text.]

It is necessary, in spite of the limitations of our space, to add a few words on the method followed in this version. We talk of Pali books. They are not books in the modern sense. They are memorial sentences intended to be learnt by heart; and the whole style, and method of arrangement, is entirely subordinated to this primary necessity. The leading ideas in any one of our Suttantas, for instance, are expressed in short phrases not intended to convey to a European reader the argument underlying them. These are often repeated with slight variations. But neither the repetitions nor the variations — introduced, and necessarily introduced, as aids to memory — help the modern reader very much. That of course was not their object. For the object they were intended to serve they are singularly well chosen, and aptly introduced.

Other expedients were adopted with a similar aim. Ideas were formulated, not in logically co-ordinated sentences, but in numbered groups; and lists were drawn up such as those found in the tract called the Silas, and in the passage on the rejected forms of asceticism, both translated below. These groups and lists, again, must have been accompanied from the first by a running verbal commentary, given, in his own words, by the teacher to his pupils. Without such a comment they are often quite unintelligible, and always difficult.

The inclusion of such memoria technica [memory technique] makes the Four Nikayas strikingly different from modern treatises on ethics or psychology. As they stand they were never intended to be read. And a version in English, repeating all the repetitions, rendering each item in the lists and groups as they stand, by a single English word, without commentary, would quite fail to convey the meaning, often intrinsically interesting, always historically valuable, of these curious old documents.

It is no doubt partly the result of the burden of such memoria technica, but partly also owing to the methods of exposition then current in North India, that the leading theses of each Suttanta are not worked out in the way in which we should expect to find similar theses worked out now in Europe. A proposition or two or three, are put forward, re-stated with slight additions or variations, and placed as it were in contrast with the contrary proposition (often at first put forward by the interlocutor). There the matter is usually left. There is no elaborate logical argument. The choice is offered to the hearer; and, of course, he usually accepts the proposition as maintained by the Buddha. The statement of this is often so curt, enigmatic, and even —owing not seldom simply to our ignorance, as yet, of the exact force of the technical terms used — so ambiguous, that a knowledge of the state of opinion on the particular point, in North India, at the time, or a comparison of other Nikaya passages on the subject, is necessary to remove the uncertainty.

It would seem therefore most desirable that a scholar attempting to render these Suttantas into a European language — evolved in the process of expressing a very different, and often contradictory, set of conceptions — should give the reasons of the faith that is in him. He should state why he holds such and such an expression to be the least inappropriate rendering: and quote parallel passages from other Nikaya texts in support of his reasons. He should explain the real significance of the thesis put forward by a statement of what, in his opinion, was the point of view from which it was put forward, the stage of opinion into which it fits, the current views it supports or controverts. In regard to technical terms, for which there can be no exact equivalent, he should give the Pali. And in regard to the mnemonic lists and groups, each word in which is usually a crux, he should give cross-references, and wherever he ventures to differ from the Buddhist explanations, as handed down in the schools, should state the fact, and give his reasons. It is only by such discussions that we can hope to make progress in the interpretation of the history of Buddhist and Indian thought. Bare versions are of no use to scholars, and even to the general reader they can only convey loose, inadequate, and inaccurate ideas.


These considerations will, I trust, meet with the approval of my fellow workers. Each scholar would of course, in considering the limitations of his space, make a different choice as to the points he regarded most pressing to dwell upon in his commentary, as to the points he would leave to explain themselves. It may, I am afraid, be considered that my choice in these respects has not been happy, and especially that too many words or phrases have been left without comment, where reasons were necessary. But I have endeavoured, in the notes and introductions, to emphasise those points on which further elucidation is desirable; and to raise some of the most important of those historical questions which will have to be settled before these Suttantas can finally be considered as having been rightly understood.

T.W. Rhys Davids
'Nalanda,' April, 1899.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Fri Sep 03, 2021 7:58 am

Notes to Arrian's Indica. [See translation of the Indica in the Indian Antiquary, ante, pp. 85-108. The main object of the Notes is to show how the localities, &c. mentioned m the text have been identified. In drawing them up I have derived great assistance from C. Muller's Geographi Graeci Minores, -- a work which contains the text of the Indica with notes, -- Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Classical Geography, and General Cunningham's Geography of Ancient India.]
by J.W. McCrindle, M.A., Patna College
December, 1876

Arrian, distinguished as a philosopher, a statesman, a soldier, and an historian, was born in Nicomedia, in Bithynia, towards the end of the first century. He was a pupil of the philosopher Epictetus, whose lectures he published. His talents recommended him to the favour of Antoninus Pius, by whom, he was raised to the consulship (A.D. 146). In his later years he retired to his native town, where he applied his, leisure to the composition of works on history. He died at an advanced age, in the reign of the emperor Marcus Aurelius. The work by which he is best known is his account of the Asiatic expedition of Alexander the Great, which is remarkable alike for accuracy, and the Xenophontic ease and clearness of its style. His work on India ([x] or [x]) may be regarded as a continuation of his Anabasis. It is not written, however, like the Anabasis, in the Attic dialect, but in the Ionic. The reason may have been that he wished his work to supersede the old and less accurate account of India written in Ionic by Ktesias of Knidos.

The Indica consists of three parts: -- the first gives a general description of India based chiefly on the accounts of the country given by Megasthenes and Eratosthenes (chaps. i.—xvii.); the second gives an account of the voyage made by Nearchus the Cretan from the Indus to the Pasitigris, based entirely on the narrative of the voyage written by Nearchus himself (chaps. xviii.—xlii.); the third contains a collections of proofs to show that the southern parts of the world are uninhabitable on account of the great heat (chap. xlii. to the end).

Chap. I. The river Kophen. -- Another form of the name, used by Strabo, Pliny, &c., is Kophes, -etis. It is now the Kabul river. In chap. iv. Arrian gives the names of its tributaries as the Malantos (Malamantos), Soastos, and Garroias. In the 6th book of the Mahabharata three rivers are named which probably correspond to them—the Suvastu, Gauri,, and Kamana. The Soastos is no doubt the Suvastu, and the Garaea the Gauri. Curtius and Strabo call the Suastus the Choaspes. According to Mannert the Suastus and the Garaea or Guraeus were identical. Lassen [Ind. Alterthums. (2nd ed.). II.673ff.] would, however, identify the Suastos with the modern Suwad or Svat, and the Garaeus with its tributary the Panjkora; and this this is the view adopted by General Cunningham. The Malamantos some would identify with the Choes (mentioned by Arrian, Anabasis IV. 25), which is probably represented by the modern Kameh or Khonar, the largest of the tributaries of the Kabul; others, however, with the Panjkora. General Cunningham, on the other hand, takes it to be the Bara, a tributary which joins the Kabul from the south. With regard to the name Kophes he remarks: -- "The name of Kophes is as old as the time of the Vedas in which the Kubha river is mentioned [Roth first pointed this out; -- conf. Lassen, ut sup. -- Ed.] as an affluent of the Indus; and, as it is not an Aryan word, I infer that the name must have been applied to the Kabul river before the Aryan occupation, or at least as early as B.C. 2500. In the classical writers we find the Choes, Kophes, and Choaspes rivers to the west of the Indus; and at the present day we have the kunar, the Kuram, and the Gomal rivers to the west, and the Kunihar river to the east of the Indus, -- all of which are derived from the Scythian ku, 'water.' It is the guttural form of the Assyrian hu in 'Euphrates,' and 'Eulaeus,' and of the Turki suand the Tibetan chu, all of which mean 'water' or 'river.'" Ptolemy the Geographer mentions a city called Kabara situated on the banks of the Kophen, and a people called Kabolitae.

Astakenoi and Assakenoi. -- It is doubtful whether these were the same or different tribes. It has been conjectured, from some slight resemblance in the name, that they may have been the ancestors of the Afghans. Their territory lay between the Indus and the Kophen, extending from their junction as far westward as the valley of the Guraios or Panjkora. Other tribes in these parts were the Masiani, Nysaei, and Hippasii.

Nysa, being the birth-place of Bacchus, was, as is well known, bestowed as a name on various places noted for the cultivation of the vine. General Cunningham refers its site to a point on the Kophes above its junction with the Choes. The city may, however, have existed only in fable. [Lassen, u. s. 141, 681.]

Massaka (other forms are Massaga, Masaga, and Mazaga.)—The Sanskrit Masaka, near the Gauri, already mentioned. Curtius states that it was defended by a rapid river on its eastern side. When attacked by Alexander, it held out for four days against all his assaults.

Peukelaitis (other forms—Peukelaetis, Peukolitae, Peukelaotis): —'‘The Greek name,” says General Cunningham, “of Peukelaotis or Peukolaitis was immediately derived from Pukkalaoti, which is the Pali or spoken form of the Sanskrit Pushkalavati. It is also called Peukelas by Arrian, and the people are named Peukalei by Dionysius Periegetes, which are both close transcripts of the Pali Pukkala. The form of Proklois, which is found in Arrian’s Periplus of the Erythroean Sea and also in Ptolemy’s Geography, is perhaps only an attempt to give the Hindi name of Pokhar, instead of the Sanskrit Pushkara." The same authority fixes its position at “the two large towns Parang and Charsada, which form part of the well-known Hashtnagar, or ‘eight cities,’ that are seated close together on the eastern bank of the lower Swat river.” The position indicated is nearly seventeen miles to the north-east of Peshawar. Pushkala, according to Prof. Wilson, is still represented by the modern Pekhely or Pakholi, in the neighhourhood of Peshawar. The distance of Peukelaitis from Taxila (now represented by the vast ruins of Manikyala) is given by Pliny at sixty miles.

CHAP. II.-- Parapamisos (other forms— Paropamisos, Paropamissos, Paropanisos). This denotes the great mountain range now called Hindu Kush, supposed to be a corrupted form of “Indicus Caucasus,” the name given to the range by the Macedonians, either to flatter Alexander, or because they regarded it as a continuation of Caucasus. Arrian, however, and others held it to be a continuation of Taurus. The mountains belonging to the range which lie to the north of the Kabul river are called Nishadha, a Sanskrit word which appears perhaps in the form Paropanisus, which is that given by Ptolemy. According to Pliny, the Scythians called Mount Caucasus Graucasis, a word which represents the Indian name of Paropamisos, Gravakshas, which Ritter translates "splendentes rupium montes." According to General Cunningham, the Mount Paresh or Aparasin of the Zendavesta corresponds with the Paropamisos of the Greeks. In modern maps Hindu Kush generally designates the eastern part of the range, and Paropamisos the western. According to Sir Alexander Burnes, the name Hindu Kush is unknown to the Afghans, but there is a particular peak and also a pass bearing that name between Afghanistan and Turkestan.

Emodos (other forms—Emoda, Emodon, Hemodes).—The name generally designated that part of the Himalayan range which extended along Nepal and Bhutan and onward towards the ocean. Lassen derives the word from the Sanskrit haimavata, in Prakrit haimota, 'snowy.’ If this be so, ‘Hemodos” is the more correct form. Another derivation refers the word to “hemadri" (hema, gold, and adri, mountain), 'the golden mountains,’—so called either because they were thought to contain gold mines, or because of the aspect they presented when their snowy peaks reflected the golden effulgence of sunset.

Imaus.—Related to the Sanskrit himavata, 'snowy.’ The name was applied at first by the Greeks to the Hindu Kush and the Himalayas, but was in course of time transferred to the Bolor range. This chain, which runs north and south, was regarded by the ancients as dividing Northern Asia into “Scythia intra Imaum’’ and “Scythia extra Imaum,” and it has formed for ages the boundary between China and Turkestan. Pliny calls Imaus a 'promontorium' of the Montes Emodi, stating at the same time that in the language of the inhabitants the name means 'snowy.’

Pattala.—The name of the Delta was properly Patalene, and Patala was its capital. This was situated at the head of the Delta, where the western stream of the Indus bifurcated. Thatha has generally been regarded as its modern representative, but General Cunningham would "almost certainly" identify it with Nirankol or Haidarabad, of which Patalpur and Patasila ('flat rock’) were old appellations. With regard to the name Patala he suggests that “it may have been derived from Patalam, the trumpet flower’’ (Bignonia syaveolens), in allusion to the trumpet shape of the province included between the eastern and western branches of the mouth of the Indus, as the two branches as they approach the sea curve outward like the mouth of a trumpet.” Ritter, however, says: -- "Patala is the designation bestowed by the Brahmans on all the provinces in the west towards sunset, in antithesis to Prasiaka (the eastern realm) in Ganges-land: for Patala is the mythological name in Sanskrit of the under-world, and consequently of the land of the west.” Arrian’s estimate of the magnitude of the Delta is somewhat excessive. The length of its base, from the Pitti to the Kori mouth, was less than 1000 stadia, while that of the Egyptian Delta was 1300.

CHAP. III. 1300 stadia.—The Olympic stadium, which was in general use throughout Greece, contained 600 Greek feet = 625 Roman feet, or 606-3/4 English feet. The Roman mile contained eight stadia, being about half a stadium less than an English mile. Not a few of the measurements given by Arrian are excessive, and it has therefore been conjectured that he may have used some standard different from the Olympic,—which, however, is hardly probable. With regard to the dimensions of India as stated in this chapter, General Cunningham observes that their close agreement with the actual size of the country is very remarkable, and shows that the Indians, even at that early date in their history, had a very accurate knowledge of the form and extent of their native land.

Schoeni.—The schoenus was ==2 Persian parasangs = 60 stadia, but was generally taken at half that length.

Chip. IV. Tributaries of the Ganges.—Seventeen are here enumerated, the Jamna being omitted, which, however, is afterwards mentioned (chap, viii.) as the Jobares. Pliny calls it the Jomanes, and Ptolemy the Diamounas. In Sanskrit it is the Jamuna (sister of Yama).

Kainas.—Some would identify this with the Kan or Kane, a tributary of the Jamna. Kan is, however, in Sanskrit Sena, and of this Kainas cannot be the Greek representative.

Erannoboas.—As Arrian informs us (chap. x.) that Palimbothra (Pataliputra, Patna) was situated at the confluence of this river with the Ganges, it must be identified with the river Son, which formerly joined the Ganges a little above Patna, where traces of its old channel are still discernible. The word no doubt represents the Sanskrit Hiranyavaha ('carrying gold’) or Hiranyabahu ('having golden arms'), which are both poetical names of the Son. It is said to be still called Hiranyavaha by the people on its banks. Megasthenes, however, and Arrian, both make the Erannoboas and the Son to be distinct rivers, and hence some would identify the former with the Gandak (Sanskrit Gandaki), which, according to Lassen, was called by the Buddhists Hiranyavati, or 'the golden.’ It is, however, too small a stream to suit the description of the Erannoboas, that it was the largest river in India after the Ganges and Indus. The Son may perhaps in the time of Megasthenes have joined the Ganges by two channels, which he may have mistaken for separate rivers.

Kosoanos.—Cosoagus is the form of the name in Pliny, and hence it has been taken to be the representative of the Sanskrit Kaushiki, the river now called the Kosi. Schwanbeck, however, thinks it represents the Sanskrit Kosavaha (= 'treasure-bearing’), and that it is therefore an epithet of the Son, like Hiranyavaha, which has the same meaning. It seems somewhat to favour this view that Arrian in his enumeration places the Kosoanos between the Erannoboas and the Son.

Sonos.—The Son, which now joins the Ganges ten miles above Dinapur. The word is considered to he a contraction of the Sanskrit Suvarna (Suvanna), 'golden,’ and may have been given as a name to the river either because its sands were yellow, or because they contained gold dust.

Sittokatis and Solomatis.—It has not been ascertained what rivers were denoted by these names. General Cunningham in one of his maps gives the Solomatis as a name of the Saranju or Sarju, a tributary of the Ghagra, while Benfey would identify it with the famous Sarasvati or Sarsuti, which, according to the legends, after disappearing underground, joined the Ganges at Allahabad.

Kondochates.—Now the Bandak,—in Sanskrit, Gandaki or Gandakavati ([x]), — because of its abounding in a kind of alligator having a horn-like projection on its nose.

Sambos.—Probably the Sarabos of Ptolemy. It may be the Sambal, a tributary of the Jamna.

Magon.—According to Mannert the Ramganga.

Agoranis.—According to Rennel the Ghagra -- a word derived from the Sanskrit Gharghara ('of gurgling sound’).

Omalis has not been identified, but Schwanbeck remarks that the word closely agrees with the Sanskrit Vimala ('stainless’), a common epithet of rivers.

Kommenases.—Rennel and Lassen identify this with the Karmanasa (bonorum operum destructriae), a small river which joins the Ganges above Baxar. According to a Hindu legend, whoever touches the water of this river loses all the merit of his good works, this being transferred to the nymph of the stream.

Kakouthis. -- Mannert takes this to be the Gumti.

Andomatis. -- Thought by Lassen to be connected with the Sanskrit Andhamati (tenebricosus) which he would identify, therefore, with the Tamasa, the two names being identical in meaning.

Madyandini may represent, Lassen thinks, the Sanskrit Madhyandina (meridionalis).

Amystis has not been identified, nor Katadupa, the city which it passes. The latter part of this word, dupa, may stand, Schwanbeck suggests, for the Sanskrit dvipa, 'an island.’

Oxymagis.—The Pazalae or Passalae, called in Sanskrit Pankala, inhabited the Doab, —through which, or the region adjacent to it, flowed the Ikshumati (‘abounding in sugar-cane’). Oxymagis very probably represented this name.

Errenysis closely corresponds to Varanasi, the name of Banaras in Sanskrit,—so called from the rivers Varana and Asi, which join the Ganges in its neighbourhood. The Mathae may be the people of Magadha. V. de Saint-Martin would fix their position in the country between the lower part of the Gumti and the Ganges, adding that “the Journal of Hiouen Thsang places their capital, Matipura, at a little distance to the east of the upper Ganges near Gangadvara, now Hardwar.”

Tributaries of the Indus: —Hydraotes.— Other forms are Rhouadis and Hyarotis. It is now called the Ravi, the name being a contraction of the Sanskrit Iravati, which means ‘abounding in water,’ or ‘ the daughter of Iravat,’ the elephant of Indra, who is said to have generated the river by striking his tusk against the rock whence it issues. His name has reference to his ‘ocean’ origin.

The name of the Kambistholae does not occur elsewhere. Schwanbeck conjectures that it may represent the Sanskrit Kapisthola, 'ape-land,’ the letter m being inserted, as in ' Palimbothra.’ Arrian errs in making the Hyphasis a tributary of the Hydraotes, for it falls into the Akesines below its junction with that river.

Hyphasis (other forms are Bibasis, Hypasis, and Hypanis.) -- In Sanskrit the Vipasa, and now the Byasa or Bias. It lost its name on being joined by the Satadru, 'the hundred- channelled,’ the Zaradros of Ptolemy, now the Satlej. The Astrobae are not mentioned by any writer except Arrian.

Saranges.—According to Schwanbeck, this word represents the Sanskrit Saranga, 'six-limbed.’ It is not known what river it designated. The Kekians, through whose country it flowed, were called in Sanskrit, according to Lassen, Sekaya.

Neudros is not known. The Attakeni are likewise unknown, unless their name is another form of Assakeni.

Hydaspes.—Bidaspes is the form in Ptolemy. In Sanskrit Vitasta, now the Behutor Jhelam; called also by the inhabitants on its banks the Bedusta, ‘widely spread.’ It is the “fabulosus Hydaspes” of Horace, and the "Medus Hydaspes” of Virgil. It formed the western boundary of the dominions of Porus.

Oxydrakai.—This name represents, according to Lassen, the Sanskrit Kshudraka. It is variously written,—Sydrakae, Syrakusae (probably a corrupt reading for Sudrakae), Sabagrae, and Sygambri, According to some accounts, this was the people among whom Alexander was severely wounded when his life was saved by Ptolemy, who in consequence received the name of Sotor. Arrian, however, refers this incident to the country of the Malli.

Akesines.—Now the Chenab: in Sanskrit Asikni, ‘dark-coloured,’—called afterwards Chandrabhaga. “This would have been hellenized into Sandrophagos,—a word so like to Androphagos or Alexandrophagos that the followers of Alexander changed the name to avoid the evil omen,—the more so, perhaps, on account of the disaster which befell the Macedonian fleet at the turbulent junction of the river with the Hydaspes.”—Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography.

Malli.—They occupied the country between the Akesines and the Hydraotes or Iravati. The name represents the Sanskrit Malava, Multan being its modern representative.

Toutapos. Probably the lower part of the Satadru or Satlej.

Parenos.—Probably the modern Burindu.

Saparnos.—-Probably the Abbasin.

Soanus represents the Sanskrit Suvana, 'the sun,’ or ‘fire’—now the Svan.

The Abissareans.—The name may represent the Sanskrit Abisara. [Lassen, Ind. Alt. II. 163.] A king called Abisares is mentioned by Arrian in his Anabasis (iv. 7). It may be here remarked that the names of the Indian kings, as given by the Greek writers, were in general the names slightly modified of the people over whom they ruled.

Taurunum.—The modern Semlin.

Chap. V. Megasthenes.—The date of his mission to India is uncertain. Clinton assigns it to the year 303 B.C., since about that time an alliance was formed between Seleucus and Sandrakottus (Chandragupta). It is also a disputed point whether he was sent on more than one embassy, as the words of Arrian (Anab. V. 6.), [x], may mean either that he went on several missions to Sandrakottus, or merely that he had frequent interviews with him. From Arrian we further learn regarding Megasthenes that he lived with Tyburtius the satrap of Arachosia, who obtained the satrapies of Arachosia and Gedrosia 323 B.C. Sandrakottus died about B.C. 288.

Sesostris has been identified with Ramses, the third king of the nineteenth dynasty as given in the History of Manetho.

Idanthyrsos.—Strabo mentions an irruption of Skythians into Asia under a leader of this name, and Herodotos mentions an invasion which was led by Madyas. As Idanthyrsos may have been a common appellative of all the Skythian kings, it may be one and the same invasion to which both writers refer. It was made when Kyaxares reigned in Media and Psammitichus in Egypt.

Mount Meros. -- Mount Meru, the Olympus of Indian mythology. As a geographical term it designated the highland of Tartary north of the Himalaya. Siva was the Indian deity whom the Greeks identified with Bacchus, as they identified Krishna with Hercules.

The rock Aornos.—The much-vexed question of the position of this celebrated rock has been settled by General Cunningham, who has identified it with the ruined fortress of Ranigat, situated immediately above the small village of Nogram, which lies about sixteen miles north by west from Ohind, which he takes to be the Embolima of the ancients. “Ranigat,” he says, or the Queen’s rock, is a large upright block on the north edge of the fort, on which Raja Vara’s rani is said to have seated herself daily. The fort itself is attributed to Raja Vara, and some ruins at the foot of the hill are called Raja Vara’s stables . . . I think, therefore, that the hill-fort of Aornos most probably derived its name from Raja Vara, and that the mined fortress of Ranigat has a better claim to be identified with the Aomos of Alexander than either the Mahaban hill of General Abbott, or the castle of Raja Hodi proposed by General Court and Mr. Loewenthal.”

The Cave of Promethess.—Probably one of the vast caves in the neighbourhood of Bamian.

Sibae.—A fierce mountain tribe called Siapul or Siapush still exists, inhabiting the Hindu Kush, who use to this day the club, and wear the skins of goats for clothing. According to Curtius, however, the Sivae, whom he calls Sobii, occupied the country between the Hydaspes and Akesines. They may have derived their name from the god Siva. In the neighbourhood of Hardwar there is a district called Siba.

Chap. VI. The Silas.-—Other forms are Sillas and Silias. Demokritos and Aristotle doubted the story told of this river, but Lassen states that mention is made in Indian writings of a river in the northern part of India whose waters have the power of turning everything cast into them into stone, the Sanskrit word for which is sila.

Tala.—The fan-palm, the Borassus flabelli-formis of botany.

Chap. VIII.—Spatembas and his successors were the kings of Magadha, which in these early times was the most powerful kingdom in India: Palimbothra was its capital.

Boudyas.—This is no doubt, the name of Buddha hellenized.

Souraseni.—This name represents the Sanskrit Surasena, which designated the country about Methora, now Mathura, famous as the birthplace and scene of the adventures of Krishna, whom the Greeks identified with Hercules. Methora is mentioned by Pliny, who says, Amnis Jomanes in Gangem per Palibothros decurrit inter oppida Methora et Charisobora." Chrysobora and Kyrisobora are various readings for Charisobora, which is doubtless another form of Arrian’s Kleisobora. This word may represent, perhaps, the Sanskrit Krishnaputra. Jobares is the Jamuna. The Palibothri, in the passage quoted, must be taken to denote the subjects of the realm of which Palibothra was the capital, and not merely the inhabitants of that city, as some have supposed.

Pandaea.—Pliny mentions a tribe called Pandae, who alone of the Indians were in the habit of having female sovereigns. Th, name undoubtedly points to the famous dynasty of the Pandavas, which extended so widely over India. In the south there was a district called Pandavi regio, while another of the same name is placed by Ptolemy in the Panjab on the Bidaspes (Bias).

Margarita.—This word cannot be traced to Sanskrit. Murvarid is, said to be a name in Persian for the pearl.

Palimbothra.—The Sanskrit Pataliputra, now Patna, sometimes still called Pataliputra. The name means ‘the son of the Patali, or trumpet flower (Bignonia suaveolens).' Its earliest name was Kausambi, so called as having been founded by Kusa, the father of the celebrated sage Visvamitra. It was subsequently called also Pushpapura or Kusumapura, 'the city of flowers.’ Megasthenes and Eratosthenes give its distance from the mouth of the Ganges at 6000 stadia.

The Prasians.—“Strabo and Pliny,” says General Cunningham, agree with Arrian in calling the people of Palibothra by the name of Prasii which modern writers have unanimously referred to the Sanskrit Prachya or 'eastern.’ But it seems to me that Prasii is only the Greek form of Palasa or Parasa, which is an actual and well-known name of Magadha, of which Palibothra was the capital. It obtained this name from the Palasa, or Butea frondosa, which still grows as luxuriantly in the province as in the time of Hiwen Thsang. The common form of the name is Paras, or when quickly pronounced Pras, which I take to be the true original of the Greek Prasii. This derivation is supported by the spelling of the name given by Curtius, who calls the people Pharrasii, which is an almost exact transcript of the Indian name Parasiya. The Praxiakos of AElian is only the derivative from Palasaka.

Chap. XXI. --According to Vincent, the expedition started on the 23rd of October 327 B.C.; the text indicates the year 326, but the correct date is 325. The lacuna marked by the asterisks has been supplied by inserting the name of the Macedonian month Dius. The Ephesians adopted the names of the months used by the Macedonians, and so began their year with the month Dius, the first day of which corresponds to the 24th of September. The harbour from which the expedition sailed was distant from the sea 150 stadia. It was probably in the island called by Arrian, in the Anabasis (vi. 19) Killuta, in the western arm of the Indus,—that now called the Pitti mouth.

Kaumara may perhaps be represented by the modern Khau, the name of one of the mouths of the Indus in the part through which the expedition passed.

Koreestis. —This name does not occur elsewhere. Regarding the sunken reef encountered by the fleet after leaving this place, Sir Alexander Burnes says: "Near the mouth of the river we passed a rock stretching across the stream, which is particularly mentioned by Nearchus, who calls it a dangerous rock, and is the more remarkable since there is not even a stone below Tatta, in any other part of the Indus." The rock, he adds, is at a distance of six miles up the Pitti. ‘‘It is vain," says Captain Wood in the narrative of his Journey to the Source of the Oxus, in the delta of such a river (as the Indus), to identify existing localities with descriptions handed down to us by the historians of Alexander the Great .... (but) Burnes has, I think, shown that the mouth by which the Grecian fleet left the Indus was the modern Piti. The ‘dangerous rock’ of Nearchus completely identifies the spot, and as it is still in existence, without any other within a circle of many miles, we can wish for no stronger evidence.” With regard to the canal dug through this rock, Burnes remarks: "The Greek admiral only availed himself of the experience of the people, for it is yet customary among the natives of Sind to dig shallow canals and leave the tides or river to deepen them; and a distance of five stadia, or half a mile, would call for not great labour. It is not to be that sandbanks will continue unaltered for centuries, but I may observe that there was a large bank contiguous to the island, between it and which a passage like that of Nearchus might have been dug with the greatest advantage.” The same author thus describes the mouth of the Piti: -- "Beginning from the westward we have the Pitti month, an embouchure of the Buggaur, that falls into what may be called the Bay of Karachi. It has no bar, but a large sandbank together with an island outside prevent a direct passage into it from the sea, and narrow the chamnel to about half a mile at its mouth.”

Krokala.—"Karachi,” says General Cunningham, must have been on the eastern frontier of the Arabitae,—a deduction which is admitted by the common consent of all inquirers, who have agreed in identifying the Kolaka of Ptolemy, and the sandy island of Krokola where Nearchus tarried with his fleet for one day, with a small island in the bay of Karachi. Krokala is further described as lying off the mainland of the Arabii. It was 150 stadia, or 17-1/4 miles, from the western mouth of the Indus,—which agrees exactly with the relative positions of Karachi and the mouth of the Ghara river, if, as we may fairly assume, the present coast-line has advanced five or six miles during the twenty-one centuries that have elapsed since the death of Alexander. The identification is confirmed by the fact that the district in which Karachi is situated is called Karkalla to this day. On leaving Krokala, Nearchus had Mount Eiros (Manora) on his right hand, and a low flat island on his left, -- which is a very accurate description of the entrance to Karachi harbour.”

Arabii.— The name is variously written, -- Arabitae, Arbii, Arabies, Arbies, Aribes, Arbiti. The name of their river has also several forms,— Arabis, Arabius, Artabis, Artabius. It is now called the Purali, the river which flows through the present district of Las into the bay of Sonmiyani.

Oritae. The name in Curtius is Horitae. General Cunningham identifies them with the people on the Aghor river, whom he says the Greeks would have named Agoritae or Aoritae, by the suppression of the guttural, of which a trace still remains in the initial aspirate of 'Horitae.' Some would connect the name with Haur, a town which lay on the route to Firabaz, in Mekran.

Bibakta.—The form of the name is Bibaga in Pliny, who gives its distance from Krokala at twelve miles. Vincent would refer it to the island now called Chilney,—which, however, is too distant.

Sangada. This name D’Anville thought survived in that of a race of noted pirates who infested the stores of the gulf of Kachh, called the Sangadians or Sangarians.

Chap. XXII. —The coast from Karachi to the Purali has undergone considerable changes, so that the position of the places mentioned in this chapter cannot be precisely determined. ‘'From Cape Monze to Sonmiyani,” says Blair, ‘the coast bears evident marks of having suffered considerable alterations from the encroachments of the sea. We found trees which had been washed down, and which afforded us a supply of fuel. In some parts I saw imperfect creeks in a parallel direction with the coast. These might probably be the vestiges of that narrow channel through which the Greek galleys passed.”

Domae.—This island is not known, but it probably lay near the rocky headland of Irus, now called Manora, which protects the port of Karachi from the sea and bad weather.

Morontobari.—‘*The name of Morontobara,” says General Cunningham, “I would identify with Muari, which is now applied to the headland of Ras Muari or Cape Monze, the last point of the Pab range of motmtains. Bara, or Bari means a roadstead or haven; and Moranta is evidently connected with the Persian Mard, a man, of which the feminine is still preserved in Kasmiri, as Mahrin, a woman. From the distances given by Arrian, I am inclined to fix it at the month of the Bahar rivulet, a small stream which falls into the sea about midway between Cape Monze and Sonmiyani." Women's Haven is mentioned by Ptolemy and Ammianus Marcellinus. There is in the neighbourhood a mountain now called Mor, which may be a remnant of the name Morontobari. The channel through which the fleet passed after leaving this place no longer exists, and the island has of course disappeared.

Haven at the mouth of the Arabis. —The Purali discharges its waters into the bay of Sonmiyani, as has been already mentioned. "Sonmiyani,” says Kempthorne, "is a small town or fishing village situated at the mouth of a creek which runs up some distance inland. It is governed by a sheikh, and the inhabitants appear to be very poor, chiefly subsisting on dried fish and rice. A very extensive bar or sandbank runs across the month of this inlet, and none but vessels of small burden can get over it even at high water, but inside the water is deep.” The inhabitants of the present day are as badly off for water as their predecessors of old. Everything,” says one who visited the place, "is scarce, even water, which is procured by digging a hole five or six feet deep, and as many in diameter, in a place which was formerly a swamp; and if the water oozes, which sometimes it does not, it serves them that day, and perhaps the next, when it turns quite brackish, owing to the nitrous quality of the earth.”

CHAP. XXIII. Pagali.—Another form is Pegadae, met with in Philostratus. who wrote a work on India.

Kabana.—To judge from the distances given, this place should be near the stream now called Agbor, on which is situated Harkana. It is probably the Kaeamba of Ptolemy.

Kokala must have been situated near the headland now called Ras Katchari.

CHAP. XXIV. Tomeros.—From the distances given, this must be identified with the Maklow or Hingal river; some would, however, make it the Bhusal. The form of the name in Pliny is Tomberus, and in Mela—Tubero. These authors mention another river in connection with the Tomerus, -- the Arosapes or Arusaces.

XXV. Malana.—Its modern representative is doubtless Ras Malin or Malen.

The Length of the Voyage, 1600 stadia. -- In reality the length is only between 1000 and 1100 stadia, even when allowance is made for the winding of the coast. Probably the difficulty of the navigation made the distances appear much greater than the reality.

Chap. XXVI. The Gedrosians.—Their country, which corresponds generally to Mekran, was called Gedrosia, Kedrosia, Gadrosia, or Gadrusia. The people were an Arianian race akin to the Arachosii, Arii, and Drangiani.

Bagisara.— ‘‘This place,” says Kempthorne, ‘‘is now known by the name of Arabah or Hormarah Bay, and is deep and commodious with good anchorage, sheltered from all winds but those from the southward and eastward. The point which forms this bay is very high and precipitous, and runs out some distance into the sea.... Rather a large fishing village is situated on a low sandy isthmus about one mile across, which divides the bay from another. .... The only articles of provision we could obtain from the inhabitants were a few fowls, some dried fish, and goats. They grow no kind of vegetable or corn, a few water-melons being the only thing these desolate regions bring forth. Sandy deserts extend into the interior as far as the eye can reach, and at the back of these rise high mountains.”

The Rhapua of Ptolemy corresponds to the Bagisara or Pasira of Arrian, and evidently survives in the present name of the bay and the headland of Araba.

Kolta. —A place unknown. It was situated on the other side of the isthmus which connects Ras Araba with the mainland.

Kalybi.—A different form is Kalami or Kalamae. Situated on the river now called Kalami, or Kumra, or Kurmut.

Karnine (other forms—Karbine, Karmina). The coast was probably called Karmin, if Karmis is represented in Kurmat. The island lying twelve miles off the month of the Kalami is now called Astola or Sanga-dip, which Kempthorne thus describes: -- "Ashtola is a small desolate island about four or five miles in circumference, situated twelve miles from the coast of Mekran. Its cliffs rise rather abruptly from the sea to the height of about 300 feet, and it is inaccessible except in one place, which is a sandy beach about one mile in extent on the northern side. Great quantities of turtle frequent this island for the purpose of depositing their eggs. Nearchus anchored off it and called it Karnine. He says also that he received hospitable entertainment from its inhabitants, their presents being cattle and fish; but not a vestige of any habitation now remains. The Arabs come to this island and kill immense numbers of these turtles,—not for the purpose of food, but they traffic with the shell to China, where it is made into a kind of paste and then into combs, ornaments, &c., in imitation of tortoise-shell. The carcasses caused a stench almost unbearable. The only land animals we could see on the island were rats, and they were swarming. They feed chiefly on the dead turtle. The island was once famous as the rendezvous of the Jowassimee pirates.” Vincent quotes Blair to this effect regarding the island:—“We were warned by the natives at Passara that it would be dangerous to approach the island of Asthola, as it was enchanted, and that a ship had been turned into a rock. The superstitious story did not deter us; we visited the island, found plenty of excellent turtle, and saw the rock alluded to, which at a distance had the appearance of a ship under sail. The story was probably told to prevent our disturbing the turtle. It has, however, some affinity to the tale of Nearchus’s transport.” As the enchanted island mentioned afterwards (chap, xxxi.), under the name of Nosala, was 100 stadia distant from the coast, it was probably the same as Karnine.

Kissa.—Another form is Kysa.

Mosarna.—The place according to Ptolemy is 900 stadia distant from the Kalami river, but according to Marcianus 1300 stadia. It must have been situated in the neighbourhood of Cape Passence. The distances here are so greatly exaggerated that the text is suspected to be corrupt or disturbed. From Mosarna to Kophas the distance is represented as 1750 stadia, and yet the distance from Cape Passence to Ras Koppa (the Kephas of the text) is barely 500 stadia.

Chap. XXVII. Balomon.— The name does not occur elsewhere.

Barna.—This place is called in Ptolemy and Marcianus Badera or Bodera, and may have been situated near the cape now called Chemaul Bunder.

Dendrobosa—In Ptolemy a place is mentioned called Derenoibila, which may be the same as this. The old name perhaps survives in the modern Daram or Duram, the name of a highland on part of the coast between Cape Passence and Guadel.

Kyiza.—According to Ptolemy and Marcianus this place lay 400 stadia to the west of the promontory of Alambator (now Ras Guadel). Some trace of the word may be recognized in Ras Ghunse, which now designates a point of land situated about those parts.

The little town attacked by Nearchus.—The promontory in its neighbourhood called Bagia is mentioned by Ptolemy and Marcianus, the latter of whom gives its distance from Kyiza at 260 stadia, which is but half the distance as given by Arrian. To the west of this was the river Kaudryaces or Hydriaces, the modern Baghwar Dasti or Muhani river, which falls into the Bay of Gwattar.

Chap. XXIX. Talmena.—A name not found elsewhere. To judge by the distance assigned, it must be placed on what is now called Chaubar Bay, on the shores of which are three towns, one being called Tiz,—perhaps the modern representative of Tisa, a place in those parts mentioned by Ptolemy, and which may have been the Talmena of Arrian.

Kanasis.—The name is not found elsewhere. It must have been situated on a bay enclosed within the two headlands Ras Fuggem and Ras Godem.

Kanate probably stood on the site of the modern Kungoun, which is near Ras Kalat, and not far from the river Bunth.

Troes.—Erratum for Troi; another form is Tai.

Dagasira.—The place in Ptolemy is called Agris polis,—in Marcianus -- Agrisa. The modern name is Girishk.

10,000 stadia.—The length of the coast line of the Ichthyophagi is given by Strabo at 7300 stadia only. “This description of the natives, with that of their mode of living and the country they inhabit, is strictly correct even to the present day.” (Kempthome.)

Chap. XXX.— In illustration of the statements in the text regarding whales may be compared Strabo, XV. ii. 12, 13.

Chap. XXXII.— Karmania extended from Cape Jask to Ras Nabend, and comprehended the districts now called Moghostan, Kirman, and Laristan, Its metropolis, according to Ptolemy, was Karmana, now Kirman, which gives its name to the whole province. The first port in Karmania reached by the expedition was in the neighbourhood of Cape Jask, where the coast is described as being very rocky, and dangerous to mariners on account of shoals and rocks under water. Kempthorne says: "The cliffs along this part of the coast are very high, and in many places almost perpendicular. Some have a singular appearance, one near Jask being exactly of the shape of a quoin or wedge; and another is a very remarkable peak, being formed by three stones, as if placed by human hands, one on the top of the other. It is very high, and has the resemblance of a chimney.”

Bados.—Erratum for Badis. It is near Jask, beyond which was the promontory now called Raj Keragi or Cape Bombarak, which marks the entrance to the Straits of Ormus.

Maketa.——How Ras Mussendum, in Oman -- about fifty miles, according to Pliny, from the opposite coast of Karmania. It figures in Lalla Rookh as “Selama's sainted cape.”

Chap. XXXIII. Neoptana.—This place is not mentioned elsewhere, but must have been situated somewhere in the neighbourhood of the village of Karun.

The Anamis (other forms—Ananis, Andanis, Andamis).—It is now called the Nurab.

Harmozia (other forms—Hormazia, Armizia regio). -- The name was transferred from the mainland to the island now called Ormus when the inhabitants fled thither to escape from the Moghals. It is called by Arrian Organa (chap. xxxvii.). The Arabians called it Djerun, a name which it continued to bear up to the 12th century. Pliny mentions an island called Oguris, of which perhaps Djerun is a corruption. He ascribes to it the honour of having been the birthplace of Erythres. The description, however, which, he gives of it is more applicable to the island called by Arrian (chap, xxxvii.) Oarakta (now Kishm) than to Ormus. Arrian’s description of Harmozia is still applicable to the region adjacent to the Minab. “It is termed,” says Kempthorne, “ the Paradise of Persia. It is certainly most beautifully fertile, and abounds in orange groves, orchards containing apples, pears, peaches, and apricots, with vineyards producing a delicious grape, from which was made at one time a wine called Amber rosolia, generally considered the white wine of Kishma; but no wine is made here now.” The old name of Kishma—Oarakta—is preserved in one of its modern names, Vrokt or Brokt.

Chap. XXXVII. The island sacred to Poseidon. —The island now called Angar, or Hanjam, to the south of Kishm.It is described as being nearly destitute of vegetation and uninhabited. Its hills, of volcanic origin, rise to a height of 300 feet. The other island, distant from the mainland about 300 stadia, is now called the Great Tombo, near which is a smaller island called Little Tombo. They are low, flat, and uninhabited. They are 25 miles distant from the western extremity of Kishm.

Pylora.—How Polior.

Sisidone (other forms—Prosidodone, pro-Sidodone, pros Sidone, pros Dodone). Kempthorne thought this was the small fishing village now called Mogos, situated in a bay of the same name. The name may perhaps be preserved in the name of a village in the same neighbourhood, called Dnan Tarsia—now Rasel Djard —described as high and rugged, and of a reddish colour.

Kataka.—Now the island called Kaes or Kenn. Its character has altered, as it is now covered with dwarf trees, and grows wheat and tobacco. It supplies ships with refreshment, chiefly goats and sheep and a few vegetables.

Chap. XXXVIII.—The boundary between Karmania and Persis was formed by a range of mountains opposite the island of Kataka. Ptolemy, however, makes Karmania extend much further, to the river Bagradas, now called the Naban or Nabend.

Kaekander (other forms—Kekander, Kikander, Kaskandrus, Karkundrus, Karskandrus, Sasaekander). This island, which is now called Inderabia or Andaravia, is about four or five miles from the mainland, having a small town on the north side, where is a safe and commodious harbour. The other island mentioned immediately after is probably that now called Busheab. It is, according to Kempthorne, a low, flat island about eleven miles from the mainland, containing a small town principally inhabited by Arabs, who live on fish and dates. The harbour has good anchorage even for large vessels.

Apostana.—Near a place now called Schevar. It is thought that the name may he traced in Dahr Asban, an adjacent mountain ridge of which Ochus was probably the southern extremity.

The bay with numerous villages on its shores is that on which Naban or Nabend is now situated. It is not far from the river called by Ptolemy the Bagradas. The place abounds with palm-trees, as of old.

Grogana.—How Konkan or Konaun. The bay lacks depth of water, still a stream falls into it—the Areon of the text. To the northwest of this place in the interior lay Pasargada, the ancient capital of Persia and the burial-place of Cyrus.

Sitakus.—The Sitiogagus of Pliny, who, states that from its mouth an ascent could be made to Pasargada in seven days; but this is manifestly an error. It is now represented by a stream called Sita-Khegian.

Chap. XXXIX. Hieratis.—The changes which have taken place along the coast have been so considerable that it is difficult to explain this part of the narrative consistently with the now existing state of things.

Mesambria.—The peninsula lies so low that at times of high tide it is all but submerged. The modern Abu-Shahr or Bushir is situated on it.

Taoke, on the river Granis.—Nearchus, it is probable, put into the mouth of the river now called the Kisht. A town exists in the neighbourhood called Gra or Gran, which may have received its name from the Granis. The | royal city (or rather palace) 200 stadia distant from this river is mentioned by Strabo, XV. 3, 3, as being situate on the coast.

Rogonis.—It is written Rhogomanis by Ammianus Marcellinus, who mentions it as one of the four largest rivers in Persia, the other three being the Vatrachitis; Brisoana, and Bagrada.

Brizana.—Its position cannot be fixed with certainty.

Oroatis.—Another form is Arosis. It answers to the Zarotis of Pliny, who states that the navigation at its mouth was difficult, except to those well acquainted with it. It formed the boundary between Persis and Susiana. The form Oroatis corresponds to the Zend word aurwat, ‘swift.’ It is now called the Tab.

Chap. XL. Uxii.—They are mentioned by the author in the Anabasis, bk. vii. 15, 3.

Persis has three different climates.—On this point compare Strabo, bk. xv. 3, 1.

Ambassadors from the Euxine Sea.-- It has been conjectured that the text here is imperfect; Schmieder opines that the story about the ambassadors is a fiction.

Chap. XLI. Kataderbis.—This is the bay which receives the streams of the Mensureh and Dorak; at its entrance lie two islands, Bunah and Deri, one of which is the Margastana of Arrian.

Diridotis.—This is called by other writers Teredon, and is said to have been founded by Nabuchodonosor. Mannert places it on the island now called Bubian; Colonel Chesney, however, fixes its position at Jebel Sanam, a gigantic mound near the Pallacopas branch of the Euphrates, considerably to the north of the embouchure of the present Euphrates. Nearchus had evidently passed unawares the main stream formed by the junction of the Euphrates and Tigris (called by some the Pasitigris), and sailed too far westward. Hence he had to retrace his course, as mentioned in the next chapter.

Chap. XLII. Pasitigris.—The Eulaeus, now called the Karun, one arm of which united with the Tigris, while the other fell into the sea by an independent mouth. It is the Ulai of the prophet Daniel. Pas is said to be an old Persian word meaning small. By some writers the name Pasitigris was applied to the united stream of the Tigris and Euphrates, now called the Shat-el-Arab.

The distance from where they entered the lake to where they entered the river was 600 stadia.— A reconsideration of this passage has led me to adopt the view of those who place Aginis on the Tigris, and not on the Pasitigris. I would therefore now translate thus:—“The ascent from the southern (end of the) lake to where the river Tigris falls into it is 600 stadia." The fleet, therefore, could not have visited Aginis. The courses of the rivers and the conformation of the country have all undergone great changes, and hence the identification of localities is a matter of difficulty and uncertainty. The distance from Aginis to Susa appears to me to be much under-estimated.

The following extract from Strabo will illustrate this part of the narrative:—

Polycletus says that the Choaspes, and the Eulaeus, and the Tigris also enter a lake, and thence discharge themselves into the sea; that on the side of the lake is a mart, as the rivers do not receive the merchandize from the sea, nor convey it down to the sea, on account of dams in the river, purposely constructed; and that the goods are transported by land, a distance of 800 stadia, to Susis: according to others, the rivers which flow through Susis discharge themselves by the intermediate canals of the Euphrates into the single stream of the Tigris, which on this account has at its mouth the name of Pasitigris. According to Nearchus, the sea-coast of Susis is swampy and terminates at the river Euphrates; at its mouth is a village which receives the merchandize from Arabia, for the coast of Arabia approaches close to the mouths of the Euphrates and the Pasitigris; the whole intermediate space is occupied by a lake which receives the Tigris. On sailing up the Pasitigris 150 stadia is a bridge of rafts leading to Susa from Persia, and is distant from Susa 60 (600?) stadia; the Pasitigris is distant from the Oroatis about 2000 stadia; the ascent through the lake to the mouth of the Tigris is 600 stadia; near the mouth stands the Susian village Aginis, distant from Susa 500 stadia; the journey by water from the mouth of the Euphrates up to Babylon, through a well-inhabited tract of country, is a distance of more than 3000 stadia."—Book xv. 3, Bohn’s translation.

The Bridge.—This according to Ritter and Rawlinson, was formed at a point near the modern village of Ahwaz. Arrowsmith places Aginis at Ahwaz.

Chap. XLIII.—The 3rd part of the Indica, the purport of which is to prove that the southern parts of the world are uninhabitable, begins, with this chapter.

The troops sent by Ptolemy. —It is not known when or wherefore Ptolemy sent troops on this expedition.
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Kanishka
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Kanishka I
Kushan emperor
Gold coin of Kanishka. Greco-Bactrian legend: [x] Shaonanoshao Kanishki Koshano "King of Kings, Kanishka the Kushan". British Museum.
Reign: 2nd century (120-144)
Predecessor: Vima Kadphises
Successor: Huvishka
Born: c. 70, Kapisi
Died: 144 (aged 73-74)
Dynasty: Kushan dynasty
Religion: Buddhism

Kanishka I (Sanskrit: [x]; Greco-Bactrian: [x] Kanēške; Kharosthi: [x] Ka-ṇi-ṣka, Kaṇiṣka;[1] Brahmi: Kā-ṇi-ṣka), or Kanishka the Great, an emperor of the Kushan dynasty in the second century (c. 127–150 CE),[2] is famous for his military, political, and spiritual achievements. A descendant of Kujula Kadphises, founder of the Kushan empire, Kanishka came to rule an empire in Gandhara extending to Pataliputra on the Gangetic plain. The main capital of his empire was located at Puruṣapura (Peshawar) in Gandhara, with another major capital at Kapisa. Coins of Kanishka were found in Tripuri (jabalpur madhya pradesh)

His conquests and patronage of Buddhism played an important role in the development of the Silk Road, and in the transmission of Mahayana Buddhism from Gandhara across the Karakoram range to China. Around 127 CE, he replaced Greek by Bactrian as the official language of administration in the empire.[3]

Earlier scholars believed that Kanishka ascended the Kushan throne in 78 CE, and that this date was used as the beginning of the Saka calendar era. However, historians no longer regard this date as that of Kanishka's accession. Falk estimates that Kanishka came to the throne in 127 CE.[4]

Genealogy

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Mathura statue of Kanishka. The Kanishka statue in the Mathura Museum. There is a dedicatory inscription along the bottom of the coat.

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The inscription is in middle Brahmi script:
Mahārāja Rājadhirāja Devaputra Kāṇiṣka
"The Great King, King of Kings, Son of God, Kanishka".[5]
Mathura art, Mathura Museum

Kanishka was a Kushan of probable Yuezhi ethnicity.[6] His native language is unknown. The Rabatak inscription uses a Greek script, to write a language described as Arya (αρια) – most likely a form of Bactrian native to Ariana, which was an Eastern Iranian language of the Middle Iranian period.[7] However, this was likely adopted by the Kushans to facilitate communication with local subjects. It is not certain, what language the Kushan elite spoke among themselves.

Kanishka was the successor of Vima Kadphises, as demonstrated by an impressive genealogy of the Kushan kings, known as the Rabatak inscription.[8][9] The connection of Kanishka with other Kushan rulers is described in the Rabatak inscription as Kanishka makes the list of the kings who ruled up to his time: Kujula Kadphises as his great-grandfather, Vima Taktu as his grandfather, Vima Kadphises as his father, and himself Kanishka: "for King Kujula Kadphises (his) great grandfather, and for King Vima Taktu (his) grandfather, and for King Vima Kadphises (his) father, and *also for himself, King Kanishka".[10]

Conquests in South and Central Asia

Kanishka's empire was certainly vast. It extended from southern Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, north of the Amu Darya (Oxus) in the north west to Northern India, as far as Mathura in the south east (the Rabatak inscription even claims he held Pataliputra and Sri Champa), and his territory also included Kashmir, where there was a town Kanishkapur (modern day Kanispora), named after him not far from the Baramula Pass and which still contains the base of a large stupa.

Knowledge of his hold over Central Asia is less well established. The Book of the Later Han, Hou Hanshu, states that general Ban Chao fought battles near Khotan with a Kushan army of 70,000 men led by an otherwise unknown Kushan viceroy named Xie (Chinese:[x]) in 90 AD. Ban Chao claimed to be victorious, forcing the Kushans to retreat by use of a scorched-earth policy. The territories of Kashgar, Khotan and Yarkand were Chinese dependencies in the Tarim Basin, modern Xinjiang. Several coins of Kanishka have been found in the Tarim Basin.[11]

Controlling both the land (the Silk Road) and sea trade routes between South Asia and Rome seems to have been one of Kanishka's chief imperial goals.

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Kushan territories (full line) and maximum extent of Kushan dominions under Kanishka (dotted line), according to the Rabatak inscription.[12]

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Probable statue of Kanishka, Surkh Kotal, 2nd century CE. Kabul Museum.[13]

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Bronze coin of Kanishka, found in Khotan, modern China.

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Samatata coinage of king Vira Jadamarah, in imitation of the Kushan coinage of Kanishka I. Bengal, circa 2nd-3rd century CE.[14]

Kanishka's coins

Kanishka's coins portray images of Indian, Greek, Iranian and even Sumero-Elamite divinities, demonstrating the religious syncretism in his beliefs. Kanishka's coins from the beginning of his reign bear legends in Greek language and script and depict Greek divinities. Later coins bear legends in Bactrian, the Iranian language that the Kushans evidently spoke, and Greek divinities were replaced by corresponding Iranian ones. All of Kanishka's coins – even ones with a legend in the Bactrian language – were written in a modified Greek script that had one additional glyph ([x]) to represent /[x]/ (sh), as in the word 'Kushan' and 'Kanishka'.

On his coins, the king is typically depicted as a bearded man in a long coat and trousers gathered at the ankle, with flames emanating from his shoulders. He wears large rounded boots, and is armed with a long sword as well as a lance. He is frequently seen to be making a sacrifice on a small altar. The lower halfIranian and Indic of a lifesize limestone relief of Kanishka similarly attired, with a stiff embroidered surplice beneath his coat and spurs attached to his boots under the light gathered folds of his trousers, survived in the Kabul Museum until it was destroyed by the Taliban.[15]

Hellenistic phase

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Gold coin of Kanishka I with Greek legend and Hellenistic divinity Helios. (c. 120 AD).
Obverse: Kanishka standing, clad in heavy Kushan coat and long boots, flames emanating from shoulders, holding a standard in his left hand, and making a sacrifice over an altar. Greek legend [x]"[coin] of Kanishka, king of kings".
Reverse: Standing Helios in Hellenistic style, forming a benediction gesture with the right hand. Legend in Greek script: [x] Helios. Kanishka monogram (tamgha) to the left.

A few coins at the beginning of his reign have a legend in the Greek language and script: [x], basileus basileon kaneshkou "[coin] of Kanishka, king of kings."

Greek deities, with Greek names are represented on these early coins:

• [x] (ēlios, Hēlios), [x] (ēphaēstos, Hephaistos), [x] (salēnē, Selene), [x] (anēmos, Anemos)

The inscriptions in Greek are full of spelling and syntactical errors.

Iranian / Indic phase

Following the transition to the Bactrian language on coins, Iranian and Indic divinities replace the Greek ones:

• [x] (ardoxsho, Ashi Vanghuhi)
• [x] (lrooaspo, Drvaspa)
• [x] (adsho, Atar)
• [x] (pharro, personified khwarenah)
• ΜΑΟ (mao, Mah)
• [x], (mithro, miiro, mioro, miuro, variants of Mithra)
• [x] (mozdaooano, "Mazda the victorious?")
• ΝΑΝΑ, ΝΑΝΑΙΑ, [x] (variants of pan-Asiatic Nana, Sogdian nny, in a Zoroastrian context Aredvi Sura Anahita)
• [x] (manaobago, Vohu Manah )
• [x] (oado, Vata)
• [x] (orlagno, Verethragna)

Only a few Buddhist divinities were used as well:

• [x] (boddo, Buddha),
• [x] (shakamano boddho, Shakyamuni Buddha)
• [x] (metrago boddo, the bodhisattava Maitreya)

Only a few Hindu divinities were used as well:

[x] (oesho, Shiva). A recent study indicate that oesho may be Avestan Vayu conflated with Shiva.[16][17]

Kanishka and Buddhism

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Gold coin of Kanishka I with a representation of the Buddha (c.120 AD).
Obv: Kanishka standing.., clad in heavy Kushan coat and long boots, flames emanating from shoulders, holding standard in his left hand, and making a sacrifice over an altar. Kushan-language legend in Greek script (with the addition of the Kushan [x] "sh" letter): [x] ("Shaonanoshao Kanishki Koshano"): "King of Kings, Kanishka the Kushan".
Rev: Standing Buddha in Hellenistic style, forming the gesture of "no fear" (abhaya mudra) with his right hand, and holding a pleat of his robe in his left hand. Legend in Greek script: [x] "Boddo", for the Buddha. Kanishka monogram (tamgha) to the right.


Kanishka's reputation in Buddhist tradition regarded with utmost importance as he not only believed in Buddhism but also encouraged its teachings as well. As a proof of it, he administered the 4th Buddhist Council in Kashmir as the head of the council. It was presided by Vasumitra and Ashwaghosha. Images of the Buddha based on 32 physical signs were made during his time.

He encouraged both Gandhara school of Greco-Buddhist Art and the Mathura school of Hindu art (an inescapable religious syncretism pervades Kushana rule). Kanishka personally seems to have embraced both Buddhism and the Persian attributes but he favored Buddhism more as it can be proven by his devotion to the Buddhist teachings and prayer styles depicted in various books related to kushan empire.

His greatest contribution to Buddhist architecture was the Kanishka stupa at Purushapura, modern day Peshawar. Archaeologists who rediscovered the base of it in 1908–1909 estimated that this stupa had a diameter of 286 feet (87 metres). Reports of Chinese pilgrims such as Xuanzang indicate that its height was 600 to 700 (Chinese) "feet" (= roughly 180–210 metres or 591–689 ft.) and was covered with jewels.[18] Certainly this immense multi-storied building ranks among the wonders of the ancient world.

Kanishka is said to have been particularly close to the Buddhist scholar Ashvaghosha, who became his religious advisor in his later years.

Buddhist coinage

The Buddhist coins of Kanishka are comparatively rare (well under one percent of all known coins of Kanishka). Several show Kanishka on the obverse and the Buddha standing on the reverse. A few also show the Shakyamuni Buddha and Maitreya. Like all coins of Kanishka, the design is rather rough and proportions tend to be imprecise; the image of the Buddha is often slightly overdone, with oversize ears and feet spread apart in the same fashion as the Kushan king.

Three types of Kanishka's Buddhist coins are known:

Standing Buddha

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Depiction of the Buddha enveloped in a mandala in Kanishka's coinage. The mandorla is normally considered as a late evolution in Gandhara art.[19]

Only six Kushan coins of the Buddha are known in gold (the sixth one is the centerpiece of an ancient piece of jewellery, consisting of a Kanishka Buddha coin decorated with a ring of heart-shaped ruby stones). All these coins were minted in gold under Kanishka I, and are in two different denominations: a dinar of about 8 gm, roughly similar to a Roman aureus, and a quarter dinar of about 2 gm. (about the size of an obol).

The Buddha is represented wearing the monastic robe, the antaravasaka, the uttarasanga, and the overcoat sanghati.

The ears are extremely large and long, a symbolic exaggeration possibly rendered necessary by the small size of the coins, but otherwise visible in some later Gandharan statues of the Buddha typically dated to the 3rd–4th century CE (illustration, left). He has an abundant topknot covering the usnisha, often highly stylised in a curly or often globular manner, also visible on later Buddha statues of Gandhara.

In general, the representation of the Buddha on these coins is already highly symbolic, and quite distinct from the more naturalistic and Hellenistic images seen in early Gandhara sculptures. On several designs a mustache is apparent. The palm of his right hand bears the Chakra mark, and his brow bear the urna. An aureola, formed by one, two or three lines, surrounds him.

The full gown worn by the Buddha on the coins, covering both shoulders, suggests a Gandharan model rather than a Mathuran one.

"Shakyamuni Buddha"

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Depictions of the "Shakyamuni Buddha" (with legend [x] "Shakamano Boddo") in Kanishka's coinage.

The Shakyamuni Buddha (with the legend "Sakamano Boudo", i.e. Shakamuni Buddha, another name for the historic Buddha Siddharta Gautama), standing to front, with left hand on hip and forming the abhaya mudra with the right hand. All these coins are in copper only, and usually rather worn.

The gown of the Shakyamuni Buddha is quite light compared to that on the coins in the name of Buddha, clearly showing the outline of the body, in a nearly transparent way. These are probably the first two layers of monastic clothing the antaravasaka and the uttarasanga. Also, his gown is folded over the left arm (rather than being held in the left hand as above), a feature only otherwise known in the Bimaran casket and suggestive of a scarf-like uttariya. He has an abundant topknot covering the ushnisha, and a simple or double halo, sometimes radiating, surrounds his head.

"Maitreya Buddha"

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Depictions of "Maitreya" (with legend [x] "Metrago Boddo") in Kanishka's coinage.

The Bodhisattva Maitreya (with the legend "Metrago Boudo") cross-legged on a throne, holding a water pot, and also forming the Abhaya mudra. These coins are only known in copper and are quite worn out . On the clearest coins, Maitreya seems to be wearing the armbands of an Indian prince, a feature often seen on the statuary of Maitreya. The throne is decorated with small columns, suggesting that the coin representation of Maitreya was directly copied from pre-existing statuary with such well-known features.

The qualification of "Buddha" for Maitreya is inaccurate, as he is instead a Bodhisattva (he is the Buddha of the future).

The iconography of these three types is very different from that of the other deities depicted in Kanishka's coinage. Whether Kanishka's deities are all shown from the side, the Buddhas only are shown frontally, indicating that they were copied from contemporary frontal representations of the standing and seated Buddhas in statuary.[20] Both representations of the Buddha and Shakyamuni have both shoulders covered by their monastic gown, indicating that the statues used as models were from the Gandhara school of art, rather than Mathura.

Buddhist statuary under Kanishka

See also: Kushan art

Several Buddhist statues are directly connected to the reign of Kanishka, such as several Bodhisattva statues from the Art of Mathura, while a few other from Gandhara are inscribed with a date in an era which is now thought to be the Yavana era, starting in 186 to 175 BCE.[21]

Dated statuary under Kanishka

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Kosambi Bodhisattva, inscribed "Year 2 of Kanishka".[22]

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Bala Bodhisattva, Sarnath, inscribed "Year 3 of Kanishka".[23]

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"Kimbell seated Buddha", with inscription "year 4 of Kanishka" (131 CE).[24][25] Another similar statue has "Year 32 of Kanishka".[26]

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Gandhara Buddhist Triad from Sahr-i-Bahlol, circa 132 CE, similar to the dated Brussels Buddha.[27] Peshawar Museum.[28][29]

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Image of a Nāga between two Nāgīs, inscribed in "the year 8 of Emperor Kanishka". 135 CE.[30][31][32]

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Buddha from Loriyan Tangai with inscription mentionning the "year 318", thought to be 143 CE.[21]

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A Buddha from Loriyan Tangai from the same period.[21]

Kanishka stupa

Main articles: Kanishka stupa and Kanishka casket

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Kanishka casket

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Remnants of the Kanishka stupa.

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Kanishka, surrounded by the Iranian Sun-God and Moon-God (detail)

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Relics from Kanishka's stupa in Peshawar, sent by the British to Mandalay, Burma in 1910.

The "Kanishka casket", dated to 127 CE, with the Buddha surrounded by Brahma and Indra, and Kanishka standing at the center of the lower part, British Museum.

The "Kanishka casket" or "Kanishka reliquary", dated to the first year of Kanishka's reign in 127 CE, was discovered in a deposit chamber under Kanishka stupa, during the archaeological excavations in 1908–1909 in Shah-Ji-Ki-Dheri, just outside the present-day Ganj Gate of the old city of Peshawar.[33][34] It is today at the Peshawar Museum, and a copy is in the British Museum. It is said to have contained three bone fragments of the Buddha, which are now housed in Mandalay, Burma.

The casket is dedicated in Kharoshthi. The inscription reads:

"(*mahara)jasa kanishkasa kanishka-pure nagare aya gadha-karae deya-dharme sarva-satvana hita-suhartha bhavatu mahasenasa sagharaki dasa agisala nava-karmi ana*kanishkasa vihare mahasenasa sangharame"


The text is signed by the maker, a Greek artist named Agesilas, who oversaw work at Kanishka's stupas (caitya), confirming the direct involvement of Greeks with Buddhist realisations at such a late date: "The servant Agisalaos, the superintendent of works at the vihara of Kanishka in the monastery of Mahasena" ("dasa agisala nava-karmi ana*kaniskasa vihara mahasenasa sangharame").

The lid of the casket shows the Buddha on a lotus pedestal, and worshipped by Brahma and Indra. The edge of the lid is decorated by a frieze of flying geese. The body of the casket represents a Kushan monarch, probably Kanishka in person, with the Iranian sun and moon gods on his side. On the sides are two images of a seated Buddha, worshiped by royal figures, can be assumed as Kanishka. A garland, supported by cherubs goes around the scene in typical Hellenistic style.

The attribution of the casket to Kanishka has been recently disputed, essentially on stylistic ground (for example the ruler shown on the casket is not bearded, to the contrary of Kanishka). Instead, the casket is often attributed to Kanishka's successor Huvishka.

Kanishka in Buddhist tradition

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Kanishka inaugurates Mahayana Buddhism

In Buddhist tradition, Kanishka is often described as an aggressive, hot tempered, rigid, strict, and a bit harsh kind of King before he got converted to Buddhism of which he was very fond, and after his conversion to Buddhism, he became an openhearted, benevolent, and faithful ruler. As in the Sri-dharma-pitaka-nidana sutra:

"At this time the King of Ngan-si (Pahlava) was very aggressive and of a violent nature....There was a bhikshu (monk) arhat who seeing the harsh deeds done by the king wished to make him repent. So by his supernatural force he caused the king to see the torments of hell. The king was terrified and repented and cried terribly and hence dissolved all his negatives within him and got self realised for the first time in life ." Śri-dharma-piṭaka-nidāna sūtra[35]

Additionally, the arrival of Kanishka was reportedly foretold or was predicted by the Buddha, as well as the construction of his stupa:

". . . the Buddha, pointing to a small boy making a mud tope....[said] that on that spot Kaṇiṣka would erect a tope by his name." Vinaya sutra[36]


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Coin of Kanishka with the Bodhisattva Maitreya "Metrago Boudo".

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The Ahin Posh stupa was dedicated in the 2nd century CE and contained coins of Kaniska

The same story is repeated in a Khotanese scroll found at Dunhuang, which first described how Kanishka would arrive 400 years after the death of the Buddha. The account also describes how Kanishka came to raise his stupa:

"A desire thus arose in [Kanishka to build a vast stupa]....at that time the four world-regents learnt the mind of the king. So for his sake they took the form of young boys....[and] began a stūpa of mud....the boys said to [Kanishka] 'We are making the Kaṇiṣka-stūpa.'....At that time the boys changed their form....[and] said to him, 'Great king, by you according to the Buddha's prophecy is a Saṅghārāma to be built wholly (?) with a large stūpa and hither relics must be invited which the meritorious good beings...will bring."[37]


Chinese pilgrims to India, such as Xuanzang, who travelled there around 630 CE also relays the story:

"Kaṇiṣka became sovereign of all Jambudvīpa (Indian subcontinent) but he did not believe in Karma, but he treated Buddhism with honor and respect as he himself converted to Buddhism intrigued by the teachings and scriptures of it. When he was hunting in the wild country a white hare appeared; the king gave a chase and the hare suddenly disappeared at [the site of the future stupa]....[when the construction of the stūpa was not going as planned] the king lost his patience and took the matter in his own hands and started resurrecting the plans precisely, thus completing the stupas with utmost perfection and perseverance. These two stupas are still in existence and were resorted to for cures by people afflicted with diseases."


King Kanishka because of his deeds was highly respected, regarded, honored by all the people he ruled and governed and was regarded the greatest king who ever lived because of his kindness, humbleness and sense of equality and self-righteousness among all aspects. Thus such great deeds and character of the king Kanishka made his name immortal and thus he was regarded "THE KING OF KINGS"[38]

Transmission of Buddhism to China

Main article: Silk Road transmission of Buddhism

Buddhist monks from the region of Gandhara played a key role in the development and the transmission of Buddhist ideas in the direction of northern Asia from the middle of the 2nd century CE. The Kushan monk, Lokaksema (c. 178 CE), became the first translator of Mahayana Buddhist scriptures into Chinese and established a translation bureau at the Chinese capital Loyang. Central Asian and East Asian Buddhist monks appear to have maintained strong exchanges for the following centuries.

Kanishka was probably succeeded by Huvishka. How and when this came about is still uncertain. It is a fact that there was only one king named Kanishka in the whole Kushan legacy. The inscription on The Sacred Rock of Hunza also shows the signs of Kanishka.

See also

Menander I
• Greco-Buddhism

Footnotes

1. B.N. Mukhjerjee, Shāh-jī-kī-ḍherī Casket Inscription, The British Museum Quarterly, Vol. 28, No. 1/2 (Summer, 1964), pp. 39-46
2. Bracey, Robert (2017). "The Date of Kanishka since 1960 (Indian Historical Review, 2017, 44(1), 1-41)". Indian Historical Review. 44: 1–41.
3. The Kushans at first retained the Greek language for administrative purposes but soon began to use Bactrian. The Bactrian Rabatak inscription (discovered in 1993 and deciphered in 2000) records that the Kushan king Kanishka the Great (c. 127 AD), discarded Greek (Ionian) as the language of administration and adopted Bactrian ("Arya language"), from Falk (2001): "The yuga of Sphujiddhvaja and the era of the Kuṣâṇas." Harry Falk. Silk Road Art and Archaeology VII, p. 133.
4. Falk (2001), pp. 121–136. Falk (2004), pp. 167–176.
5. Puri, Baij Nath (1965). India under the Kushāṇas. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.
6. Findeisen, Raoul David; Isay, Gad C.; Katz-Goehr, Amira (2009). At Home in Many Worlds: Reading, Writing and Translating from Chinese and Jewish Cultures : Essays in Honour of Irene Eber. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. p. 138. ISBN 9783447061353.
7. Gnoli (2002), pp. 84–90.
8. Sims-Williams and Cribb (1995/6), pp.75–142.
9. Sims-Williams (1998), pp. 79–83.
10. Sims-Williams and Cribb (1995/6), p. 80.
11. Hill (2009), p. 11.
12. "The Rabatak inscription claims that in the year 1 Kanishka I's authority was proclaimed in India, in all the satrapies and in different cities like Koonadeano (Kundina), Ozeno (Ujjain), Kozambo (Kausambi), Zagedo (Saketa), Palabotro (Pataliputra) and Ziri-Tambo (Janjgir-Champa). These cities lay to the east and south of Mathura, up to which locality Wima had already carried his victorious arm. Therefore they must have been captured or subdued by Kanishka I himself." Ancient Indian Inscriptions, S. R. Goyal, p. 93. See also the analysis of Sims-Williams and J. Cribb, who had a central role in the decipherment: "A new Bactrian inscription of Kanishka the Great", in Silk Road Art and Archaeology No. 4, 1995–1996. Also see, Mukherjee, B. N. "The Great Kushanan Testament", Indian Museum Bulletin.
13. Lo Muzio, Ciro (2012). "Remarks on the Paintings from the Buddhist Monastery of Fayaz Tepe (Southern Uzbekistan)". Bulletin of the Asia Institute. 22: 189–206.
14. "Samatata coin". British Museum.
15. Wood (2002), illus. p. 39.
16. Sims-Williams (online) Encyclopedia Iranica.
17. H. Humbach, 1975, p.402-408. K. Tanabe, 1997, p.277, M. Carter, 1995, p. 152. J. Cribb, 1997, p. 40. References cited in De l'Indus à l'Oxus.
18. Dobbins (1971).
19. "In Gandhara the appearance of a halo surrounding an entire figure occurs only in the latest phases of artistic production, in the fifth and sixth centuries. By this time in Afghanistan the halo/mandorla had become quite common and is the format that took hold at Central Asian Buddhist sites." in "Metropolitan Museum of Art". http://www.metmuseum.org.
20. The Crossroads of Asia, p. 201. (Full[citation needed] here.)
21. Rhi, Juhyung (2017). Problems of Chronology in Gandharan. Positionning Gandharan Buddhas in Chronology (PDF). Oxford: Archaeopress Archaeology. pp. 35–51.
22. Early History of Kausambi p.xxi
23. Epigraphia Indica 8 p.179
24. Seated Buddha with inscription starting with [x] Maharajasya Kanishkasya Sam 4 "Year 4 of the Great King Kanishka" in "Seated Buddha with Two Attendants". http://www.kimbellart.org. Kimbell Art Museum.
25. "The Buddhist Triad, from Haryana or Mathura, Year 4 of Kaniska (ad 82). Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth." in Museum (Singapore), Asian Civilisations; Krishnan, Gauri Parimoo (2007). The Divine Within: Art & Living Culture of India & South Asia. World Scientific Pub. p. 113. ISBN 9789810567057.
26. Behrendt, Kurt A. (2007). The Art of Gandhara in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Metropolitan Museum of Art. p. 48, Fig. 18. ISBN 9781588392244.
27. FUSSMAN, Gérard (1974). "Documents Epigraphiques Kouchans". Bulletin de l'École française d'Extrême-Orient. 61: 54–57. doi:10.3406/befeo.1974.5193. ISSN 0336-1519. JSTOR 43732476.
28. Rhi, Juhyung. Identifying Several Visual Types of Gandharan Buddha Images. Archives of Asian Art 58 (2008). pp. 53–56.
29. The Classical Art Research Centre, University of Oxford (2018). Problems of Chronology in Gandhāran Art: Proceedings of the First International Workshop of the Gandhāra Connections Project, University of Oxford, 23rd-24th March, 2017. Archaeopress. p. 45, notes 28, 29.
30. Sircar, Dineschandra (1971). Studies in the Religious Life of Ancient and Medieval India. Motilal Banarsidass Publ. ISBN 978-81-208-2790-5.
31. Sastri, H. krishna (1923). Epigraphia Indica Vol-17. pp. 11–15.
32. Luders, Heinrich (1961). Mathura Inscriptions. pp. 148–149.
33. Hargreaves (1910–11), pp. 25–32.
34. Spooner, (1908–9), pp. 38–59.
35. Kumar (1973), p. 95.
36. Kumar (1973), p. 91.
37. Kumar (1973). p. 89.
38. Xuanzang, quoted in: Kumar (1973), p. 93.

References

• Bopearachchi, Osmund (2003). De l'Indus à l'Oxus, Archéologie de l'Asie Centrale (in French). Lattes: Association imago-musée de Lattes. ISBN 978-2-9516679-2-1.
• Chavannes, Édouard. (1906) "Trois Généraux Chinois de la dynastie des Han Orientaux. Pan Tch'ao (32–102 p. C.); – son fils Pan Yong; – Leang K'in (112 p. C.). Chapitre LXXVII du Heou Han chou." T'oung pao 7, (1906) p. 232 and note 3.
• Dobbins, K. Walton. (1971). The Stūpa and Vihāra of Kanishka I. The Asiatic Society of Bengal Monograph Series, Vol. XVIII. Calcutta.
• Falk, Harry (2001): "The yuga of Sphujiddhvaja and the era of the Kuṣâṇas." In: Silk Road Art and Archaeology VII, pp. 121–136.
• Falk, Harry (2004): "The Kaniṣka era in Gupta records." In: Silk Road Art and Archaeology X (2004), pp. 167–176.
• Foucher, M. A. 1901. "Notes sur la geographie ancienne du Gandhâra (commentaire à un chapitre de Hiuen-Tsang)." BEFEO No. 4, Oct. 1901, pp. 322–369.
• Gnoli, Gherardo (2002). "The "Aryan" Language." JSAI 26 (2002).
• Hargreaves, H. (1910–11): "Excavations at Shāh-jī-kī Dhērī"; Archaeological Survey of India, 1910–11.
• Hill, John E. (2009) Through the Jade Gate to Rome: A Study of the Silk Routes during the Later Han Dynasty, 1st to 2nd centuries CE. BookSurge, Charleston, South Carolina. ISBN 978-1-4392-2134-1.
• Kulke, Hermann; Rothermund, Dietmar (1998). A history of India. London; New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-15481-9.
• Kumar, Baldev. 1973. The Early Kuṣāṇas. New Delhi, Sterling Publishers.
• Sims-Williams, Nicholas and Joe Cribb (1995/6): "A New Bactrian Inscription of Kanishka the Great." Silk Road Art and Archaeology 4 (1996), pp. 75–142.
• Sims-Williams, Nicholas (1998): "Further notes on the Bactrian inscription of Rabatak, with an Appendix on the names of Kujula Kadphises and Vima Taktu in Chinese." Proceedings of the Third European Conference of Iranian Studies Part 1: Old and Middle Iranian Studies. Edited by Nicholas Sims-Williams. Wiesbaden. 1998, pp. 79–93.
• Sims-Williams, Nicholas. Sims-Williams, Nicolas. "Bactrian Language". Encyclopaedia Iranica. 3. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Accessed: 20/12/2010
• Spooner, D. B. (1908–9): "Excavations at Shāh-jī-kī Dhērī."; Archaeological Survey of India, 1908-9.
• Wood, Frances (2003). The Silk Road: Two Thousand Years in the Heart of Asia. University of California Press. Hbk (2003), ISBN 978-0-520-23786-5; pbk. (2004) ISBN 978-0-520-24340-8


External links

• Media related to Kanishka I at Wikimedia Commons
• A rough guide to Kushana history.
• Online Catalogue of Kanishka's Coins
• Coins of Kanishka
• Controversy regarding the beginning of the Kanishka Era.
• Kanishka Buddhist coins
• Photograph of the Kanishka casket

1. From the dated inscription on the Rukhana reliquary
2. Richard Salomon (July–September 1996). "An Inscribed Silver Buddhist Reliquary of the Time of King Kharaosta and Prince Indravarman". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 116 (3): 418–452 [442]. JSTOR 605147.
3. Richard Salomon (1995) [Published online: 9 Aug 2010]. "A Kharosthī Reliquary Inscription of the Time of the Apraca Prince Visnuvarma". South Asian Studies. 11 (1): 27–32. doi:10.1080/02666030.1995.9628492.
4. Jongeward, David; Cribb, Joe (2014). Kushan, Kushano-Sasanian, and Kidarite Coins A Catalogue of Coins From the American Numismatic Society by David Jongeward and Joe Cribb with Peter Donovan. p. 4.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

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Greco-Buddhism
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/3/21

Image
Gautama Buddha in Greco-Buddhist style, 1st–2nd century CE, Gandhara (Peshawar basin, modern day Pakistan).

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Buddhist expansion in Asia: Mahayana Buddhism first entered the Chinese Empire (Han dynasty) through Silk Road during the Kushan Era. The overland and maritime "Silk Roads" were interlinked and complementary, forming what scholars have called the "great circle of Buddhism".[1]

Greco-Buddhism, or Graeco-Buddhism, is the cultural syncretism between Hellenistic culture and Buddhism, which developed between the fourth century BCE and the fifth century CE in Bactria (modern-day Afghanistan and Tajikistan) and the Gandhara (modern-day Pakistan). It was a cultural consequence of a long chain of interactions begun by Greek forays into India (which originally meant the Indus region alone, not the rest of South Asia) from the time of Alexander the Great. The Macedonian satraps were then conquered by the Mauryan Empire, under the reign of Chandragupta Maurya. The Mauryan Emperor Ashoka would convert to Buddhism and spread the religious philosophy throughout his domain, as recorded in the Edicts of Ashoka.

Following the collapse of the Mauryan Empire, Greco-Buddhism continued to flourish under the Greco-Bactrian Kingdom, Indo-Greek Kingdoms, and Kushan Empire. Mahayana Buddhism was spread from Sanchi and Mathura in India into Gandhara and then Central Asia during the Mauryan Era, where it became the most prevalent branch of Buddhism in Central Asia. Mahayana Buddhism was later transmitted through the Silk Road into the Han Dynasty during the Kushan era under the reign of Emperor Kanishka.
[clarification needed][Did Mahayana replace Greco-Buddhism? This intro suggests they are two names for the same thing.]

Historical outline

See also: History of Buddhism

Image
The Indo-Greek Kingdoms in 100 BCE.[2][3][4]

The introduction of Hellenistic Greece started when Alexander the Great conquered the Achaemenid Empire and further regions of Central Asia in 334 BCE. Alexander would then venture into Punjab (land of five rivers), which was conquered by Darius the Great before him. Alexander crossed the Indus and Jhelum River when defeating Porus and appointing him as a satrap following the Battle of the Hydaspes. Alexander's army would mutiny and retreat along the Beas River when confronted by the Nanda Empire, thus wouldn't conquer Punjab entirely.

Alexander founded several cities in his new territories in the areas of the Amu Darya and Bactria, and Greek settlements further extended to the Khyber Pass, Gandhara (see Taxila), and the Punjab. Following Alexander's death on June 10, 323 BCE, the Diadochi or "successors" founded their own kingdoms. General Seleucus set up the Seleucid Empire in Anatolia and Central Asia and extended as far as India.

The Mauryan Empire, founded by Chandragupta Maurya, would first conquer the Nanda Empire. Chandragupta would then defeat the Seleucid Empire during the Seleucid-Mauryan War. This resulted in the transfer of the Macedonian satraps in the Indus Valley and Gandhara to the Mauryan Empire. Furthermore, a marriage alliance was enacted which granted Seleucus's daughter as Chandragupta's wife for diplomatic relations. The conflict additionally led to the transfer of 500 war elephants to the Seleucid Empire from the Mauryan Empire, presumably as expenses of lives lost and damages sustained.

The Mauryan Emperor Ashoka established the largest Indian empire. Following the destructive Kalinga War, Ashoka converted to Buddhism. Abandoning an expansionist agenda, Ashoka would adopt humanitarian reformation in place.[5] As ascribed in the Edicts of Ashoka, the Emperor spread Dharma as Buddhism throughout his empire. Ashoka claims to have converted many, including the Greek populations within his realm to Buddhism:

Here in the king's domain among the Greeks, the Kambojas, the Nabhakas, the Nabhapamkits, the Bhojas, the Pitinikas, the Andhras, and the Palidas, everywhere people are following Beloved-of-the-Gods' instructions in Dharma.[6]


The decline and overthrow of the Mauryans by the Shunga Empire, and of the revolt of Bactria in the Seleucid Empire led to the formation of the Greco-Bactrian Kingdom (250–125 BCE). The Greco-Bactrians were followed by the Indo-Greek Kingdom (180 BCE – CE 10). Even though the region was conquered by the Indo-Scythians and the Kushan Empire (1st–3rd centuries CE), Buddhism continued to thrive.

Buddhism in India was a major religion for centuries until a major Hindu revival from around the 5th century, with remaining strongholds such as Bengal largely ended during the Islamic invasions of India.

Cultural interaction

See also: Hellenistic influence on Indian art

The length of the Greek presence in Central Asia and northern India provided opportunities for interaction, not only on the artistic but also on the religious plane.

Alexander the Great in Bactria and India (331–325 BCE)

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"Victory coin" of Alexander the Great, minted in Babylon c. 322 BCE, following his campaigns in India.
Obverse: Alexander being crowned by Nike.
Reverse: Alexander attacking King Porus on his elephant.
Silver. British Museum.


When Alexander invaded Bactria and Gandhara, these areas may already have been under Sramanic influence, likely Buddhist and Jain. According to a legend preserved in the Pali Canon, two merchant brothers from Kamsabhoga in Bactria, Tapassu and Bhallika, visited Gautama Buddha and became his disciples. The legend states that they then returned home and spread the Buddha's teaching.[7]

In 326 BCE, Alexander conquered the Northern region of India. King Ambhi of Taxila, known as Taxiles, surrendered his city, a notable Buddhist center, to Alexander. Alexander fought an epic battle against King Porus of Pauravas in Punjab, the Battle of the Hydaspes in 326 BCE.

Mauryan empire (322–183 BC)

See also: Greco-Buddhist monasticism

The Indian emperor Chandragupta Maurya, founder of the Maurya Empire, reconquered around 322 BC the northwest Indian territory that had been lost to Alexander the Great. However, contacts were kept with his Greco-Iranian neighbors in the Seleucid Empire. Emperor Seleucus I Nicator came to a marital agreement as part of a peace treaty,[8] and several Greeks, such as the historian Megasthenes, resided at the Mauryan court.

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The Hellenistic Pataliputra capital, discovered in Pataliputra, capital of the Maurya Empire, dated to the 3rd century BC.

Chandragupta's grandson Ashoka embraced the Buddhist faith and became a great proselytizer in the line of the traditional Pali canon of Theravada Buddhism, insisting on non-violence to humans and animals (ahimsa), and general precepts regulating the life of laypeople.

According to the Edicts of Ashoka, set in stone, some of them written in Greek[9] and some in Aramaic, the official language of the Achaemenids, he sent Buddhist emissaries to the Greek lands in Asia and as far as the Mediterranean. The edicts name each of the rulers of the Hellenistic period:

The conquest by Dharma has been won here, on the borders, and even six hundred yojanas [4,000 miles] away, where the Greek king Antiochos (Antiyoga) rules, and beyond there where the four kings named Ptolemy (Turamaya), Antigonos (Antikini), Magas (Maka) and Alexander (Alikasu[n]dara) rule, likewise in the south among the Cholas, the Pandyas, and as far as Tamraparni.[10]


Ashoka also claims he converted to Buddhism Greek populations within his realm:

Here in the king's domain among the Greeks, the Kambojas, the Nabhakas, the Nabhapamkits, the Bhojas, the Pitinikas, the Andhras and the Palidas, everywhere people are following Beloved-of-the-Gods' instructions in Dharma.[6]


Finally, some of the emissaries of Ashoka, such as the famous Dharmaraksita, are described in Pali sources as leading Greek ("Yona") Buddhist monks active in Buddhist proselytism (the Mahavamsa, XII[11]), founding the eponymous Dharmaguptaka school of Buddhism.[12]

Greek presence in Bactria (325–125 BC)

Main article: Greco-Bactrian Kingdom

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The Greco-Bactrian city of Ai-Khanoum (c. 300–145 BC) was located at the doorstep of India.

Alexander had established in Bactria several cities (Ai-Khanoum, Bagram) and an administration that were to last more than two centuries under the Seleucid Empire and the Greco-Bactrian Kingdom, all the time in direct contact with Indian territory. The Greeks sent ambassadors to the court of the Maurya Empire, such as the historian Megasthenes under Chandragupta Maurya, and later Deimachus under his son Bindusara, who reported extensively on the civilization of the Indians. Megasthenes sent detailed reports on Indian religions, which were circulated and quoted throughout the Classical world for centuries:[13]

Megasthenes makes a different division of the philosophers, saying that they are of two kinds, one of which he calls the Brachmanes, and the other the Sarmanes..." Strabo XV. 1. 58-60[14]


The Greco-Bactrians maintained a strong Hellenistic culture at the door of India during the rule of the Maurya Empire in India, as exemplified by the archaeological site of Ai-Khanoum. When the Maurya Empire was toppled by the Shunga Empire around 180 BC, the Greco-Bactrians expanded into India, where they established the Indo-Greek Kingdom, under which Buddhism was able to flourish.

Indo-Greek Kingdom and Buddhism (180 BC – AD 10)

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Greek Gods and the "Wheel of the Law" or Dharmachakra: Zeus holding Nike, who hands a victory wreath over a Dharmachakra (coin of Menander II).

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Greek Gods and the "Wheel of the Law" or Dharmachakra: Divinity wearing chlamys and petasus pushing a Dharmachakra, with legend "He who sets in motion the Wheel of the Law" (Tillya Tepe Buddhist coin).

Main article: Indo-Greek Kingdom

The Greco-Bactrians conquered parts of North India from 180 BC, whence they are known as the Indo-Greeks. They controlled various areas of the northern Indian territory until AD 10.

Buddhism prospered under the Indo-Greek kings, and it has been suggested that their invasion of India was intended to protect the Buddhist faith from the religious persecutions of the Shungas (185–73 BC), who had overthrown the Mauryans. Zarmanochegas was a śramana (possibly, but not necessarily a Buddhist) who, according to ancient historians such as Strabo, Cassius Dio and Nicolaus of Damascus traveled to Antioch and Athens while Augustus (died AD 14) was ruling the Roman Empire.[15][16]

Coinage

The coins of the Indo-Greek king Menander I (reigned 160–135 BC), found from Afghanistan to central India, bear the inscription "Saviour King Menander" in Greek on the front. Several Indo-Greek kings after Menander, such as Zoilos I, Strato I, Heliokles II, Theophilos, Peukolaos, Menander II and Archebius display on their coins the title "Maharajasa Dharmika" (lit. "King of the Dharma") in Prakrit written in Kharoshthi.

Some of the coins of Menander I and Menander II incorporate the Buddhist symbol of the eight-spoked wheel, associated with the Greek symbols of victory, either the palm of victory, or the victory wreath handed over by the goddess Nike. According to the Milinda Pañha, at the end of his reign Menander I became a Buddhist arhat,[17] a fact also echoed by Plutarch, who explains that his relics were shared and enshrined.[18]

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A coin of Menander I (r.160–135 BC) with a dharmacakra and a palm.

The ubiquitous symbol of the elephant in Indo-Greek coinage may also have been associated with Buddhism, as suggested by the parallel between coins of Antialcidas and Menander II, where the elephant in the coins of Antialcidas holds the same relationship to Zeus and Nike as the Buddhist wheel on the coins of Menander II. When the Zoroastrian Indo-Parthian Kingdom invaded North India in the 1st century AD, they adopted a large part of the symbolism of Indo-Greek coinage, but refrained from ever using the elephant, suggesting that its meaning was not merely geographical.

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Vitarka Mudra gestures on Indo-Greek coinage. Top: Divinities Tyche and Zeus. Bottom: Depiction of the Indo-Greek kings Nicias and Menander II.

Finally, after the reign of Menander I, several Indo-Greek rulers, such as Amyntas Nikator, Nicias, Peukolaos, Hermaeus, Hippostratos and Menander II, depicted themselves or their Greek deities forming with the right hand a benediction gesture identical to the Buddhist vitarka mudra (thumb and index joined together, with other fingers extended), which in Buddhism signifies the transmission of Buddha's teaching.

Cities

According to Ptolemy, Greek cities were founded by the Greco-Bactrians in northern India. Menander established his capital in Sagala (modern Sialkot, Punjab, Pakistan) one of the centers of the blossoming Buddhist culture.[19] A large Greek city built by Demetrius and rebuilt by Menander has been excavated at the archaeological site of Sirkap near Taxila, where Buddhist stupas were standing side-by-side with Hindu and Greek temples, indicating religious tolerance and syncretism.

Scriptures

Evidence of direct religious interaction between Greek and Buddhist thought during the period include the Milinda Pañha or "Questions of Menander", a Pali-language discourse in the Platonic style held between Menander I and the Buddhist monk Nagasena.

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According to the Mahavamsa, the Ruwanwelisaya in Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka, was dedicated by a 30,000-strong Yona delegation from Alexandria on the Caucasus around 130 BC.

The Mahavamsa, chapter 29, records that during Menander's reign, a Greek thera (elder monk) named Mahadharmaraksita led 30,000 Buddhist monks from "the Greek city of Alexandria" (possibly Alexandria on the Caucasus, around 150 kilometres (93 mi) north of today's Kabul in Afghanistan), to Sri Lanka for the dedication of a stupa, indicating that Buddhism flourished in Menander's territory and that Greeks took a very active part in it.[20]

Several Buddhist dedications by Greeks in India are recorded, such as that of the Greek meridarch (civil governor of a province) named Theodorus, describing in Kharosthi how he enshrined relics of the Buddha. The inscriptions were found on a vase inside a stupa, dated to the reign of Menander or one of his successors in the 1st century BC.[21] Finally, Buddhist tradition recognizes Menander as one of the great benefactors of the faith, together with Ashoka and Kanishka the Great.

Buddhist manuscripts in cursive Greek have been found in Afghanistan, praising various Buddhas and including mentions of the Mahayana figure of "Lokesvararaja Buddha" (λωγοασφαροραζοβοδδο). These manuscripts have been dated later than the 2nd century AD.[22]

Kushan empire (1st–3rd century AD)

Main article: Kushan Empire

The Kushan Empire, one of the five tribes of the Yuezhi, settled in Bactria around 125 BC, displacing the Greco-Bactrians and invading the northern parts of Pakistan and India from around AD 1. By that time they had already been in contact with Greek culture and the Indo-Greek kingdoms for more than a century. They used the Greek script to write their language, as exemplified by their coins and their adoption of the Greek alphabet.

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Hellenistic culture in the Indian subcontinent: Greek clothes, amphoras, wine and music. Detail from Chakhil-i-Ghoundi Stupa, Hadda, Gandhara, 1st century AD.

The Kushan King Kanishka, who honored Zoroastrian, Greek and Brahmanic deities as well as the Buddha and was famous for his religious syncretism, convened the Fourth Buddhist council around 100 in Kashmir in order to redact the Sarvastivadin canon. Some of Kanishka's coins bear the earliest representations of the Buddha on a coin (around 120), in Hellenistic style and with the word "Boddo" in Greek script.

Kanishka also had the original Gandhari Prakrit Mahāyāna sūtras translated into Sanskrit, "a turning point in the evolution of the Buddhist literary canon"[23]

The Kanishka casket, dated to the first year of Kanishka's reign in 127, was signed by a Greek artist named Agesilas, who oversaw work at Kanishka's stupas (cetiya), confirming the direct involvement of Greeks with Buddhist realizations at such a late date.

Philosophical influences

Several Greek philosophers, including Pyrrho, Anaxarchus, and Onesicritus accompanied Alexander in his eastern campaigns. During the 18 months they were in India, they were able to interact with Indian philosophers who pursued asceticism, generally described as gymnosophists ("naked philosophers").[24]

Pyrrhonism

Main article: Similarities between Pyrrhonism and Buddhism

Pyrrho returned to Greece and founded Pyrrhonism, considered by modern scholars as the first Western school of skepticism.[25] The Greek biographer Diogenes Laërtius explained that Pyrrho's equanimity and detachment from the world were acquired in India.[25][26]

Pyrrho was directly influenced by Buddhism in developing his philosophy, which is based on Pyrrho's interpretation of the Buddhist three marks of existence.[25][27]

Cynicism

Another of these philosophers, Onesicritus, a Cynic, is said by Strabo to have learnt in India the following precepts: "That nothing that happens to a man is bad or good, opinions being merely dreams. ... That the best philosophy [is] that which liberates the mind from [both] pleasure and grief".[14] Cynicism, particularly the Cynic Peregrinus Proteus was further influenced by the tales of the gymnosophists, particularly the examples set by Kalanos, Dandamis, and Zarmanochegas.[citation needed]

Cyrenaicism

The Cyrenaic philosopher Hegesias of Cyrene, from the city of Cyrene where Magas of Cyrene ruled, is thought by some to have been influenced by the teachings of Ashoka's Buddhist missionaries.[28]

Artistic influences

Main article: Greco-Buddhist art

Numerous works of Greco-Buddhist art display the intermixing of Greek and Buddhist influences in such creation centers as Gandhara. The subject matter of Gandharan art was definitely Buddhist, while most motifs were of Western Asiatic or Hellenistic origin.

Anthropomorphic representation of the Buddha

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An aniconic representation of Mara's assault on the Buddha, 2nd century AD, Amaravathi village, Guntur district, India.

Although there is still some debate, the first anthropomorphic representations of the Buddha himself are often considered a result of the Greco-Buddhist interaction. Before this innovation, Buddhist art was "aniconic": the Buddha was only represented through his symbols (an empty throne, the Bodhi Tree, Buddha footprints, the Dharmachakra).

This reluctance towards anthropomorphic representations of the Buddha, and the sophisticated development of aniconic symbols to avoid it (even in narrative scenes where other human figures would appear), seem to be connected to one of the Buddha's sayings reported in the Digha Nikaya that discouraged representations of himself after the extinction of his body.[29]

Probably not feeling bound by these restrictions, and because of "their cult of form, the Greeks were the first to attempt a sculptural representation of the Buddha".[30] In many parts of the Ancient World, the Greeks did develop syncretic divinities, that could become a common religious focus for populations with different traditions: a well-known example is Serapis, introduced by Ptolemy I Soter in Egypt, who combined aspects of Greek and Egyptian Gods. In India as well, it was only natural for the Greeks to create a single common divinity by combining the image of a Greek god-king (Apollo, or possibly the deified founder of the Indo-Greek Kingdom, Demetrius I of Bactria), with the traditional physical characteristics of the Buddha.

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Standing Buddha, Gandhara, 1st century AD.

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Herculean depiction of Vajrapani (right), as the protector of the Buddha, 2nd century AD Gandhara, British Museum.

Many of the stylistic elements in the representations of the Buddha point to Greek influence: himation, the contrapposto stance of the upright figures, such as the 1st–2nd century Gandhara standing Buddhas, the stylized curly hair and ushnisha apparently derived from the style of the Apollo Belvedere (330 BC) and the measured quality of the faces, all rendered with strong artistic realism. A large quantity of sculptures combining Buddhist and purely Hellenistic styles and iconography were excavated at the modern site of Hadda, Afghanistan. The curly hair of Buddha is described in the famous list of the physical characteristics of the Buddha in the Buddhist sutras. The hair with curls turning to the right is first described in the Pāli canon; we find the same description in the Dāsāṣṭasāhasrikā prajñāpāramitā.[citation needed]

Greek artists were most probably the authors of these early representations of the Buddha, in particular the standing statues, which display "a realistic treatment of the folds and on some even a hint of modelled volume that characterizes the best Greek work. This is Classical or Hellenistic Greek, not archaizing Greek transmitted by Persia or Bactria, nor distinctively Roman."[31]

The Greek stylistic influence on the representation of the Buddha, through its idealistic realism, also permitted a very accessible, understandable and attractive visualization of the ultimate state of enlightenment described by Buddhism, allowing it to reach a wider audience:

One of the distinguishing features of the Gandharan school of art that emerged in north-west India is that it has been clearly influenced by the naturalism of the Classical Greek style. Thus, while these images still convey the inner peace that results from putting the Buddha's doctrine into practice, they also give us an impression of people who walked and talked, etc. and slept much as we do. I feel this is very important. These figures are inspiring because they do not only depict the goal, but also the sense that people like us can achieve it if we try.

— 14th Dalai Lama[32]


During the following centuries, this anthropomorphic representation of the Buddha defined the canon of Buddhist art, but progressively evolved to incorporate more Indian and Asian elements.

Hellenized Buddhist pantheon

See also: Buddhist art and Greco-Buddhist art

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A Buddhist coin of Kanishka I, with legend ΒΟΔΔΟ "Boddo" (=the Buddha) in Greek script on the reverse.

Several other Buddhist deities may have been influenced by Greek gods. For example, Heracles with a lion-skin, the protector deity of Demetrius I of Bactria, "served as an artistic model for Vajrapani, a protector of the Buddha".[33][34] In Japan, this expression further translated into the wrath-filled and muscular Niō guardian gods of the Buddha, standing today at the entrance of many Buddhist temples.

According to Katsumi Tanabe, professor at Chūō University, Japan, besides Vajrapani, Greek influence also appears in several other gods of the Mahayana pantheon such as the Japanese Fūjin, inspired from the Greek divinity Boreas through the Greco-Buddhist Wardo, or the mother deity Hariti inspired by Tyche.[35]

In addition, forms such as garland-bearing cherubs, vine scrolls, and such semihuman creatures as the centaur and triton, are part of the repertory of Hellenistic art introduced by Greco-Roman artists in the service of the Kushan court.

Exchanges

Gandharan proselytism in the East

See also: Silk Road transmission of Buddhism, Greco-Buddhist monasticism, and Dayuan

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Blue-eyed Central Asian monk teaching East-Asian monk. A fresco from the Bezeklik Thousand Buddha Caves, dated to the 9th or 10th century (Kara-Khoja Kingdom).

Greek monks played a direct role in the upper hierarchy of Buddhism, and in its early dissemination. During the rule (165–135 BC) of the Greco-Bactrian King Menander I (Pali: "Milinda"), Mahadharmaraksita (literally translated as 'Great Teacher/Preserver of the Dharma') was "a Greek (Pali: Yona, lit. Ionian) Buddhist head monk," according to the Mahavamsa (Chap. XXIX), who led 30,000 Buddhist monks from "the Greek city of Alasandra" (Alexandria of the Caucasus, around 150 km north of today's Kabul in Afghanistan), to Sri Lanka for the dedication of the Great Stupa in Anuradhapura. Dharmaraksita (Sanskrit), or Dhammarakkhita (Pali) (translation: Protected by the Dharma), was one of the missionaries sent by the Mauryan emperor Ashoka to proselytize the Buddhist faith. He is described as being a Greek (Pali: "Yona", lit. "Ionian") in the Mahavamsa, and his activities are indicative of the strength of the Hellenistic Greek involvement during the formative centuries of Buddhism. Indeed, Menander I was famously converted to Buddhism by Nagasena, who was a student of the Greek Buddhist monk Dharmaraksita. Menander is said to have reached enlightenment as an arhat under Nagasena's guidance and is recorded as a great patron of Buddhism. The dialogue of the Greek King Menander I (Pali "Milinda") with the monk Nagasena comprises the Pali Buddhist work known as the Milinda Panha.

Buddhist monks from the region of Gandhara in Pakistan , where Greco-Buddhism was most influential, later played a key role in the development and the transmission of Buddhist ideas in the direction of northern Asia. Greco-Buddhist Kushan monks such as Lokaksema (c. AD 178) travelled to the Chinese capital of Loyang, where they became the first translators of Buddhist scriptures into Chinese.[36] Central Asian and East Asian Buddhist monks appear to have maintained strong exchanges until around the 10th century, as indicated by the Bezeklik Thousand Buddha Caves frescos from the Tarim Basin. In legend too Bodhidharma, the founder of Chán-Buddhism, which later became Zen, and the legendary originator of the physical training of the Shaolin monks that led to the creation of Shaolin Kung Fu, is described as a Buddhist monk from Central Asia in the first Chinese references to him (Yan Xuan-Zhi in 547).[37] Throughout Buddhist art, Bodhidharma is depicted as a rather ill-tempered, profusely bearded and wide-eyed barbarian, and he is referred as "The Blue-Eyed Barbarian" (碧眼胡; Bìyǎn hú) in Chinese Chan texts.[38] In 485, according to the 7th century Chinese historical treatise Liang Shu, five monks from Gandhara travelled to the country of Fusang ("The country of the extreme East" beyond the sea, probably eastern Japan), where they introduced Buddhism:

"Fusang is located to the east of China, 20,000 li [1,500 km] east of the state of Da Han (itself east of the state of Wa in modern Kyūshū, Japan). (...) In former times, the people of Fusang knew nothing of the Buddhist religion, but in the second year of Da Ming of the Song dynasty [AD 485], five monks from Kipin (Kabul region of Gandhara) travelled by ship to Fusang. They propagated Buddhist doctrine, circulated scriptures and drawings, and advised the people to relinquish worldly attachments. As a result the customs of Fusang changed." (Chinese: [x]")


Two half-brothers from Gandhara, Asanga and Vasubandhu (4th century), created the Yogacara or "Mind-only" school of Mahayana Buddhism, which through one of its major texts, the Lankavatara Sutra, became a founding block of Mahayana, and particularly Zen, philosophy.

Greco-Buddhism in the West

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Kandahar Bilingual Rock Inscription (Greek and Aramaic) 3rd century BC by Indian Buddhist King Ashoka. This edict advocates the adoption of "godliness" using the Greek term Eusebeia for Dharma. Kabul Museum.

Intense westward physical exchange at that time along the Silk Road is confirmed by the Roman craze for silk from the 1st century BC to the point that the Senate issued, in vain, several edicts to prohibit the wearing of silk, on economic and moral grounds. This is attested by at least three authors: Strabo (64/63 BC – c. AD 24), Seneca the Younger (c. 3 BC – AD 65), and Pliny the Elder (AD 23–79). The aforementioned Strabo and Plutarch (c. 45–125) also wrote about Indo-Greek Buddhist king Menander, confirming that information about the Indo-Greek Buddhists was circulating throughout the Hellenistic world.

Zarmanochegas (Zarmarus) (Ζαρμανοχηγὰς) was a monk of the Sramana tradition (possibly, but not necessarily a Buddhist) who, according to ancient historians such as Strabo and Dio Cassius, met Nicholas of Damascus in Antioch while Augustus (died AD 14) was ruling the Roman Empire, and shortly thereafter proceeded to Athens where he burnt himself to death.[15][16] His story and tomb in Athens were well-known over a century later. Plutarch (died AD 120) in his Life of Alexander, after discussing the self-immolation of Calanus of India (Kalanos) witnessed by Alexander writes: "The same thing was done long after by another Indian who came with Caesar to Athens, where they still show you 'the Indian's Monument,'"[39] referring to Zarmanochegas' tomb in Roman Athens.

Another century later the Christian church father Clement of Alexandria (died 215) mentioned Buddha by name in his Stromata (Bk I, Ch XV): "The Indian gymnosophists are also in the number, and the other barbarian philosophers. And of these there are two classes, some of them called Sarmanæ and others Brahmins. And those of the Sarmanæ who are called "Hylobii" neither inhabit cities, nor have roofs over them, but are clothed in the bark of trees, feed on nuts, and drink water in their hands. Like those called Encratites in the present day, they know not marriage nor begetting of children. Some, too, of the Indians obey the precepts of Buddha (Βούττα) whom, on account of his extraordinary sanctity, they have raised to divine honours."[40]

Indian gravestones from the Ptolemaic period have been found in Alexandria in Egypt.[41] The presence of Buddhists in Alexandria at this time is important, since "It was later in this very place that some of the most active centers of Christianity were established".[42]

The pre-Christian monastic order of the Therapeutae is possibly a deformation of the Pāli word "Theravāda",[43] a form of Buddhism, and the movement may have "almost entirely drawn (its) inspiration from the teaching and practices of Buddhist asceticism".[42] They may even have been descendants of Asoka's emissaries to the West.[44] While Philo of Alexandria's description of the doctrines and practices of the Therapeutae leaves great ambiguity about what religion they are associated with, analysis by religious scholar Ullrich R. Kleinhempel indicates that the most likely religion the Therapeutae practiced was Buddhism.[45]

Buddhism and Christianity

Main articles: Buddhism and Christianity and Buddhist influences on Christianity

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Queen Māyā's white elephant dream, and the conception of the Buddha. Gandhara, 2nd–3rd century AD.

Although the philosophical systems of Buddhism and Christianity have evolved in rather different ways, the moral precepts advocated by Buddhism from the time of Ashoka through his edicts do have some similarities with the Christian moral precepts developed more than two centuries later: respect for life, respect for the weak, rejection of violence, pardon to sinners, tolerance.

One theory is that these similarities may indicate the propagation of Buddhist ideals into the Western World, with the Greeks acting as intermediaries and religious syncretists.[46]

"Scholars have often considered the possibility that Buddhism influenced the early development of Christianity. They have drawn attention to many parallels concerning the births, lives, doctrines, and deaths of the Buddha and Jesus" (Bentley, Old World Encounters).


The story of the birth of the Buddha was well known in the West, and possibly influenced the story of the birth of Jesus: Saint Jerome (4th century) mentions the birth of the Buddha, who he says "was born from the side of a virgin,"[47] and the influential early Christian church father Clement of Alexandria (died 215) mentioned Buddha (Βούττα) in his Stromata (Bk I, Ch XV).[40] The legend of Christian saints Barlaam and Josaphat draws on the life of the Buddha.[48]

See also

• Greco-Bactrian Kingdom
• Gandharan Buddhism
• Gandhāran Buddhist texts
• Greco-Buddhist Art
• Indo-Greek Kingdom
• Milinda Pañha
• Nāgasena
• Religions of the Indo-Greeks
• Silk road transmission of Buddhism
• Buddhism in Central Asia
• Buddhas of Bamyan
• Kushan Empire
• Ancient Greece–Ancient India relations
• Index of Buddhism-related articles

Notes

1. Acri, Andrea (20 December 2018). "Maritime Buddhism". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Religion. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199340378.013.638. ISBN 9780199340378. Archived from the original on 19 February 2019. Retrieved 30 May 2021.
2. Davies, Cuthbert Collin (1959). An Historical Atlas of the Indian Peninsula. Oxford University Press.
3. Narain, A.K. (1976). The Coin Types of the Indo-Greek Kings, 256-54 B.C. Ares. ISBN 0-89005-109-7.
4. Stier, Hans Erich; Kirsten, Ernst; Aner, Ekkehard (1978). Grosser Atlas zur Weltgeschichte: Vorzeit, Altertum, Mittelalter, Neuzeit. Georg Westermann Verlag. ISBN 3-14-100919-8.
5. Draper, Gerald (1995). "The Contribution of the Emperor Asoka Maurya to the Development of the Humanitarian Ideal in Warfare". International Review of the Red Cross. 35 (305): 192–206. doi:10.1017/S0020860400090604.
6. Rock Edict Nb13 (S. Dhammika)
7. Foltz, Religions of the Silk Road, p. 43
8. "The whole region from Phrygia to the Indus was subject to Seleucus. He crossed the Indus and waged war with Sandrocottus [Chandragupta], king of the Indians, who dwelt on the banks of that stream until they came to an understanding with each other and contracted a marriage relationship. Some of these exploits were performed before the death of Antigonus and some afterward." AppianHistory of Rome, The Syrian Wars 55
9. For an English translation of the Greek edicts: Religions and Trade: Religious Formation, Transformation and Cross-Cultural Exchange between East and West. BRILL. 2 December 2013. pp. 65–. ISBN 978-90-04-25530-2.
10. Rock Edict Nb.13, Full text of the Edicts of Ashoka. See Rock Edict 13 Archived 2013-10-28 at the Wayback Machine
11. "Chapter XII". 20 October 2014. Archived from the original on 2014-10-20.
12. "Abstract Sujato: Sects & Sectarianism". http://www.congress-on-buddhist-women.org.
13. Surviving fragments of Megasthenes:Full text
14. Strabo, XV.I.65: "Strabo XV.1". Perseus.tufts.edu. Retrieved 2010-09-01.
15. Strabo, xv, 1, on the immolation of the Sramana in Athens (Paragraph 73).
16. Dio Cassius, liv, 9.
17. Extract of the Milinda Panha: "And afterwards, taking delight in the wisdom of the Elder, he handed over his kingdom to his son, and abandoning the household life for the houseless state, grew great in insight, and himself attained to Arahatship!" (The Questions of King Milinda, Translation by T. W. Rhys Davids, 1890)
18. Plutarch on Menander: "But when one Menander, who had reigned graciously over the Bactrians, died afterwards in the camp, the cities indeed by common consent celebrated his funerals; but coming to a contest about his relics, they were difficultly at last brought to this agreement, that his ashes being distributed, everyone should carry away an equal share, and they should all erect monuments to him." (Plutarch, "Political Precepts" Praec. reip. ger. 28, 6) p147–148 Full text
19. Milinda Panha, Chap. I
20. Thomas McEvilley (7 February 2012). The Shape of Ancient Thought: Comparative Studies in Greek and Indian Philosophies. Constable & Robinson. pp. 558–. ISBN 978-1-58115-933-2.
21. Tarn, William Woodthorpe (24 June 2010). The Greeks in Bactria and India. Cambridge University Press. p. 391. ISBN 978-1-108-00941-6.
22. Nicholas Sims-Williams, "A Bactrian Buddhist Manuscript"
23. Foltz, Religions of the Silk Road, p. 45
24. Stoneman, Richard (2019). "The Indian Philosophers and the Greeks". The Greek Experience of India: From Alexander to the Indo-Greeks. Oxford and Princeton: Princeton University Press. pp. 289–331. doi:10.1515/9780691185385-015. ISBN 978-0-691-15403-9. JSTOR j.ctv3znwg5. LCCN 2018958249. S2CID 166488882.
25. Stoneman, Richard (2019). "Two Hundred Years of Debate: Greek and Indian Thought". The Greek Experience of India: From Alexander to the Indo-Greeks. Oxford and Princeton: Princeton University Press. pp. 346–355. doi:10.1515/9780691185385-016. ISBN 978-0-691-15403-9. JSTOR j.ctv3znwg5. LCCN 2018958249. S2CID 166488882.
26. "He would withdraw from the world and live in solitude, rarely showing himself to his relatives; this is because he had heard an Indian reproach Anaxarchus, telling him that he would never be able to teach others what is good while he himself danced attendance on kings in their court. He would maintain the same composure at all times." (Diogenes Laertius, IX.63 on Pyrrhon)
27. Beckwith, Christopher I. (2015). Greek Buddha: Pyrrho's Encounter with Early Buddhism in Central Asia (PDF). Princeton University Press. p. 28. ISBN 9781400866328.
28. "The philosopher Hegesias of Cyrene (nicknamed Peisithanatos, "The advocate of death") was a contemporary of Magas and was probably influenced by the teachings of the Buddhist missionaries to Cyrene and Alexandria. His influence was such that he was ultimately prohibited from teaching." Lafont, Jean-Marie (2000). "La découverte du bouddhisme par le monde européen". Les Dossiers d'Archéologie (in French). No. 254: 78–85 [p. 78]. ISSN 1141-7137.
29. "Due to the statement of the Master in the Dighanikaya disfavouring his representation in human form after the extinction of body, reluctance prevailed for some time". Also "Hinayanis opposed image worship of the Master due to canonical restrictions". R.C. Sharma, in "The Art of Mathura, India", Tokyo National Museum 2002, p.11
30. Linssen; Robert (1958). Living Zen. London: Allen & Unwin. p. 206.
31. Boardman p. 126
32. 14th Dalai Lama, foreword to "Echoes of Alexander the Great", 2000.
33. Foltz (2010). Religions of the Silk Road. p. 44.
34. See Images of the Herakles-influenced Vajrapani: "Image 1". Archived from the original on December 16, 2013, "Image 2". Archived from the original on March 13, 2004.
35. Tanabe, Katsumi (2003). Alexander the Great: East-West Cultural Contact from Greece to Japan. Tokyo: NHK Puromōshon and Tokyo National Museum. OCLC 937316326.
36. Foltz, Richard (2010). Religions of the Silk Road (2nd ed.). Palgrave Macmillan. p. 46. ISBN 978-0-230-62125-1.
37. Broughton, Jeffrey L. (1999). The Bodhidharma Anthology: The Earliest Records of Zen. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 54–55. ISBN 0-520-21972-4.
38. Soothill, William Edward; Hodous, Lewis (1995). A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms(PDF). London: RoutledgeCurzon. Archived from the original (PDF) on March 3, 2014.
39. Plutarch. "Life of Alexander". The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans. The Modern Library. Translated by Dryden, John; Clough, Arthur Hugh. New York: Random House. p. 850.
40. "Clement of Alexandria Stromata. BkI, Ch XV". Retrieved 19 Dec 2012.
41. Tarn. The Greeks in Bactria and India. p. 370.
42. Linssen; Robert (1958). Living Zen. London: Allen & Unwin. p. 208.
43. According to the linguist Zacharias P. Thundy[full citation needed]
44. Gruber, Elmar R.; Kersten, Holger (1995). The Original Jesus. Shaftesbury: Element Books. ISBN 1-85230-835-4.
45. Ullrich R . Kleinhempel, "Traces of Buddhist Presence in Alexandria: Philo and the "Therapeutae"", Научно-теоретический журнал 2019 https://www.academia.edu/39841429/Trace ... erapeutae_
46. Foltz. Religions of the Silk Road. p. 44. Certain Indian notions may have made their way westward into the budding Christianity of the Mediterranean world through the channels of the Greek diaspora
47. McEvilley, p391
48. Walbridge, John (2001). The Wisdom of the Mystic East: Suhrawardī and Platonic Orientalism. p. 129. The form Būdhīsaf is the original, as shown by Sogdian form Pwtysfi and the early New Persian form Bwdysf On the Christian versions see A. S. Geden, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, s.v. "Josaphat, Barlaam and," and M. P. Alfaric, ..."

References

• Vassiliades, Demetrios Th. 2016. Greeks and Buddhism. Athens, Indo-Hellenic Society for Culture & Development ELINEPA.
• Alexander the Great: East-West Cultural Contacts from Greece to Japan. Tokyo: NHK Puromōshon and Tokyo National Museum, 2003.
• Baums, Stefan. 2012. “Catalog and Revised Texts and Translations of Gandharan Reliquary Inscriptions.” In: David Jongeward, Elizabeth Errington, Richard Salomon and Stefan Baums, Gandharan Buddhist Reliquaries, p. 204, Seattle: Early Buddhist Manuscripts Project (Gandharan Studies, Volume 1).
• Baums, Stefan, and Andrew Glass. 2002– . Catalog of Gāndhārī Texts, no. CKI 32
• Jerry H. Bentley. Old World Encounters: Cross-cultural Contacts and Exchanges in Pre-modern Times. Oxford–NY: Oxford University Press, 1993. ISBN 0-19-507639-7
• John Boardman. The Diffusion of Classical Art in Antiquity. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994. ISBN 0-691-03680-2
• Shravasti Dhammika, trans. The Edicts of King Asoka: An English Rendering. Kandy, Sri Lanka: Buddhist Publication Society, 1993. ISBN 955-24-0104-6
• Richard Foltz. Religions of the Silk Road, 2nd edition, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010 ISBN 978-0-230-62125-1
• Georgios T. Halkias, “When the Greeks Converted the Buddha: Asymmetrical Transfers of Knowledge in Indo-Greek Cultures”, in Trade and Religions: Religious Formation, Transformation and Cross-Cultural Exchange between East and West, ed. Volker Rabens. Leiden: Brill, 2013, p. 65–115.
• Robert Linssen. Living Zen. NY: Grove Press, 1958. ISBN 0-8021-3136-0
• Lowenstein, Tom (1996). The vision of the Buddha. Duncan Baird Publishers. ISBN 1-903296-91-9.
• Thomas McEvilley. The Shape of Ancient Thought: Comparative Studies in Greek and Indian Philosophies. NY: Allworth Press and the School of Visual Arts, 2002. ISBN 1-58115-203-5
• William Woodthorpe Tarn. The Greeks in Bactria and India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951, ISBN 81-215-0220-9
• Marian Wenzel. Echoes of Alexander the Great: Silk Route Portraits from Gandhara, foreword by the Dalai Lama. Eklisa Anstalt, 2000. ISBN 1-58886-014-0
• Paul Williams. Mahāyāna Buddhism: the Doctrinal Foundations. London–NY: Routledge, 1989. ISBN 0-415-02537-0

External links

• UNESCO: Threatened Greco-Buddhist art
• Alexander the Great: East-West Cultural contacts from Greece to Japan (Japanese)
• The Hellenistic age
• The Kanishka Buddhist coins
• Interim period: Mathura as the Vaishnava-Buddhist seat of culture and learning
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Pāṇini
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/3/21



The argument of "brahmanical fantasy" has been used in other areas as well. Cf. Mill's statement on the Brahmins above. Also, in connection with the Dhatupatha, a list of some two thousand verbal roots of which more than half have not been met with in Sanskrit literature, it has been suggested that it was "concocted" by the Indian grammarians (Whitney 1884; reprinted in Staal 1992: 142). In fact, the Indian pandits have been accused of inventing the Sanskrit language (Dugald Stewart and Christoph Meiners, quoted in Rosane Rocher 1983: 78).

-- Chapter 4: Law Books in an Oral Culture: The Indian Dharmasastras, Excerpt from "Studies in Hindu Law and Dharmaśastra", by Ludo Rocher


Image
Pāṇini
A 17th-century birch bark manuscript of Pāṇini's grammar treatise from Kashmir
Notable work
Aṣṭādhyāyī (Classical Sanskrit)
Era fl. 4th century BCE;[1][2][3];
fl. 400–350 BCE[4];
6th–5th century BCE[5][6][note 1]
Region Northwest Indian subcontinent[note 2]

The greatest linguist of antiquity

Pāṇini.. was the greatest linguist of antiquity, and deserves to be treated as such.

— JF Staal, A reader on the Sanskrit Grammarians[8]


Pāṇini was a Sanskrit philologist, grammarian, and revered scholar in ancient India,[7][9][10] variously dated between the 6th[5][6][note 1] and 4th century BCE.[1][2][3][4]

Since the discovery and publication of his work by European scholars in the nineteenth century, Pāṇini has been considered the "first descriptive linguist",[11] and even labelled as “the father of linguistics”.[12][13][14]

Pāṇini's grammar was influential on such foundational linguists as Ferdinand de Saussure and Leonard Bloomfield.[15]

Legacy

Pāṇini is known for his text Aṣṭādhyāyī, a sutra-style treatise on Sanskrit grammar,[10][7] 3,959 verses or rules on linguistics, syntax and semantics in "eight chapters" which is the foundational text of the Vyākaraṇa branch of the Vedanga, the auxiliary scholarly disciplines of the Vedic period.[16][17][18] His aphoristic text attracted numerous bhashya (commentaries), of which Patanjali's Mahābhāṣya is the most famous in Hindu traditions.[19]His ideas influenced and attracted commentaries from scholars of other Indian religions such as Buddhism.[20]

Pāṇini's analysis of noun compounds still forms the basis of modern linguistic theories of compounding in Indian languages. Pāṇini's comprehensive and scientific theory of grammar is conventionally taken to mark the start of Classical Sanskrit.[21] His systematic treatise inspired and made Sanskrit the preeminent Indian language of learning and literature for two millennia.

Pāṇini's theory of morphological analysis was more advanced than any equivalent Western theory before the 20th century.[22] His treatise is generative and descriptive, uses metalanguage and meta-rules, and has been compared to the Turing machine wherein the logical structure of any computing device has been reduced to its essentials using an idealized mathematical model.[23]

Father of linguistics

The history of linguistics begins not with Plato or Aristotle, but with the Indian grammarian Panini.

— Rens Bod, University of Amsterdam[24]


Pāṇini likely lived in Śalatura in ancient Gandhāra in the northwest Indian subcontinent[a] during the Mahājanapada era.[25][4]

The name Pāṇini is a patronymic meaning descendant of Paṇina.[26] His full name was "Dakṣiputra Pāṇini" according to verses 1.75.13 and 3.251.12 of Patanjali's Mahābhāṣya, with the first part suggesting his mother's name was Dakṣi.[6]

Dating

Nothing definite is known about when Pāṇini lived, not even in which century he lived. Pāṇini has been dated between the seventh[27] or sixth[6] and fourth century BCE.[28][1][2][3][4][note 1] Von Hinüber (1989) based on numismatic arguments [coins] and Falk (1993) based on his Indic script studies, place him in mid-fourth century BCE.[28][1][2][3] Others use internal evidence and textual evidence in ancient Indian texts to date him in the sixth or fifth century BCE,[6] while Bod mentions the seventh to fifth century BCE.[24] George Cardona (1997) in his authoritative survey and review of Pāṇini-related studies, states that the available evidence strongly supports a dating no later than between 400 to 350 BCE, while earlier dating depends on interpretations and is not probative.[29]

According to Bod, Pāṇini's grammar defines Classical Sanskrit, so Pāṇini is chronologically placed in the later part of the Vedic period.[24] According to A. B. Keith, the Sanskrit text that most matches the language described by Pāṇini is the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa (8th-6th c. BCE).[30] According to Scharfe, "his proximity to the Vedic language as found in the Upanisads and Vedic sūtras suggests the 5th or maybe 6th c. B.C."[6]

Based on numismatic findings, Von Hinüber and Falk place Pāṇini in the mid-4th century BCE. Pāṇini's rupya (A 5.2.120) mentions a specific coin which was introduced in India in the 4th-century BCE.[3] According to Houben, "the date of "ca. 350 B.C.E. for Pāṇini is thus based on concrete evidence which till now has not been refuted."[3] According to Bronkhorst, there is no reason to doubt the validity of Von Hinüber's and Falk's argument, setting the terminus post quem[ b] for the date of Pāṇini at 350 BCE or the decades thereafter. [28] According to Bronkhorst,

...thanks to the work carried out by Hinüber (1990:34-35) and Falk (1993: 303-304), we now know that Pāṇini lived, in all probability, far closer in time to the period of Aśoka than had hitherto been thought. According to Falk's reasoning, Panini must have lived during the decennia following 350 BCE, i.e. just before (or contemporaneously with?) the invasion of Alexander of Macedonia[2]


Cardona mentions two major pieces of internal evidence for the dating of Pāṇini.[31] The occurrence of the word yavanānī in 4.1.49, referring to a writing (lipi) c.q. cuneiform writing, or to Greek writing, suggests a date for Pāṇini after Alexander the Great. Cardona rejects this possibility, arguing that yavanānī may also refer to a Yavana woman; and that Indians had contacts with the Greek world before Alexander's conquests.[32][note 3] Sutra 2.1.70 of Pāṇini mentions kumāraśramaṇa, derived from śramaṇa, which refers to a female renunciates, c.q. "Buddhist nuns," implying that Pāṇini should be placed after Gautama Buddha. K. B. Pathak (1930) argued that kumāraśramaṇa could also refer to a Jain nun, meaning that Pāṇini is not necessarily to be placed after the Buddha.[31]

It is not certain whether Pāṇini used writing for the composition of his work, though it is generally agreed that he knew of a form of writing, based on references to words such as lipi ("script") and lipikara ("scribe") in section 3.2 of the Aṣṭādhyāyī.[35][36][37] The dating of the introduction of writing in India may therefore give further information on the dating of Pāṇini.[note 4]

Pāṇini cites at least ten grammarians and linguists before him: Āpiśali, Kāśyapa, Gārgya, Gālava, Cākravarmaṇa, Bhāradvāja, Śākaṭāyana, Śākalya, Senaka and Sphoṭāyana.[44] According to Kamal K. Misra, Pāṇini also refers to Yaska, "whose writings date back to the middle of the 4th century B.C."[45] Both Brihatkatha and Mañjuśrī-mūla-kalpa mention Pāṇini to have been a contemporary with the Nanda king (4th c. BCE).[46]

Location

Nothing certain is known about Pāṇini's personal life. In an inscription of Siladitya VII of Valabhi, he is called Śalāturiya, which means "man from Salatura". This means Panini lived in Salatura of ancient Gandhara (present day north-west Pakistan), which likely was near Lahor, a town at the junction of Indus and Kabul rivers.[d][47][48] According to the memoirs of 7th-century Chinese scholar Xuanzang, there was a town called Suoluoduluo on the Indus where Pāṇini was born, and he composed the Qingming-lun (Sanskrit: Vyākaraṇa).[47][49][50]

According to Hartmut Scharfe, Pāṇini lived in Gandhara close to the borders of the Achaemenid Empire, and Gandhara was then an Achaemenian satrapy following the Achaemenid conquest of the Indus Valley. He must, therefore, have been technically a Persian subject but his work shows no awareness of the Persian language.[6][51] According to Patrick Olivelle, Pāṇini's text and references to him elsewhere suggest that "he was clearly a northerner, probably from the northwestern region".[52]

Legends and later reception

Panini is mentioned in Indian fables and ancient texts. The Panchatantra, for example, mentions that Pāṇini was killed by a lion.[53][54][55]

Pāṇini was depicted on a five-rupee Indian postage stamp in August, 2004.[56][57][58][59]

Aṣṭādhyāyī

Main article: Aṣṭādhyāyī

The most important of Pāṇini's works, the Aṣṭādhyāyī is a grammar that essentially defines the Sanskrit language. Modeled on the dialect and register of elite speakers in his time, the text also accounts for some features of the older Vedic language.

The Aṣtādhyāyī is a prescriptive and generative grammar with algebraic rules governing every aspect of the language. It is supplemented by three ancillary texts: akṣarasamāmnāya, dhātupāṭha[A] and gaṇapāṭha.[ b][60]

Growing out of a centuries-long effort to preserve the language of the Vedic hymns from 'corruption', the Aṣtādhyāyī is the high point of a vigorous, sophisticated grammatical tradition devised to arrest language change. The Aṣtādhyāyī's preeminence is underlined by the fact that it eclipsed all similar works that came before: while not the first, it is the oldest such text surviving in its entirety.[61][62][63][64]

The Aṣṭādhyāyī consists of 3,959 sūtras[C] in eight chapters, which are each subdivided into four sections or pādas. The text takes material from lexical lists (dhātupāṭha, gaṇapātha) as input and describes algorithms to be applied to them for the generation of well-formed words.

The Aṣṭādhyāyī, composed in an era when oral composition and transmission was the norm, is staunchly embedded in that oral tradition. In order to ensure wide dissemination, Pāṇini is said to have preferred brevity over clarity[65] - it can be recited end-to-end in two hours. This has led to the emergence of a great number of commentaries[α] of his work over the centuries, which for the most part adhere to the foundations laid by Pāṇini's work.[66][61]

Bhaṭṭikāvya

Main article: Bhaṭṭikāvya

The learning of Indian curriculum in late classical times had at its heart a system of grammatical study and linguistic analysis.[67] The core text for this study was the Aṣṭādhyāyī of Pāṇini, the sine qua non of learning.[68] This grammar of Pāṇini had been the object of intense study for the ten centuries prior to the composition of the Bhaṭṭikāvya. It was plainly Bhaṭṭi's purpose to provide a study aid to Pāṇini's text by using the examples already provided in the existing grammatical commentaries in the context of the gripping and morally improving story of the Rāmāyaṇa. To the dry bones of this grammar Bhaṭṭi has given juicy flesh in his poem. The intention of the author was to teach this advanced science through a relatively easy and pleasant medium. In his own words:

This composition is like a lamp to those who perceive the meaning of words and like a hand mirror for a blind man to those without grammar. This poem, which is to be understood by means of a commentary, is a joy to those sufficiently learned: through my fondness for the scholar I have here slighted the dullard.

-- Bhaṭṭikāvya 22.33–34.


Modern linguistics

Pāṇini's work became known in 19th-century Europe, where it influenced modern linguistics initially through Franz Bopp, who mainly looked at Pāṇini. Subsequently, a wider body of work influenced Sanskrit scholars such as Ferdinand de Saussure, Leonard Bloomfield, and Roman Jakobson. Frits Staal (1930–2012) discussed the impact of Indian ideas on language in Europe. After outlining the various aspects of the contact, Staal notes that the idea of formal rules in language – proposed by Ferdinand de Saussure in 1894 and developed by Noam Chomsky in 1957 – has origins in the European exposure to the formal rules of Pāṇinian grammar.[69] In particular, de Saussure, who lectured on Sanskrit for three decades, may have been influenced by Pāṇini and Bhartrihari; his idea of the unity of signifier-signified in the sign somewhat resembles the notion of Sphoṭa. More importantly, the very idea that formal rules can be applied to areas outside of logic or mathematics may itself have been catalysed by Europe's contact with the work of Sanskrit grammarians.[69]

De Saussure

Pāṇini, and the later Indian linguist Bhartrihari, had a significant influence on many of the foundational ideas proposed by Ferdinand de Saussure, professor of Sanskrit, who is widely considered the father of modern structural linguistics and with Charles S. Peirce on the other side, to semiotics, although the concept Saussure used was semiology. Saussure himself cited Indian grammar as an influence on some of his ideas. In his Mémoire sur le système primitif des voyelles dans les langues indo-européennes (Memoir on the Original System of Vowels in the Indo-European Languages) published in 1879, he mentions Indian grammar as an influence on his idea that "reduplicated aorists represent imperfects of a verbal class." In his De l'emploi du génitif absolu en sanscrit (On the Use of the Genitive Absolute in Sanskrit) published in 1881, he specifically mentions Pāṇini as an influence on the work.[70]

Prem Singh, in his foreword to the reprint edition of the German translation of Pāṇini's Grammar in 1998, concluded that the "effect Panini's work had on Indo-European linguistics shows itself in various studies" and that a "number of seminal works come to mind," including Saussure's works and the analysis that "gave rise to the laryngeal theory," further stating: "This type of structural analysis suggests influence from Panini's analytical teaching." George Cardona, however, warns against overestimating the influence of Pāṇini on modern linguistics: "Although Saussure also refers to predecessors who had taken this Paninian rule into account, it is reasonable to conclude that he had a direct acquaintance with Panini's work. As far as I am able to discern upon rereading Saussure's Mémoire, however, it shows no direct influence of Paninian grammar. Indeed, on occasion, Saussure follows a path that is contrary to Paninian procedure."[70][71]

Leonard Bloomfield

The founding father of American structuralism, Leonard Bloomfield, wrote a 1927 paper titled "On some rules of Pāṇini".[72]

Comparison with modern formal systems

Pāṇini's grammar is the world's first formal system, developed well before the 19th century innovations of Gottlob Frege and the subsequent development of mathematical logic. In designing his grammar, Pāṇini used the method of "auxiliary symbols", in which new affixes are designated to mark syntactic categories and the control of grammatical derivations. This technique, rediscovered by the logician Emil Post, became a standard method in the design of computer programming languages.[73][74] Sanskritists now accept that Pāṇini's linguistic apparatus is well-described as an "applied" Post system. Considerable evidence shows ancient mastery of context-sensitive grammars, and a general ability to solve many complex problems. Frits Staal has written that "Panini is the Indian Euclid."

Other works

Two literary works are attributed to Pāṇini, though they are now lost.

Jāmbavati Vijaya is a lost work cited by Rajashekhara in Jalhana's Sukti Muktāvalī. A fragment is to be found in Ramayukta's commentary on Namalinganushasana. From the title it may be inferred that the work dealt with Krishna's winning of Jambavati in the underworld as his bride. Rajashekhara in Jahlana's Sukti Muktāvalī:

नमः पाणिनये तस्मै यस्मादाविर भूदिह।
आदौ व्याकरणं काव्यमनु जाम्बवतीजयम्॥

namaḥ pāṇinaye tasmai yasmādāvirabhūdiha।
ādau vyākaraṇaṃ kāvyamanu jāmbavatījayam॥


Ascribed to Pāṇini, Pātāla Vijaya is a lost work cited by Namisadhu in his commentary on Kavyalankara of Rudrata.

There are many mathematical works related to Pāṇini's works. Pāṇini came up with a plethora of ideas to organize the known grammatical forms of his day in a systematic way. Like any mathematician who models a known phenomenon in mathematical language, Pāṇini created a metalanguage and it is very close to the modern-day ideas of algebra. See "Mathematical Structures of Panini's Ashtaadhyayi" by Bhaskar Kompella.

See also

• Vyākaraṇa
• Bhaṭṭikāvya
• Pingala
• Mahajanapadas
• Seṭ and aniṭ roots
• Tolkappiyam
• List of Indian mathematicians

Notes

1. in what is now modern day Pakistan
2. the earliest time an event may have happened
3. Ionian
4. which falls in the Swabi District of modern Pakistan
1. 4th century BCE date:
 Johannes Bronkhorst (2019): "Pāṇini's Aṣṭādhyāyī has been the target of much guesswork as to its date. Only recently have more serious proposals been made. Oskar von Hinüber (1990: 34) arrives, on the basis of a comparison of Pāṇini's text with numismatic findings, at a date that can hardly be much earlier than 350 BCE; Harry Falk (1993: 304; 1994: 327 n. 45) refines these reflections and moves the date forward to the decennia following 350 BCE. If Hinüber and Falk are right, and there seems no reason to doubt this, we have here for Pāṇini a terminus post quem.[28]
 Vincenzo Vergiani (2017): "For a survey of scholarship about Panini's date see George cardona, Panini: A Survey of Research (Delhi: Motilall Banarsidass, 1980), p.260-262. Oskar von Hinüber, Der Beginn der Schrift und fruhe Schriftlichkeit in Indien (Wiesbaden: Steiner Verlag, 1989), p.34 presents evidence that suggests dating Panini to the 4th century."[1]
 Johannes Bronkhorst (2016)"...thanks to the work carried out by Hinüber (1990:34-35) and Falk (1993: 303-304), we now know that Pāṇini lived, in all probability, far closer in time to the period of Asoka than had hitherto been thought. According to Falk's reasoning, Panini must have lived during the decennia following 350 BCE, i.e. just before (or contemporaneously with?) the invasion of Alexander of Macedonia."[2]
 Jan E.M Houben (2009): "Pāṇini's rupya (A 5.2.120) refers to a type of coin which appeared in the Indian subcontinent only from the 4th century B.C.E. onwards: cf. von Hinüber 1989: p.34 and Falk 1993: 304. The date of "ca. 350 B.C.E. for Pāṇini is thus based on concrete evidence which till now has not been refuted."[3]
 Michael Witzel (2009): "c. 350 BCE"[75]
 Kamal K. Misra (2000): "But Pāṇini himself has acknowledged at least ten great Indian grammatrians before him, and one of them was Yaska, whose writings date back to the middle of the 4th century B.C."[45]
 Cardona: "The evidence for dating Panini, Katyayana and Patanjali is not absolutely probative and depends on interpretation. However, I think there is one certainty, namely that the evidence available hardly allows one to date Panini later than the early to mid fourth century B. C."[4]
 Harry Falk (1993), Schrift im alten Indien: ein Forschungsbericht mit Anmerkungen, Gunter Narr Verlag
 Frits Staal (1965): "fourth century B.C."[76]
6th or 5th century BCE date:
 Frits Staal (1996): "the Sanskrit grammar of Panini (6th or 5th century b.c.e.)"[5]
 Hartmut Scharfe (1977): "Panini's date can be fixed only approximately; he must be older than Katyayana (c. 250 B.C.) who in his comments on Panini's work refers to other [stni] earlier scholars dealing with Panini's grammar; his proximity to the Vedic language as found in the Upanisads and Vedic sutra's suggests the 5th or maybe 6th c. B.C."[6] Scharfe refers to: "F. Kielhoek, GGN 1885.186f.; B. Liebich, BB 10.205-234; 11.273-315 and his book, Panini(Leipzig, 1891), p. 38-50; 0. Wecker, BB 30. 1-61+177-207; P. Thieme, Panini and the Veda(Allahabad, 1935), p. 75-81."[6]
 Encyclopedia Britannica: "Ashtadhyayi, Sanskrit Aṣṭādhyāyī ("Eight Chapters"), Sanskrit treatise on grammar written in the 6th to 5th century BCE by the Indian grammarian Panini."
7th to 5th century BCE date
 Rens Bod (2013): "All we know is that he was born in Ghandara, in former India (currently Afghanistan), and that it must have been between the seventh and fifth centuries BCE."[27] Bod refers to "S. Shukla, 'Panini', Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics, 2nd edition, Elsevier, 2006. See also Paul Kiparsky, 'Paninian Linguistics', Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, 1st edition, Elsevier, 1993."[77]
2. According to George Cardonna, the tradition believes that Pāṇini came from Salatura in northwest part of the Indian subcontinent.[4] This is likely to be ancient Gandhara.[7]
3. In 1862 Max Müller argued that yavana may have meant "Greek"[c] during Pāṇinis time, but may also refer to Semitic or dark-skinned Indian people.[33][34]
4. Pāṇini's use of the term lipi has been a source of scholarly disagreements. Harry Falk in his 1993 overview states that ancient Indians neither knew nor used writing script, and Pāṇini's mention is likely a reference to Semitic and Greek scripts.[38] In his 1995 review, Salomon questions Falk's arguments and writes it is "speculative at best and hardly constitutes firm grounds for a late date for Kharoṣṭhī. The stronger argument for this position is that we have no specimen of the script before the time of Aśoka, nor any direct evidence of intermediate stages in its development; but of course this does not mean that such earlier forms did not exist, only that, if they did exist, they have not survived, presumably because they were not employed for monumental purposes before Aśoka".[39] According to Hartmut Scharfe, Lipi of Pāṇini may be borrowed from the Old Persian Dipi, in turn derived from Sumerian Dup. Scharfe adds that the best evidence, at the time of his review, is that no script was used in India, aside from the Northwest Indian subcontinent, before around 300 BCE because Indian tradition "at every occasion stresses the orality of the cultural and literary heritage."[40] Kenneth Norman states writing scripts in ancient India evolved over the long period of time like other cultures, that it is unlikely that ancient Indians developed a single complete writing system at one and the same time in the Maurya era. It is even less likely, states Norman, that a writing script was invented during Ashoka's rule, starting from nothing, for the specific purpose of writing his inscriptions and then it was understood all over South Asia where the Aśoka pillars are found.[41] Jack Goody states that ancient India likely had a "very old culture of writing" along with its oral tradition of composing and transmitting knowledge, because the Vedic literature is too vast, consistent and complex to have been entirely created, memorized, accurately preserved and spread without a written system.[42] Falk disagrees with Goody, and suggests that it is a Western presumption and inability to imagine that remarkably early scientific achievements such as Pāṇini's grammar (5th to 4th century BCE), and the creation, preservation and wide distribution of the large corpus of the Brahmanic Vedic literature and the Buddhist canonical literature, without any writing scripts. Johannes Bronkhorst disagrees with Falk, and states, "Falk goes too far. It is fair to expect that we believe that Vedic memorisation — though without parallel in any other human society — has been able to preserve very long texts for many centuries without losing a syllable. (...) However, the oral composition of a work as complex as Pāṇini's grammar is not only without parallel in other human cultures, it is without parallel in India itself. (...) It just will not do to state that our difficulty in conceiving any such thing is our problem".[43]

Glossary

1. dhātu: root, pāṭha: reading, lesson
2. gaṇa: class
3. aphoristic threads

Traditional glossary and notes

1. bhāṣyas

References

1. Vergiani 2017, p. 243, n.4.
2. Bronkhorst 2016, p. 171.
3. Houben 2009, p. 6.
4. Cardona 1997, p. 268.
5. Staal 1996, p. 39.
6. Scharfe 1977, p. 88.
7. Staal 1965.
8. Staal 1972, p. xi.
9. Lidova 1994, p. 108-112.
10. Lochtefeld 2002a, p. 64–65, 140, 402.
11. François & Ponsonnet (2013: 184).
12. Bod 2013, p. 14-19.
13. Patañjali; Ballantyne, James Robert; Kaiyaṭa; Nāgeśabhaṭṭa (1855). Mahābhāṣya …. Mirzapore. OCLC 47644586.
14. Pāṇini; Boehtlingk, Otto von (1886). Panini's Grammatik, herausgegeben, übersetzt, erläutert… von O. Böhtlingk. Sansk. and Germ. Leipzig. OCLC 562865694.
15. Henry), Robins, R. H. (Robert (1997). A short history of linguistics (4th ed.). London: Longman. ISBN 0582249945. OCLC 35178602.
16. W. J. Johnson (2009), A Dictionary of Hinduism, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0198610250, article on Vyakarana
17. Harold G. Coward 1990, p. 105.
18. Lisa Mitchell (2009). Language, Emotion, and Politics in South India. Indiana University Press. p. 108. ISBN 978-0-253-35301-6.
19. James G. Lochtefeld (2002). The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Hinduism: N-Z. The Rosen Publishing Group. p. 497. ISBN 978-0-8239-3180-4.
20. Hartmut Scharfe (1977). Grammatical Literature. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. pp. 152–154. ISBN 978-3-447-01706-0.
21. Yuji Kawaguchi; Makoto Minegishi; Wolfgang Viereck (2011). Corpus-based Analysis and Diachronic Linguistics. John Benjamins Publishing Company. pp. 223–224. ISBN 978-90-272-7215-7.
22. Staal, Frits (1988). Universals: studies in Indian logic and linguistics. University of Chicago Press. p. 47. ISBN 9780226769998.
23. Kak, Subhash C. (January 1987). "The Paninian approach to natural language processing". International Journal of Approximate Reasoning. 1 (1): 117–130. doi:10.1016/0888-613X(87)90007-7.
24. Bod 2013, p. 14-18.
25. Avari, Burjor (2007). India: The Ancient Past: A History of the Indian Sub-Continent from c. 7000 BC to AD 1200. Routledge. p. 156. ISBN 978-1-134-25161-2.
26. Pāṇini; Sumitra Mangesh Katre (1989). Aṣṭādhyāyī of Pāṇini. Motilal Banarsidass. p. xx. ISBN 978-81-208-0521-7.
27. Bod 2013, p. 14.
28. Bronkhorst 2019.
29. Cardona 1997, pp. 261–268; Quote: ".
30. Keith, Arthur Berriedale (1998). Rigveda Brahmanas: the Aitareya and Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇas of the Rigveda. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 978-8120813595. OCLC 611413511.
31. Cardona 1997, p. 261-262.
32. Cardona 1997, p. 261.
33. Max Müller (1862). On Ancient Hindu Astronomy and Chronology. Oxford. pp. footnotes of 69–71. Bibcode:1862ahac.book.....M.
34. Patrick Olivelle (1999). Dharmasutras. Oxford University Press. p. xxxii with footnote 13. ISBN 978-0-19-283882-7.
35. Richard Salomon (1998). Indian Epigraphy: A Guide to the Study of Inscriptions in Sanskrit, Prakrit, and the other Indo-Aryan Languages. Oxford University Press. p. 11. ISBN 978-0-19-535666-3.
36. Juhyung Rhi (2009). "On the Peripheries of Civilizations: The Evolution of a Visual Tradition in Gandhāra". Journal of Central Eurasian Studies. 1: 5, 1–13.
37. Rita Sherma; Arvind Sharma (2008). Hermeneutics and Hindu Thought: Toward a Fusion of Horizons. Springer. p. 235. ISBN 978-1-4020-8192-7.
38. Falk, Harry (1993). Schrift im alten Indien: ein Forschungsbericht mit Anmerkungen (in German). Gunter Narr Verlag. pp. 109–167.
39. Salomon, Richard (1995). "Review: On the Origin of the Early Indian Scripts". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 115 (2): 271–278. doi:10.2307/604670. JSTOR 604670.
40. Scharfe, Hartmut (2002), Education in Ancient India, Handbook of Oriental Studies, Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, pp. 10–12
41. Oskar von Hinüber (1989). Der Beginn der Schrift und frühe Schriftlichkeit in Indien. Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur. pp. 241–245. ISBN 9783515056274. OCLC 22195130.
42. Jack Goody (1987). The Interface Between the Written and the Oral. Cambridge University Press. pp. 110–124. ISBN 978-0-521-33794-6.
43. Johannes Bronkhorst (2002), Literacy and Rationality in Ancient India, Asiatische Studien / Études Asiatiques, 56(4), pages 803-804, 797-831
44. Cardona 1997, §1.3.
45. Misra 2000, p. 49.
46. [A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the 12th Century, Upinder Singh, Pearson Education India, 2008 p. 258]
47. Hartmut Scharfe (1977). Grammatical Literature. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. pp. 88 with footnotes. ISBN 978-3-447-01706-0.
48. Saroja Bhate, Panini, Sahitya Akademi (2002), p. 4
49. Singh, Nagendra Kr., ed. (1997), Encyclopaedia of Hinduism, New Delhi: Centre for International Religious Studies : Anmol Publications, pp. 1983–2007, ISBN 978-81-7488-168-7
50. Mishra, Giridhar (1981). "प्रस्तावना" [Introduction]. अध्यात्मरामायणेऽपाणिनीयप्रयोगाणां विमर्शः[Deliberation on non-Paninian usages in the Adhyatma Ramayana] (in Sanskrit). Varanasi, India: Sampurnanand Sanskrit University. Retrieved 21 May 2013.
51. Lal, Shyam Bihari (2004). "Yavanas in the Ancient Indian Inscriptions". Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. 65: 1115–1120. ISSN 2249-1937. JSTOR 44144820.
52. Patrick Olivelle (1999). Dharmasutras. Oxford University Press. pp. xxvi–xxvii. ISBN 978-0-19-283882-7.
53. George Cardona (1997). Pāṇini: a survey of research. The verse reads siṃho vyākaraṇasya kartur aharat prāṇān priyān pāṇineḥ "a lion took the dear life of Panini, author of the grammatical treatise". The context is a list of scholars killed by animals, siṃho vyākaraṇasya kartur aharat prāṇān priyān pāṇineḥ / mīmāṃsākṛtam unmamātha sahasā hastī muniṃ jaiminim // chandojnānanidhim jaghāna makaro velātaṭe piṅgalam / ajñānāvṛtacetasām atiruṣāṃ ko'rthas tiraścām guṇaiḥ // Translation: "A lion killed Pāṇini; an elephant madly crushed the sage Jaimini, Mimamsa's author; Pingala, treasury of knowledge of poetic meter, was killed by a crocodile at the water's edge. What do senseless beasts, overcome with fury, care for intellectual virtues?" (Pañcatantra II.28, sometimes ascribed to Vallabhadeva)
54. Bhattacharyya, D. C. (1928). "Date of the Subhasitavali". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. 60 (1): 135–137. doi:10.1017/S0035869X00059773. JSTOR 25221320.
55. Winternitz, Moriz (1963). History of Indian Literature. Motilal Banarsidass. p. 462. ISBN 978-81-208-0056-4.; Nakamura, Hajime (1983). A History of Early Vedānta Philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass. p. 400. ISBN 978-81-208-0651-1.
56. "Stamps 2004". Indian Department of Posts, Ministry of Communications & Information Technology. 23 April 2015. Retrieved 3 June 2015.
57. "Panini". http://www.istampgallery.com. Retrieved 11 December 2018.
58. Academy, Himalayan. "Hinduism Today Magazine". http://www.hinduismtoday.com. Retrieved 11 December 2018.
59. "India Postage Stamp on Panini issued on 01 Aug 2004". http://www.getpincodes.com. Retrieved 11 December 2018.
60. Cardona, §1-3.
61. Burrow, §2.1.
62. Coulson, p. xv.
63. Whitney, p. xii.
64. Cardona, §4.
65. Whitney, p. xiii
66. Coulson, p xvi.
67. Filliozat. 2002 The Sanskrit Language: An Overview – History and Structure, Linguistic and Philosophical Representations, Uses and Users. Indica Books.
68. Fallon, Oliver. 2009. Bhatti's Poem: The Death of Rávana (Bhaṭṭikāvya). New York: Clay Sanskrit Library[1]. ISBN 978-0-8147-2778-2 | ISBN 0-8147-2778-6 |
69. Frits Staal, The science of language, Chapter 16, in Gavin D. Flood, ed. The Blackwell Companion to Hinduism Blackwell Publishing, 2003, 599 pages ISBN 0-631-21535-2, ISBN 978-0-631-21535-6. p. 357-358
70. George Cardona (2000), "Book review: Pâṇinis Grammatik", Journal of the American Oriental Society, 120 (3): 464–5, JSTOR 606023
71. D'Ottavi, Giuseppe (2013). "Paṇini et le Mémoire". Arena Romanistica. 12: 164–193. (reprinted in "De l'essence double du langage" et le renouveau du saussurisme. 2016.).
72. Leonard Bloomfield (1927). On some rules of Pāṇini. Journal of the American Oriental Society. 47. American Oriental Society. pp. 61–70. doi:10.2307/593241. ISBN 9780226060712. JSTOR 593241.
73. Bhate, S. and Kak, S. (1993) Panini and Computer Science. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, vol. 72, pp. 79-94.
74. Kadvany, John (2007), "Positional Value and Linguistic Recursion", Journal of Indian Philosophy, 35 (5–6): 487–520, CiteSeerX 10.1.1.565.2083, doi:10.1007/s10781-007-9025-5, S2CID 52885600.
75. Witzel 2009.
76. Staal 1965, p. 99.
77. Bod 2013, p. 14, n.2.

Bibliography

• Bhate, S. and Kak, S. (1993) Panini and Computer Science. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, vol. 72, pp. 79–94.
• Bod, Rens (2013), A New History of the Humanities: The Search for Principles and Patterns from Antiquity to the Present, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-966521-1
• Bronkhorst, Johannes (2016), How the Brahmins Won: From Alexander to the Guptas, BRILL, ISBN 9789004315518
• Bronkhorst, Johannes (2019), A Śabda Reader: Language in Classical Indian Thought, Columbia University Press, ISBN 9780231548311
• Cardona, George (1997) [1976], Pāṇini: A Survey of Research, Motilal Banarsidass, ISBN 978-81-208-1494-3
• Harold G. Coward (1990). The Philosophy of the Grammarians, in Encyclopedia of Indian Philosophies Volume 5 (Editor: Karl Potter). Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-81-208-0426-5.
• Carter, George F.; et al. (1979). "On Mundkur on Diffusion". Current Anthropology. 20 (2): 425–428. doi:10.1086/202297. S2CID 143783458.
• François, Alexandre; Ponsonnet, Maïa (2013). "Descriptive linguistics" (PDF). In Jon R. McGee; Richard L. Warms (eds.). Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia. 1. SAGE Publications, Inc. pp. 184–187. ISBN 9781412999632.
• Ingerman, Peter Zilahy (March 1967). ""Pāṇini-Backus Form" Suggested". Communications of the ACM. 10 (3): 137. doi:10.1145/363162.363165. S2CID 52817672. Ingerman suggests that the then-called Backus normal form be renamed to the Pāṇini–Backus form, to give due credit to Pāṇini as the earliest independent inventor.
• Kadvany, John (8 February 2008). "Positional Value and Linguistic Recursion". Journal of Indian Philosophy. 35 (5–6): 487–520. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.565.2083. doi:10.1007/s10781-007-9025-5. S2CID 52885600.
• Tibor Kiss (2015). Syntax - Theory and Analysis. Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-037740-8.
• Lidova, Natalia (1994), Drama and Ritual of Early Hinduism, Motilal Banarsidass, ISBN 978-81-208-1234-5
• Locjtfeld, James G. (2002a), The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Hinduism: A-M, The Rosen Publishing Group, ISBN 978-0-8239-3179-8
• Misra, Kamal K. (2000), Textbook of Anthropological Linguistics, Concept Publishing Company
• Prince, Alan; Smolensky, Paul (15 April 2008). Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-0-470-75939-4.
• T. R. N. Rao. Pāṇini-backus form of languages. 1998.
• Scharfe, Hartmut (1977), Grammatical Literature, Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, ISBN 978-3-447-01706-0
• Staal, Frits (April 1965), "Euclid and Pāṇini", Philosophy East and West, 15 (2): 99–116, doi:10.2307/1397332, JSTOR 1397332
• Staal, Frits (1972). A Reader on the Sanskrit Grammarians. MIT Press. ISBN 0-262-19078-8.
• Staal, Frits (1996), Ritual and Mantras: Rules Without Meaning, Motilal Banarsidass, ISBN 978-8120814127
• Tiwary, Kapil Muni 1968 Pāṇini's description of nominal compounds, University of Pennsylvania doctoral dissertation, unpublished.
• Vergiani, Vincenzo (2017), "Bhartrhari on Language, Perception, and Consciousness", in Ganeri, Jonardon (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Indian Philosophy, Oxford University Press, ISBN 9780199314638
• Witzel, Michael (2009), "Moving Targets? Texts, language, archaeology and history in the Late Vedic and early Buddhist periods", Indo-Iranian Journal, 52 (2–3): 287–310, doi:10.1163/001972409X12562030836859
Further reading[edit]
Works
• Pāṇini. Ashtādhyāyī. Book 4. Translated by Chandra Vasu. Benares, 1896. (in Sanskrit and English)
• Pāṇini. Ashtādhyāyī. Book 6–8. Translated by Chandra Vasu. Benares, 1897. (in Sanskrit and English)
Pāṇini
• O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "Pāṇini", MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews 2000.
• Pāṇini - His work and its traditions, George Cardona. 1997. (in English)

External links

• PaSSim – Paninian Sanskrit Simulator simulates the Pāṇinian Process of word formation
• The system of Panini
• Gaṇakāṣṭādhyāyī, a software on Sanskrit grammar, based on Pāṇini's Sutras
• Ashtadhyayi, Work by Pāṇini
• Forizs, L. Pāṇini, Nāgārjuna and Whitehead – The Relevance of Whitehead for Contemporary Buddhist Philosophy
• The Aṣṭādhyāyī of Pāṇini, with the Mahābhāṣya and Kāśikā commentaries, along with the Nyāsa and Padamanjara commentaries on the Kāśikā. (PDF) Sanskrit.
• Pāṇinian Linguistics

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Aṣṭādhyāyī
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/3/21

The Aṣṭādhyāyī (Devanagari: अष्टाध्यायी) is a grammar that describes a form of early Indo-Aryan: Sanskrit. Authored by Sanskrit philologist and scholar Pāṇini and dated to around 500 BCE, it describes the language as current in his time, specifically the dialect and register of an élite of model speakers, referred to by Pāṇini himself as śiṣṭa. The work also accounts both for some features specific to the older Vedic form of the language, as well as certain dialectal features current in the author's time.

The Aṣṭādhyāyī employs a derivational system to describe the language, where real speech is derived from posited abstract utterances formed by means of affixes added to bases under certain conditions.

The Aṣṭādhyāyī is supplemented by three ancillary texts: akṣarasamāmnāya, dhātupāṭha[A] and gaṇapāṭha.[ b][1]

Etymology

Aṣṭādhyāyī is made of two words aṣta-, 'eight' and adhyāya-, 'chapter', thus meaning eight-chaptered, or 'the book of eight chapters'.[2]

Background

Grammatical tradition


By 1000 BCE, a large body of hymns composed in the oldest attested form of the Proto-Indo-Aryan language had been consolidated into the Ṛg·Veda, which formed the canonical basis of the Vedic religion, being transmitted from generation to generation entirely orally.

In the course of the following centuries, as the popular speech evolved, growing concern among the guardians of the Vedic religion that the hymns be passed on without 'corruption' led to the rise of a vigorous, sophisticated grammatical tradition involving the study of linguistic analysis, in particular phonetics alongside grammar. The high point of this centuries-long endeavor was Pāṇini's Aṣṭādhyāyī, which eclipsed all others before him.[3][4][5]

While not the first, the Aṣtādhyāyī is the oldest linguistic and grammar text, and one of the oldest Sanskrit texts, surviving in its entirety. Pāṇini refers to older texts such as the Unādisūtra, Dhātupāṭha, and Gaṇapātha but some of these have only survived in part.[6]

Arrangement

The Aṣṭādhyāyī consists of 3,959 sūtras[C] in eight chapters, which are each subdivided into four sections or pādas. There are different types of sūtras, with the vidhisūtra - operational rules, being the main one. The other, ancillary sūtras, are:[7]

• paribhāṣā - metarules
• adhikāra - headings
• atideśa•sūtra - extension rules
• niyama•sūtra - restrictive rules
• pratiṣedha- & niṣedha•sūtra - negation rules

Related fields

The Aṣṭādhyāyī is the foundation of Vyākaraṇa, one of the Vedic ancillary fields (Vedāṅgas),[8] and complements others such as the Niruktas, Nighaṇṭus, and Śikṣā.[9] Regarded as extremely compact without sacrificing completeness, it would become the model for later specialist technical texts or sūtras.[10]

Method

The text takes material from lexical lists (dhātupāṭha, gaṇapātha) as input and describes algorithms to be applied to them for the generation of well-formed words. It is highly systematised and technical. Inherent in its approach are the concepts of the phoneme, the morpheme and the root.[a] A consequence of his grammar's focus on brevity is its highly unintuitive structure, reminiscent of modern notations such as the "Backus–Naur form".[citation needed] His sophisticated logical rules and technique have been widely influential in ancient and modern linguistics.

Pāṇini makes use of a technical metalanguage consisting of a syntax, morphology, and lexicon. This metalanguage is organised according to a series of meta-rules, some of which are explicitly stated while others can be deduced.[12][ b]

Commentarial tradition

The Aṣṭādhyāyī, composed in an era when oral composition and transmission was the norm, is staunchly embedded in that oral tradition. In order to ensure wide dissemination, Pāṇini is said to have preferred brevity over clarity[14] - it can be recited end-to-end in two hours. This has led to the emergence of a great number of commentaries[α] of his work over the centuries, which for the most part adhere to the foundations laid by Pāṇini's work.[15][3]

The most famous and among the most ancient of these Bhāṣyas is the Mahābhāṣya[c][16] of Patañjali.[17][18][d][e][f] Non-Hindu texts and traditions on grammar emerged after Patañjali, some of which include the Sanskrit grammar text of Jainendra of Jainism and the Chandra school of Buddhism.

Critical responses

In the Aṣṭādhyāyī, language is observed in a manner that has no parallel among Greek or Latin grammarians. Pāṇini's grammar, according to Renou and Filliozat, defines the linguistic expression and a classic that set the standard for Sanskrit language.[20]

Rules

The first two sutras are as follows:

1.1.1 vṛddhir ādaiC [i]
1.1.2 adeṄ guṇaḥ [ii]


In these sutras, the letters which here are put into the upper case actually are special meta-linguistic symbols; they are called IT [iii] markers or, by later writers such as Katyayana and Patanjali, anubandhas (see below). The C and Ṅ refer to Shiva Sutras 4 ("ai, au, C") and 3 ("e, o, Ṅ"), respectively, forming what are known as the pratyāhāras "comprehensive designations" aiC, eṄ. They denote the list of phonemes {ai, au} and {e, o} respectively. The T [iv] appearing (in its variant form /d/) in both sutras is also an IT marker: Sutra 1.1.70 defines it as indicating that the preceding phoneme does not represent a list, but a single phoneme, encompassing all supra-segmental features such as accent and nasality. For further example, āT[v] and aT[vi] represent ā[vii] and a[viii] respectively.

When a sutra defines the technical term, the term defined comes at the end, so the first sutra should have properly been ādaiJ vṛddhir instead of vṛddhir ādaiC. However the orders are reversed to have a good-luck word at the very beginning of the work; vṛddhir happens to mean 'prosperity' in its non-technical use.

Thus the two sūtras consist of a list of phonemes, followed by a technical term; the final interpretation of the two sūtras above is thus:

1.1.1: {ā, ai, au} are called vṛ́ddhi.
1.1.2: {a, e, o} are called guṇa.


At this point, one can see they are definitions of terminology: guṇa and vṛ́ddhi are the terms for the full and the lengthened Indo-European ablaut grades, respectively.

List of IT markers

its or anubandhas are defined in P. 1.3.2 through P. 1.3.8. These definitions refer only to items taught in the grammar or its ancillary texts such at the dhātupāţha; this fact is made clear in P. 1.3.2 by the word upadeśe, which is then continued in the following six rules by anuvṛtti, Ellipsis. As these anubandhas are metalinguistic markers and not pronounced in the final derived form, pada (word), they are elided by P. 1.3.9 tasya lopaḥ – 'There is elision of that (i.e. any of the preceding items which have been defined as an it).' Accordingly, Pāṇini defines the anubandhas as follows:

1. Nasalized vowels, e.g. bhañjO. Cf. P. 1.3.2.
2. A final consonant (haL). Cf. P. 1.3.3.
2. (a) except a dental, m and s in verbal or nominal endings. Cf. P. 1.3.4.
3. Initial ñi ṭu ḍu. Cf. P 1.3.5
4. Initial ṣ of a suffix (pratyaya). Cf. P. 1.3.6.
5. Initial palatals and cerebrals of a suffix. Cf. P. 1.3.7
6. Initial l, ś, and velars but not in a taddhita 'secondary' suffix. Cf. P. 1.3.8.

A few examples of elements that contain its are as follows:

• suP nominal suffix
• Ś-IT
o Śi strong case endings
o Ślu elision
o ŚaP active marker
• P-IT
o luP elision
o āP ā-stems
 CāP
 ṬāP
 ḌāP
o LyaP (7.1.37)
• L-IT
• K-IT
o Ktvā
o luK elision
• saN Desiderative
• C-IT
• M-IT
• Ṅ-IT
o Ṅí Causative
o Ṅii ī-stems
 ṄīP
 ṄīN
 Ṅī'Ṣ
o tiṄ verbal suffix
o lUṄ Aorist
o lIṄ Precative
• S-IT
• GHU class of verbal stems (1.1.20)
• GHI (1.4.7)

Auxiliary texts

Pāṇini's Ashtadhyayi has three associated texts.

• The Shiva Sutras are a brief but highly organised list of phonemes.
• The Dhatupatha is a lexical list of verbal roots sorted by present class.
• The Ganapatha is a lexical list of nominal stems grouped by common properties.

Main article: Śiva Sūtras

The Śiva Sūtras describe a phonemic notational system in the fourteen initial lines preceding the Aştādhyāyī. The notational system introduces different clusters of phonemes that serve special roles in the morphology of Sanskrit, and are referred to throughout the text. Each cluster, called a pratyāhāra ends with a dummy sound called an anubandha (the so-called IT index), which acts as a symbolic referent for the list. Within the main text, these clusters, referred through the anubandhas, are related to various grammatical functions.

Dhātupāțha

The Dhātupāțha is a lexicon of Sanskrit verbal roots subservient to the Aștādhyāyī. It is organised by the ten present classes of Sanskrit, i.e. the roots are grouped by the form of their stem in the present tense.

The ten present classes of Sanskrit are:

1. bhū•ādayaḥ (root-full grade thematic presents)
2. ad•ādayaḥ (root presents)
3. juhoty•ādayaḥ (reduplicated presents)
4. div•ādayaḥ (ya thematic presents)
5. su•ādayaḥ (nu presents)
6. tud•ādayaḥ (root-zero grade thematic presents)
7. rudh•ādayaḥ (n-infix presents)
8. tan•ādayaḥ (no presents)
9. krī•ādayaḥ (ni presents)
10. cur•ādayaḥ (aya presents, causatives)

The small number of class 8 verbs are a secondary group derived from class 5 roots, and class 10 is a special case, in that any verb can form class 10 presents, then assuming causative meaning. The roots specifically listed as belonging to class 10 are those for which any other form has fallen out of use (causative deponents, so to speak).

This lexicon lists all the verbal roots (dhatu) of Sanskrit, indicating their properties and meanings in Sanskrit. There are approximately 2300 roots in Dhatupatha. Of these, 522 roots are often used in classical Sanskrit.

There are other similar descriptions of the roots of Sanskrit and commentaries to them, for example: “Dhatuparayana»Dhātupārāyaṇa. And also, there are "Dhatupathis" by other authors, but with the same meaning: descriptions of the roots of Sanskrit.

Dhatu-patha is divided into two parts, in the second part - the content and an alphabetical list of all roots. In the first part, the roots are located along the ghana. Within the ghana, roots are sorted by endings and by their behavior during word formation and conjugation (roots with similar behavior are grouped into one section). Many roots in Dhatupatha were introduced along with anubadhas (anubandha is a letter that is not part of the root, but indicates some kind of rule, similar to the modern function of hyperlinks).

Gaņapāțha

The Gaņapāțha is a list of groups of primitive nominal stems used by the Aștâdhyāyī.

Examples of groups include:

1. Listing of verbal prefixes (upasargas).
2. Listing of "pronouns" - this is not really an accurate translation but is commonly used as the list includes 'he', 'she', 'it', but also 'all' (from which the group gets its name), 'that'... Correct name is sarvaņāman.

Commentary

After Pāṇini, the Mahābhāṣya of Patañjali on the Aṣṭādhyāyī is one of the three most famous works in Sanskrit grammar. It was with Patañjali that Indian linguistic science reached its definite form. The system thus established is extremely detailed as to Śikṣā (phonology, including accent) and vyākaraṇa (morphology). Syntax is scarcely touched, but nirukta (etymology) is discussed, and these etymologies naturally lead to semantic explanations. People interpret his work to be a defence of Pāṇini, whose Sūtras are elaborated meaningfully. He also attacks Kātyāyana rather severely. But the main contributions of Patañjali lies in the treatment of the principles of grammar enunciated by him.

Over the past forty years or so, a theory has been forged in university departments of history and cultural studies that much of what is thought to be ancient in India was actually invented -- or at best reinvented or recovered from oblivion -- during the time of the British Raj. This of course runs counter to the view most Indians, Indophiles, and renaissance hipsters share that India's ancient traditions are ageless verities unchanged since their emergence from the ancient mists of time. When I began this project, I was of the opinion that "classical yoga" -- that is, the Yoga philosophy of the Yoga Sutra (also known as the Yoga Sutras) -- was in fact a tradition extending back through an unbroken line of gurus and disciples, commentators and copyists, to Pantanjali himself, the author of the work who lived in the first centuries of the Common Era. However, the data I have sifted through over the past three years have forced me to conclude that this was not the case...

[A]fter a five-hundred-year period of great notoriety, during which it was translated into two foreign languages (Arabic and Old Javanese) and noted by authors from across the Indian philosophical spectrum, Patanjali's work began to fall into oblivion. After it had been virtually forgotten for the better part of seven hundred years (700), Swami Vivekananda miraculously rehabilitated it in the final decade of the nineteenth century. Since that time, and especially over the past thirty years, Big Yoga -- the corporate yoga subculture -- has elevated the Yoga Sutra to a status it never knew, even during its seventh- to twelfth-century heyday. This reinvention of the Yoga Sutra as the foundational scripture of "classical yoga" runs counter to the pre-twentieth-century history of India's yoga traditions, during which other works (the Bhagavad Gita, Yoga Vasistha, and variouis texts attributed to figures named Yajnavalkya and Hiranyagarbha) and other forms of yoga (Pashupata Yoga, Tantric Yoga, and Hatha Yoga) dominated the Indian yoga scene. This book is an account of the rise and fall, and latter day rise, of the Yoga Sutra as a classic of religious literature and cultural icon.

-- The Yoga Sutra of Patanjali, by David Gordon White


Other information

Pāṇini's work has been one of the important sources of cultural, religious, and geographical information about ancient India, with he himself being referred to as a Hindu scholar of grammar and linguistics.[21][22][23] His work, for example, illustrates the word Vasudeva (4.3.98) as a proper noun in an honorific sense, that can equally mean a divine or an ordinary person. This has been interpreted by scholars as attesting the significance of god Vasudeva (Krishna) or the opposite.[24] The concept of dharma is attested in his sutra 4.4.41 as, dharmam carati or "he observes dharma (duty, righteousness)" (cf. Taittiriya Upanishad 1.11).[25][26] Much social, geographical and historical information has been thus inferred from a close reading of Pāṇini's grammar.[27]

Editions

• Rama Nath Sharma, The Aṣṭādhyāyī of Pāṇini (6 Vols.), 2001, ISBN 8121500516[28]
• Otto Böhtlingk, Panini's Grammatik 1887, reprint 1998 ISBN 3-87548-198-4
• Katre, Sumitra M., Astadhyayi of Panini, Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987. Reprint Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1989. ISBN 0-292-70394-5
• Misra, Vidya Niwas, The Descriptive Technique of Panini, Mouton and Co., 1966.
• Vasu, Srisa Chandra, The Ashṭádhyáyí of Páṇini. Translated into English, Indian Press, Allahabad, 1898.[29]

Notes

1. His rules have a reputation for perfection[11] – that is, they tersely describe Sanskrit morphology unambiguously and completely.
2. "Udayana states that a technical treatise or śāstra, in any discipline, should aspire to clarity (vaiśadya), compactness (laghutā), and completeness (kṛtsnatā). A compilation of sūtras maximises compactness and completeness, at the expense of clarity. A bhāṣya is complete and clear, but not compact. A group of sūtras, a 'section' or prakaraṇa of the whole compilation, is clear and compact, but not complete. The sūtras achieve compactness i) by making sequence significant, ii) letting one item stand for or range over many, and iii) using grammar and lexicon artificially. The background model is always Pāṇini's grammar for the Sanskrit language, the Aṣṭādhyāyī, which exploits a range of brevity-enabling devices to compose what has often been described as the tersest and yet most complete grammar of any language." The monumental multi-volume grammars published in the 20th century (for Sanskrit, the Altindische Grammatik 1896–1957) of course set new standards in completeness, but the Aṣṭādhyāyī remains unrivalled in terms of terseness.[13]
3. great commentary
4. Patañjali may or may not be the same person as the one who authored Yogasūtras
5. The Mahābhāṣya is more than a commentary on Aṣṭādhyāyī. It is the earliest known philosophical text of the Hindu Grammarians.
6. The earliest secondary literature on the primary text of Pāṇini are by Kātyāyana (~3rd century BCE) and Patanjali (~2nd century BCE).[19]

Glossary

1. dhātu: root, pāṭha: reading, lesson
2. gaṇa: class
3. aphoristic threads

Traditional glossary and notes

1. bhāṣyas

References

1. Cardona, §1-3.
2. Monier Monier-Williams
3. Jump up to:a b Burrow, §2.1.
4. Coulson, p. xv.
5. Whitney, p. xii.
6. Cardona, §4.
7. Cardona (1997) §10.
8. Harold G. Coward 1990, pp. 13-14, 111.
9. James Lochtefeld (2002), "Vyākaraṇa" in The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Hinduism, Vol. 2: N-Z, Rosen Publishing, ISBN 0-8239-2287-1, pages 476, 744-745, 769
10. Jonardon Ganeri, Sanskrit Philosophical Commentary (PDF)
11. Bloomfield, L., 1929, "Review of Liebich, Konkordanz Pāṇini-Candra," Language 5, 267–276.
12. Angot, Michel. L'Inde Classique, pp.213–215. Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 2001. ISBN 2-251-41015-5
13. In the 1909 Imperial Gazetteer of India, it was still possible to describe it as "at once the shortest and the fullest grammar in the world". Sanskrit Literature, The Imperial Gazetteer of India, vol. 2 (1909), p. 263.
14. Whitney, p. xiii
15. Coulson, p xvi.
16. George Cardona 1997, pp. 243-259.
17. Harold G. Coward 1990, p. 16.
18. Harold G. Coward 1990, pp. 16-17.
19. Tibor Kiss 2015, pp. 71-72.
20. Louis Renou & Jean Filliozat. L'Inde Classique, manuel des etudes indiennes, vol.II pp.86–90, École française d'Extrême-Orient, 1953, reprinted 2000. ISBN 2-85539-903-3.
21. Steven Weisler; Slavoljub P. Milekic (2000). Theory of Language. MIT Press. p. 44. ISBN 978-0-262-73125-6., Quote:"The linguistic investigations of Panini, the notable Hindu grammarian, can be ..."
22. Morris Halle (1971). The Sound Pattern of Russian: A Linguistic and Acoustical Investigation. Walter de Gruyter. p. 88. ISBN 978-3-11-086945-3., Quote: "The problem was, however, faced by the Hindu grammarian Panini, who apparently was conscious of the grammatical implications of his phonetic classificatory scheme."
23. John Bowman (2005). Columbia Chronologies of Asian History and Culture. Columbia University Press. pp. 728 (Panini, Hindu grammarian, 328). ISBN 978-0-231-50004-3.
24. R. G. Bhandarkar (1910), Vasudeva of Panini IV, iii, 98, The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Cambridge University Press, (Jan., 1910), pp. 168-170
25. Rama Nath Sharma (1999). The Aṣṭādhyāyī of Pāṇini: English translation of adhyāyas four and five. Munshiram Manoharlal. p. 377. ISBN 978-81-215-0747-9.
26. Peter Scharf (2014). Ramopakhyana - The Story of Rama in the Mahabharata. Routledge. p. 192. ISBN 978-1-136-84655-7.
27. VĀSUDEVA S. AGARVĀLĀ (1963). India as known to Pāṇini. A study of the cultural material in the Ashṭādhyāyī. (Radha Kumud Mookerji Endowment Lectures for 1952.) [With a plate and folding maps.] Varanasi. OCLC 504674962.
28. "The Astadhyayi of Panini (6 Vols.) by Rama Nath Sharma at Vedic Books". http://www.vedicbooks.net. Retrieved 2016-09-22.
29. Books I, III, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII.

Bibliography

• Cardona, George (1997). Pāṇini - His Work and its Traditions - Vol 1 (2nd ed.). Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 81-208-0419-8.
• Fortson, Benjamin W. Indo-European Language and Culture (2010 ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4051-8895-1.
• Burrow, T. The Sanskrit Language (2001 ed.). Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 81-208-1767-2.
• Whitney, William Dwight. Sanskrit Grammar (2000 ed.). Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 81-208-0620-4.
• Macdonnel, Arthur Anthony. A Sanskrit Grammar for Students. Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 81-246-0094-5.
• Kale, M R. A Higher Sanskrit Grammar (2002 ed.). Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 81-208-0177-6.
• Monier-Williams, Monier. A Sanskrit Dictionary. Oxford Clarendon Press.
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