Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

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Part 1 of 4

VII. On the ancient Geography of India.
by Lieut. Col. F. Wilford
Asiatick Researches; or Transactions of the Society, Instituted in Bengal, For Enquiring into the History and Antiquities, the Arts, Sciences, and Literature, of Asia, Volume the Fourteenth
1822
Pgs. 373-470

Finally; the classical authors concur in making Palibothra a city on the Ganges, the capital of Sandrocoptus. Strabo, on the authority of Megasthenes, states that Palibothra is situated at the confluence of the Ganges and another river, the name of which he does not mention. Arrian, possibly on the same authority, calls that river the Erranoboas, which is a synonime of the Sone. In the drama, one of the characters describes the trampling down of the banks of the Sone, as the army approaches to Pataliputra; and Putaliputra, also called Kusumapura, is the capital of Chandragupta. There is little question that Pataliputra and Palibothra are the same, and in the uniform estimation of the Hindus, the former is the same with Patna. The alterations in the course of the rivers of India, and the small comparative extent to which the city has shrunk in modern times, will sufficiently explain why Patna is not at the confluence of the Ganges and the Sone, and the only argument, then, against the identity of the position, is the enumeration of the Erranoboas and the Sone as distinct rivers by Arrian and Pliny: but their nomenclature is unaccompanied by any description, and it was very easy to mistake synonimes for distinct appellations. Rajamahal, as proposed by Wilford, and Bhagalpur, as maintained by Franklin, are both utterly untenable, and the further inquiries of the former had satisfied him of the error of his hypothesis. His death prevented the publication of an interesting paper by him on the site of Palibothra, in which he had come over to the prevailing opinion, and shewn it to have been situated in the vicinity of Patna.* [Asiatic Researches, vol. xiv. p. 380.]

-- The Mudra Rakshasa, or The Signet of the Minister. A Drama, Translated from the Original Sanscrit, Select Specimens of the Theatre of the Hindus, Translated from Original Sanskrit, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, by Horace Hayman Wilson, 1835

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.

A FEW years after my arrival in India, I began to study the ancient history, and geography of that country; and of course, endeavoured to procure some regular works on the subject: the attempt proved vain, though I spared neither trouble, nor money, and I had given up every hope, when, most unexpectedly, and through mere chance, several geographical tracts in Sanscrit, fell into my hands. I very much regret, that they did not make their appearance somewhat earlier; for time passes away heedless of our favourite pursuits.

In some of the Puranas, there is a section called the Bhuvana-cosa, a magazine, or Collection of mansions: but these are entirely mythological, and beneath our notice.
Bhuchanda, or Bhuvana Cosa, a section of the Puranas on geography, VIII. 268, 287.

-- Index to the First Eighteen Volumes of the Asiatic Researches, Or, Transactions of the Society
Instituted in Bengal for Enquiring Into the History and Antiquities, the Arts, Sciences and Literature of Asia, by Asia Society, 1835

Besides those in the Puranas, there are other geographical tracts, to several of which is given the title of Cshetra-samasa, or collection of countries; one is entirely mythological, and is highly esteemed by the Jainas; another in my possession, is entirely geographical, and is a most valuable work.

VI. The cross, though not an object of worship among the Bauddhas, is a favourite emblem and device with them. It is exactly the cross of the Manicheans, with leaves and flowers springing from it, and placed upon a mount Calvary, as among the Roman Catholics. They represent it various ways; but the shaft with the cross bar, and the Calvary remain the same. The tree of life and knowledge, or the Jambu tree, in their maps of the world, is always represented in the shape of a Manichean cross, eighty-four Yojanas (answering to the eighty-four years of the life of him who was exalted upon the cross), or 423 miles high, including the three steps of the Calvary.
Calvary, or Golgotha was, according to the canonical Gospels, a site immediately outside Jerusalem's walls where Jesus was crucified.

The Gospels use the Koine term Kraníon or Kraniou topos when testifying to the place outside Jerusalem where Jesus was crucified. E.g., Mark 15:22 (NRSV), "Then they brought Jesus to the place called Golgotha (which means: 'the place of a skull')." 'Kraníon is often translated as 'skull' in English, but more accurately means cranium, the part of the skull enclosing the brain. In Latin, it is rendered Calvariae Locus, from which the English term Calvary derives.

Its traditional site, identified by Queen Mother Helena, mother of Constantine the Great, in 325, is at the site of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. A 19th-century suggestion places it at the site now known as 'The Garden Tomb' on Skull Hill, some 500 m (1,600 ft) to the north, and 200 m (660 ft) north of the Damascus Gate.

-- Calvary, by Wikipedia

This cross, putting forth leaves and flowers, (and fruit also, as I am told) is called the divine tree, the tree of the gods, the tree of life and knowledge, and productive of whatever is good and desirable, and is placed in the terrestrial Paradise. Agapius, according to Photius,* [Phot. Biblioth. p. 403.] maintained, that this divine tree in Paradise, was Christ himself. In their delineations of the heavens, the globe of the earth is filled up with this cross and its Calvary. The divines of Tibet place it to the S.W. of Meru, towards the source of the Ganges. The Manicheans always represented Christ crucified upon a tree among the foliage. The Christians of India, and of St. Thomas, though they did not admit of images, still entertained the greatest veneration for the cross. They placed it on a Calvary, in public places, and at the meeting of cross roads; and it is said, that even the heathen Hindus in these parts paid also great regard to it. I have annexed the drawings of two crosses, from a book entitled the Cshetra-samasa, lately given to me by a learned Bauddha, who is visiting the holy places in the countries bordering upon the Ganges.* [Plate 2] There are various representations of this mystical symbol, which my friend the Jati could not explain to me; but says, that the shaft and the two arms of the cross remain invariably the same, and that the Calvary is sometimes omitted. It becomes then a cross, with four points, sometimes altered into a cross cramponne, as used in heraldry.

In the second figure there are two instruments depicted, the meaning of which my learned friend, the Jati, could not explain. Neither did he know what they were intended to represent; but, says he, they look like two spears : and indeed they look very much like the spear and reed, often represented with the cross. The third figure represents the same tree, but somewhat nearer to its natural shape. When it is represented as a trunk without branches, as in Japan, it is then said to be the seat of the supreme ONE. When two arms are added, as in our cross, the Trimurti is said to be seated there. When with five branches, the five Sugats, or grand forms of Buddha, are said to reside upon there. Be this as it may, 1 cannot believe the resemblance of this cross and Calvary, with the sign of our redemption, to be merely accidental. I have written this account of the progress of the Christian religion in India, with the impartiality of an historian, fully persuaded that our holy religion cannot possibly receive any additional lustre from it.

Image
Image
Volume 10, Plate 2. The Calpa-Vricsha of the Bauddhas which is the same with the cross of the Manicheans.

-- II. An Essay on the Sacred Isles in the West, with other Essays connected with that Work, by Captain F. Wilford. Essay V. Origin and Decline of the Christian Religion in India, Asiatic Researches, Volume 10, 1811

It would also be useful to obtain some of the modern treatises on geography which exist, it is said, in several countries of India, notably among the Djaïnas of Malvah and Gudjérat; we know that Wilford had several works of this kind in his hands, and that he especially made great use, for his last works, of the Samâsa-Kchetra (Collection of Countries), a prescriptive [relating to the imposition or enforcement of a rule or method.] treatise on geography written in the seventeenth century. However modern these works may be, and however mixed they may be with fables and errors, one should find in them good indications, from which European criticism will be able to turn to good account. Wilford also speaks of two ancient treatises on Sanskrit geography, one of the fifth-sixth century of our era, the other of the tenth-sixth century; the discovery of one or the other of these works would surely be a very useful acquisition.

-- Etuden Sur La Geographie Et Les Populations Primitives Du Nord-Ouest De L'Inde D'Apres Les Hymnes Vediques Precedee D'Un Apercu De L'Etat Actuel Des Etudes Sur L'Inde Ancienne, by Par M. Vivien De Saint-Martin, 1855 (Study on the Geography and the Primitive Populations of North-West India According to the Vedic Hymns Preceded by an Overview of the Current State of Studies on Ancient India, by M. Vivien De Saint-Martin, 1855)

There is also the Trai-locya-derpana, or mirror of the three worlds: but it is wholly mythological, and written in the spoken dialects of the countries about Muttra. St. Patrick is supposed to have written such a book, which is entitled de tribus Habitaculis, and this was also entirely mythological.

There are also lists of countries, rivers and mountains, in several Puranas, and other books; but they are of little or no use, being mere lists of names, without any explanation whatever. They are very incorrectly written, and the context can be of no service, in correcting the bad spelling of proper names. These in general are called Desamala, or garlands of countries; and are of great antiquity: they appear to have been known to Megasthenes, and afterwards to Pliny.*


Of the Manners of the Indians.

The Indians all live frugally, especially when in camp. They dislike a great undisciplined multitude, and consequently they observe good order. Theft is of very rare occurrence. Megasthenes says that those who were in the camp of Sandrakottos, wherein lay 400,000 men, found that the thefts reported on any one day did not exceed the value of two hundred drachmae, and this among a people who have no written laws, but are ignorant of writing, and must therefore in all the business of life trust to memory.

-- Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian; Being a Translation of the Fragments of the Indika of Megasthenes Collected by Dr. Schwanbeck, and of the First Part of the Indika of Arrian, by J.W. McCrindle, M.A., Principal of the Government College, Patna, Member of the General Council of the University of Edinburgh, Fellow of the University of Calcutta, With Introduction, Notes and Map of Ancient India, Reprinted (with additions) from the "Indian Antiquary," 1876-77


[Consult the 20th Chapter of the 6th Book, in which the account of so many countries all over India, cannot be the result of the travels of several individuals, but must be extracted from such lists. In the 17th Chapter of the same book, Pliny says that Seneca, in his attempt towards a description of India, had mentioned no less than sixty rivers, one hundred and twenty nations or countries, besides mountains, and in the latter part of the said chapter, out of this account of Seneca, he gives us the names of several mountains, nations and rivers. It is my opinion that in the times of Pliny and Ptolemy, they had a more full and copious geographical account of India, than we had forty years ago. Unluckily through the want of regular itineraries end astronomical observations, their longitudes and latitudes were only inferred; and this alone was sufficient to throw the whole of their geographical information, into a shapeless and inextricable mass of confusion.

Real geographical treatises do exist: but they are very scarce, and the owners unwilling, either to part with them, or to allow any copy to be made, particularly for strangers. For they say, that it is highly improper, to impart any knowledge of the state of their country, to foreigners; and they consider these geographical works as copies of the archives of the government of their country. Seven of them have come to my knowledge, three of which are in my possession. The two oldest are the Munja-prati-desa-vyavastha, or an account of various countries, written by Raja Munja, in the latter end of the ninth century: it was revised and improved by Raja Bhoja his nephew, in the beginning of the tenth, it is supposed; and this new edition was published under the name of Bhoja-prati-desa-vyavastha. These two treatises, which are voluminous, particularly the latter, are still to be found, in Gujarat, as I was repeatedly assured, by a most respectable Pandit, a native of that country, who died some years ago, in my service. I then applied to the late Mr. Duncan, Governor of Bombay, to procure those two geographical tracts, but in vain: his enquiries however confirmed their existence. These two are not mentioned in any Sanscrit book, that I ever saw. The next geographical treatise, is that written by order of the famous Buccaraya or Bucca-sinha, who ruled in the peninsula in the year of Vicramaditya, 1341, answering to the year 1285 of our era.

Bukka Raya I (reigned 1356–1377 CE) was an emperor of the Vijayanagara Empire from the Sangama Dynasty. He was a son of Bhavana Sangama, the chieftain of a pastoralist community Shepard lineage.

The early life of Bukka as well as his brother Hakka (also known as Harihara I) are relatively unknown and most accounts of their early life are based on various theories.

Bukka [Raya I], by Wikipedia

It is mentioned in the commentary on the geography of the Maha-bharata, and it is said, that he wrote an account of the 310 Rajaships of India, and Palibothra is mentioned in it. I suspect that this is the geographical treatise called Bhuvana-sagara, or sea of mansions, in the Dekhin.


A passage from it, is cited by professor Sig. Bayer, in which is mentioned the town of Nisadaburam, in the Tamul dialect,* [In which da is the mark of the possessive case.] but in Sanscrit Nuhushapur, or Naushapur, from an ancient and famous king of that name more generally called Deva-nahusha, and Deo-naush, in the spoken dialects. He appears to be the Dionysius, of our ancient mythologists, and reigned near mount Meru, now Mar-coh, to the S. E. of Cabul.

The fourth is a commentary on the geography of the Maha-bharat, written by order of the Raja of Paulastya in the peninsula, by a Pandit, who resided in Bengal, in the time of Hussein-shah, who began his reign in the year 1489[???]. It is a voluminous work, most curious, and interesting. It is in my possession, except a small portion towards the end, and which I hope to be able to procure. Palibothra is mentioned in it.
In Hindu mythology, Pulastya was one of the ten Prajapati or mind-born sons of Brahma, (Manas Putra) and one of the Saptarishis (Seven Great Sages Rishi) in the first Manvantara.

-- Pulastya, by Wikipedia

Ala-ud-din Husain Shah r. 1494–1519) was an independent late medieval Sultan of Bengal, who founded the Hussain Shahi dynasty. He became the ruler of Bengal after assassinating the Abyssinian Sultan, Shams-ud-Din Muzaffar Shah, whom he had served under as wazir. After his death in 1519, his son Nusrat Shah succeeded him. The reigns of Husain Shah and Nusrat Shah are generally regarded as the "golden age" of the Bengal sultanate...

The reign of Husain Shah witnessed a remarkable development of Bengali literature. Under the patronage of Paragal Khan, Husain Shah's governor of Chittagong, Kabindra Parameshvar wrote his Pandabbijay, a Bengali adaptation of the Mahabharata. Similarly, under the patronage of Paragal's son Chhuti Khan, who succeeded his father as governor of Chittagong, Shrikar Nandi wrote another Bengali adaptation of the Mahabharata.

-- Alauddin Husain Shah, by Wikipedia

There are also a few WORKS professing to DEAL WITH GEOGRAPHY. Mr. Wilford has long ago pointed out (Asiatick Researches, XIV. pp. 374-380), the existence of the following:— (1) Munja-pratidesa [x]-vyavastha, (2) Bhoja-pratidesa-vyavastha (a revised edition of 1), (3) Bhuvana-Sagara, (4) A Geography written at the command of Bukkaraya, (5) A commentary on the Geography of the Mahabharata written by order of the Raja of Paulastya (?Paurastya?) by a Pandit in the time of Hussein Shah (1489) — a voluminous work. A MS. acquired by Mr. Wilford once formed a part of the Library of Fort William College: it is now in the Government Sanskrit College Library, Calcutta. A detailed description,* [Gazetteer literature in Sanskrit.] of this MS. has been given by M.M.H.P. Sastri in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society (1919). Prof. Pulle has mentioned (in pp 13-15 in his Studi Italiani di Filologia Indo-lranica, vol IV.) the existence of the following geographical works in the Library of the Nazionale centrale di Firenze (Florence, in Italy):— (5) Lokapraksa ([x]) of Kshemendra (the celebrated Kasmirian writer): the MS. consists of 782 pages and it is profusely illustrated. Prof Pulle has reproduced two of its figures in his Studi. (6) Three MSS. of Kshetra Samasa, a Jaina work — with two different commentaries, (7) A MS. of Kshetra Samasa Prakarana, (8) Four MSS. of Samgha- yani of Chandrasuri with two commentaries: one of the MSS. is illustrated, (9) A Laghu-Samghayani. He has also pointed out the mention of Kshetra Samasa of Jina Bhadra (1457-1517) in Kielhorn's Report (1880-1), of (10) Loghu Kshetra Samasa of Ratnasekhara in Weber's Cat. (No. 1942), of (11) Trailokya dipika and (12) Trailokya Darpana quoted by Wilford. Besides the above, (13) a Jama Tittha Kappa, and (14) Tristhaliactu dealing with the topography of Prayaga are also known.

St Martin [de Louis vivien de Saint-Martin] [Etat actuel des etudes sur l'Inde ancienne, p. xiii. (Google translate: Current state of studies on ancient India)] characterized the works mentioned by Wilford to be "imposture literature" without sufficiently examining them. Be they "imposture" or not, they have not yet been sufficiently examined.[!!!]

-- Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, Edited With Introduction and Notes by Surendranath Majumdar Shastri, M.A., Premchand Raychand Scholar, Reader, Patna University, 1924

In this set of recent publications on Brahmanic India, geography had lagged far behind. Many particular points have been touched upon in some of the great works which Europe has seen appear for twenty years, especially in those of M. Wilson and M. Lassen; there are indications of detail and happy comparisons; a great number of facts and identifications can also be drawn from the innumerable memoirs scattered in the special journals and in the academic collections of India and Europe: but, until now, the subject had not been approached in a work together. This work, which alone can reconstitute in a regular body the Sanskrit geography of India, became however each day of a more urgent necessity; there is not a question of history or archaeology where this necessity does not make itself keenly felt. The first condition in any research of this nature is to be firmly fixed on the theater of events; otherwise the texts bring to mind only a floating and confused image.

Studies on the geography of ancient India have long been limited to the notions provided by Greek and Latin writers. Until the end of the last century, Sanskrit India did not yet exist. We knew of the past of this great peninsula only what our own classical authors have transmitted to us, according to the original historians of Alexander the Great and his immediate successors, and also according to the relations of which the commercial relations of Roman Egypt with the East became the occasion. The researches of d'Anville (1783 and 1775), the first who seriously attempted to bring together classical indications with modern notions; those of Rennell (1783 to 1793), of Mannert (1797), of Wahl (1805), of Dr. Vincent (1807) and of M. Gossellin (1789 to 1813), did not come out of this circle. Already, however, in his discourses on the sciences and literature of the Asiatic nationalities, William Jones, the famous founder of the Bengal Society, had hinted at the unknown resources which Brahmanical literature could furnish for the study of ancient India, and he had endeavored, not without success, to carry the English Orientalists in this direction. In 1801, in the sixth volume of Asiatic Researches1 [Introd. p. iv.], the Asiatic Society of Calcutta reported among the desiderata of Indian studies "a Catalog of the names of towns, countries, provinces, rivers and mountains taken from the Castras and the Puranas, with the correspondence of modern names." It asked also research on this question both historical and geographical: "What were the geographical and political divisions of the country before the Muslim invasion?" What the Society demanded from then on was nothing less than the complete restitution of the Sanskrit geography of India. But this task, if it was not beyond the strength of those who found themselves in a position to undertake it, exceeded the resources with which such an enterprise could then surround itself; for studies of comparative geography must be based above all on complete knowledge of the locality, and the topographical survey of the peninsula was barely begun at that time.

Colonel Wilford was unfortunately the only member of the Calcutta Society who entered into this direction of geographical research pointed out by William Jones. Wilford was read and zealous; and, if he had been endowed with a critical sense, which he entirely lacked, he could have rendered real service to Indian studies. But the incredible aberrations to which he so often lets himself be carried away (not to mention the literary impostures of his pundits, of which he was the first victim), remove all serious value from his works, and only allow the facts to be received with extreme reserve, and reconciliations, which have not been audited by other authorities.

A far more promising approach to the problem, indeed a short cut, seemed to be heralded in a letter to Jones from Lieutenant Francis Wilford, a surveyor and an enthusiastic student of all things oriental, who was based at Benares. Jones had been sent copies of inscriptions found at Ellora and written in Ashoka Brahmi, the still undeciphered pin-men. He had probably sent them to Wilford because Benares, the holy city of the Hindus, was the most likely place to find a Brahmin who might be able to read them. In 1793 Wilford announced that he had found just such a man:

"I have the honour to return to you the facsimile of several inscriptions with an explanation of them. I despaired at first of ever being able to decipher them... However, after many fruitless attempts on our part, we were so fortunate as to find at last an ancient sage, who gave us the key, and produced a book in Sanskrit, containing a great many ancient alphabets formerly in use in different parts of India. This was really a fortunate discovery, which hereafter may be of great service to us."

According to the ancient sage, most of Wilford's inscriptions related to the wanderings of the five heroic Pandava brothers from the Mahabharata. At the unspecified time in question they were under an obligation not to converse with the rest of mankind; so their friends devised a method of communicating with them by "writing short and obscure sentences on rocks and stones in the wilderness and in characters previously agreed upon betwixt them." The sage happened to have the key to these characters in his code book; obligingly he transcribed them into Devanagari Sanskrit and then translated them.

To be fair to Wilford, he was a bit suspicious about this ingenious explanation of how the inscriptions got there. But he had no doubts that the deciphering and translation were genuine. "Our having been able to decipher them is a great point in my opinion, as it may hereafter lead to further discoveries, that may ultimately crown our labours with success." Above all, he had now located the code book, "a most fortunate circumstance."

Poor Wilford was the laughing stock of the Benares Brahmins for a whole decade. They had already fobbed him off with Sanskrit texts, later proved spurious, on the source of the Nile and the origin of Mecca. After the code book there was a geographical treatise on The Sacred Isles of the West, which included early Hindu reference to the British Isles. The Brahmins, to whom Sanskrit had so long remained a sacred prerogative, were getting their own back. One wonders how much Wilford paid his "ancient sage."

Jones was already a little suspicious of Wilford's sources, but on the code book, which was as much a fabrication as the translations supposedly based on it, he reserved judgment until he might see it. He never did. In fact it was never heard of again. But in spite of these disappointments Jones continued to believe that in time this oldest script would be deciphered. He had been sent a copy of the writings on the Delhi pillar and told a correspondent that they "drive me to despair; you are right, I doubt not, in thinking them foreign; I believe them to be Ethiopian and to have been imported a thousand years before Christ." It was not one of his more inspired guesses and at the time of his death the mystery of the inscriptions and of the monoliths was as dark as ever.


-- India Discovered, by John Keay

It must, however, be recognized that in the last of his memoirs, which is also the least imperfect (I am not speaking of the posthumous publication, in nos. 220 and 223, 1851; of the Journal of the Society of Calcutta, of a essay in comparative geography which is a work of the worst times of Wilford), it must be recognized, I say, that, in the last of his memoirs, inserted in volume XIV of the Asiatic Researches (1822), and which has for its title On the ancient Geography of India, there are here and there useful indications which have been furnished him principally by treatises on Sanskrit geography of a very modern date, in truth, but which contain none the less, on indigenous nomenclature, more detailed notions than those of European investigators....

It would also be useful to obtain some of the modern treatises on geography which exist, it is said, in several countries of India, notably among the Djaïnas of Malvah and Gudjérat; we know that Wilford had several works of this kind in his hands, and that he especially made great use, for his last works, of the Samâsa-Kchetra (Collection of Countries), a prescriptive [relating to the imposition or enforcement of a rule or method.] treatise on geography written in the seventeenth century. However modern these works may be, and however mixed they may be with fables and errors, one should find in them good indications, from which European criticism will be able to turn to good account. Wilford also speaks of two ancient treatises on Sanskrit geography, one of the fifth-sixth century of our era, the other of the tenth-sixth century; the discovery of one or the other of these works would surely be a very useful acquisition.

-- Etuden Sur La Geographie Et Les Populations Primitives Du Nord-Ouest De L'Inde D'Apres Les Hymnes Vediques Precedee D'Un Apercu De L'Etat Actuel Des Etudes Sur L'Inde Ancienne, by Par M. Vivien De Saint-Martin, 1855 (Study on the Geography and the Primitive Populations of North-West India According to the Vedic Hymns Preceded by an Overview of the Current State of Studies on Ancient India, by M. Vivien De Saint-Martin, 1855)

The fifth is the Vicrama-sagara: the author of it is unknown here: however it is often mentioned in the Cshetra-samasa, which, according to the author himself, is chiefly taken from the Vicrama-sagara. It is said to exist still in the peninsula, and it existed in Bengal, in the year 1648. It is considered as a very valuable work, and Palibothra is particularly mentioned in it, according to the author of the Cshetra-samasa. I have only seventeen leaves of this work, and they are certainly interesting. Some suppose that it is as old as the time of Bucca-raya, that it was written by his order, and that the author was a native of the Dekhin.

But the author could not be a native of that country, otherwise, he would have given a better description of it; for his account of the country about the Sahyadri mountains, of which an extract is to be found in the Cshetra-samasa, is quite unsatisfactory, and obviously erroneous even in the general outlines.
The account he gives of Trichina-vali is much better, and their he takes notice of an ancient city, which proves to be the Bata of Ptolemy, the metropolis of the Bata. Its Sanscrit name is Vata or Bata, so called because it was situated in the Bataranya, or forest of the Vat tree or Ficus Indica. Our author says that it is two Cos from Cuttalam, called Curtalam in Major Rennell’s map of India, and to the west of Tranquebar: it was a famous place formerly; but it is hardly known in the Caliyug, says our author. Close to it is Trimbalingali-grama. Two Cos to the west of Vataranya, is Madhyarjuna, a considerable place, and five Cos from this is Cumbhacolam, a large place also, inhabited chiefly by pot-makers; hence its name, and it is the Combaconum of the maps. The distance between Cuttalam and Cumbhacolam is nine Cos, and according to Major Rennell’s maps, it is about sixteen B. miles, which is sufficiently accurate.

The sixth is called the Bhuvana-cosa, and is declared to be a section of the Bhavishya-purana. If so, it has been revised, and many additions have been made to it, and very properly, for in its original state, it was a most contemptible performance. As the author mentions the emperor Selim-Shah, who died in the year 1552, he is of course posterior to him. It is a valuable work. Additions are always incorporated into the context in India, most generally without reference to any authority; and it was formerly so with us; but this is no disparagement in a geographical treatise: for towns, and countries do not disappear, like historical facts, without leaving some vestiges behind. I have only the fourth part of it, which contains the Gangetick provinces. The first copy that I saw, contained only the half of what is now in my possession; but it is exactly the same with it, only that some Pandit, a native of Benares, has introduced a very inaccurate account of the rebellion of Chaityan-Sinha, commonly called Cheyt-Sing, in the year, I believe 1781: but the style is different.

The seventh is the Cshetra-samasa already mentioned, and which was written by order of Bijjala, the last Raja of Patna, who died in the year 1648. Though a modern work, yet it is nevertheless a valuable and interesting performance. It contains only the Gangetick provinces and some parts of the peninsula, such as Trichina-vali, &c. The death of the Raja prevented his Pandit Jagganmohun from finishing it
, as it was intended, for the information of his children.

The last chapter, which was originally a detached work, is an account of Patali-putra, and of Pali-bhata as it is called there, and it consists of forty-seven leaves. This was written previously to the geographical treatise, and it gives an account, geographical, historical, and also mythological of these two cities, which were contiguous to each other. It gives also a short history of the Raja's family, and of his ancestors, and on that account only was this small tract originally undertaken. We may of course reasonably suppose that it was written at least 170 years ago.

What Does Megasthenes Say About The Kings Who Ruled?

1. He calls Sandracottus the king of the Prassi and he mentions the names of Xandramus as predecessor and Sandrocyptus as successor to Sandracottus. There is absolutely no resemblance in these names to Bindusara (the successor to Chandragupta Maurya) and Mahapadma Nanda, the predecessor.

2. He makes absolutely no mention of Chanakya or Vishnugupta, the Acharya who helped Chandragupta ascend the throne.

3. He makes no mention of the widespread presence of the Baudhik or Sramana tradition [Rishi tradition] during the time of the Maurya empire.

4. He claims the capital is Palimbothra or Palibothra, and that the city exists near the confluence of the Ganga and the Eranaboas (Hiranyabahu). But the Puranas are clear that all the 8 dynasties after the Mahabharata war had their capital at Girivraja (Rajagriha), located in the foothills of the Himalayas. There is no mention of Pataliputra in the Puranas. So, the assumption made by Sir William that Palimbothra is Pataliputra has no basis in fact and is not attested by any piece of evidence. If the Greeks could pronounce the first P in (Patali) they could certainly have pronounced the second p in Putra, instead of bastardising it as Palimbothra. Granted the Greeks were incapable of pronouncing any Indian names, but there is no reason why they should not be consistent in their phonetics.

5. The empire of Chandragupta was known as Magadha Empire. It had a long history even at the time of Chandragupta Maurya. In Indian literature, this powerful empire is amply described by its name but the same is absent in Greek accounts. It is difficult to understand as to why Megasthenes did not use this name “Magadha” and instead used the word Prassi, which has no equivalent or counterpart in Indian accounts.


-- Historical Dates From Puranic Sources, by Prof. Narayan Rao


The writer informs us that, long after the death of Raja Bijjala or Baijjala, he was earnestly requested by his friends, to complete the work, or at least to arrange the materials he had already collected in some order, and to publish it, even in that state. He complied with their request; but it must have been long after the death of the king, for he mentions Pondichery; saying, that it was inhabited by Firangs, and had three pretty temples dedicated to the God of the Firanga, Feringies or French, who did not, I believe, settle there before the year 1674. He takes notice also of Mandarajya, or Madras.

The author acts with the utmost candour, and modesty, saying, as I have written the Prabhoda-chandrica after the "Pracriya-caumudi (that is to say from, and after the manner of that book) so I have written this work after the Vicrama-sagara, and also from enquiries, from respectable well informed people, and from what, I may have seen myself."

In the Cshetra-samasa, two other geographical tracts are mentioned; the first is the Dacsha-chandaca, and the other is called Desa-vali, which, according to the author’s account, seem to be valuable works. There is also a small geographical treatise called Crita-dhara-vali, by Rameswara, about 200 years old, it is supposed. I have only eighty leaves of it, and it contains some very interesting particulars. In the peninsula, there is a list of fifty-six countries, in high estimation among the natives. It is generally called, in the spoken dialects of India, Chhapana-desa or the fifty-six countries. It was mentioned first by Mr. Bailly, who calls it Chapanna de Chalou. Two copies were possessed by Dr. Buchanan, and I have also procured a few others. All these are most contemptible lists of names, badly spelt, without any explanation whatever, and they differ materially the one from the other. However there is really a valuable copy of it, in the Tara-tantra, and published lately by the Rev. Mr. Ward [William Ward, b. 1769 Derby][???]. I have also another list of countries with proper remarks, from the Galava-tantra[???], in which there are several most valuable hints. However these two lists must be used cautiously, for there are also several mistakes.

SECTION XXX.

Tara
* [The Deliverer.]

THIS is the image of a black woman, with four arms, standing on the breast of Shivu: in one hand she holds a sword, in another a giant's head, with the others she is bestowing a blessing, and forbidding fear.

The worship of Tara is performed in the night, in different months, at the total wane of the moon, before the image of Siddheshwuree, when bloody sacrifices are offered, and it is reported, that even human beings were formerly immolated in secret to this ferocious deity, who is considered by the Hindoos as soon incensed, and not unfrequently inflicting on an importunate worshipper the most shocking diseases, as a vomiting of blood, or some other dreadful complaint which soon puts an end to his life.


Almost all the disciples of this goddess are from among the heterodox; many of them, however, are learned men, Tara being considered as the patroness of learnings. Some Hindoos are supposed to have made great advances in knowledge through the favour of this goddess; and many a stupid boy, after reading some incantations containing the name of Tara, has become a learned man....

About seven years ago, at the village of Serampore, near Kutwa, before the temple of the goddess Tara, a human body was found without a head, and in the inside of the temple different offerings, as ornaments, food, flowers, spirituous liquors, &c. All who saw it know, that a human victim had been slaughtered in the night, and search was made after the murderers, but in vain.

-- A View of the History, Literature, and Religion of The Hindoos: Including a Minute Description of Their Manners and Customs, and Translations from Their Principal Works, by the Rev. W. Ward, One of the Baptist Missionaries at Serampore, Second Edition, Carefully Abridged, and Greatly Improved, Serampore, 1815


P. 380.

This essay on the ancient geography of the Gangetick provinces, will consist of three sections. The first will treat of the boundaries, mountains, and rivers. In the second will be described the various districts, with some account of them, as far as procurable. The third section will be a comparative essay, between the geographical accounts of these countries by Ptolemy, and other ancient geographers in the west, with those of the Pauranics. Then occasionally, and collaterally will appear accounts, both historical and geographical of some of the principal towns, such as Palibothra and Patali-putra now Patna, for these two towns were close to each other, exactly like London and Westminister.

The former was once the metropolis of India; but at a very early period it was destroyed by the Ganges: an account of it is in great forwardness, and is nearly ready for the press. Its name in Sanscrit was Pali-bhatta, to be pronounced Pali-bhothra, or nearly so. Bali-gram near Bhagalpur, never was the metropolis of India; yet it was a very ancient city, and its history is very interesting. It was also destroyed by the Ganges. Chattrapur or Chattra-gram, was the metropolis of a district in Bengal called Ganga-Riddha. It is now Chitpur, near Calcutta, and it was the Ganga or Gange-Regia of Ptolemy. Dhacca, or rather Firingi-Bazar, is the Tugma of Ptolemy, the Taukhe of Ei-Edrissi, and the Antomela of Pliny, &c.

Accurate copies of these Sanscrit treatises on geography, will be deposited with the Asiatick Society, and ultimately the originals themselves.

SECTION I. Boundaries of Anu-Gangam. Its Forests, Mountains and Rivers.

ANU-GANGAM signifies that country which extends along the banks of the Ganges. The Gangetick provinces are called to this day Anonkhenk, or Anonkhek in Tibet, and Enacac, by the Tartars; and they have extended this appellation even to all India. The Ganges is called Kankh, or Kankhis in Tibet, and Kengkia, or Hengho by the Chinese.* [See Alph. Tibet, p. 344, and Des Guignes, &c. &c.]

Anu-Gangam has to the north the Himalaya mountains and to the south those of Vindhya, with the bay of Bengal: the southern boundary of Aracan is also the limit of Anu-gangam towards the south in that part of the country. To the west it has the river Drishadvati, now the Caggar.

Of the eastern boundary, we can at present ascertain only a few points, which however will give us the grand outlines. The Raghu-nandana mountains to the east of Aracan, and of Chatta-gram, are the boundary in the south-east: from thence it trends towards the N.E. to a place called Mairam, eight Yojanas or sixty miles to the east of Manipur, which last is upon a river called Brahmo-tarir. Mairam's true Sanscrit name is Maya-rama, and is amongst hills on the river Subhadra, which goes into the country of Barama according to the Cshetra-samasa. The Subhadra is the Kayndwayn mentioned in the account of the embassy to Ava, and it falls into the Airavati in the Burman empire. From Mairan, the boundary goes to a place called Manatara, near the mountains of Prabhucuthara, which join the snowy mountains in some place unknown. The Prabhu mountains are the eastern boundary of Asam, and through them is a tremendous chasm made by Parasu-rama, and which gives entrance to the Brahma-putra into India.

Beyond these are the famous Udaya, or Unnati mountains or range, beyond which the sun rises.

The Vindhyan hills extend from the bay of Bengal to the gulf of Cambay, and they are divided into three parts. The first or eastern part extends from the bay of Bengal to the source of the Narmada and Sona rivers inclusively, and this part contains the Ricsha, or bear mountains. To the west of this, as far as the gulf of Cambay, is the second or western part, the southern part of which is called Pariyatra, or Paripatra, and the northern part, which extends from the gates of Dilli to the gulf of Cambay is called Raivata.

Now the third or southern portion of these hills is simply called Vindhya, and is to the south of the source of the rivers Narmada and Sona: the rivers Tapi or Tapti, and the Vaitarani near Cuttac, rise from the hills of Vindhya, simply so called. All the Puranas agree in their description of the hills and rivers of India, except that the Raivat hills are always omitted in this account: but they make a conspicuous figure in the history of Crishna.

The inferior mountains in this extensive region are first, the Rajamehal hills, called in Sanscrit Sishuni: they are well described in the commentary on the Maha-bharat: they are also called Cacshivat, from a tribe of Brahmens of that name, settled there, and well known to the Puranas.

Then come the Chadgadri, or the rhinoceros hill, from Chadga, to be pronounced Charga, or nearly so, the Sanscrit name of that animal; and which still remains in the names of the two districts of Carruckpur, and Carrucdea. They are mentioned in the Cshetra-samasa. Elian observes, that in India, they gave the name of Carcason, to an animal with a single horn. This word comes from Charga, and in the possessive case, and in a derivative form Chargasya. In Persian, this word is pronounced Kharrack and Khark.

To the S.W. of these, according to the Galava-tantra[???], is the Gridhracuta, or the vulture peak; the hills called Ghiddore in the maps.

Between these and the Sona are the famous hills of Raja-griha, because there was the royal mansion of Jarasandha. They are called also Giri-vraja, because he had there numberless cow-pens. Between the Sona and the Ganges at Benares and Chunar are the Maui hills, called also Rohita, or the red hills, and after them the fort of Rohtas is denominated.

Between the Sona, and the Tamasa, or Tonsa, is the extensive range of Caimur, in Sanscrit Cimmrityu, so called because it is fortunate to die* [G. Commentary, p. 695 of my MS.] amongst them. The hills of Calanjara, and Chitra-cuta, or Chitra-sanu in Bandela-chand, are often mentioned in the Puranas, and also in some poetical works. Beyond the Chambala are the famous hills of Raivata, which stretch from the Yamuna, down to Gurjarat, and in a N.W. direction along the Yamuna, as far as Dilli. That part of them which lies to the west of Mathura, as far north as Dilli, is called the Deva-giri hills, in the Scanda-purana, and Maya-giri, in the Bhagavat.† [Scanda-purana, section of Reva. Bhagavat, section the 10th.] They were the abode of the famous Maya, the chief engineer of the Daityas. He makes a most conspicuous figure in the Puranas, and particularly in the Maha-bharata. The scene of his many achievements, and performances was about Dilli. The inhabitants of these hills calls themselves Mayas or Meyos, to this day: but by their neighbours they are denominated Meyovati, or Mevatis.

The inferior mountains in the east, are the Gara hills, in the spoken dialects Garo, between the Brahma-putra and Silhet, along the southern boundary of Asama. They form a very extensive range, the western parts of which are called Doranga-giri or Deran-giri, from the country they are in; in the eastern parts they are denominated Numrupai from the country likewise.* [Namrupa is different from Camrupa, which is toward the N.W. in Asama, and the former toward the S.E. Camrupa is to the north of the Brahma-putra, and Namrupa to the south of it.] To the south of Gada or Garganh, are the Sarada hills, mentioned in the Calici-purana[???]: the natives call them Saraida, and there are the tombs of the kings of Asama.
The Kalika Purana, also called the Kali Purana, Sati Purana or Kalika Tantra, is one of the eighteen minor Puranas (Upapurana) in the Shaktism tradition of Hinduism. The text ... is attributed to the sage Markandeya [an ancient rishi born in the clan of Bhrigu Rishi [mentioned in] the Bhagavata Purana ...[and] the Mahabharata]. It exists in many versions, variously organized in 90 to 93 chapters. The surviving versions of the text are unusual in that they start abruptly and follow a format not found in either the major or minor Purana-genre mythical texts of Hinduism....

According to Rocher, the mention of king Dharmapala of Kamarupa has led to proposals of Kalika Purana being an 11th or 12th-century text...

The earliest printed edition of this text was published by the Venkateshvara Press, Bombay in 1907.


-- Kalika Purana, by Wikipedia

The Kalki Purana is a Vaishnavism-tradition Hindu text about the tenth avatar of Vishnu named Kalki. The Sanskrit text was likely composed in Bengal during an era when the region was being ruled by the Bengal Sultanate or the Mughal Empire. Wendy Doniger dates it to sometime between 1500 CE and 1700 CE. It has a floruit of 1726 CE based on a manuscript discovered in Dacca, Bangladesh.

-- Kalki Purana, by Wikipedia

There is another range of mountains to the east of Tiperah, and which forming a curve towards the N.E. passes a little to the eastward of the country of an ancient king called Hedamba, or Heramba. The name of the country is Casur, and its metropolis is Chaspur, the Cachara and Cuspoor of the maps. These hills are called Tiladri, or mountains of Tila, in the Cshetra-samasa. In them and to eastward of Casara is Tiladri-mala-gram, or the village of Mala, in the hills of Tila. It is called in the spoken dialects Tilandrira-mala, and the author of the above tract]???] says that it is a pretty place.

To the north of India are three ranges of mountains. Hima or snowy, is to the north of Nipala or Naya-pala; Hema or the golden mountain, is beyond Tibet, and Nishadha is still further north. Nay-pala is between the Padapa or foot of the mountains and Hima. Our ancient geographers were acquainted with the two first: Hima or Imaus; and Hema, Hemada, Hemoda, or Emodus. Their information was no doubt very defective, and their ideas concerning them were of course very indistinct and confused, as appears from Ptolemy’s map. That author has added an inferior range, which he calls Bepyrrhus. This range, with Imam and Emodus, he has disposed in the shape of the letter Y. Imaus is the shaft, and the others make the two branches; Emodus is to the left or north, and Bepyrrhns to the right or south. Emodus beyond Tibet is entirely out of its place here, and of course must be rejected. Bepyrrhus is derived from the Sanscrit Bhima-pada, or Bhaya-pada, or the tremendous pass up and down the mountains; literally the tremendous footings, rests for the foot, or steps. These words are pronounced by the Nay-palese Bhim-phed, or Bhim-pher, and Bhay-phed, or Bhay-pher: but in Hindee they say Bhim-paid, Bhay-pair and Bhim-pairi, Bhay-paid, or Bhay-pairi.

The Pauranics admit it is true, this etymological derivation of these words, and of Bhima-pur or Bhaya-pur, the dreary mansion: but they have transferred the sensation of terror from strangers and travellers to the inhabitants themselves, and have framed several legends accordingly. When Parasurama undertook to destroy the Cshettris, the Chasas, who then lived below in the plains, fled to the mountains, where they concealed themselves in the greatest dismay and consternation. A vast body of them went to Jalpesa, or the place of the lord of speech, at the foot of the hills, and a little to the eastward of the Tista, to consult him and claim his protection. They then ascended the tremendous Ghats, according to the Cshetra-samasa. In the same treatise, it is said, another body of them to the north of Asama ascended the hills and settled at a place called also Bhima-vati-puri, or the town replete with fear and terror, more commonly Bhim-puri and Bhim-pairi, which implies that the town pur, the valleys and passes, pair or paer, at the foot of these hills, were filled with alarm, and the inhabitants still tremble at the name of Parasu-rama. In the commentary on the Maha-bharat, the name of this place* [Page 538 of my MS.] is written Bhima-spharddha, or rather Bhima-sparddha, because Bhima, having defeated, in these passes, the army of Banasura, laughed and rejoined in consequence of his victory. The first etymology, I think, is by far preferable. This appears to be the mount Bepyrrhus of Ptolemy, and its erroneous direction in his map may be rectified: Bepyrrhus, and Ottorocorrha are parts of the Padapa, or foot of mount Himalaya, and ought to be connected as such, Bepyrrhus to the west, and Ottorocorrha to the east and to the north of Asama: for the latter is only a prolongation of the former.

The country of Gada, or Gada-grama, is pronounced by the natives Gorganh, or Guer-ganh, that is to say the town of Gor, whatever be its meaning, and through the rest of India it is called Gor, and also by our writers of the 17th century. Even Ptolemy writes it Corrha as in Ottoro-corrha. This country is generally called Asama, and is divided into two parts, Uttara or Uttara-gora, and Dacshina-gora, in the spoken dialects Uttar-gol and Dekhin-gol, that is to say, north and south Gora. In the spoken dialects these two divisions are also called Uttar-pada and Dekhin-pada, that is to say the N. and S. division.

The Damasi of Ptolemy imply the southern mountains, from the Sanscrit Yamya, and Yamasya, which signify the south; because Yama rules there. These words, in the spoken dialects, are pronounced Jamya, and Jamasya, from which last the Greeks made Damasoi, as Diamuna for Jamuna; and when Pliny says, that the Hindus called the southern parts of the world Dramasa, we should read Diamasa or Damasa. Besides Jama, or Pluto, is supposed to reside particularly there also, hence these mountains or part of them are called Jama-dhara, which imply either the southern mountains, or the mountains of Jama, the ruler of the south, in Sanscrit. In the spoken dialects, they say Jamdhera, from which Bernier made Chamdara.* [Account of Asama, Asiatick Researches, Vol. 2d p. 175.]

Beyond Asama are the Prabhu-cuthara mountains, beyond which are those called Udaya, or from behind which the sun makes his appearance.

Immediately after the mountains of Asama, according to Ptolemy are those called Semanthini, which appear to be the Udaya mountains of the Pauranics, and the Unnati of lexicons. These are declared to be the Samanta, or the very limit of the world, from which Ptolemy made Semanthini. We may also say Samunnati the very place of the rising of the sun; for the particle Sam is used here intensively. Samanta is found in lexicons; the other never to the best of my knowledge; still it is admissible, for it is correct and grammatical.

Let us pass to the mountains to the east of Bengal. Between that country, and Traipura, there is a range of hills, which passes close to Comillah, then all along the sea shore, and ends near Chatganh. This range is called Raghu-nandana in the Cshetra-samasa, and in the district of Chatganh there are two portions of it, one is called Chandra-sechara or Chandra-giri; in this is Sita-cunda, or the pool of Sita, and the burning well. The other portion is called Virupacshya.

The mountains to the eastward of Traipura, and of Chatganh, are mentioned in the above geographical treatise: in the northern parts they are called the Tiladri or Tailadri mountains, with several places of that name as we have seen before. The Peguers are called also Tatians, and it is possible that the Tailadri or the mountain of Tila or Taila may have been so called from that circumstance: for they constitute, at least in the lower parts of that range, the natural boundary between Indi, and the Talian country, or Pegu. Between Aracan and Ava is the famous pass of Talla or Tallaki.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

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Part 2 of 4

In the Cshetra-samasa the Carna-phulli [Karnaphuli/ Karnafuli/ Khawthlanguipui: Wiki] or Chatganh [Chittagong: Wiki] river, is said to come from the Jayadri or mountains of victory, and the Nabhi or Naf [Naf: Wiki] river from the Suvarda, or golden mountains; but these are portions only of the above range. The mountains, as well as the country to the eastward of Trai-pura, are often called Reang by the natives. When we read in Major Dow’s history of Hindoostan that Sultan Sujah fled from Dhacca to Aracan through the almost impervious forests and mountains of Rangamati, it is a mistake, and it should be the forests and mountains of Reang. It is not likely that that unfortunate prince should fly from Dhacca to Rangamati on the borders of Asama, a great way towards the north; but it is more natural to suppose that he darted at once into the wilds of Trai-pura and Reang.

Ptolemy has bestowed the name of Maiandrus on this range
, but which is now unknown. It is probably derived from Mayun, a tribe between Chatganh, and Aracan* [Asiatick Researches, Vol. 6th, p. 228.] according to Dr. Buchanan. In this case Mayunadri signifies the Mayun mountains, and the Peguers are also called Moan.† [Asiatick Researches, Vol. 5th, p. 225.]

By a strange fatality, the northern extremity of mount Maiandrus in Ptolemy's maps is brought close to the town of Alosanga, now Ellasing on the Lojung river, to the N.W. of Dhacca. This mistake is entirely owing to his tables of longitude and latitude, which were originally erroneous, and probably have been made worse and worse by transcribers: but this may be easily rectified, by adverting to the interesting particulars, which he mentions concerning mount Maiandrus. In the upper parts of it, says he, are the Tilaidai, or the inhabitants of the Tiladri or Tila mountains mentioned before; these are also called Basadoe. In the Vamana-purana, section of the earth, the Bhasada tribes are mentioned, as living in the easternmost parts of India. Ptolemy says that the Basadoes had a short nose as if clipped, and were very hairy, with a broad chest, and a broad forehead. They were of a white colour, and I suppose like that of the Peguers, called by Persian writers, a wheat colour, and in Sanscrit Capisa.

On one side of mount Maiandrus, according to our author[???}, are the Nanga-logoe, which, he says, signifies naked people, and this is to this day the true meaning of Nanga-loga in Hindi: their country is repeatedly called Nagna-desa, or country of the naked in the Puranas, and they call themselves Nanctas or the naked, but this word they generally pronounce Lancta.* [Asiatick Researches, Vol. 7th, p. 183.] They are called also Cuci, and in the Cshetra-samasa it is said, that the original name is Cemu, and Cemuca, which are pronounced in the dialect of that country Ceu, Ceuca or Ceuci; and Portuguese writers mention the country of Cu, to the eastward of Bengal.

The Vindhyan mountains are in general covered with forests called in Sanscrit Aranya, or Atavi, and this last implies an impervious wood, or nearly so. The Vindhyatavis are often mentioned in the Puranas, and poetical works. They are divided into forest-cantons, mentioned in the lists of countries in the Puranas; and in geographical works among these forest-cantons, ten are of more renown than the others: these are to the east of the river Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], and are called in the above lists Dasarna, and in geographical tracts Dasaranya, or the ten forests, and in every one of them is a stronghold, or fort Rina, and Dasarna signifies the ten forts. Another name for these forts is Uttamarna, which implies their pre-eminence, and superiority of power above the others. These ten strongholds are probably the Dasapur, or decapolis of the last section but one of the Padma-purana, and of Cosas[???] also. There resided ten chiefs, who availing themselves of the supineness of their neighbours below, became hill robbers, and obtained at various periods much might and honor. They were like the savage tribes of Rajamehat, only they acted upon a larger, and of course upon a more honorable scale.[???!!!]

These forests are in general called Jhati-chanda, always pronounced Jhari-chand in the spoken dialects, which signifies a country abounding with Jhari, or places overgrown with thickets and underwood. However there are many extensive forests of large and tall trees of various sorts, but under these there is no grass, and very seldom any underwood: therefore the copses are most valuable, being fit for the grazing of cattle.

These ten cantons included all the woods, hills and wilds of south Bahar, with the two districts of Surugunja, and Gangapur in the south. We have also the Dwadasaranya, or twelve forest-cantons, including the ten before mentioned with the addition of Bandela-chand and Baghela-chand. Another name for such woods and thickets is Jhanci and Jhancar; which the natives of these forests generally pronounce Dangi and Dangar, according to the Cshetra-samasa, and to the natives also, who call themselves Dangayas from Bandela-chand, all the way to the bay of Bengal, and their country Dangaya. The other Hindus however call the whole Jhar-chand, and it is noticed in Dow's history of India, and in that of Bengal by Major Stewart,* [History of Bengal, p. 123, 265. 371.] and also either by Tavernier or Bernier, but supposed by them to be a town in the vicinity of Berhampur, instead of an extensive forest. They call it Geharcunda, and suppose it to mean a cold place. In Bengal they call it often Jangal-teri and in the Cshetra-samasa, Jangal-cshetra and Jar-chandi, all implying the woody country. In the Company’s Registers, they are called the Junglemehals or forest-cantons.

According to Major Dow’s history, when the emperor Firose III, in the year 1358, was returning from Bengal, he passed through the Padmavati forest, which is one of the old names of Patna, once the metropolis of that country. These forests abounded with elephants, and the emperor caught many.
I have not been able to learn, on what authority Major Wilford calls Patna by the name of Padmavati, the residence of Nanda, king of India in the 4th century before Christ, and this denomination for Patna is not known to such, as I have consulted...

-- Chapter II. History of the Province of Behar, by Montgomery Martin, 1838

For a similar reason, the mountains and forests of Jhar-chand are called, in the Peutingerian tables, the Lymodus mountains, abounding with elephants, and placed there to the south of the Ganges.
Tabula Peutingeriana (Latin for "The Peutinger Map"), also referred to as Peutinger's Tabula or Peutinger Table, is an illustrated itinerarium (ancient Roman road map) showing the layout of the cursus publicus, the road network of the Roman Empire.

The map is a 13th-century parchment copy of a possible Roman original. It covers Europe (without the Iberian Peninsula and the British Isles), North Africa, and parts of Asia, including the Middle East, Persia, and India. According to one hypothesis, the existing map is based on a document of the 4th or 5th century that contained a copy of the world map originally prepared by Agrippa during the reign of the emperor Augustus (27 BC – AD 14). However, Emily Albu has suggested that the existing map could instead be based on an original from the Carolingian period.

Named after the 16th-century German antiquarian Konrad Peutinger, the map is now conserved at the Austrian National Library in Vienna.

-- Tabula Peutingeriana, by Wikipedia

They really were in the country of Magadh or Magd, as generally pronounced, and which was also the name of Patna and of south Bahar.
4. He claims the capital is Palimbothra or Palibothra, and that the city exists near the confluence of the Ganga and the Eranaboas (Hiranyabahu). But the Puranas are clear that all the 8 dynasties after the Mahabharata war had their capital at Girivraja (Rajagriha), located in the foothills of the Himalayas. There is no mention of Pataliputra in the Puranas. So, the assumption made by Sir William that Palimbothra is Pataliputra has no basis in fact and is not attested by any piece of evidence. If the Greeks could pronounce the first P in (Patali) they could certainly have pronounced the second p in Putra, instead of bastardising it as Palimbothra. Granted the Greeks were incapable of pronouncing any Indian names, but there is no reason why they should not be consistent in their phonetics.

-- Historical Dates From Puranic Sources, by Prof. Narayan Rao

Much information concerning India was derived from Arabian merchants and sailors, by whom the Greek and Roman fleets were chiefly manned. These to the names of countries prefixed the Arabic article Al, as in Al-tibet, Al-sin, &c.: thus they said Al-mogd for Magadh, Al-murica and Al-aryyaca, for Mura or Murica and Aryyaca, from which the Greeks made Limyrica and Lariaca. El-maied or Patna is placed, in the above tables, 250 Roman miles to the eastward of the confluence of the Jumna with the Ganges, and its name is written there Elymaide. These forests are called Ricshavan, or bear forests, and the inhabitants Bhallata or Bhallatha, bear hunters or bear killers.* [Maha-bharat, Bhishma, section and commentary.] These are the Phyllitoe of Ptolemy, and the Bulloits of Captain Robert Covert. There were also the Dryllo-phyllitoe, probably from some place called Derowly: the Condali now the Gonds (as Bengala, from Banga) were part of the Phyllitoe. This shews that these bear hunters were spread over a most extensive region.

As these extensive forests abound with snakes, the country is called in Sanscrit, Ahi-cshetra, or snake country, and Ahi-chhatra, from the snakes spreading there their umbrellas or hoods. In the spoken dialects, they say Aic-het and Aic-shet. The country and mountains of Aic-shet are well known all over the peninsula, according to Pr. F. Buchanan in his account of Mysore, Ptolemy gives to the mountains of south Bahar and in the western parts of Bengal the name of Uxentus, obviously from Aic-shet. In the southern parts, or in Burra-nagpur, and adjacent countries, he calls them Adisathrus from Ahichhatra. The country about the Vindhyan hills, from Rajamehal to Chunar, is divided into Antara-giri, or within the hills, and Bahira-giri, or without the hills, and this last is applied to the country to the south of Patna along the Ganges.
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India River Map

Now let us pass to the rivers, and l shall describe first, those on the right of the Ganges, then the rivers on the left of it; and I shall conclude this section with an account of the Ganges itself. This I believe is the best way, as it will obviate many repetitions.

The first river of note below Hurdwar, and on the right side of the Ganges, is the Calindi, or Calini, for both are used indifferently by the natives, and which falls into the Ganges near Canoge. She is considered as the younger sister of the Yamuna: hence it is called the lesser Yamuna, or Calindi. This accounts for Ptolemy mistaking it for the elder or greater Yamuna, and making but one river of the two; Don Joan de Barros did the same when he says that Canoge was at the confluence of the Jamuna with the Ganges. Mr. D'Anville, better informed, removed the greater Jumna to its proper place; but carried along with it Canoge, which accordingly he placed near Allahabad, at least in his first maps.

The royal road from the Indus[???] to Palibothra crossed this river at a place called Calini-pacsha [Kalinipaxa], according to Megasthenes, and now probably Khoda-gunge; Calini-pacsha in Sanscrit signifies a place near the Calini.
The other journeys made thence (from the Hyphasis) for Seleukos Nikator are as follows: — 168 miles to the Hesidrus, and to the river Jomanes as many (some copies add 5 miles); from thence to the Ganges 112 miles. 119 miles to Rhodopha (others give 325 miles for this distance). To the town Kalinipaxa 167— 500. Others give 265 miles. Thence to the confluence of the Jomanes and Ganges 625 miles (many add 13 miles), and to the town Palimbothra 425. To the mouth of the Ganges 738 miles.*

-- Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian; Being a Translation of the Fragments of the Indika of Megasthenes Collected by Dr. Schwanbeck, and of the First Part of the Indika of Arrian, by J.W. McCrindle, M.A., 1877

The next is the blue Yamuna [Yamuna/Jamuna: Wiki] or Calindi [Kalindi/"Yamuna {Kalindi} is one of the ashtabharya {8 wives} Lord Krishna": Wiki], the daughter of the sun, the sister of the last Manu, and also of Yama or Samana, our Pluto or Summanus. Her relationship with the lesser Calindi, or Calini, is not noticed by the Pauranics, though otherwise well known. In the spoken dialects it is called Jamuna, Jumna, and Jubuna particularly in Bengal. It is called Diamuna by Ptolemy, Jomanes by Pliny, and Jobares by Arrian, probably for Jobanes or Jubuna. It is called Calindi because it has its source in the hilly country of Calinda, called Culinda in the Geographical Commentaries on the Maha-bharata.[???] It is the Culindrine of Ptolemy from Culindan, a derivative from Culinda.

The confluence of the Ganga and Yamuna at Prayaga is called Triveni by the Pauranics; because three rivers are supposed to meet there; but the third is by no means obvious to the sight. It is the famous Sarasvati, which comes out of the hills to the west of the Yamuna, passes close to Thaneser, loses itself in the great sandy desert, and re-appears at Prayag, humbly oozing from under one of the towers of the fort, as if ashamed of herself. Indeed she may blush at her own imprudence: for she is the goddess of learning and knowledge, and was then coming down the country with a book in her hand, when she entered the sandy desart, and unexpectedly was assailed by numerous demons, with frightful countenances, making a dreadful noise. Ashamed of her own want of foresight she sank into the ground, and re-appeared at Prayaga or Allahabad, for as justly observed, learning alone is insufficient.

Formerly she was in the region of the height, in the thirteenth æon.... It came to pass, when Pistis Sophia was in the thirteenth æon, in the region of all her brethren the invisibles, that is the four-and-twenty emanations of the great Invisible, -- it came to pass then by command of the First Mystery that Pistis Sophia gazed into the height. She saw the light of the veil of the Treasury of the Light, and she longed to reach to that region, and she could not reach to that region. But she ceased to perform the mystery of the thirteenth æon, and sang praises to the light of the height, which she had seen in the light of the veil of the Treasury of the Light.

It came to pass then, when she sang praises to the region of the height, that all the rulers in the twelve æons, who are below, hated her, because she had ceased from their mysteries, and because she had desired to go into the height and be above them all. For this cause then they were enraged against her and hated her, [as did] the great triple-powered Self-willed, that is the third triple-power, who is in the thirteenth æon, he who had become disobedient, in as much as he had not emanated the whole purification of his power in him, and had not given the purification of his light at the time when the rulers gave their purification, in that he desired to rule over the whole thirteenth æon and those who are below it.... [the great triple-powered Self-willed] emanated out of himself a great lion-faced power, and out of his matter in him he emanated a host of other very violent material emanations, and sent them into the regions below, to the parts of the chaos, in order that they might there lie in wait for Pistis Sophia and take away her power out of her.

-- Pistis Sophia: A Gnostic Miscellany, Translated by G.R.S. Mead, 1921

These three rivers flow then together, as far as the southern Triveni in Bengal, forming the Triveni, or the three plaited locks: for their waters do not mix, but keep distinct all the way. The waters of the Yamuna are blue, those of the Sarasvati white, and the Ganges is of a muddy yellowish colour. These appearances are owing partly to the nature of the soil below, and above to the reflexion of light from the clouds.

The Tamasa, or dark river, from its being skirted, at least formerly, with gloomy forests, is called Tonsa or Tonso in the spoken dialects and by Ptolemy Touso or Tousoa.

It is not to be confounded with the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki]; for the Touso, according to him falls into the Ganges, above Cindia now Canti or Mirzapur. It is occasionally called Parnasa, as in the Vayu and* [Section of the earth.] Matsya-puranas; and at its confluence with the Ganges, there is a very ancient place, and fort called to this day Parnasa.

The next river is the hateful Carmmanasa, so called, because, by the contact alone of its waters, we lose at once the fruit of all our good works. Its source is in that part of the Vindhya hills called in the Puranas Vindhya-maulica, which implies the heads, peaks or summits of the original mountains of Vindhya.

This mountain presumed once to rear his head above that of Himalaya, and thus consigned it and the intermediate country to total darkness. One day Vindhya, perceiving the sage Agastya his spiritual guide, prostrated himself to the ground before him as usual, when the sage as a punishment for his insolence, ordered him to remain in that posture. We had such mountains formerly in the west, which kept the greatest part of Europe in constant darkness, and which must have met with a similar fate, though not recorded. All the ground he covers with his huge frame is denominated Mauli, or the heads or peaks of Vindhya, and is declared to be the original Vindhya, which gives its name to the whole range, from sea to sea, and is supposed to extend from the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki] to the Tonsa. As the Carmmanasa comes from the country of Mauli, there is then a strong presumption, that it is the river Omalis of Megasthenes: thus the great river, which he calls Commenasis, is the Sarayu, and is so called, because it comes from the country of Comanh, or Almora. The river Cacuthis of the same author is the Puna-puna, [Punpun: Wiki], and is so called because it flows through the country of Cicata. It is also called Magadhi by the Pauranics, for a similar reason. In this manner the Yamuna is also called Calindi, because it comes from the hilly country of Calinda, as I observed before.

The waters of the river Mauli were originally as pure, and beneficial to mankind, as those of any river in the country. However they were long after infected and spoiled through a most strange and unheard of circumstance, in consequence of which its present name was bestowed upon it.

Tri-sancu was a famous and powerful king, who lived at a very early period, and through religious austerities, and spells, presumed to ascend to heaven with his family. The gods, enraged at his insolence, opposed him, and he remains suspended half way with his head downwards. From his mouth issues a bloody saliva, of a most baneful nature. It falls on Vindhya, and gives to these mountains a reddish hue: hence they are called Rohita or Lohita, the red and bloody hills in the vicinity of Rotas. It is unnecessary to remark, that this infectious saliva, mixing with the waters of the river Mauli, would naturally infect, and render them most inimical to religious purposes. This legend is well known; but the best account I ever saw is in the Maha-Ramayana, in a dialogue between Agastya and Hanuman.

The next is the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], or red river: in the Puranas it is constantly called Sona, and I believe never otherwise. In the Amara cosa, and other tracts, I am told, it is called Hiranya-bahu, implying the golden arm, or branch of a river, or the golden canal or channel. These expressions imply an arm or branch of the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], which really forms two branches before it falls into the Ganges. The easternmost, through the accumulation of sand, is now nearly filled up, and probably will soon disappear.

The epithet of golden does by no means imply that gold was found in its sands. It was so called, probably, on account of the influx of gold and wealth arising from the extensive trade carried on through it; for it was certainly a place of shelter for all the large trading boats during the stormy weather and the rainy season.

In the extracts from Megasthenes by Pliny and Arrian, the Sonus and Erannoboas appear either as two distinct rivers, or as two arms of the same river. Be this as it may, Arrian says that the Erannoboas was the third river in India, which is not true. But I suppose that Megasthenes meant only the Gangetick provinces: for he says that the Ganges was the first and largest. He mentions next the Commenasis or Sarayu, from the country of Commanh, as a very large river. The third large river is then the Erannoboas or river Sona[???].

Ptolemy, finding himself peculiarly embarrassed with regard to this river, and the metropolis of India situated on its banks, thought proper to suppress it entirely. Others have done the same under similar distressful circumstances. It is however well known to this day, under the denomination of Hiranya-baha, even to every school boy, in the Gangetick provinces, and in them there is no other river of that name.[???!!!]


The origin of the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], and of the Narmada, is thus described by F. Tieffenthatler, on the authority of an English officer, who surveyed it about the year 1771* [Beschreibung von Hindoostan, &c. p. 298. Some account of it is given also, from native authorities by Captain Blunt, Asiatick Researches, Vol. 7th p. 100.]

according to an English Engineer, who went from Allahabad to the source of the Narmada, there are three rivers, which have their origin from a pool eight yards long and six broad, and surrounded by a border of brick. This pool is in the middle of the village of Amarcantaca. Above it is a rising ground about fifty yards high, on which Brahmens have built houses. The Narmada flows from the said pool, a mile and half towards the east, then falls with violence down a declivity of about twenty-six yards, and then runs with velocity towards a village called Capildara, and from this place through an extensive forest, and then turning towards the west it goes to Garamandel, and thence into the sea. In coming out of the above pool it is one yard broad.

The Sone makes its first appearance about half a mile from the pool, and then runs through a very narrow bed, down a declivity of about twenty-five yards. Five miles thence it is lost in the sands; then collecting itself again into one body, it becomes a considerable stream, and goes to Rhotas. The Juhala (Johila) is first seen about three miles from the pool, and is but an insignificant stream.


Tieffenthaler has omitted the name of the officer, but it was William Bruce, a Major in the Company’s service, and mentioned by Major Rennel.† [See Memoir of a map, &c. p. 234.]

The next river is the Puna-puna, [Punpun: Wiki], which signifies again and again, in a mystical sense[???]; for it removes sins again and again. It is a most holy stream, and is called also Magadha, because it flows through the country of Magadha or Cicata. Hence this river might be called also Cicati, and it is the Cacuthis of Megasthenes. Then comes the Phalgu, the Fulgo of the maps. I thought formerly, that it was the anonymous river of Ptolemy, which he derives from the mountainous regions of Uxentos, in Hindi, Aicshet, from the Sanscrit Ahicshetra. Our author has pretty well pointed out its confluence with the Ganges near Mudgir, where it receives another river from the south, called the Kewle in the maps, and which is really the anonymous stream of that author, as it appears from several towns on its banks: but Ptolemy has lengthened its course beyond measure; as I shall show hereafter.

Let us now proceed to the Sulacshni, or Chandravati, according to the Cshetra-samasa. It is now called the river Chandan, because it flows through the Van or groves of Chandra, in the spoken dialects Chandwan, or Chandan. In the maps it is called Goga, which should be written Cauca, because according to the above tract, it falls into the Ganges, at a place called Cucu, and in a derivative form Caucava, Caucwa, or Cauca. It flows a little to the eastward of Bhagalpur: but the place, originally so called, has been long ago swallowed up by the Ganges, along with the town of Bali-gram. In the Jina-vilas[???], it is called Aranya-baha[!!!], or the torrent from the wilderness, being really nothing more.
The next is the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], or red river: in the Puranas it is constantly called Sona, and I believe never otherwise. In the Amara cosa, and other tracts, I am told, it is called Hiranya-bahu, implying the golden arm, or branch of a river, or the golden canal or channel. These expressions imply an arm or branch of the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], which really forms two branches before it falls into the Ganges.

The other rivers, as far as Tamlook, are from the Cshetra-samasa. The Rada, now the Bansli [Bansloi: Wiki], falls into the Ganges near Jungypur [Jangipur: Wiki]. I believe it should be written Radha, because it flows through the country of that name.

The Dwaraca [Dwarka: Wiki] is next: then, the Mayuracshi [Mayurakshi: Wiki], or with the eyes of a Mayura, or peacock [Peacock eyes: Wiki]; this is the river More. To the N.E. of Jemuyacandi are the following small rivers, the Gocarni, and beyond this the Chila, and the Grivamotica, in the spoken dialects Garmora. Their path towards the Ganges is winding and intricate.

The next river is the Bacreswari [Bakreshwar: Wiki], which comes from the hot wells of Bacreswara-mahadeva, or with the crooked Linga. These hot wells are of course a most famous and holy place of worship. It falls into the Ganges above Catwa, and it is called in the maps Babla.

The Aji, or resplendent river, is the next: its name at full length is Ajavati or Ajamati, full of resplendence. The Ajmati, as it is pronounced, is the Amystis of Megasthenes, instead of Asmytis. It fell into the Ganges, according to Arrian, near a town called Catadupa, the present, and real name of which is Cata-dwipa; but it is more generally called Catwa. The Aji is called also Ajaya, Ajayi and Ajasa, in the Galava-Tantra.[???] As Ajaya may be supposed to signify invincible, it is declared, that whatever man bathes in its waters, thereby becomes unconquerable.

The next river is the Damodara [Damodar: Wiki], one of the sacred names of Vishnu, and according to the Cshetra-samasa, it is the Vedasmriti, or Vedavati of the Puranas. Another name for it is Devanad, especially in the upper parts of its course. In the spoken dialects it is called Damoda or Damodi. It is the Andomatis of Arrian, who says that it comes, as well as the Cacuthis, now the Puna-puna [Punpun: Wiki], from the country of the Mandiadini, in Sanscrit Manda-bhagya or Manda-dhanya.

The Dariceswari, or Daricesi, is called Dwaracesi in the Gatava-Tantra.[???] It is the Dalkisor of the maps, near Bishenpur. It is so called from Dariceswara-mahadeva.[???]

Then comes the Silavati, Sailavati, or Sailamati* [In Sanscrit the words va, vati, or mati, man, and mant originally signify, in composition, likeness; but in many instances they imply fullness, abundance. In Latin we knew Farcimen, farcimentum likewise, &c.] called simply Sailaya by the natives, and Selai in the maps. It is the subject of several pretty legends, and a damsel born on its banks, and called also Sailamati from that circumstance, makes a most conspicuous figure in the Vrihatcatha. It is the Solomatis of Megasthenes.

The next river is the Cansavati, called Cansaya by the natives, and Cassai in the maps. The three last rivers joining together form the Rupa-Narayana, or with the countenance of him, whose abode is in the waters, and who is Vishnu.

Then comes the Suvarna-recha [Subarnarekha/Swarnarekha: Wiki], or Hiranya-recha, that is to say the golden streak [Subarnarekha, meaning "streak of gold" found in the riverbed: Wiki]. It is called also in the Puranas, in the list of rivers, Suctimati, flowing from the Ricsha, or bear mountains. Its name signifies abounding with shells, in Sanscrit Sucti, Sancha, or Cambu.

From Cambu, or Cambuja, in a derivative form, comes the Cambuson mouth of Ptolemy and which, he thought, as well as many others till lately, communicated with the Ganges, of even was a branch of it.

The Suvarna-recha, it is true, does not fall into the Ganges any more than the four rivers, which I am going to mention; but they are so situated, that it is necessary to give some account of them, for the better understanding of this Geographical Essay. Of these four rivers the first is the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], which flows by Balasore, and is not noticed, as far as I know, in the Puranas.

The next is the Vaitarani, which runs by Yajapur, the Jaugepoor of the maps. In the upper part of its course it is called Cocila, and in the spoken dialects Coil.

There are two rivers of that name, the greater and the lesser; this last is I believe the Salundy of the maps. The greater Vaitarani is generally called Chittrotpala in the Puranas. The third is the Brahmani, called Sancha in the upper part of its course. This and the Vaitarani come from the district of Chuta-Nagpur.

The fourth river is the Maha-nada or Maha-nadi [Mahanadi/Hirakud Dam: Wiki], that is to say the great river. It is mentioned in the lists of rivers in the Puranas, but otherwise it is seldom noticed. It passes by Cataca.

Ptolemy considers the Cocila and Brahmani rivers as one, which he calls Adamas, or diamond river, and to the Maha-nadi he gives the name of Dosaron. He is however mistaken: the Maha-nadi is the diamond river, and his Dosaron consists of the united streams of the Brahmani and the Cocila, and is so called because they come from the Dasaranya, also Dasarna, or the ten forest-cantons. He might indeed have been led into this mistake very easily, for the Brahmani and Cocila come from a diamond country in Chuta-Nagpur, and in Major Rennell’s general map of India, these diamond mines towards the source of these two rivers are mentioned, and seem to extend over a large tract of ground.

Before we pass over to the other side of the Ganges, let us consider the rivers which fall into the Yamuna. The first river is the Goghas, to be pronounced Goghus, which passes close to Amara, or Amere near Jaypur. It comes from the east, and is first noticed at a place called Ichrowle, as it passes to the north of it, at some distance. It winds then towards the S.W. and goes towards Amere and Jaypur, thence close to Bagroo, when it turns to the south, and soon after to the S.E. The village of Ichrowle, being near the Goghus, is also called Goghus after it, or Cookus, as it is written in Arrowsmith's map: but it is considered by that famous geographer, as a different place from Ichrowle.[!!!] This river is called Damiadee[???], by some of our writers of the seventeenth century, and is supposed by them to come from the mountainous district of Hindoon, and then to flow close to that city towards the west, and to fall into the Indus at Bacar, according to Captain R. Covert, who was there I believe in the year 1609 or 1610. This is by no means a new idea, for this is the river without a name mentioned by Ptolemy, who places, near its source, a town called Gagasmira, in which the names of the Goghas, and of the town of Amere, are sufficiently obvious. Some respectable travellers, who have occasionally visited that country, are of the same opinion, being deceived by seeing that river flowing towards the west a considerable way.

The town of Hindoon still exists, and the inhabitants of the adjacent country who were formerly great robbers, trusting to their fastnesses among the hills, are still so, whenever they can plunder with safety. It is most erroneously called Hindour in Arrowsmith’s map, and I am sorry to observe that otherwise admirable work disfigured by bad orthography, the result of too much hurry and carelessness, and the errors are equally gross and numerous, and sometimes truly ludicrous. As to the Damiadee[???],* [See Andrew Brice's Dictionary ad vocem and others.] this appellation is now absolutely unknown. The first notice I had of the Goghas was from a native surveyor, whom I sent to survey the Panjab, and who accidentally passed through Jaypur, but remained there several days.

The Damiadee[???] was first noticed by the Sansons in France, but was omitted since by every geographer, I believe, such as the Sieur Robert, the famous D’Anville, &c; but it was revived by Major Rennell, under the name of Dummody. I think its real name was Dhumyati, from a thin mist like smoke, arising from its bed. Several rivers in India are so named: thus the Hiranya-baha, or eastern branch of the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], is called Cujjhati, or Cuhi† [Commentary on the Geog. of the M. Bh.] from Cuha, a mist hovering occasionally over its bed. As this branch of the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki] has disappeared, or nearly so, this fog is no longer to be seen. I think, this has been also the fate of the Dhumyati, which is now absorbed by the sands. This Dhumyati, seen at Baccar by Capt. Covert, did not come from Hendown, but from some place in the desert, still unknown, but I suspect that it is the river, without name, placed, in Arrowsmith's map, to the E. N. E. of Jaysulmere. It passes near a village called Lauty or Latyanh, which village is said to be twenty Cos to the east of Jaysulmere, by the late Major D. Falvey, who travelled twice that way, in the years 1787 and 1780: according to him there is no river, nor branch of the Indus between Jaysulmere, and Baccar. He was a well informed man, who understood the country languages, and in his route he always took particular notice of the rivers which he crossed. The Damiadee is now called by the natives, Lohree[???] or Rohree[???], from a town of that name, near its confluence with the Indus. I am assured that, during the rains, the backwater from the Indus runs up the dry bed of a river for a space of three days. This dry bed is supposed to have been formerly the bed of a river formed by the united streams of the rivers Caggar, and Chitangh from the plains of Curu-cshetra, but this I think highly improbable.

The next is the Charmmanwati [Charmanwati: Wiki], or abounding with hides. It is often mentioned in the Puranas, and is called also Charmmabala, and Sivanada, in the spoken dialects Chambal and Seonad. It is sometimes represented as reddened with the bloody hides put to steep in its water.* [In the Megha Data[???] this river is said to have originated in the blood shed by Ranti Deva at the Gomedhas, or offerings of kine.]

The hides, under the name of Chembelis, were formerly an article of trade.* [See Dictionnaire de Commerce.] The country about its source is called Charmma-dwipa, which is certainly between waters or rivers, which abound in that country. There is a town called Sibnagara, or more generally Seonah, the town of Siva, after whom this river is denominated.

The Sipra, Sipra, Cshipra, called also the Avanti river, falls into the Chambal.

The Sindhu[???] or Sind[???], is occasionally mentioned in the Puranas, as well as the little river Para, commonly called Parvati, which, after winding to the north of Narwar, falls into the Sindhu near Vijayagar. It is famous for its noisy falls, and romantic scenes on its banks, and the numerous flocks of cranes and wild geese to be seen there, particularly at Buraicha west of Narwar. The next is the little river Pauja, which falls into the Yamuna, and is called in the spoken dialects Pauja, and in the maps Puhuj.

The Vetrarati [Betwa/Shuktimati, "In Sanskrit 'Betwa" is Vetravati": Wiki], or abounding with withies [a tough, flexible branch of an osier or other willow, used for tying, binding, or basketry.], is a most sacred river. Vetra or Betra is a withy, and so is Vithr in the old Saxon. In the spoken dialects and in English, the letter R is omitted; in Hindi they say Beit and in English With or withy. In the spoken dialects, it is called Betwa and Betwanti.

The river Dussaun,
which falls into the Vetravati is probably the Dasarna of the Pauranics.

The next river is that which we call the Cane: but its true name is Ceyan, and the author of the Cshetra-samasa says that it is the Criya, or Criyana of the Puranas, and called Ceyan in the spoken dialects. Another name for it is Crishna-ganga, which, according to the Varaha-purana flows by Calanjara.

Let us now pass to the rivers to the north of the Ganges, or on the left of it. The first is the Saravati, or full of reeds [mythical river: D.C. Sircar, 1971]: another name of the same import is Bana-ganga, this is used by natives: in the Maha-bharata, it is called Su-Vama, or most beautiful: its present name, and of the same import is Rama-ganga, or Ramya-ganga. In the Saravan, or Saraban, that is to say the thickets of reeds on its banks, Carticeya was born. This name is sometimes applied to the river itself, though improperly, and from Saraban, Ptolemy made Sarabon and Sarabos. It is called Sushoma, in the Bhagavat, or the most beautiful. It may be also translated the beautiful Shoma or Soma.

In the Amara-cosa, and commentary, it is called Sausami in a derivative form from Su-sami. It is declared there to be in the famous and extensive country of Usinara. The reason for its being introduced into that work is because there is in it a city called Cantha and Sau-sami-cant'ha. This word is of the neuter gender, provided the compound term be the name of a town in Usinara, else it is feminine. Example: Sau-sami-cantha, and Dacshina-cantha, names of towns; the first in Usinara, the other out of that country.* [Amara-cosa, and translation by Mr. Colebrooke, p. 385.] These two towns still exist: the first, in the late surveys made by order of Government, is placed on the western bank of the Rama-ganga, in 29° 7" of latitude: the other, or south Cantha, is in the district of Budayoon, and is the head place of the Purgunah of Kant according to the Ayin Acberi.* [Ayin Acberi, Vol. 2d Tucseem Jumma, p. 84.] There is little doubt but that the Soma or Sami is the Isamus of Strabo, the boundary of Menander's kingdom.† [Strabo Lib. 11, p. 516.]

The beautiful Vama was mentioned by Megasthenes, as a river falling into the Ganges, according to Pliny. This river consists of two branches, the Western is called Gangan, according to the late surveys made by order of Government; the eastern branch is the Ram-ganga, and they unite about twenty miles to the south of Rampoor. On the banks of the former lived the Gangani of Ptolemy[???] called Tangani in some copies.

The next river is the Gaura[???], Gauri[???], or Gaurani[???]. There are many rivers so called, but it is doubtful whether this was meant by the Pauranics. The inhabitants of the country call it so, this is sufficient authority, and it is probably the Agoranis of Megasthenes.
But I am unable to give with assurance of being accurate any information regarding the regions beyond the Hyphasis, since the progress of Alexander was arrested by that river. But to recur to the two greatest rivers, the Ganges and the Indus, Megasthenes states that of the two the Ganges is much the larger, and other writers who mention the Ganges agree with him; for, besides being of ample volume even where it issues from its springs, it receives as tributaries the river Kainas, and the Erannoboas, and the Kossoanos, which are all navigable. It receives, besides, the river Sonos and the Sittokatis, and the Solomatis, which are also navigable, and also the Kondochates, and the Sambos, and the Magon, and the Agoranis, and the Omalis. Moreover there fall into it the Kommenases, a great river, and the Kakouthis, and the Andomatis, which flows from the dominions of the Madyandinoi, an Indian tribe. In addition to all these, the Amystis, which flows past the city Katadupa, and the Oxymagis from the dominions of a tribe called the Pinzalai, and the Errenysis from the Mathai, an Indian tribe, unite with the Ganges.

-- Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian; Being a Translation of the Fragments of the Indika of Megasthenes Collected by Dr. Schwanbeck, and of the First Part of the Indika of Arrian, by J.W. McCrindle, M.A., 1877

The Gomati [Gumti/Gomti/Gumati/Gomati in Gangladesh: Wiki], or Vasishti[???] river, is called in the spoken dialects Gumti. About fifty miles above Lucknow it divides into two branches, which unite again below Jounpoor. The eastern branch retains the name of Gumti; the western branch is called Sambu and Sucti, and in the spoken dialects Sye, because it abounds with small shells. This is really the case, as I have repeatedly observed, whilst surveying, or travelling along its banks. They are all fossile, small and imbedded in its banks, and appear here and there when laid bare by the encroachments of the river. They consist chiefly of small cockles and periwinkles. Many of them look fresh, the rest are more or less decayed, and they are all empty. I know several other rivers so called, and for the same reason. In the spoken dialects, their name is pronounced Sye as here, Soy and Sui, at other places, from the Sanscrit Sucti. This river is not mentioned in any Sanscrit book that I ever saw, but I take it to be the Sambus of Megasthenes.

The next river is the Sarayu, called also Devica and Gharghara; in the spoken dialects Sarju, Deva, Deha and Ghaghra. The Pauranics consider these three denominations as belonging to the same river. The natives here are of a different opinion; they say that Dewa and Ghaghra are the names of the main stream, and the Sarju a different river as represented in Major Rennell’s maps. The Sarju comes from the mountains to the eastward of the Dewa, passes by Baraich, and joins the Dewa above Ayodhya or Oude, and then separating from it below that town it crosses over to the other side, that is to say to the westward of it, and falls into the Ganges at Bhrigurasrama, in the spoken dialects Bagrasan. In the Cshetra-samasa it is declared that the Gharghara is the true and real Sarayu, and that it is called Maha-sarayu or great Sarayu, and the other is the little Sarayu. According to the above Geographical Treatise[???], the Sarayu is also called Prema-bahini, or the friendly stream. Towards the west it sends a branch called in the Puranas Tamasi, and in the spoken dialectics and in the maps Tonsa: it is a most holy stream, and joins the lesser Saraya in the lower parts of its course.

It is omitted by Ptolemy, but it is the large river called by Megasthenes Commenases, or the Comaunish river, because it comes from the country of Comaunh, called also Almorah. It is called Ocdanes by Artemidorus as cited by Strabo, because it flows by the town and through the country of Oude, called Oeta by the poet Nonnus.

The Gharghara is called Gorgoris by the Anonymous of Ravenna: for thus I read, instead of Torgoris, as the original documents were in the Greek language, in which there is very little difference between the letters T and Greek [x].
The Ravenna Cosmography (Latin: Ravennatis Anonymi Cosmographia, lit. "The Cosmography of the Unknown Ravennese") is a list of place-names covering the world from India to Ireland, compiled by an anonymous cleric in Ravenna around 700 AD. Textual evidence indicates that the author frequently used maps as his source.

There are three known copies of the Cosmography in existence. The Vatican Library holds a 14th-century copy, there is a 13th-century copy in Paris at the Bibliothèque Nationale, and the library at Basle University has another 14th-century copy. The Vatican copy was used as the source for the first publication of the manuscript in 1688 by Porcheron...

The naming of places in Roman Britain has traditionally relied on Ptolemy’s Geography, the Antonine Itinerary and the Peutinger Table [The layout of the road network of the Roman Empire. The map is a 13th-century parchment copy of a possible Roman original. It covers Europe (without the Iberian Peninsula and the British Isles), North Africa, and parts of Asia, including the Middle East, Persia, and India.], as the Cosmography was seen as full of corruptions, with the ordering of the lists of placenames being haphazard. However, there are more entries in the Cosmography than in the other documents, and so it has been studied more recently...

Part of the difficulty with the text is its corruption, which probably results from the author failing to understand his sources, or not appreciating the purpose for which they were written. His original sources may have been of poor quality, resulting in many curious-looking names appearing in the lists. Equally, there are some obvious omissions, although the author was not attempting to produce a complete list of places, as his introduction states: "In that Britain we read that there were many civitates and forts, of which we wish to name a few." The suggestion that he was using maps is bolstered by phrases such as "next to" which occur frequently, and at one point he states: "where that same Britain is seen to be narrowest from Ocean to Ocean." Richmond and Crawford were the first to argue that rather than being random, the named places are often clustered around a central point, or spread out along a single road. For most of England, the order seems to follow a series of zig-zags, but this arrangement is less obvious for the south-west and for Scotland.

-- Ravenna Cosmography, by Wikipedia

The Rava, or noisy river, is mentioned in the lists of countries in the Puranas, otherwise it is but little known. In a derivative form it becomes Ravati, and in the spoken dialects Rabti and Rapti.

The Gandaci, or Gandacavati, is called Gandac in the spoken dialects, and it is the Condochates of Megasthenes. This river is left out by Ptolemy; but it is obvious, at least to me, that he had documents about it and the Sarayu, which either he did not well understand, or were very defective.
B.C. 325... B.C. 315... At this period the capital of India was Pataliputra or Palibrotha, which was situated on the Ganges, at the junction of the Erranaboas or Alaos river. The former name has been identified with the Sanskrit Hiranyabahu, an epithet which has been applied both to the Gandak [Gandaki] and to the Sone. The latter name can only refer to the Hi-le-an of the Chinese travellers, which was to the north of the Ganges, and was there undoubtedly the Gandak [Gandaki].

-- The Cyclopædia of India and of Eastern and Southern Asia, by Surgeon General Edward Balfour, 1885

All rivers to the north of the Ganges flow in general towards the south, declining more or less toward the east. Here Ptolemy has a river, which, according to him, flows directly towards the south-west, and he has very properly bestowed no name upon it. What is remarkable is that the source of this imaginary river is really that of the Gandaci, and its confluence [junction] with the Ganges is that of the Dewa. On its banks he has a town called Cassida, the Sanscrit name of which is Cushadha, or Cusadya, the same with Oude; and, as it were to complete the sum of blunders, he has placed Canogiza, or Canoge on its banks. According to Ptolemy, the source of this river is in the northern hills, at a place which he calls Selampura, (as it is written and accentuated in the Greek original), at the foot of mount Bepyrrhus, so called from numerous passes through it and called to this day Bhimpheri, synonymous with Bhay-pheri or the tremendous passes, as we have seen before. Selampoor is really a Sanscrit name of a place, Sailapura, or Sailampur, for both are grammatical, and are synonymous with Sailagram, and the obvious meaning, and we may say the only one of both, is the town of Saila, which signifies a rocky hill.

Enthusiasts, have endeavoured to frame etymologies suitable to the rank, and dignity of this stone, which is a deity, and is god in its own right, for it is Vishnu: but they are rejected by sober and dispassionate Pandits, as too far fetched, and sometimes ridiculous. The name of this stone is written Salagram, Sailagram, Saila-chacra, and Gandaci-Sila. People who go in search of the Salagram, travel as far as a place called Thacca-cote, at the entrance nearly of the snowy mountains. To the south of it is a village where they stop and procure provisions. This village was probably called Sailapur or Sailagram from its situation near a Saila or rocky hill, and from it this famous stone was denominated Sailagram, as well as the river. Thacca is mentioned in Arrowsmith’s map.

The origin of this rocky hill is connected with a most strange legend, which I shall give in the abstract.
Vishnu, unwilling to subject himself to the dreaded power and influence of the ruler of the planet Saturn, and having no time to lose, was obliged to have recourse to his Maya, or illusive powers, which are very great, and he suddenly became a rocky mountain. This is called Saila-maya, of a rocky mountain the illusive form: but Saturn soon found him out, and in the shape of a worm forced himself through, gnawing every part of this illusive body. For one year of Saturn was Vishnu thus tormented, and through pain and vexation he sweated most profusely, as may be supposed, particularly about the temples, from which issued two copious streams, the Crishna or black, and the Sweta-Gandaci, or white Gandaci; the one to the east, and the other to the west. After one revolution of Saturn, Vishnu resumed his own shape, and ordered this stone to be worshipped, which of course derives its divine right from itself, without any previous consecration, as usual in all countries in which images are worshipped.

There are four stones, which are styled Saila-maya, and are accordingly worshipped whenever they are found. The first is the Saila, or stone just mentioned; the second, which is found abundantly in the river Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], is a figured stone, of a reddish colour, with a supposed figure of Ganesa in the shape of an elephant, and commonly called Ganesa-ca-pathar: the third is found in the Narmmada; and the fourth is a single stone or rock which is the Saila-maya, of the third part of the bow of Parasu-Rama, after it had been broken by Rama-chandra. It is still to be seen, about seven Cos to the N.E. of Janaca-pura in Taira-bhucta, at a place called Dhanuca-grama, or the village of the bow, occasionally called Saila-maya-pur, or grama, according to the Bhuvana-cosa.

The river Gandaca is so called because it proceeds from a mountain of that name. The people of Naypala call it Cundaci because it proceeds from the Cunda-sthala, or the two cavities, or depressions of the temples of Vishnu, in the shape of a mountain as I observed before.

It is also called Sala-grama, because of the stone of that name round in its bed. Another name for it is Narayani, because Vishnu or Narayana abides in its waters, in the shape of the above stone.


There is a place, near Janaca-pura, which as I observed before, it called Saila-maya-pura or Saila-maya-grama, and which becomes Saila-pura, or Saila-grama, in the spoken dialects.* [In the original MS. these words are written Sala-maya, Sati-pura and Sali-grama, that is to say, they have adopted the pronunciation of these words such as it is in the spoken dialects. This is occasionally the case in geographical books in the Sanscrit language.]

Some believe the Saila-gram to be the eagle stone: if so it is not a new idea; for Matthiolus, who lived I believe towards the latter end of the fifteenth century, says that eagles do keep most carefully such a stone by them, and that for this purpose they travel to India in order to procure it. For without it the eggs in their nests would infallibly rot and be spoiled.

The next river is the Bagmati [Bagmati/Kareh: Wiki] or Bangmati, that is to say, full of noises and sounds. According to the Himavat-chanda, a section of the Scanda-purana, it comes from two springs in the skirts of the peak of Siva. The eastern spring is the Bagmati, and the western is called after Harineswara or Harinesa, or the lord in the shape of an antelope. We read in the above section that Siva once thought proper to withdraw from the busy scenes of the world, and to live incognito in the shape of an ugly and deformed male antelope, that he might not be recognised by his wife, and by the gods, who he knew would immediately go in search of him, as he was one of the three grand agents of the world. He was not mistaken; for 10,000 years of the gods they searched for him all over the world but in vain. His lubricity at last led to the discovery, for some of the gods took particular notice of the behaviour of an ugly male antelope, and they wisely concluded that it was Siva himself in that shape. Since that time Siva is worshipped along the banks of the Bagmati under the title of Harineswara, or Harinesa. The peak we mentioned before is called to this day, according to Colonel Kirkpatrick, Sheopoory, the place or abode of Siva, or Seo. The pool, where he and his female friends used to allay their thirst, is called in the above Purana Mrigasringodaca, or Harinasringodaca, or the water of the peak of the antelope, meaning Siva in that shape. The western branch again flows into the Bagmati, and I believe that it once communicated its name Harinesi to that river; and similar instances occur occasionally in India. Hence I suppose that it is the Erineses of Megasthenes who besides says that it ran into the Ganges through the country of the Mathae. This country is that of Tirhut, called also in Sanscrit Maitha, and Maithila from a Raja whose father was called Mitha, and from him the son was called, in a derivative form, Maitha and Maithila.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

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Part 3 of 4

The next river is the Camala [Kamala: Wiki], which retains its ancient name. The town of Dwara-bhanga was originally on its banks, according to the Bhuvana-cosa. It was formerly a very extensive town with a fort built at a very early period. What was its original name is unknown: for Dwara-bhanga signifies that the gate, either of the fort or of the palace of the Raja, had been destroyed, probably by a sudden overflowing of the river Camala. It was repeatedly destroyed during the wars of the natives with the Muselmans. It is now a small town, and the palace of the Rajas is no longer on the banks of the Camala but on the Bacaya, called in the maps Buckiah, a little to the westward of the old site of the town. It appears to me that the river Camala was from the town being on its banks called the Dwara-bhanga river, and synonymous with Dwara-baha[???]. It is then the river Tiberoboas and Taberuncus, for Tabero-bancus, mentioned in an account of the Brahmens by a certain Palladius who wrote in the latter end of the fourth century. The name of this town is written Dwara-bhanja and Dwara-bhanga, and also Dara-bhanga, and it is the Durbungah of the maps, and they all signify that the gate, or door, had been broken down or carried away. In scripture likewise the gate of a town or of a palace was no insignificant building: there were held public meetings, and it was also a court of justice. On the banks of the Camala was the native country of Calanus; for it is obvious from the above account that with regard to persons travelling from the west, this river was to the eastward of the Ganges. It appears also that the country on its banks was chiefly inhabited by Brahmens, or at least that they were in great numbers there; and this is very true of Tirhut. On the Divya-nadi or divine river, but more generally called the little Gandaci, is Pusha-gram, or the town of the sun in his character of the nourisher. It is called also Pusha-ghatt; and the founder was a worshipper of the sun. The inhabitants are Bhumiharas or husbandmen, and are very fond of horses. On the seventh of the month of Agrahayana, they worship their horses. This place was, it appears, famous at an early period for the breeding of horses, and there is now one of the Company’s studs: the place is generally called Poossah. To the S.W. of it is the river Nuna, which, having incurred the sun’s displeasure, was cursed by him, and its waters became poisonous.

The Causici [Kosi/Koshi, called Kausika in Rigveda and Kausiki in Mahabharata, formerly known as Kausiki after the sage Visvamatra who was a descendant of the sage Kusika, and had his hermitage on the banks of the Kosi: Wiki] comes next and is a large and famous river commonly called Cusa and Cusi. It is formed by the junction of seven large streams, between the two first ranges. They are all called Cusi, with an epithet peculiar to every one of them. The main branch is said to come from the hermitage of the sage Causica or Viswamitra, which place with a village in its vicinity is called Cusagrama, or Cusaganh, and this river Cusa or Causa is the Cosoagus or Cosoagon, in the objective case, mentioned by Megasthenes.

The next is the Bahuda [Bahuda River originates from Horsely Hills in Chittoor District, flows through Vayalpad, and enters Cuddapah District, where it joins with Pennar River: India9.com.], called also Mahoda in the Matsya-purana. In the list of rivers in the Maha-Bharata, we read Bahuda Maha-nadi. These denominations imply many waters, great waters, or the great river.

In the Tricanda-cosa[???] it is said to be called also Saita-Vahini, or the white river. Its present name is Dhabala or Dhabali, which is also a Sanscrit denomination of the same import. Another name for it is Arjjuni, synonymous with Dhabali. It consists of two branches, the greater, and the lesser. The greater is simply called the Maha-nada, and the lesser the Dhabali river. This I suppose to be the Sito-catis of Megasthenes[???], from the Sanscrit Sita-canti, to be pronounced Sito-canti or nearly so, and which signifies the river with a white resplendence, or shining white. This river, and its western branch, are mentioned in the Cshetra-samasa, where the author describing the country of Asama, and Cama-rupa, proceeds westward as far as the Tista, and says that the next river is the Sita-prabha [Seetha/Sita/Sitha: Wiki], brought from Himalaya by Saha-deva, and the next is the Sita brought from the hills by Brahma. Sita-prabha signifies shining white, and is the same with Sita-canti, or Maha-nadi. The Sita or white river, is obviously the Dhabali. This last was probably the original name, as it is still current among the natives.

Ptolemy mentions this river, but without any name; otherwise its course is tolerably well delineated. He makes it fall into the western branch of the Ganges, because he was unacquainted with the eastern one, or the Padma. He places its confluence between Tondota, and Celydna. Tondota is from the Sanscrit Tanda-hatt, or market place of Tanda, which still exists.
Celydna is from Ciritna or Cilitna-devi, worshipped at Cirit-cona, near Moorshedabad.* [Erroneously written Terete-coonah by Major Rennell, in his beautiful map of the island of Cossim-bazar.]

Through an obvious mistake in the longitude of the confluence, he [Ptolemy?] makes it protrude a great way to the westward of the two last places.

The next river is the Icshumati [Ichamati/Ichhamati: Wiki] so called, because the adjacent country abounds with Icshu or sugar-cane. It is also called in the Puranas Tritiya, because it divides into three branches or streams, in Sanscrit Tri-srota, as it is repeatedly called in the Cshetra-samasa. In the spoken dialects the letter R is invariably left out in the two word, which form this compound. We must say of course Tisota, from which comes Tista its present name.

The first or western branch is called Puruna-baha, or the old stream, and in the maps Purnabaha. The middle branch is named Atreyi, in the maps Atri: the third or easternmost is still called the Tista. It springs from the main body, a little above Sahib-gunge, passes to the north of Rung-poor, and falls into the Brahma-putra.

Ptolemy has noticed this river, and with a considerable degree of accuracy he has delineated the relative situation of what he supposed to be its source with regard to that of the Maha-nadi, as may be seen by comparing it with that part of Major Rennell’s atlas in which these two rivers are represented as coming out of the hills with a ridge between them, as in Ptolemy’s map.

Our author has left out the first and second branches, and has carried the whole body of the river at once, through the third branch into the Brahma-putra, which he calls Daonas, and this name he has also bestowed on the Tista.

The Icshumati is the Oxymatis of Megasthenes, for thus we should read instead of Oxymagis; the same substitution of [x] for T having taken place, that was noticed in a former instance.
In addition to all these, the Amystis, which flows past the city Katadupa, and the Oxymagis from the dominions of a tribe called the Pinzalai, and the Errenysis from the Mathai, an Indian tribe, unite with the Ganges.

-- Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian, by J.W. McCrindle, M.A., 1877

It is also the Hypobarus of Ctesias who says that it is a river in India about two furlongs broad, and that its name in Hindi signifies producing every thing that is good, and that during thirty days it produces amber. A few lines after he says that this amber proceeds from trees called Sipachora. This word is variously written in different MSS. Some read Siptachora, and Pliny has Aphytacora* [Pliny Lib. 37. Cap. 2.] which, says he, signifies great sweetness, or very sweet. This last is the true reading, for it is obviously derived from the Sanscrit Mishtucara, to be pronounced in the spoken dialects Mitacora, and which signifies very sweet; from Mishta sweet, and Acara, which implies excellence, excellently sweet. This amber is the common sugar, of a light amber colour, transparent, and in crystals before it is thoroughly refined.

The river Hyparchos[???], called Hypobarus by Pliny, ferens omnia bona [Google translate: carrying all the good things], producing every thing that is good, is from the Sanscrit Sarva-vara, every thing good, to be pronounced Sabobara, for they say Sab or Sub for Sarva, all. There is a small river of that name mentioned in the Scanda-purana,† [Section of the Himavat-chanda.] which falls into the Bagmati. It is called Sarvarica from Sarva-vara, and in a derivative form Sarvarica or Sarbarica, producing every thing that is good. Hypobarus and Hyparchos are obviously corruptions from Subbara and Subharica, for the letter H is often substituted to the letter S; thus in Sanscrit we have Septa seven, Septem in Latin, Hepta in Greek and Heft in Persian.[???] Another name for this river is Guda[???], because the country on its banks produces abundantly Guda, or raw sugar.

Caratoya [Karatoya: Wiki] [is] a sacred stream in the north of Bengal. At the wedding of Siva and Parvati the water, which was poured upon their hands, fell to the ground and became a river called Cara-toya from Cara the hand, and Toya water. It is the Curratya of the maps.

Let us now pass to the Brahma-putra, [Brahmaputra: Wiki] or Brahmi-tanaya, that is to say the son of Brahma, or rather his efflux. The account of this river, and of its various names, is somewhat intricate, but above all its strange origin which cannot well be passed unnoticed. It is to be found in several Puranas, but the Calica is the most explicit on the subject; and I shall give it here in the abstract.

Brahma, in the course of his travels, riding upon a goose, passed by the hermitage of the sage Santanu, who was gone into the adjacent groves, and his wife, the beautiful and virtuous Amogha, was alone. Struck with her beauty he made proposals, which were rejected with indignation, and Amogha threatened to curse him.

Brahma, who was disguised like a holy mendicant, began to tremble and went away: however, before he turned round, his efflux fell to the ground at the door of the hermitage. The efflux is describe, as Hataca, like gold, Cara-hataca, radiant and shining like gold, which is the colour of Brahma; it is always in motion like quicksilver. On Santanu’s return Amogha did not fail to acquaint him with Brahma’s behaviour: he gave due praise to her virtue and resolution, but observed at the same time that with regard to a person of such a high rank as Brahma, who is the first of beings in the world, she might have complied with his wishes without any impropriety. This is no new idea; however Amogha reprobated this doctrine with indignation. I shall pass over how this efflux was conveyed into her womb by her husband. The Nile was also the efflux of Osiris, and probably the legend about it was equally obscene and filthy. In due time she was delivered of a fine boy amidst a vast quantity of water, and who was really the son of Brahma, and exactly like him. Then Santanu made a Cunda, or hole like a cup, and put the child and waters into it. The waters soon worked their way below to the depth of five Yojans, or forty miles nearly, and as far as Patal, or the infernal regions. This Cunda, or small circular pond, or lake, is called Brahmacunda, and the river issuing from it Brahma-putra, the son of Brahma. The water in it is in a constant motion, always violently agitated, as may be supposed; and wonders are related of this place.

From this pool issues a stream which forces its way through the famous chasm and pass of Prabhu-cuthara, and rushes through the valley of Asama. It receives from the north the Lohita, which flows through the country of Tibet, then through Asama and Bengal.

This pool is occasionally mentioned in the Puranas, and always placed at the extremities of the east, near the Udaya, or mountains of the rising sun.

In the Ambica-chanda it is said that the sun performs there his ablutions before he appears above the horizon.
It is called Sadya-hrada, or the deep pool where the sun gets rid of his weariness, Sad or Sadi, after his fatiguing task. For this reason the Brahma-putra, which comes out of this pool, is called Gabhasti, or the river of the sun.

In the Cshetra-samasa, it is said, that this pass is sixteen Yojans
, or sixty-four Cos, to the eastward of Godagram, or Gorganh: and the natives of Asama, with several pilgrims whom I have consulted, reckon the distance to be about seventy Cos; the difference in the present case is trifling, and the whole distance may be about 125 British miles.

From the above pass to the Cunda, the journey is always performed in eight days, because travellers must keep together on account of the inhabitants, who are savages, great thieves, and very cruel. There are fixed and regular stages, with several huts of the natives. The kings of Asama are sometimes obliged to chastise them; but in general they contrive  to secure the friendship and protection of their chiefs by trifling presents. The country is covered with extensive forests, with a few spots cleared up with very little industry and skill. Tygers are very numerous, and very bold.
On December 13th we reached Labrang Trova, a “settlement” consisting of a single house.... The Ponpo was away, but his brother acted for him. The latter began to ask us questions...For the first time we admitted that we wished to go to Lhasa, for at this point we were at a safe distance from the caravan route. Our man shook his head in horror and tried to make us understand that the quickest and best way to Lhasa was by way of Shigatse....

He said we had two alternatives. The first was to follow a route which was very difficult. It would take us over many passes and tracts of uninhabited country. The second was easier but it meant going through the middle of the Khampas’ country. There it was again, the name “Khampa,” spoken in a mysterious tone, which we had already heard from so many nomads. “Khampa” must mean an inhabitant of the eastern province of Tibet, which is called Kham. But you never heard the name mentioned without an undertone of fear and warning. At last we realised that the word was synonymous with “robber.”

We, unfortunately... chose the easier route.

We had been some time on the way when a man came towards us wearing clothes which struck us as unusual. He spoke a dialect different from that of the local nomads. He asked us curiously whence? and whither? and we told him our pilgrimage story. He left us unmolested and went on his way. It was clear to us that we had made the acquaintance of our first Khampa.

A few hours later we saw in the distance two men on small ponies, wearing the same sort of clothes... Long after dark we came across a tent. Here we were lucky as it was inhabited by a pleasant nomad family, who hospitably invited us to come in and gave us a special fireplace for ourselves.

In the evening we got talking about the robbers. They were, it seems, a regular plague. Our host had lived long enough in the district to make an epic about them. He proudly showed us a Mannlicher rifle for which he had paid a fortune to a Khampa — five hundred sheep, no less! But the robber bands in the neighbourhood considered this payment as a sort of tribute and had left him in peace ever since.

He told us something about the life of the robbers. They lived in groups in three or four tents which serve as headquarters for their campaigns. These are conducted as follows: heavily armed with rifles and swords they force their way into a nomad’s tent and insist on hospitable entertainment on the most lavish scale available. The nomad in terror brings out everything he has. The Khampas fill their bellies and their pockets and taking a few cattle with them, for good measure, disappear into the wide-open spaces. They repeat the performance at another tent every day till the whole region has been skinned. Then they move their headquarters and begin again somewhere else. The nomads, who have no arms, resign themselves to their fate, and the Government is powerless to protect them in these remote regions. However, if once in a way a district officer gets the better of these footpads in a skirmish, he is not the loser by it for he has a right to all the booty. Savage punishment is meted out to the evildoers, who normally have their arms hacked off. But this does not cure the Khampas of their lawlessness. Stories were told of the cruelty with which they sometimes put their victims to death. They go so far as to slaughter pilgrims and wandering monks and nuns. A disturbing conversation for us! What would we not have given to be able to buy our host’s Mannlicher!...

Next morning we went on our way, not without misgivings, which increased when we saw a man with a gun, who seemed to be stalking us from the hillside... the man eventually disappeared. In the evening we found more tents — first a single one and then a cluster of others.

We called to the people in the first tent. A family of nomads came out. They refused with expressions of horror to admit us and pointed distractedly to the other tents. There was nothing for it but to go on. We were no little surprised to receive a friendly welcome at the next tent. Everyone came out. They fingered our things and helped us to unload — a thing which no nomads had ever done — and suddenly it dawned on us that they were Khampas. We had walked like mice into the trap...

We had hardly sat down by the fire when the tent began to fill with visitors from the neighbouring tents, come to see the strangers. We had our hands full trying to keep our baggage together. The people were as pressing and inquisitive as gipsies. When they had heard that we were pilgrims they urgently recommended us to take one of the men, a particularly good guide, with us on our journey to Lhasa. He wanted us to go by a road somewhat to the south of our route and, according to him, much easier to travel. We exchanged glances. The man was short and powerful and carried a long sword in his belt. Not a type to inspire confidence. However, we accepted his offer and agreed on his pay. There was nothing else to do, for if we got on the wrong side of them they might butcher us out of hand.

The visitors from the other tents gradually drifted away and we prepared to go to bed. One of our two hosts insisted on using my rucksack as a pillow and I had the utmost difficulty in keeping it by me. They probably thought that it contained a pistol. If they did, that suited our book and I hoped to increase their suspicion by my behaviour. At last he stopped bothering me. We remained awake and on our guard all through the night. That was not very difficult, though we were very weary, because the woman muttered prayers without ceasing. It occurred to me that she was praying in advance for forgiveness for the crime her husband intended to commit against us the next day. We were glad when day broke.... Our hosts followed our movements with glowering faces and looked like attacking me when I handed our packs out of the tent to Aufschnaiter. However, we shook them off and loaded our yak. We looked out for our guide but to our relief he was nowhere to be seen. The Khampa family advised us urgently to keep to the southern road, as the nomads from that region were making up a pilgrim caravan to Lhasa. We promised to do so and started off in all haste.

We had gone a few hundred yards when I noticed that my dog was not there. He usually came running after us without being called. As we looked round we saw three men coming after us. They soon caught us up and told us that they too were on the way to the tents of the nomad pilgrims and pointed to a distant pillar of smoke. That looked to us very suspicious as we had never seen such smoke-pillars over the nomad tents. When we asked about the dog they said that he had stayed behind in the tent. One of us could go and fetch him. Now we saw their plan. Our lives were at stake. They had kept the dog back in order to have a chance of separating Aufschnaiter and me, as they lacked the courage to attack us both at the same time....

As though we suspected nothing we went on a short way in the same direction, talking rapidly to one another. The two men were now on either side of us while the boy walked behind. Stealing a glance to right and left we estimated our chances, if it came to a fight. The two men wore double sheepskin cloaks, as the robbers do, to protect them against knife-thrusts, and long swords were stuck in their belts...

Something had to happen. Aufschnaiter thought we ought first to change our direction, so as not to walk blindly into a trap. No sooner said than done. Still speaking, we abruptly turned away.

The Khampas stopped for a moment in surprise; but in a moment rejoined us and barred our way, asking us, in none too friendly tones, where we were going. “To fetch the dog,” we answered curtly. Our manner of speaking seemed to intimidate them...

When we got near the tents, the woman came to meet us leading the dog on a leash. After a friendly greeting we went on, but this time we followed the road by which we had come to the robber camp. There was now no question of going forward — we had to retrace our steps. Unarmed as we were, to continue would have meant certain death. After a forced march we arrived in the evening at the home of the friendly family with whom we had stayed two nights before....

Next morning we worked out our new travel-plan. There was nothing for it but to take the hard road which led through uninhabited country. We bought more meat from the nomads, as we should probably be a week before seeing a soul.

To avoid going back to Labrang Trova we took a short cut entailing a laborious and steep ascent but leading, as we hoped, to the route we meant to follow. Halfway up the steep slope we turned to look at the view and saw, to our horror, two men following us in the distance. No doubt they were Khampas. They had probably visited the nomads and been told which direction we had taken.

What were we to do? We said nothing, but later confessed to one another that we had silently made up our minds to sell our lives as dearly as possible. We tried at first to speed up our pace, but we could not go faster than our yak, who seemed to us to be moving at a snail’s pace. We kept on looking back, but could not be sure whether our pursuers were coming up on us or not. We fully realised how heavily handicapped we were by our lack of arms. We had only tent-poles and stones to defend ourselves with against their sharp swords. To have a chance we must depend on our wits. ... So we marched on for an hour which seemed endless, panting with exertion and constantly turning round. Then we saw that the two men had sat down. We hurried on towards the top of the ridge, looking as we went for a place which would, if need be, serve as good fighting ground. The two men got up, seemed to be taking counsel together and then we saw them turn round and go back....

When we reached the crest of the ridge we understood why our two pursuers had preferred to turn back. Before us lay the loneliest landscape I had ever seen. A sea of snowy mountain heights stretched onwards endlessly. In the far distance were the Transhimalayas and like a gap in a row of teeth was the pass which we calculated would lead us to the road we aimed at... we went on marching even after nightfall. Luckily the moon was high and, with the snow, gave us plenty of light. We could even see the distant ranges.

I shall never forget that night march...

-- Seven Years in Tibet, by Heinrich Harrer


The stages are very long, and every day’s march is reckoned between nine and ten Cos, and as there is, I believe, a resting day, the whole distance may amount to about sixty-five Cos, or 120 British miles.

There are in Asama [Assam: Wiki] two rivers called Lohita [mythological river, actually part of the Brahmaputra: IndiaZone.com], and both are mentioned in the Matsya-purana, in the list of rivers; the Chacra-Lohita or greater Lohita, and the Cshudra-Lohita, or the lesser one. This last falls into the Brahma-putra near Yogi-gopa, and is noticed in the Bengal Atlas. The original name of the greater Lohita is Sama or Sam, and this is conformable to a passage in the Varaha-mihira-sanhita. There is a long list of countries, and among those situated in the easternmost parts of India, there is a Sama-tata, or country situated on the banks of the river Sama. This country of Sam is probably the country of Sym of Haitho the Armenian, and it is part of Tibet, called Tsan by the Chinese.

The Sama was afterward called the red river, from the following circumstance. The famous Rama, with the title of Parasu or Parsu, having been ordered by his father to cut off his own mother’s head, through fear of the paternal curse was obliged to obey. With his bloody Parasu, or Parsu, or cimetar in one hand, and the bleeding head of his mother in the other, he appeared before his father who was surrounded by holy men, who were petrified with horror at this abominable sight. He then went to the Brahma-cunda to be expiated, his cimetar sticking fast to his hand all the way; he then washed it in the waters of the Sama, which became red and bloody, or Lohita. The cimetar then fell to the ground, and with it he cleft the adjacent mountains, and opened a passage for himself to the Cunda, and also for the waters of the Brahma-putra; he then flung the fatal instrument into the Cunda. The cleft is called to this day Prabhu-Cuthara, because it was made with a mighty Cuthara, or cimetar. This is obviously the legend of Perseus, and the Gorgon’s head.

The Brahma-putra, is also called Hradini
, as I observed in a former Essay on the Geography of the Puranas. This word, sometimes pronounced Hladni, signifies in Sanscrit a deep and large river, from Hrida, to be pronounced Hrada or nearly so, and from which comes Hradana and Hradini. In the list of rivers in the Padma-purana, it is called Hradya or Hradyan, and its mouth is called by Ptolemy the Airradon Ostium, or the mouth of the river Hradan: and according to him, another name for it was Antiboli, from a town of that name, called also by Pliny Antomela, in Sanscrit, Hasti-malla, in the spoken dialects Hatti-malla, now Feringy-bazar to the S.E. of Dhacca.

El Edrissi says, that in the Khamdan[???], which joins the Ganges,
* [P. 69 & 70.] there was a Trisula, or trident, firmly fixed in the bed of the river. It was of iron, had three sharp prongs, and rose about ten cubits above the surface of the water, and says our author, its name, in the language of India, was Barsciul, or in Sanscrit Vara or Bara-sula, the most excellent trident. Near this iron tree was a man reading the praise of this river, and saying, "O thou, who abundantly bestowest blessings; thou art the path leading to paradise; thou flowest from sources in heaven, the road to which thou pointest out to mankind: happy the man who ascends this tree, and throws himself into the river;” when some one of the hearers, moved by these words, ascends the tree and jumps into the river and is drowned, whilst the spectators wish him the eternal joys of paradise. This is really in the style of the Pauranics; and though suicide is forbidden in general, yet there are privileged places where it is meritorious to kill one self.

According to Rameswara
,* [In his Commentary on the Maha-Bharat.] this place is in Asama [Assam: Wiki], and its name is Visva-natha, the place of the lord of the world, or Maha-deva: I find it is well known to natives of the eastern parts of this country, and is said by them to be eight days to the east of Goda-grama, and about two east of Cali-vara, in the spoken dialects Calya-bara, a strong place on the river. It is a small rock at the confluence of another river with the Brahma-putra, with the Linga, or Sul, of Maha-deva upon it, and a small temple erected there by a Raja above 300 years ago. According to Rameswara, this place of worship is not mentioned in the Puranas, but only in some Tantras, and more particularly in the Yogini-Tantra.
Parasurama Kalpasutra, is a Shakta Agama, Hindu text on Shri Vidya practices as per Kaula tradition and is said to be authored by Parasurama, the fifth avatar of Lord Vishnu and a disciple of Guru Dattatreya. It is a sacred text for the Shri Vidya worshippers of Goddess Lalita Devi, who is considered to be a manifestation of the Divine Mother (Shakti), and the text is therefore used in the worship of Ganesha, Bala Tripurasundari, Raja Shyamala, Varahi as well. This text has its origins in the Dattatreya Samhita and is compiled by Sumedha, a disciple of Guru Dattatreya.

-- Parasurama Kalpasutra, by Wikipedia

Rameswara writes in Parasurama-Kalpasutra-vritti: "Those who exploit the opportunities of drinking wine without scriptural restrictions, suffer severely after death in hells."( Ibid page 598).

-- Is there a curse associated with misuse of Tantra?, by Stack Exchange

Portions of a copy of Ramesvara Vrtti were got from the Benares Government Sanskrit College Library for collation. But by the side of the others this copy was found superfluous and it did not offer correct readings where there were any doubts....

Laksmana then proceeds to show the necessity for his own work:
“Finding this Sutra too deep in its meaning for ordinary students to understand, Umanandmatha, a disciple of the Blessed Bhaskararaya, comprised in 1775 A.D. the work Nityotsava laying down clearly and methodically the system of worship taught in the Sutra. A later scholar, Ramesvara Sastri, a disciple of a disciple (prasisya) of Sri Bhaskararaya, thought that Nityotsava failed to represent the Sutra’s true meaning and wrote in 1831 A.D. a succinct gloss (Vrtti) of the Sutra, by name Saubhagya-Sudhodhya. This latter work too failing to bring out the true meaning of the Sutra, I proceed to write this commentary, Sutra-tattva-vimarsini, to explain the true meaning of the Sutra.”

Of course these commentators try to show, by applying exegetic rules to the interpretation of the texts, that their own conclusions are correct. It is, however, of little practical use to enter into the merits of these contentions, especially in these matters of transcendental nature, in which tradition, as handed down from masters to pupils, should govern the actual practice. The same texts may be easily interpreted so as to support conflicting views.

-- Tantra-Sangraha, Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. XXII, 1950

It appears from the above author’s account, that some people visited this place with a view to put an end to their own lives there, and others out of religious motives only, to obtain certain benefits. But even this last was attended with much danger, for it was necessary, it seems, to swim or wade in going and coming back from the rock, and in the meantime there were Jala-manushas ready to devour the pilgrims whom they could catch. Jala-manusha literally signifies watermen; however it is never used in that sense; but it implies people, who in a compound shape of men, and of sea or river monsters, devour men and all living creatures that come within their reach.

1. An individual of a fabulous race of men dwelling in water, a mer-man or mer-maid. Hence used of fishermen or watermen. 2 . Applied to a dwarfish and meagre person.

-- Jalamanusa, by Wisdom Library

Maya-batu was a king who went to worship at Visva-nath, and having entered the water he saw three alligators who wanted to devour him. They were then tearing the body of the Raja of Gaja-pur in Mohura-banja. Maya-batu dived into the water and effected his escape to the shore. There was then the Raja of Rasanga or Aracan who was going to perform his ablutions and who informed him that these three alligators were originally three notorious gamblers and cheats, living in the town of Codaru near Raja-mahendra.* [Probably the Codura of Ptolemy.] They were obliged to leave the country and to take refuge on board of a ship that was just ready to sail to distant countries. A sudden storm from the Malayan mountains in the peninsula drove them northward (it should be S.E.) to the country of Cirata, which is near Parindra, or the lion’s country, or Sinhapur, not far from the lesser China. The ship was wrecked upon the magnet rocks near the mouth of the Chart river. The three gamblers were devoured by alligators and were born again of them in that odious shape, and they remain still in the Brahma-putra, round a hill in the middle of it. According to the natives, on the day of the Asocashtami, in the month of Chaitra, they sacrifice men, buffaloes, goats, and all sorts of animals in great numbers, when these alligators spring up to receive the blood into their mouths and devour the flesh which is abandoned to them. Great rejoicings are made to celebrate the entrance of the Brahma-putra into their country on that day, when Parasu-Rama with his cimetar cut a passage for its waters through the eastern mountains. It is said however that human sacrifices are no longer allowed at that place. The magnet, or loadstone, is emphatically called Mani, or the jewel, besides which it has in Sanscrit many other names more scientific, and which will appear when I pass to the countries and islands in the Indian ocean. In this manner Aristotle styles the magnet [x], the Mani or jewel: for such is the meaning of [x], when of the feminine gender.

In the Chatur-varga-chintamani it is declared that the Daityas [a race of Asura, half-brothers to the Devas.] having been once worsted by the gods, fled from before them, but finding no place of shelter their counsellor, Sucracharyya, created an immense magnet like a mountain which attracted the arrows of the gods that were pointed with iron. Indra, perceiving this, strode the mountain with his thunder and divided it into numberless splinters: some fell upon the land, some into the sea. One fell into the sea to the south-east of Chattala or Chattganh, and this is the reason that it is so difficult to get over that sea. We are acquainted with two splinters of that mountain: one near the mouth of the river of Negrais, and called by the natives Mani, and by us Diamond Island, which denominations are implicitly synonymous; for this jewel was known formerly in Europe under the name of Adamant which originally signified a diamond. The French say to this day Aimant, not surely on account of its love of iron. These magnetic rocks of which we are now speaking are mentioned in the Arabian Nights, and in the English translations they are called the rocks of adamant. The other splinter is near Parindra, or the lion’s place in the lion's mouth, or strait of Sincapur.

This magnetic rock, or rather rocks, constitute the Maniolae islands of Ptolemy, which, he says, attracted the iron nails of every ship that passed that way. There were ten of them, and among the islands of Sincapur there are about ten larger than the rest. Their name Maniolae is obviously from Mani in a derivative form Mani-yala, which is admissible in the present case.

El Edrissi, has placed such another splinter, or rock, at the entrance of the red sea, and calls it Mandeb, which I take to be from the Sanscrit Mani-dwip, and in the spoken dialects Mani-dib.

RAMESWARA has confounded these two splinters into one
, by placing the latter close to the shores of the country of Cirat, which does not extend beyond Cape Negrais. The trident of the lord of the world is certainly Vara-sula, Pra-sula, and Sri-sula, which are denominations implying excellence and power. The rock on which it stood was of course Vara-sila, Para-sila, and Sri-sila, or the most excellent, and blessed rock, and the river in which it stood was once so called probably, at first by favourite poets who sang the praises of Maha-deva and of his linga, not forgetting the rock on which it stood, nor the river in which it was situated, for we find the Brahma-putra called by European writers of the seventeenth century Persilis, and Sersilis, in the easternmost parts of Hindustan, and it is connected by them with the river Lacsha, or Lakya.* [Modern Univers. History, Vol. 5th. p. 279. See also Edward Terry and others.]

In the long lists of rivers in the Maha-bharat and Padma-purana, the Brahma-putra is called Anta-sila, or the river of the rock of our latter end; alluding to the above rock.

With regard to these Jala-manushas it is to be observed that in general the Hindus believe that all living beings originate from an atomlike germ endued virtually with life, but inert till placed in a proper medium when it becomes actually a punctum saliens, or an embryo. It is indivisible, and cannot be destroyed by any means whatever; but will remain till the end of the world. When a man dies, his body restores to the earth, and to the other elements, all that augmentation of substance which it had received from them; but the atomlike germ remains the same. The three gamblers, whom we mentioned before, having been devoured by three alligators, their germ of course remained undigested and unhurt, and soon after they were naturally conveyed into the wombs of females.

This atomlike germ is called in Sanscrit Atibahica, and is mentioned in the Garuda-purana.† [Section of the Preta-chanda.] It is called also Vayaviyam, because it goes faster than the wind [A thing or substance, which is subtle in its essence, and is dry, rough, light, cold and non-slimy, increases tactual sensation and is endued with a largely astringent taste marked by a shade of bitter, is called a substance of the dominant principle of air (Vayaviyam). -- Vayaviyam Drugs, by Wisdom Library], and I am assured that it is mentioned in the Vedanta:‡ [Vedanta-Darsana, and in the Atma-tatwanu-sandhana.] they say that it is exactly the sixth part of these atoms which we see moving in the rays of the sun when admitted into a dark room through a small aperture. Its situation is above the nose inwardly, and between the eyebrows. However, some place it either in the right thumb or in the right toe. Muselmans in Arabia suppose this germ to be the sesamoid bone of the first phalanx of the great toe.* [See French Encyclopedia, v. Albadara, a magical term in that country.]

Yama cannot inflict any punishment on the Atibahica, unless when united to the Pinda-deha, for otherwise it is susceptible neither of pain nor pleasure. I am told that in the Bhagavata it is considered as the same with the LINGA-SARIRA: and others assert that it is really the Yoga-deha of the Lamas in Thibet. Some schools either reject entirely these idle notions, or substitute others of their own.
Immediately after death, the soul is not clothed in a physical body but in a vaporous thumb-sized structure (linga ṡarīra). This is immediately seized by two servants of Yama, the god of death, who carry it to their master for a preliminary identity check. Afterward, the soul is promptly returned to the abode of the deceased, where it hovers around the doorstep. It is important that the cremation be completed by the time of the soul’s return, to prevent it from reentering the body. By the 10th day, the near relatives have purged some of the defilement (mṛitaka sutaka) they incurred from the death, and the chief mourner and a priest are ready to carry out the first śrāddha (ritual of respect). This is a step toward the reconstitution of a more substantial physical body (yatana ṡarīra) around the disembodied soul (preta) of the deceased. A tiny trench is dug in a ritually purified piece of land by a river, and the presence of Vishnu is invoked. Ten balls of barley flour mixed with sugar, honey, milk, curds, ghee, and sesame seeds are then placed, one by one, in the soil. As the first ball is offered, the priest says (and the son repeats after him), “May this create a head”; with the second ball, “May this create neck and shoulders”; with the third, “May this create heart and chest”; and so on. The 10th request is for the ball to create the capacity to digest, thereby satisfying the hunger and thirst of the newly created body. Bungled ceremonies can have catastrophic effects. Prayers are offered to Vishnu to help deliver the new entity (now perceived as some 18 inches [46 centimetres] long) into the power of Yama. The balls of barley are picked up from the trench and thrown into the river. Further śrāddhas are performed at prescribed times, varying according to caste; one of these rituals makes the soul an ancestral spirit, or pitṛi. With the completion of these rituals, the soul of the deceased leaves this world for its yearlong and perilous journey to Yama’s kingdom. The family is now formally cleansed. The men shave their heads, and the women wash their hair. The family’s tutelary god (removed by a friend at the time of the death) can be returned to its home. A feast is offered to Brahmans, neighbours, and beggars—even the local cows are given fresh grass. There is a sense of general relief: if the śrāddhas had not been performed, the preta could have become a bhūta (malignant spirit), repeatedly turning up to frighten the living. For the deceased, things would have been worse: the preta would have been left errant. (A similar fate befalls the soul of a person who commits suicide.) The horror of dying unshriven that haunted people in medieval Europe resembles the despair of the devout Hindu at the prospect of having no son to perform the śrāddhas.

-- The fate of the Soul, by Britannica

Ctesias mentions wild men living in the waters of the river Gaita in India in some part of its course, and from the context this was in the easternmost parts of that country. Gaita is perhaps for Khatai, another name, for the Brahma-putra, because it was supposed to come from the immense country of Khatai.† [Ayin Acberi, Vol. 2d. p. 8, &c.] Palladius, in his account of the Brahmens says, that there were in the Ganges dragons seventy cubits long, besides an animal called Odonto who could swallow a whole elephant and was so much dreaded that no body durst cross that river, only at the time of the year when the Brahmens visited their wives who lived on the other side, for during that season the monster was never seen. Palladius supposes this river to be the Ganges, which seems to have been the limit of his geographical knowledge towards the east, but it was more probably the Brahma-putra. The denominations of Par-silis or Ser-silis are now unknown in India, as well as that of Khamdan mentioned by El Edrissi, who says that it is a large river which comes from China and falls into the Ganges. There is no doubt however that at an early period it was current in India, for it is the Cainas of Pliny, and the Doanas or Daonas of Ptolemy. These two words being joined together make Cain-Doanas. In Sanscrit Cayan-dhu, and in a derivative form Cayan-dhava, or Cayan-dhau, Cayan-dhauni, or dhauna and Cayan-dhuni, would signify the river of Caya or Brahma, and of course it is another name for the Brahma-putra, implying exactly the same thing. Now Dr. F. Buchanan says that the western branch of the Airavati is called Kiayn-dwayn, which in the language of the Burman empire, signifies the fountain of Kiayn, which comes nearly to the same thing.* [Asiatick Researches, Vol. 5. p. 231.] The case obviously, at least to me, is that these two rivers come from a country called Kiayn or Cayan, and the same with that called Cahang in the Alphab. Tibetanam. It is described as an immense country between China, Tibet, India, Pegu, &c. It is annexed to Tibet, and is to be pronounced Cahanh or Ca-anh.

Edward Terry, and others I believe, say that the Sersilis comes from the borders of Canduana, the capital of which is Carha-tanka. Canduana is unknown now, and is never mentioned in any book that I ever saw; but it goes by the name of its supposed capital Cara-hataca. It is mentioned twice in the Maha-bharata, where it is called in the list of countries Hataca and Cara-hataca. In several lists of countries from the peninsula, and published by Dr. F. Buchanan, and in another from that country also given to me by Colonel Mackenzie, the country of Cara-hataca is mentioned. However it is absolutely unknown in this part of India; but I do not think that it was the name of [a] city, but of the pool of Brahma, the water of which is declared, as we have seen before, to be Hataca, and Cara-hataca.

In the list from Ava published by Dr. F. Buchanan* [Asiatick Researches, Vol. 6. p. 227.] [VIII. On the Religion and Literature of the Burmas, by Francis Buchanan, M.D., p. 163-308.] there is a country called Kian-dan, and that gentleman declares that the Kiayn-duan comes from the country of the Kiayn tribe[???].
P. 226: For the sake of the curious I shall here transcribe the list of the one hundred and one nations with which the Burmas are acquainted, using the mode hereafter to be explained of expressing the Burma writing by Roman characters, and adding a short explanation. From this I think it will appear, that the list is formed from a real knowledge of the nations, and not from the idle fables brought from Hindustan, and explained by the missionary. It is true, that of many of these names I can give no account; but that will by no means imply, that no such nation exists; for who would think that Tarout meant a Chinese, or Kula an European?...

P. 227: 97. Kiayn, a numerous tribe in the mountains separating Ava from Avakan.

-- VIII. On the Religion and Literature of the Burmas, by Francis Buchanan, M.D., p. 163-308.

According to the journal of the four Chinese merchants, in their way back from Siam to their native country, and inserted in [Jean-Baptiste] Du Halde’s China, the river of Siam comes from the mountain or mountainous region of Kyang-daw.
-- The General History of China, Containing a Geographical, Historical, Chronological, Political and Physical Description of the Empire of China, Chinese-Tartary, Corea and Thibet, Including an Exact and Particular Account of their Customs, Manners, Ceremonies, Religion, Arts and Sciences, The Whole Adorn'd with Curious Maps, and Variety of Copper Plates, Done from the French of P. DuHalde, Volume 1, Third Edition Corrected, 1741

-- The General History of China, Containing a Geographical, Historical, Chronological, Political and Physical Description of the Empire of China, Chinese-Tartary, Corea and Thibet, Including an Exact and Particular Account of their Customs, Manners, Ceremonies, Religion, Arts and Sciences, The Whole Adorn'd with Curious Maps, and Variety of Copper Plates, Done from the French of P. DuHalde, Volume 2, Third Edition Corrected, 1741

-- The General History of China, Containing a Geographical, Historical, Chronological, Political and Physical Description of the Empire of China, Chinese-Tartary, Corea and Thibet, Including an Exact and Particular Account of their Customs, Manners, Ceremonies, Religion, Arts and Sciences, The Whole Adorn'd with Curious Maps, and Variety of Copper Plates, Done from the French of P. DuHalde, Volume 3, Third Edition Corrected, 1741

Haji-Khalifa mentions in that very country a river called also Khamdan, but he meant by it, it seems, the river of Cambodia, for he says that the town of Khancu was situated upon it. This is not true of the town, but may be of the country of that name. For Al Bergendi says that it was rather the name of the country, and that the town was called Khatha, and is probably the same place with a fine harbour called at present Catanh, with an island in front and of the same name.† [Dherbelot ad voc. Khancon.] This harbour is no longer frequented, and even hardly known. However it is probably the Cattigara of Ptolemy, and the Caitaghora of El Edrissi, the fort and town of Catanh.

This country of Cayan or Cayan-dhu is mentioned by M. Polo, with a river called Brius, which is the Brahma-putra. This region, says he, is to the west of Carayan, and an extensive country. As M. Polo speaks of these countries from report only he is generally inaccurate, and it is a difficult task to recognise the countries he speaks of and to arrange them properly. Be this as it may, he says that Carayan is eighteen days from the city of Mien, which is Ava, and that the three first days you descend through frightful precipices. Mr. De Guignes shews that it was part of Yunnan,* [Histoire des Huns. Vol. 4. p. 176.] and I beg leave to add that it extended a great way towards the west, as far as the country of Cayan-dhu, on the eastern banks of the Brahma-putra. It extends along the northern frontiers of Mani-pur, from which it is separated by a ridge of mountains called Carrun to this day, according to Colonel [Michael] Symes.† [Embassy to Ava, Vol. 1st. p. 181.]

To the west of Carayan and of the Corrun hills was the country called Cayndu by M. Polo, and which was bounded towards the west by the river Brius. This is the Brahma-putra, which is often styled, if not called, the river Biryya, because it is the efflux of Brahma, and this word is always pronounced in the east Birjja. The country to the north of Asama on its banks is called Bramasong in the Alphab. Tibet, and in the Puranas Brahma-tunga in the list of countries. It is called also Bregiong because it is on the banks of the river Birjj or Birjyam, in a derivative form. The Capucins, who had a small convent in Tacpu to the north of it, had some correspondence with the petty king of Bregiong.* [Rappresentazia de Padre Cappuc. Mission. della stata presente della mission delgran. Thibet, Roma, 1738; also Alphab. Tibet. p. 422 & 423.]

This Brahma-cunda, from which issues the Brahma-putra, is the same which is called Chiamay by De Barros, and other Portuguese writers. De Barros calls the Brahma-putra the Caor river, and says, that it comes from the lake Chiamay, and from thence it goes to the town of Caor after which it was denominated, thence to Sirote, to Camotay, and afterwards into the sea. Caor is the famous town of Goda, or Gaur generally, called Gorganh, that is to say the town of Goda. Sirote is probably Sarada, a famous place of worship mentioned in the Calica-purana, and Camotay is the place of Camacshya-devi, called also Cama-pitha, or the seat of Cama-devi. The whole country is also called Cama-pitham, pronounced formerly Campta and Camta.† [Ayin Acberi, Vol. 2d. p. 5.]

This is the country called Pitan by some of our writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and which was separated from Candwanah by the river Persilis, according to Edward Terry, who says that this river (which is the Brahma-putra) comes from the country of Gor: and this is in some measure true for it passes through it in its way into Bengal. The Chiamay lake was said to be 180 miles in circumference, which may be true of the country of Sayammay or Chiamay noticed by Dr. Buchanan.* [Asiatick Researches, Vol. 6, p. 226.]

Ortelius, in his map of Asia in 1580, calls this lake cayamay, with two dots on the letter Y, and with the cedilla, or dash, under the letter C, and to be pronounced Sayamay, as it is written by Dr. Buchanan; but in his map of India he spells it Chyamai, which sounds exactly like Chyamay in English. He mentions also the country of Camotay, the towns of Chirote, and Caor.

Four rivers are supposed to spring from this lake, but except [for] the Brahma-putra, the others must issue from it through subterraneous channels. The Pauranics delight in such mystical communications, and they are really very numerous in India. But this sort of paradise with four rivers issuing from it is obviously taken from our sacred books. With the Jews we have one, the Hindus another: the people of Tibet have one of their own, and the nations beyond the Brahma-putra claim very properly the same privilege.

The Brahma, or Brahmi river, another name for the Brahma-putra, is called Caya, one of the names of Brahma; hence the river of Ava, supposed to spring from the above lake, is called Cay-pumo, or the Burman Brahma-putra; for the Burman country is also called Pummay according to Dr. Buchanan, and Puma-hang by the four Chinese merchants mentioned by Du Halde. The two heads of the Doanas, and those of the two next rivers, the Dorias and the Serus, or river of Ava in Ptolemy's maps, do not correspond with the mouths he has assigned to them on the sea shore. This mistake originates from the imperfect notions which he had of the geography of so remote a country, which he fashioned into a map according to some pre-conceived opinions and an erroneous system of his own. The mouth of the Brahma-putra, for instance, does not appear on the sea shore even in our most modern maps, and the Pauranics, in their geographical diagrams, make the Hradini, or Brahma-putra, with the Pavani or Ava river, to flow toward the S.E. The source of the eastern branch of the Doanas, or Brahma-putra, is really at the Brahma-cunda, and thus far Ptolemy was right. To the upper part of this river through Tibet, he properly gives the name of Bautes or Bautisus. Bhotisu, in the language of Tibet, signifies the water or river of Bhota, the Sanscrit name of that country. He did not know, however, what became of it beyond Thogara or Tonker. The next river is the Meghanad, or Megha-vahana, in the spoken dialects Meghwan and Meghna. It is a well known river, and the general drain of the waters of Silhet, and adjacent countries. It begins, I believe, to be so called near Azmarigunge, below the junction of two considerable rivers, the great Bacra, and the Baleswari from Silhet, and commonly called Bowlee. The original stream is the great Bacra, which according to the Cshetra-samasa, comes from the country of Hedamba, now Cachar or Cuspoor to the eastward of Silhet. It is remarkable that the Brahma-putra, on being joined by this inferior river, and of obscure origin, being from Megha, or the clouds, loses its name at once. The Megna, now an immense river, goes into the ocean, but properly speaking without joining the Ganges, though they approach very near to each other. But the mouths of the Ganges and of the Brahmaputra are so masked by large and numerous islands of various sizes, that they are by no means obvious from the sea, like that of the western branch of the Ganges. Yet there is no doubt that formerly they united their streams, and that they will again at some future period.
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The Meghwan [Meghna: Wiki] is the Magone [Magon] of Megasthenes, as cited by Arrian, as one of the rivers that fell into the Ganges.

The next river is the Damura[???] or Dumbura[???], for the letter M easily admits B and P after it. In the lower part of its course it is called the Carmaphulli [Karnaphuli/Khawthlanguipui: Wiki], and falls into the sea at Chatganh; but Ptolemy has carried its mouth, and that of the Doanas, into the gulf of Siam. According to the Cshetra-samasa, it is
the eastern boundary of Traipura or Tippera, and fourteen Yojanas, or about 105 British miles from Agratola, now Nur-nagar, and formerly the capital of that country. Dumura is a very common name in India, and in the spoken dialects generally pronounced Dumri, Dumriya, Dumroy, &c. It is the river Dorias of Ptolemy, for Domrias. He has placed its source in some country to the south of Salhala or Silhet, and he mentions two towns on its banks: Pandassa in the upper part of its course but unknown; in the lower part Rangiberi, now Rangamati near Chatganh, and Reang is the name of the country on its banks. On the lesser Dumura, the river Chingree of the Bengal atlas, and near its source is a town called there Reang. Rangamati and Ranga-bati, to be pronounced Ranghari, imply nearly the same thing.

The next river is the Pavani [Mythical: the united stream of the Sarasvati and the Ghaggar, which is called by the name of Sarasvati, the most sacred river in ancient India: The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient & Medieval India, by Nundo Lal Dey] from Pavana, which in lexicons, as in the Amara-cosa, becomes in a derivative form Pavaman or Pauman. I believe it is so called because it flows through the country of Pama-hang* [Du Halde's China, Vol. 1st. p. 63.[???]] or Burma, which according to Dr. F. Buchanan is also called Pummay. Hence it is that the first Portuguese writers called one of the supposed branches of the Cayan river, flowing through the Burman country, Cay-pumo, and by Pliny it is called Pumas, or Puman. The Pauranics, as usual, searched for a Sanscrit origin for it, and derived it from Pavana, which signifies wind. In the Cshetra-samasa it is called Su-bhadra, or the beautiful and great river. The river Brahmotari, says the author, flows by Mani-pura, and going toward the east it falls into the Su-bhadra. The Pavani, or Pauman, called also Su-bhadra, is the Airavati, which flows by Amara-pura. It forms the upper or northern part of the river, which Ptolemy calls Serus, the lower part of which is the Menan which flows by Siam. The true spelling of the name of this river, and its Sanscrit origin, if derived from that language, are rather obscure, as it is not mentioned in any book that I have seen. I suspect, however, that it is hinted in the Garuda-purana, in a curious route performed by the souls of all those who die, at least in this part of the world. These souls, having assumed a pygmy form no bigger than the thumb, which is completed in twelve days after the decease, on the thirteenth, are seized by the servants of Yama and carried through the air to Yama-puri, or Yama-cota, on the high grounds in the center of the Malayan peninsula, and called Giam-cout (Jama-cota) by Muselman writers. There they remain one month, and thence go by land to Dharma-puri in the N.W. quarter of the world, on the shores of the western ocean, there to be judged by Yama with the countenance of the Dharma-Raja, or king of justice; for he has two countenances: one remains at Dharma-puri, and the other at Yama-puri. There are two roads: one for good men called Saumya, or beautiful, the other Cashtamarga, or the painful road: for now they travel on foot.

In fifteen days they reach Sauri-pur where rules Jangama with the dreadful countenance. When they see the town and its ruler they are much afraid, and there they eat the funeral repast of the third pacsha, or of the first month and half, offered by their sons.

Thence they proceed through dreadful forests to Varendra-nagara
, where they eat the funeral oblation of the second month and receive some clothes, and then they set off for the next stage. The district of Varendra in Bengal, between Gauda and Dhacca, is well known.

Of the kingdom of Jangama we have some knowledge, and it is about half way between the Malayan peninsula and Varendra.[!!!]
Its name is written Jangoma or Jangomay by European writers, and it is a great way to the north of Siam. It has the Laos to the east, and the country of Ava, or the Burman empire to the west. Its capital, Sauri, still unknown to us, is upon a river called I suppose after its name, Saura, or Sauri [???!!!].

Ptolemy has delineated tolerably well the two branches of the river of Ava, and the relative situation of two towns upon them which still retain their ancient names, only they are transposed.
These two towns are Urathena and Nardos, or Nardon; Urathena is Radhana, the ancient name of Amara-pur, and Nardon is Nartenh, on the Kayn-dween.* [Embassy to Ava, Vol. 1st, p. 180.] For Nardon is a town according to Ptolemy, and by no means the name of a well known plant, and which I believe does not grow in that country. He says that it was situated in the country of Rhandamar-cota, literally, the fort of Randamar, after which the whole country was denominated: but of the town itself he takes no notice whatever.

The Sanscrit name of this country is Casara, and Hedamba or Hidamba, the king of which was killed by Bhim, who fell in love with his sister Hidamba, and remained with her a whole year. From this union are descended the present Rajas of that country who come occasionally to Benares to worship. Hidamba and his subjects were cannibals, and he and his sister wanted very much to eat Bhima as he was fat and plump. Hidamba was also called† [Commentary on the Maha-bharata, section the third.] Runda-munda, because whenever he could catch any unfortunate traveller, he made his body Runda, or headless; and also he made his head Munda, that is to say, he cut it off and separated it from the body, for it is customary with men-eaters to cut off the head immediately and to throw it away. It was enough to call him Runda, or the Runda-raja, because this necessarily implies the other; but Runda-munda is an alliteration, highly delightful in the ears of Hindus, who are great admirers of such a jingle of words. However, a field of battle, though strewed both with Runda and Munda, is simply called Rundica, instead of Runda-mundica, because the beauty of the alliteration is entirely lost by this compound assuming a derivative form. Runda was the name of every Raja of Hedamba to the last who was killed by Bhima, who for that reason was, I believe, surnamed Runda-mara, or he who killed Runda: thus the famous king Dhundha-mara was so called, because he killed the Daitya Dhundhu. Runda-mara-cota signifies the fort of him who killed Runda. Runda was a Daitya [Asura], and a native of Sonit-pura, near Gwal-para, on the borders of Asama, and that place was the metropolis of the Daityas or devils, whilst the gods or followers of Brahma, lived to the westward of the Brahma-putra.[!!!] The country of the Daityas extended from that river eastward, to the banks of the Iravati, and was parcelled out amongst several chiefs; but he of Hedamba conquered them all, and Hillola and Vatapi, two Daityas, who resided at Sonitpura, were so much afraid of him that they left their country and fled to distant places; for he was remarkably fierce and cruel. His kingdom was very extensive, and was three months in extent from north to south.* [Cshetra-samasa, section of Hedamba.] Pliny calls the river of Ava, Pumas or Puman, in the objective case; and says that many nations in that part of the country were called in general Brachmanoe, it should be Barmanoe. One is particularly noticed by him, "the Maccocalingoe, with two rivers called Pumas, and Cainas; both navigable, but the Cainas alone, says he, fall into the Ganges." It is therefore the Cayana, or Brahma-putra. The Maga-calingas are the Magas or Mugs, living near the sea shore in Chat'ganh, and Aracan.

Having thus described the heads of such rivers toward the east as were known to the Pauranics, let us now proceed to the sea shores.

Ptolemy says that the easternmost branch of the Ganges was called Antibole[???] at Airradon. This last is from the Sanscrit Hradana, and is the name of the Brahma-putra. Antibole was the name of a town situated at the confluence of several large rivers to the S.E. of Dhacca, and now called Fringy-bazar. It is the Antomela of Pliny, and its Sanscrit name is Hasti-malla, in the spoken dialects Hathi-malla. In the Swarodaya-mahatmya[???], Hasti-malla, as well as the country about it, is called Hastibandh, because the elephants of the Raja were picketted there or in its vicinity. It was, says Pliny, situated at the confluence of five rivers, and on that account it is called Panchanada-nagara in the Harivansa.

Shiva Swarodaya is an ancient Sanskrit tantric text. A comment and translation termed as swara yoga has been made by Satyananda Saraswati in 1983. It is also termed "Phonetical astrology": the "sound of one's own breath" and is written as a conversation between Shiva and Parvati. This ancient scripture has 395 sutras.

-- Shiva Swarodaya, by Wikipedia

The next is the Phani [Feni/Pheni Nadi: Wiki] or serpent river: it is mentioned in the Maha-bharat under the name of Airavat, a large sort of serpent. On its banks lived the famous Ulupi, daughter of Airavat, or Pannaga, or the serpent king: from her and Arjuna, the Pandwan[???], are descended the present Rajas of Trai-pura or Camillah. This river is the Fenny of the maps.

Let us now pass to the Carma-phalli, or Chatganh river. It is mentioned in the Scanda-purana, in several Tantras, and Geographical Tracts. In the Bhuvana-cosa it is declared that it is so called because there Carma, or good works, do blossom and flourish most luxuriantly, so as to produce fruit most abundantly. In short, every thing on its bank flourishes in that manner, such as Dharma, or religious doctrine; Carma, religious deeds; Punya, or righteousness; even the very spot, or grama, flowers in that wonderful manner; for Chatgram [Chattagram/Karnaphuli River] is called in the Purunas Phulla-grama. Chatta is a royal mat spread under a tree in those times of simplicity of manners: Patta, or Pitha, any seat, with the addition of Phulli, implies a blessing to the royal mat, to the royal seat. This explanation of the meaning of Carma-phulli and Chatta-grama is in the Bhuvana-cosa.

In the Scanda-purana,
* [Section of the bridge of Rama.] the words Patta and Chatta are acknowledged as the names of Chatganh, but with another meaning. Devi, having destroyed there, the Daitya Mahishasura; his bones, the flesh being rotten, appeared upon the ground like immense flag stones, or Pattana in Sanscrit, and Chattana in Hindi. The right, or southern point at the mouth of the river, is called Pengui because it is towards Pengu, or Pegu; the left, or northern point, on the side on which the town is situated, is called to this day Pattanh. There can hardly be any doubt, in my humble opinion, but that this town is the Pente-polis of Ptolemy, for Patta, or Pattan-phulli, the flourishing seat.

The Carma-phulli is also called, though rarely, Carna-phulli, and it is the Carnabul of the Edrissi, who wrote about the year 1194: but that geographer has bestowed that name rather upon the town of Chatganh, because situated on its banks.

The Carma-phulli, as I observed before, is called in the upper part of its course Dumbura, Dumura, or Dumriya: on its passing through the hills it assumes the name of Carma-phulli: but its original name is Bayuli or Bayula.* [Cshetra-samasa and Bhuvana-cosa.] In the Bhuvana-cosa it is declared that it flows through the country of Ari-rajya, or kingdom of Ari, where it assumes the name of Nabhi, according to the Cshetra-samasa, and is commonly called the Naf, and Teke-naf. This river is called in the Bhuvana-cosa, Hema, or golden river, probably because it comes from the golden mountains, styled Hema, Canchana, Canaca &c., which signify gold. In general all the rivers of this country are considered as branches of the Carma-phulli, some are actually so, others are so only in a mystical sense.
This accounts for the inland communications between the Carma-phulli and the Aracan river, as delineated in former maps. It is not to be traced, as yet, beyond Raneu or Ramu, though it may exist still farther south. In the first map of the Bengal atlas, this inland communication by water is well delineated from Chatganh to Chacoriya; and Mr. BARTHOLEMEW PLAISTED, Marine Surveyor, carries it as far as Ramu.† [See New Directions, &c. by Benjamin Lacam, p. 20. Mr. B. Plaisted, whilst surveying some parts of the Sunderbunds, was carried away by an alligator, which he mistook for the rotten trunk of a tree. This was written at the end of his survey, where he thus left off, in the Surveyor General's Office, where I saw it about 40 years ago.] In the Cshetra-samasa it is asserted that the river to the south of Ramu, about two Yojanas, or eight Cos, is an arm of the Carma-phulli, and the boundary of the Barma country, or Aracan; and the author says that there are in that country five rivers, or branches, of the Carma: the Ichhamati, which flows by Ramuna or Ramu; the Sancha, the Sunkar of the maps; the Srimati; the Swarnachari, called in the spoken dialects, according to our author, Sonachari, but these two are unknown to me. The last is the Cesara, in the spoken dialects Cachhara, and on its banks is Havila-dara-grama, commonly called Ranguna, which is inhabited by Magas, and is situated amongst hills; and from it this river is called Havildara in the maps.

The river we mentioned before, two Yojanas to the south of Ramu, is called Rajju[???], which in Sanscrit signifies both a rope and a bamboo. Rajju is also synonymous with Guna and Dama; which last is the name of several places on that coast. Perhaps these words imply that there was either a cable, or a boom of bamboos lashed together, laid across the river. There the king of Sonitpur, Naraca, placed the Linga, or Phala of Maha-deva, under the name of Adya-natha, or Adi-natha, the primeval lord, Linga and Phallus. In the Bhuvana-cosa, it is said, that this place was laid waste by the Yavanas, or Muselmans. Another name for it was Phalgunagar, or town of Phalguna, having been built by Arjuna, called also Phalguna. In the Cshetra-samasa it is said that it was near a river, and that it was built by a man of that name, and it is, says our author, commonly called Phanguna or Phalgun. Another name for it, he adds, is Pharwagara, and this, in my opinion, is the Baracura of Ptolemy. Phalgun is called Palong in the maps, with the epithet of Burra, or the great, which might have been the case formerly.

To the south of the Rajjoo, about forty miles, is the river Nabhi [Naf: Wiki], vulgarly Naf, because it proceeds from the navel of a certain god, who resides amongst the hills. It is more generally called Teke-naf, and in official reports made to Government I understand that it is generally so called. Teke-naf implies that it flows through the country of Teke, written in some Sanscrit books Tecu, and Teceu, to be pronounced Tecoo and Tekyou.

It is now the boundary of Aracan, and in some maps it is called the Dombac river, from a place of that name situated on its banks. The Sanscrit name of Aracan is Barma, Barman, and Barmanaca proper; by the people of Pegu it is called Takain. Dr. F. Buchanan* [Asiatick Researches, Vol. VI. p. 229.] says that Thoek is the name of a tribe living on the eastern branch of the river Naaf, and who sent a colony to the upper parts of the Carna-fulli; and this circumstance is recorded in the Bhuvana-cosa in these words: "at Carcandaca, in the woods, will come a Tecu-raja, who will abolish all distinctions of casts; but Nagarjuna will destroy him." In the Cshetra-samasa it is called Carcandu, near the Carma-phulli, and its present name is Cacundi, says our author. It is also in the country of Cemuca, commonly called Ceu or Ceunca, and its inhabitants Ceuci or Kookies. A respectable native of Rangoon who came some years ago to Benares with many persons of that country informed me that he had been at Aracan, and that he understood that the bulk of the inhabitants were of a tribe called Tek or Teke, and from it the country was called Tekain or Takain. He suspected that Tecain, Yecain and Recain, might be the same name differently pronounced, and indeed Dr. Buchanan says that indistinct articulation is fashionable through the Burman empire and the adjacent countries.

The next river is the Maha-nadi [Mahanadi: Wiki], or great river, which flows by Aracan. There is Sila or Saila-pattuna, or the stone city, the seat or throne of the Maga Rajas.  
In the account of Bhagalpur I have supposed, that although Jarasandha is usually called king of Magadha, that Madhyadesa was the proper denomination of his empire, and that the term Magadha was not given to the territory of his family until its extent was reduced by his overthrow; but even after that event the kingdom seems to have been more extensive than that to which the term Magadha is ever applied. The most rational derivation of the term Magadha is that given by Major Wilford (As. Res. vol. 9, p. 32). Samba, the son of Krishna, in order to cure himself of a disease, introduced a colony of Magas or Brahmans from a country called Saka. But Krishna being contemporary with Jarasandha, the introduction of the Magas by his son Samba must have been after the death of Jarasandha. Nor can we suppose that a small colony of physicians should at once change the name of a powerful kingdom in which they settled. It is farther worthy of remark, that the term Madhyadesa seems to have been applied to this country so late as the birth of Gautama (542 years before Christ); for in the account of that lawgiver, collected by Captain Mahony in Ceylon, he is said to have been born in Madda Dese, and he was undoubtedly born in the district of Behar.

These Magas are supposed to have introduced the worship of the sun, and there are many traces to show that the worship of this luminary is here of great antiquity; although I suspect that it was rather introduced by the conquests of the Persians under Darius than by the Magas or Brahmans.

-- Chapter II. History of the Province of Behar, From "The History, Antiquities, Topography, and Statistics of Eastern India; Comprising the Districts of Behar, Shahabad, Bhagulpoor, Goruckpoor, Dinajepoor, Puraniya, Rungpoor & Assam, in Relation to their Geology, Mineralogy, Botany, Agriculture, Commerce, Manufactures, Fine Arts, Population, Religion, Education, Statistics, Etc., Surveyed Under the Orders of the Supreme Government and Collated from the Original Documents at the East India House, With the Permission of the Honourable Court of Directors, by Montgomery Martin, 1838

There in the Maha-nadi is Venu-gartta, or the bamboo fort; but the sea overflowing will destroy it, and leave in many places shoals, and sand banks. This is the second inundation of the sea, which will do so much mischief to the whole country. The first, it appears from our author, affected chiefly the shores of Chatganh. This bamboo fort, I suppose, has been rebuilt more inland, for it still exists and is mentioned in a French map by the Sr. Robert in the year 1751, where it is called Fort de Bamboux. In a sketch of the mouth of the river of Aracan by D’Anville it is inserted, but without a name. It is placed there about sixteen miles to N.E. of the pagoda, at the entrance of the river on the left side.

Venugartta is literally a bamboo pit in Sanscrit, but in Hindi it is either Venu-gar or Venu-gara: the first signifies a bamboo fort; the second a bamboo-pit, which last is hardly admissible. The town of Aracan may be called with great propriety the stone city, being surrounded by steep craggy rocks, cut artificially like fortifications.

The Aracan river, in the Bhuvan-cosa, is called Maha-nadi, or the great river; but its real name among the natives is unknown. Ptolemy calls it Tocosanna, the true pronunciation of which is, I believe Teku-shan or Teke-shan, and we have in that country the Teke-naf: the inhabitants of Aracan are of the Tekeu tribe, and the country is called Takain, and the word shan is certainly obvious in Rau-shan, another name for Aracan, and I believe that Ru or Yu, Rai, Yai, are the names of a tribe in that country, for, says Dr. Buchanan, what is written Roe is pronounced Yoe in that country. The meaning of Shan is unknown; but I take it to be an honorable title. It is, says Captain Symes, a very comprehensive term given to different nations, whether independent or not.* [Embassy to Ava, Vol. 2d. p. 258.] It appears to me that Teku-shan was pronounced by the Portuguese Touascan, for Teke-shan, or Tecwa-shan, in a derivative form from Tecu-shan. Portuguese writers mention also another district called Co-Dowascan, which I suppose to be Cu-Tecwa-shan, and to allude to the invasion of the Cu, or Cuci country, by the Thoeke tribe, as mentioned by Dr. Buchanan. Mr. D’ Anville, in his map of India of the year 1752, mentions four places in the district of Chatganh: three of which belong to Aracan; the fourth, or Cu-Tecwa-shan, belongs to Chatganh, being situated in the upper parts of the Carma-phulli. The three other places are Towascan, or the town of Aracan; Sundar, or the town of the moon in the dialect of that country, and called Vidhu in the Cshetra-samasa synonymous with Chandra, or Sundar, is somewhere near the Teke-naf; the last is Sore, probably the town of Zara mentioned by Portuguese writers as belonging to Aracan; its situation is unknown, but it is probably to the south of Aracan.

With Portuguese writers Towascan is not the name of a river but of a town, which I conceive is no other than Aracan, the metropolis of the Teke-shan tribes. Ptolemy places on the Tocosanna the metropolis of the country, and calls it Tri-lingon, a true Sanscrit appellation. Another name for it, says our author, was Tri-glypton, which is an attempt to render into Greek the meaning of Tri-linga or Trai-linga, the three Lingas of Maha-deva, and of which the Tri-sul, or trident, is the emblem.

It is often represented by three perpendicular cuts parallel to each other, and this, in Greek, is called Tri-glypton. Aracan is part of an extensive district called Tri-pura, or Trai-pura in the Puranas, or the three towns and townships first inhabited by three Daityas, the maternal uncles of Ravana. These three districts were Camilla, Chattala and Barmanaca, or Rasang, to be pronounced Ra-shanh, or nearly so; it is now Aracan. Maha-deva destroyed these three giants and fixed his Tri-sul in Camilla, which alone retains the name of Tripura, the two other districts having been wrested from the head Raja. The kings of Aracan and of Camilla were constantly striving for the mastery, and the former even conquered the greatest part of Bengal, hence, to this day, they assume the title of lords of the twelve Bhuniyas, Bhattis, or principalities of Bengal. At such times Aracan was the metropolis of the Trai-puras, and of course it became the seat or place of the Tri-linga, or three fold energy of Maha-deva, the emblems of which are the Tri-sul, and the three perpendicular cuts. Ptolemy says that in the country of Tri-linga, there were white ravens, white parrots, and bearded cocks.

The white parrot is the Cacatwa; white ravens are to be seen occasionally in India, as well as in Europe, and their appearance is considered in this country as most inauspicious. Some say that this white colour might have been artificial, and the result of a certain liquid preparation, which after the removal of the old feathers is poured upon the new ones. The colour will last, of course, as long as these feathers do, but will disappear with them at the next moulting season. (Muselmans in this country very often dye their beards likewise.) The bearded cocks have, as it were, a collar of ravened feathers round the neck and throat, and there only, which gives it the appearance of a beard. These are found only in the houses of native princes, from whom I procured three or four; and am told that they come originally from the hills in the N.W. parts of India. We have also bearded eagles in Europe.

The Maha-nadi, or river of Aracan, is the last on that coast in our Sanscrit records, and the district of Sandowy, called also Thayndwa or Saindwa by Dr. Buchanan, and declared by him and* [Asiatick Researches, Vol. 6th. 199 and 201.] Captain Symes, to be the southernmost division of Aracan, is also the most southerly district of the empire of the followers of Brahma, or India, along that coast, ending in about eighteen degrees of latitude north. In the Bhuvana-cosa it is called Sandwipa, but I believe it should be Sandwi. In that district is a river and a town, called in modern maps, Sedoa for Saindwa, and in Ptolemy Sadus and Sada. Between this river and Aracan there is another large one, concealed behind the island of Cheduba, and the name of which is Cata-baida, or Cata-baiza. This is the river Catar-beda of Ptolemy, which, it is true, he has placed erroneously to the north of Aracan; but, as it retains its name to this day among the natives, and as it is an uncommon one in that country, we can hardly be mistaken.

As that part of the country is very little frequented by seafaring people, the Cata-baida is not noticed in any map or sea chart whatever. It was first brought to light by the late Mr. Reuben Burrow, an able Astronomer, and who visited that part of the coast by order of government.* [Asiatick Researches Vol. 4. p. 326.] In the language of that county, Cata is a fort, and Byeitza, or Baidza, is the name of a tribe in that country,† [Asiatick Researches, Vol. 5. 224.] Thus Cata-baiza is Fort baidza, and Baidza-Cata is the Baiza-fort.

The island of Cheduba, opposite to this river, is called very properly Bazacata by Ptolemy, and Dr. Buchanan informs us that the letters T, D, Th, and S, Z, are almost used indiscriminately in that country, where even indistinct pronunciation is fashionable.

In the countries of Chattala and Barmanaca, Rama-chandra began his first bridge in his intended expedition against Ravana. The abutment took up the whole of these countries; and then Rama-chandra carried on his works directly towards Subela, or Sumatra, and had nearly reached that island when, by the advice of Vibhishan, king of that country, he left off and began another bridge at Rameswara, in the south of India. Of the former bridge seven piers are still to be seen which form the archipelagos of the Andaman and Nicobar islands, exhibiting vast ruins consisting of all the rocks which surrounded them. The Hindus fancy that all ledges of rocks, and all islands placed in a line, are the remains of bridges made either by the gods or by the devils, for some particular purposes, generally unknown to us at present.


The Portuguese maps exhibit only four rivers on that coast: that of Chatganh; the Chocoria, to be pronounced Khocoria; the river and gulf of Rameu; and the river of Aracan. The gulf of Ramu, now called the bay of Cruzcool, has a considerable river that falls into it called Mushcolley, after which is denominated the opposite island, but called by our seafaring people Mascal, this appellation being more familiar to them; but in the Portuguese maps there is no name affixed to it. The name of the island to the north of this is Cuccura-dwipa, but in the spoken dialects Cuccur-diva, or Cuccur-dia, or the island of dogs. In these dialects a dog is generally called Cuta; and from Cuta-dwip I suspect they have made Cuttub-dea. There is a place in it called Cukera-hansera, which, the pilots say, signifies Dog-swimming Creek. It is called Quoqor-diva by Lindschot in his map of India, and Cuccuri-diva by F. Monserrat.* [In an autograph MS. of the author, in my possession. The Padre wrote about the year 1590 in the prisons of Senna in Arabia.]

The course of the Ganges has not been traced beyond Gangautri, for the stream a little farther is entirely concealed under a glaciere, or iceberg, and is supposed to be inaccessible. Be this as it may, the source of the Ganges is supposed to be in a basin called Cunda, because it is in the shape of a drinking vessel so called in Sanscrit, and Piyala in Hindi. Thus the source of the Nile, and that of the Jordan, was called Phiala, or the cup in Greek, because in that shape, and the water, forcing its way at the bottom, re-appeared at a considerable distance through subterraneous channels.  

This is supposed to be the case with our Cunda, which is said to be deep, and that water is constantly oozing and dripping from its steep and guttered sides, forming many little streams which are called the hundred weepers from the manner in which they fall, and also from the noise they make. These falling to the bottom form a considerable stream, which they say forces its way through channels, either under ground or under the glaciere. This place is said to be inaccessible to mortals, and that the above particulars were revealed to certain Munis.* [They have, however, been revealed to Capt. Hodgson, see page 117 of this volume -- the account here given is so correct that it proves the actual visitation of the spot by the Hindus. -- H.H.W.] This stream re-appears at Gangautri, where is a fall of no great magnitude. Below the fall, in the middle of the river, is a rock styled the head, or top, of the Linga of Maha-deva. The Ganges tumbles over it, hence this stone is called, from that circumstance, Patacni, or Patcani. From thence the river goes to the Awartta of the Ganges, or of Hara, Hari, and Brahma; and thus we have Gangawartta, Brahmawartta, &c.; but it is more generally called Hara-dwara, the gate or pass of Hara. Awartta literally signifies an enclosed place of a circular form, and is more particularly applied to places of worship; but in general these places are circumscribed by an imaginary line only.

The Pauranics declare that the Ganges, issuing from under the feet of Vishnu under the pole, flies through the air, brushing the summits of the highest mountains, and falls into the Cunda of Brahma, which is acknowledged to be the lake of Mana-sarovara, and from thence through the air again it alights upon the head of Maha-deva, and remains entangled in the lock of hair on his head, from which it drops continually into a bason beneath called Bindu-sarovara, or the dripping pool, but this cannot be the same with our dripping Cunda.

This curious account of the origin of the Ganges was not unknown to our ancient writers, for Pliny says that the Ganges, after such fatiguing a journey, brushing the tops of mountains in its way, as Curtius says, rests itself at last in a lake. Mr. James Fraser of the Civil Service, in his survey of the source of the Ganges, saw the peaks which surround this hollow, but the road to this holy Cunda was impracticable, and this holy place remains inaccessible to this day.* [See Asiatick Researches, Vol. XIII.] Below Haradwara the Ganges sends forth several branches, which rejoin the parent stream at various distances. These branches are in general the remains of old beds of the river at different periods.

On the western side they form an almost uninterrupted chain as far as Furruckabad, according to the latest surveys of that country.

These branches have various names, but in general they are called by the country people Buri-Ganga, or the old Ganges. Another name is Ban-ganga, or the reed river, because, whenever the Ganges, or any other river forsakes its old bed, this old bed and its banks are soon overrun with Bana, or reeds, which form numberless thickets, in Sanscrit Saraban; and these two denominations are used by the learned, particularly the latter.

It is by no means an uncommon name in India, as well as Saravati, or abounding with reeds. It has also the name of the Rama-ganga, to the eastward of the Ganges.

The only branch of that name, which can attract our notice, is to the westward, springs out at Hardwar, and rejoins the Ganges at Banghatt. This part is well delineated in the general map of India. It springs out again, according to the late surveys, at Succur-taul, passes to the eastward of the ruins of Hastina-pur, and rejoins the Ganges at Gur-mucteswar. This Ban, or Saraban river, was formerly the bed of the Ganges, and the present bed to the eastward was also once the Ban or Saraban river.

This Ptolemy mistook for the Rama-ganga, called also the Ban, Saraban, and Saravati river. For the four towns, which he places on its banks, are either on the old, or on the new bed of the Ganges. Storna and Sapotus are Hastnaura, or Hastina-nagara on the old bed; and Sabal, now in ruins, on the eastern bank of the new bed, and is commonly called Sabulgur. Hastina-pur is twenty-four miles S.W. of Dara-nagar, and eleven to the west of the present Ganges, and it is called Hastnawer in the Ayin Acberi.* [Vol. 3d. p. 57.] Eorta is the Awartta we mentioned before, or Hardwar. It is called Arate in the Peuting tables, and by the Anonymous of Ravenna.

In the immense plains of Anu-Gangam, or the Gangetic provinces, there are two declivities or descents. One towards the east, and the other from the northern mountains towards the south. This precipitates the waters of the Ganges against its right bank, towards the south, and makes them strike with violence against the Padanta, or Padantica, the foot’s end of the mountains to the south, and which begins at Chunar and ends at Raj-mahl. The soil of the country to the south of the Ganges consists entirely of native earth, stiff, of a reddish colour, and strongly fortified with huge rocks and stones of various sizes. The soil of the country to the north, as far as the mountains, is entirely alluvial, with large tabular concretions of Cancar, or Tophus aquatilis. The depth is unknown, as excavations have been made to the depth of about 108 feet without coming at the bottom or to the native earth. In the upper parts of the course of the Ganges, as far down as the pass of Sancrigali, its aberrations and wanderings are confined within narrow limits, and its encroachments and devastations are comparatively trifling. It is a female deity, and in her watery form is of a most restless disposition, seemingly bent on mischief, and often doing much harm. This unrelenting disposition of hers to encroach is greatly impeded, and checked, by the Padanti, or the foot of the mountains, with its rocky points projecting into the stream such as Chunar, Mudgir, Sultan-gunge, Pattergotta, Pointy, Sancri-gali, and Raj-mahl.

The word Padanti is pronounced Ponty in the spoken dialects, and is spelt Paentee by Dr. Hunter, in his Dictionary. But by Pointy we generally understand now that rocky point, which is near Patter-gotta.

The Sanscrit name of Chunar is Charanadri, or Charana-giri, which is nearly synonymous with Padantica. This last is mentioned in the Ratna-cosa, and in some Puranas, where it is called Padapa.

Between these huge rocky points the Ganges is constantly at work, excavating deep bays and gulfs, which, after long periods, she fills up entirely, and then scoops them out again. Even the huge rocky points I just mentioned, have by no means escaped her unrelenting activity. They are cut down almost perpendicularly from top to bottom; and it is written in the Purunas, that the Ganges has carried away the half of the hills of Chunar, and Mudgir; but there was no occasion for any written authority in the present case.

It is written in the Vayu and Vishnu-puranas, that Hastina-pur was destroyed by the Ganges early in the Cali-yuga. The Vayu places this event in the sixth generation after the great war, and the Vishnu-purana in the eighth; that is between eleven or twelve hundred years before our era; and it is recorded there that the seat of empire was transferred to Causambi near Allahabad. It is well known that the old site of Patali-putra, or Patna, has been entirely carried away by the Ganges, and in its room several sand banks were formed, and which are delineated in Major Rennell's map of the course of the Ganges with his usual accuracy. However Colonel Colebrooke [Robert Hyde Colebrooke], Surveyor General, having made a new survey of the river, found that these several sand banks were consolidated into an island about sixteen miles long, and which masks entirely the mouth of the Gandaci, nay it has forced it in an oblique direction about six miles below Patna, whilst in Major Rennell’s time it was due north from the N.W. corner of that town, and in sight of it.

The most ancient town of Bali-gur, or Balini-gur, close and opposite to Bhagal-pur, was entirely destroyed by the Ganges in the beginning of the thirteenth century, according to the Cshetra-samasa. Its place is wholly filled up with sand and loose earth, many villages are now upon it. This spot at some future period will be scooped out again, and so on alternately.

As the Ganges is a most favourite deity of the Hindus, they have in various shapes applied to it the ineffable and mysterious number THREE, the type of the Hindi triad. It comes down from heaven in a threefold stream, which upon earth forms a Triveni, or three plaited locks. This stream at Prayag, meeting Yamuna and Saraswati, forms here a second Triveni, and the two last rivers near Hoogly, forsaking the Ganges, form a third Triveni. Besides these illustrious streams, the Ganges receives many inferior ones divided into various classes. Seven belong to the first, one hundred to the second, and one thousand to the third. All these having joined the Ganges to pay their respects to her, part from her as they approach the sea. Hence the Ganges is said to rush into the ocean through three, seven, one hundred, and even one thousand mouths. This beautiful arrangement conveys but little geographical information.

The Ganges has also three Gangautris[falls/rapids???]: one in the north, which is well known; the second is at Hardwar; and the third near Patter-gotta.

The two last are certainly falls, but of that kind only called rapids in America. The last was well known in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and a considerable town at the mouth of the Causici with the surrounding district, was from that circumstance called Gangautri.* [History of Bengal, by Major Stewart, p. 52.]

There are several inferior rapids in the Ganges which are called by the natives Patacni, Patcni, and Patcanya. The last Gangautri begins at Patter-gotta, and ends at Sancri-gali, and is certainly a dangerous rapid where many accidents happen. It was formerly much dreaded, not only on account of the violence of the current, of the many rocks and sands in the bed of the river, but also, on account of the thievish and cruel disposition of the natives on both sides.

Hence I am told that poets sometimes called it the reach, stream, or rapid of the blessed or departed, Nirvana-vaha, answering to the American phrase of Rapid des Noyes, or des Trepasses.

There were also three remarkable Charanadris, or Padantis [rocky point]: Chunar, Mudgir and Pointy, each of which had a Gala, Gali, a pass, or Gully. The last is called Sancri-gali, from the Sanscrit Sancirna-gali, or the intricate and narrow pass.

The two other Padantis with their passes or Gullies are Srigala, another name for Chunar, and the Sagala of Ptolemy: the other is Sachala, or Mudgir, and called Sigala by our ancient geographer.

Let us now pass to the lower parts of the Ganges, in its course towards the sea through the Antarvedi, or Delta of the Ganges. Ptolemy reckons five mouths, which luckily he describes with tolerable accuracy.

The first mouth is the Cambuson, now the Suvarna-recha, or Pipley river, which was considered as the westernmost mouth of the Ganges, till the country was surveyed under the inspection of Major Rennell.

The next or second mouth, which is that of the Bhagirathi, is called in Sanscrit Vriddhamanteswara-Samudra, literally the swelling lord Oceanus, alluding to the Bore which makes its appearance in this branch of the river. It begins at Fulta, and reaches sometimes as far as Nadiya. Phulla-gram is the Sanscrit name of Fulta, and is so called because Sumudra swells with joy at the sight of his beloved son Lunus, and his heart, like a flower, opens and expands at the sight of him. Vriddhamanta implies increase, either in bulk, consequence, or wealth, &c. In the spoken dialects it is called the Buddmanteswara, and simply the Manteswari river. It is said in the Cshetra-samasa to consist of three channels: one leads toward Hijjili and was called the old moorish, or western channel formerly, for the present western channel, to the eastward of the former, is very different. The old moorish channel, I believe, is no longer used. The second goes toward Ganga-sagara: this is the eastern channel; and the third, in the middle, is called Ragi-masana. These channels are formed by sand banks, denominated in some places braces, and in others reefs and flats. The Ragi-masana is along that sand, corruptly called by seafaring people the mizen-sand, Ragi signifies lusting after, greediness of prey. Masuna is supposed to be derived from the Sanscrit Masi, which signifies a change of form: but Masan in the spoken dialects, when speaking of the water of the Ganges, implies a particular part of the channel where the stream puts on a new form, and which looks like a gentle boiling of the water with sand rising up and falling down. That part of the Channel is carefully avoided by boatmen, as it shews that there is a quicksand which causes this appearance. I am assured that it is also called Ran-masan, nay some insist that this is the true reading. Rana implies a tumultuous struggling attended with a quick motion and running, and answers here to the English word race, as used by seafaring people.

This mouth is thus called on account of its size, and of the tremendous appearance of the Bore in it, Samudra is Oceanus, Sagara is Pontus, Narayena is Nereus or Nereon, and Varuna, called also Naupati, or Naupatin, or the lord of ships, is Neptune, and perhaps the Nephtyn of the Egyptians. This is the Ostium magnum, the second mouth of the Ganges, according to Ptolemy. The third mouth, called by him Camberikhon, is that of the river Cambaraca, the true Sanscrit name of which is Cumaraca according to the Cshetra-samasa. It is called in the spoken dialects Cambadac, or Cabbadac, and by our early writers Gundruc, probably for Gumbruc; and also Gaudet, which is a mistake, for this is the Godupa called in the spoken dialects Godui and Godavahi, and in the maps Gorroy to the eastward of Bhushna.* [See also Geog. Dict. of And. Brice, of Exeter voce Jesual.]

The Cumaraca and Ichhamati are branches of the Bhairava, or Boyrub in the spoken dialects, and which proceeds from the sweat of Maha-deva.

The fourth is called the false mouth by Ptolemy, probably because it is so broad and extensive, that it was often mistaken for the easternmost branch of the Ganges which lies concealed behind numerous islands. Its Sanscrit name, according to Cavi-Rama’s Commentary[???], is Trina-cachha, on account of its banks being covered with luxuriant grass, and of course abounding with Harina, deers, and antelopes, for which reason it is also called Harina-ghatta from their frequently making their appearance at the landing places, or Ghatts.

Ptolemy’s description of the Delta is by no means a bad one if we reject the longitudes and latitudes, as I always do, and adhere solely to his narrative, which is plain enough.
He begins with the western branch of the Ganges, or Bhagirathi, and say, that it sends one branch to the right, or towards the west, and another towards the east, or to the left. This takes place at Tri-veni, so called from three rivers parting in three different directions, and it is a most sacred place. The branch which goes towards the right is the famous Saraswati, and Ptolemy says that it flows into the Cambusan mouth, or the mouth of the Jellasore river, called in Sanscrit Sactimati, synonimous with Cambu, or Cambuj, or the river of shells. This communication does not exist, but it was believed to exist, till the country was surveyed. This branch sends another arm, says our author, which affords a passage into the great mouth, or that of the Bhagirathi, or Ganges. This supposed branch is the Rupanarayana, which, if the Saraswati ever flowed into the Cambuson mouth, must of course have sprung from it, and it was then natural to suppose that it did so. Mr. D’Anville has brought the Saraswati into the Jellasore river in his maps, and supposed that the communication took place a little above a village called Danton, and if we look into the Bengal Atlas we shall perceive that during the rains at least, it is possible to go by water from Hoogly, through the Saraswati, and many other rivers, to within a few miles of Danton and the Jellasore river.

The river, which according to Ptolemy, branches out towards the east, or to the left, and goes into the Cambarican mouth, is the Jumna, called in Bengal Jubuna. For the Ganges, the Jumna and the Saraswati unite at the northern Triveni, or Allahabad, and part afterwards at this Triveni near Hoogly. It was known to the ancients, for it is called Tropina by Pliny, and by the Portuguese Trippini, and in the spoken dialects they say Terboni. Though the Jumna flows into the Camberican mouth it does by no means form it, for it obviously derives its name from the Cambadaca, or Cambarac river, as I observed before. But let us proceed: Ptolemy says that the Ganges sends an arm toward the east, or to the left, directly to the false mouth or Harinaghatta. From this springs another branch to Antiboli, which of course is the Dhacca branch, called the Padma, or Pudda-ganga. There is a mistake, but of no great consequence, as the outlines remain the same. It is the Padda or Dhacca branch, which sends an arm into the Harina-ghatta. The branching out is near Custee, and Comercolly, and under various appellations it goes into the Harina-ghatta mouth.

It was my intention to have described the western boundary of Anugangam [Ganges: Wiki] in the same manner as I have described the others, but I find it impossible, at least for the present. A description of the country on both sides of the said boundary would certainly prove very interesting, but the chief difficulty is that the natives of these countries insist that the Setlej formerly ran into the Caggar, or Drishadvati, and formed a large river called in Sanscrit Dhutpapa, and by Megasthenes Tutapus. This is also my opinion, but I am not sufficiently prepared at present to lay an account of it before the society.

As the Caggar, or some river falling into it, is supposed by our ancient writers to have been also the boundary of the excursions of the gold making ants toward the east, I shall give an account of them, as possibly I may not have hereafter an opportunity of resuming the subject; the legends are certainly puerile and absurd, but as they occupy a prominent place in the writings of the naturalists and geographers of classical antiquity, they may be regarded as worthy of our attention, and it may at least be considered as a not uninteresting enquiry to endeavour to ascertain their source.

Our ancient authors in the west mention certain ants in India, which were possessed of much gold in desert places amongst mountains, and which they watched constantly with the utmost care. Some even asserted that these ants were of the size of a fox, or of a Hyrcanian dog, and Pliny gives them horns and wings.

These gold making ants are not absolutely unknown in India, but the ant in the shape and of the size of a Hyrcanian dog was known only on the borders of India and in Persia. The gold making ants of the Hindus are truly ants, and of that sort called Termites. To those, however, birds are generally substituted in India; they are mentioned in the institutes of Menu* [P. 353.] and there called Hemacaras, or gold makers. They are represented as of a vast size, living in the mountains to the N.W. of India, and whose dung, mixing with a sort of sand peculiar to that country, the mixture becomes gold. The learned here made the same observation to me as they did to Ctesias formerly, that these birds, having no occasion for gold, did not care for it, and of course did not watch it; but that the people, whose business it was to search for gold, were always in imminent danger from the wild and ferocious animals which infested the country. This was also the opinion of St. Jerome in one of his epistles to Rusticus.

These birds are called Hemacaras, or gold makers; but Garuda, or the eagle, is styled Swarna-chura, or he who steals gold, in common with the tribes of magpies and crows who will carry away gold, silver, and any thing bright and shining.

Garuda is often represented somewhat like a griffin with the head, and wings of an eagle, the body and legs of a man, but with the talons of the eagle. He is often painted upon the walls of houses, and generally about the size of a man. This is really the griffin of the Hindus, but he is never even suspected of purloining the gold of the Hemacara birds.

The large ant of the size of a fox, or of a Hyrcanian dog, is the Yuz of the Persians, in Sanscrit Chittraca-Vyaghra, or spotted tyger in Hindi Chitta, which denomination has some affinity with Cheunta, or Chyonta, a large ant. This has been, in my opinion, the cause of this ridiculous and foolish mistake of some of our ancient writers. The Yuz is thus described in the Ayin Acberi.(3) "This animal, who is remarkable for his provident and circumspect conduct, is an inhabitant of the wilds, and has three different places of resort. They feed in one place, rest in another, and sport in another, which is their most frequent resort. This is generally under the shade of a tree, the circuit of which they keep very clean, and enclose it with their dung. Their dung, in the Hindovee language, is called Akhir.”

Abul-Fazil, it is true, does not say positively that their dung, mixing with sand, becomes gold, and probably he did not believe it. However, when he says that this dung was called Akhir in Hindi, it implies the transmutation of the mixture into gold. Akhir is for Chir in the spoken dialects, from the Sanscrit Cshira; from this are derived the Arabic words Acsir, and El-acsir-Elixir is water, milk also, and a liquid in general. To effect this transmutation of bodies the Hindus have two powerful agents, one liquid called emphatically Cshir, or the water. The other is solid, and is called Mani, or the jewel; and this is our philosopher’s stone, generally called Spars a-mani, the jewel of wealth; Hiranya-mani, the golden jewel. There are really lumps of gold dust, consolidated together by some unknown substance, which was probably supposed to be the indurated dung of large birds.

I cannot help mentioning a discovery which accident threw in my way, though my proofs must be reserved for an essay which I have destined for the fourth volume of your Transactions. To fix the situation of that Palibothra (for there may have been several of the name) which was visited and described by Megasthenes, had always appeared a very difficult problem, for though it could not have been Prayaga, where no ancient metropolis ever stood, nor Canyacubja, which has no epithet at all resembling the word used by the Greeks; nor Gaur, otherwise called Lacshmanavati, which all know to be a town comparatively modern, yet we could not confidently decide that it was Pataliputra, though names and most circumstances nearly correspond, because that renowned capital extended from the confluence of the Sone and the Ganges to the site of Patna, while Palibothra stood at the junction of the Ganges and Erannoboas, which the accurate M. D'Anville had pronounced to be the Yamuna; but this only difficulty was removed, when I found in a classical Sanscrit book, near 2000 years old, that Hiranyabahu, or golden armed, which the Greeks changed into Erannoboas, or the river with a lovely murmur, was in fact another name for the Sona itself; though Megasthenes, from ignorance or inattention, has named them separately. This discovery led to another of greater moment, for Chandragupta, who, from a military adventurer, became like Sandracottus the sovereign of Upper Hindustan, actually fixed the seat of his empire at Pataliputra, where he received ambassadors from foreign princes; and was no other than that very Sandracottus who concluded a treaty with Seleucus Nicator...

-- Discourse X. Delivered February 28, 1793, P. 192, Excerpt from "Discourses Delivered Before the Asiatic Society: And Miscellaneous Papers, on The Religion, Poetry, Literature, Etc. of the Nations of India", by Sir William Jones

These are to be met with in the N.W. of India, where gold dust is to be found. They contain much gold, it is said, and are sold by the weight.

In Sanscrit these lumps are called Swarna-macshicas, because they are supposed to be the work of certain Macshicas, or flies, called by us flying ants, because in the latter end of the rains they spring up from the ground in the evening, flying about in vast numbers, so as to fill up every room in which there are candles lighted, to the great annoyance of the people in them. These flies are one of the three orders of termites, apparently of a very different, though really of the same, species. This third order consists of winged and perfect insects, which alone are capable of propagation. These never work, nor fight, and of course if they can be said to make gold it must be through the agency of their own offspring, the labourers, or working termites, which in countries abounding with gold dust are supposed to swallow some of this dust and to void it, either along with their excrements, or to throw it up again at the mouth. According to the Geographical Comment on the Maha-Bharata, the Suvarna-Macshica mountains are on the banks of the Vitasta. There are also Macshicas producing silver, brass, &c. I never saw any, but Mr. Wilson informs me that they are only pyrites, and indeed, according to Pliny, there were gold and silver and copper pyrites. Alchemists, who see gold everywhere, pretended formerly that there was really gold and silver in them, though not easily extracted. If so, it must have been accidentally. These were called Pyrites auriferi, argentei, and Chalco-pyrites. The pyrites argentei are called, in a more modern language, Marcassita-argentea.

These gold making birds, flies, and spotted tygers, are by the Hindus confined to the N.W. parts of India; and the Yuz, according to the Ayin Acberi, begins to be seen about forty Cos beyond Agra. Elian is of that opinion also, when he says that the gold making ants never went beyond the river Campylis, and Ctesias, I believe, with MEGASTHENES likewise, places them in that part of India. The Campylis,* [AElian-de-animal, Lib. 3. C. 4.] now Cambali, is a considerable stream, four miles to the west of Ambala toward Sirhind, and it falls into the Drishadvati, now the Caggar, which is the common boundary of the east and north-west divisions of India, according to a curious passage from the commentaries on the Vedas, and kindly communicated to me by Mr. Colebrooke, our late President.

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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Mon Feb 07, 2022 8:12 am

Rev. William Ward: Chronology
by wmcarey.edu
Accessed: 2/6/22

There is also a small geographical treatise called Crita-dhara-vali, by Rameswara, about 200 years old, it is supposed. I have only eighty leaves of it, and it contains some very interesting particulars. In the peninsula, there is a list of fifty-six countries, in high estimation among the natives. It is generally called, in the spoken dialects of India, Chhapana-desa or the fifty-six countries. It was mentioned first by Mr. Bailly, who calls it Chapanna de Chalou. Two copies were possessed by Dr. Buchanan, and I have also procured a few others. All these are most contemptible lists of names, badly spelt, without any explanation whatever, and they differ materially the one from the other. However there is really a valuable copy of it, in the Tara-tantra, and published lately by the Rev. Mr. Ward [William Ward, b. 1769 Derby][???]. I have also another list of countries with proper remarks, from the Galava-tantra[???], in which there are several most valuable hints. However these two lists must be used cautiously, for there are also several mistakes.

-- VII. On the ancient Geography of India, by Lieut. Col. F. WILFORD, Asiatick Researches; or Transactions of the Society, Instituted in Bengal, For Enquiring into the History and Antiquities, the Arts, Sciences, and Literature, of Asia, Volume the Fourteenth, 1822


1769 | 20th October | William Ward was born in Derby.

1774 | 24th August | The Quaker Abiah Derby takes an evangelical meeting at Derby Town Hall at which William's mother is present.

1782 | Thursday, 28th November | An advertisement appears in the 'Derby Mercury' advertising for an apprentice.

1789 | 31st May | The first General Baptist sermon in Derby was delivered in the open air, on Willow Row, by Rev. Dan Taylor.

1792 | Wednesday, 30th May, at 10.30am | William Carey preached the Missionary Sermon that founded the Baptist Missionary Society at Friar Lane Baptist Church, Nottingham. "Expect great things from God; attempt great things for God."

1793 | 31st March | William Ward met William Carey for the first time in London.

1795 | 3rd January | The first issue of the 'Staffordshire Advertiser'.

1796 | 2nd January | An article appears in the 'Hull Advertiser' announcing the appointment of a new editor.

1796 | 28th August | William Ward was baptised at George Street Baptist Church, Hull.

1797 | August | Ward was sent by Mr. Fishwick, to Ewood Hall, Mytholmroyd, near Halifax, Yorkshire.

1798 | Autumn | A member of the Baptist Mission Committee visits Ewood Hall.

1798 | 20th September | Ward's letter of application is considered by the Committee in Northampton.

1798 | 19th December | Ward leaves Ewood Hall for Cannon Street, Birmingham.

1799 | March | Ward Stays at Cannon Street until March.

1799 | 7th May | Together with Mr. Brunsdon, Ward is 'set apart to the work of a Christian missionary'.

1799 | 24th May | Ward embarks on the American sailing ship 'Criterion'.

1799 | 27th May | The 'Criterion' sails from Gravesend for India.

1799 | 13th October | Ward arrives at Serampore

1799 | 14th October | The missionaries visit the Governor of Serampore, Colonel Bie.

1799 | 3rd November | A letter arrives from Carey saying he is unwilling to abandon Kidderpore.

1799 | 1st December | Ward meets Carey at Kidderpore.

1800 | 10th January | Carey arrives at Serampore.

1800 | 11th January | Carey waits on the Governor.

1800 | Within a week a house and premises were found for the Mission.

1800 | 18th March | The first proof sheets of the Bengali New Testament came off the presses of the Printing Office.

1800 | 24th April | The missionaries celebrate a day of thanksgiving.

1800 | 20th August | Mr. Fountain dies.

1800 | 21st October | Ward preached in Bengali for the first time.

1800 | 12th December | Krishna-Pal and Gakool ate tiffin with the missionaries and thus renounced caste.

1800 | 28th December | Krishna-Pal, the first Hindu convert is baptised.

1801 | Early | Joyminee, the first female Hindu convert is baptised.

1801 | 7th February | The last proofs of the Bengali New Testament came off the press at the Printing Office

1801 | 7th February | Carey was appointed Professor of Bengali at Fort William College.

1801 | 8th May | A detachment of British troops sequestre Serampore.

1801 | 3rd July | Mr. Brunsdon dies.

1801 | 13th October | Mr. Thomas dies at Dinagepore

1802 | The first Sunday | Petumber Singh, the first convert from a tract produced by the Printing Office was baptised.

1803 | The start of | The first Brahmin was baptised.

1803 | The beginning of | The Deva Nagree alphabet, with its 700 characters, was set in type for the first time.

1803 | 23rd January | The missionaries hired a room in Calcutta and held their first service there.

1803 | 10th May | William Ward and Mrs. Fountain (formerly Miss. Tidd and widow of Mr. Fountain) were married at the Mission House.

1803 | April | Mr. Brown, the senior Calcutta chaplain, purchased a house at Serampore called 'Alldeen'.

1803 | 4th May | The first Bengali Christian marriage was celebrated.

1803 | The end of | Ward visits Dinagepore for the sake of his health. He preached and delivered tracts, returning to Serampore on 16th December.

1804 | 1st January | Ward drew up a prospectus for the Bow Bazaar Chapel.

1804 | The close of | The first Sanskrit work ever printed, the 'Heetopadesh', was published by the Printing Office.

1805 | November | Ward went to Jessore to procure land for a missionary settlement.

1806 | March | The grounds for the Bow Bazaar chapel were purchased at a cost of 7,250 rupees.

1806 | 1st June | Ward preached the first sermon in a mat house, or shed in the centre of the site.

1806 | 23rd August | Captain Wickes in the 'Criterion' anchored off Calcutta with two new missionaries.

1807 | 25th January | Ward opened the little chapel on the Chitpore Road.

1807 | June | The first sheet of the Sanskrit New Testament came off the press at Serampore.

1807 | 2nd September | Carey was required to attend the office of the Chief Secretary regarding a pamphlet containing strictures on Mohammedanism and its founder.

1807 | 6th September | Mr. Blacquiere sent his spy to watch the proceedings of the missionaries at the little chapel on the Chitpore Road.

1807 | 11th September | An order was received in Serampore from Lord Minto to remove the Printing Office to Calcutta.

1807 | 1st October | The Serampore missionaries sent a memorial to Lord Minto.

1808 | 4th January | Serampore is occupied again by the British.

1809 | 1st January | The chapel in Bow Bazaar was opened by Carey.

1810 | Towards the close of | Ward published the first edition of his work on the 'History, Literature and Mythology of the Hindoos, include a minute description of their manners and customs, and translations from their principle works'. (John Clark Marshman previously mentioned that the first volume was 'put to press' in 1807. Stennett puts the date of first publication at 1806.)

1812 | 11th March | The printing office was totally consumed by fire

1812 | March | Ward's 'dear, dear child Mary' dies.

1812 | 17th June | Dr. Judson and his companion Mr. Newell, arrived in Calcutta from America.

1812 | 6th September | William Ward baptised Adoniram Judson and his wife Ann (known as Nancy) at Serampore.

1812 | 29th September | The Committee of the Baptist Missionary Society sanctioned the modification of their constitution.

1812 | 1st November | William Ward baptised Luther Rice at Serampore.

1813 | 22nd June | William Wilberforce made his magnificent speech in the House of Commons during the debate on the Charter Act.



1813 | April | The missionaries received official information of the modification of the constitution of the Baptist Missionary Society.

1813 | 3rd July | The Charter Act passed the third reading and became law.

1814 | 1st August | Eustace Carey, William Carey's nephew, arrived in Calcutta.

1814 | December | Ward wrote of his wife's illness and that his daughter Amelia had lost the sight in one eye.

1815 | Ward published a second edition of 'History, Literature and Mythology of the Hindoos'. Abridged, improved, and in one volume.



1815 | Summer | Mrs. Ward embarked for England, with her eldest daughter, on account of her health.

1815 | September | Eustace Carey and Mr. Lawson remove to Calcutta and they were appointed pastors at The Bow Bazaar chapel.

1815 | 27th November | The Governor-General, Lord Hastings, visited the missionary establishment at Serampore.

1815 | Within 3 weeks of Lord Hastings visit | Serampore was restored to the Danish authorities.

1816 | Joshua Marshman drew up a pamphlet called 'Hints relative to native schools, together with an outline for an institution for their extension and management'.

1816 | 31st December | A Special Committee of the Baptist Missionary Society resolved that the property at Serampore should be vested in 8 trustees in India.

1817 | 24th June | The birth of the General Baptist Missionary Society, at Castle Donington, Leicestershire.

1817 | 25th August | Mrs. Ward arrived back in Serampore in renovated health. With her was Mr. William H. Pearce with the proposals of the Special Committee.

1817 | 15th September | The Serampore missionaries send a letter repudiating the demands of the Special Committee.

1818 | At the beginning of | Ward advised to to take a river trip on account of his health and visits Chittagong, Dacca, and Nuddea.

1818 | April | The missionaries commenced an English monthly magazine to which Marshman gave the title 'Friend of India'.

1818 | May | Ward landed in England.

1818 | 31st May | The first newspaper printed in any oriental language was issued from the Serampore press. It was called the 'Samachar Durpun', or the 'Mirror of News'.

1818 | 15th July | The Serampore missionaries issued the prospectus of a 'College for the instruction for the Asiatic, Christian, and other youth, in Eastern literature and European science'.

1818 | August | The Serampore missionaries issue the first report on the preliminary arrangements for the administration of students and the regulation of the classes.

1818 | August | Ward visits the sanatorium at Cheltenham on account of his health.

1818 | November | Mr. Nathaniel Ward accompanies Sir Stamford Raffles to Bencoolen.

1818 | 13th December | Ward embarked for England and Joshua Marshman took his place at the Printing Office.

1818| At the close of the year | The missionaries in Calcutta retired from the church over which Carey and his colleagues presided and formed a separate church and congregation.

1819 | At the end of | After reviewing all the correspondence between Fuller and the Serampore missionaries, the Baptist Missionary Society embody their conclusions in a series of resolutions.

1820 | 27th March | The first steam engine ever erected in India begins operation at Serampore.

1820 | July | A meeting is held in Calcutta between the Senior and Junior Brethren.

Ward visits Holland for 3 weeks.

1820 | Ward travels to America and travels the country for three months.

1821 | May | Ward embarks for India with John Mack and Hannah Marshman.

1821 | 20th October | Ward returns to Serampore.

1823 | Wednesday, 5th March | Ward preaches his last sermon in the Mission Chapel at Serampore.

1823 | Friday, 7th March | William Ward dies of cholera at Serampore.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Tue Feb 08, 2022 7:31 am

Part 1 of 4

Study on the Geography and the Primitive Populations of North-West India According to the Vedic Hymns Preceded by an Overview of the Current State of Studies on Ancient India
by M. Vivien De Saint-Martin
1855
Translated [Google translate] from the French original
[Etuden Sur La Geographie Et Les Populations Primitives Du Nord-Ouest De L'Inde D'Apres Les Hymnes Vediques Precedee D'Un Apercu De L'Etat Actuel Des Etudes Sur L'Inde Ancienne, by Par M. Vivien De Saint-Martin, 1855]

There are also a few WORKS professing to DEAL WITH GEOGRAPHY. Mr. Wilford has long ago pointed out (Asiatick Researches, XIV. pp. 374-380), the existence of the following:— (1) Munja-pratidesa [x]-vyavastha, (2) Bhoja-pratidesa-vyavastha (a revised edition of 1), (3) Bhuvana-Sagara, (4) A Geography written at the command of Bukkaraya, (5) A commentary on the Geography of the Mahabharata written by order of the Raja of Paulastya (?Paurastya?) by a Pandit in the time of Hussein Shah (1489) — a voluminous work. A MS. acquired by Mr. Wilford once formed a part of the Library of Fort William College: it is now in the Government Sanskrit College Library, Calcutta. A detailed description,* [Gazetteer literature in Sanskrit.] of this MS. has been given by M.M.H.P. Sastri in the Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society (1919). Prof. Pulle has mentioned (in pp 13-15 in his Studi Italiani di Filologia Indo-lranica, vol IV.) the existence of the following geographical works in the Library of the Nazionale centrale di Firenze (Florence, in Italy):— (5) Lokapraksa ([x]) of Kshemendra (the celebrated Kasmirian writer): the MS. consists of 782 pages and it is profusely illustrated. Prof Pulle has reproduced two of its figures in his Studi. (6) Three MSS. of Kshetra Samasa, a Jaina work — with two different commentaries, (7) A MS. of Kshetra Samasa Prakarana, (8) Four MSS. of Samgha- yani of Chandrasuri with two commentaries: one of the MSS. is illustrated, (9) A Laghu-Samghayani. He has also pointed out the mention of Kshetra Samasa of Jina Bhadra (1457-1517) in Kielhorn's Report (1880-1), of (10) Loghu Kshetra Samasa of Ratnasekhara in Weber's Cat. (No. 1942), of (11) Trailokya dipika and (12) Trailokya Darpana quoted by Wilford. Besides the above, (13) a Jama Tittha Kappa, and (14) Tristhaliactu dealing with the topography of Prayaga are also known.

St Martin [de Louis vivien de Saint-Martin] [Etat actuel des etudes sur l'Inde ancienne, p. xiii. (Google translate: Current state of studies on ancient India)] characterized the works mentioned by Wilford to be "imposture literature" without sufficiently examining them. Be they "imposture" or not, they have not yet been sufficiently examined.[!!!]

-- Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, Edited With Introduction and Notes by Surendranath Majumdar Shastri, M.A., Premchand Raychand Scholar, Reader, Patna University, 1924


PRELIMINARY NOTE.

The program proposed in 1849 by the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres for the restitution of the ancient geography of India according to the sources, from primitive times to the time of the Muselman invasion, has occasion of the current study on the Geography of the Veda.

This study embraces only a part of the vast subject pointed out by the Academy; but it is its fundamental basis. The precious collection of Vedic hymns, since the works, still so recent, of Rosen, Langlois, Max Muller and Wilson, gave us access to it, has become the necessary starting point for all research relating to ancient India, as much for history and geography as for social and religious development.

Leaving aside philological exegesis, a task for which M. Max Muller, the learned editor of the text, is appointed above all others, there are in the Veda two great subjects of study.

One can seek there the picture of society itself and of its religious ideas, as well as the relations of these primitive beliefs with those of the other peoples of the great Indo-European family.

Or can focus more specifically on the geography and ethnographic indications contained in the hymns.

The subject which was given to us touched, to tell the truth, neither worship nor social development. We have not had to approach this great side of Vedic studies, of which M. Guigniaut has just given such a fine exposition in his course at the College de France. A book that the learned German will envy us will, we hope, come out of these learned lessons, and it is up to the eminent professor to endow science with it.

Restricted to geography and ethnography, the double object of our researches did not fail, in its less extended horizon, to have great importance. On the one hand, it is the determination of the geographical synonymes which fixes in a certain way the limits of what one can call the Vedic territory, that is to say the country where the Arian tribes lived during the long period to which the composition of the hymns relates; on the other hand, synonymes and ethnological filiations lead to results of great consequence for the history of India. Their light is projected not only on the heroic centuries which the great poems celebrate, but also on all the sequence of later times up to the present time.

We know how important ethnological studies are for clarifying the origins and migrations of peoples, and for giving their true meaning to certain historical events; for India especially, which has no written history in the strict sense of the word, this importance is greater than anywhere else. In several essential respects, they are history itself. Combined with the indications that scholarly criticism can draw from the old monuments of Sanskrit literature, they make it possible to reconstruct, in the absence of details of events, at least some major phases of social history. We believe that the current memoir will already be able to give an idea of the historical scope of this type of research; but it is in a special work that we propose later to embrace the detail and bring out all the consequences.

If the study of the various races of a great country such as India is the essential basis of history, ethnological research must itself be based on geography. So it was to Sanskrit geography that our first work had to be devoted. It was a truly immense field of investigation, which we found almost uncultivated. Ten years of almost uninterrupted application have barely sufficed to explore all its parts. We nevertheless dare to believe that historical and archaeological researches will find a solid point of support in the very extensive work which we have devoted to the ancient geography of India. Of the four memoirs of which this work is composed, two have just been printed in one of the Collections of the Academy of Inscriptions, and we hope that the printing of the other two will follow shortly. Our Memoir on the route of Hiouen-Thsang, in the seventh-sixth century of our era, forms the natural complement of these four pieces of ancient geography, as well as the Study on Vedic geography, which we are now delivering to the impression, is its starting point and introduction.

Except for a few retouches and a few additions of no importance, we give the present memoir absolutely as it was submitted, in 1855, to the judgment of the Academy.

July 1859

Introduction.

General view of the History and Geography of India up to the end of the Muslim period, preceded by an outline of the present state of studies on ancient India.

The conquest of India by the Muslims marks the time when, for the first time, native place names underwent profound alterations; these alterations have been perpetuated to the present day, worsening from century to century under foreign influences, and they have ended by erasing and rendering almost entirely unrecognizable the Sanskrit nomenclature of the peninsula, that is to say the true national geography, the only one which gives an understanding of the ancient monuments of Indian literature. To restore, according to the sources, the geography of India prior to the Muslim conquest1 [These are the terms of the program proposed as a prize subject, in 1849, by the Academy of Inscriptions, and extended in 1851.] it is a problem which opens to geographical science one of the vastest fields of investigation that it can propose today.

And we can also say one of the most useful. After having remained, until the end of the last century, almost completely outside the studies which had for their object the antiquities of Asia, India has since then taken a large part in it, which acquires more and more importance every day, and more scope. Very slow at first and much disputed, the progress of this new branch of Oriental studies has become, for twenty-five years, both more rapid and more sure. Already, in this still quite recent career, great scientific notabilities have occurred, and they have marked their passage through it by vast and fine works. The names of William Jones, of Wilkins, of CoIebrooke and of Thomas Prinsep in Calcutta, of Wilson in England, of Gorresio in Italy, of Eugène Burnouf, of Langlois and of Adolphe Régnier in France, of Schlegel, of Benfey, of Lassen, of Max Muller, of Kuhn, of Albrecht Weber in Germany, to cite only the most illustrious, throw on this new school a brilliance which is due no less to the importance of the results acquired than to the eminent qualities of erudition and sagacity which these names recall.

Works relating to India have, moreover, followed, in their course and in their successive developments, the order which emerged from the subject itself, and which was imposed by the more or less easy access to documents and sources. The Sanskrit language, whose very name was unknown barely a century ago, must have been its first object, then literature, then finally antiquities and scholarly research. As we have been able to penetrate further into the immense domain of Brahmanic literature, as new texts have been acquired and published, we have seen the horizon expand and unexpected perspectives open up. Currently a great work of reconstitution takes place. Of literature properly so called, we possess almost all the important monuments. Buddhist India was revealed to us by the work of Eugène Burnouf, which was interrupted too soon, alas! by premature death; Colebrooke and the scholars who have followed in his footsteps have made us penetrate into the intimate knowledge of the philosophical doctrines which developed very anciently in this land of abstract contemplation; the Vedas and the ancient literature related to them are now the object of similar studies, of which we already have important results: in a word, we see rising for us from his secular sepulchre, under the powerful evocation of our European scholars, the entire old Hindu society, with its religious, philosophical and moral doctrines. Efforts are now turning to history.

Here the materials are fewer and the difficulties greater. At no time did Brahmanic India have a proper history. The memory of ancient things has only been preserved among the Indians in the vast Puranic compilations, where legend and real facts are often mixed and difficult to separate. To bring together the versions, often very numerous, of the same story, in order to go back to the primitive text, which is, in general, the simplest and the purest; compare all the legends, in order to extract from their alloy the real facts which were the starting point; to collect all the lists of princes, all the genealogies contained in the great poems, in the Puranas and in other sources; to examine and discuss this infinite detail of more or less altered facts and uncertain names, while enlightening oneself with external help furnished by the peoples with whom India found itself in contact from the fourth century before our era; to finally reconstruct, at the cost of this laborious amount of discussion and research, a regular set where the facts are re-established at least in their general relationships: this is a task that cannot be accomplished either in a single day or by a single man. We are, moreover, still very far, in spite of the activity of research and the publication of texts, from possessing in Europe all the materials necessary for this great reconstruction. When one thinks that ten generations of scholars have worn themselves out on the much less abundant texts from which, since the time of the Renaissance, the historical and literary antiquity of the Greek and Roman world has been unearthed, one is less impatient of what remains to be done for India than amazed at what has already been done. The great work on which Mr. Lassen has been working for twenty years, and of which he has so far given three volumes, independently of several particular memoirs, is in itself a veritable monument of Indian erudition. The Antiquities of India (Indische Alterthumskunde) by the famous Bonn professor is perhaps not the last word in the reconstruction of ancient India; but the work will always remain as one of the finest titles of the Indianist school, and it will surely be for a long time to come the most complete repertoire of historical notions that can be drawn from Hindu sources.

In this set of recent publications on Brahmanic India, geography had lagged far behind. Many particular points have been touched upon in some of the great works which Europe has seen appear for twenty years, especially in those of M. Wilson and M. Lassen; there are indications of detail and happy comparisons; a great number of facts and identifications can also be drawn from the innumerable memoirs scattered in the special journals and in the academic collections of India and Europe: but, until now, the subject had not been approached in a work together. This work, which alone can reconstitute in a regular body the Sanskrit geography of India, became however each day of a more urgent necessity; there is not a question of history or archaeology where this necessity does not make itself keenly felt. The first condition in any research of this nature is to be firmly fixed on the theater of events; otherwise the texts bring to mind only a floating and confused image.

Studies on the geography of ancient India have long been limited to the notions provided by Greek and Latin writers. Until the end of the last century, Sanskrit India did not yet exist. We knew of the past of this great peninsula only what our own classical authors have transmitted to us, according to the original historians of Alexander the Great and his immediate successors, and also according to the relations of which the commercial relations of Roman Egypt with the East became the occasion.
The researches of d'Anville (1783 and 1775), the first who seriously attempted to bring together classical indications with modern notions; those of Rennell (1783 to 1793), of Mannert (1797), of Wahl (1805), of Dr. Vincent (1807) and of M. Gossellin (1789 to 1813), did not come out of this circle. Already, however, in his discourses on the sciences and literature of the Asiatic nationalities, William Jones, the famous founder of the Bengal Society, had hinted at the unknown resources which Brahmanical literature could furnish for the study of ancient India, and he had endeavored, not without success, to carry the English Orientalists in this direction. In 1801, in the sixth volume of Asiatic Researches1 [Introd. p. iv.], the Asiatic Society of Calcutta reported among the desiderata of Indian studies "a Catalog of the names of towns, countries, provinces, rivers and mountains taken from the Castras and the Puranas, with the correspondence of modern names." It asked also research on this question both historical and geographical: "What were the geographical and political divisions of the country before the Muslim invasion?" What the Society demanded from then on was nothing less than the complete restitution of the Sanskrit geography of India. But this task, if it was not beyond the strength of those who found themselves in a position to undertake it, exceeded the resources with which such an enterprise could then surround itself; for studies of comparative geography must be based above all on complete knowledge of the locality, and the topographical survey of the peninsula was barely begun at that time.

Colonel Wilford was unfortunately the only member of the Calcutta Society who entered into this direction of geographical research pointed out by William Jones. Wilford was read and zealous; and, if he had been endowed with a critical sense, which he entirely lacked, he could have rendered real service to Indian studies. But the incredible aberrations to which he so often lets himself be carried away (not to mention the literary impostures of his pundits, of which he was the first victim), remove all serious value from his works, and only allow the facts to be received with extreme reserve, and reconciliations, which have not been audited by other authorities.


A far more promising approach to the problem, indeed a short cut, seemed to be heralded in a letter to Jones from Lieutenant Francis Wilford, a surveyor and an enthusiastic student of all things oriental, who was based at Benares. Jones had been sent copies of inscriptions found at Ellora and written in Ashoka Brahmi, the still undeciphered pin-men. He had probably sent them to Wilford because Benares, the holy city of the Hindus, was the most likely place to find a Brahmin who might be able to read them. In 1793 Wilford announced that he had found just such a man:

"I have the honour to return to you the facsimile of several inscriptions with an explanation of them. I despaired at first of ever being able to decipher them... However, after many fruitless attempts on our part, we were so fortunate as to find at last an ancient sage, who gave us the key, and produced a book in Sanskrit, containing a great many ancient alphabets formerly in use in different parts of India. This was really a fortunate discovery, which hereafter may be of great service to us."

According to the ancient sage, most of Wilford's inscriptions related to the wanderings of the five heroic Pandava brothers from the Mahabharata. At the unspecified time in question they were under an obligation not to converse with the rest of mankind; so their friends devised a method of communicating with them by "writing short and obscure sentences on rocks and stones in the wilderness and in characters previously agreed upon betwixt them." The sage happened to have the key to these characters in his code book; obligingly he transcribed them into Devanagari Sanskrit and then translated them.

To be fair to Wilford, he was a bit suspicious about this ingenious explanation of how the inscriptions got there. But he had no doubts that the deciphering and translation were genuine. "Our having been able to decipher them is a great point in my opinion, as it may hereafter lead to further discoveries, that may ultimately crown our labours with success." Above all, he had now located the code book, "a most fortunate circumstance."

Poor Wilford was the laughing stock of the Benares Brahmins for a whole decade. They had already fobbed him off with Sanskrit texts, later proved spurious, on the source of the Nile and the origin of Mecca. After the code book there was a geographical treatise on The Sacred Isles of the West, which included early Hindu reference to the British Isles. The Brahmins, to whom Sanskrit had so long remained a sacred prerogative, were getting their own back. One wonders how much Wilford paid his "ancient sage."

Jones was already a little suspicious of Wilford's sources, but on the code book, which was as much a fabrication as the translations supposedly based on it, he reserved judgment until he might see it. He never did. In fact it was never heard of again. But in spite of these disappointments Jones continued to believe that in time this oldest script would be deciphered. He had been sent a copy of the writings on the Delhi pillar and told a correspondent that they "drive me to despair; you are right, I doubt not, in thinking them foreign; I believe them to be Ethiopian and to have been imported a thousand years before Christ." It was not one of his more inspired guesses and at the time of his death the mystery of the inscriptions and of the monoliths was as dark as ever.

-- India Discovered, by John Keay


It must, however, be recognized that in the last of his memoirs, which is also the least imperfect (I am not speaking of the posthumous publication, in nos. 220 and 223, 1851; of the Journal of the Society of Calcutta, of a essay in comparative geography which is a work of the worst times of Wilford), it must be recognized, I say, that, in the last of his memoirs, inserted in volume XIV of the Asiatic Researches (1822), and which has for its title On the ancient Geography of India, there are here and there useful indications which have been furnished him principally by treatises on Sanskrit geography of a very modern date, in truth, but which contain none the less, on indigenous nomenclature, more detailed notions than those of European investigators.

In the first forty years of the present century, the comparative geography of Brahmanic India has therefore made only very slight progress. There has been, as I have already said, good work of detail, and useful research on particular points; the publications of Mr. Wilson especially contain excellent material and precious indications, in particular the explanations which he joined to his elegant translation of the Megha Dhoûta of Kalidâsa (1813), his precious Introduction to the Catalog of the Mackenzie collection (1828), and especially the notes of his translation of the Vishnu Pourâna (1840), a veritable encyclopedia of Hindu antiquity. They are good material for some parts of the national geography of India; but, on the whole, nothing has been done or undertaken. The most considerable advance is in the publication of Sanskrit texts, as much in Calcutta as in London, in Paris, in Germany and in Petersburg, and in the already numerous translations of the original works. The impulse is given and does not slow down. As for the general state of Sanskrit geography before the labors of Mr. Lassen, if we wish to have an idea of the quite rudimentary condition in which it was still reduced barely twenty years ago, we must go through the sketch drawn by Mr. Carl Ritter of the geography of the Hindu peninsula prior to the Muslim conquest1 [Erdkunds, t. V, 1835, p. 434 to 529.]: the learned geographer of Berlin, who, for this portion of his book as for all the others, has read everything, consulted everything, quoted everything, barely registers here and there an ancient Sanskrit name related to the current names, after Wilford, Franklin, William Jones or Wilson. Walter Hamilton's Description of India (1820), the fullest that England still possesses, is no richer in this respect, although the author, from a just sense of the vice of the European nomenclature, has everywhere sought to bring back to their Sanskrit form the horribly corrupt names of our maps and our books.

The great work of M. Lassen1 [Indische Alterthumskunmde, t. I-III, 1847-1857, gr. in-8.], and the particular memoirs which were the preparation2 [De Pentapotamia indica, 1827, in-4; From Taprobane insula, 1842, in-4; Beitrage zur Kunde des indischen Alterthums aus dem Mahabharata, in the Zeitscrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlands, t. I a V, 1837-1844, etc.], mark an immense progress in the study of ancient Sanskrit geography, or, to put it better, they are the true starting point of this study; It must, however, be recognized that it is only very incidental in the work of the famous professor. M. Lassen is incessantly brought back to it in the course of his historical researches, because the ground where they place it is, in this respect, almost absolutely uncultivated, and because the knowledge of the localities is indispensable to the clarification of the facts. But he did not address the subject as a whole. He did not attempt to trace its historical development; and it is even true to say that, however numerous the geographical explanations contained in his notes, they scarcely touch more than the principal points and historical localities, thus leaving out a multitude of ancient names given by the texts and by inscriptions. These detailed identifications would have led the author into a series of discussions that his plan did not include. The map drawn up for the Antiquities of India, by M. Henri Kiepert (1853), has precisely the same character. This map has the great merit of being, in this genre, the first serious attempt; but, as the geographer has included only the data furnished by the work of M. Lassen, it presents, on the whole, only a very incomplete and very sparse nomenclature. It is a canvas in which one recognizes the hand of the master, but it is only a canvas; Mr. Lassen was doubtless better than anyone in a position to undertake thoroughly the complete study of the ancient geography of India. If his researches had turned especially in this direction, I would not have had the presumption to approach after him a subject so vast and so difficult.

At least I will not have neglected anything so as not to remain too below this crushing task. I did not hide the extent of it from myself, nor do I think that I am accused of having exaggerated it. The number of sources to consult is immense; I have endeavored not to omit any of them. For discussions of comparative geography and historical ethnology, there is no too careful research; and it often happens that we come across, in the accounts of the least scientific character, facts and indications which we have sought in vain in the more special sources. As the task of the geographer is to see the country through the eyes of others, the witnesses who serve as his intermediaries cannot be too numerous nor too diverse in disposition, so that all together complement and control each other. Good topographical maps are also an indispensable element, and, in this respect, the great atlas of the Compagnie des Indes, which is in the process of being executed, has often been of precious help in spite of its recognized imperfections. It would be useless to dwell any longer here on the sources of all the periods that I had to draw on, having taken care to cite them exactly throughout the course of my research, and my intention being to give later a complete bibliography of the peninsula, of which I gathered all the elements a long time ago. Anyone who has been involved in research of this nature will not find the care I have given to this part of the subject, indicated by the program of the Academy, too scrupulous.

It is now appropriate to take a general look at ancient India, in order to recognize the great epochs between which its geographical history is divided. This distinction by era is all the more necessary since they each have their own, well-defined character, and since their study is generally based on a series of quite distinct documents. There are necessary relations between them and a reciprocal dependence, as between the parts of the same body, and it would be impossible to study one of them in depth if we isolated it completely from the others; but they nevertheless form so many natural sections, which can only be deepened by approaching them separately. It is in the aftermath of these great epochs that we also see the history of ancient Hindu society and the successive phases of its development unfold.

What may be called the primitive times of India are those to which the Veda belongs. We know that the Veda is the religious book of the Arian race of India, that is, of the people whose language was Sanskrit; the principal part of this sacred collection, the Rig-Veda, is composed of hymns sung by the priests during the offerings made to the protective gods of the Aryas. These hymns, all except the last in the collection, belong to a time when the Aryas, divided into tribes, still led pastoral life in the plains of Punjab (the Vedic Sapta-Sindhu, or the region of the Seven Rivers); they are, consequently, prior to the establishment of the Arian nation in the plains of the Yamounâ and the Ganges, and to the beginning of the great monarchies which were founded there under the two contemporary races of Tchandra and Sourya (the Lunar race and the Solar race). The period of Vedic times, during which the hymns were composed, certainly embraces a space of several centuries; and, without claiming to assign its precise limits, one can at least admit as extremely probable that it pivots around the fifteenth century before the Christian era. The Veda is by no means a historical book, although there are found in it, in considerable number, facts and traditions which are the oldest memories of the race, and which later became the basis of a host of legends contained in the great poems and in the Puranas; but, from this particular point of view of the history of the Aryas, it is above all because of its geographical indications that the collection of hymns is important. One can even say, without exaggerating anything, that it is the geography of the hymns which gives them a real historical value; for it is by this alone that one fixes with certainty the residence of the Arian tribes at that time, and that one can recognize their progressive market from Sindhou to the Ganges. There are only two or three names of territories in the Veda; but the names of the tribes, Arian or non-Arian, are quite numerous there. The clarification of this part of the Vedic indications is of great importance; it is the starting point of the ethnology of northern India, and a solid basis for its heroic history.

It is to this double object, the clarification of the geography and ethnography of the Veda, that the present work is devoted.

With the establishment of the great Arian monarchies in the basin of the Ganges begins a second period, which may be called that of the heroic times. The initial epoch of this second period must most probably be placed from the fourteenth to the twelfth century, before our era. It embraces, like the Vedic period, a space of at least five or six centuries; but the events which fill it have a much greater character, and they have also had quite a different repercussion in Brahmanical literature. These ancient times, during which two great parallel dynasties shared the empire of the Gangetic countries, lived in traditions as the glorious era of national history. If India had had its Herodotus or its Livy, this period in the history of the Aryas would have provided some beautiful pages in the annals of humanity. A nation which is transformed and begins a new life, which abandons the pastoral life for the better regulated habits of agricultural life, and which receives from its Sages a political, civil and religious organization, strong enough to have gone through three thousand years of fortunes diverse, and not having allowed itself to be undermined either by schisms, or by revolutions, or by conquest, such a nation, at the time of its youthful energy, would have been a noble and grand spectacle for history. But, instead of history, India has only legends. These legends of heroic times were originally deposited in sacerdotal chronicles designated under the name of Purânas, or collections of Ancient Things (the Book of Manu mentions them in several places), common source of the eighteen present-day Purânas, the composition of which is very more modern.

The Mahâbhârata has as its subject the struggle of two branches of the Lunar family, disputing the empire of India; the main subject of the Ramayana is the conquest of the island of Lanka (Ceylon) by a prince of the Solar race. But what above all makes the importance of these two vast compositions for history and geography is less the main theme than the episodes attached to it. These episodes (itihâsas), especially in the Mahâbhârata, are a real mine of geographical information, where most of the tribes of northern India pass before our eyes, with their cities, their rivers and their mountains, whose situation is generally indicated in such a way as to direct at least, if not to fix, the researches of the geographer. In both poems there are veritable itineraries, which have all the value and sometimes all the precision of those of a modern traveller. It suffices to cite here, in the Ramâyana, the march of the envoys of Ayôdhyâ towards the royal city of the prince of the Kêkayas, and that of Bharata in search of his brother Rama, retired in the forests of Tchitrakouta. It is especially these itineraries which are invaluable in restoring the map of this ancient geography; they provide so many bases and assured points, to which they can be attached step by step
, and with the help of other means of comparison provided by all the documents that we have on India, the other indications less contained in the poems, such, for example, as the lists of peoples, rivers and mountains, which are given, in the VIth book of the Mahâbhârata and in the IVth book of the Râmâyana, as descriptions of the world. Historically, these lists are far from having the value of itineraries and other local indications included in the very contexture of the poems, because of the facility they offer for interpolations [the insertion of something of a different nature into something else.], and also of the errors of copyists who slip more easily than elsewhere in an arid accumulation of proper names. We can judge of this by the faults of this kind with which the analogous lists of Pliny and the Tables of Ptolemy are filled.

The Ramayana exercised the activity of translators. We currently possess the complete Italian translation by M. Gorresio, one of the eminent pupils of our illustrious and excellent Eugène Burnouf, a translation which had preceded the elegant Latin version of Wilhelm Schlegel, which stops at the second book, and the English translation by Carey and Marshman, which does not go much further, in addition to a French translation published since Mr. Gorresio's version. It would have been very much to be desired that that of Guillaume Schlegel, interrupted by the death of this eminent Indianist, had been continued, as M. Lassen had given hope; that one, at least, would not have duplicated work, the translator having followed a redaction of the poem different from that chosen by Mr. Gorresio, and the variants of the two redactions always offering useful comparisons. It is regrettable that this superabundance of effort expended on Valmiki's work did not extend to the Mahabharata. We possess a fairly large number of more or less extensive fragments, translated into English, French, German or Latin; but, up to the present, no complete translation of the poem has been attempted, although Dr. Goldstücker, of Berlin, has long held out hopes of one. This is a gap that the publication of the text, in Calcutta, cannot compensate for. A work such as this did not really enter scientific circulation until the day when, by a good translation into a European language, it was handed over to the critical study of the antiquarian and the geographer, rid of all purely philological concern. It is thus that, by his French translation of the Rig-Veda, M. Langlois has rendered an invaluable service to the historical and philosophical sciences.

The Mahâbhârata and the Râmâyana, these are the two great geographical sources of the heroic period of India; but there are still others, and very important ones. At the head of all, and even before the great poems, we must place the documents of what has been called the oupavedic literature, that is to say the writings which are attached to the Vedic literature, although from a period very posterior to the very composition of hymns. The editing of these writings, as well as the assembly of the hymns themselves in a single body of work, is certainly contemporary with the two great parallel dynasties of Tchandra and Sourya. These are the Brâhmanas, or liturgical part of the four Vedas, and the Upanishads or dogmatic and theological treatises. The Upanishads, of which Anquetii-Duperron has translated a Persian version into Latin, do not appear to be useful for historical studies; but it will not be the same with the Brahmanas, to judge by two important specimens which the extracts of Colebrooke and of Doctor Albrecht Weber have made known of them. Nevertheless, the capital piece of this first period of Brahmanic literature is the Mânava-Dharma-Çâstra, or Book of the Law, attributed to Manu, where there is a complete table of the great geographical divisions of the land of the Aryas (the Aryavarta), without which the frequent mention of the same countries in later documents would have had only an ill-defined meaning for us. The Book of Manu also contains very valuable indications for the ethnology of ancient India, notably an extensive list of impure or degraded tribes.

The hymns of the Veda placed the abode of the Arian tribes in the basin of the five great tributaries of Sindh; in the following epoch, that of the Pavavedic or heroic times, there took place a complete displacement of the habitation of the Aryas. Their territory is now in the basin of the Ganges, between the Himalayas and the Vindhyâ mountains. It is on the banks of the Sarasvati, to the west of the Upper Yamouna, that the great social reform and the definitive organization of the Brahmanic people took place; it is not far from there, on the right of the Ganges, at a short distance from its exit from the mountains, that Hastinapoura, one of the royal cities of the Lunar dynasty, was founded. A little farther to the east, in the middle of the plains of Koçala, rose the capital of the kings of the Solar race, the superb Ayôdhyâ. This fertile region, watered by the Ganges and its great tributaries, was quickly covered with numerous towns and flourishing towns. This is the terrain where we place all the documents which date from this remote period or which refer us to it, the Brahmanas, the Book of Manon, the Mahabharata and even the Ramayana; for, geographically, the part of this last poem which has for its theater the region south of the Vindhya mountains is of very secondary importance. It is the geography of the Odyssey compared to that of the Iliad. The useful side of this second part of the Ramayana is to show us what was, at the time of the greatest power of the Gangetic Aryas, the sum of their acquired notions on the southern regions up to Lanka; nothing more. As for the countries of the north-west, the first abode of the Vedic tribes, the reading of the poems and the Pavedic documents gives rise to a curious remark. These great plains cut by rivers, which extend from Sarasvatl to Sindh, still remain for a time in a close religious and political community, as well as in an intimate alliance of families or tribes, with the Gangetic Aryas; but little by little the bonds loosen; the relations weaken, and there is finally a complete separation between the Pantchanada and the Aryavarta. This split is clearly noted by an episode of great ethnological interest found in the Mabâbhârata, where the Brahmans of the south anathematize the peoples of Panchanada because of their licentious and corrupt life, and the contempt into which they have fallen. among them the prescriptions of religious law.

When one examines the fundamental conditions of the various regions of India, one easily recognizes the real causes of this separation.

The northwestern region, or Pantchanada, had been occupied for several centuries by the Vedic Aryans, but it was not their native land: they came from further beyond Sindh. The Pantchanada, which is designated in the hymns by the appellation of Sapta-Sindhu, or the Seven Rivers, had been for them only a country of conquest and passage. This country was occupied before them by a semi-barbarous aboriginal population, which had to be subjugated or driven back to the mountains; the hymns are full of the memory, or rather of the daily mention of these continual battles. We also see from numerous passages in the Rig-Veda that these relations between the Aryas and the Dasyous (this is the Vedic name of the aborigines) had gradually become less exclusively hostile in character. Many of the tribes of the country had yielded, it seems, to the double ascendancy of strength and intelligence; they had accepted the cult of the Aryas, and thus they themselves had become Aryas through adoption and religious consecration. But this religious transformation of their nationality had never been able, one can imagine, to be complete enough to efface the original diversity; and, when the pure Aryas, leaving behind them the country of the Seven Rivers, had settled definitively in the plains of the Ganges, where a new life began for them, the tribes of Panchanada, returned in full possession of their native plains, had to return soon to the customs and life of their own race. Hence, in them, this relaxation of Brahmanic law for which the bard of the Mahabharata reproaches them. The distinction of race, political life and religious creed has, moreover, been perpetuated to our day in the country of the Vedic Dasyous; the present-day Punjab differs no less today, in this triple respect, from Brahmanic Hindustan than the Panchanada of antiquity differed from Aryavarta.

This point, on which I insist, is of capital importance for the understanding of Indian antiquity; it is through lack of having perceived it or of having realized it, that the scholars who have written recently on ancient India have left very obscure many facts indicated in the legends, which otherwise would have been illuminated for them sudden clarity. This fundamental distinction between the Aryas by race and the Aryas by adoption, the former forming the pure nucleus of the Brahmanic nation, the latter only being attached to it by often vague and doubtful links, this distinction, I say, is not special to Pantchanada: it applies to the whole of India, and it is especially of great historical significance for all of ancient Aryavarta, that is to say for the region which extends from from sea to sea between the Vindhya Mountains and the Himalayas.

If the view whose historical importance I have just pointed out were derived only from a few ancient texts, which might always appear more or less questionable, its own value might also seem very doubtful; but it rests on an infinitely wider and firmer basis, on the profound study of the ethnology of India from ancient times to the present time. This study had not yet been made in its entirety, or at least no attempt had been made to relate it to ancient Sanskrit documents. The nomenclature of the tribes, so extensive in the poems and other Sanskrit documents, enters necessarily into the studies relative to ancient India; it forms there what M. Burnouf, in one of his last speeches within the Academy, very aptly called the ethnological geography of India. And here it was not enough to determine the territory that the texts assign to the ancient tribes: a far more important point was to seek out and establish their identity, that is to say to follow their history, or at least their mention, from time to time, through the documents of all the centuries, and, thus descending to modern times, to verify whether the tribe does not still exist today, in order, in this case, to supplement by the current study, taken on the spot, to what the documents of past times may have of vagueness or incompleteness. This idea is so simple and springs so naturally from the subject, that it is surprising that it has not hitherto occurred to any of the investigators of ancient India. The materials are, moreover, extremely abundant, thanks to the number of excellent contacts and local studies that we have had on India for half a century. This research therefore offered no serious difficulty other than its very scope, which was a stimulus rather than an obstacle.

I dare say that I was amply rewarded for undertaking it. An unexpected light gradually issued from this long work carried out separately on each tribe, and this light, growing ever stronger and spreading, was soon projected over the whole extent of the ancient times of India down to their last depths. I use this expression deliberately, in which there is nothing exaggerated. The hymns of the Veda are themselves enlightened by the reflections of this powerful focus; but it is above all the epic sources which have received an entirely new light. There are very few of the tribes which are mentioned there whose displacements and historical destinies I have not been able to follow down to our time; and, as all these tribes still exist, except a very few, it has been easy to ascertain to which of the two great divisions of the population of India they belong, either to the Arya race (pure or mixed), or to the aboriginal or non-Arian race. In the great poems, these tribes are all indistinctly qualified as Aryas: they were so by worship, but not by blood. This fundamental distinction cannot be overemphasized. I do not believe that I am advancing anything excessive in asserting that the most considerable aspect of the restitution of ancient times in India is in this certain and precise determination of the respective nationality of the two great classes of peoples who figure in the legendary traditions, and which are there confused under the common denomination of Aryas.

A special investigation of Indian ethnology thus became a distinct and very important branch of the studies which have for their object the reconstruction of ancient India.
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Part 2 of 4

The foregoing has brought us to the limit of what can be called, at least in a relative way, the historical times of India. This new period begins with the Buddhist era in the middle of the sixth century before the Christian era, in the year 543. For the first time we have a fixed date in the long sequence of centuries which starts from Vedic times. The reform of Sakyamuni Buddha produced in India a historical school for which the measurement of time has finally become one of the elements of human affairs; it is from this period that we find, in different parts of the peninsula, several special eras to which we refer public or private facts and the reigns of princes, such as the era of Vikramâditya or Çâka (57 BC -Christ), that of Çâlivâhana (78 of Jesus Christ), the era of Vallabhi or the Guptas of Surâchtra (318 of Jesus Christ), and others less generally used. The exact determination of epochs and that of synchronisms are no less useful, in many cases, to geography than to history.

The Buddhist literature of India, both that of the north, which M. Burnouf has made known to us in his Introduction and in the Lotus, to which we must add the Lalitavistara translated by M. Foucaux, as well as that of the south or of Ceylon, whose M. Turnour has partly translated the principal monument, the Mahavanso or Grande Chronique, this literature, I say, also brings to geography a series of documents which usefully complete, on many points, the materials of the Brahmanic literature. Among these Buddhist documents, I can cite as one of the most useful the nomenclature of the sixteen kingdoms between which Gangetic India was divided, in the sixth century before our era; in addition to numerous topographical information on the contiguous provinces where Çâkyamuni personally spread the preaching of his doctrine, Magadha, Mithila and Koçala. The Buddhist books of Ceylon are written in the Pali dialect of Maghada; but the Sanskrit form of the names is easy to restore according to known laws.

Another class of documents from the same period, of great geographical importance, consists of the accounts of various Chinese Buddhists who traveled through India at various times, between the third and tenth centuries of our era. Two of these relations, the most important, have been translated into French, that of Fa-Hian (400-414) by Abel Rémusat, Klaproth and Landresse, and that of Hiouen-Thsang (639-654) by M. Stanislas Julien. This one above all can be ranked among the most precious geographical documents that we possess on ancient India, not only because of the value of the work, but also of the numerous appendices that the learned translator has attached to it, and of the rigorous laws of transcription which M. Stanislas Julien, the first, established to bring back the Chinese words to their Sanskrit form.

The Mahavanso and the other Sinhalese documents are very rich in topographical information on Ceylon, and enable us to reestablish in particular detail the ancient topography of this island.

Another class of documents still belongs to the period of Buddhist times, although of an entirely different nature and relating to other regions of India: these are the writings of Greek and Roman authors. The space of time which they embrace is about nine hundred years, from the appearance of Alexander in the countries of the Indus, in the fourth century before our era, until the middle of the sixth century of Jesus Christ, who provides us with the curious account of Cosmas: the notions that Herodotus and Ctesias, before the expedition of Alexander, had already collected among the Persians on some parts of north-west India, are of little valuable for geography, though interesting in several respects.

In the middle of the series of our ancient Western authors relating to India, there is one who dominates them all, either by the extent or by the connection of the notions that he brought together on this great country of the East: it is Ptolemy. The long chapter that Ptolemy devoted to India in his Geography is like a natural center around which are grouped the partial information furnished by the other authors; also the Alexandrian geographer becomes the main theme of any in-depth work on classical India, the other sources of Greek or Latin origin successively bringing their share of indications on the regions to which each of them more specifically belongs: Arrîan and the other abbreviators from the original memoirs of the expedition of Alexander, on the basin of the Kophes, the Pantchanada and the lower valley of the Indus; Megasthenes, over the countries of the Ganges; the Periplus, on the west coast and the southern end of the peninsula; Cosmas, on the Taprobane. Mr. Lassen devoted half of the third volume of his great work (1856-57) to the clarification of the Greco-Roman geography of India, and precisely at the same time I was reading myself, within the Academie des inscriptions, the first parts of an extensive work on the same subject, which have just been printed in the fifth volume of the Memoirs of foreign scholars. The method of M. Lassen and that which I followed in this great work of elucidation are completely different; it is for the competent judges to decide which will have led to the most fruitful results.

It would be leaving an immense gap in the restitution of the ancient geography of India and in the ethnographic studies connected with it, to limit oneself to purely Sanskrit sources. There are other very numerous and widespread documents which are, for large regions of India, almost exclusive sources of information provincial. The documents of this class (we are dealing here only with those of northern India) are written in the different dialects of the provinces, which all belong, moreover, to the Sanskrit family. Only one has been written in Sanskrit on the model of the ancient poems: it is the Chronique du Kachmîr or Râdjataranghini, of which M. Troyer has given a French translation. Many other provinces have similar chronicles, mostly unpublished; Mr. Stirling has made known those of Orissa, Mr. James Long that of Tripura, Major Tod those of Radjasthan. There is also in India, particularly in the temples, a multitude of local chronicles (Sthala Pouranas), sometimes limited to a city, a pagoda, a place consecrated by legendary traditions, and which would be a precious mine of information, detailed indications for the ancient Sanskrit geography, free of Moslem or European alterations. The Dekhan is no less rich than northern India in documents of this nature; and although these southern documents are generally written in Tamil, which is the literary language of the Dekhan, they are none the less indispensable to consult, as far as access to them is possible, not only because they give the only means of completing, for a whole half of the peninsula, the restitution of the native geography and ethnology, but also because it is there that one can still find the Sanskrit elements carried formerly by the Aryas of the north in the southern countries. An immense quantity of local chronicles and Tamil and other documents of the same nature were collected at the beginning of the present century by Colonel Mackenzie, and are preserved in the library of the East India Company. Mr. Wilson, whose name is represented each time it is a question of useful works on Indian literature, has made this collection known by an ample catalog filled with numerous extracts, and we possess, in addition, the analyzes detailed accounts of some of the most important pieces of the collection, given in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of London either by Mr. Wilson himself, or by Mr. Taylor or by Mr. Walter Elliot. It would also be useful to obtain some of the modern treatises on geography which exist, it is said, in several countries of India, notably among the Djaïnas of Malvah and Gudjérat; we know that Wilford had several works of this kind in his hands, and that he especially made great use, for his last works, of the Samâsa-Kchetra (Collection of Countries), a prescriptive [relating to the imposition or enforcement of a rule or method.] treatise on geography written in the seventeenth century. However modern these works may be, and however mixed they may be with fables and errors, one should find in them good indications, from which European criticism will be able to turn to good account. Wilford also speaks of two ancient treatises on Sanskrit geography, one of the fifth-sixth century of our era, the other of the tenth-sixth century; the discovery of one or the other of these works would surely be a very useful acquisition.

Of all the provincial sources which India still reserves for the investigation of its present masters, the most precious, in several essential respects, are those of the Rajput states of the west; these are the ones which relate most directly to ancient documents such as to the ancient history of Sanskrit India. We see, from the epic legends and from the Puranas, that, from the earliest times, there has been a continual displacement and a great flow of populations from north to south and south-west, in the region between the Yamounâ and Lower Sindh, from Pantchanada to the Vindhya Mountains and Narmada. A crowd of tribes coming out of the region of the five rivers, either at the time of the great Arian migration, or in the times that followed, descended into the beautiful and rich country (Mâlava) which waters the Tcharmanvatl (the current Tchambal) and its many tributaries, some directly, others after a more or less long stay in the plains of the Ganges or the Yamounâ. An essential remark is that all these tribes belonged to the numerous family of the Yadava; now the Yâdava are the most considerable group of this mixed population annexed to the Aryas by the religious bond and having taken the name from it, but belonging in reality to the aboriginal race, except for a more or less considerable intrusion of the ârya blood brought by the contact and alliances. From the most ancient times of the heroic period, there was a natural separation and like a double current of migrations, the pure Aryas, the Brahmanic tribes, spreading to the south and south-east in the basin of the Ganges, the Yadava or Mixed Aryas going to the south-west as far as the great peninsula of Surachtra, which was later named Gudjerat. The ethnological study of ancient India fully confirms, by a set of positive and current facts, the data provided by ancient traditions. The region formerly occupied by the Yadava' who came out of Pantchanada formed what is now called the country of the Rajputs. (Ràjavâr, Rajasthân, Rajpoutana), the background of the population is already. Rajputana is the country of the bards (bhats, tcharans); there is no chief who does not maintain one or more official poets charged with celebrating in their songs the high deeds of the tribe, and perpetuating the memory of ancient genealogies. This usage was formerly universal among the Aryas, and we see from the hymns that it already existed in Vedic times; it is among the Rajput tribes that it is most generally preserved. Apart from these living chronicles, the principal states of Rajasthan have written chronicles which are usually kept in the temples, and where the old traditions are deposited. The Radjpouts have, moreover, a great poem, written at the beginning of the thirteenth century, by Tchand, the most celebrated of their bards; this poem, which has for its subject the struggle sustained for four centuries against the Mussulman invaders, is the national title and the pride of the tribes.

This set of documents of the Rajput literature is the main, or, to put it better, almost the only source, from which one can draw the native geography and the ethnography of the North-West of India. Until now, we know of these documents only through the analyzes and extracts of Major Tod1 [Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, 1829-32; Travels in Western India, 1839; and several memoirs in the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of London.]; although several chronicles and the poem of Tchand were brought to Europe by this active explorer and are deposited in the library of the Asiatic Society of London, neither the poem nor the chronicles have so far found a translator, and no Indianist has yet taken them for the subject of a special study. The extracts from Major Tod can only compensate to a limited extent for the regrettable omission.
--Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan or The Central and Western Rajput States of India, by Lieut.-Col. James Tod, Late Political Agent to the Western Rajput States, edited with an introduction and notes by William Crooke, C.I.E., Hon. D.SC. OXON., B.A., F.R.A.I., Late of the Indian Civil Service, in Three Volumes, Vol. I, 1920

-- Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan or The Central and Western Rajput States of India, by Lieut.-Col. James Tod, Late Political Agent to the Western Rajput States, edited with an introduction and notes by William Crooke, C.I.E., Hon. D.SC. OXON., B.A., F.R.A.I., Late of the Indian Civil Service, in Three Volumes, Vol. II, 1920

-- Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan or The Central and Western Rajput States of India, by Lieut.-Col. James Tod, Late Political Agent to the Western Rajput States, edited with an introduction and notes by William Crooke, C.I.E., Hon. D.SC. OXON., B.A., F.R.A.I., Late of the Indian Civil Service, in Three Volumes, Vol. III, 1920

-- Travels in Western India, Embracing a Visit to The Sacred Mounts of the Jains, and the Most Celebrated Shrines of Hindu Faith Between Rajpootana and the Indus; With an Account of the Ancient City of Nehrwalla, by The Late Lieutenant-Colonel James Tod, Author of "Annals of Rajasthan", 1839

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In 1822 Colonel James Todd [James Tod] stumbled upon an important piece of Indian history on the foothills of the mount it was found in the Girnar Rock Edict.

He described it as: “a huge hemispherical mass of dark granite, which like a wart upon the body has protruded through the crust of mother earth, without fissure or inequality, and which by the aid of ‘iron pen’, has been converted into a book.”

Todd had the writing on the edicts faithfully copied and sent to the great scholar James Princep [James Prinsep] in 1837.

Princep decoded the Brahmi script in which they were written with an iron implement/pen. He also discovered and established that the Orissa rock edict and the Girnar edict were basically identical and helped establish Ashoka as a genuine historical figure.

The rock bearing an important Ashoka edict was found beside the path leading up to Mount Girnar.

-- Girnar Rock Edict, Junagadh, by Rana Safvi

Let us add that a Sanskrit poem which is considered as an appendix to the Mahâbhârata, Ie Harivança, is also a literary monument of the Kchatryas of the west, probably composed in the first centuries of our era. The Harîvança celebrates the exploits of Krishna, the national god and the hero of the yâdava race, and recounts the general migration of the tribes at the time of the great war, when, forced to abandon the banks of the Yamounâ, they came to found Dvaraka on the shores of the western sea; the poem thus forms a link and a connecting point between the Mahâbhârata and the Rajput chronicles.

By the natural division which arises from the very basis of things, as well as by the special nature of the sources of information, the western region therefore forms a distinct section in the study of ancient India, from the double point of view of the ethnology and geography, as well as from the point of view of history.

The successive epochs which we have hitherto passed in review, and the various classes of sources of study relating to them, have brought us down to the first centuries of the Christian era. Here begins a new series of documents of capital use for the restitution of Sanskrit topography: these are the inscriptions. Already earlier times furnish some monuments of this nature, but in small numbers. In various parts of India, from the banks of the Mahanadi to the foot of the Himalayas, west of Sindh, inscriptions engraved on the rock by the orders of King Açôka [King Ashoka], famous in the splendor of Buddhist; these inscriptions therefore date from the middle of the third century BC, less than a century after the time of Alexander. There are also several inscriptions of the kings of the Goupta dynasty, later than the second and third centuries of our era. These monuments are valuable for history, and also bring some useful data to ancient geography; but the inscriptions which, from the fifth and sixth centuries onwards, become more and more common in all parts of the peninsula, both north and south of the Vindhya mountains, belong to a different category and are of a completely different character. We still find here and there, mainly in the temples of the south, royal inscriptions where princes exalt their victories and give the details of their conquests; but the great mass of inscriptions of this last period of Indian antiquity is of a private and entirely local nature. These are, in general, grants of land made by princes to Brahmins or religious establishments; they are sometimes engraved on stone plates, but more commonly on sheets of copper. The usefulness of these documents for geography comes from the fact that each grant describes in the most minute manner the lands granted, names the villages which are comprised therein and indicates those which form the district thereof, as well as the rivers and streams which bound them or cross them. We can imagine how much detail such documents bring to the ancient topography of India, when we consider that their number is infinite, that they are found in all parts of the territory, and that, although we are far from knowing them all, those that we already have number in the thousands. The Mackenzie collection alone contains more than eight thousand, all of which belong to the Dekhan. Most of them are not only useful for topographical reconstruction, they are also of invaluable help for history. Each inscription usually begins with the genealogy of the granting prince, and these genealogies, where historical facts are noted here and there, often contain a long series of names. The comparative study of these documents will provide the means of reestablishing the dynasties, great and small, which reigned in all parts of India, successively or simultaneously. Some good works of this kind already make it possible to prejudge what a more general study will be able to give later.

But, before drawing from this innumerable quantity of epigraphic documents all the usefulness that one can expect from them, a first work would be essential: it would be to bring together in the same collection all those that we already have or that new research will be able to discover, and to form a Corpus similar to our large collections of Greek and Latin epigraphy. The inscriptions, distributed according to their nature and the language in which they are written, would be arranged, moreover, by periods and by provinces; the text would be carefully reviewed, and would be accompanied by a translation, with the necessary clarifications. Such a publication, the most useful that can be undertaken today in the state of Indian studies, will be worthy of the enlightened munificence of a great government. A definitive work on India, prior to the Muslim domination, will only be possible after this preliminary elaboration of the epigraphic monuments of the peninsula.

We have arrived here at the extreme limit of India's antiquity. The Moslem conquest, at the same time as it brought the government of most of the states of the peninsula under the domination of a foreign race for the first time, was also the starting point of the modern history of the country. India has since ceased to belong to itself, and its geography, as well as its political government, has lost its stamp of indigeneity. The period of the Muslim conquest of India embraces a space of more than six hundred years, from the first irruption of the Arabs of the caliphate in the valley of Sindh in 664, until the expeditions of the Dekhan at the end of the thirteenth century; but the conquest of the kingdoms of Dehli and Kanyâkoubdja or Kanoge by the Ghourides, from the end of the twelfth century to the beginning of the thirteenth, marks the culminating point and the real limit of the period.

The study of the Arab and Persian sources which report the events is doubly useful, by numerous topographical indications, and especially by the notions which one draws from it on the political state of India at the time of the arrival of the Muslims, and on the different States which existed there both north and south of Vindhya. It is an element of political and geographical study which it is important to bring closer to the parallel indications provided by the inscriptions.

The most general source is still the story of Ferichta, translated by Colonel Briggs. M. Reinaud has pointed out others even more important for the first times of the appearance of the Arabs in Sindh, in particular Béladori and Albirouni, and he has translated extensive sections of them, both in his Fragments arabe et persans inédits relative à India (1845) than in his Memoir on India prior to the eleventh century (1849). These fragments furnished me, on several points of the ancient geography of northern India, with excellent indications which I would not have found elsewhere. M.H. EIIot, whom an untimely death has just snatched from Oriental letters, had begun in India, under the title of Index to the Mahomedan historians of India (1849), a collection which promised to bring to this part of the studies Indians an immense quantity of unpublished material, but which the death of the author unfortunately stopped. The impetus is given, however, and the course of these great publications can only be temporarily suspended.

If now we summarize what precedes, we see that from the point of view of historical studies in general, of which geography and ethnography are here the two principal branches, the antiquity of India is divided into eight periods, or rather forms eight great divisions based either on great historical epochs or on the special nature of the sources of study.

I. The Vedic period, which is for India that of primitive times. This first period, the study of which is contained entirely in the hymns of the Rig-Veda, has for its geographical theater the region of the Five Rivers, or Punjab; its extent, necessarily indeterminate, is several centuries, and the twelfth or thirteenth century BC very probably marks its lower limit.

II. The period of the heroic times, which immediately succeeds the Vedic times, and extends for us until the period of the Buddhist era, in the middle of the sixth century before our era. This second period transports us from the Pantchanada into the basin of the Ganges; it comprises the legendary history of the two great national dynasties of India, the Lunar race and the Solar race, contained chiefly in the great poems and in the Puranas.

III. The ethnology of ancient India, studied as a whole and in its general relations, in order to ascertain to what native race, Arian or non-Arian, belonged the different tribes which appear in the old historical legends of India, by following the trace of these tribes through the centuries down to the present time, most of them still existing and having preserved the names by which the Sanskrit sources designate them. This important division of the study of ancient India is limited by the subject itself, not by time; it embraces the whole duration of the centuries from Vedic times, that is to say at least three thousand four hundred years.

IV. The Buddhist period, which begins with the era of Śākyamuni in the middle of the sixth century BC, and which is, for India, the point of departure of historical times properly so called. This period provides the geographical study of ancient India with three classes of material: the Buddhist books of the north or of Nepal, whose notions apply above all to Magadha and the other provinces of Gangetic India; the Buddhist books of sod, abundant in topographical information on the island of Ceylon, and finally the reports of Chinese Buddhists, which provide valuable itineraries, particularly that of Hiouen-Thsang.

V. The division which we may call the classical period, in relation to the nature of the materials which it furnishes to the study of the ancient geography of India. These materials are the writings of Greek and Latin authors. Although Herodotus and Ctesias preceded it and are attached to it, the period dates, to tell the truth, only from the expedition of Alexander of Macedonia in the provinces of the Indus, and it extends to the middle of the sixth century, thus embracing a space of almost a thousand years. Ptolemy is like the center around which all the sources of this Greco-Latin period are grouped.

VI. Alongside the purely Sanskrit sources, we find another class of very numerous and very important documents for the study of ancient India: these are the provincial sources, written in dialects or in languages of India other than Sanskrit, and referring to provinces or special localities. For many parts of India, for the Dekhan in particular, these sources are almost the only ones to consult, tribes of the Yadava race whose legendary origins are found in the Mahàbhàrata and the Harivança. The Râdjataranghini, or Great Chronicle of Kachmir, although written in Sanskrit, also falls into this class.

VII. From the times close to our era, begins for India a historical period hitherto very obscure and very confused, for lack of written documents; this period, up to the time of the Moslem domination, is, in many respects, comparable to the Middle Ages of our Western world. It is nevertheless likely to receive great light from a class of monuments hardly attacked until now: these are the inscriptions, intended most usually to record grants of land made by the reigning prince to individuals or corporations. From the fifth and sixth centuries, literally all the provinces of the peninsula are covered with these documents, which will provide detailed geography with innumerable indications.

VIII. The period of the Muslim conquest forms both the crowning moment of ancient India (both from the point of view of geography and from the point of view of history) and the starting point of modern times. The Arabic and Persian documents of this period contain ample information, which it is useful to compare with that provided by the inscriptions, both on the topography and on the general geography of India from the 11th to the 13th century. There are already some considerable works belonging to this category, notably the History of Ferishta, although the greater part of the documents contained in the libraries of India are still unpublished.

This rapid review that we have passed of the ancient times of India and of the historical or ethnographic divisions between which this great chapter of Eastern antiquity is divided, has shown us still many gaps and great voids to be filled in the sources study of the various periods, but also already very rich and very important documents, the number of which is increasing day by day by new publications of texts, translations and critical works. It is no longer today that one could say what was so often repeated until the end of the last century, and sometimes since, that India's past has left behind neither memories nor remains. It is above all for geography, from which ethnology cannot separate, that the materials are already abundant enough to reconstruct, in its general features and in a large part of its details, the map of ancient India.

One of the difficulties of this work of restitution is in the very abundance of the notions of detail which must regain their place in the whole. When, in order to respond to the Program of the Academy, I attached myself to this difficult study, I soon felt the need to find a plan of work which could reconcile the elucidation of the points of detail, the number of which is immense and which all have their interest either for history and archaeology, or for pure geography from the point of view of the restitution of the old map, with the clarity of the overall views, which only attaches to broad results and general facts.

I will be forgiven for going into this somewhat personal detail. The ethnographic and geographical reconstruction of ancient India, as I have understood it, is an immense task; I don't know if I will be able to fill it. Man's life is short and his necessities are often painful; rarely the number of days that is counted to us is enough to accomplish the projects that our spirit has nurtured, with the most love. I wanted, if I must leave this one unfinished, that those who could take it up after me know the course I will have followed; in research of this nature, one likes to elucidate one's experience from that of one's predecessors.

Here, then, in order to reconcile the various requirements of the subject, is the plan on which I have settled after a thorough examination.

To study, according to the order of times and in all accessible sources, the eight successive periods between which the geographical antiquity of India is divided.

Summarize, for each period, the general results of this study in an overall presentation which presents only the dominant aspect and the characteristic features.

Refer to a particular section the topographical nomenclature and the multitude of detailed facts, where they will be classified in alphabetical order, more favorable than any other to the promptness of research.

This is the general idea; let's try to make it more precise.

I give the name of discourse to the ensemble pieces relating to each era, wishing to indicate by this what character the composition should have. These are lectures, not dissertations. The discussions of detail, which could have been multiplied to infinity there, are referred to each particular article of the alphabetical section; here we have only to consider the results. To bring out clearly the specific character of each period, to appreciate and classify the sources and the means of study which belong to it, to show what each period brings of new elements to the ethnographic or geographical knowledge of ancient India, and to follow in its gradual developments the geographical history of the peninsula: such are the objects of every discourse.

These discourses, following the order of the great divisions of study to which they relate and of some essential subdivisions which are found there, are brought to the number of twelve.

1. Discourse on the Geography of Vedic Hymns.

2. Discourse on the geography of orpavedic sources. The Aryavarta in the early days of the heroic centuries.

3. Discourse on the geography of the Mahâbhârata, with an appendix for the Harivança.

4. Discourse on the geography of the Ràmâyana.

5. Discourse on the ethnology of ancient India.

6. Discourse on the geography of Buddhist sources, with an appendix on the geography of the island of Sinhala, or Ceylan, in the Mahâvamsa and the other Sinhalese chronicles.

7. Discourse on the Greek sources and remains of the ancient geography of India, and in particular on the India of Ptolemy.

8. Discourse on the Geography of the Ràdjataranghini, or Great Kashmiri Chronicle.

9. Discourse on the geography of Rajput sources.

10. Discourse on the geography of the native documents of the Dekhan.

11. Discourse on the epigraphic geography of India, from the first centuries of our era.

12. Discourse on the geography of India in Muslim sources.

Each of these speeches must be accompanied by one or more maps, on a sufficient scale to place there not only the main indications of the general statement, but also all the detailed positions mentioned in the sources, and whose nomenclature is returned to the alphabetical directory. The series of these maps, sixteen to eighteen in number, will form a complete historical atlas of ancient India. A large map, intended to represent the political divisions and the indigenous nomenclature of India from the tenth to the twelfth century of the Christian era, leaving to each of the special maps the indications specific to each period and to certain categories of sources, will reproduce from each of them only the permanent indications which constitute the very body of Sanskrit geography, and in particular those given by the epigraphic sources.

The continuation of these discourses on the various periods of the geographical history of ancient India, with the maps which are attached to them and summarize them, form the first part of our research; the second part is formed by the Alphabetical Directory.

It is easy to see, with some reflection, that this form of Alphabetical Directory is not only the most suitable, but the only suitable and the only one which could be adopted, having regard to the nature, the object and the conditions of the job.

When, for the first time, the ancient Sanskrit geography is approached as a whole and in all its details, each name provided by the sources requires special elaboration. For a very large number of names, this elaboration inevitably takes on extended proportions, and gives rise to veritable dissertations; It was obviously impossible to reconcile this continuity of critical discussions with the forms and proportions required in a methodical composition. Alphabetical order alone gave a frame large enough and elastic enough to lend itself to the demands of the subject.

It must be remembered, moreover, that however considerable our work may be, it is only the first draft of an entirely new science. There remains to be published a large number of original documents belonging to the ancient times of India, and each new publication will necessarily bring new facts to the ancient Sanskrit geography. With the alphabetical form of our Directory the frame remains open, always ready to admit, without disturbing the whole, the additions and rectifications that will be provided by new materials.

Finally, a work of complete restitution of the ancient geography of India must become; and this will be its greatest utility, the auxiliary of all historical or archaeological research which will have Andean India for its object. The alphabetical order is the most favorable to prompt research.

This form is the one chosen by d'Anville for the supporting work of his map of ancient Gaul, as the articles of our Alphabetical Directory will be the supporting documents for the detailed maps and the general map of Sanskrit India.

It is also the form which before d'Anville Ortelius had adopted for his Thesaurus of Classical Geography, an excellent work which no one has since replaced, and which, even today, after three hundred years, has largely retained part so utility first. Only Ortelius, at the time when he wrote, could not bring comparative geography within the framework of his researches, and this comparative part, which follows a name of locality or tribe through the centuries, to arrive, if he still exists, in its current identification, is, on the contrary, the considerable side of my work. For the old sources, I endeavored to note exactly the passages of all the authors, or to indicate the inscriptions or a name is mentioned, so that one can always go back to the original sources. I have, moreover, carefully indicated all the modern works, relations, dissertations, memoirs, &c. where the point in question is mentioned or discussed.

I have set out in its entirety the plan of a complete work on the native geography and on the ethnography of ancient India; I must now say what parts of it I have been able to fill up to now.

The study of the Vedic period was the first that presented itself in the order of time. Here the material was as new as possible, for the fundamental basis, the Rig-Veda, was not completely published until the end of 1851.1 [In the French translation of M. Langlois, 4 vol, in-8. Since then, Mr. Wilson has undertaken an English version, which goes hand in hand with the publication of the Sanskrit text by Mr. Max Muller, and which has reached its third volume.] This first study is entirely completed; it is the one that the Academy of Inscriptions judged worthy of the prize it had offered, and that I am putting today before the eyes of the learned public. The geography of Sapta-Sindhou is now, I dare to believe, completely clarified, as well as the ethnological indications of the hymns. Several consequences of great historical significance emerge from this work. It is a first and solid base for the ethnological history of the following centuries, that is to say for the essential part of the history of ancient India, such as our documents allow us to reconstruct it.

The six years which have elapsed since the time when the program of the Academy was published would not have sufficed by any means to treat thoroughly each of the eight periods of the ancient history of India, such as we have them distinguished; our original sources, in the current state of Sanskrit publications, would not have allowed it for all of them. Several important brahmanas, the Aîtarèya and the Çatapatha in particular, which we know, until now, only through extracts, and of which we have reason to hope for the soon publication, are essential to trace the geographical table of the first time of the great monarchies of the Aryavarta, and to submit the geographical nomenclature of this ancient period to a complete work of elucidation. It is likewise impossible to undertake a comprehensive work on the geography of the Mahabharata before the complete translation of this gigantic epic, of which we still only have detached fragments. We have every reason to hope that a year will not pass before we possess, completely finished, the Ramayana of M. Gorresio; but, at this moment, the last book is still missing from this beautiful publication1 [last book has been published since the time when these lines were written]. The same applies to the geography and ethnology of the Rajput sources, which, through the Harivança, are intimately connected with the old legends of the Mahabharata; the extracts that Major Tod has given, if they already allow us to glimpse the character and scope of this category of indigenous sources, are not sufficient to trace a sufficiently reasoned appreciation, and to bring out the general data. We have to wait for the publication of one or two of the great provincial chronicles brought back to Europe by Major Tod, and the translation of the poem by Tchand, which for so long has solicited the labor of an Orientalist. As for the geography of the inscriptions, it would also be premature to want to expose in a substantial way the character and the general design before the Indian epigraphy was the object of new publications, more extensive and more regular than what we have it now. Within the limits of the different periods that I have just mentioned, one could no doubt already approach a host of questions and facts of detail, either geographical or ethnological; but only insufficient, more or less superficial, and necessarily provisional appreciations of them would have been given. In any case, those had to be adjourned.

Others could end now.

For the complete and thorough study of Greek and Latin documents, for the geography of Buddhist times and that of the Kashmirian chronicle, for the geography of the Râmâyana, finally for the ethnological study of ancient India, we are now in full possession of sufficient materials. Most of the facts of detail of these five great divisions have been attacked in the course of my first work, and several, by the developments which they have received, have become veritable dissertations. Over six hundred such papers have been submitted for consideration by the Academy along with the current dissertation on Vedic geography.

By awarding the prize to a work which only partially met the conditions of its program, the Academy no doubt wished to give a high mark of encouragement to research of which it was aware of the extent and the difficulties. I feel keenly how honorable such a high favor is, but I also understand what obligations it imposes. I have not ceased to work to fulfill them to the extent of my strength. The first three parts of an extensive memoir on the Greco-Roman geography of the Hindu peninsula, compared with the Sanskrit geography, have since been read within the Academy, and the first two are already printed in the fifth volume of the foreign scholars. As soon as the last part of this memoir is finished, I propose to complete a no less considerable work on the ethnology of India; work for which I have gathered for a long time and partly elaborated the materials. It would be rash to extend my predictions for the future any further.

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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

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Part 3 of 4

French Original:

NOTE PRÉLIMINAIRE.

Le programme proposé en 1849 par I'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres pour la restitution de l'ancienne geographie de l'Inde d'apres les sources, depuis les temps primitifs jusqu'à l'époque de l'invasion musulmane, a été l'occasion de l'étude actuelle sur la Géographie du Véda.

Cette étude n'embrasse qu'une partie du vaste sujet signalé par l'Académie; mais elle en est la base fondamentale. Le précieux Recueil des hymnes védiques, depuis que les travaux, si récents encore, de Rosen, de Langlois, de Max Muller et de Wilson, nous en ont ouvert l'accès, est devenu le point de départ nécessaire de toutes les recherches relatives à l'Inde ancienne, aussi bien pour l'histoire et la géographie que pour le développement social et religieux.

En laîssant à part l'exégèse philologique, tâche pour laquelle M. Max Muller, le savant éditeur du texte, est désigné entre tous, îl y a dans le Véda deux grands sujets d'étude.

On y peut chercher le tableau de la société même et de ses idées religieuses, ainsi que les rapports de ces croyances primitives avec celles des autres peuples de la grande famille indo-européenne.

Ou peut s'attacher plus spécialemeut à la geographie et aux indications ethnographiques contenues dans les hymnes.

Le sujet qui nous était donné ne touchait, à vrai dire, ni au culte, ni au dëveloppement social. Nous n'avons pas dû aborder ce grand côté des études védiques, dont M. Guigniaut vient de faire un si bel exposé dans son cours du Collège de France. Un livre que nous enviera l'erudite Allemagne sortira, nouns l'espérons, de ces doctes leçons, et c'est à l'éminent professeur qu'il appartient d'en doter la science.

Borné à la géographie et à l'ethaographîe, le double objet de nos recherches ne laissait pas, dans son horizon moins étendu, d'avoir une grande importance. D'une part, c'est la détermination des synonymies gëographiques qui fixe d'une manière certaine les limites de ce qu'on peut nommer le territoire védique, c'est-à-dire le pays où demeuraient les tribus âriennes durant la longue période à laquélle se rapporte la composition des hymnes; d'une autre part, les synonymies et les filiations ethnologiques conduisent à des resultats d'une grande conséquence pour l'histoire de l'Inde. Leur lumière se projette non-seulement sur les siècles héroïques que cèlebrent les grands poèmes, mais aussi sur toute la suite des temps postérieurs jusqu'à l'époque actuelle.

On sait de quelle importance sont les études ethnologiques pour éclaircir lea origines et les migrations des peuples, et pour donner leur véritable signification à certains événements de l'histoire; pour l'Inde surtout, qui n'a pas d'histoire écrite dans la rigoureuse acception du mot, cette importance est plus grande que nulle part ailleurs. Sous plusieurs rapports essentiels, elles y sont l'histoire meme. Rapprochées des indications qu'une crîtique savante peut tirer des vieux monuments de la littérature sanscrite, elles permettent de restituer, à défaut du détail des événements, au moins quelques grandes phases de l'histoire sociale. Nous croyons que le mémoire actuel pourra déjà faire pressentir la portée historique de cet ordre de recherches; mais c'est dans un travail spécial que nous nous proposons d'en embrasser plus tard le détail et d'en faire ressortir toutes les conséquences.

Si l'étude des races diverses d'une grande contrée telle que l'Inde est la base essentielle de l'histoire, les recherches ethnologiques doivent elles-mêmes s'appuyer sur la géographie. Aussi est-ce à la géographie sanscrite qu'a du se consacrer notre premier labeur. C'était un champ d'investigations véritablement immense, et que nous avons trouvé à peu près inculte. Dix années d'application presque ininterrompue ont a peine suffi pour en explorer toutes les parties. Nous osons croire néanmoins que les recherches historiques et archéologiques trouveront dormais un point d'appui solide dans le travail très-étendu que nous avons consacré à l'ancienne géographie de l'Inde. Des quatre mémoires dont ce travail se compose, deux viennent d'être imprimés dans l'un des Recueils de l'Académie des inscriptions, et nous espérons que l'impression des deux autres suivra prochainement. Notre Mémoire sur l'itinéraire de Hiouen-Thsang, au vii-e siècle de notre ère, forme le complement naturel de ces quatre morceaux de geographie ancîenne, de méme que l'Étude sur la géographie védique, que nous livrons maintenant a l'impression, en est le point de départ et l'introduction.

Sauf quelques relouches et quelques additions sans importance, nous donnons le mémoire actuel absolument tel qu'il a été soumis, en 1855, au jugement de l'Académie.

Juillet 1859

Introduction.

Vue generale de l'Histoire et de la Géographie de l'Inde jusqu'à la fin de la période musulmane, précédée d'un aperçu de l'état actuel des études sur l'Inde ancienne.

La conquête de l'Inde par les musulmans marque l'époque où, pour la première fois, les noms de lieux indigènes subirent de profondes altérations; ces altérations se sont perpétuées jusqu'à nos jours, en s'aggravant de siècle en siècle sous les influences étrangères, et elles ont fini par effacer et rendre presque entièrement méconnaissable la nomenclature sanscrite de la péninsule, c'est-à-dire la véritable géographie nationale, la seule qui donne l'intelligence des anciens monuments de la littérature indienne. Restituer, d'après les sources, la géographie de l'Inde antérieurement à la conquête musulmane1 [Ce sont les termes do programme proposé comme sujet de prix, en 1849, par l'Académie des inscriptions, et prorogé en 1851.], c'est un problème qui ouvre à la science géographique un des plus vastes champs d'investigation qu'elle puisse aujourd'hui se proposer.

Et nous pouvons dire aussi un des plus utiles. Après être demeurée, jusqu'à la fin du dernier siècle, presque complètement en dehors des études qui avaient pour objet les antiquités de l'Asie, l'Inde y a pris depuis lors une large part, qui acquiert chaque jour plus d'importance et plus d'étendue. Très-lents d'abord et très-contestés, les progrès de cette nouvelle branche des études orientales sont devenus, depuis vingt-cinq ans, tout à la fois plus rapides et plus surs. Deja, dans-cette carrière encore ù récente, de grandes notabilités scientifiques se sont produites, et elles y ont marqué leur passage par de vastes et beaux travaux. Les noms de William Jones, de Wilkins, de CoIebrooke et de Thomas Prinsep à Calcutta, de Wilson en Angleterre, de Gorresio Italie, d'Eugène Burnouf, de Langlois et d'Adolphe Régnier en France, de Schlegel, de Benfey, de Lassen, de Max Muller, de Kuhn, d'Albrecht Weber en Allemagne, pour ne citer que les plus illustres, jettent sur cette nouvelle école un éclat qui ne tient pas moins à l'importance des résultats acquis qu'aux qualités éminentes d'érudition et de sagacité que ces noms rappellent.

Les travaux relatifs à l'Inde ont, d'ailleurs, suivi, dans leur marche et dans leurs développements succesiff, l'ordre qui ressortait du sujet même, et qu'imposait l'accès plus ou moins facile des documents et des sources. La langue sanscrite, dont on ignorait jusqu'au nom il y a un siècle à peine, en a du être le premier objet, puis la littérature, puis enfin les antiquités et les recherches d'érudition. A mesure qu'on a pu pénétrer plus avant dans le domaine immense de la littérature brahmanique, à mesure que de nouveaux textes ont été acquis et publiés, on a vu s'étendre l'horizon et s'ouvrir des perspectives inattendues. Actuellement un grand travail de reconstitution s'opère. De la littérature proprement dite nous possédons a peu près tous les monuments importants. L'Inde bouddhique nous a été révélée par les travaux d'Eugène Burnouf, trop tot interrompus, hélas! par une mort prématurée; Colebrooke et les savants qui ont marché sur ses traces nous ont fait pénétrer dans la connaissance intime des doctrines philosophiques qui se développèrent très-anciennement sur cette terre de la contemplation abstraite; les Védas et la littérature antique qui s'y rattache sont maintenant l'objet d'études analogues, dont on possède déjà des résultats importants: en un mot, nous voyons se relever pour nous de son sépulcre séculaire, sous la puissante évocation de nos savants européens, la vieille société hindoue tout entière, avec ses doctrines religieuses, philosophiques et morales. C'est maintenant vers l'histoire que les efforts se tournent.

Ici les matériaux sont moins nombreux et les difficultés plus grandes. A aucune époque l'Inde brahmanique n'a eu d'histoire proprement dite. Le souvenir des choses anciennes ne s'est conservé, chez les Indiens, que dans les vastes compilations pouraniques, où la légende et les faits réels sont souvent melés et d'une séparation difficile. Rapprocher les versions, souvent très-nombreuses, d'un même récit, afin de remonter jusqu'au texte primitif, qui est, en général, le plus simple et le plus pur; comparer toutes les légendes, afin de dégager de leur alliage les faits réels qui en ont été le point de départ; réunir toutes les listes de princes, toutes les généaiogies contenues dans les grands poëmes, dans les Pourânas et dans d'autres sources; examiner et discuter ce détail infini de faits plus ou moins altérés et de noms incertains, en s'éclairant des secours extérieurs fournis par les peuples avec lesquels l'Inde s'est trouvée en rapport à partir du iv-e siècle avant notre ère; reconstruire enfin, au prix de cette somme laborieause de discussions et de recherches, un ensemble régulier où les faits soient rétablis au moins dans leurs rapports généraux: c'est là une tâche qui ne peut être accomplie ni en un seul jour ni par un seul homme. On est, d'ailleurs, bien loin encore, malgré l'activité des recherches et des publications de textes, de posséder en Europe tous les matériaux nécessaires à cette grande reconstruction. Quand on songe que dix générations d'érudits se sont usées sur les textes bien moins abondants d'où l'on a exhumé, depuis l'époque de la Renaissance, l'antiquité historique et littéraire du monde grec et romain, on est moins impatient de ce qui reste à faire pour l'Inde qu'étonné de ce qu'on a déjà fait. Le grand ouvrage auquel M. Lassen travaille depuis vingt ans, et dont il a donné jusqu'à présent trois volumes, indépendamment de plusieurs mémoires particuliers, est à lui seul un véritable monument d'érudition indienne. Les Antiquités de l'Inde (Indische Alterthumskunde) du célèbre professeur de Bonn ne sont peut-être pas le dernier mot de la reconstitution de l'Inde ancienne; mais l'ouvrage restera toujours comme un des plus beaux titres de l'école indianiste, et il sera sûrement longtemps encore le répertoire le plus complet des notions historiques qui se peuvent tirer des sources hindoues.

Dans cet ensemble de publications récentes sur l'Inde brahmanique, la géographie était restée fort en arrière. Bien des points particuliers ont été touchés dans quelques-uns des grands ouvrages que l'Europe a vus paraitre depuis vingt ans, surtout dans ceux de M. Wilson et de M.Lassen; on y trouve des indications de détail et d'heureux rapprochements; un grand nombre de faits et d'identifications se peuvent aussi tirer des innombrables mémoires répandas dans les journaux speciaux et dans les collections académiques de l'Inde et de l'Europe: mais, jusqu'à présent, le sujet n'avait pas été abordé dans un travail d'ensemble. Ce travail, qui peut seul reconstituer en un corps régulier la géographie sanscrite de l'Inde, devenait cependant chaque jour d'une nécessité plus urgente; il n'est pas une question d'histoire ou d'archéologie où cette nécessité ne se fasse vivement sentir. La première condition dans toute recherche de cette nature, c'est d'être bien fixé sur le théâtre des événements; sans quoi les textes n'apportent à l'esprit qu'une image flottante et confuse.

Les études sur la géographie de l'Inde ancienne ont du longtemps se borner aux notions fournies par les écrivains grecs et latins. Jusqu'à la fin du dernier siècle, l'Inde sanscrite n'existait pas encore. On ne connaissait du passé de cette grande péninsule que ce que nous en ont transmis nos propres auteurs classiques, d'après les historiens originaux d'Alexandre le Grand et de ses successeurs immédiats, et aussi d'après les relations dont les rapports commerciaux de l'Egypte romaine avec l'Orient devinrent l'occasion. Les recherches de d'Anville (1783 et 1775), le premier qui ait essayé sérieusement de rapprocher les indications classiques des notions modernes; celles de Rennell (1783 à 1793), de Mannert (1797), de Wahl (1805), du Dr Vincent (1807) et de M. Gossellin (1789 a 1813), ne sont pas sorties de ce cerde. Déjà cepedant, dansses discours sur les sciences et la littérature des naticnis asiatiques, William Jones, le célèbre fondateur de la Société du Bengale, avait fait pressentir les ressources ignorées que la littérature brahmanique pourrait fournir pour l'étude de l'Inde ancienne, et il s'était efforcé, non sans succès, de porter les orientalistes anglais dans cette direction. En 1801, dans le sixième volume des Àsiatic Researches1 [Introd. p. iv.], la Société asiatique de Calcutta signalait parmi les desiderata des études indiennes "un Catalogue des noms devilles, de pays, de provinces, de rivières et de montagnes tirées des Castras et des Pourânas, avec la correspondance des noms modernes" Elle demandait aussi des recherches sur cette question à la fois historique et géographique: "Quelles étaient les divisions géographiques et politiques du pays avant l'invasion musulmane?" Ce que dés lors demandait la Société, ce n'était rien moins que la restitution complète de la géographie sanscrite de l'Inde. Mais cette tâche, si elle n'était pas audessus des forces-de ceux qui se trouvaient à même de l'entreprendre, dépassait les ressources dont une pareille entreprise pouvait alors s'entourer; car les études de géographie comparée doivent s'appuyer avant tout sur la connaissance complète du local, et le relèvement topographique de la péninsule était à peine entamé à cette époque.

Le colonel Wilford fut malheureusement le seul des membres de la Société de Calcutta qui entra dans cette direction de recherches géographiques signalée par William Jones. Wilford avait de la lecture et du zèle; et, s'il eût été doué du sens critique, qui lui faisait entièrement défaut, il aurait pu rendre aux études indiennes de véritables services. Mais les incroyables abérrations auxquelles il se laisse emporter si souvent (sans parler des impostures littéraires de ses pandits, dont il fut la première victime), enlèvent toute valeur sérieuse à ses travaux, et ne permettent de recevoir qu'avec une extrême réserve les faits et les rapprochements, qui n'ont pas été contrôlés par d'autres autorités. Il faut cependant reconnaître que, dans le dernier de ses mémoires, qui est aussi le moins imparfait (je ne parle pas de la publication posthume, dans les nos. 220 et 223, 1851; du Journal de la Société de Calcutta, d'un essai de géographie comparée qui est un travail des plus mauvais temps de Wilford), il faut reconnaître, dis-je, que, dans le dernier de ses mémoires, inséré au tome XIV des Asiatic Researches (1822), et qui a pour titre On the ancient Geography of India, il y a çà et là d'utiles indications qui lui ont été principalement fournies par des traités de géographie sanscrite d'une date très-moderne, à la vérité, mais qui n'en contiennent pas moins, sur la nomenclature indigène, des notions plus circonstanciées que celles des investigateurs européens.

Dans les quarante premières années du siècle actuel, la géographie comparée de l'Inde brahmanique n'a donc fait que de bien faibles progrès. Il y a eu, je l'ai déjà dit, de bons travaux de détail, et des recherches utiles sur des points particuliers; les publications de M. Wilson surtout renferment d'excellents matériaux et de précieuses indications, notamment les éclaircissements qu'il a joints à son élégante traduction du Mégha Dhoûta de Kalidâsa (1813), sa précieuse Introduction au Catalogue de la collection Mackenzie (1828), et surtout les notes de sa traduction du Vichnou Pourâna (2840), véritable encyclopédie de l'antiquité hindoue. Ce sont de bons matériaux pour quelques parties de la géographie nationale de l'Inde; mais, sur l'ensemble, rien n'a été fait ni entrepris. L'avance la plus considérable est dans la publication de textes sanscrits, tant à Calcutta qu'à Londres, a Paris, en Allemagne et à Pétersbourg, et dans les traductions déjà nombreuses des ouvrages originaux. L'impulsion est donnée et ne se ralentit pas. Quant à l'état général de la géographie sanscrite avant les travaux de M. Lassen, si l'on veut avoir une idée de la condition tout à fait rudimentaire où elle était encore réduite il y a vingt ans à peine, il faut parcourir l'esquisse tracée par M. Carl Ritter de la géographie de la péninsule hindoue antérieurement à la conquête musulmane1 [Erdkunds, t. V, 1835, p. 434 a 529.]: le savant géographe de Beriin, qui, pour cette portion de son livre comme pour toutes les autres, a tout lu, tout compulsé, tout cité, enregistre à peine çà et là une dénomination sanscrite ancienne rapportée aux noms actuels, d'après Wilford, Franklin, William Jones ou Wilson. La Description de l'Inde de Walter Hamilton (1820), la plus ample que l'Angleterre possède encore jusqu'à présent, n'est pas plus riche sous ce rapport, quoique l'auteur, par un juste sentiment du vice de la nomenclature européenne, ait partout cherché à ramener à leur forme sanscrite les noms affreusement corrompus de nos cartes et de nos livres.

Le grand ouvrage de M. Lassen1 [Indische Alterthumskunmde, t. I-III, 1847-1857, gr. in-8.], et les mémoires particuliers qui en ont été la préparation2 [De Pentapotamia indica, 1827, in-4; De Taprobane insula, 1842, in-4; Beitrage zur Kunde des indischen Alterthums aus dem Mahabharata, dans le Zeitscrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlands, t. I a V, 1837-1844, etc.¬], marquent un progrès immense dans l'étude de l'ancienne géographie sanscrite, ou, pour mieux dire, ils sont le véritable point de départ de cette étude; Il faut cependant reconnaître qu'elle n'est que très-accessoire dans l'ouvrage du celèbre professeur. M. Lassen y est incessamment ramené dans le cours de ses recherches historiques, parce que le terrain où elles le placent est, sous ce rapport, presque absolument inculte, et que la connaissance des localités est indispensable à l'éclaircissement des faits. Mais il n'a pas abordé le sujet dans son ensemble. Il n'a pas essayé d'en retracer le développement historique; et il est même vrai de dire que, si nombreux que soient les éclaircissements géographiques contenus dans ses notes, elles ne touchent guère qu'aux points principaux et aux localités historiques, laissant ainsi en dehors une multitude de noms anciens donnés par les textes et par les inscriptions. Ces identifications de detail auraient entraîné l'auteur dans une série de discussions que son plan ne comportait pas. La carte dressée pour les Antiquités de l'Inde, par M. Henri Kiepert (1853), a précisément le même caractère. Cette carte a le grand mérite d'être, en ce genre, le premier essai sérieux; mais, comme le géographe n'y a fait entrer que les données fournies par l'ouvrage de M. Lassen, elle ne présente, au total, qu'une nomenclature très-incomplète et très-clair-semée. C'est un canevas où l'on reconnaît la main du maître, mais ce n'est qu'un canevas; M. Lasseii était sans doute, mieux que personne, en état de prendre à fond l'étude complète de l'ancienne géographie de l'Inde. Si ses recherches s'étaient spécialement tournées de ce côté, je n'aurais pas eu la présomption d'aborder après lui un sujet si vaste et si difficile.

Du moins n'aurai-je rien négligé pour ne pas rester trop au-dessous de cette tâche écrasante. Je ne m'en suis pas dissimulé l'étendue, et je ne pense pas non plus qu'on m'accuse de l'avoir exagérée. Le nembre des sources à consulter est immense; je me suis efforcé de n'en omettre aucune. Pour des discussions de géographie comparée et d'ethnologie historique, il n'y a pas de recherche trop minutieuse; et il arrive souvent qu'on rencontre, dans les relations du caractère le moins scientifique, des faits et des indications qu'on avait cherchés en vain dans les sources plus spéciales. Comme la tâche du géographe est de voir le pays par les yeux d'autrui, les témoins qui lui servent d'intermédiaires ne sauraient être trop nombreux ni de dispositions trop diverses, afin que tous ensemble se complètent et se contrôlent. De bonnes cartes topographiques sont aussi un élément indispensable, et, sous ce rapport, le grand atlas de la Compagnie des Indes, qui est en cours d'exécution, a été d'un secours souvent précieux malgré ses imperfections reconnues. Il serait inutile de m'étendre plus longtemps ici sur les sources de toutes les époques que j'ai dû mettre à contribution, ayant eu soin de les citer exactement dans tout le cours de mes recherches, et mon intention étant de donner plus tard une bibliographie complète de la péninsule, dont j'ai réuni depuis longtemps tous les éléments. Quiconque s'est occupé de recherches de cette nature ne trouvera pas trop scrupuleux le soin que j'aurai apporté à cette partie du sujet, indiqué par le programme de l'Académie.

Il convient maintenant de jeter un regard d'ensemble sur l'Inde ancienne, pour y reconnaître les grandes époques entre lesquelles son histoire géographique se divise. Cette distinction par époques est d'autant plus nécessaire, qu'elles ont chacune leur caractère propre et bien tranché, et qu'en général leur étude repose sur une série de documents tout à fait distincts. Il y a entre elles des rapports nécessaires et une dépendance réciproque, comme entre les parties d'un même corps, et il serait impossible d'en approfondir une, si on l'isolait complètement des autres; mais elles n'en forment pas moins autant de sections naturelles, qui ne peuvent être approfondies qu'en les abordant séparément. C'est dans la suite de ces grandes époques qu'on voit aussi se dérouler l'histoire de l'ancienne société hindoue et les phases successives de son développement.

Ce qu'on peut appeler les temps primitifs de l'Inde sont ceux auxquels appartient le Véda. On sait que le Véda est le livre religieux de la race arienne de l'Inde, c'est-à-dire du peuple dont la langue était le sanscrit; la partie principale de ce recueil sacré, le Rig-Véda, se compose d'hymnes chantés parles sacrificateurs pendant les offrandes faites aux dieux protecteurs des Âryas. Ces hymnes appartiennent tous, sauf les derniers du recueil, à une époque où les Aryas, partagés en tribus, menaient encore la vie pastorale dans les plaines da Pendjab (le Sapta-Sindhou védique, on la région des Sept Fleuves); ils sont, par conséquent, antérieurs à l'établissement de la nation arienne dans les plaines de la Yamounâ et du Gange, et au commencement des grandes monarchies qui s'y fondèrent sous les deux races contemporaines de Tchandra et de Soùrya (la race Lunaire et la race Solaire). La période des temps védiques, durant laquelle furent composés les hymnes, embrasse certainement un espace de plusieurs siècles; et, sans prétendre en assigner les limites précises, on peut admettre au moins comme extrêmement probable qu'elle pivote autour du xv-e siècle avant l'ère chrétienne. Le Véda n'est nullement un livre historique, quoiqu'on y trouve, en assez grand nombre, des faits et des traditions qui sont les plus vieux souvenirs de la race, et qui devinrent plus tard la base d'une foule de légendes contenues dans les grands pôëmes et dans les Pourânas; mais, à ce point dé vue particulier de l'histoire des Âryas, c'est surtout par ses indications géographiques que le recueil des hymnes est important. On peut même dire, sans rien exagérer, que c'est la géographie des hymnes qui leur donne une valeur historique réelle; car c'est par là seulement qu'on fixe avec certitude la demeure des tribus ariennes à cette époque, et qu'on peut reconnaître leur marché progressive depuis le Sindhou jusqu'au Gange. Il n'y a dans le Véda que deux ou trois noms de territoires; mais les noms des tribus, ariennes ou non ariennes, y sont assez nombreux. L'éclaircissement de cette partie des indications védiques est d'une grande importance; c'est le point de départ de l'ethnologie du nord de l'Inde, et une base solide pour son histoire héroïque.

C'est à ce double objet, l'éclaircissement de la géographie et de l'ethnographie du Véda, qu'est consacré le travail actuel.

Avec l'établissement des grandes monarchies ariennes dans le bassin du Gange commence une seconde période, qu'on peut nommer celle des temps héroïques. L'époque initiale de cette seconde période doit se placer très-probablement du xiv-e au xii-e siècle, avant notre ère. Elle embrasse, comme la période védique, un espace de cinq ou six siècles au moins; mais les événements qui la remplissent ont un bien plus grand caractère, et ils ont eu aussi un tout autre retentissement dans la littérature brahmanique. Ces temps anciens, durant lesquels deux grandes dynasties parallèles se partagèrent l'empire des pays gangétiques, ont vécu dans les traditions comme l'époque glorieuse de l'histoire nationale. Si l'Inde avait eu son Hérodote ou son TiteLive, cette période de l'histoire des Aryas aurait fourni quelques belles pages aux annales de l'humanité. Une nation qui se transforme et commence une vie nouvelle, qui abandonne la vie pastorale pour les habitudes mieux réglées de la vie agricole, et qui reçoit de ses Sages une organisation politique, civile et religieuse, assez forte pour avoir traversé trois mille ans de fortunes diverses, et ne s'être laissé entamer ni par les schismes, ni par les révolutions, ni par la conquête, une telle nation, à l'époque de son énergie, juvénile, aurait été pour l'histoire un noble et grand spectacle. Mais, au lieu d'histoire, l'Inde n'a que des légendes. Ces légendes des temps héroïques furent primitivement déposées dans des chroniques sacerdotales désignées sous le nom de Pourânas, ou recueils des Choses anciennes (le Livre de Manou les mentionne en plusieurs endroits), source commune des dix-huit Pourânas actuels, dont la rédaction est beaucoup plus moderne. Revêtues des formes splendides de la poésie, elles ont donné naissance aux deux grandes épopées de la littérature brahmanique, le Mahabhârata et le Ramâyama.

Le Mahâbhârata a pour sujet la lutte de deux branches de la famille Lunaire, se disputant l'empire de l'Inde; le sujet principal du Râmâyana est la conquête de l'île de Lanka (Ceylan) par un prince de la race Solaire. Mais ce qui fait surtout l'importance de ces deux vastes compositions pour l'histoire et pour la géographie, c'est moins encore le thème principal que les episodes qui s'y rattachent. Ces épisodes (itihâsas), surtout dans le Mahâbhârata, sont une véritable mine de renseignements géographiques, où la plupart des tribus du nord de l'Inde passent sous nos yeux, avec leurs villes, leurs rivières et leurs montagnes, dont la situation est généralement indiquée de manière à diriger au moins, sinon à fixer, les rechercbes du géographe. Il y a dans les deux poèmes de véritables itinéraires, qui ont toute la valeur et parfois toute la précision de ceux d'un voyageur moderne. Il suffit de citer ici, dans le Ramâyana, la marche des envoyés d'Ayôdhyâ vers la ville royale du prince des Kêkaya, et celle de Bharata à la recherche de son frère Râma, retiré dans les forêts du Tchitrakouta. Ce sont surtout ces itinéraires qui sont précieux pour rétablir la carte de cette antique géographie; ils fournissent autant de bases et de points assurés, auxquels se peuvent rattacher de proche en proche, et en s'aidant des autres moyens de comparaison que fournit l'ensemble des documents que l'on a sur l'Inde, les autres indications moins précises contenues dans les poëmès, telles, par exemple, que les listes de peuples, de rivières et de montagnes, qui sont données, au Vl-6 livre du Mahâbhârata et au IV-e livre du Râmâyana, comme des descriptions du monde. Historiquement, ces listes sont bien loin d'avoir la valeur des itinéraires et des autres indications locales comprises dans la contexture même des poèmes, à cause de la facilité qu'elles offrent aux interpolations, et aussi des fautes de copistes qui se glissent plus aisément qu'ailleurs dans une aride accumulation de noms propres. Nous en pouvons juger par les fautes de ce genre dont sont remplies les listes analogues de Pline et les Tables de Ptolémée.

Le Râmâyana a exercé l'activité des traducteurs. Nous possédons actuellement la traduction italienne complète de M. Gorresio, un des élèves éininents de notre illustre et excellent Eugène Burnouf, traduction qu'avait précédée l'élégante version latine de Wilhelm Schlegel, qui s'arrête au second livre, et la traduction anglaise de Carey et Marshman, qui ne va guère plus loin, outre une traduction française publiée depuis la version de M. Gorresio. Il eût été fort à désirer que celle de Guillaume Schlegel, interrompue par la mort de cet éminent indianiste, eût été continuée, ainsi que M. Lassen en avait donné l'espoir; cèlle-Ià, du moins, n'aurait pas fait double emploi, le traducteur ayant suivi une rédaction du poème différente de celle qu'a choisie M. Gorresio, et les variantes des deux rédactions ofirant toujours d'utiles rapprochements. Il est regrettable que cette surabondance d'efforts dépensés sur l'œuvre de Valmiki ne se soit pas portée vers le Mahâbhârata. Nous en possédons un assez grand nombre de fragments plus ou moins étendus, traduits en anglais, en français, en allemand ou en latin; mais, jusqu'à présent, aucune traduction complète du poëme n'a été tentée, bien que, depuis longtemps, le docteur Goldstùcker, de Berlin, en ait fait espérer une. C'est une lacune que la publication du texte, à Calcutta, ne saurait compenser. Une œuvre telle que celle-ci n'est véritablement entrée dans la circulation scientifique que du jour ou, par une bonne traduction en une lingue européenne, elle a été livrée à l'étude critique de l'antiquaire et du géographe, débarrassés de toute préoccupation purement philologique. C'est ainsi que, par sa traduction française du Rig-Véda, M. Langlois a rendu un service inappréciable aux sciences historiques et philosophiques.

Le Mahâbhârata et le Râmâyana, ce sont là les deux grandes sources géographiques de l'époque héroïque de l'Inde; mais il en est d'autres encore, et de très-importantes. En tête de toutes, et même avant les grands poèmes, il faut placer les documents de ce qu'on a nommé la littérature oupavédique, c'est-à-dire les écrits qui se rattachent à la littérature védique, quoique d'une époque très-postérieùre à la composition même des hymnes. La rédaction de ces écrits, de même que la réunion en un seul corps d'ouvrage des hymnes eux-mêmes, est certainement contemporaine des deux grandes dynasties parallèles de Tchandra et de Sourya. Ce sont les Brâhmanas, ou partie liturgique des quatre Védas, et les Oupanichads ou traités dogmatiques et théologiques. Les Oupanichads, dont Anquetii-Duperron a traduit en latin une version persane, ne paraissent pas devoir être utiles aux études historiques; mais il n'en sera pas de même des Brâhmanas, à en juger par deux spécimens importants que les extraits de Colebrooke et du docteur Albrecht Weber en ont fait connaître. Néanmoins, le morceau capital de cette première époque de la littérature brahmanique est le Mânava-Dharma-Çâstra, ou Livre de la Loi, attribué à Manou, où se trouve un tableau complet des grandes divisions géographiques de la terre des Aryas (l'Aryavarta), sans lequel la mention fréquente des mêmes contrées dans les documents postérieurs n'aurait eu pour nous qu'une acception mal définie. Le Livre de Manou renferme aussi des indications très précieuses pour l'ethnologie de l'Inde ancienne, notamment une liste étendue des tribus impures ou degradees.

Les hymnes du Véda plaçaient la demeure des tribus ariennes dans le bassin des cinq grands tributaires du Sindh; à l'époque suivante, celle des temps oupavédiques ou héroïques, il s'est opéré un déplacement complet de l'habitation des Âryas. Leur territoire est maintenant dans le bassin du Gange, entre l'Himalaya et les monts Vindhyâ. C'est-sur les bords de la Sarasvatî, à l'ouest de la Yamounâ Ssupérieure, que s'est accomplie la grande réforme sociale et l'organisation définitive du peuple brahmanique; c'est non loin de là, sur la droite du Gange, à peu de distance de sa sortie des montagnes, que fut fondée Hastinapoura, une des cités royales de la dynastie Lunaire. Un peu plus loin à l'orient, au milieu des plaines du Koçâla, s'éleva la capitale des rois de la race Solaire, la superbe Ayôdhyâ. Cette région fertile, qu'arrosent le Gange et ses grands affluents, se couvrit promptement de bourgs nombreux et de villes florissantes. C'est là le terrain où nous placent tons les documents qui datent de cette époque reculée ou qui nous y reportent, les Brâhmanas, le Livre de Manon, le Mahâbhârata et même !e Râmâyana; car, géographiquement, la partie de ce dernier poëme qui a pour théâtre la région au sud des monts Vindhyâ est d'une importance très-secondaire. C'est la géographie de l'Odyssée par rapport à celle de l'lliade. Le côté utile de cette seconde partie du Râmayana est de nous montrer quelle était, au temps de la plus grande puissance des Aryas gangétîques, la somme de leurs notions acquises sur les régions du sud jusqu'à Lanka; rien dé plus. Quant aux contrées du nordouest, demeure première des tribus védiques, la lecture des poèmes et des documents oupavédiques donne lieu à une remarque curieuse. Ces grandes plaines coupées de rivières, qui s'étendent de la Sarasvatl au Sindh, restent encore pendant un temps dans une étroite communauté religieuse et politique, aussi bien que dans une alliance intime de familles ou de tribus, avec les Aryas gangétiques; mais peu à peu les liens se relâchent; les rapports s'affaiblissent, et il se fait enfin une séparation complète entre le Pantchanada et l'Âryavarta. Cette scission est clairement constatée par un épisode d'un grand intérêt ethnologique qu'on trouve dans le Mabâbhârata, où les Brahmanes du sud frappent d'anathème les peuples du Pantchanada à cause de leur vie licencieuse et corrompue, et du mépris où sont tombées chez eux les prescriptions de la loi religieuse.

Quand on approfondit les conditions fondamentales des diverses régions de l'Inde, on reconnaît aisément les causes réelles de cette séparation.

La région du nord-ouest, ou Pantchanada, avait été occupée, durant plusieurs siècles, par les Aryas védiques, mais ce n'était pas leur contrée native: ils venaient de plus loin au delà du Sindh. Le Pantchanada, qui est désigné dans les hymnes par l'appellation de Sapta-Sindhou, ou les Sept Fleuves, n'avait été pour eux qu'un pays de conquête et dé passage. Ce pays était occupé avant eux par une population aborigène à demi barbare, qu'il fallut soumettre ou refouler vers la montagne; les hymnes sont pleins du souvenir, ou plutôt de la mention journalière de ces combats continuels. On voit aussi par de nombreux passages du Rig-Véda que ces rapports entre les Aryasetles Dasyous (c'est la dénomination védique des aborigènes) étaient devenus peu à peu d'un caractère moins exclusivement hostile. Beaucoup de tribus du pays avaient cédé, à ce qu'il parait, au double ascendant de la force et de l'intelligence; elles avaient accepté le culte des Aryas, et elles étaient ainsi devenues elles-mêmes des Âryas par l'adoplion et la consécration religieuse. Mais cette transformation religieuse de leur nationalité n'avait jamais pu, on le conçoit, être assez complète pour effacer la diversité originaire; et, quand les purs Âryas, laissant derrière eux la contrée des Sept Fleuves, se furent établis définitivement dans les plaines du Gange, où une vie nouvelle commença pour eux, les tribus du Pantchanada, rentrées en pleine possession de leurs plaines natales, durent revenir bientôt aux usages et à la vie de leur propre race. De là, chez elles, ce relâchement de la loi brahmanique que le barde du Mahâbhârata leur reproche. La distinction de race, de vie politique et de croyance religieuse s'est, d'ailleurs, perpétuée jusqu'à nos jours dans la contrée des Dasyous védiques; le Pendjab actuel ne diffère pas moins aujourd'hui, sous ce triple rapport, de l'Hindoustan brahmanique, que le Pantchanada de l'antiquité ne différait de l'Aryavarta.

Ce point, sur lequei j'insiste, est d'une importance capitale pour l'intelligence de l'antiquité indienne; c'est faute de l'avoir aperçu ou de s'en être rendu compte, que les savants qui ont écrit récemment sur l'Inde ancienne ont laissé fort obscurs beaucoup de faits indiqués dans les légendes, qui autrement se seraient illuminés pour eux d'une clarté soudaine. Cette distinction fondamentale entre les Aryas de race et les Âryas d'adoption, les premiers formant le pur noyau de la nation brahmanique, les seconds ne s'y rattachant que par des liens souvent flottants et douteux, cette distinction, dis-je, n'est pas spéciale au Pantchanada: elle s'applique à l'Inde entière, et elle est sartout d'une grande portée historique pour tout l'ancien Aryavarta, c'est-à-dire pour la région qui s'étend d'une mer à l'autre entre les monts Vindhyâ et l'Himalaya.

Si la vue dont je viens de signaler l'importance historique ne dérivait que de quelques textes anciens, qui pourraient toujours paraître plus ou moins contestables, sa propre valeur pourrait également sembler très-douteuse; mais elle s'appuie sur une base infiniment plus large et plus ferme, sur l'étude approfondie de l'ethnologie de l'Inde depuis les temps anciens jusqu'à l'époque actuelle. Cette étude n'avait pas encore été faite dans son ensemble, ou, du moins, on n'avait pas essayé de la rattacher aux anciens documents sanscrits. La nomenclature des tribus, si étendue dans les poëme- et les autres documents sanscrits, entre nécessairement dans les études relatives à l'Inde ancienne; elle y forme ce que M. Burnouf, dans une de ses dernières allocutions au sein de l'Académie, nompiaît trèsjustement la géographie ethnologique de l'Inde. Et ici ce n'était pas assez de déterminer le territoire que les textes assignent aux anciennes tribus: un point bien autrement important était de rechercher et de constater leur identité, c'est-à-dire de suivre leur histoire, ou tout au moins leur mention, d'époque en époque, à travers les documents de tous les siècles, et, descendant ainsi jusqu'aux teinps modernes, de vérifier si la tribu n'existerait pas encore aujourd'hui, afin, dans ce cas, de suppléer par l'étude actuelle, prise sur le vif, à ce que les documents des temps passés peuvent avoir de vague ou d'incomplet. Cette idée est si simple et sort si naturellement du sujet, qu'il y a lieu de s'étonner qu'elle ne soit venue, jusqu'à présent, à aucun des investigateurs de l'Inde ancienne. Les matériaux sont, d'ailleurs, extrêmement abondants, grâce au nombre d'excellentes relations et d'études locales que nous avons sur l'Inde depuis un demi-siècle. Cette recherche n'offrait donc pas de difficulté sérieuse autre que son étendue même, qui était un stimulant plutos qu'un obstacle.

J'ose dire que j'ai été largement récompensé de l'avoir entreprise. Une lumière inattendue est sortie graduellement de ce long travail suivi séparément sur chaque tribu, et cette lumière, se fortifant et s'étendant toujours davantage, s'est projetée bientôt sur toute l'étendue des anciens temps de l'Inde jusqu'à leurs dernières profondeuras. J'emploie à dessein cette expression, où il n'y a rien d'exagéré. Les hymnes du Véda se sont eux-mêmes éclairés des reflets de ce puissant foyer; mais ce sont surtout les sources épiques qui en ont reçu un jour tout nouveau. Il est très-peu des tribus qui s'y trouvent mentionnées dont je n'aie pu suivre Ies déplacements et les destinées historiques jusqu'à notre époque; et, comme toutes ces tribus existent encore, sauf un très-petit nombre, il a été facile de reconnaître à laquelle des deux grandes divisions de la population de l'Inde elles appartiennent, soit à la race àrya (pure ou mélangée), soit à la race aborigène ou non arienne. Dans les grands poèmes, ces tribus sont toutes indistinctement qualifiées d'Âryas: elles l'étaient par le culte, mais non par le sang. On ne saurait trop appuyer sur cette distinction fondamentale. Je ne crois rien avancer d'excessif en assurant que le côté le plus considérable de la restitution des temps anciens de l'Inde est dans cette détermination certaine et précise de la nationalité respective des deux grandes classes de peuples qui figurent dans les traditions légendaires, et qui s'y trouvent confondues sous la commune dénomination d'Âryas.

Une investigation spéciale de l'ethnologie indienne devenait donc une branche distincte, et très-importante, des études qui ont pour objet la restitution de l'Inde ancienne.

Ce qui précède nous a conduits jusqu'à la limite de ce qu'on peut nommer, au moins d'une manière relative, les temps historiques de l'Inde. Cette nouvelle période commence avec l'ère bouddhique au milieu du vi-e siècle avant l'ère chrétienne, en l'année 543. Pour la première fois nous avons une date fixe dans la longue suite de siècles qui part des temps védiques. La réforme du Bouddha Çâkyamouni a produit dans l'Inde une école historique pour laquelle la mesure du temps est enfin devenue un des éléments des choses humaines; c'est à partir de cette époque que nouas trouvons, en différentes parties de la péninsule, plusieurs ères spéciales auxquelles on rapporte les faits publics ou particuliers et les règnes des princes, telles que l'ère de Vikramâditya ou de Çâka (57 avant Jésus-Christ), celle de Çâlivâhana (78 de Jésus-Christ), l'ère de Vallabhi ou des Goupta du Sourâchtra (318 de Jésus-Christ), et d'autres moins généraiement usitées. La détermination exacte des époques et celle des synchronismes ne sont pas moins utiles, en beaucoup de cas, à la géographie qu'à l'histoire.

La littérature bouddhique de l'Inde, tant celle du nord, que M. Burnouf nous a fait connaître dans son Introduction et dans le Lotus, auxquels il faut joindre le Lalitavistara traduit par M. Foucaux, que celle du sud ou de Ceylan, dont M. Turnour a traduit en partie le monument principal, le Mahavanso ou Grande Chronique, cette littérature, dis-je, apporte aussi a là géographie une série de documents qui complètent utilement, sur beaucoup de points, les matériaux de la littérature brahmanique. Parmi ces documents bouddhiques, je puis citer comme un des plus utiles la nomenclature des seîze royaumes entre lesquels se partageait l'Inde gangétique, au vi-e siecle avant notre ère; outre fe nombreux renseignements topographiques sur les provinces contiguëd ou Çâkyamouni répandit personnellement la prédication de sa doctrine, le Magadha, le Mithilâ et le Koçâla. Les livres bouddhiques de Ceylan sont écrits dans le dialecte pâli du Maghada; mais la forme sanscrite des noms est facile à restituer d'après des lois connues.

Une autre classe de documents de la même période, d'une grande importance géographique, se compose des relations de différents bouddhistes chinois qui ont parcouru l'Indè à diverses époques, entre le III-e et le x-e siècle de notre ère. Deux de ces relations, les plus importantes, ont été traduites en français, celle de Fa-Hian (400-414) par Abel Rémusat, Klaproth et Landresse, et celle de Hiouen-Thsang (639-654) par M. Stanislas Julien. Celle-ci surtout peut etre rangée parmi les plus précieux documents géographiques que nous possédons sur l'Inde ancienne, nonseulement à cause de la valeur de l'ouvrage, mais aussi des nombreux appendices que le savant traducteur y a joints, et des lois rigoureuses de transcription que M. Stanislas JuIien, le premier, a établies pour ramener les mots chinois à leur forme sanscrite.

Le Mahavanso et les autres documents singhalais sont très-riches en indications topographiques sur Ceylan, et pertnettent de rétablir avec un détail particulier l'ancienne topographie de cette ile.

Une autre classe de documents appartient encore à la période des temps bouddhiques, quoique d'une tout autre nature et se rapportant à d'autres régions de l'Inde: ce sont les écrits des auteurs grecs et romains. L'espace de temps qu'ils embraissent est de neuf cents ans environ, depuis l'apparition d'Alexandre dans les pays de l'Indus, au iv-e siècle avant notre ère, jusqu'au milieu du vi-e siècle de Jésus-Christ, qui nous fournit la curieuse relation de Cosmas: les notions qu'Hérodote et Ctésias, avant l'expédition d'Alexandre, avaient déjà recueillies chez les Perses sur quelques parties du nord-ouest de l'Inde, sont de peu de valeur pour la géographie, quoique intéressantes à plusieurs égards.

Au milieu de la série de nos anciens auteurs occidentaux relatifs à l'Inde il en est un qui les domine tous, soit par l'étendue, soit par la liaison des notions qu'il a réunies sur cette grande contrée de l'Orient: c'est Ptolémée. Le long chapitre que Ptolémée a consacré à l'Inde dans sa Géographie est comme un centre naturel, autour duquel viennent se grouper les informations partielles, fournies par les autres auteurs; aussi le géographe alexandrin devient-il le thème principal de tout travail approfondi sur i'Inde classique, les autres sources d'origine grecque ou latine apportant successivemen- leur quote-part d'indications sur les régions auxquelles chacune d'elles appartient plus spécialement: Arrîen et les autres âbrévieteurs des mémoires originaux de l'expédition d'Alexandre, sur le bassin du Kophès, le Pantchanada et la vallée inférieure de l'Indus; Mégasthène, sur les pays du Gange; le Périple, sur la cote occidentale et l'extrémité sud de la péninsule; Cosmas, sur la Taprobane. M. Lassen a consacré la moitié du troisieme volume de son grand ouvrage (1856-57) à l'éclaircissement de la géographie gréco-romaine de l'Inde, et précisément dans le même temps je lisais moi-même, au sein de l'Académie des inscriptions, lés premières parties d'un travail étendu sur le même sujet, qui viennent d'être imprimées au cinquième volume des Mémoires des savants étrangers. La méthode de M. Lassen et celle que j'ai suivie dans ce grand travail d'élucidation sont complètement différentes; c'est aux juges compétents à décider laquelle aura conduit aux plus fructueux résultats.

Ce serait laisser une lacune immense dans la restitution de l'ancienne géographie de l'Inde et dans les études ethnographiques qui s'y rattachent, que de se borner aux sources purement sanscrites. Il est d'autres documents très-nombreux, très-répandus, et qui sont, pour de grandes régions de l'Inde, les sources d'informations à peu près exclusives: ce sont ceux qu'on peut désigner sous ie nom de sources provinciales. Les documents de cette classe (il n'est question ici que de ceux de l'Inde du nord) sont écrits dans les différents dialectes des provinces, qui appartiennent tous, du reste, à la famille sanscrite. Un seul a été rédigé en sanscrit sur le modèle des anciens poëmes: c'est la Chronique du Kachmîr ou Râdjataranghinî, dont M. Troyer a donné une traduction française. Beaucoup d'autres provinces ont des chroniques analogues, inédites pour la plupart; M. Stirling a fait connaître celles de l'Orissa, M. James Long celle du Tripoura, le major Tod celles du Radjasthân. Il y a aussi dans l'Inde, particulierement dans les temples, une multitude de chroniques locales (Sthala Pouranas), bornées quelquefois à une ville, a une pagode, à un lieu consacré par des traditions légendaires, et qui seraient une mine précieuse d'indications de détail pour l'ancienne géographie sanscrite, pure des altérations musulmanes ou européennes. Le Dékhan n'est pas moins riche que le nord de l'Inde en documents de cette nature; et, quoique généralement ces documents du sud soient écrits en tamoul, qui est la langue littéraire du Dékhan, ils n'en sont pas moins indispensables à consulter, autant que l'accès en est possible, non-seulement parce qu'ils donnent les seuls moyens de compléter, pour toute une moitié de la péninsule, la restitution de la géographie et de l'ethnologie indigènes, mais aussi parce que c'est là que se peuvent encore retrouver les éléments sanscrits portes autrefois par les Âryas du nord dans les contrées méridionales. Une immense quantité de chroniques locales et de documents tamouls et autres de la même nature a été réunie, au commencement du siècle actuel, par le colonel Mackenzie, et se conserve dans la bibliothèque de la Compagnie des Indes. M. Wildon, dont le nom se représente chaque fois qu'il s'agit de travaux utiles sur la littérature indienne, a fait connaître cette collection par un ample catalogue rempli de nombreux extraits, et l'on possède, en outre, les analyses détaillées de quelques-uns des morceaux les plus importants de la collection, données dans le Journal de la Société asiatique de Londres soit par M. Wilson lui-même, soit par M. Taylor ou par M. Walter Elliot. Il serait utile aussi de se procurer quelques-uns des traités modernes de géographie qui existent, assure-t-on, en plusieurs contrées de l'Inde, notamment parmi les Djaînas du Malvah et du Goudjérât; on sait que Wilford a eu entre les mains plusieurs ouvrages de cette sorte, et qu'il a surtout fait un grand usage, pour ses derniers travaux, du Samâasa-Kchetra (Collection des Pays), traité prâcrit de géographie rédigé au xvii-e siècle. Si modernes que soient ces ouvrages, et si mêlés qu'ils puissent être de fables et d'erreurs, on y doit trouver de bonnes indications, dont la critique européenne saura tirer parti. Wilford parle aussi de deux anciens traités de géographie sanscrite, l'un du v-6 siècle de notre ère, l'autre du x-6 siècle; la découverte de l'un ou de l'autre de ces ouvrages serait sûrement une acquisition bien utile.

De toutes les sources provinciales que l'Inde réserve encore à l'investigation de ses maîtres actuels, les plus précieuses, sous plusieurs rapports essentiels, sont celles des Etats radjpouts de l'ouest; ce sont celles-là qui se rattachent lé plus directement aux anciens documents comme à i'ancienne histoire de l'Inde sanscrite. On voit, par les légendes épiques et par les Pourànas, que, dès les plus anciens temps, il y a eu un déplacement continuel et un grand flux de populations du nord au sud et au sud-ouest, dans la région comprise entre la Yamounâ et le Sindh inférieur, depuis le Pantchanada jusqu'aux monts Vindhyâ et à la Narmadâ. Une foule de tribus sorties de la région des cinq fleuves, soit au temps de la grande migration arienne, soit dans les temps qui suivirent, descendirent dans la belle et riche contrée (le Mâlava) qu'arrosent la Tcharmanvatl (la Tchambal actuelle) et ses nombreux affluents, les unes directement, les autres après un séjour plus ou moins long dans les plaines du Gange ou de la Yamounâ. Une remarque essentielle, c'est que toutes ces tribus appartenaient à la nombreuse famille des Yâdava; or les Yâddva sont le groupe le plus considérable de cette population mixte annexée aux Aryas par le lien religieux et en ayant pris le nom, mais appartenant en réalité à la race aborigène, sauf une immixtion plus ou moins considérable du sang ârya amenée par le contact et les alliances. Dès les plus anciens temps de la période héroïque, il se fit une séparation naturelle et comme un double courant de migrations, les purs Aryas, les tribus brahmaniques, se répandant au sud et au sud-est dans le bassin da Gange, les Yadava ou Aryas mêlés se portant au sud-ouest jusqu'à la grande presqu'ile du Sourâchtra, qu'on a nommée plus tard le Goudjérât. L'étude ethnologique de l'Inde ancienne confirme pleinement, par un ensemble de faits positifs et actuels, les données fournies par les traditions antiques. La région autrefois occupée par les Yâdava' sortis du Pantchanada forma ce que l'on nomme aujourd'hui le pays des Radjpouts. (Ràdjavâr, Radjasthân, Radjpoutana), eu le fond de la population est djât. Le Radjpoutana est le pays des bardes (bhats, tcharâns); il n'est pas de chef qui n'entretienne un ou plusieurs poëtes officiels chargés de célébrer dans leurs chants les hauts faits de la tribu, et de perpétuer le souvenir des anciennes généalogies. Cet usage était autrefois universel chez les Aryas, et on voit, par les hymnes, qu'il existait déjà dans les temps védiques; c'est au sein des tribus radjpoutes qu'il s'est le plus généralement conservé. lndépendamment de ces chroniques vivantes, les principaux États du Radjasthân ont des chroniques écrites qui se gardent habituellement dans les temples, et où les vieilles traditions sont déposées. Les Radjpouts ont, en outre, un grand poëme, écrit au commencement du xiii-e siècle, par Tchand, le plus célèbre de leurs bardes; ce poëme, qui a pour sujet la lutte soutenue pendant quatre siècles contre les envahisseurs musulmans, est le titre national et l'orgueil des tribus.
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Re: Freda Bedi Cont'd (#3)

Postby admin » Tue Feb 08, 2022 7:35 am

Part 4 of 4

Cet ensemble de documents de la littérature radjpoute est la source principale, ou, pour mieux dire, à peu près unique, d'où l'on peut tirer la géographie indigène et l'ethnographie du nord-ouest de l'Inde. On ne connaît, jusqu'à présent, ces documents que par les analyses et les extraits du major Tod1 [Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, 1829-32; Travels in Western India, 1839; el plusieurs memoires dans les Transactions de la Societe asiatique de Londres.]; quoique plusieurs chroniques et le poëme de Tchand aient été apportés en Europe par cet actif explorateur et soient déposés dans la bibliothèque de la Société asiatique de Londres, ni le poëme, ni les chroniques, n'ont, jusqu'à présent, trouvé de traducteur, et aucun indianiste ne les a pris encore pour sujet d'une étude spéciale. Les extraits du major Tod ne peuvent suppléer que dans une mesure restreinte à ce que cet oubli a de regrettable. Ajoutons qu'un poëme sanscrit que l'on regarde comme un appendice du Mahâbhârata, Ie Harivança, est aussi un monument littéraire des Kchatryas de l'ouest, probablement composé dans les premiers siècles de notre ère. Le Harîvança célèbre les exploits de Krichna, le dieu national et le héros de la race yâdava, et raconte la migration générale des tribus à l'époque de la grande guerre, alors que, forcées d'abandonner les rives de la Yamounâ, elles vinrent fonder Dvarakâ sur les bords de la mer de l'ouest; le poëme forme ainsi comme un chainon et un point de raccord entre le Mahâbhârata et les chroniques radjpoutes.

Par la division naturelle qui ressort du fond même des choses, aussi bien que par la nature spéciale des sources d'informations, la région occidentale forme donc une section distincte dans l'étude de l'Inde ancienne, au double point de vue de l'ethnologie et de la géographie, aussi bien qu'au point de vue de l'histoire.

Les époques successives que nous avons passées en revue jusqu'à présent, et les diverses classes de sources d'étude qui s'y rapportent, nous ont amenés jusqu'aux premiers siècles de l'ère chrétienne. Ici commence une nouvelle série de documents d'une utilité capitale pour là restitution de la topographie sanscrite: ce sont les inscriptions. Déjà les temps antérieurs fournissent quelques monuments de cette nature, mais en petit nombre. On a trouvé en diverses parties de l'Inde, depuis les bords de la Mahanadî jusqu'au pied de l'Himalaya, à l'ouest du Sindh, des inscriptions gravées sur le rocher par les ordres du roi Açôka, célèbre dans les fastes bouddhiques; ces inscriptions datent conséquemment du milieu du m-e siècle avant Jésus-Christ, moins d'un siècle après l'époque d'Alexandre. On a aussi plusieurs inscriptions des rois de la dynastie des Goupta, postérieurs au ii-e et au III-e siècle de notre ère. Ces monuments sont précieux pour l'histoire, et apportent aussi quelques données utiles à l'ancienne géographie; mais les inscriptions qui, à partir du v-e et du vi-e siècle, deviennent de plus en plus communes dans toutes les parties de la péninsule, tant au nord qu'au sud des monts Vindhyâ, appartiennent à une catégorie différente et sont d'un tout autre caractère. On trouve bien encore çà et là, principalement dans les temples du sud, des inscriptions royales où des princes exaltent leurs victoires et donnent le détail de leurs conquêtes; mais la grande masse des inscriptions de cette dernière période de l'antiquité indienne est d'une nature privée et toute locale. Ce sont, en général, des concessions déterres faites par les princes à des brahmanes ou à des établissements religieux; elles sont gravées parfois sur des plaques de pierre, mais plus communément sur des feuilles de cuivre. L'utilité de ces documents pour la géographie provient de ce que chaque concession décrit de la manière la plus minutieuse les terres concédées, nomme les villages qui y sont compris et indique ceux qui en forment la circonscription, ainsi que les rivières et les ruisseaux qui les bornent ou les traversent. On conçoit ce que de tels documents apportent de détails à l'ancienne topographie de l'Inde, quand on songe que le nombre en est infini, qu'ils se trouvent dans toutes les parties du territoire, et que, bien qu'on soit loin de les connaître tous, ceux que l'on possède déjà se comptent par milliers. La collection Mackenzie seule en cenferme plus de huit mille, qui appartiennent tous au Dékhan. La plupart ne sont pas seulement utiles à la restitution topographique, ils sont aussi d'un inappréciable secours pour l'histoire. Chaque inscription débute ordinairement par la généalogie du prince concédant, et ces généalogies, où se trouvent notés çà et là des faits historiques, contiennent souvent une longue série de noms. L'étude comparée de ces documents donnera le moyen de rétablir les dynastiés, grandes et petites, qui ont régné dans toutes les parties de l'Inde, successivement ou simultanément. Quelques bons travaux de ce genre permettent déjà de préjuger ce que pourra donner par la suite une étude plus générale.

Mais, avant de tirer de cette innombrable quantité de documents epigrâphiques toute l'utilité qu'on en peut attendre, un premier travail serait indispensable: ce serait de réunir dans une même collection tous ceux que l'on possède déjà ou que de nouvelles recherches pourront faire découvrir, et d'en former un Corpus analogue à nos. grandes collections, d'épîgraphie grecque et latine. Les inscriptions, distribuées selon leur nature et la langue dans laquelle elles sont écrites, seraient rangées, en outre, par époques et par provinces; le texte en serait revu avec soin, et serait accompagné d'une traduction, avec les éclaircissements nécessaires. Une telle publication, la plus utile qui se puisse entreprendre aujourd'hui dans l'état des études indiennes, sera digne de la munificence éclairée d'un grand gouvernement. Un travail définitif sur l'Inde, antérieurement à la domination musulmane, ne sera possible qu'après cette élaboration préalable des monuments épigraphiques de la péninsule.

Nous sommes arrivés ici à la limite eitrème de l'antiquité de l'Inde. La conquête musulmane, en même temps qu'elle fait passer pour la première fois le gouvernement de la plupart des États de la péninsule sous la domination d'une race étrangère, est aussi le point de départ de l'histoire moderne du pays. L'lndea, depuis lors, cessé de s'appartenir à elle-même, et sa géographie, de même que son gouvernement politique, à perdu son cachet d'indigénéité. La période de la conquête musulmane de l'Inde embrasse un espace de plus de six cents ans, depuis la première irruption des Arabes du califat dans la vallée du Sindh en 664, jusqu'aux expéditions du Dékhan à la fin du xiii-e siècle; mais la conquête des royaumes de Dehli et de Kanyâkoubdja ou Kanoge par les Ghourides, de la fin du xii-e siècle au commencement du xiii-e, marque le point culminant et ia véritable limite de la période.

L'étude des sources arabes et persanes qui en rapportent les événements est doublement utile, par de nombreuses indications topographiques, et surtout par les notions que l'on en tire sur l'état politique de l'Inde lors de l'arrivée des musulmans, et sur les différents. Etats qui y existaient tant au nord qu'au sud du Vindhyâ. C'est un élément d'étude politique et géographique qu'il est important de rapprocher des indications parallèles fournies par les ïnscriptions.

La source la plus générale est encore l'histoire de Férichta, traduite par le colonel Briggs. M. Reinaud en a signalé d'autres encore plus importantes pour les premiers temps de l'apparition des Arabes sur le Sindh, notamment Béladori et Albirouni, et il en a traduit des morceaux étendus, tant dans ses Fragments arabes et persans inédits relatifs à l'Inde (1845) que dans son Mémoire sur l'Inde antérieurement au xi-e siècle (1849). Ces fragments m'ont fourni, sur plusieurs points de l'ancienne géographie du nord de L'Inde, des indications excellentes que je n'aurais pas trouvées ailleurs. M. H. EIIiot, qu'une mort prématurée vient de ravir aux lettres orientales, avait commencé dans l'Inde, sous le titre d'Index to the Mahomedan historians of India (1849), une collection qui promettait d'apporter à cette partie des études indiennes une immense quantité de matériaux inédits, mais que la mort de l'auteur a malheureusement arrêtée. L'impulsion est donnée, cependant, et le cours de ces grandes publications ne saurait être que momentanément suspendu.

Si maintenant nous résumons ce qui précède, nous voyons qu'au point de vue des études historiques en général, dont ia géographie et l'ethnographie sont ici les deux branches principales, l'antiquité de l'Inde se partage en huit périodes, ou plutot forme huit grandes divisions fondées soit sur dé grandes époques historiques, soit sur la nature spéciale des sources d'étude.

I. La période védique, qui est pour l'Inde celle des temps primitifs. Cette première période, dont l'étude est renfermée tout entière dans les hymnes du Rig-Véda, a pour théâtre géographique la région des Cinq Fleuves, ou Pendjab; son étendue, nécessairement indétermmée, est de plusieurs siècles, et le xii-e ou xiii-e siècle avant Jésus-Christ en marque, très-probablement la limite inférieure.

II. La période des temps heroiques, qui succède immédiatement aux temps védiques, et s'étend pour nous jusqu'à l'époque de l'ère bouddhique, au milieu du vi-e siècle avant notre ère. Cette seconde période nous transporte du Pantchanada dans le bassin du Gange; elle comprend l'histoire légendaire des deux grandes dynasties nationales dr l'Inde, la race Lunairé et la race Solaire, contenue principalement dans les grand, poemes et dans les Pourânas.

III. L'ethnologie de l'Inde ancienne, étudiée dans son ensemble et dans ses rapports géneraux, afin de constater à quelle race native, arienne ou non àrienne, appartenaient les différentes tribus qui figurent dans les vieilles légendes historiques de l'Inde, en suivant la trace de ces tribus à travers les siècles jusqu'à l'époque actuelle, la plupart d'entre elles existant encore et ayant conservé les noms sous lesquels les sources sanscrites les désignent. Cette division importante de l'étude de l'Inde ancienne est limitée par le sujet même, et non par le temps; elle embrasse toute la durée des siècles à partir des temps védiques, c'est-à-dire au moins itrois mille quatre cents ans.

IV. La periode bouddhique, qui commence avec l'ère de Çâkyamounî au milieu du vi-e siècle avant Jésus-Christ, et qui est, pour l'Inde, le point de départ des temps historiques proprement dits. Cette période fournit à l'étude géographique de l'Inde ancienne trois classes de matériaux: les livres bouddhiques du nord ou du Népal, dont les notions s'appliquent surtout au Magadha et aux autres provinces de l'Inde gangétique; les livres bouddhiques du sod, abondants en renseignemênts topographiques sur l'ile de Ceylan, et enfin les relations des bouddhistes chinois, qui fournissent de précieux itinéraires, particulièrement celle de Hiouen-Thsang.

V. La division que nous pouvons appeler la période classique, par rapport à la nature des matériaux qu'elle fournit à l'étude de l'ancienne géographie de l'Inde. Ces matériaux sont les écrits des auteurs grecs et latins. Quoique Hérodote et Ctésias l'aient devancée et s'y rattachent, la période ne date, à vrai dire, que de l'expédition d'Alexandre de Macédoine' dans les provinces de l'Indus, et elle s'étend jusqu'au milieu du vi-e siècle, embrassant ainsi un espace de près de mille ans. Ptolémée est comme le centre autour duquel se groupent toutes les sources de cette période gréco-latine.

VI. A côté des sources purement sanscrites on trouve une autre classe de documents très-nombreux et très-importants pour l'étude de l'Inde ancienne: ce sont les sources provinciales, écrites dans des dialectes ou dans des langues de l'Inde autres que le sanscrit, et se rapportant à des provinces ou à des localités spéciales. Pour beau-coup de parties de l'Inde, pour le Dékhan notamment, ces sources sont à peu près les seules à consulter, La série principale des matériaux de cette classe est celle des chroniques radjpoutes du nord-ouest, qui continue l'histoire des tribus de race yâdava dont les origines légendaires se trouvent dans le Mahàbhàrata et dans le Harivança. Le Râdjataranghini, ou Grande Chronique du Kachmîr, quoique écrite en sanscrit, rentre aussi dans cette classe.

VII. A partir des temps voisins de notre ère, commence pour l'Inde une période historique jusqu'à présent très-obscure et très-confuse, faute de documents écrits; cette période, jusqu'à l'époque de la domination musulmane, est, à beaucoup d'égards, comparable au moyen âge de notre monde occidental. Elle est néanmoins susceptible de recevoir une grande lumière d'une classe de monuments à peine attaquée jusqu'à présent: ce sont les inscriptions, destinées le plus habituellement à enregistrer des concessions de terres faites par le prince régnant à des particuliers ou à des corporations. A partir du v-e et du vi-e siècle, toutes les provinces de la péninsule sont littéralement couvertes de ces documents, qui fourniront à la géographie de détail d'innombrables indications.

VIII. La période de la conquête musulmane forme à la fois le couronnement de l'Inde ancienne (aussi bien au point de vue de la géographie qu'au point de vue de l'histoire) et le point de départ des temps modernes. Les documents arabes et persans de cette époque contiennent d'amples renseignements, qu'il est utile de rapprocher de ceux que fournissent les inscriptions, tant sur la topographie que sur la géographie générale de l'Inde du XI-e au xiii-e siècle. On possède déjà quelques ouvrages considérables appartenant à cette catégorie, notamment l'Histoire de Férichta, quoique la plus grande partie des documents que renferment les bibliothèques de l'Inde soient encore inédits.

Cette revue rapide que nous avons passée des anciens temps de l'Inde et des divisîons historiques ou ethnographiques entre lesquelles se partage ce grand chapitre de l'antiquité orientale, nous a montré des lacunes encore bien nombreuses et de grands vides à combler dans les sources d'étude des diverses périodes, mais aussi des documents déjà très-riches et très-importants, dont le nombre s'augmente de jour en jour par de nouvelles publications de textes, de traductions et de travaux critiques. Ce n'est plus aujourd'hui qu'on pourrait dire ce qu'on a si souvent répété jusqu'à la fin du dernier siècle, et quelquefois depuis, que le passé de l'Inde n'a laissé après lui ni souvenirs ni vestiges. C'est surtout pour la géographie, dont l'ethnologie ne peut se séparer, que les matériaux sont déjà assez abondants pour reconstituer, dans ses traits généraux et dans une grande partie de ses détails, la carte de l'Inde ancienne.

Une des difficultés de cette œuvre de restitution est dans l'abondance même des notions de détail qui doivent reprendre leur place dans l'ensemble. Lorsque, pour répondre au Programme de l'Académie, je m'attachai avec suite à cette difficile étude, je sentis bientôt la nécessité de trouver un plan de travail qui pût concilier l'elucidation des points de détail, — dont le nombre est immense et qui ont tous leur intérêt soit pour l'histoire et l'archéologie, soit pour la géographie pure au point de vue de la restitution de la carte ancienne, — avec la clarté des vues d'ensemble, qui ne s'attache qu'aux grands résultats et aux faits généraux.

On me pardonnera d'entrer dans ce détail en quelque sorte personnel. La reconstîtution ethnographique et géographique de l'Inde ancienne, telle que je l'ai comprise, est une tâche immense; j'ignore s'il me sera donné de la remplir. La vie de l'homme est courte et ses nécessités sont souvent douloureuses; rarement le nombre de jours qui nous est compté suffit à l'accomplissement des projets que notre esprit a nourris, avec le plus d'amour. J'ai voulu, si je dois laisser celui-ci inachevé, que ceux qui pourraient le reprendre après moi connussent la marche que j'y aurai suivie; dans des recherches de cette nature, on aime à éclairer son expérience de celle de ses devanciers.

Voici donc, pour concilier les exigences diverses du sujet, le plan auquel je me suis arrêté après un mâr examen.

Étudier, selon l'ordre des temps et dans toutes les sources accessibles, les huit périodes successives entre lesquelles l'antiquité géographique de l'Inde se partage.

Résumer, pour chaque période, les résultats généraux de cette étude dans un exposé d'ensemble qui n'en présente que l'aspect dominant et les traits caractéristiques.

Renvoyer à une section particulière la nomenclature topographique et la multitude des faits de détail, où ils seront classés dans l'ordre alphabétique, plus favorable qu'aucun autre à la promptitude des recherches.

Telle est l'idée générale; tâchons de la preciser davantage.

Je donne le nom de discours aux morceaux d'ensemble relatifs à chaque époque, voulant indiquer par là quel caractère la rédaction en doit avoir. Ce sont des exposés, non des dissertations. Les discussions de détail, qui auraient pu s'y multiplier à l'infini, sont renvoyées à chaque article particulier de la section alphabétique; ici nous n'avons à considérer que les résultats. Faire bien ressortir le caractère propre de chaque période, apprécier et classer les sources et les moyens d'étude qui lui appartiennent, montrer ce que chaque époque apporte d'éléments nouveaux à la connaissance ethnographique ou géographique de l'Inde ancienne, et suivre dans ses développements graduels l'histoire géographique de la péninsule: tels sont fles objets de chaque discours.

Ces discours, suivant Fordre des grandes divisions d'étude auxquelles ils se rapportent et de quelques subdivisions essentielles qui s'y rencontrent, se trouvent portés au nombre de douze.

1. Discours sur la géographie des hymnes védiques.

2. Discours sur la géographie des sources oupavédiques. L'Aryavarta aux premiers temps des siècles héroïques.

3. Discours sur la géographie du Mahâbhârata, avec un appendice pour le Harivança.

4. Discours sur la géographie du Ràmâyana.

5. Discours sur l'ethnologie de l'Inde ancienne.

6. Discours sur la géographie des sources bouddhiques, avec un appendice sur la géographie de l'ile de Sinhala, ou Ceyian, dans le Mahâvança et les autres chroniques singhalaises.

7. Discourse sur ies sources grecques et remaines de l'ancienne géographie de l'Inde, et en particulier sur l'Inde de Ptolémée.

8. Discours sur la géographie du Ràdjataranghini, ou Grande Chronique kachamirïenne.

9. Discours sur la géographie des sources radjpoutes.

10. Discours sur la géographie des documents indigènes du Dékhan.

11. Discours sur la géographie épigraphique de l'Inde, à partir des premiers siècles de notre ère.

12. Discours sur lâ géographie de l'Inde dans les sources musulmanes.

Chacun de ces discours doit être accompagné d'une ou plusieurs cartes, à une échelle suffisante pour y placer non-seulement les grandes indications de l'exposé général, mais aussi toutes les positions de détail mentionnées dans les sources, et dont la nomenclature est renvoyée au répertoire alphabétique. La série de ces cartes, au nombre de seize à dix-huit, formera un atlas historique complet de l'Inde ancienne. Une grande carte, destinée à représenter les divisions politiques et la nomenclature indigène de l'Inde du X-e au xii-e siècle de l'ère chrétienne, laissant à chacune des cartes spéciales les indications propres à chaque époque et à certaines catégories de sources, ne reproduira de chacune d'elles que les indications permanentes qui constituent le corps même de la géographie sanscrite, et en particulier celles que donnent les sources épigraphiques.

La suite de ces discours sur les diverses périodes de l'histoire géographique de l'Inde ancienne, avec les cartes qui s'y rattachent et les résument, forme la première partie de nos recherches; la seconde partie est formée par le Repertoire alphabétique.

Il est aisé de voir, avec quelque réflexion, que cette forme de Répertoire alphabétique est non-seulement la plus convenable, mais la seule convenable et la seule qui pût être adoptée, eu égard à la nature, à l'objet et aux conditions du travail.

Quand, pour la première fois, l'ancienne géographie sanscrite est abordée dans son ensemble et dans tous ses détails, chaque nom fourni par les sources nécessite une élaboration spéciale. Pour un très-grand nombre de noms, cette élaboration prend inévitablement des proportions étendues, et donne lieu à de véritables dissertations; Il était évidemment impossible de concilier cette continuité de discussions critiques avec les formes et les proportions exigées dans une composition méthodique. L'ordre alphabétique seul donnait un cadre assez large et assez élastique poor se prêter aus exigences du sujet.

Il faut songer, en outre, que, si considérable que soit notre travail, ce n'est que le premier jet d'une science toute neuve encore. Il reste à publier un grand nombre de documents originaux appartenant aux temps anciens de l'Inde, et chaque nouvelle publication apportera nécessairement de nouveaux faits à l'ancienne géographie sanscrite. Avec la forme alphabétique de notre Répertoire le cadre reste ouvert, toujours prêt à admettre, sans déranger l'ensemble, les additions et les rectifications qui seront fournies par de nouveaux matériaux.

Enfîn, un travail de restitution complet de l'ancienne géographie e l'Inde doit devenir; et ce sera là sa plus grande utilité, l'auxiliaire de toutes les reherches historiques ou archéologiques qui auront l'Inde andcienne pour objet. L'ordre alpbabétique est le plus favorable à la promptitude des recherches.

Cette forme est celle que choisit d'Anville pour le travail justificatif de sa carte de l'ancienne Gaule, comme les articles de notre Répertoire alphabétique seront les pièces justificatives des cartes de détail et de la carte générale de l'Inde sanscrite.

C'est aussi la forme qu avant d'AnvilIe Ortelius avait adoptée pour son Thésaurus de la géographie classique, travail excellent qu'aucun n'a remplacé depuis, et qui, aujourd'hui encore, après trois cents ans, a gardé en grande partie so utilité première. Seulement Ortelius, à l'époque où il écrivait, ne pouvait faire entrer la géographie comparée dans le cadre de ses recherches, et cette partie comparée, qui suit un nom de localité ou de tribu à travers les siècles, pour arriver, s'il existe encore, à son identification actuelle, est, au contraire, le côté considérable de mon travail. Pour les sources anciennes, je me suis attaché à noter exactement les passages de tous les auteurs, ou à indiquer les inscriptions ou un nom se trouve mentionné, afin qu'on puisse toujours remonter aux sources originales. J'ai, de plus, indiqué avec soin tous lestravaux modernes, relations, dissertations, mémoires, etc. ou le point en question se trouve mentionné ou discuté.

J'ai exposé dans son ensemble le plan d'un travail complet sur la géographie indigène et sur l'ethnographie de l'Inde ancienne; je dois dire maintenant quelles parties j'en ai pu remplir jusqu'à présent.

L'étude de la période védique était la première qui se présentât dans l'ordre des temps. Ici la matiere était aussi neuve que possible, car la base fondamentale, le Rig-Véda, n'a été complètement publiée qu'à la fin de 1851.1 [Dans la traduction francaise de M. Langlois, 4 vol, in-8. Depuis lors, M. Wilson a entrepris une version anglaise, qui marche de concert avec la publication du texte sanscrit par M. Max Muller, et qui est arrivee a son troisieme volume.] Cette première étude est entièrement achevée; c'est celle que l'Académie des inscriptions a jugée digne du prix qu'elle avait proposé, et que je mets aujourd'hui sous les yeux du public savant. La géographie du Sapta-Sindhou est maintenant, j'ose le croire, complètement éclaircie, ainsi que les indications ethnologiques des hymnes. Plusieurs conséquences d'une grande importance historique ressortent de ce travail. C'est une première et solide assise pour l'histoire ethnologique des siècles-suivants, c'est-à-dire pour la partie capitale de l'histoire de l'Inde ancienne, telle que nos documents nous permettent de la reconstruire.

Les six aimées écoulées depuis l'époque où fut pubié le programme de l'Académie n'auraient pas suffi, à beaucoup près, pour traiter à fond chacune des huit périodes de l'ancienne histoire de l'Inde, telles que nous les avons distinguées; nos sources originales, dans l'état actuel des publications sanscrites, ne l'auraient pas, d'ailleurs, permis pour toutes. Plusieurs brahmanas importants, l'Aîtarèya et le Çatapatha notamment, que l'on ne connaît, jusqu'à présent, que par des extraits, et dont on a lieu d'espérer la publication prochaine, sont indispensables pour tracer le tableau géographique des premiers temps des grandes monarchies de l'Âryavarta, et pour soumettre la nomenclature géographique de cette antique période à un travail complet d'élucidation. Il est pareillement impossible d'entreprendre un travail d'ensemble sur la géographie du Mahâbhârata avant la traduction complète de cette épopée gigantesque, dont on ne possède encore que des fragments détachés. Nous avons tout lien d'espérer qu'une année ne s'écoulera pas avant que nous ne possédions, entièrement achevé, le Râmâyana de M. Gorresio; mais, en ce moment, le dernier livre manque encore à cette belle publication1 [dernier livre a été publié depuis l'époque où ces lignes ont eté ecrites.]. De même pour la géographie et l'ethnologie des sources radjpoutes, qui, par le Harivança, se rattachent d'une manière intime aux vieilles légendes du Mahâbhârata; les extraits que le major Tod en a donnes, s'ils permettent déjà d'entrevoir le caractère et la portée de cette catégorie des sources indigènes, ne suffisent pas pour en tracer une appréciation suffisamment motivée, et pour en faire ressortir les données générales. Il nous faut attendre la publication d'une ou deux des grandes chroniques provinciales rapportées en Europe par le major Tod, et la traduction du poëme de Tchand, qui sollicite depuis si longtemps le labeur d'un orientaliste. Quant à la géographie des inscriptions, il serait également prématuré d'en vouloir exposer d'une manière substantielle le caractère et le dessin général avant que l'épigraphie indienne ait été l'objet de nouvelles publications, plus étendues et plus régulières que ce que nous en possédons maintenant. Dans la limite des différentes périodes que je viens de rappeler, on pouvait sans doute aborder déjà une foule de questions et de faits de détail, soit géographiques, soit ethnologiques; mais on n'aurait donné de leur ensemble que des appréciations insuffisantes, plus ou moins superficielles, et nécessairement provisoires. En tout état de cause, celles-là devaient être ajournées.

D'autres pouvaient se terminer dès à présent.

Pour l'étude complète et approfondie des documents grecs et latins, pour ia géographie des temps bouddhiques et celle de la chronique kachmirienne, pour la géographie du Râmâyana, enfin pour l'étude ethnologique de l'Inde ancienne, on est dès à présent en pleine possession de matériaux suffisants. La plupart des faits de détail de ces cinq grandes divisions ont été attaqués dans le cours de mon premier travail, et plusieurs, par les développements qu'ils ont reçus, sont devenus de véritables dissertations. Plus de six cents articles de ce genre ont pu être soumis à l'appréciation de l'Académie en même temps que le mémoire actuel sur la géographie védique.

En décernant le prix à un ouvrage qui ne répondait qu'en partie aux conditions de son programme, l'Académie a voulu sans doute donner une haute marque d'encouragement à des recherches dont elle connaissait l'étendue et les difficultés. Je sens vivement ce qu'une si haute faveur a d'honorable, mais je comprends aussi ce qu'elle impose d'obligations. Je n'ai pas cessé de travailler à les remplir dans la mesure de mes forcés. Les trois premières parties d'un mémoire étendu sur la géographie gréco-romaine de la péninsule hindoue, comparée a la géographie sanscrite, ont été lues depuis lors au sein de l'Académie, et les deux premières sont déjà imprimées dan le cinquième volume des Savants étrangers. Dès que la dernière partie de ce mémoire sera terminée, je me propose d'achever un travail non moins considérable sur l'ethnologîe de l'Inde; travail dont j'ai réuni depuis longtemps et en partie élaboré les matériaux. Il serait téméraire d'étendre plus loin, quant à présent, mes prévisions d'avenir.
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Amarakosha
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 2/8/22

The Prinas and the Cainas (a tributary of the Ganges) are both navigable rivers. The tribes which dwell by the Ganges are the Calingae, nearest the sea, and higher up the Mandei, also the Malli, among whom is Mount Mallus, the boundary of all that region being the Ganges. Some have asserted that this river, like the Nile, rises from unknown sources, and in a similar way waters the country it flows through, while others trace its source to the Skythian mountains. Nineteen rivers are said to flow into it, of which, besides those already mentioned, the Condochates, Erannoboas, Cosoagus, and Sonus are navigable....

It is farther said that the Indians do not rear monuments to the dead, but consider the virtues which men have displayed in life, and the songs in which their praises are celebrated, sufficient to preserve their memory after death. But of their cities it is said that the number is so great that it cannot be stated with precision, but that such cities as are situated on the banks of rivers or on the sea-coast are built of wood instead of brick, being meant to last only for a time,— so destructive are the heavy rains which pour down, and the rivers also when they overflow their banks and inundate the plains, — while those cities which stand on commanding situations and lofty eminences are built of brick and mud; that the greatest city in India is that which is called Palimbothra, in the dominions of the Prasians, where the streams of the Erannoboas and the Ganges unite, — the Ganges being the greatest of all rivers, and the Erannoboas being perhaps the third largest of Indian rivers, though greater than the greatest rivers elsewhere; but it is smaller than the Ganges where it falls into it. Megasthenes informs us that this city stretched in the inhabited quarters to an extreme length on each side of eighty stadia, and that its breadth was fifteen stadia, and that a ditch encompassed it all round, which was six hundred feet in breadth and thirty cubits in depth, and that the wall was crowned with 570 towers and had four-and-sixty gates.

-- Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes and Arrian; Being a Translation of the Fragments of the Indika of Megasthenes Collected by Dr. Schwanbeck, and of the First Part of the Indika of Arrian, by J.W. McCrindle, M.A., 1877

The next is the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], or red river: in the Puranas it is constantly called Sona, and I believe never otherwise. In the Amara cosa, and other tracts, I am told, it is called Hiranya-bahu, implying the golden arm, or branch of a river, or the golden canal or channel. These expressions imply an arm or branch of the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], which really forms two branches before it falls into the Ganges. The easternmost, through the accumulation of sand, is now nearly filled up, and probably will soon disappear.

The epithet of golden does by no means imply that gold was found in its sands. It was so called, probably, on account of the influx of gold and wealth arising from the extensive trade carried on through it; for it was certainly a place of shelter for all the large trading boats during the stormy weather and the rainy season.

In the extracts from Megasthenes by Pliny and Arrian, the Sonus and Erannoboas appear either as two distinct rivers, or as two arms of the same river. Be this as it may, Arrian says that the Erannoboas was the third river in India, which is not true. But I suppose that Megasthenes meant only the Gangetick provinces: for he says that the Ganges was the first and largest. He mentions next the Commenasis or Sarayu, from the country of Commanh, as a very large river. The third large river is then the Erannoboas or river Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki].

Ptolemy, finding himself peculiarly embarrassed with regard to this river, and the metropolis of India situated on its banks, thought proper to suppress it entirely. Others have done the same under similar distressful circumstances. It is however well known to this day under the denomination of Hiranya-baha, even to every school boy in the Gangetick provinces, and in them there is no other river of that name....[???!!!]


The Damiadee was first noticed by the Sansons in France, but was omitted since by every geographer, I believe, such as the Sieur Robert, the famous D’Anville, &c; but it was revived by Major Rennell, under the name of Dummody. I think its real name was Dhumyati, from a thin mist like smoke, arising from its bed. Several rivers in India are so named: thus the Hiranya-baha, or eastern branch of the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki], is called Cujjhati, or Cuhi† [Commentary on the Geog. of the M. Bh.] from Cuha, a mist hovering occasionally over its bed. As this branch of the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki] has disappeared, or nearly so, this fog is no longer to be seen.

-- VII. On the ancient Geography of India, by Lieut. Col. F. Wilford

I cannot help mentioning a discovery which accident threw in my way, though my proofs must be reserved for an essay which I have destined for the fourth volume of your Transactions. To fix the situation of that Palibothra (for there may have been several of the name) which was visited and described by Megasthenes, had always appeared a very difficult problem, for though it could not have been Prayaga, where no ancient metropolis ever stood, nor Canyacubja, which has no epithet at all resembling the word used by the Greeks; nor Gaur, otherwise called Lacshmanavati, which all know to be a town comparatively modern, yet we could not confidently decide that it was Pataliputra, though names and most circumstances nearly correspond, because that renowned capital extended from the confluence of the Sone and the Ganges to the site of Patna, while Palibothra stood at the junction of the Ganges and Erannoboas, which the accurate M. D'Anville had pronounced to be the Yamuna; but this only difficulty was removed, when I found in a classical Sanscrit book, near 2000 years old, that Hiranyabahu, or golden armed, which the Greeks changed into Erannoboas, or the river with a lovely murmur, was in fact another name for the Sona [Son/Sone: Wiki] itself; though Megasthenes, from ignorance or inattention, has named them separately. This discovery led to another of greater moment, for Chandragupta, who, from a military adventurer, became like Sandracottus the sovereign of Upper Hindustan, actually fixed the seat of his empire at Pataliputra, where he received ambassadors from foreign princes; and was no other than that very Sandracottus who concluded a treaty with Seleucus Nicator...

-- Discourse X. Delivered February 28, 1793, P. 192, Excerpt from "Discourses Delivered Before the Asiatic Society: And Miscellaneous Papers, on The Religion, Poetry, Literature, Etc. of the Nations of India", by Sir William Jones, As. Res. vol. iv. p. 11, 1799


The City of Pataliputra: Its Location and Boundaries.

The geographical position of the city is fixed, by the foregoing data, at a point somewhere in the immediate vicinity of the modern town of Patna. The old city stood on the south bank of the Ganges at the confluence of the latter river with another, called by the Greeks "Erannoboas," a name apparently intended for the river Hiranyabahu or Son,1 [Strabo does not name this river, but Arrian, writing apparently from the same sources (Megasthenes), calls it "Erranoboas," which is usually considered to be intended for the Indian "Hiranya-baha" or "The Golden Armed," a title which Sir W. Jones showed (Asiatic Researches, IV, 10 (1795)) was an ancient name of the river Son, and Colonel Wilford (idem, XIV, 380) quotes Patanjali as writing "Pataliputra on the Son" (anu Sonam Pataliputra) also Ind. Antiquary, 1872, p. 201). But Arrian and Pliny enumerate both the "Erranoboas" and "Son" as distinct rivers. It might also be intended for the Hiranyavati or The "Golden One," which was a title of the Gandak or one of its branches at the time and place where Buddha died; and the Gandak joins the Ganges opposite Patna at the present day.] which formerly joined the Ganges here, and in the accompanying map I have indicated in green the present traces of the old channel of the Son, which seems to be the river in question.

-- Report on the Excavations At Pataliputra (Patna): The Palibothra of the Greeks, by L.A. Waddell, M.B., LL.D., Lieut.-Colonel, Indian Medical Service, 1903

This article has multiple issues. This article needs additional citations for verification. Some of this article's listed sources may not be reliable.

The Amarakosha (Devanagari: अमरकोशः, IAST: Amarakośaḥ , ISO: Amarakōśaḥ) is the popular name for Namalinganushasanam (Devanagari: नामलिङ्गानुशासनम्, IAST: Nāmaliṅgānuśāsanam, ISO: Nāmaliṅgānuśāsanam) a thesaurus in Sanskrit written by the ancient Indian scholar Amarasimha. It may be one of the oldest extant koshas. The author himself mentions 18 prior works, but they have all been lost.

Amarasimha (c. CE 375) was a Sanskrit grammarian and poet from ancient India, of whose personal history hardly anything is known. He is said to have been "one of the nine gems that adorned the throne of Vikramaditya," and according to the evidence of Xuanzang, this is the Chandragupta Vikramaditya (Chandragupta II) who flourished about CE 375. Other sources describe him as belonging to the period of Vikramaditya of 7th century. Most of Amarasiṃha's works were lost, with the exception of the celebrated Amara-Kosha (IAST: Amarakośa) (Treasury of Amara). The first reliable mention of the Amarakosha is in the Amoghavritti of Shakatayana composed during the reign of Amoghavarsha (814-867CE)

The Amarakosha is a lexicon of Sanskrit words in three books, and hence is sometimes called the Trikāṇḍī or the "Tripartite". It is also known as "Namalinganushasana". The Amarakosha contains 10,000 words, and is arranged, like other works of its class, in metre, to aid the memory.

The first chapter of the Kosha was printed at Rome in Tamil character in 1798. An edition of the entire work, with English notes and an index by HT Colebrooke appeared at Serampore in 1808. The Sanskrit text was printed at Calcutta in 1831. A French translation by ALA Loiseleur-Deslongchamps was published at Paris in 1839. B. L. Rice compiled the text in Kannada script with meanings in English and Kannada in 1927.

-- Amarasimha, by Wikipedia

Its form of presentation is of the strangest: a miracle of ingenuity, but of perverse and wasted ingenuity. The only object aimed at in it is brevity, at the sacrifice of everything else — of order, of clearness, of even intelligibility except by the aid of keys and commentaries and lists of words, which then are furnished in profusion. To determine a grammatical point out of it is something like constructing a passage of text out of an index verborum [An index of words.]: if you are sure that you have gathered up every word that belongs in the passage, and have put them all in the right order, you have got the right reading; but only then. If you have mastered Panini sufficiently to bring to bear upon the given point every rule that relates to it, and in due succession, you have settled the case; but that is no easy task. For example, it takes nine mutually limitative rules, from all parts of the text-book, to determine whether a certain aorist shall be ajgarisam or ajagarisam (the case is reported in the preface to Muller's grammar): there is lacking only a tenth rule, to tell us that the whole word is a false and never-used formation....

The main thing which makes of the grammarians' Sanskrit a special and peculiar language is its list of roots. Of these there are reported to us about two thousand, with no intimation of any difference in character among them, or warning that a part of them may and that another part may not be drawn upon for forms to be actually used; all stand upon the same plane. But more than half — actually more than half — of them never have been met with, and never will be met with, in the Sanskrit literature of any age. When this fact began to come to light, it was long fondly hoped, or believed, that the missing elements would yet turn up in some corner of the literature not hitherto ransacked; but all expectation of that has now been abandoned. One or another does appear from time to time; but what are they among so many? The last notable case was that of the root stigh, discovered in the Maitrayani-Sanhita, a text of the Brahmana period; but the new roots found in such texts are apt to turn out wanting in the lists of the grammarians. Beyond all question, a certain number of cases are to be allowed for, of real roots, proved such by the occurrence of their evident cognates in other related languages, and chancing not to appear in the known literature; but they can go only a very small way indeed toward accounting for the eleven hundred unauthenticated roots. Others may have been assumed as underlying certain derivatives or bodies of derivatives — within due limits, a perfectly legitimate proceeding; but the cases thus explainable do not prove to be numerous. There remain then the great mass, whose presence in the lists no ingenuity has yet proved sufficient to account for. And in no small part, they bear their falsity and artificiality on the surface, in their phonetic form and in the meanings ascribed to them; we can confidently say that the Sanskrit language, known to us through a long period of development, neither had nor could have any such roots. How the grammarians came to concoct their list, rejected in practice by themselves and their own pupils, is hitherto an unexplained mystery. No special student of the native grammar, to my knowledge, has attempted to cast any light upon it; and it was left for Dr. Edgren, no partisan of the grammarians, to group and set forth the facts for the first time, in the Journal of the American Oriental Society (Vol. XI, 1882 [but the article printed in 1879], pp. 1-55), adding a list of the real roots, with brief particulars as to their occurrence.1 [I have myself now in press a much fuller account of the quotable roots of the language, with all their quotable tense-stems and primary derivatives — everything accompanied by a definition of the period of its known occurrence in the history of the language.] It is quite clear, with reference to this fundamental and most important item, of what character the grammarians' Sanskrit is.

-- The Study of Hindu Grammar and the Study of Sanskrit, by William Dwight Whitney

There have been more than 40 commentaries on the Amarakosha.

Etymology

The word "Amarakosha" derives from the Sanskrit words amara ("immortal") and kosha ("treasure, casket, pail, collection, dictionary"). The actual name of the book "Namalinganushasanam" means "instruction concerning nouns and gender".[citation needed]

Author

Main article: Amara Sinha

Narasimha [Amarasimha] is said to have been one of the Navaratnas ("nine gems") at the court of Vikramaditya, the legendary king inspired by Chandragupta II, a Gupta king who reigned around AD 400.

Navaratnas (transl. Nine gems) or Nauratan was a term applied to a group of nine extraordinary people in an emperor's court in India. The well-known Nauratnas include the ones in the courts of the Hindu emperor Vikramaditya, the Mughal emperor Akbar, and the feudal lord Raja Krishnachandra.

Vikramaditya was a legendary emperor, who ruled from Ujjain; he is generally identified with the Gupta emperor Chandragupta II. According to folk tradition, his court had 9 famous scholars.

The earliest source that mentions this legend is Jyotirvidabharana (22.10), a treatise attributed to Kalidasa. According to this text, the following 9 scholars (including Kalidasa himself) attended Vikramaditya's court:

1. Amarasimha
2. Dhanvantari
3. Ghatkharpar
4. Kalidasa
5. Kshapanaka
6. Shanku
7. Varahamihira
8. Vararuchi
9. Vetala-Bhatta

However, Jyotirvidabharana is considered a literary forgery of a date later than Kalidasa by multiple scholars. V. V. Mirashi dates the work to 12th century, and points out that it could not have been composed by Kalidasa, because it contains grammatical faults. There is no mention of such "Navaratnas" in earlier literature. D. C. Sircar calls this tradition "absolutely worthless for historical purposes".

There is no historical evidence to show that these nine scholars were contemporary figures or proteges of the same king. Vararuchi is believed to have lived around 3rd or 4th century CE. The period of Kalidasa is debated, but most historians place him around 5th century CE. Varahamihira is known to have lived in 6th century CE. Dhanavantari was the author of a medical glossary (Nighantu); his period is uncertain. Amarasimha cannot be dated with certainty either, but his lexicon utilizes the works of Dhanavantari and Kalidasa; therefore, he cannot be dated to 1st century BCE, when the legendary Vikramaditya is said to have established the Vikrama Samvat in 57 BCE. Not much is known about Shanku, Vetalabhatta, Kshapanaka and Ghatakarpara. Some Jain writers identify Siddhasena Divakara as Kshapanaka, but this claim is not accepted by historians.

-- Navaratnas, by Wikipedia

Some sources indicate that he belonged to the period of Vikramaditya of the 7th century.[1]

Mirashi examines the question of the date of composition of Amarakosha. He finds the first reliable mention in Amoghavritti of Shakatayana composed during the reign of Amoghavarsha (814-867 CE).[2]

Textual organisation

The Amarakośa consists of verses that can be easily memorized. It is divided into three kāṇḍas or chapters. The first, svargādi-kāṇḍa ("heaven and others") has words about heaven and the Gods and celestial beings who reside there. The second, bhūvargādi-kāṇḍa ("earth and others") deals with words about earth, towns, animals, and humans. The third, sāmānyādi-kāṇḍa ("common") has words related to grammar and other miscellaneous words.[citation needed]

Svargādikāṇḍa, the first kāṇḍa of the Amarakośa begins with the verse 'Svar-avyayaṃ-Svarga-Nāka-Tridiva-Tridaśālayāḥ' describing various names of Heaven viz. Svaḥ, Svarga, Nāka, Tridiva, Tridaśālaya, etc. The second verse 'Amarā Nirjarā DevāsTridaśā Vibudhāḥ Surāḥ’ describes various words that are used for the Deva-s (Gods). The fifth and sixth verses give various names of Buddha and Śākyamuni (i.e. Gautam Buddha). The following verses give the different names of Brahmā, Viṣṇu, Vasudeva, Balarāma, Kāmadeva, Lakṣmī, Kṛṣṇa, Śiva, Indra, etc. All these names are treated with great reverence. While Amarasiṃha is regarded to have been a Bauddha (Buddhist),[3][4] Amarakośa reflects the period before the rise of sectarianism. Commentaries on Amarakosha have been written by Brahmanical, Jain and well as Buddhist scholars.[5]

The second kāṇḍa, Bhuvargādikāṇḍa, of the Amarakosha is divided into ten Vargas or parts. The ten Vargas are Bhuvarga (Earth), Puravarga (Towns or Cities), Shailavarga (Mountains), Vanoshadivarga (Forests and medicines), Simhadivarga (Lions and other animals), Manushyavarga (Mankind), Bramhavarga (Brahmin), Kshatriyavarga (Kshatriyas), Vysyavarga (Vysyas) and Sudravarga (Sudras).[citation needed]

The Third Kanda, Sāmānyādikāṇḍa contains Adjectives, Verbs, words related to prayer, business, etc. The first verse Kshemankaroristatathi Shivathathi Shivamkara gives the Nanarthas of the word Shubakara or propitious as Kshemankara, Aristathathi, Shivathathi, and Shivamkara.[citation needed]

Commentaries

• Amarakoshodghātana by Kṣīrasvāmin (11th century CE, the earliest commentary)
• Tīkāsarvasvam by Vandhyaghatīya Sarvānanda (12th century)
• Rāmāsramī (Vyākhyāsudha) by Bhānuji Dīkshita
• Padachandrikā by Rāyamukuta
• Kāshikavivaranapanjikha by Jinendra Bhudhi
• Pārameśwari by Parameswaran Mōsad in Malayalam
• A Telugu commentary by Linga Bhatta (12th century)

Translations

"Gunaratha" of Ujjain translated it into Chinese in the 7th century.

The Pali thesaurus Abhidhānappadīpikā, composed in the twelfth century by the grammarian Moggallāna Thera, is based on the Amarakosha.

References

1. Amarakosha compiled by B.L.Rice, edited by N.Balasubramanya, 1970, page X
2. Literary and Historical Studies in Indology, Vasudev Vishnu Mirashi, Motilal Banarsidass Publ., 1975, p. 50-51
3. Encyclopaedia of Indian Literature: Devraj to Jyoti, Volume 2, Editor Amaresh Datta, Sahitya Akademi, 1988 p. 1036
4. A History of Indian Literature, Moriz Winternitz, Motilal Banarsidass, 1985, p. 494
5. Anundoram Barooah Makers of Indian literature, Biswanarayan Shastri, Sahitya Akademi, 1984p. 79

Bibliography

• Krsnaji Govinda Oka, Poona City, Law Printing Press, 1913
• Amarakosha at sanskritdocuments.org
• Amarakosha files by Avinash Sathaye
• The Nâmalingânusâsana (Amarakosha) of Amarasimha; with the commentary (Amarakoshodghâtana) of Kshîrasvâmin (1913) at the Internet Archive.
• A web interface to access the knowledge structure in Amarakosha at Department of Sanskrit Studies, University of Hyderabad.

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Kosha or Dictionary of the Sanskrit Language by Umura Singha
With an English Interpretation and Annotations
by H. T. Colebrooke, Esq.
Late of the Bengal Civil Service
Third Edition
1891

PUBLISHER'S NOTICE

The value of Colebrooke's Umura Kosha has never been under-rated and is well known to all Anglo-Sanskrit Scholars. It is a book which appears to be indispensably necessary to the students of the Calcutta University and indeed to all English-knowing students of Sanskrit, as furnishing English synonyms for Sanskrit words and very valuable notes on the text. But as the book has long been out of print and is not now available except at a great cost, it is hoped that the publication of the present edition will bring it within the reach of the general public and the students of the Calcutta University in particular. The publisher sincerely hopes that the undertaking will meet the support of those for whom it is intended.

January, 1891

HARAGOBINDA RAKSHIT
 
PREFACE

THE compilation of a Sanskrit Dictionary having been undertaken early after the institution of the College of Fort William, it was at the same time thought advisable to print, in Sanskrit and English, the work which has been chosen for the basis of that compilation; as well for the sake of exhibiting an original authority to which reference will be frequently necessary, as with the view of furnishing an useful vocabulary which might serve until an ampler dictionary could be prepared and published.

The celebrated Umura Kosha, or Vocabulary of Sanskrit by Umura singha, is, by the unanimous suffrage of the learned, the best guide to the acceptations of nouns in Sanskrit. The work of Panini on etymology is rivalled by other grammars, some of which have even obtained the preference in the opinion of the learned of particular provinces: but Umura's vocabulary has prevailed wherever the Sanskrit language is cultivated; and the numerous other vocabularies, which remain, are consulted only where Umura's is either silent or defective. It has employed the industry of innumerable commentators, while none of the others (with the single exception of Hemachandra's have been interpreted even by one annotator. Such decided preference for the Umura Kosha, and the consequent frequency of quotations from it, determined the selection of this as the basis of an alphabetical dictionary, and suggested the expediency of also publishing the original text with an English interpretation. Like other vocabularies of Sanskrit, that of Umura is in metre; and a considerable degree of knowledge of the language becomes requisite to discriminate the words from their interpretations and to separate them from contiguous terms which affect their initials and finals. On this account, and to adapt the work to the use of the English student, the words, of which the sense is exhibited, are disjoined from their interpretation (which is included between crotchets); and the close of each word is marked by a Italic letter over it indicating the gender of the noun. Where a letter has been permuted according to the Sanskrit system of orthography, a dot is placed under the line to intimate that a letter is there altered or omitted: and a marginal note is added, exhibiting the radical final of the noun, or its initial, in every instance where either of them is so far disguised by permutation as not to be easily recognized upon a slight knowledge of the rudiments of the language, and of its orthography. An explanation in English is given in the margin, and completed when necessary, at the foot of the page. The different interpretations proposed by the several commentators, and the variations in orthography remarked by them, are also specified in the same place.

According to the original plan of the present publication, the variations in the reading of the text (for which a careful collation has been made of several copies and of numerous commentaries) are noticed only where they affect the interpretation of a word or its orthography. It was not at first intended to insert those differences which are remarked by commentators upon other authority, and not upon the ground of any variation in the text itself. However, the utility of indicating such differences was afterwards thought to counterbalance any inconvenience attending it: and after some progress had been made at the press, this* [These additions are incorporated with the text in the present edition.] and other additions to the original design were admitted, which have rendered a supplement necessary to supply omissions in the first chapters and complete the work upon an uniform plan.

To avoid too great an increase of the volume, the various readings and interpretations are rather hinted than fully set forth: it has been judged sufficient to state the result, as the notes would have been too much lengthened, if the ground of disagreement had been everywhere exhibited and explained. For the same reason, authorities have not been cited by name. The mention of the particular commentator in each instance would have enlarged the notes, with very little advantage, as the means of verifying authorities are as effectually furnished by an enumeration of the works which have been employed and consulted. They are as follow: —

I. The text of the Umura Kosha:

This vocabulary comprised in three books, is frequently cited under the title of Trikanda;* [ i e. The three books. But that name properly appertains to a more ancient vocabulary, which is mentioned by the commentaries on the Umura Kosha among the works from which this is supposed to have been compiled.] sometimes under the denomination of Abhidhana (nouns), from its subject; often under that of Umura Kosha, from the name of the author. The commentators are indeed unanimous in ascribing it to Umura Singha. He appears to have belonged to the sect of Buddha, (though this be denied by some of his scholiasts;) and is reputed to have lived in the reign of Vikramaditya; and he is expressly named among the ornaments of the Court of Raja Bhoja,† [In the Bhoja Prabandha.] one of the many princes to whom that title has been assigned. If this mention of him be accurate, he must have lived not more than eight hundred years ago; for a poem entitled Subahshita ratna sandoha, by a Jaina author named Amitakati, is dated in the year 1050 from the death of Vikramaditya, and in the reign of Munja who was uncle and predecessor of Raja Bhoja. It, however, appears inconsistent with the inscription at Buddhagaya  which is dated in the year 1005 of the era of Vikramaditya, and in which mention is made of Umura Deva, probably the same with the author of the vocabulary. From the frequent instances of anachronism both in sacred and profane story as current among the Hindus, more confidence seems due to the inscription, than to any popular tales concerning Raja Bhoja; and the Umura Kosha may be considered as at least nine hundred years old; and possibly more ancient.

It is intimated in the author's own preface that the work was compiled from more ancient vocabularies: his commentators instance the Trikanda,* [See a preceding note.] Utpalini, Rabhasa and Katyayana as furnishing information on the nouns; and Vyadi and Vararuchi on the genders. The last mentioned of these authors is reputed contemporary with Vikramaditya and consequently with Umura Singha himself.

The copies of the original, which have been employed in the correction of the text, in the present publication, are,

1st. A transcript made for my use from an ancient corrected copy in the Tirhutiya character, and collated by me with a copy in Devanagari, which had been carefully examined by Sir William Jones. He had inserted in it an English interpretation; of which also I reserved a copy and have derived great assistance from it in the present publication.

2d. A transcript in Devanagari character, with a commentary and notes in the Kanara dialect. It contains numerous passages, which are unnoticed in the most approved commentaries, and which are accordingly omitted in the present edition.

3rd. Another copy in the Devanagari character, with a brief and imperfect interpretation in Hindi.

4th. A copy in the Bengali character with marginal notes explanatory of the text.

5th. A copy in duplicate, accompanied by a Sanskrit commentary, which will be forthwith mentioned (that of Ramasrama). It contains a few passages not noticed by most of the commentators. They have been, however, retained on the authority of this scholiast. A like remark is applicable to certain other passages expounded in some commentaries but not in others. All such have been retained, where the authority itself has been deemed good.

6th. Recourse has been occasionally had to other copies of the text in the possession of natives, whenever it has been thought any ways requisite.

II. Commentaries on the Umura Kosha.

1. At the head of the commentaries which have been used, must be placed that of Rayamukuta, (or Vrihaspati surnamed Rayamukutamani.) This work entitled Padachandrika, was compiled, as the author himself informs us, from sixteen earlier commentaries, to many of which he repeatedly refers: especially those of Kshira Swami, Subhuti, Hadda Chandra, Kalinga, Konkat a, Sarvadhara, and the Vyakhyamrita Tikasarvasva, &c.* [The following names may be selected from Mukuta's quotations, to complete the number of sixteen: Madhavi, Madhumadhavi, Sarvananda, Abhinanda, Rajadeva, Goverdhana, Dravida, Bh'ja Raja. But some of these appear to be separate works, rather than commentaries on the Umura Kosha. Mukuta occasionally cites the most celebrated grammarians as Panini, Jayaditya, Jinendra, Maitreya, Rakshita, Pubushottama, Madhava, &c.]

Its age is ascertained from the incidental mention of a date: viz. 1353 Saka, or 4532 of the Kaliyuga, corresponding to A.D. 1431.

Though the derivations in Mukuta's commentary be often inaccurate, and other errors also have been remarked by later compilers, its authority is in general great; and, accordingly, it has been carefully consulted under every article of the present work.

2. Among the earlier commentaries named by Raya Mukuta, that of Kshira Swami is the only one, which has been examined in the progress of this compilation. It is a work of considerable merit; and is still in general use in some provinces of India, although the interpretations not unfrequently differ from those commonly received.

3. The Vyakhyasudha, a modern commentary by Ramasrama or by Bhanudikshita (for copies differ as to the name of the author) is the work of a grammarian of the school of Benares. He continually refers to Rayamukuta and to Sami; and his work serves to confirm their scholia where accurate, and to correct them where erroneous. It has been consulted at every line.

4. The Vyakhya Pradipa by Achyuta Upadhyaya is a concise and accurate exposition of the text: but adds little to the information furnished by the works above-mentioned. It has been, however, occasionally consulted.

In these four commentaries, the derivations are given according to Panini's system. In others, which are next to be enumerated, various popular grammars are followed for the etymologies. But, as the derivations of the words are not included in the plan of the present work, being reserved for a place in the intended alphabetical dictionary of Sanskrit, those commentaries have not been the less useful in regard to the information which was sought in them.

5. The commentary of Bharata Malla (entitled Mugdhabodhini) has been as regularly consulted as those of Mukuta and Ramasrama. It is indeed a very excellent work; copious and clear, and particularly full upon the variations of orthography according to different readings or different authorities; the etymologies are given conformably with Vopadeva's system of grammar. The author flourished in the middle of last century.

6. The Sara Sundari by Mathuresa has been much used. It is perspicuous and abounds in quotations from other commentaries; and is therefore a copious source of information on the various interpretations and readings of the text. The Supadma is the grammar followed in the derivations stated by this commentator. Mathuresa is author likewise of a vocabulary in verse entitled Sabdaratnavali, arranged in the same order with the Umura Kosha, and which might serve therefore as a commentary on that work. It was compiled under the patronage of a Mussulman Chieftain Murehha Khan, whose name is prefixed to it. The author wrote not more than 150 years ago.* [His work contains the date 1588 Saka or A.D. 1666.]

7. The Padartha Kaumudi by Narayana Chakravarti is another commentary of considerable merit, which has been frequently consulted. The Kalapa is the grammar followed in the etymologies here exhibited.

8. A commentary by Ramanatha Vidyavachaspati entitled Trikandaviveca, is peculiarly copious on the variations of orthography, and is otherwise a work affording much useful information.

9. Another commentary which has been constantly employed, is that by Nilakantha. It is full and satisfactory on most points for which reference is usually made to the expositors of the Umura Kosha.

10. The commentary of Rama Tarkavagisa has been uniformly consulted throughout the work. It was recommended for its accuracy; but has furnished little information; being busied chiefly with etymology. This, like the preceding, follows the grammar entitled Kalapa.

Other commentaries were also collected for occasional reference in the progress of this work; but have not been employed, being found to contain no information which was not also furnished, and that more amply, by the scholiasts above mentioned. The list of them, contained in the subjoined note, may therefore suffice.* [Kaumudi by Nayanananda; Trikanda chintamani by Raghunatha Chakravarti; both according to Panini's system of etymology. Vatihamya kaumudi by Ramaprasada Tarkalankara; Padamanjari by Lokanatha; both following the grammatical system of the Kalapa. Pradipamanjari by Ramasrama, a jejune interpretation of the text. Vrihat Haravali by Rameswara. Also commentaries, by Krishnadasa, Trilochanadasa, Sundarananda, Vanadiyabhatta, Viswanatha, Gopal Chacravarti, Govindananda, Ramanda Bholanatha, &c.]

III. Sanskrit dictionaries and vocabularies by other authors.

Throughout the numerous commentaries on the Umura Kosha, the text itself is corrected or confirmed, and the interpretation and remarks of the Commentators supported, by references to other Sanskrit vocabularies. They are often cited by the scholiasts for the emendation of the text in regard to the gender of a noun, and not less frequently for a variation of orthography, or for a difference of interpretation. The authority quoted has been in general consulted before any use has been made of the quotations; or, where the original work cannot now be procured, the agreement of commentators has been admitted as authenticating the passage. This has been particularly attended to, in the chapter containing homonymous words; it having been judged useful to introduce into that chapter, the numerous additional acceptations stated in other Dictionaries, and understood to be alluded to in the Umura Kosha.

The dictionaries, which have been consulted, are 1st. The Medini, an alphabetical dictionary of homonymous terms by Medinikara. 2nd. The Viswaprakasa, by Maheswara Vaidya, a similar dictionary, but less accurate and not so well arranged. It is the ground-work of the Medini which is an improved and corrected work of great authority. Both are very frequently cited by the Commentators.  

3. The Haima, a dictionary by Hema Chandra, in two parts; one containing synonymous words arranged in six chapters; the other containing homonymous terms in alphabetical order. Both are works of great excellence.

4. The Abhidana Ratnamala, a vocabulary by Halayudha in five chapters; the last of which relates to words having many acceptations. It is too concise for general use; but is sometimes quoted.

5. The Dharani, a vocabulary of words bearing many senses. It is less copious than the Medini and Haima: but being frequently cited by Commentators, has been necessarily consulted.

6. The Trikandasesha, or supplement to the Umura Kosha by Purushottama Deva.

7. The Haravali of the same author.

The last of these two supplements to Umura, being a collection of uncommon words, has not been much employed for the present publication. The other has been more used. Both are of considerable authority.

The reader will find in the notes a list of other dictionaries quoted by the Commentators, but the quotations of which have not been verified by reference to the originals, as these have not been procurable.* [Umuramala, Umura Datta, Sabdarnava, Saswata, Varnadesana, Dwirupa, Unadikosha, Ratnakosha, Ratnamala, Rantideva, Rudra, Vyadi, Rabhasa, Vopalita, Bhaguri, Ajaya, Vachaspati, Tabapala, Arunadatta.]

Works under the title of Varnadesana Dwirupa and Unadi have indeed been procured: but not the same with the books cited; many different compilations being current under those titles. The first relates to words the orthography of which is likely to be mistaken from a confusion of similar letters; the second exhibits words which are spelt in more than one way; the third relates to a certain class of derivatives, separately noticed by grammarians.

IV. Grammatical works.

Grammar is so intimately connected with the subject of this publication, that it has been of course necessary to advert to the works of Grammarians. But as they are regularly cited by the commentators, it is needless to name them as authorities, since nothing will be found to have been taken from this source, which is not countenanced by some passage in the commentaries on the Umura Kosha.

V. Treatises on the roots of Sanskrit.

Verbs not being exhibited in the Umura Kosha, which is a vocabulary of nouns only, the treatises of Maitreya, Madhava, and others on Sanskrit roots, though furnishing important materials towards a complete dictionary of the language, have been very little employed in the present work; and a particular reference to them was unnecessary, as authority will be found in the commentaries on Umura, for any thing which may have been taken from those treatises.

VI. The Scholia of classic writings.

Passages from the works of celebrated writers are cited by the commentators on the Umura Kosha; and the scholiasts of classic poems frequently quote dictionaries in support of their interpretation of difficult passages. In the compilation of a copious Sanskrit dictionary an ample use may be made of the Scholia. They have been employed for the present publication so far only as they are expressly cited by the principal commentaries on the Umura Kosha itself.

Should the reader be desirous of verifying the authorities, upon which the interpretation and notes are grounded, he will in general find the information sought by him in some one of the ten commentaries of Umura, which have been before named; and will rarely have occasion to proceed beyond those which have been specified as the works regularly consulted.

In regard to plants and animals and other objects of natural history, noticed in different chapters of this vocabulary, and especially in the 4th, 5th and 9th chapters of the 2nd book, it is proper to observe, that the ascertainment of them generally depends on the correctness of the corresponding vernacular names. The commentators seldom furnish any description or other means of ascertainment besides the current denomination in a provincial language. A view of the animal, or an examination of the plant, known to the vulgar under that denomination, enables a person conversant with natural history to determine its name according to the received nomenclature of European Botany and Zoology: but neither my inquiries, nor those of other Gentlemen, who have liberally communicated the information collected by them,* [Drs. Roxburgh, F. Buchanan, and W. Hunter, and Mr. William Carey.] nor the previous researches of Sir William Jones, have yet discovered all the plants and animals, of which the names are mentioned by the Commentaries on the Umura Kosha; and even in regard to those which have been seen by us, a source of error remains in the inaccuracy of the Commentators themselves, as is proved by the circumstance of their frequent disagreement. It must be, therefore, understood, that the correspondence of the Sanskrit names with the generic and specific names in Natural History is in many instances doubtful. When the uncertainty is great, it has usually been so expressed; but errors may exist where none have been apprehended.

It is necessary likewise to inform the reader that many of the plants, and some animals (especially fish), have not been described in any work yet published. Of such, the names have been taken from the manuscripts of Dr. Roxburgh and Dr. F. Buchanan.

Having explained the plan and design of this edition of the Umura Kosha, I have only further to state, that the delay which has arisen since it was commenced (now more than five years) has been partly occasioned by my distance from the press (the work being printed by Mr. Carey at Serampoor), and partly by avocations which have retarded the progress of collating the different copies of the text and commentaries: a task the labour of which may be judged by those who have been engaged in similar undertakings.

H. T. COLEBROOKE.

Calcutta, Dec. 1807.

***

CONTENTS

• Introduction of the Umura Kosha
• BOOK I.
o CHAPTER I.
 Sect. I. Heaven, Gods, Demons; their arms, ornaments, symbols or vehicles, and other attributes. Fire; Air. Velocity. Eternity. Much.
 Sect. II. Sky; weather; planets; stars.
 Sect. III. Time; its divisions. Phases of the moon; eclipses.
 Sect. IV. Sin; virtue; happiness. Destiny; cause. Nature. Intellect; reasoning knowledge. Senses; tastes; odours; colours
 Sect. V. Speech. Language. Compositions. Modifications and circumstances of speech.
 Sect. VI. Sound
 Sect. VII. Music; notes, tones; instruments. Dancing. Dramatic exhibition; actors, gestures, passions. Indications of passion. Festival.
o CHAPTER II.
 Sect. I. Internal regions; holes; darkness. Serpents; poison
 Sect. II. Hell; departed souls; misery, pain.
 Sect. III. Seas; Water, Islands; shores. Boats, ships. Fish. Lakes; ponds, wells. Rivers. Aquatic plants.
• BOOK II.
o CHAPTER I.
 Earth, soil. Countries. Roads. Measures of distance.
o CHAPTER II.
 Towns; buildings, habitations
o CHAPTER III.
 Mountains, rocks; fountains, caves, mines. Minerals.
o CHAPTER IV.
 Sect. I. Forests. Groves: gardens, avenues. Trees, plants. Trunk; root; wood; leaf; fruit
 Sect. II. Trees of various kinds.
 Sect. III. Plants, mostly medicinal, or with sensible qualities.
 Sect. IV. Useful Plants.
 Sect. V. Drugs and potherbs. Grasses and palms.
o CHAPTER V.
 Lions and other quadrupeds. Insects. Birds. Pairs, flocks, heaps.
o CHAPTER VI.
 Sect. I. Man. Woman. Characters, relations, circumstances of women. Kinsmen, relatives. Person, as thin, fat, &c. Freckles, moles.
 Sect. II. Health. Medicine. Diseases. Diseased. Parts of the body.
 Sect. III. Dress, ornaments, clothes, perfumes, garlands. Furniture.
o CHAPTER VII.
 Race. Tribe. Order. Priest. Characters 'and descriptions of priests; their occupations and observances. Sacrifice; its requisites. Alms; worship; austerity; study. Hypocrisy. Marriage. Human pursuits, and objects.
o CHAPTER VIII.
 Sect. I. Military tribe. Kings; ministers; officers; servants. Enemies; allies. Requisites of government; means of defence; and of success. Revenue. Foresight. Insignia of Royalty.
 Sect. II. Camp; army. Elephants; horses. Chariots. Litters. Warriors. Arms and weapons. War. Slaughter, Funeral. Prison. Life.
o CHAPTER IX.
 Third tribe. Professions, Husbandman. Field. Implements of husbandry. Corn, pulse, oil-seeds, &c. Granary. Kitchen. Vessels. Condiments. Prepared food. Dairy. Cattle. Traffick; weights and measures. Commodities.
o CHAPTER X.
 Fourth tribe. Mixed classes. Artisans. Jugglers. Dancers. Musicians. Hunters. Servants. Barbarians. Dogs. Hogs. Chace. Theft. Nets, snares, ropes. Loom. Pole for burden. Wrought leather. Tools. Art. Images. Wages. Spirituous liquor. Gaming.
• BOOK III.
o CHAPTER I.
 Epithets of persons.
o CHAPTER II.
 Qualities of things
o CHAPTER III.
 Miscellaneous.
o CHAPTER IV.
 Sect. I. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. II. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. III. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. IV. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. V. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. VI. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. VII. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. VIII. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. IX. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. X. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XI. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XII. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XIII. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XIV. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XV. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XVI. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XVII. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XVIII. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XIX. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XX. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XXI. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XXII. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XXIII. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XXIV. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XXV. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XXVI. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XXVII. Homonymous words, Ending in [x].
 Sect. XXVIII. Indeclinables (Homonyma) 371
o CHAPTER V.
 Indeclinables (Synonyma).
o CHAPTER VI.
 Genders.
 Sect. I. Feminine.
 Sect. II. Masculine.
 Sect. III. Neuter.
 Sect. IV. Masculine and Neuter.
 Sect. V. Masculine and Feminine.
 Sect. VI. Feminine and Neuter.
 Sect. VII. Three genders.
 Sect. VIII. Variation of gender.

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Amara's Namalinganusasanam (Text), A Sanskrit Dictionary in Three Chapters Critically Edited with Introduction and English Equivalents for each word and English Word-Index
by Dr. N.G. Sardesai, L.M. & S and D.G. Padhye, Sanskrit Teacher, Modern High School, Poona
1940

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,, wrought, 88
,, image, 117
Golden age, 120
Gold-smith, 90

One made of gold.
Gold.
Gold for ornament.
A goldsmith.
Gold.
Gold.
Gold.
The golden age.
Gold.
Wrought silver and gold.
Golden necklace.
Pala of gold.
Goldsmith
Throne, golden.
Vase, golden.
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