Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

Postby admin » Sat Sep 01, 2018 7:49 am

Part 2 of 2

Allegations of CIA measures against the WPC

The Congress for Cultural Freedom was founded in 1950 with the support of the CIA to counter the propaganda of the emerging WPC,[51] and Philip Agee claimed that the WPC was a Soviet front for propaganda which CIA covertly tried to neutralize and to prevent the WPC from organizing outside the Communist bloc.[52]

In the Feb. 7, 1941 issue of Life magazine, founder and publisher Henry Luce authored and signed an editorial, "The American Century," announcing that the American Synarchists intended to rule the world at the close of the war and impose their own jaded version of "American values" on the world, through "any means necessary." Luce's thesis was reproduced and mass-circulated throughout the United States.

The populations of the world, exhausted from the destruction of war and the bestiality of Hitler, Stalin, and Hiroshima, naturally hoped for something better. But the universal glimmer of optimism, of being able to rebuild, was further shattered when Allen Dulles, John J. McCloy, and their associates, including Luce, deployed to create the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CFF), whose explicit purpose was to launch a fascist assault on truth as science and on Classical culture.

Time magazine was created in 1923 as a mouthpiece for the American Synarchists, grouped around the banking interests of J.P. Morgan. It is hardly a coincidence that, simultaneous to the launching of Time, in Europe, Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, another leading Synarchist, was launching his Pan-European Union, which would be a leading propaganda vehicle for the winning of support among Europe's financial oligarchy for the "Hitler-Mussolini" universal fascism project.

Henry Luce was just out of Yale University, where he was a member of the secret society Skull and Bones (class of 1920). Morgan funnelled Luce start-up cash, and Luce tapped numbers of his friends from his secret brotherhood to create and run what would become a propaganda empire. In 1930, for example, Luce chose Russell Davenport, an intimate Bonesman, to become Fortune magazine's first editor-in-chief.

Initial members of the board of directors of Time included Henry P. Davison, Jr., a fellow classmate and Bonesman, whose father was a senior partner at J.P. Morgan. Davison brought in Dwight Morrow, another Morgan partner, to finance the start-up. Morgan interests were further strengthened, when in 1927, John Wesley Hanes was placed on the board. Start-up funding also came from William Hale Harkness, a board member, who was related to Rockefeller partner Edward S. Harkness.

Luce's personal lawyer, who would come to represent his entire media empire, was his brother-in-law Tex Moore, of Cravath, deGersdorff, Swaine and Wood, the same firm which deployed both Allen and John Foster Dulles to facilitate bringing Hitler to power in the early 1930s.

Luce was an intimate of Britain's Lord Beaverbrook and the Prince of Wales, who were notoriously pro-Hitler and members of the Cliveden set. He also formed an extremely close relationship with Winston Churchill, himself a promoter of Hitler in the early 1930s.

Americans were introduced to Benito Mussolini and Fascism in one of Time's first issues when the Synarchists decided to celebrate Il Duce's 40th birthday, and have Americans join them, by placing his portrait on the cover of the Aug. 6, 1923 issue of Time. This would be the first of five cover appearances.

Luce was America's fascist "Elmer Gantry." He toured the country selling fascism to America's business elite and upper class on the one hand, and using his mass propaganda outlets to "sell it to the mickeys" on the other.

Luce unabashedly promoted Synarchy. Appearing before business groups, he promulgated the idea that America's corporate and banking elites were more powerful and important than the U.S. government, stating, "It is not a seat in Congress but on the directorate of the greatest corporations which our countrymen regard as the greater post of honor and responsibility." Likening America's financial tycoons to Europe's aristocracy, he featured both in the pages of Fortune magazine.

In an article in 1928, Luce declared the U.S. Constitution obsolete and called for "a new form of government." What was this new form of government? In March of the same year, in a speech to businessmen in Rochester, N.Y., he stated "America needs at this moment a moral leader, a national moral leader. The outstanding national moral leader of the world today is Mussolini." On Nov. 28, 1930, he stated to a Chicago audience that Mussolini's Italy was a success story: "A state reborn by virtue of Fascist symbols, Fascist rank and hence Fascist enterprise." Luce further declared, on April 19, 1934 in a speech to the Scranton, Pa. Chamber of Commerce, "The moral force of Fascism, appearing in totally different forms in different nations, may be the inspiration for the next general march of mankind."

While Luce organized the upper crust through Fortune, he fed the general population a carefully crafted diet of stories about Hitler, Mussolini, and Franco through the writings of his foreign news editor, Laird Goldsborough, a publicly avowed fascist, anti-Semite, and pro-Nazi who in 1933 interviewed both Hitler and Mussolini.

Luce had a visceral hatred of FDR and the New Deal. He attacked them both on his speaking tours and in print. Intimates reported that he became apoplectic with violent rage at the mere mention of FDR's name.

Luce's role in the Morgan-organized "Smedley Butler" coup plot against Roosevelt was significant. Luce prepared the entire July 1934 issue of Fortune as a detailed study of the political, cultural, and economic experiments of Italian fascism. This was unheard of. The issue was timed to appear as the coup went into its final month, and it was undoubtedly intended to rally upper-class support for the coup and the transition to an American form of fascism.

Although Luce later promoted the turn away from fascism, when it was necessary to defeat Hitler, he heralded the postwar policy of the Anglo-American Synarchists with his famous 1941 Life magazine editorial, "The American Century," which announced the Synarchist goal of Anglo-American world domination at the close of the war. Luce wrote: "We must accept whole-heartedly our duty and our opportunity as the most powerful and vital nation in the world and in consequence to exert upon the world the full impact of our influence, for such purposes as we see fit and by such means as we see fit." The editorial was mass-produced and circulated widely; it appeared in full in the Washington Post and Reader's Digest. Although he did not include the point in this editorial, Luce would soon argue, also in the pages of Life, for preventive nuclear war against the Soviet Union.

The outlook of today's Beast-Men, led by Vice President Dick Cheney, is a continuation of the policies represented by Luce and the fascists of the 1930s and 1940s. Cheney's inner core of neocons are all signers of the founding principles of William Kristol's Project for a New American Century, explicitly modelled on Luce's theme. The Children of Satan, as Lyndon LaRouche has determined they rightly be called, had Henry Luce as one of their godfathers. Luce's brothers at Skull and Bones gave him the secret name of "Baal."

The Congress for Cultural Freedom was created to implement Luce's "American Century." Luce helped finance its operations, and his trusted vice president at Time-Life, C.D. Jackson, oversaw much of its policy as special advisor to the President for psychological warfare.

-- Henry Luce's Empire of Fascism, by Steven P. Meyer and Jeffrey Steinberg


CIA's Direction of Cultural Warfare

CIA employee Tom Braden, who had been the MoMA's managing director from 1947 to 1949 before he began working for the CIA, was initially in charge of the CIA section that oversaw the culture cold war. The section was called the International Organisations Division (IOD). The IOD indirectly, via their fronts and agreeable Foundations, funded prestigious journals, organized conferences, music competitions and art exhibitions.

The rationale behind this covert philanthropy was that American avant-garde culture that was both leftist and anti-communist could be an effective foil against Stalinist Communism's rise in Western Europe, post World War II. It was not just the CIA that directed the flow of money, it was also some very influential and wealthy Americans with names that included Rockefeller, Ford, and Dodge. Although they were not CIA fronts, many other foundations have been implicated as having received CIA monies.

The primary beneficiary of the Farfield Foundation's philanthropy was another CIA front, the Congress for Cultural Freedom, and its US Chapter, the American Committee for Cultural Freedom, which in turn funded groups and individuals through themselves. Even early neoconservative thinkers received funding from covert CIA sources for journals and freelance authorship.


The need for secrecy was as much for domestic reasons as foreign. The McCarthy-era federal politicians distrusted modern culture and viewed it as destructive of American Ideals; it is highly unlikely that Norman Rockwell paintings and evangelical-styled Christian missionaries would have been successful in holding Communism's cultural allure at bay in Post-WWII Western Europe.

What's wrong with the CIA covertly funding the export of American Expressionism? It is a true art form. It is a product of America that many have felt an affinity to. Artists have usually required patrons supporting both their physical sustenance, and their psychological well being in a positive recognition of their creative worth. Historically, artists' sponsorship has often been government or religious officials. Communism's spread was viewed as a positive force, or in muted fatalism, an inevitability, amongst many of Western Europe's Post WWII cultural elite. The unbridled individualism of expressionism offered an effective contrast, as well as viable alternative to the stark bleakness of Soviet Realism's portrayal of grayscaled existence within the Stalinist sphere of influence. The Soviet Government had their own arsenal of covert actions too. It would be a great stretch of logic to view the funding of musicians who were virtuosi of Jazz's improvisational spontaneity in the 50's on working trips to Europe as the acts of an evil empire. There is an aura of comical irony swirling about an effective usage of the frequently apolitical lords of American Abstract Art and the drop out Icons of the Beat Generation as the USA's secret Cold War arsenal in cultural warfare. Both American politicians and their Soviet analogs viewed them as part of an American degeneracy that was infecting their country, and causing a decline in domestic morality. Soviet politicians perceived it as an effect of capitalism's excesses, while American politicians viewed it as a creeping red menace.

What is condemnable isn't the act of funding artists in an ideological cultural war, it is the unseen hands of manipulative elitists, who believe they are acting for the greater common good, secretly affecting the World's societies. The overuse of and dependence upon a methodology of opaque actions, and an unyielding faith in the propriety of the use of stealth within an open democratic society is where the malevolence lies. The same mechanisms used for covertly funding and secretly manipulating culture to fight communism were also used to covertly aid undemocratic-but-anti-communist regimes around the world. Instead of just listening to Coltrane, Byrd, Gillespie or Brubeck, while contemplating the artworks of Motherwell, Pollock, Rothko or Kline; reflect also upon "Papa Doc" and "Baby Doc" Duvalier of Haiti, Anastasios Somoza of Nicuragua, Augusto Pinochet of Chile, General Suharto of Indonesia, Hugo Banzer of Bolivia, Jonas Savimbi of South Africa, Lon Nol of Cambodia, Manuel Noriega of Panama, Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire, Raoul Cedras of the Raboteau massacre, Reza Shah Pahlavi of Iran, Roberto D'Aubuisson of El Salvador, and do not forget Saddam Hussein. Secrecy surrounding government's foreign policy is all too often used to obfuscate foreign policy that is a destructive force on the receiving end. The target country's citizenry ends up taking the brunt of the force, and the seeds of their democratic will are sown into the wind. Covert action is also used to hide governmental practices that would be viewed negatively by the majority of American citizens if it were not kept secret. It ends up being an antidemocratic government action, ostensibly engaged upon for protecting and expanding liberty and democracy world-wide. This hypocrisy causes the onset of anti-Americanism, leads to blowback, as well as being a primary cause for the disbelieving naiveté Americans often express when confronted with the storm of antagonism resultant from the hidden actions, having awakened just in time to reap its whirlwind.

-- Farfield Foundation, by SourceWatch


Steinem has always pretended that she had been a student radical. "When I was in college, it was the McCarthy era," she told Susan Mitchell in 1997, "and that made me a Marxist." (Icons, Saints and Divas: Intimate Conversations with Women who Changed the World 1997. p 130) Her bio-blurb in June 1973 MS. Magazine states: "Gloria Steinem has been a freelance writer all her professional life. Ms magazine is her first full-time salaried job."

Not true. Raised in an impoverished, dysfunctional family in Toledo Ohio, Steinem somehow managed to attend elite Smith College, Betty Friedan's alma mater. After graduating in 1955, Steinem received a "Chester Bowles Student Fellowship" to study in India. Curiously, an Internet search reveals that this fellowship has no existence apart from Gloria Steinem. No one else has received it.

In 1958, Steinem was recruited by CIA's Cord Meyers to direct an "informal group of activists" called the "Independent Research Service." This was part of Meyer's "Congress for Cultural Freedom," which created magazines like "Encounter" and "Partisan Review" to promote a left-liberal chic to oppose Marxism. Steinem, attended Communist-sponsored youth festivals in Europe, published a newspaper, reported on other participants, and helped to provoke riots.

One of Steinem's CIA colleagues was Clay Felker. In the early 1960's, he became an editor at Esquire and published articles by Steinem which established her as a leading voice for women's lib. In 1968, as publisher of New York Magazine, he hired her as a contributing editor, and then editor of Ms. Magazine in 1971. Warner Communications put up almost all the money although it only took 25% of the stock. Ms. Magazine's first publisher was Elizabeth Forsling Harris, a CIA-connected PR executive who planned John Kennedy's Dallas motorcade route. Despite its anti establishment image, MS magazine attracted advertising from the crème of corporate America. It published ads for ITT at the same time as women political prisoners in Chile were being tortured by Pinochet, after a coup inspired by the US conglomerate and the CIA.

Steinem's personal relationships also belie her anti establishment pretensions. She had a nine-year relationship with Stanley Pottinger, a Nixon-Ford assistant attorney general, credited with stalling FBI investigations into the assassinations of Martin Luther King, and the ex-Chilean Foreign Minister Orlando Latelier. In the 1980's, she dated Henry Kissinger.
For more details, see San Francisco researcher Dave Emory.

Our main misconception about the CIA is that it serves US interests. In fact, it has always been the instrument of a dynastic international banking and oil elite (Rothschild, Rockefeller, Morgan) coordinated by the Royal Institute for Internal Affairs in London and their US branch, the Council for Foreign Relations. It was established and peopled by blue bloods from the New York banking establishment and graduates of Yale University's secret pagan "Skull and Bones" society. Our current President, his father and grandfather fit this profile.

The agenda of this international cabal is to degrade the institutions and values of the United States in order to integrate it into a global state that it will direct through the United Nations. In its 1947 Founding Charter, the CIA is prohibited from engaging in domestic activities. However this has never stopped it from waging a psychological war on the American people. The domestic counterpart of the "Congress for Cultural Freedom" was the "American Committee for Cultural Freedom." Using foundations as conduits, the CIA controlled intellectual discourse in the 1950´s and 1960's, and I believe continues to do so today. In The The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters, Francis Stonor Saunders estimates that a thousand books were produced under the imprint of a variety of commercial and university presses, with covert subsidies.

-- Gloria Steinem - How The CIA Used Feminism To Destabilize Society, by Henry Makow, Ph.D.


AEI is the most prominent think tank associated with American neoconservatism, in both the domestic and international policy arenas. Irving Kristol, widely considered a father of neoconservatism, was a senior fellow at AEI (arriving from the Congress for Cultural Freedom following the widespread revelation of the group's CIA funding) and many prominent neoconservatives—including Jeane Kirkpatrick, Ben Wattenberg, and Joshua Muravchik—spent the bulk of their careers at AEI.

-- American Enterprise Institute, by Wikipedia


Not everyone was enchanted by the renegade psychedelic scene at Harvard. A confidential memorandum issued by the CIA's Office of Security, which had utilized LSD for interrogation purposes since the early 1950s, suggested that certain CIA-connected personnel might be involved with Leary's group. This prospect was disconcerting to Security officials, who considered hallucinogenic drugs "extremely dangerous." "Uncontrolled experimentation has in the past resulted in tragic circumstances and for this reason every effort is made to control any involvement with these drugs," a CIA agent reported. The document concluded with a specific directive: "Information concerning the use of this type of drug for experimental or personal reasons should be reported immediately.... In addition, any information of Agency personnel involved with ... Drs. ALPERT or LEARY, or with any other group engaged in this type of activity should also be reported."

It is known that during this period Leary gave LSD to Mary Pinchot, a painter and a prominent Washington socialite who was married to Cord Meyer, a high-level CIA official. (Meyer oversaw the CIA's infiltration of the US National Student Association and the Congress for Cultural Freedom in Europe, which provided financial support to numerous Cold War liberal intellectuals and writers.) Leary and Pinchot struck up a cordial friendship during her occasional visits to Cambridge in the early 1960s. She asked him to teach her how to guide an LSD session so she could introduce the drug to her circles in Washington. 'I have this friend who's a very important man," she confided to Leary. "He's very impressed with what I've told him about my own LSD experience and what other people have told him. He wants to try it himself." Leary was intrigued, but Pinchot wouldn't tell him who she intended to turn on. Nor did she inform her LSD mentor of her marriage to a CIA bigwig.

-- Acid Dreams, The Complete Social History of LSD: The CIA, the Sixties, and Beyond, by Martin A. Lee & Bruce Shlain


The Fugitives: The Fabian Society Joins the Klan (1920s)

In 1917, Walter L. Fleming was appointed dean of Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tenn. During the preceding years, the college, once Southern Methodist Church-sponsored, had been taken over by a consortium of Rockefeller and J.P. Morgan Wall Street financier interests. Vanderbilt, under Fleming, would provide the launching pad for the Fugitives, a literary mafia that would promote a revival of Confederate ideology and wage cultural war against the American System paradigm of scientific and technological progress and republican statecraft. Beginning in the 1920s, the Fugitives published a literary magazine of the same name.

Fleming's most famous work had been his 1905 history of the original post-Civil War Ku Klux Klan, which he prepared in consultation with many of the surviving "Tennessee Templars" who had led that organization. Fleming, along with other political, cultural, and spiritual leaders, had been instrumental in the 1915 re-launching of the Klan, which was promoted through the mass circulation of Hollywood's first full-length feature film, D.W. Griffith's Birth of a Nation, beginning with highly publicized screenings at President Woodrow Wilson's White House, and at the Supreme Court.

The Fugitive's high priest was a Rosicrucian mystic, Sidney Mttron Hirsch. Its temporal leader, John Crowe Ransom, had just returned from his Rhodes Scholarship studies at Oxford University. Ransom was well known, at least by his family connections, to Dean Fleming, because his great uncle, Tennessee Templar and Ku Klux Klan founder James R. Crowe, had been Fleming's chief source on Klan history. In fact, the entire Crowe family were KKK, and Ransom cherished his childhood memories of mama Ella Crowe, and the other Crowe women, sitting around the family hearth, sewing sheets together for the rallies.

This was not an aberration. The core of the Fugitive circle, and their later literary and political collaborators, were descended from Tennessee Templars, officers of Nathan Bedford Forrest's Confederate Army "Critter Company." The small Fugitive circle, in addition to Ransom, included five others: William Yandell Elliott, Bill Frierson, Robert Penn Warren, Allen Tate, and Cleanth Brooks. All but Tate were also to be Rhodes Scholars. And Warren, Brooks, and Tate, along with Ransom's younger students, John "Jack" Thompson, Robbie Macauley, and Robert Lowell, were all to play leading roles in the Congress for Cultural Freedom.


At the time Ransom's Fugitive circle was formed, the main Fabian Society publication was a journal called The New Age, which was financed by the Fabian playwright, and promoter of Friedrich Nietzsche, George Bernard Shaw and published by a Theosophist, Alfred Richard Orage, who later became a disciple of the Russian mystic, Georg Gurdjieff. In The New Age, the works of Fabians Shaw, H.G. Wells, G.K. Chesterton, and Hilaire Belloc, appeared alongside those of the leading Satanist of the 20th Century, the self-proclaimed "Great Beast", Aleister Crowley, and assorted other pornographers and mystics like William Butler Yeats, future Fascist spy Ezra Pound, T.S. Eliot, and D.H. Lawrence.

Chesterton and Belloc, though associated with the Fabian Society early in the 20th Century, were to become the leaders, along with Maurice Baring, of a Synarchist, pro-Spanish Inquisition, pro-Roman Empire, pro-Fascist Catholic grouping known as the Distributists. Fellow New Ager (and later Nobel Prize winner and major figure in CCF operations) T.S. Eliot, was to ally with them in this effort, as were Ransom and the Fugitives.

During the First World War, Chesterton, Wells, and others of the New Age crowd worked for Wellington House, Britain's propaganda unit under Charles Masterman, which was taken over by Lord Beaverbrook [aka Max Aitken] in 1917.

The alliance between the New Age crowd and the Fugitives was initially forged by William Yandell Elliott. During his Rhodes Scholarship term, 1922-24, at Oxford's Balliol College, he came under the influence of leading Round Table and Fabian Society figure, A.D. Lindsay. Elliott's subsequent professional career at Harvard's Government Department, and in various Congressional and Executive positions in Washington, centered on the idea that the United States Constitution should be scrapped, and the nation reorganized as a section of a "New British Empire," an idea derived from Lindsay's Round Table program.

At Oxford, Elliott had consorted with the occultist literary figures of The New Age. He was part of a late-night drinking circle including Aleister Crowley's one-time lodge brother, the Nobel Prize-winning poet William Butler Yeats, and long-time Fugitive intimate Robert Graves. Future CCF operative Graves is known today for his adoring history of the Roman Empire, I Claudius and his promotion of the cult of the White Goddess.

-- The CCF and the God of Thunder Cult, by Stanley Ezrol & Jeffrey Steinberg


Current organisation

The WPC currently states its goals as: Actions against imperialist wars and occupation of sovereign countries and nations; prohibition of all weapons of mass destruction; abolition of foreign military bases; universal disarmament under effective international control; elimination of all forms of colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism, sexism and other forms of discrimination; respect for the right of peoples to sovereignty and independence, essential for the establishment of peace; non-interference in the internal affairs of nations; peaceful co-existence between states with different political systems; negotiations instead of use of force in the settlement of differences between nations.

The WPC is a registered NGO at the United Nations and co-operates primarily with the Non-Aligned Movement. It cooperates with United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), International Labour Organization (ILO), and other UN specialized agencies, special committees and departments. It is said to have successfully influenced their agendas, the terms of discussion and the orientations of their resolutions.[53] It also cooperates with the African Union, the League of Arab States, and other inter-governmental bodies.[54]

Leadership

• President: Socorro Gomes, Brazilian Center for Solidarity with the People and the Struggle for Peace (CEBRAPAZ)
• General Secretary: Thanasis Pafilis, Greek Committee for International Détente and Peace (EEDYE)
• Executive Secretary: Iraklis Tsavdaridis, Greek Committee for International Détente and Peace (EEDYE)[27]

Secretariat

The members of the Secretariat of the WPC are:

• All India Peace and Solidarity Organisation (AIPSO)
• Brazilian Center for Solidarity with the People and the Struggle for Peace(CEBRAPAZ)
• Congo Peace Committee
• Cuban Movement for Peace and Sovereignty of the Peoples (MOVPAZ)
• German Peace Council (DFR)
• Greek Committee for International Détente and Peace (EEDYE)
• Japan Peace Committee
• Palestinian Committee for Peace and Solidarity (PCPS)
• Portuguese Council for Peace and Cooperation (CPPC)
• South African Peace Initiative
• Syrian National Peace Council
• US Peace Council (USPC)
• Vietnam Peace Committee (VPC)[27]

Peace prizes

The WPC awards several peace prizes, some of which, it has been said, were awarded to politicians who funded the organization.[46]

Congresses and assemblies

The highest WPC body, the Assembly, meets every three years.[55]

Year / Event / Location / No. of delegates / Countries represented / Comments

1948 / World Congress of Intellectuals in Defense of Peace / Wrocław / 600 / 46[56] / --
1949 / World Congress of Advocates of Peace / Paris and Prague / 2,200 / 72 / Established the World Committee of Partisans for Peace, chaired by Frédéric Joliot-Curie.
1950 / World Congress of the Supporters of Peace / Sheffield and Warsaw / -- / -- / Moved from Sheffield to Warsaw as a result of the British government refusing visas to delegates.
1951 / -- / Stockholm[23] / -- / -- / --
1952 / Congress of the People for Peace / Vienna[21] / -- / -- / Presiding committee included Jean-Paul Sartre, Paul Robeson, Pablo Neruda, Diego Rivera, and Louis Aragon.[19] Also attended by Madame Sun Yat Sen, Ilya Ehrenburg and Hewlett Johnson.[57]
1952 / -- / Berlin / -- / -- / --
1953 / -- / Helsinki -- / -- / --
1954 / -- / Berlin / -- / -- / 23–28 May
1955 / -- / Budapest / -- / -- / --
1958 / World Congress on Disarmament and International Cooperation[21] / Stockholm / -- / -- / Bertrand Russell withdrew his sponsorship of the congress and denounced the WPC for its refusal to condemn the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956 and the kidnapping and murder of Hungarian prime minister, Imre Nagy.[58]
1962 / World Conference for General Disarmament and Peace[21] / Moscow / -- / -- / Addressed by Nikita Khrushchev, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[59]Attended by delegates from non-aligned groups. Sponsors include Bertrand Russell and Canon John Collins of CND.[40] As a result of confrontation between western and Soviet delegates, 40 non-aligned organizations form the International Confederation for Disarmament and Peace, without Soviet membership.[42]
1965 / World Congress for Peace, National Independence and General disarmament / Helsinki / 1,470[60] / 98[60] / Called for withdrawal of all U.S. armed forces from Vietnam.[60][61]
1971 / Assembly / Budapest[62] / -- / -- / --
1973 / World Congress of Peace Forces[63] / Moscow / 3,200[64] / -- / Chaired by Romesh Chandra, general secretary of the WPC.[64] The main speaker was Leonid Brezhnev
1977 / -- / Warsaw[16] / -- / -- / --
1980 / World Parliament of Peoples for Peace / Sofia / 2,230[29] / 134[29] / Launched campaigns against stationing of new US nuclear weapons in Western Europe, against Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel, and campaigns of solidarity with Vietnam, Syria, Cuba, the PLO and the Soviet-backed regime in Afghanistan.[65]
1983 / World Assembly for Peace and Life Against Nuclear War[5] / Prague / 2,635[29] / 132[66] / Noted that "An especially acute danger is represented by plans to deploy first-strike nuclear missiles in Western Europe."[66]Members of Charter 77 not permitted to attend.[67]Members of the unofficial Hungarian student peace movement Dialógus (Dialogue) who attempted to attend "were met with tear gas, arrests, and later deportation back to Hungary."[43]
1986 / World Congress for the International Year of Peace[5][68] / Copenhagen / 2,648[29] / -- / The International Year of Peace was declared by the United Nations.[69]This was said to be the first WPC-sponsored congress to be held in a NATO country.[68] The Coalition for Peace through Security demonstrated against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, giving rise to worldwide media coverage.[70]
1990 / -- / Athens / -- / -- / --
1996 / -- / Mexico / -- / -- / --
2000 / -- / Athens / -- / 186[71] / --
2004 / -- / Athens / 150[72] / 50+[72] / --
2005 / -- / Seoul[71] / -- / -- / --
2008 / World Congress of the World Peace Council[73] / Caracas, Venezuela / 120 / 76 / --
2009 / -- / New York / 400[71] / 194[71] / --
2012 / World Peace Assembly and Conference[27] / Kathmandu/Nepal / -- / -- / --
2016 / Anti-Nato Conference[27] / Warsaw / 85 / 22 / --


Past presidents

• Frédéric Joliot-Curie (1950–58)
• John Desmond Bernal (1959–65)
• Isabelle Blume (1965–69)
• Romesh Chandra (General Secretary in 1966–1977; President in 1977–90)
• Evangelos Maheras (1990–93)
• Albertina Sisulu (1993–2002)
• Prof Niranjan Singh Maan (General secretary)
• Orlando Fundora López (2002–08)

Current members

Under its current rules, WPC members are national and international organizations that agree with its main principles and any of its objectives and pay membership fees. Other organizations may join at the discretion of the Executive Committee or become associate members. Distinguished individuals may become honorary members at the discretion of the Executive Committee.[55]

As of March 2014, the WPC lists the following organizations among its "members and friends".[74]

Current Communist States

• Chinese Association for Peace and Disarmament
• Cuban Movement for Peace and Sovereignty of the Peoples
• Lao Peace and Solidarity Committee
• Korean National Peace Committee (North Korea)
• Vietnam Peace Committee

Former Soviet Union

• Armenian Peace Committee
• Belarus Peace Committee
• Georgian Peace Committee
• Ukraine Anti-Fascist Committee
• Latvian Peace Committee
• International Federation for Peace and Conciliation (the former Soviet Peace Committee a federation of a number of organizations in the CIS). Its member organizations, at the time of its founding in 1992, included:[75]
• Armenian Committee for Peace and Conciliation
• National Peace Committee of Republic of Azerbaijan
• Public Association Belarusian Peace Committee
• Peace Committee of the Republic of Georgia
• Public Association Council for Peace and Conciliation of the Republic of Kazakhstan
• Public Association Council for Peace and Conciliation of the Kyrgyz Republic
• Latvian movement for peace
• Lithuanian Peace Forum,
• Public Association "Аlliance for Peace of the Republic of Moldova"
• Russian Peace Committee
• Republican Public Association Peace Committee of the Republic of Tajikistan
• Peace Fund of Turkmenistan
• Ukrainian Peace Council


Former Eastern bloc

• Bulgarian National Peace Council
• Czech Peace Movement
• Hungarian Peace Committee
• Mongolia Union for Peace and Friendship


Europe

• Austrian Peace Council
• Vrede (Belgium)
• Croatia Anti-Fascist Committee
• Cyprus Peace Council
• Danish Peace Council
• Finnish Peace Committee
• Mouvement de la Paix (France)
• German Peace Council
• Greek Committee for International Detente and Peace
• Ireland Peace and Neutrality Alliance
• Forum against War (Italy)
• Peace Committee of Luxembourg
• Malta Peace Council
• Netherlands Hague Platform
• Portuguese Council for Peace and Cooperation
• Belgrade Forum for a World of Equals (Serbia)
• Swedish Peace Committee
• Swiss Peace Movement

Asia

• Bangladesh Peace Council
• Bhutan Peace Council
• Burmese Peace Committee
• Cambodian Peace Committee
• All India Peace and Solidarity Organisation
• Association for the Defense of Peace, Solidarity and Democracy (Iran)
• Peace Committee of Israel
• Lebanese Peace Committee
• Japan Peace Committee
• Nepal Peace and Solidarity Council
• Pakistan Peace and Solidarity Council
• Palestinian Committee for Peace and Solidarity
• Philippines Peace and Solidarity Council
• Peace and Solidarity Organisation of Sri Lanka
• Sri Lanka Peace and Solidarity Council
• Syrian National Peace Council
• Timor-Leste Conselho da Paz
• Peace Association of Turkey
• Yemen Peace Committee

Africa

• Angolan League for the Friendship of the Peoples
• Congo Peace Committee (Democratic Republic of the Congo)
• Egyptian Peace Committee
• Ethiopian Peace Committee
• Peace Council of Mozambique
• Peace Committee of Madagascar
• Peace Committee of Namibia
• Nigerian Peace Committee
• South African Peace Initiative
• Sudan Peace and Solidarity Council
• Tunisian Peace Committee
• Zimbabwe Peace Committee

Americas

• Movimento por la Paz, Soberania y Solidaridad (Argentina)
• Caribbean Movement for Peace and Integration (Barbadoes)
• Comite Boliviano por la Paz, Tupaj Amaru
• Brazilian Center for Solidarity with the Peoples and Struggle for Peace
• Canadian Peace Congress
• Peace Committee of Chile
• Colombian Peace Committee
• Costa Rican National Peace Council
• Dominican Union Journalists for Peace
• Ecuador Peace and Independence Movement
• Movimento Mexicano por la Paz y el Desarollo
• Comite de Paz de Nicaragua
• Comite Nacional de Defensa de Solidaridad y Paz (Panama)
• Comite de Paz de Paraguay
• Comite Peruano por la Paz
• Movimento Salvadoreno por la Paz
• U.S. Peace Council
• Uruguay Grupo Historia y Memoria
• Comite de Solidaridad Internacional (Venezuela)

Oceania

• Australian Peace Committee
• New Zealand Peace Council

Other

• International Action for Liberation
• European Peace Forum

See also

• List of anti-war organizations
• List of peace activists
• Active measures
• Soviet influence on the peace movement
• International Confederation for Disarmament and Peace
• Communist propaganda
• Front organization
• National Council of Arts, Sciences and Professions
• Peace movement
• World peace
• World union for peace and fundamental human rights and the rights of peoples

Footnotes

1. Milorad Popov, "The World Council of Peace," in Witold S. Sworakowski (ed.), World Communism: A Handbook, 1918–1965. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1973; pg. 488.
2. Deery, Phillip (2002). "The Dove Flies East: Whitehall, Warsaw and the 1950 World Peace Congress". Australian Journal of Politics and History. 48.
3. Suslov, M., The Defence of Peace and the Struggle Against the Warmongers, Cominform, 1950.
4. Wittner, Lawrence S., One World or None: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement Through 1953 (Vol. 1 of The Struggle Against the Bomb) Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1993. Paperback edition, 1995.ISBN 0804721416
5. Santi, Rainer, 100 years of Peace Making: A History of the International Peace Bureau and other international peace movement organisations and networks, Pax förlag, International Peace Bureau, January 1991.
6. "Communists", Time Magazine, 2 May 1949.
7. Committee on Un-American Activities, Report on the Communist "peace" offensive. A campaign to disarm and defeat the United States, 1951
8. Gerald Horne, Mary Young (eds), W.E.B. Du Bois: An Encyclopedia, p. 47.
9. Andersson, Stellan, "'Madness is Becoming More Widespread.' Peace and disarmament".
10. Barbara J. Beeching, "Paul Robeson and the Black Press:The 1950 Passport Controversy", The Journal of African American History, Vol. 87 (Summer, 2002), pp. 339-354
11. Picasso's poster for the Congrès Mondiale des Partisans pour la Paix
12. Defty, A., Britain, America, and anti-communist propaganda, 1945–53, Routledge, 2004. p. 217
13. Laird, R. F., and Erik P. Hoffmann. Soviet Foreign Policy in a Changing World, New York: Aldine, 1986. p. 189.
14. Burns, J. F., "Soviet peace charade is less than convincing", New York Times, 16 May 1982.
15. The Way to Defend World Peace Archived 4 June 2012 at the Wayback Machine., Speech by Liao Cheng-Chin at the Stockholm session of the World Peace Council, 16 December 1961.
16. United States Department of State,The World Peace Council's "Peace Assemblies", Foreign Affairs Note, 1983
17. Prince, R., "The Ghost Ship of Lönnrotinkatu", Peace Magazine, May–June 1992.
18. Moro, R., "Catholic Church, Italian Catholics and Peace Movements: the Cold War Years, 1947–1962".
19. "Congress For Peace - Vienna 1952" (book), A History of the World in 100 Objects.
20. Moubayed, Sami M. (2006), Steel & Silk: Men & Women Who Shaped Syria 1900–2000, Cune Press, p. 368
21. "World Peace Council Collected Records (CDG-B Finland), Swarthmore College Peace Collection". Retrieved 25 December 2016.
22. Seedbed of the Left, Workers Liberty, WL Publications, 1993.
23. Wernicke, Günther, "The World Peace Council and the Antiwar Movement in East Germany", in Daum, A. W., L. C. Gardner and W. Mausbach (eds), America, The Vietnam War and the World, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003.
24. Mikhailova, Y., Ideas of Peace and Concordance in Soviet Political Propaganda (1950 – 1985).
25. Stalin, J. V. The People Do Not Want War.
26. DOI: Andrew G. Bone, "Russell and the Communist-Aligned Peace Movement in the Mid-1950s", Russell:The Journal of Bertrand Russell Studies, Vol. 21, 2001
27. "World Peace Council". Retrieved 25 December 2016.
28. U.S. Congress. House. Select Committee on Intelligence, Soviet Covert Action: The Forgery Offensive, 6 and 19 Feb. 1980, 96th Cong., 2d sess., 1963. Washington, DC: GPO, 1980.
29. Richard Felix Staar, Foreign Policies of the Soviet Union, Hoover Press, 1991, ISBN 0-8179-9102-6, pp. 79–88.
30. Effect of Invasion of Czechoslovakia on Soviet Fronts, CIA.
31. Wernicke, Günter, "The Communist-Led World Peace Council and the Western Peace Movements: The Fetters of Bipolarity and Some Attempts to Break Them in the Fifties and Early Sixties", Peace & Change, Vol. 23, No. 3, July 1998, pp. 265–311(47).
32. E. P. Thompson, "Resurgence in Europe and the rôle of END", in J. Minnion and P. Bolsover (eds), The CND Story, London: Allison and Busby, 1983.
33. "Were the 1980s' Anti-Nuclear Weapons Movements New Social Movements?". Peace & Change. 22: 303–329. doi:10.1111/0149-0508.00054. Retrieved 26 September 2014.
34. Vladimir Bukovsky, "The Peace Movements and the Soviet Union", Commentary, May 1982, pp. 25–41.
35. John Kohan, "The KGB: Eyes of the Kremlin", Time, 14 February 1983.
36. Rotblat, Joseph, "Russell and the Pugwash Movement", The 1998 Bertrand Russell Peace Lectures.
37. Russell, Bertrand, and A. G. Bone (ed.), The Collected Papers of Bertrand Russell (Volume 28): Man's Peril, 1954–55, Routledge, 2003.
38. Schwerin, Alan (2002). Bertrand Russell on Nuclear War, Peace, and Language: critical and historical essays. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-313-31871-9. Retrieved 19 July 2010.
39. Driver, Christopher, The Disarmers, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1964.
40. "Moscow Peace Congress: Criticism Allowed", Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, October 1982, p. 42.
41. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, June 1963, p. 39
42. Donald Keys and Homer A. Jack, "Oxford Conference of Non-aligned Peace Organizations", 30 January 1963.
43. Bacher, John, "The Independent Peace Movements in Eastern Europe", Peace Magazine, December 1985.
44. Egy eljárás genezise: a Dialógus Pécsett (in Hungarian)
45. Matthew Evangelista, Unarmed Forces: The Transnational Movement to End the Cold War, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1999. p. 163
46. Prince, Rob, The Last of the WPC Mohicans, The View from the Left Bank, 1 August 2011.
47. Prince, R., "Following the Money Trail at the World Peace Council", Peace Magazine, November–December 1992.
48. Clews, John, Communist Propaganda Techniques, New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1964
49. Barlow, J. G., Moscow and the Peace Offensive, 1982.
50. WPC, Peace Courier, 1989, No. 4.
51. Origins of the Congress for Cultural Freedom, 1949–50, Central Intelligence Agency.
52. Agee, Philip (1975). Inside the Company: CIA Diary. Farrar Straus & Giroux. pp. 60–61. ISBN 0883730286.
53. Roger E. Kanet (ed.), The Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and the Third World, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987.
54. "Information letter about the World Peace Council". World Peace Council. 7 January 2008. Archived from the original on 3 December 2009. Retrieved 24 September 2009.
55. WPC Rules
56. "Ziemie Odzyskane i miłośnicy pokoju". Wroclaw.gazeta.pl. 2008-09-18. Retrieved 24 August 2012.
57. "Dirty hands", Time Magazine, Monday, 22 December 1952.
58. John Ballantyne, "Australia's Dr Jim Cairns and the Soviet KGB", National Observer (Council for the National Interest, Melbourne), No. 64, Autumn 2005, pp. 52–63.
59. "World Peace Conference: Moscow - British Pathé". britishpathe.com. Retrieved 26 September 2014.
60. "World Congress Sees US War in Viet Nam as Threat", The Afro American, 14 August 1965.
61. "World Congress in Helsinki", The Current Digest of the Russian Press (formerly The Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press), No. 28, Vol. 17, 4 August 1965, pp. 23–23.
62. Assembly of the World Peace Council, Budapest, May 13–16, 1971: Documents, World Peace Council.
63. Freden angår oss alla – Material och dokument från Fredskrafternas världskongress i Moskva den 25–31 oktober 1973. Stockholm: Svenska Fredskommittén, 1974. p. 36–37
64. Freden angår oss alla – Material och dokument från Fredskraf.
65. Von Geusau, F. A. M., "Pacifism in the Netherlands", in Laqueur, W., and R. E. Hunter, European Peace movements and the Future of the Western Alliance, Transaction Books, 1988. p. 206
66. Appeal adopted by the World Assembly for Peace and Life Against Nuclear War, Prague, 1983.
67. Hauner, M., Charter 77 and Western Peace Movements, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2011.
68. "World Peace Council: Copenhagen Congress", Hansard, 14 October 1986.
69. "A/RES/37/16. International Year of Peace". Retrieved 25 December 2016.
70. Lewis, Julian, "George Miller-Kurakin: Anti-communist campaigner who inspired Conservative activists during the Cold War", The Independent, Thursday, 26 November 2009.
71. "ГОЛОВНА - Українська Рада Миру". Retrieved 25 December 2016.
72. "Yahoo! Groups". uk.groups.yahoo.com. Retrieved 26 September 2014.
73. "Caracas Capital Mundial de la Paz". Retrieved 25 December 2016.
74. Members and Friends
75. Peace at Home and All Over the World, Moscow: International Federation for Peace and Conciliation, p. 345.

Further reading

• World Peace Council Collected Records, 1949 – 1996 in the Swarthmore College Peace Collection.
• Prince, Rob (May–June 1992). "The ghost ship of Lonnrotinkatu". Peace Magazine. 8 (3). p. 16.
• Prince, Rob (November–December 1992). "Following the money trail at the World Peace Council". Peace Magazine. 8 (6). p. 20.
• Honecker, Erich (1979). Welcoming Address (Speech). World Peace Council meeting. East Berlin. At the Internet Archive.
• Ballantyne, John (Autumn 2005). "Australia's Dr Jim Cairns and the Soviet KGB". National Observer (64). Melbourne: Council for the National Interest. pp. 52–63.
• Committee on Un-American Activities, US House of Representatives (19 April 1949). Review of the Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace Arranged by the National Council of the Arts, Sciences and Professions and Held in New York City on March 25, 26 and 27, 1949 (PDF). Washington, DC. at The Danish Peace Academy.

External links

• Official website
• Film of the World Congress of Partisans for Peace, Paris, 1949
• Pathe News film of 1962 Moscow Congress
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All-Union Leninist
Young Communist League
Всесоюзный ленинский коммунистический союз молодёжи
Founded 29 October 1918
Dissolved September 1991
Ideology Communism,
Marxism-Leninism
Mother party Communist Party of the Soviet Union
International affiliation Young Communist International
World Federation of Democratic Youth
Newspaper Komsomolskaya Pravda

The All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (Russian: Всесою́зный ле́нинский коммунисти́ческий сою́з молодёжи (ВЛКСМ), About this sound listen (help·info)), usually known as Komsomol (/ˌkɒmsəˈmɒl/; Russian: Комсомо́л, a syllabic abbreviation of the Russian kommunisticheskiy soyuz molodyozhi), was a political youth organization in the Soviet Union. It is sometimes described as the youth division of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), although it was officially independent and referred to as "the helper and the reserve of the CPSU".

The Komsomol in its earliest form was established in urban centers in 1918. During the early years, it was a Russian organization, known as the Russian Young Communist League, or RKSM. During 1922, with the unification of the USSR, it was reformed into an all-union agency, the youth division of the All-Union Communist Party.

It was the final stage of three youth organizations with members up to age 28, graduated at 14 from the Young Pioneers, and at nine from the Little Octobrists.[1]

History

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1933 Komsomol poster. Caption says "Prepare for worthy successors to the Leninist Komsomol"

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Monument to Courage, Firmness and Faithfulness of Members of the Komsomol in Sevastopol

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90th Anniversary of Russian YCL

Before the February Revolution of 1917 the Bolsheviks did not display any interest in establishing or maintaining a youth division, but the policy emphasis shifted in the following months.[2] After the Russian Civil War of 1917-1922 ended, the Soviet government under Lenin introduced a semi-capitalist economic policy to stabilize Russia’s floundering economy. This reform, the New Economic Policy (NEP), introduced a new social policy of moderation and discipline, especially regarding Soviet youth. Lenin himself stressed the importance of political education of young Soviet citizens in building a new society.

The first Komsomol Congress met in 1918 under the patronage of the Bolshevik Party, despite the two organizations' not entirely coincident membership or beliefs. Party intervention in 1922-1923 proved marginally successful in recruiting members by presenting the ideal Komsomolets (Komsomol youth) as a foil to the "bourgeois NEPman".[3] By the time of the second Congress, a year later, however, the Bolsheviks had, in effect, acquired control of the organization, and it was soon formally established as the youth division of the Communist party. However, the party was not very successful overall in recruiting Russian youth during the NEP period (1921-1928).

This came about because of conflict and disillusionment among
Soviet youth who romanticised the spontaneity and destruction characteristic of War Communism (1918-1921) and the Civil War period.[4] They saw it as their duty, and the duty of the Communist Party itself, to eliminate all elements of Western culture from society. However, the NEP had the opposite effect: after it started, many aspects of Western social behavior began to reemerge.[5] The contrast between the "Good Communist" extolled by the Party and the capitalism fostered by NEP confused many young people.[6] They rebelled against the Party's ideals in two opposite ways: radicals gave up everything that had any Western or capitalist connotations, while the majority of Russian youths felt drawn to the Western-style popular culture of entertainment and fashion. As a result, there was a major slump in interest and membership in the Party-oriented Komsomol.

In March 1926, Komsomol membership reached a NEP-period peak of 1,750,000 members: only 6 percent of the eligible youth population.[7] Only when Stalin came to power and abandoned the NEP in the first Five Year Plan (1928–1933) did membership increase drastically.[8]

The youngest people eligible for Komsomol membership were fourteen years old. The upper age-limit for ordinary personnel was twenty-eight, but Komsomol functionaries could be older. Younger children joined the allied Vladimir Lenin All-Union Pioneer Organization. While membership was nominally voluntary, those who failed to join had no access to officially sponsored holidays and found it very difficult (if not impossible) to pursue higher education.

The Komsomol had little direct influence on the Communist Party or on the government of the Soviet Union, but it played an important role as a mechanism for teaching the values of the CPSU to youngsters. The Komsomol also served as a mobile pool of labor and political activism, with the ability to relocate to areas of high-priority at short notice. Active members received privileges and preferences in promotion. For example, Yuri Andropov, CPSU General Secretary (1982-1984) in succession to Leonid Brezhnev, achieved political importance through work with the Komsomol organization of Karelia in 1940-1944. At its largest, during the 1970s, the Komsomol had tens of millions of members; about two-thirds of the present adult population of Russia is believed to have joined.

During the early phases of perestroika in the mid-1980s, when the Soviet authorities began cautiously introducing private enterprise, the Komsomol received privileges with respect to initiating businesses, with the motivation of giving youth a better chance. The government, unions and the Komsomol jointly introduced Centers for Scientific and Technical Creativity for Youth (1987). At the same time, many Komsomol managers joined and directed the Russian Regional and State Anti-Monopoly Committees. Folklore quickly coined a motto: "The Komsomol is a school of Capitalism", hinting at Vladimir Lenin's "Trade unions are a school of Communism".

The reforms of Mikhail Gorbachev, perestroika and glasnost, finally revealed that the quality of Komsomol management was bad. The Komsomol, long associated with conservatism and bureaucracy, had always largely lacked political power. The radical Twentieth Congress of the Komsomol (April 1987) altered the rules of the organization to represent a market orientation. However, the reforms of the Twentieth Congress eventually destroyed the Komsomol, with lack of purpose and the waning of interest, membership, and quality of membership. At the Twenty-second Congress of the Komsomol in September 1991, the organization was disbanded. The Komsomol's newspaper, Komsomolskaya Pravda, outlived the organization and is still published (as of 2015).

A number of youth organizations of successor parties to the CPSU continue to use the name Komsomol, as does the youth organization of Ukrainian communists: Komsomol of Ukraine.


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Klim Voroshilov at a meeting with Komsomol members (1935)

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Komsomol membership card, (1983)

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Komsomol direction. Document in the USSR youth guarantee compulsory employment (1980)

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20 Congress Komsomol, (1987)

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21 Congress Komsomol, (1990)

The ideal Komsomolets

Not only was the ideal Communist youth an asset to his or her organization, but (s)he also "lived correctly". This meant that every aspect of a Komsomolets’s life was to be in accordance with Party doctrine. Smoking, drinking, religion, and any other activity the Bolsheviks saw as threatening were discouraged as "hooliganism". The Komsomol sought to provide its members with alternative leisure activities that promoted the improvement of society, such as volunteer work, sports, and political and drama clubs.[9] These efforts proved largely unsuccessful, since the Bolshevik Party and the Komsomol were not in touch with Soviet youth's desires and thus were unable to manipulate them. Soviet youth remained relatively politically unaware or uninterested during the NEP period.[10]

Youth campaigns during the NEP period

In 1922 with the establishment of the New Economic Policy, the Soviet government changed their rhetoric directed towards the youth from a revolutionary, militaristic tone to one with emphasis on philosophical education through book-learning and stability of the state by peaceful means. The young communists were uninterested in these new principles, and mass culture campaigns became the most important tool used by the Komsomol as an attempt to retain membership during the 1920s.

One of the most popular campaigns was the Novyi Byt (The New Way of Life). At these assemblies, the leadership of the Komsomol promoted the values they considered to be the most important for the ideal young communist. The New Soviet Man was to be "a lively, active, healthy, disciplined youngster who subordinates himself to the collective and is prepared for and dedicated to learn, study, and work."[11] By establishing strict guidelines to what they expected, the Komsomol was able to denounce the traits and habits they saw harmful to the youth.
It condemned sexual promiscuity, drinking, smoking and general mischievous behavior, as it posed moral danger to the organization’s young members. The majority of the youth did not take this well, as unsavory activities were enticing to them. At a time when membership was at its lowest (1.7 million in 1925), the Komsomol harmed only itself, as this type of campaign further distanced the organization from their target audience.

The Komsomol also launched campaigns of an anti-religious nature. The new communist regime wished to dismantle the already limited control the Orthodox church had on society, and the young were generally interested in seeing the upheaval of old traditions than their elders who had lived under the tsar’s rule. The Komsomol rallied members to march in the streets, declaring their independence from religion. Problems came when the enthusiastic youth took this passion too far. Open harassment of church members sprang up, and earned the Komsomol a negative image in the minds of older generations. When the League made attempts to draw back on their anti-religious rhetoric, Soviet youth became increasingly disinterested in the organization.[12]

Youth reactions

Many youths were drawn to "hooliganism" and the Western culture of entertainment, which included cinema and fashion magazines. It is no coincidence that these youths were primarily from the peasantry or working class. They saw Western culture as a way to elevate or distinguish themselves from their humble beginnings.[13] The Soviet authorities eventually made their own films with ideologically "pure" messages, but it was not the same. Soviet pictures, which were often informational or political, lacked the draw of Westerns or romances from Hollywood.[14] Both the authorities and the youths themselves blamed the NEP for corrupting Soviet youth culture. Because the Komsomol was simply not as attractive to these young men and women, the government began to limit their cultural and entertainment options. This signalled the end of the NEP, and the end of the brief influx of Western culture in Soviet Union before Stalin’s ascendancy.[15]

Militant young Communists were a threat to the older Bolsheviks because they had the potential to undermine the new, NEP-based society. The shift from destruction of an old state to creation of a new one, mirrored by the shift from War Communism to the NEP, was necessary to maintain and stabilise the Bolshevik regime. The Party’s disapproval of young militants was necessary in order not only to define what was considered proper behavior, but also to maintain social and political control over the masses. However, after Stalin came to power and the NEP was abandoned in favor of the Five-Year Plans, many of the young socialists ideas were absorbed back into the mainstream and they no longer presented a problem.[16]

Young women in the Komsomol

The ideology of the new Soviet regime under Vladimir Lenin strove to break down societal barriers believed to be harmful to the goal of unity. Specifically, the regime hoped to elevate women to a level of equality with men. The Komsomol pushed hard to recruit young women and raise them in this new consciousness. In the period of the early 1920s, women primarily stayed at home and performed the majority of housework. Membership of the Komsomol seemed to offer a doorway into public life at a level previously unseen by women of the time. Young women enthusiastically joined as they were finally given a chance to detach themselves from the traditional patriarchal structure. Moreover, they were drawn to the Komsomol because it promised them an education during a time when young girls were deprived of a proper one in favor of preparing them for household duties. The Soviets encouraged women to take an active role in the new system and participate in the same activities and work as their male counterparts.[17] The Soviets desperately needed to create unity between men and women at this young age in order to establish legitimacy and security to their rule.

Major conflicts surfaced when the regime took these new steps. The Bolshevik Party was not the most popular at the time, and much of the rest of the nation wished to hold onto their patriarchal values. Parents hesitated to allow their daughters to join the youth organization, because "the Komsomol seemed like an immoral organization, for it removed young girls from adult control, and then required them to attend meetings held at night."[18] Soviet citizens felt that if they released their hold on their children, they would be corrupted by the Komsomol’s influence. They also worried that if their daughters became independent and promiscuous, then no man would want to marry them. Moreover, parents wondered who would take care of the home if all the young women left home to join the Komsomol.[19]

Women, generally, were also unprepared for the realities of the workforce. The ancient structure of female subordination allowed for little in terms of work experience. Men had been given better education and were traditionally raised to take part in military and industry. Therefore, they had a much wider range of opportunity than women whose only role had been caretaking. Here lies the irony of the regime’s efforts; the Komsomol tried desperately to empower young women achieve equality, yet women’s perceptions of themselves worsened because they were now being directly compared to their much more prepared counterparts.[20]

Even though the Communist Party preached and demanded equality, men dominated both the governing body and the Komsomol’s leadership. Upward mobility, contrary to initial belief, was incredibly hard for women to achieve. In addition, the organization openly encouraged its female members to pursue positions of teaching and nurturing of young Soviets rather than positions of real authority.

Recruitment of peasant women

The Komsomol also found it difficult to recruit and motivate young women amongst the rural populations. During NEP, this demographic represented only 8% of the organization.[21] Poor membership numbers from rural areas were the result of several different factors. By 1925, the failure to implement equality in the Komsomol was evident to young rural women, society still perceiving them to be inferior both because they were women and because they came from the peasant class. Various women’s organizations criticized the Komsomol for these failures. Chiefly, the Women’s Bureau of the Communist Party, known as Zhenotdel, openly criticized the youth organization.[22] Komsomol women were provided little in the way of programs that might encourage their involvement. Annual conferences, where organization leaders gathered to discuss topics of interest to female members, were in fact the only activities in which early Komsomol women took part. The Youth League therefore made concerted efforts to resolve these issues and raise membership amongst peasant women.

Strategies for recruiting women in the 1920s

The Komsomol’s original tactic to recruit peasant women failed miserably. Representatives were sent to the countryside to reveal to potential recruits that they were being oppressed by male dominance, and that the youth organization provided them with an opportunity to recreate themselves as independent women. However, women did not rally to the League in the numbers that the organization hoped for. The Komsomol turned to the Zhenotdel, which was more favorable to young peasant women, and cooperated with them to achieve better results.[23] Another strategy was the addition of activities suited to the interests of the target demographic. Sewing and knitting classes became popular during the 1920s for rural Komsomol women. Additionally, educational classes, such as health and feminine hygiene were used to both draw more female members and alleviate concerns of rural parents. Peasant families were more inclined to allow their daughters to join the Komsomol since they knew they would be participating in beneficial programs rather than mischievous behaviors such as drinking and dancing.

Demographic issues

Soldiers returning from the Civil War, students in provincial towns, and workers fleeing the poverty of the cities established the first rural Komsomol cells in 1918. Most administrators, who wanted to retain the "proletarian character" of the organization, did not initially welcome peasants into the Komsomol. However, it soon became obvious that peasants were too large a part of the population (80%) to ignore. Also, peasants, who were benefiting from the NEP’s compromise with small producers, were in a better position to join than workers, who struggled with unemployment and other economic problems and thus had less interest in joining.

Older peasants reacted negatively to the growth of the Komsomol in rural areas. They saw the administrators as intruders who prevented their children from fulfilling their family obligations. The Komsomol needed full-time commitment, and peasant youths, who saw it as a chance for social mobility, education, and economic success, were willing to abandon their traditional duties to join. At the end of NEP, the majority of Komsomol members were peasants, while the administration remained largely urban.[24]

Both the urban and rural populations had problems with the Komsomol’s attempts to unify the two demographics. Rural parents believed that because the League’s administration was city-centered, their children would be negatively influenced by city dwellers. In addition, land owning peasants were much more affected by the government’s revocation of private ownership, and many were uninterested in allowing their children to participate. For its part, the urban population viewed itself as superior to the peasants. They saw the rural members as backward and uneducated, and were angered by their swelling numbers.[25]

Leaders (First Secretary of the Central Committee)

• Yefim Tsetlin (1918–1919)
• Oscar Rivkin (1918–1921)
• Lazar Shatskin (1921–1922)
• Piotr Smorodin (1922–1924)
• Nikolai Chaplin (1924–1928)
• Aleksandr Milchakov (1928–1929)
• Alexander Vasilievich Kosarev|Aleksandr Kosarev (1929–1938)
• Nikolai Mikhailov (1938–1952)
• Aleksandr Shelepin (1952–1958)
• Vladimir Semichastny (1958–1959)
• Sergei Pavlovich Pavlov (1959–1968)
• Yevgeny Tyazhelnikov (1968–1977)
• Boris Pastukhov (1977–1982)
• Viktor Maksimovich (1982–1986)
• Viktor Mironenko (1986–1990)
• Vladimir Zyukin (1990–1991)

Branches

• Armenian SSR: ՀԼԿԵՄ (abbreviation)
• Byelorussian SSR: Ленінскі Камуністычны саюз моладзі Беларусі, ЛКСМБ
• Estonian SSR: Eestimaa Leninlik Kommunistlik Noorsooühing, ELKNÜ[26]
• Karelo-Finnish SSR: Ленинский коммунистический союз молодежи Карело-Финской ССР, ЛКСМ КФССР
• Latvian SSR: Latvijas Ļeņina Komunistiskā Jaunatnes Savienība, LĻKJS
• Lithuanian SSR: Lietuvos Lenino komunistinė jaunimo sąjunga, LLKJS
• Moldavian SSR: UTCLM (abbreviation)
• Russian SFSR: Ленинский коммунистический союз молодёжи РСФСР, ЛКСМ РСФСР
• Ukrainian SSR: Komsomol of Ukraine, Ukraine Leninist Communist League of Youth (Ленінська Комуністична спілка молоді України (ЛКСМУ), ЛКСМУ)
• Uzbek SSR: Ўзбекистон Ленинчи коммунистик ёшлар союзи

Public safety

• Voluntary People's Druzhina

Children's organization

• Young Pioneer organization of the Soviet Union

Honors

The Komsomol received three Orders of Lenin, one Order of the Red Banner, one Order of the Red Banner of Labour, and one Order of the October Revolution. The asteroid 1283 Komsomolia is named after the Komsomol.

Gallery

• Komsomol badge
• The sign of the winner of Lenin Komsomol
• Soldier's Valour sign of the Central Committee of the Komsomol
• Old version of Komsomol badge on stamp
• Badge of Komsomol membership
• Soviet Union stamp, 1970, CPA 3897. XVI Congress of VLKSM

References

Notes


1. Britannica Komsomol article
2. Kenez, Peter (1985-11-29). "The Komsomol in the Civil War". The Birth of the Propaganda State: Soviet Methods of Mass Mobilization, 1917-1929. Cambridge University Press (published 1985). pp. 85–86. ISBN 9780521313988. Retrieved 2015-12-08. [N]either the Mensheviks nor the Bolsheviks organized a special youth section before 1917. Te Bolsheviks, like the Mensheviks, had only a limited number of activists to carry out revolutionary tasks, a disproportionate number of them were very young. To create two overlapping organizations, each involved in dangerous underground work, would have been self-defeating. Also, such an organization would have violated the principals of centralization and unity of command. It was hard enough for the Leninist leadership to control the local organizations that grew up in the country; it would have been even more difficult to control the work of the impulsive youth. [...] In May 1917 a group of Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, Anarchists, and some Bolsheviks created a proletarian youth group called Trud i Svet (Labor and light). Its leader, P. Shevstov, proposed a program to unify the socialist young people by deemphasizing factional-political differences. The core of the program [...] was to spread enlightenment among the working youth. The organization grew quickly, and within a few weeks it had 50,000 members. [...] The Leninists saw in Trud i svet [sic] a great threat, and its existence compelled them to develop a policy toward youth organizations. They set themselves two tasks: They attempted to capture the leadership of Trud i svet and then destroy it from the inside and at the same time to build their own organization for Bolshevik youth. The first task turned out to be easier than the second. As Bolshevik power and influence grew in the capital, so did the number of their followers within Trud i svet. In August a conference of working youth decided to dissolve Shevtsov's organization and endorse instead a much smaller group controlled by the Bolsheviks. [...] This organization, headed by V. Alekseyev, was called the Socialist Union of Working Youth; by the time of the October Revolution it had only 10,000 members. [...] In major cities around the country the Bolsheviks attempted to build their own organizations and at the same time to capture organizations created by their Socialist competitors. [...] Both the Sixth Party Conference session in July and the Sixth Congress session in August in Petrograd devoted considerable attention to youth organizations. These meetings began the work of defining the character and competence of the Communist Youth League.
3. Gooderham 1982, p. 509
4. Gorsuch 1997, p. 565
5. Gooderham 1982, p. 507
6. Gorsuch 1992, p. 192
7. Gorsuch 1992, p. 201
8. Gorsuch 1997, p. 573
9. Gorsuch 1992, p. 191
10. Gooderham 1982, p. 518
11. Neumann, Matthias (2008). "Revolutionizing Mind and Soul? Soviet Youth and Cultural Campaigns during the New Economic Policy (1921-8)". Social History. 33 (3): 248.
12. Neumann, 2008, 255.
13. Gorsuch 1992, p. 198
14. Gooderham 1982, p. 512
15. Gorsuch 1992, p. 200
16. Gorsuch 1997, p. 569-77
17. Gorsuch, Anne E. (1996). "A Woman Is Not a Man": The Culture of Gender and Generation in Soviet Russia, 1921-1928". Slavic Review. 55 (3): 641.
18. Gorsuch, 1996, 636.
19. Tirado, 1996, 351.
20. Gorsuch, 1996, 643.
21. Tirado, 1996, 347.
22. Tirado, 1996, 348.
23. Tirado, 1996, 349.
24. Tirado 1993, p. 464
25. Tirado, 1993, 463.
26. Toivo Miljan (21 May 2015). Historical Dictionary of Estonia. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. 167. ISBN 978-0-8108-7513-5. Retrieved 8 May 2016.

Bibliography

• Gooderham, Peter (1982). "The Komsomol and Worker Youth: The Inculcation of 'Communist Values' in Leningrad during NEP". Soviet Studies. 34 (4): 506–28. doi:10.1080/09668138208411442. JSTOR 151905.
• Gorsuch, Anne E (1996). "A Woman Is Not A Man: The Culture of Gender and Generation in Soviet Russia, 1921-1928". Slavic Review. 55 (3): 636–60. JSTOR 2502004.
• Gorsuch, Anne E (1997). "NEP Be Damned! Young Militants in the 1920s and the Culture of Civil War". Russian Review. 56 (4): 564–80. JSTOR 131566.
• Gorsuch, Anne E (1992). "Soviet Youth and the Politics of Popular Culture during NEP". Social History. 17 (2): 189–201. doi:10.1080/03071029208567834. JSTOR 4286015.
• Krylova, Anna. Soviet Women in Combat: A History of Violence on the Eastern Front (2010)
• Tirado, Isabel A (1993). "The Komsomol and Young Peasants: The Dilemma of Rural Expansion, 1921-1925". Slavic Review. 52 (3): 460–76. JSTOR 2499719.
• Neumann, Matthias (2008). "Revolutionizing Mind and Soul? Soviet Youth and Cultural Campaigns during the New Economic Policy (1921-8)". Social History. 33 (3): 243–67. JSTOR 25594258.
• Tirado, Isabel A (1996). "The Komsomol and the KrestIanka: the Political Mobilization of Young Women in the Russian Village, 1921-1927". Russian History. 23 (1): 345–366. doi:10.1163/187633196X00222.

Further reading

• Il'insky, I. VLKSM v politicheskoi systeme sovetskogo obshchestva. (The VLKSM in the political system of Soviet society). Moscow: Molodaia gvardiia, 1981. —In Russian.

External links

• Komsomol Russia
• Komsomol Ukraine
• Komsomol Moldova
• Komsomol Belarus
• Komsomol Kazakhstan
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

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The Silence of the Lambs: A New Round in the Crackdown against Adygean Environmentalist Valery Brinikh
Adygea Supreme Court Upholds Decision Declaring Article “The Silence of the Lambs” Extremist
by TheRussianReader.com
March 22, 2015

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On March 20, 2015, the Supreme Court of the Republic of Adygea heard an appeal filed by Valery Brinikh, chair of the Adygean branch of the All-Russian Society for Nature Conversation (VOOP), against a December 17, 2014, decision by the Maykop City Court in which Judge Irina Ramazanova had ruled Brinikh’s article “The Silence of the Lambs” extremist. The Supreme Court rejected Brinikh’s appeal.

Image
Valery Brinikh

The article, published in August of last year, dealt with the environmental problems caused by Kievo-Zhuraki JSC, a pig-breeding facility located in Adygea’s Teuchezhsky District. Vyacheslav Derev, who represents Karachay-Cherkessia in the Federation Council, Russia’s upper house of parliament, founded Kievo-Zhuraki JSC. The publication of “The Silence of the Lambs” served as a spurious pretext for launching a crackdown against Valery Brinikh and stopping his environmental work by any means possible. All of the republic’s law enforcement agencies, working in concert, as if on orders and following a unified plan, started a campaign of persecution against Brinikh. The republic’s FSB office and the Russian Interior Ministry’s Extremism Prevention Department (Center “E”) in Adygea led the investigation. The Adygean Prosecutor’s Office filed the lawsuit requesting that the article be ruled extremist, while the Investigation Department of the Russian Investigative Committee in the Republic of Adygea filed extremism charges against Brinikh under Article 282 of the Russian Federal Criminal Code.

We were accused of not having scored any victories in our campaign against the law-breaking pig producers. I had to explain that we have won victories, albeit small ones, and that in conditions of total corruption it would be pointless to expect quick and easy victories in the fight against dirty businessmen. That it would be much easier for me if in the district as a whole and in every village and farm we had active assistance. It is one thing when two or three witnesses come to a court hearing and testify that it stinks where they live, and quite another if hundreds of people would gather in the square outside the court and demand that Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC stop poisoning people’s lives. Perhaps the judge, even if he or she had been “inspired” by their superiors, would find it much more difficult morally to hand down an unjust ruling.

And I also said that Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC had stocked up on all sorts of certificates and evaluations approving their operations, and that was all the officials who inspected them needed to see. In reality, nobody had really inspected the pig producers and punished them....The regime despises the people, and the people despise this regime. They despise it and fear it. It is a vicious circle. To paraphrase the famous saying, every people deserves the regime it tolerates....

Why is Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC planning to raise cows outside of Maykop while it breeds pigs in the Teuchezhsky District?... Because in practical terms, excuse my use of jargon, the Muslim population has been “punked,” meaning it has been humiliated to the point where people have lost their self-esteem. Humiliated people are easier to manage: you can wrap them round your little finger....The Holy Quran forbids the faithful from eating pork, except in cases when they are forced to eat it. But who or what has forced the Adyghe to breathe manure-polluted air and swim in ponds poisoned by sewage? Nothing but cowardice and a lack of self-esteem. How does living in filth differ from the consumption of pork? For, according to the Quran, the pig is considered a dirty animal, because it lives in filth. But the residents of the Teuchezhsky District also, as a matter of fact, live in filth. It turns out that the stench from Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC’s pig farm poisons not only people’s bodies but also their souls.

People used to sing,


“No one will grant us deliverance,
No god, no tsar, no hero.
We will win our liberation,
With our very own hands.”


Now they sing completely different songs, songs tolerant of the powers that be and the shit they generously reward people for their obedience. And they themselves place their hope in God, fear the tsar, and hope a hero will save them. No hero will save you, my dear fellow countrymen, until you cease being afraid of tsars. And God will not help you until you roll up your sleeves. The Russians have a saying: “God helps those who help themselves.” And the great French thinker Voltaire argued that God helps those battalions that shoot best. So when are we going to start shooting better, villagers?

-- Silence of the Lambs, by Valery Brinich


Only the timely intervention of the Presidential Human Rights Council and its chair, Mikhail Fedotov, who made a special trip for the purpose to Maykop, helped alleviate the attack on Brinikh to some extent. However, the ruling made by the Adygean Supreme Court on March 20 shows that the authorities have decided to proceed with the criminal case against Brinikh.

Judge Vera Meister presided at the first hearing of Brinikh’s appeal on March 10. However, a decision was not rendered in the case. Brinikh managed to sow doubts as to the admissibility of the only piece of the evidence in the case, a certified linguistic analysis of the article “The Silence of the Lambs,” which was produced by the criminal investigation. Brinikh pointed out that according to Russian Federal Constitutional Court Decision No. 18-O, dated February 4, 1999 (“On a Complaint by Citizens M.B. Nikolskaya and M.I. Sapronov That Their Constitutional Rights Had Been Violated by Individual Provisions of the Federal Law ‘On Criminal Investigations'”), the results of a criminal investigation cannot be admitted as evidence in court; they can only be admitted as such only after they have been secured through due process. The judge decided to postpone examination of the appeal for ten days, summoning the expert who conducted the linguistic analysis, Police Lieutenant Colonel Sergei Fedyayev, and questioning him in court. Judge Meister obviously crossed paths with forces that needed a fast and definite decision from the judge. Therefore, at the next hearing, on March 20, Brinikh’s appeal was heard by a new panel of judges. The presiding judge was Olga Kulinchenko, who is deputy chair of the Adygean Supreme Court and chair of the republic’s Council of Judges.

Despite this lofty status, Judge Kulinchenko violated procedural requirements from the outset of the hearing. The expert witness invited to give testimony was not removed from the courtroom prior to being questioned, and he was not made to sign an acknowledgement that he had been warned about criminal liability for perjury. During questioning, the chief expert from the Forensic Center of the Main Directorate of Internal Affairs in Krasnodar Krai was unable to explain why he had been assigned the analysis by the deputy head of the Federal Security Service (FSB) in the Republic of Adygea, and not by the head of the Forensic Center, as stipulated by the Law “On State Forensic Expertise in the Russian Federation.” To explain how the package containing the material for linguistic analysis had been delivered to him in Krasnodar by guarded courier post from Maykop in five minutes (a trip that takes between ninety minutes to two hours by car), Fedyayev claimed that his working day began at 7 a.m. (According to the certified linguistic analysis, the work on it was begun at 9:05 a.m. on March 15, on orders, dated March 15, from the deputy head of the Federal Security Service in the Republic of Adygea.) In keeping with this line of argument, when he signed the accompanying letter on March 15 in Maykop, the deputy head of the Federal Security Service’s office in Adygea would have had to have been at work in the wee hours of Monday morning, March 15, as would have his clerk, who registered the letter. Therefore, the method of the ultra-fast delivery from Maykop to Krasnodar of the package containing the publication remains a mystery. These discrepancies did not trouble Judge Kulinchenko, however. During closing arguments, she constantly interrupted Brinikh, preventing him from fully stating his case and hurrying to finish the spectacle, whose ending was predetermined. The two other judges on the panel were flagrantly bored, since, apparently, they knew in advance how it would all turn out.

And that is what happened. The hearing, a shameful episode for the Russian judicial community, ended with the judges rejecting Brinikh’s appeal against the lower court’s ruling. Thus, as of March 20, the article “The Silence of the Lambs” is officially deemed extremist.

Now we should expect an abrupt reactivation of the investigation into the charges filed against Valery Brinikh on December 11, 2014, under Article 282.1 of the Russian Federal Criminal Code (“incitement to hatred or hostility, and humiliation of human dignity on the basis of ethnicity”). The investigation can now base its conclusions on the Maykop City Court’s ruling, which is now final and legally binding, something that it previously had critically lacked to legitimize this critical case.

The purpose of all these actions is obvious: to railroad, through the combined efforts of the local offices of the FSB, the Interior Ministry’s Center “E,” the Investigative Committee, the prosecutor’s office, and the courts, one of Russia’s most active conservationists, a man who prevents corrupt officials and unscrupulous businessmen from living peacefully.

For more information, call +7 (918) 425-8435

____________________

“The silence of the lambs”: why the smell of manure must be endured
by Elena Borovskaya
December 23, 2014
openrussia.org

How an Adygean environmentalist “fomented hatred” and “incited” locals “to action” in his fight against a Federation Council member’s pig farm

Criminal charges have been filed against Valery Brinikh, head of the Adygean branch of the All-Russian Society for Nature Conversation for an article he published on the Internet, “The Silence of the Lambs.” Brinikh has been accused of inciting hatred and calling for extremist actions under Article 282.1 of the Russian Federal Criminal Code. Observers have linked the persecution of the environmentalist to his long campaign against a pig farm owned by Russian Federation Council member Vyacheslav Derev, which has been polluting the surrounding area with manure.

The article “The Silence of the Lambs” was published on the website For Krasnodar! on September 8, 2014. Currently, the article has been deleted from the site and is available only in search engine caches. In the article, Brinikh describes his meetings with residents of the villages of Gabukay and Assokolay in the Teuchezhsky District, who had complained of the stench from the Kievo-Zhuraki JSC pig-breeding facility and other environmental problems. Local authorities made note of the trip there undertaken by Brinikh and his environmentalist colleagues. In Assokolay, they were greeted by prosecutors, policemen, and Center “E” officers instead of villagers. Sharing his impressions in the article, Brinikh criticizes the passivity of local residents in defending their rights and their “fear of tsars,” quoting aphorisms by Voltaire, and Russian and Adyghe proverbs in the process.

We were accused of not having scored any victories in our campaign against the law-breaking pig producers. I had to explain that we have won victories, albeit small ones, and that in conditions of total corruption it would be pointless to expect quick and easy victories in the fight against dirty businessmen. That it would be much easier for me if in the district as a whole and in every village and farm we had active assistance. It is one thing when two or three witnesses come to a court hearing and testify that it stinks where they live, and quite another if hundreds of people would gather in the square outside the court and demand that Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC stop poisoning people’s lives. Perhaps the judge, even if he or she had been “inspired” by their superiors, would find it much more difficult morally to hand down an unjust ruling.

And I also said that Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC had stocked up on all sorts of certificates and evaluations approving their operations, and that was all the officials who inspected them needed to see. In reality, nobody had really inspected the pig producers and punished them....The regime despises the people, and the people despise this regime. They despise it and fear it. It is a vicious circle. To paraphrase the famous saying, every people deserves the regime it tolerates....

Why is Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC planning to raise cows outside of Maykop while it breeds pigs in the Teuchezhsky District?... Because in practical terms, excuse my use of jargon, the Muslim population has been “punked,” meaning it has been humiliated to the point where people have lost their self-esteem. Humiliated people are easier to manage: you can wrap them round your little finger....The Holy Quran forbids the faithful from eating pork, except in cases when they are forced to eat it. But who or what has forced the Adyghe to breathe manure-polluted air and swim in ponds poisoned by sewage? Nothing but cowardice and a lack of self-esteem. How does living in filth differ from the consumption of pork? For, according to the Quran, the pig is considered a dirty animal, because it lives in filth. But the residents of the Teuchezhsky District also, as a matter of fact, live in filth. It turns out that the stench from Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC’s pig farm poisons not only people’s bodies but also their souls.

People used to sing,


“No one will grant us deliverance,
No god, no tsar, no hero.
We will win our liberation,
With our very own hands.”


Now they sing completely different songs, songs tolerant of the powers that be and the shit they generously reward people for their obedience. And they themselves place their hope in God, fear the tsar, and hope a hero will save them. No hero will save you, my dear fellow countrymen, until you cease being afraid of tsars. And God will not help you until you roll up your sleeves. The Russians have a saying: “God helps those who help themselves.” And the great French thinker Voltaire argued that God helps those battalions that shoot best. So when are we going to start shooting better, villagers?

-- Silence of the Lambs, by Valery Brinich


On November 20, the Adygea Prosecutor’s Office petitioned the court to rule the article “The Silence of the Lambs” extremist on the basis of an examination performed in conjunction with the local office of the Federal Security Service (FSB). According to the document, a linguistic analysis performed by the Main Directorate of Internal Affairs in Krasnodar Krai showed that the article contained statements “that could be understood on the basis of ethnicity [and] origin [sic] to promote the degradation of the human dignity” of a group of persons (the Adyghe), as well as statements “that could be understood to incite [the Adyghe] to take actions probably related to violence against a group of persons, [i.e.,] ‘representatives of the local authorities.'”

On December 17, the Maykop City Court satisfied the request by the Adygea Prosecutor’s Office and ruled the article “The Silence of the Lambs” extremist. At the previous court hearing, on December 12, Brinikh became ill and was taken by ambulance to the Republican Hospital. After he underwent medical procedures, Brinikh was taken into custody by police, who informed him he had been charged under Article 282 of the Russian Federal Criminal Code and took him to his residence to conduct a search. Brinikh was then questioned by the Investigation Department of the Russian Investigative Committee in Adygea and released on his own recognizance. However, investigators attempted to prevent lawyer Ludmila Alexandrova from seeing Brinikh, writes the website Environmental Watch on North Caucasus.

The same day, police investigators arrested Vitaly Isayenko, moderator of the website For Krasnodar! in Krasnodar and took him to Maykop for questioning in the “Silence of the Lambs” case. Lawyers did not know his whereabouts for a long time. According to activist Alexander Yesipyonok, investigators questioned Isayenko through the night, after which he was hospitalized in serious condition due to an aggravation of his diabetes.

Yesipyonok is convinced there are no statements in the article “The Silence of the Lambs” that could be construed as extremist or offensive.

“Rather than supporting Valery Brinikh in his fight to preserve a clean environment, the law enforcement authorities of the Republic of Adygea have organized his criminal prosecution by arbitrarily interpreting the laws, committing numerous procedural violations, and engaging in flagrant psychological pressure,” he wrote in a letter to the editors of Open Russia.


Observers have linked the criminal case against Brinikh to his fight against violations of environmental law by Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC, an industrial pig-breeding facility owned by Vyacheslav Derev, Karachay-Cherkessia’s representative in the Federation Council. Brinikh’s confrontation with Kievo-Zhuraki has lasted for several years. According to environmentalists, the facility has caused a permanent stench in the surrounding villages, and discharges of manure have repeatedly killed off fish and seedlings in the fields. After a series of articles by Brinikh, Kievo-Zhuraki management filed a lawsuit to protect its commercial reputation, but the court sided with the environmentalist. In addition to environmental issues, Brinikh has written about corruption: about the ties between Derev and Adygean authorities, and abuses during construction of the pig-breeding facility.

The Presidential Human Rights Council has announced it will be monitoring the Brinikh case. Council chair Mikhail Fedotov and Greenpeace Russia’s executive director Sergei Tsyplenkov studied the situation when they visited Adygea during a field meeting of the council in Krasnodar Territory from December 15 to 17.

She has been involved in environmental activism with Greenpeace Russia, opposing development projects in the Khimki Forest, and was a volunteer at the Children's Psychiatric Hospital in Moscow.

-- Maria Alyokhina, by Wikipedia


Image

After a decade of President Vladimir Putin’s authoritarian rule in which civil society seemed to be comatose, a new protest movement is growing in Russia. Infuriated by electoral fraud and galloping corruption, the so-called “creative class” is fighting back by means of music, poetry, multi-media, and daring art performances. In this presentation, Artem Troitsky gave a firsthand account of the situation.

Artem Troitsky is the first, and best known, Russian rock journalist, author of Back in the USSR: The True Story of Rock in Russia and Tusovka: Whatever Happened to the Soviet Underground Culture. He currently teaches in the Journalism Department of Moscow State University, hosts TV and radio shows (including on Ekho Moskvy), writes for Novaya gazeta, is a member of the board of Greenpeace Russia
, and is a well-known blogger and opposition activist.

-- Enemies of the State: Pussy Riot and the New Russian Protest Rock, by National Endowment for Democracy, Part of IERES’ Behind the Headlines Series, Co-sponsored with the National Endowment for Democracy’s International Forum for Democratic Studies with Artem Troitsky, Moscow State University


The largest environmental NGOs survived the 1990s, in many cases by relying on funding from foreign governments and foundations to continue their work; small grass-roots groups also persisted, working on local issues...

Within the broader environmental movement, environmental organizations tend to fall into three broad categories (Henry 2010). First, there are a limited number of “professional” environmental organizations, such as WWF and Greenpeace, which are based in Moscow or regional capitals. In the second category are grassroots environmental organizations... Finally, in the third category are a number of government-sponsored environmental NGOS that receive funding from state programs and that work closely with state agencies to help them achieve their goals....

Many environmental NGOs in Russia were able to operate in the post-Soviet period due to foreign funding for their work from governmental donors such as USAID, the UK’s DIFD, and private foundations. Larin and his co-authors describe environmentalists’ struggle to continue their work in the 1990s as state funding for nature protection declined and few domestic alternatives emerged (Larin et al. 2003). Foreign support influenced the development of the environmental movement. To survive, NGO representatives proposed projects on issues that interested foreign funders and environmentalists who had facility in foreign languages were more likely to successfully obtain grants. Contact with foreign partners offered the opportunity to exchange ideas as well as develop organizational capacity and new kinds of expertise. Globalization, Russia’s integration into global consumer society, and the country’s emerging role as a natural resource provider also changed the “master frames” of environmentalists (Yanitsky 2010, 191–194). This international orientation also may have increased the distance between environmentalists and average Russians, however....

The Putin administration offers rhetorical concessions to some environmental campaigns but largely resists environmentalists’ demands, in part by portraying activists as anti-Russian and by insinuating that environmental groups receiving funds from abroad do not work in Russia’s national interest. In recent years, the government has attempted to more directly regulate NGOs. Among environmental NGOs, groups such as EWNC, Baikal Wave, and Greenpeace, as well as a number of regional groups have had their offices inspected and their documents and computers confiscated. Criticism of NGOs receiving funding from abroad led to the 2012 Law on Foreign Agents, which requires that public organizations receiving foreign funding and engaging in “political activity” register as “foreign agents,” pay significant fines, or cease operating. In May 2015, the Ministry of Justice listed 127 NGOs on its foreign agent register, including at least 20 organizations with an explicitly environmental purpose (Ministry of Justice, Russian Federation n.d.). Technically, “the protection of flora and fauna” is excluded from the definition of political activity, but representatives of environmental groups have been cited for activities such as attending public meeting and making written appeals to the authorities. Given that the term “foreign agent” has the negative connotation of traitor or spy, most organizations have vowed that they would fight the designation in court. In July 2014, Moscow-based anti-nuclear organization Eco-Defense, which receives funding from the EU and several German foundations, was declared a foreign agent. Vladimir Slivyak, the leader of Eco-Defense, initiated a court case to have the decision overturned.

-- The state of environmental protection in the Russian Federation: a review of the post-Soviet era, by Joshua P. Newell & Laura A. Henry


As Olga Tsepilova left a political opposition rally in St. Petersburg, Russia, last April, a member of the special forces police squad descended upon her. With a full overhead swing, he cracked Tsepilova in the face with his nightstick, fracturing her nose and cheekbone, sending her to the hospital for a month.

Tsepilova, 49, a sociologist and senior research fellow at the Russian Academy of Sciences, has run afoul of state authority before. In 2004, she hoped to study the social consequences of pollution in Russia by focusing on two closed nuclear zones. One of them, the town of Ozyorsk in the southern Urals, is the site of the infamous Mayak nuclear facility. Now a nuclear-fuel reprocessing plant, Mayak suffered the Soviet Union's largest pre-Chernobyl nuclear accident, an explosion in 1957 that spread radiation over an area of 14,300 sq. mi. (23,000 sq km). Scientists say the area has never been adequately decontaminated....

The Komsomolskaya Pravda newspaper, noting that the U.S.'s National Endowment for Democracy provided some of Tsepilova's funding, labeled her research project a "spying scandal."....

Far from improving the situation at Mayak and other troubled sites, the Federal Atomic Energy Agency has been importing waste from foreign countries, turning nuclear sites in the Urals and elsewhere into what Greenpeace says are some of the world's largest nuclear dumps.
To help lift the veil of nuclear secrecy that has persisted since the Soviet Union's disintegration, Tsepilova has joined the liberal opposition Yabloko party as head of its green wing, and is running in December's election for the Duma, Russia's lower house of parliament.

-- Olga Tsepilova, by Brett Forrest


*****************************

"Silence of the Lambs"
by Valery Brinich

In dealing since 2012 with the problems caused by the illegal operations of Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC, I have often met with local residents who complained to me about the stench from the pig sheds. However, despite the increased activism of our organization in the Teuchezhsky District, at present there is not a single member of the All-Russian Society for Nature Conservation in this municipality. It has just so happened that the main core of our organization in the republic is made up of residents of Maykop and the Maykop District, while there are almost no members of the Society in Adygea’s ethnic districts.

To remedy this situation, I had asked my Adyghe friends to organize meetings with local residents in the villages of the Teuchezhsky District. We needed to look for assistants in our environmental work. The negative impact of Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC’s pig-breeding facility on the environment and people’s health was a good occasion for such meetings. It would be interesting to hear directly from the people who lived next door to the pig-breeding facility whether they enjoyed having such a neighbor or not. It was also interesting to see whether we could count on the villagers of the Teuchezhsky District in our fight with the polluting pig producers, who had been violating Russian law and people’s right to a healthy environment.

From long years of personal experience I knew how hard it was encourage ordinary folk in our country to engage in more vigorous actions. Since Soviet times, our people have been used to letting off steam in the kitchen, in narrow circles of likeminded people, while in public they approve any moves made by the authorities, however idiotic. Still, I nourished a glimmer of hope that they had not all grown accustomed to the smell of pig manure, that not everyone was happy with the fact that fish were going belly up in the local ponds, and that the authorities would not lift a finger to improve the situation.

But the reality proved harsher, both to me and to my hopes. First, we stopped at Gabukay, which is located literally right next to the buildings of the pig farm. The village was not crowded on that quiet August evening. In the center, right on the square, about a dozen mainly elderly men were relaxing and playing chess on benches. Among them was the man whom my good friend Kasei Khachegogu had brought me to meet. After introducing myself, I asked the villagers how they liked living next to the pig farm. And immediately it was like something in those people exploded. It turned out they felt there was nothing good about having such a neighbor. But they smelled the stench from the fields and sensed the indifference of the authorities, both local and Adygean, in solving the problems of the village of Gabukay. For, as it transpired, the village had many other environmental problems. For example, back in the day the authorities had altered the course of the river Pshish, and now there were problems with the old riverbed. According to local residents, the authorities had skimped on reclamation works. To put it simply, they had stolen part of the funds allotted, so the work was done not to plan but catch-as-catch-can. Consequently, the old riverbed has become overgrown and has not been irrigated. It has thus become a breeding ground for snakes right on the outskirts of the village. And there is plenty of garbage in the vicinity of Gabukay, just as near any rural settlement in Adygea, because the only authorized solid waste landfills are outside of Maykop and Adygeisk.

After chatting with people and handing out application forms for joining the All-Russian Society for Nature Conversation, we hurried on to the village of Assokolay. Frankly, we were hoping we would find more people there. Especially because we had given the residents of Assokolay prior warning through fellow villagers that we would be coming to meet with the people and survey them about pressing environmental problems. However, as soon as they drove into the village, my comrades met a woman they knew hurrying home from the center. She told them that people were already waiting for us near the local House of Culture; only they were not village residents, but police and prosecutors from Adygeisk. And the people who had been there to meet us had simply been dispersed to their homes. The woman advised us not to go there, but to return to Maykop. It was all the same, she said, because we could not talk to anyone but law enforcement officers.

We decided to go all the way to the end: as they say, to drink the cup to the dregs. The square outside the club really was crowded. Waiting for us there were Lieutenant Colonel Ruslan Akhidjak, head of the Adygeisk intermunicipal police department, his deputy, and a dozen of his officers, including several patrol cars. Also in attendance were the Teuchezhsky interdistrict deputy prosecutor, an officer from the extremism prevention department, and several more “men in black.” The local residents were in the minority: around ten to fifteen people in all. As soon as we got out of our vehicles, we were immediately showered with reproaches. Why hadn’t we notified the authorities of our arrival? We tried to explain that we had not been planning any public events, but had only wanted to talk to the villagers, ask them about problems, and suggest that they join the All-Russian Society for Nature Conservation. The fact is that in this case our organization would have a greater chance of defending the rights and interests of local residents, including protecting them from the negative impacts of Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC’s pig farm.

In the end, I insisted that, since we had come all the way from Maykop, we would talk to however many people showed up. That is just what we did: under the watchful eye of police officers and prosecutors, and with a female officer from the Adygeisk police department standing next to us with a tape recorder turned on. Basically, the conversation was a repeat of the conversation we had had in Gabukay. The only difference was that there were two elderly men present who had gone with me to the court hearings in Adygeisk when our organization had been in a lawsuit with Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC last spring. Thus, the conversation was more heated. We were accused of not having scored any victories in our campaign against the law-breaking pig producers. I had to explain that we have won victories, albeit small ones, and that in conditions of total corruption it would be pointless to expect quick and easy victories in the fight against dirty businessmen. That it would be much easier for me if in the district as a whole and in every village and farm we had active assistance. It is one thing when two or three witnesses come to a court hearing and testify that it stinks where they live, and quite another if hundreds of people would gather in the square outside the court and demand that Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC stop poisoning people’s lives. Perhaps the judge, even if he or she had been “inspired” by their superiors, would find it much more difficult morally to hand down an unjust ruling.

And I also said that Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC had stocked up on all sorts of certificates and evaluations approving their operations, and that was all the officials who inspected them needed to see. In reality, nobody had really inspected the pig producers and punished them.
I see all the violations; I know how to punish the guilty parties and, most importantly, how to remedy the situation. But I am a social activist, and I am not authorized to do this, while those who do have the authority do not wish to use it. The regime despises the people, and the people despise this regime. They despise it and fear it. It is a vicious circle. To paraphrase the famous saying, every people deserves the regime it tolerates.

I was saying all this while secretly mulling over the thought that the authorities in Adygea feared any independent opinion, any unauthorized sigh. Look, a whole flock of them had flown into Assokolay, not even begrudging going to work on a Friday evening, right before the weekend. Apparently, local law enforcement was under strict orders from the Adygean government to prevent the opposition (and all real social activists and environmentalists are always in opposition to any government) from meeting with the local population. I recalled the anti-corruption rallies that had not been held because of the authorities, and the rally we had wanted to hold on June 5, World Environment Day, which had been dispersed by police. They clearly know who butters their bread.

Speaking of fat, I have always wondered why it was decided to place the pigsties amid the Adyghe villages and not somewhere in the Russian-speaking region of Adygea. Why is Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC planning to raise cows outside of Maykop while it breeds pigs in the Teuchezhsky District? You find yourself involuntarily wondering whether Adygea’s current authorities have not done this on purpose. Because in practical terms, excuse my use of jargon, the Muslim population has been “punked,” meaning it has been humiliated to the point where people have lost their self-esteem. Humiliated people are easier to manage: you can wrap them round your little finger. And that is what is done to them. As Khazret Bogus, a local farmer and born columnist from the village of Krasnoe, wrote, there is an Adyghe saying: If you have tackled shit, hold on tight, because you have been soiled all the same. The Holy Quran forbids the faithful from eating pork, except in cases when they are forced to eat it. But who or what has forced the Adyghe to breathe manure-polluted air and swim in ponds poisoned by sewage? Nothing but cowardice and a lack of self-esteem. How does living in filth differ from the consumption of pork? For, according to the Quran, the pig is considered a dirty animal, because it lives in filth. But the residents of the Teuchezhsky District also, as a matter of fact, live in filth. It turns out that the stench from Kievo-Zhuraki Agribusiness JSC’s pig farm poisons not only people’s bodies but also their souls.

People used to sing,

“No one will grant us deliverance,
No god, no tsar, no hero.
We will win our liberation,
With our very own hands.”


Now they sing completely different songs, songs tolerant of the powers that be and the shit they generously reward people for their obedience. And they themselves place their hope in God, fear the tsar, and hope a hero will save them. No hero will save you, my dear fellow countrymen, until you cease being afraid of tsars. And God will not help you until you roll up your sleeves. The Russians have a saying: “God helps those who help themselves.” And the great French thinker Voltaire argued that God helps those battalions that shoot best.

So when are we going to start shooting better, villagers?
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

Postby admin » Sun Sep 02, 2018 8:02 am

Yuri Zhukov (journalist)
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/1/18

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Journalist Yuri Zhukov and film director Sergei Gerasimov at a plenary session of USSR creative unions leadership


Yuri Georgy Aleksandrovich Zhukov (Russian: Юрий Александрович Жуков; also Георгий Александрович Жуков; 1908-1991) was a prominent journalist and political figure in the Soviet Union.

Member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Around 1938-1945 he toured Dalkrai and wrote books on Soviet Far East and Japan.

Later, he sat on the editorial board of Soviet daily Pravda (1946-1987); he was also a columnist of the paper. Zhukov served as the newspaper's Paris correspondent in 1948-1952. From 1952 to 1957 he was the Deputy Editor-in-Chief of the newspaper.

In 1957 he became the first Chairman of the powerful State Committee for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (GKKS), an organ that took sizable portion of responsibilities from the Soviet Foreign Ministry from 1957 to 1967. Zhukov would oversee preparations and signing of the first agreement on cultural exchanges with the United States (Lacy-Zarubin act, signed in January 1958) and the Soviet national exhibition in New York in summer 1959. He also hosted Vice President Richard M. Nixon on an unofficial visit to the Soviet Union July 23 - August 2, 1959 to open the American National Exhibition in Sokolniki Park in Moscow.

In the late 1950s he was a speechwriter for Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev.

Deputy Chairman of the Soviet Peace Committee (1962-1982) and Chairman (1982-1987).


In December 1982, the Soviet Peace Committee President, Yuri Zhukov, returning to the rhetoric of the mid-1950s, wrote to several hundred non-communist peace groups in Western Europe accusing the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation of "fueling the cold war by claiming that both NATO and the Warsaw Pact bear equal responsibility for the arms race and international tension. Zhukov denounced the West Berlin Working Group for a Nuclear-Free Europe, organizers of a May 1983 European disarmament conference in Berlin, for allegedly siding with NATO, attempting to split the peace movement, and distracting the peaceloving public from the main source of the deadly threat posed against the peoples of Europe -- the plans for stationing a new generation of nuclear missiles in Europe in 1983."

-- World Peace Council, by Wikipedia


He was a candidate member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

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Methodology of Geography: Contribution of Russian Philosophers of Science
Theoretical and Methodological Framework of Social Geography
by V. A. Shuper, Institute of Geography, Russian Academy of Sciences email: vshuper@yandex.ru
Received February 25, 2011
ISSN 20799705, Regional Research of Russia, 2012, Vol. 2, No. 3, pp. 263–267. © Pleiades Publishing, Ltd., 2012. Original Russian Text © V.A. Shuper, 2011, published in Izvestiya RAN. Seriya Geograficheskaya, 2011, No. 4, pp. 118–123.

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Abstract: A unique alliance of geographers and philosophers of science in dealing with methodological problems of geography emerged in the Soviet Union as early as 1983. This led to the enrichment of geographic science in advanced philosophical concepts, such as the notion of polymorphism of theoretical knowledge, the understanding of structure as an invariant aspect of a system developed by N.F. Ovchinnikov, and the theory of social relays created by M.A. Rozov and the program–object symmetry arising from it. The topocentric view regarding social objects that do not have attributive properties within this approach is very in tune with the ideas of social and geographical space.

Keywords: methodology of geography, invariants, polymorphism of theoretical knowledge, the theory of social relays, program–object symmetry, inversion objects.

DOI: 10.1134/S2079970512030094

In late 2010 and early 2011, we suffered heavy losses: two of our great philosophers of science— N.F. Ovchinnikov (from November 14, 1915, to November 25, 2010) and M.A. Rozov (from May 13, 1930, to January 29, 2011)—who had done a lot for the development of the methodology of geography, died. These remarkable scholars played a major role in the establishment of a Committee on the Methodology of Geography at the Presidium of the USSR Geographical Society in 1983; Ovchinnikov was the deputy chairman of the committee, and Rozov was a member. The newly created committee brought together 20 geographers and 9 philosophers, who were interested in research of the methodology of geography. It functioned very intensively, usually holding two sessions per year in different cities of the Soviet Union and ended its existence along with it: the last session was held in October 1991 in Alushta, the Crimea.

The establishment of the Methodological Committee in a very difficult period of our history was made possible through support from B.M. Kedrov (1903–1985), Member of the USSR Academy of Sciences who agreed to be its honorary chairman. For the help from this outstanding Marxist philosopher and a very noble person, we are obliged to Ovchinnikov, whom Kedrov highly valued as a philosopher and simply as a good man.

Ovchinnikov was held in great esteem by everyone; he was a very humble, gentle, and even shy person, deeply immersed in scientific problems, who lived in a perfect world in which only true scientists are endowed to live. Kedrov, being a person of quite a different temperament and a very active and good organizer, believed that science was the most worthy goal in life and everything else was just a means. He could not but love such a Diogenes, who used to take material life only as a condition for research work, and the results of this work were great. At the same time, Ovchinnikov (this quiet and unassuming person) showed remarkable determination and firmness in matters of principle; this was also very much inherent to Kedrov. Not surprisingly, at the first meeting, a deep mutual sympathy arose between the three remarkable pundits: Kedrov and Ovchinnikov, on the one hand, and S.B. Lavrov (1928–2000), who became chairman of the Methodological Committee, on the other hand.

It is natural that Ovchinnikov, a physicist by education, wanted to understand the beauty and harmony of nature by means of a science that is the most theoretical of all natural sciences. His doctoral dissertation “Principles of Conservation” defended and first published in 1966 [9] was an important step in the development of the philosophy of science in our country. One of the most fundamental ideas of this work is the concept of structure as an invariant aspect of a system [5]. This crucial concept is much more difficult for geographers to understand than the idea of emergency (that is, the presence of properties in a system that are absent in its parts) and that of structural isomorphism (a structure’s identity without the identity of elements).  

Geographers are inclined to understand spatial structures as a generalized concept of the carcass of a territory, i.e., something allowing for a graphic presentation. This concept is in line with our domestic tradition in science and has worked very well over a long period of time. Nevertheless, the further development of geography will certainly be connected with search for invariants, i.e., for those basic relationships which are retained in the course of changes, and some steps towards this are already being made both in physical presence of invariants can provide a researcher with a reliable basis for predictions. Concerning structures as they are treated traditionally, in most cases, they are inertial and, thus, less reliable. The understanding of the structure as an invariant aspect of a system is also highly fruitful in the study of spatial self-organization [10].

The “principles of conservation” have become a source for at least three most interesting lines in philosophy and methodology of science. In 1975 the monograph “Methodological Principles of Physics” [3], edited by Kedrov and Ovchinnikov, was published and turned into an influential and fruitful research program of a general scientific value. In this book, a new life was given to the ideas of I.V. Kuznetsov (1911–1970), an outstanding philosopher and a close friend and coworker of Ovchinnikov, who defended a candidate dissertation Correspondence Principle in Modern Physics and Its Value in Philosophy” as early as 1948. Many chapters of the brilliant book devoted to particular methodological principles were later unfolded into special monographs [1, 12]. An important contribution to the preparation of the “Methodological Principles of Physics” and the subsequent development of a new direction was made by glittering Russian philosophers of science I.S. Alekseev (1935– 1988) and I.A. Akchurin (1930–2005): both were active members of the Committee on the Methodology of Geography. We have learned a lot from these wonderful people, but failed to make full use of their ideas. The book Methodological Principles of Geography, which would be devoted to general methodological principles in application to our science and would also include those foreign to physics has not yet been created. At the same time, such a book is not only desirable, but it is quite necessary in order to form the modern self-consciousness of our science and to train young researchers.

Finally, the third direction of Ovchinnikov’s research that had a great influence on geographers was the quasitheoretical concept of epistemology. In 1978 the Priroda magazine (Nature) published two papers by Ovchinnikov (or, more likely, one paper in two parts) [6, 7], which did more than simply developed a thesis that theory decides what can be observed in an experiment because its results are always presented in the theoretical language. What was new and unexpected (at least for geographers) were notions about the polymorphism of theoretical knowledge: when we address the structure of science, we come to a conclusion that the area of theory in science is polymorphic. Theoretical knowledge is something more than simply a given theoretical system or even a totality of theories… Looking into the depths of scientific knowledge, more often we can see a large field of theory with its different types of domains. It is possible to observe at least three of such domains of theoretical knowledge in science. It is the area of hypotheses; the area of models and analogies; and, finally, the area of logically organized theories [6, p. 117].

So, it is no surprise that geographers were greatly inspired when they read: ‘It was supposed and is now accepted as a matter of course that among the many theoretical systems available only one can lay claim to hold the rank of being true. The coexperience of modern science compels us to reconsider this methodological setup. The existence of many theories is a normal phenomenon in scientific development. The most important theoretical problem advanced by modern theoretical science is not the problem of choice, but the problem of synthesis of theoretical systems, developed both in the framework of a special science and in the field of the methodology of scientific knowledge (ibid).’ Quite naturally there sprang a desire to meet with the creator of such an interesting concept.

This meeting did really take place soon in the Moscow branch of the USSR Geographic Society, near Red Square (currently, Nikolskaya Street), because Ovchinnikov kindly responded to the request of geographers. The participants in this meeting were Yuri Medvedkov, Yuli Lipets (1931–2006), and the author. The muddled discussion that took place regarding methodological problems of our science did not lead to any tangible results, but the meeting with the great philosopher of science and wonderful person allowed the starting of personal connections that contributed to the further development of the methodological problems of geography. Ovchinnikov’s book The Principles of Knowledge Theorization (a relatively small volume) [8], written in a very accessible language and largely summarizing the fruitful life lived in science, is given to us as a legacy, and our challenge is to success fully use it and hand it on to young scientists.

The lives of Ovchinnikov and Rozov were closely intertwined, and they were always tied by a close friendship. Unlike many great methodologists of science of his generation, Rozov was not a physicist by background. He studied one year at the Smolensk Medical Institute and then joined the philosophy faculty of the Leningrad State University, but the exceptional scientific curiosity of the future philosopher prompted him to attend for three years lectures at the Department of Mechanics and Mathematics. Perhaps that is why he relied not so much on the achievements ....

_______________

References:

1. Alekseev, I.S., Kontseptsiya dopolnitel’nosti. Istorikometodologicheskii analiz (Conception of Complimentarity. Historical and Methodological Analysis), Moscow: Nauka, 1978.

2. Gol’ts, G.A., Transport i rasselenie (Transport and Settlement), Moscow: Nauka, 1981.

3. Metodologicheskie printsipy fiziki. Istoriya i sovremennost’ (Methodological Principles of Physics. The Past and Present), Moscow: Nauka, 1975.

4. Nefedova, T.G., Intellectual and Other Input of the Summer Residents into Transformation of Rural Area, in Puti Rossii. Tom XVI: Sovremennoe intellektual’noe prostranstvo: shkoly, napravleniya, pokoleniya (The Ways of Russia. Vol. XVI: The Present Intellectual Space: Schools, Directions and Generations), Moscow: Universitetskaya Kniga, 2009, pp. 452–466.

5. Ovchinnikov, N.F., Structure and Symmetry, in Sistemnye issledovaniya. Ezhegodnik 1964 g. (Systemic Studies. Yearbook 1964), Moscow: Nauka, 1969, pp. 111–121.

6. Ovchinnikov, N.F., Methodology of Science: Problems of Knowledge Theorization, Priroda, 1978, no. 3, pp. 109–117.

7. Ovchinnikov, N.F., Methodology of Science: Historical Facts and Levels of Development, Priroda, 1978, no. 4, pp. 66–73.

8. Ovchinnikov, N.F., Printsipy teoretizatsii znaniya (The Principles of Knowledge Theorization), Moscow: IF RAN, 1996.

9. Ovchinnikov, N.F., Printsipy sokhraneniya. 2-e izdanie (Principles of Conservation. 2nd Edition), Moscow: Knizh. Dom Librokom, 2009.

10. Ovchinnikov, N.F. and Shuper, V.A., Symmetry of Social-Geographic Space and Self-Organization of Settlement Systems, in Metody izucheniya rasseleniya (The Methods of Study of Settlement), Moscow: IG AN SSSR, 1987, pp. 18–34.

11. Polanyi, M., Lichnostnoe znanie. Na puti k postkriticheskoi filosofii (Personal Knowledge. Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy), Moscow: Progress, 1985.

12. Printsip sootvetstviya. Istoriko-metodologicheskii analiz (Correspondence Principle. Historical-Methodological Assessment), Moscow: Nauka, 1979.

13. Puzachenko, Yu.G., Invariants of Dynamic Geosystem, Izv. RAN, Ser. Geogr., 2010, no. 5, pp. 6–16.

14. Rozov, M.A., Problemy empiricheskogo analiza nauchnykh znanii (Issues of Empirical Analysis of Scientific Knowledge), Novosibirsk: Nauka, 1977.

15. Rozov, M.A., The Ways of Scientific Discoveries (to a Critics of T. Kuns’ Historical-Scientific Concept), Voprosy Filosofii, 1981, no. 8, pp. 138–147.

16. Rozov, M.A., Geography and Phenomenon of Symmetry of Knowledge, in Metody izucheniya rasseleniya (The Study Methods of Settling), Moscow: IG AN SSSR, 1987, pp. 6–17.

17. Rozov, M.A., A Concept of Research Program, in Issledovatel’skie programmy v sovremennoi nauke (Investigation Programs in the Modern Science), Novosibirsk: Nauka, 1987, pp. 7–26.

18. Rozov, M.A., About G.P. Shchedrovitsky, “Nauchnyi fond im. G.P. Shchedrovitskii”. http://www.fondgp.ru/gp/personalia/1960/16

19. Rozov, M.A., Teoriya sotsial’nykh estafet i problemy epistemologii (Theory of Social Relay and Problems of Epistemology), Moscow: Novyi Khronograf, 2008.
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

Postby admin » Sun Sep 02, 2018 11:57 pm

Diogenes
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/2/18

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Image
Diogenes
Diogenes (1882)
by John William Waterhouse
Born c. 412 BC
Sinope
Died 323 BC (aged about 89)
Corinth
Era Ancient philosophy
Region Western philosophy
School Greek philosophy, Cynicism
Main interests
Asceticism, Cynicism
Notable ideas
Cynic philosophy
Solvitur ambulando
Influences: Antisthenes, Socrates
Influenced: Crates of Thebes, other Cynics, the Stoics, Wolfi Landstreicher, Han Ryner, Michel Onfray, Søren Kierkegaard

Diogenes (/daɪˈɒdʒəˌniːz/; Greek: Διογένης, Diogenēs [di.oɡénɛ͜ɛs]), also known as Diogenes the Cynic (Ancient Greek: Διογένης ὁ Κυνικός, Diogenēs ho Kunikos), was a Greek philosopher and one of the founders of Cynic philosophy. He was born in Sinope, an Ionian colony on the Black Sea,[1] in 412 or 404 BC and died at Corinth in 323 BC.[2]

Diogenes was a controversial figure. His father minted coins for a living, and Diogenes was banished from Sinope when he took to debasement of currency.[1] After being exiled, he moved to Athens and criticized many cultural conventions of the city. He modeled himself on the example of Heracles, and believed that virtue was better revealed in action than in theory. He used his simple life-style and behaviour to criticize the social values and institutions of what he saw as a corrupt, confused society. He had a reputation for sleeping and eating wherever he chose in a highly non-traditional fashion, and took to toughening himself against nature. He declared himself a cosmopolitan and a citizen of the world rather than claiming allegiance to just one place. There are many tales about his dogging Antisthenes' footsteps and becoming his "faithful hound".[3]

Diogenes made a virtue of poverty. He begged for a living and often slept in a large ceramic jar in the marketplace.[4] He became notorious for his philosophical stunts, such as carrying a lamp during the day, claiming to be looking for an honest man. He criticized Plato, disputed his interpretation of Socrates, and sabotaged his lectures, sometimes distracting attenders by bringing food and eating during the discussions. Diogenes was also noted for having publicly mocked Alexander the Great.[5][6][7]

Diogenes was captured by pirates and sold into slavery, eventually settling in Corinth. There he passed his philosophy of Cynicism to Crates, who taught it to Zeno of Citium, who fashioned it into the school of Stoicism, one of the most enduring schools of Greek philosophy. None of Diogenes' writings have survived, but there are some details of his life from anecdotes (chreia), especially from Diogenes Laërtius' book Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers and some other sources.[8]


Life

Nothing is known about Diogenes' early life except that his father Hicesias was a banker.[9] It seems likely that Diogenes was also enrolled into the banking business aiding his father. At some point (the exact date is unknown), Hicesias and Diogenes became embroiled in a scandal involving the adulteration or debasement of the currency,[10] and Diogenes was exiled from the city and lost his citizenship and all his material possessions.[11][12] This aspect of the story seems to be corroborated by archaeology: large numbers of defaced coins (smashed with a large chisel stamp) have been discovered at Sinope dating from the middle of the 4th century BC, and other coins of the time bear the name of Hicesias as the official who minted them.[13] During this time there was much counterfeit money circulating in Sinope.[11] The coins were deliberately defaced in order to render them worthless as legal tender.[11] Sinope was being disputed between pro-Persian and pro-Greek factions in the 4th century, and there may have been political rather than financial motives behind the act.

In Athens

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Diogenes Sitting in his Tub by Jean-Léon Gérôme (1860)

According to one story,[12] Diogenes went to the Oracle at Delphi to ask for her advice and was told that he should "deface the currency". Following the debacle in Sinope, Diogenes decided that the oracle meant that he should deface the political currency rather than actual coins. He traveled to Athens and made it his life's goal to challenge established customs and values. He argued that instead of being troubled about the true nature of evil, people merely rely on customary interpretations. This distinction between nature ("physis") and custom ("nomos") is a favorite theme of ancient Greek philosophy, and one that Plato takes up in The Republic, in the legend of the Ring of Gyges.[14]

Diogenes arrived in Athens with a slave named Manes who abandoned him shortly thereafter. With characteristic humor, Diogenes dismissed his ill fortune by saying, "If Manes can live without Diogenes, why not Diogenes without Manes?"[15] Diogenes would mock such a relation of extreme dependency. He found the figure of a master who could do nothing for himself contemptibly helpless. He was attracted by the ascetic teaching of Antisthenes, a student of Socrates. When Diogenes asked Antisthenes to mentor him, Antisthenes ignored him and reportedly "eventually beat him off with his staff".[1] Diogenes responds, "Strike, for you will find no wood hard enough to keep me away from you, so long as I think you've something to say."[1] Diogenes became Antisthenes' pupil, despite the brutality with which he was initially received.[16] Whether the two ever really met is still uncertain,[17][18][19] but he surpassed his master in both reputation and the austerity of his life. He considered his avoidance of earthly pleasures a contrast to and commentary on contemporary Athenian behaviors. This attitude was grounded in a disdain for what he regarded as the folly, pretense, vanity, self-deception, and artificiality of human conduct.

Image
Diogenes Searching for an Honest Man, attributed to J. H. W. Tischbein (c. 1780)

The stories told of Diogenes illustrate the logical consistency of his character. He inured himself to the weather by living in a clay wine jar[4][20] belonging to the temple of Cybele.[21] He destroyed the single wooden bowl he possessed on seeing a peasant boy drink from the hollow of his hands. He then exclaimed: "Fool that I am, to have been carrying superfluous baggage all this time!"[22][23] It was contrary to Athenian customs to eat within the marketplace, and still he would eat there, for, as he explained when rebuked, it was during the time he was in the marketplace that he felt hungry. He used to stroll about in full daylight with a lamp; when asked what he was doing, he would answer, "I am just looking for an honest man."[24] Diogenes looked for a human being but reputedly found nothing but rascals and scoundrels.[25]

According to Diogenes Laërtius, when Plato gave the tongue-in-cheek[26] definition of man as "featherless bipeds," Diogenes plucked a chicken and brought it into Plato's Academy, saying, "Behold! I've brought you a man," and so the Academy added "with broad flat nails" to the definition.[27]


In Corinth

According to a story which seems to have originated with Menippus of Gadara,[28] Diogenes was captured by pirates while on voyage to Aegina and sold as a slave in Crete to a Corinthian named Xeniades. Being asked his trade, he replied that he knew no trade but that of governing men, and that he wished to be sold to a man who needed a master. In fact, this was a pun. In ancient Greek this would sound both as "Governing men" and "Teaching values to people".[29] Xeniades liked his spirit and hired Diogenes to tutor his children. As tutor to Xeniades's two sons,[30] it is said that he lived in Corinth for the rest of his life, which he devoted to preaching the doctrines of virtuous self-control. There are many stories about what actually happened to him after his time with Xeniades's two sons. There are stories stating he was set free after he became "a cherished member of the household", while one says he was set free almost immediately, and still another states that "he grew old and died at Xeniades's house in Corinth."[31] He is even said to have lectured to large audiences at the Isthmian Games.[32]

Although most of the stories about his living in a jar[4] are located in Athens, there are some accounts of his living in a jar near the Craneum gymnasium in Corinth:

A report that Philip II of Macedon was marching on the town had thrown all Corinth into a bustle; one was furbishing his arms, another wheeling stones, a third patching the wall, a fourth strengthening a battlement, every one making himself useful somehow or other. Diogenes having nothing to do – of course no one thought of giving him a job – was moved by the sight to gather up his philosopher's cloak and begin rolling his tub energetically up and down the Craneum; an acquaintance asked for the reason, and got the explanation: "I do not want to be thought the only idler in such a busy multitude; I am rolling my tub to be like the rest."[33]


Diogenes and Alexander

Image
Alexander the Great Visits Diogenes at Corinth by W. Matthews (1914)

It was in Corinth that a meeting between Alexander the Great and Diogenes is supposed to have taken place.[34] These stories may be apocryphal. The accounts of Plutarch and Diogenes Laërtius recount that they exchanged only a few words: while Diogenes was relaxing in the morning sunlight, Alexander, thrilled to meet the famous philosopher, asked if there was any favour he might do for him. Diogenes replied, "Yes, stand out of my sunlight." Alexander then declared, "If I were not Alexander, then I should wish to be Diogenes." "If I were not Diogenes, I would still wish to be Diogenes," Diogenes replied.[5][6][7] In another account of the conversation, Alexander found the philosopher looking attentively at a pile of human bones. Diogenes explained, "I am searching for the bones of your father but cannot distinguish them from those of a slave."[35]

Death

There are conflicting accounts of Diogenes' death. He is alleged variously to have held his breath; to have become ill from eating raw octopus;[36] or to have suffered an infected dog bite.[37] When asked how he wished to be buried, he left instructions to be thrown outside the city wall so wild animals could feast on his body. When asked if he minded this, he said, "Not at all, as long as you provide me with a stick to chase the creatures away!" When asked how he could use the stick since he would lack awareness, he replied "If I lack awareness, then why should I care what happens to me when I am dead?"[38] At the end, Diogenes made fun of people's excessive concern with the "proper" treatment of the dead. The Corinthians erected to his memory a pillar on which rested a dog of Parian marble.[39]

Philosophy

Cynicism


Image
Diogenes (1873) by Jules Bastien-Lepage

Along with Antisthenes and Crates of Thebes, Diogenes is considered one of the founders of Cynicism. The ideas of Diogenes, like those of most other Cynics, must be arrived at indirectly. No writings of Diogenes survive even though he is reported to have authored over ten books, a volume of letters and seven tragedies.[40] Cynic ideas are inseparable from Cynic practice; therefore what we know about Diogenes is contained in anecdotes concerning his life and sayings attributed to him in a number of scattered classical sources.

Diogenes maintained that all the artificial growths of society were incompatible with happiness and that morality implies a return to the simplicity of nature. So great was his austerity and simplicity that the Stoics would later claim him to be a wise man or "sophos". In his words, "Humans have complicated every simple gift of the gods."[41] Although Socrates had previously identified himself as belonging to the world, rather than a city,[42] Diogenes is credited with the first known use of the word "cosmopolitan". When he was asked from where he came, he replied, "I am a citizen of the world (cosmopolites)".[43] This was a radical claim in a world where a man's identity was intimately tied to his citizenship of a particular city-state. An exile and an outcast, a man with no social identity, Diogenes made a mark on his contemporaries.

Image
Plato and Diogenes (17th century) by Mattia Preti

Diogenes had nothing but disdain for Plato and his abstract philosophy.[44] Diogenes viewed Antisthenes as the true heir to Socrates, and shared his love of virtue and indifference to wealth,[45] together with a disdain for general opinion.[46] Diogenes shared Socrates's belief that he could function as doctor to men's souls and improve them morally, while at the same time holding contempt for their obtuseness. Plato once described Diogenes as "a Socrates gone mad."[47]

Obscenity

Diogenes taught by living example. He tried to demonstrate that wisdom and happiness belong to the man who is independent of society and that civilization is regressive. He scorned not only family and political social organization, but also property rights and reputation. He even rejected normal ideas about human decency. Diogenes is said to have eaten in the marketplace,[48] urinated on some people who insulted him,[49] defecated in the theatre,[50] and masturbated in public. When asked about his eating in public he said, "If taking breakfast is nothing out of place, then it is nothing out of place in the marketplace. But taking breakfast is nothing out of place, therefore it is nothing out of place to take breakfast in the marketplace." [51] On the indecency of his masturbating in public he would say, "If only it were as easy to banish hunger by rubbing my belly."[51][52]

From Life of Diogenes: "Someone took him [Diogenes] into a magnificent house and warned him not to spit, whereupon, having cleared his throat, he spat into the man's face, being unable, he said, to find a meaner receptacle."


Diogenes as dogged or dog-like

Many anecdotes of Diogenes refer to his dog-like behavior, and his praise of a dog's virtues. It is not known whether Diogenes was insulted with the epithet "doggish" and made a virtue of it, or whether he first took up the dog theme himself. When asked why he was called a dog he replied, "I fawn on those who give me anything, I yelp at those who refuse, and I set my teeth in rascals."[20] Diogenes believed human beings live artificially and hypocritically and would do well to study the dog. Besides performing natural body functions in public with ease, a dog will eat anything, and make no fuss about where to sleep. Dogs live in the present without anxiety, and have no use for the pretensions of abstract philosophy. In addition to these virtues, dogs are thought to know instinctively who is friend and who is foe.[53] Unlike human beings who either dupe others or are duped, dogs will give an honest bark at the truth. Diogenes stated that "other dogs bite their enemies, I bite my friends to save them."[54]

Image
Statue of Diogenes at Sinop, Turkey

The term "cynic" itself derives from the Greek word κυνικός, kynikos, "dog-like" and that from κύων, kyôn, "dog" (genitive: kynos).[55] One explanation offered in ancient times for why the Cynics were called dogs was because Antisthenes taught in the Cynosarges gymnasium at Athens.[56] The word Cynosarges means the place of the white dog. Later Cynics also sought to turn the word to their advantage, as a later commentator explained:

There are four reasons why the Cynics are so named. First because of the indifference of their way of life, for they make a cult of indifference and, like dogs, eat and make love in public, go barefoot, and sleep in tubs and at crossroads. The second reason is that the dog is a shameless animal, and they make a cult of shamelessness, not as being beneath modesty, but as superior to it. The third reason is that the dog is a good guard, and they guard the tenets of their philosophy. The fourth reason is that the dog is a discriminating animal which can distinguish between its friends and enemies. So do they recognize as friends those who are suited to philosophy, and receive them kindly, while those unfitted they drive away, like dogs, by barking at them.[57]


As noted (see Death), Diogenes' association with dogs was memorialized by the Corinthians, who erected to his memory a pillar on which rested a dog of Parian marble.[39]

Contemporary theory

Diogenes is discussed in a 1983 book by German philosopher Peter Sloterdijk (English language publication in 1987).

In Sloterdijk's Critique of Cynical Reason, Diogenes is used as an example of Sloterdijk's idea of the "kynical" – in which personal degradation is used for purposes of community comment or censure. Calling the practice of this tactic "kynismos", Sloterdijk theorizes that the kynical actor actually embodies the message he is trying to convey and that the kynical actor's goal is typically a false regression that mocks authority – especially authority that the kynical actor considers corrupt, suspect or unworthy.[58]

There is another discussion of Diogenes and the Cynics in Michel Foucault's book Fearless Speech. Here Foucault discusses Diogenes' antics in relation to the speaking of truth (parrhesia) in the ancient world. Foucault expands this reading in his last course at the Collège de France, The Courage of Truth. In this course Foucault tries to establish an alternative conception of militancy and revolution through a reading of Diogenes and Cynicism.[59]

Diogenes syndrome

Diogenes' name has been applied to a behavioural disorder characterised by involuntary self-neglect and hoarding.[60] The disorder afflicts the elderly and has no relation to Diogenes' deliberate rejection of material comfort.[61]

Depictions

Art


Image
Alexander and Diogenes by Caspar de Crayer (c. 1650)

Image
Statue of Diogenes with Alexander the Great in Corinth

Both in ancient and in modern times, Diogenes' personality has appealed strongly to sculptors and to painters. Ancient busts exist in the museums of the Vatican, the Louvre, and the Capitol. The interview between Diogenes and Alexander is represented in an ancient marble bas-relief found in the Villa Albani.

Among artists who have painted the famous encounter of Diogenes with Alexander, there are works by de Crayer, de Vos, Assereto, Langetti, Sevin, Sebastiano Ricci, Gandolfi, Johann Christian Thomas Wink (de), Abildgaard, Monsiau, Martin, and Daumier. The famous story of Diogenes searching for an "honest man" has been depicted by Jordaens, van Everdingen, van der Werff, Pannini, Steen and Corinth. Others who have painted him with his famous lantern include de Ribera, Castiglione, Petrini, Gérôme, Bastien-Lepage, and Waterhouse. The scene in which Diogenes discards his cup has been painted by Poussin, Rosa, and Martin; and the story of Diogenes begging from a statue has been depicted by Restout. In Raphael's fresco The School of Athens, a lone reclining figure in the foreground represents Diogenes.[62]

Diogenes has also been the subject of sculptures, with famous bas-relief images by Puget and Pajou.

Comics

In The Adventures of Nero album Het Zeespook (1948) Nero meets a character who claims to be Diogenes. Two scenes in the comic depict famous anecdotes of Diogenes' life, namely the moment when he was looking for a human and the moment when he asked Alexander to get out of his sun. He is also portrayed living in a barrel.[63]

In the Suske en Wiske album De Mottenvanger Suske and Wiske travel back to ancient Greece, where they meet Diogenes.[64]

Literature

Image
A 17th century depiction of Diogenes

Diogenes is referred to in Anton Chekhov's story "Ward No. 6"; William Blake's The Marriage of Heaven and Hell; François Rabelais' Gargantua and Pantagruel; Goethe's poem Genialisch Treiben; as well as in the first sentence of Søren Kierkegaard's novelistic treatise Repetition. The story of Diogenes and the lamp is referenced by the character Foma Fomitch in Fyodor Dostoevsky's "The Friend of the Family" as well as "The Idiot". In Cervantes' short story "The Man of Glass" ("El licenciado Vidriera"), part of the Novelas Ejemplares collection, the (anti-)hero unaccountably begins to channel Diogenes in a string of tart chreiai once he becomes convinced that he is made of glass. Diogenes gives his own life and opinions in Christoph Martin Wieland's novel Socrates Mainomenos (1770; English translation Socrates Out of His Senses, 1771). Diogenes is the primary model for the philosopher Didactylos in Terry Pratchett's Small Gods. He is mimicked by a beggar-spy in Jacqueline Carey's Kushiel's Scion and paid tribute to with a costume in a party by the main character in its sequel, Kushiel's Justice. The character Lucy Snowe in Charlotte Brontë's novel Villette is given the nickname Diogenes. Diogenes also features in Part Four of Elizabeth Smart's By Grand Central Station I Sat Down and Wept. He is a figure in Seamus Heaney's The Haw Lantern. In Christopher Moore's Lamb: The Gospel According to Biff, Christ's Childhood Pal, one of Jesus' apostles is a devotee of Diogenes, complete with his own pack of dogs which he refers to as his own disciples. His story opens the first chapter of Dolly Freed's 1978 book Possum Living.[65] The dog that Paul Dombey befriends in Charles Dickens' Dombey and Son is called Diogenes. Alexander's meeting with Diogenes is portrayed in Valerio Manfredi's (Alexander Trilogy) "The Ends of the Earth".[66] William S. Burroughs has been described as "Diogenes with a knife and gun" [67]

The many allusions to dogs in Shakespeare's Timon of Athens are references to the school of Cynicism that could be interpreted as suggesting a parallel between the misanthropic hermit, Timon, and Diogenes; but Shakespeare would have had access to Michel de Montaigne's essay, "Of Democritus and Heraclitus", which emphasised their differences: Timon actively wishes men ill and shuns them as dangerous, whereas Diogenes esteems them so little that contact with them could not disturb him[68] "Timonism" is in fact often contrasted with "Cynicism": "Cynics saw what people could be and were angered by what they had become; Timonists felt humans were hopelessly stupid & uncaring by nature and so saw no hope for change."[69]

The philosopher's name was adopted by the fictional Diogenes Club, an organization that Sherlock Holmes' brother Mycroft Holmes belongs to in the story "The Greek Interpreter" by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. It is called such as its members are educated, yet untalkative and have a dislike of socialising, much like the philosopher himself. The group is the focus of a number of Holmes pastiches by Kim Newman. In the Rodgers and Hart musical The Boys From Syracuse (1938), the song Oh Diogenes!—which extols the philosopher's virtues—contains the lyrics "there was an old zany/ who lived in a tub;/ he had so many flea-bites / he didn't know where to rub."

References

1. Diogenes of Sinope "The Zen of Disengagement: Diogene of Sinope". Voice in the Wilderness. Archived from the original on 2015-10-17.
2. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:79, Plutarch, Moralia, 717c. says that he died on the same day as Alexander the Great, which puts his death at 323 BC. Diogenes Laërtius's statement that Diogenes died "nearly 90" would put his year of birth at 412 BC. But Censorinus (De die natali, 15.2) says that he died at age 81, which puts his year of birth at 404 BC. The Suda puts his birth at the time of the Thirty Tyrants, which also gives 404 BC.
3. Diogenes Laërtius, vi. 6, 18, 21; Dio Chrysostom, Orations, viii. 1–4; Aelian, x. 16; Stobaeus, Florilegium, 13.19
4. The original Greek word describing Diogenes' "jar" is pithos, a large jar for storing wine, grain, or olive oil. Modern variations include barrel, tub, vat, wine-vat, and kennel. Desmond, William (2008). Cynics. University of California Press. p. 21.
5. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:32; Plutarch, Alexander, 14, On Exile, 15.
6. Plutarch, Alexander 14
7. John M. Dillon (2004). Morality and Custom in Ancient Greece. Indiana University Press. pp. 187–88. ISBN 978-0-253-34526-4.
8. Diogenes of Sinope "The Basics of Philosophy". Retrieved November 13, 2011.
9. (Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:20). A trapezites was a banker/money-changer who could exchange currency, arrange loans, and was sometimes entrusted with the minting of currency.
10. Navia, Diogenes the Cynic, p. 226: "The word paracharaxis can be understood in various ways such as the defacement of currency or the counterfeiting of coins or the adulteration of money."
11. Examined Lives from Socrates to Nietzsche by James Miller p. 76
12. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:20–21
13. C. T. Seltman, Diogenes of Sinope, Son of the Banker Hikesias, in Transactions of the International Numismatic Congress 1936 (London 1938).
14. Plato, Republic, 2.359–2.360.
15. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:55; Seneca, De Tranquillitate Animi, 8.7.; Aelian, Varia Historia, 13.28.
16. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:21; Aelian, Varia Historia, 10.16.; Jerome, Adversus Jovinianum, 2.14.
17. Long 1996, p. 45
18. Dudley 1937, p. 2
19. Prince 2005, p. 77
20. Examined Lives from Socrates to Nietzsche by James Miller p. 78
21. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:23 ; Jerome, Adversus Jovinianum, 2.14.
22. Examined lives from Socrates to Nietzsche by James Miller
23. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:37; Seneca, Epistles, 90.14.; Jerome, Adversus Jovinianum, 2.14.
24. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:41. Modern sources often say that Diogenes was looking for an "honest man", but in ancient sources he is simply looking for a "human" (anthrôpos). The unreasoning behavior of the people around him means that they do not qualify as human.
25. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:32
26. Desmond, William (1995). Being and the Between: Political Theory in the American Academy. SUNY Press. p. 106.
27. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:40
28. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:29
29. Συνάντηση Διογένη Κυνικού μετά Μακεδόνος Βασιλέως Αλεξάνδρου
30. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:30–31
31. "Diogenes of Sinope". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 2006-04-26. Retrieved 2011-11-13.
32. Dio Chrysostom, Or. 8.10
33. Lucian, Historia, 3.
34. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:38; Cicero, Tusculanae Quaestiones, 5.32.; Plutarch, Alexander, 14, On Exile, 15; Dio Chrysostom, Or. 4.14
35. There is a similar anecdote in one of the dialogues of Lucian (Menippus, 15) but that story concerns Menippus in the underworld.
36. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:76; Athenaeus, 8.341.
37. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:77
38. Cicero, Tusculanae Quaestiones, 1.43.
39. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:78; Greek Anthology, 1.285.; Pausanias, 2.2.4.
40. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:80
41. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:44
42. Cicero, Tusculanae Quaestiones, 5.37.; Plutarch, On Exile, 5.; Epictetus, Discourses, i.9.1.
43. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:63. Compare: Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:72, Dio Chrysostom, Or. 4.13, Epictetus, Discourses, iii.24.66.
44. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:24
45. Plato, Apology, 41e.
46. Xenophon, Apology, 1.
47. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:54 ; Aelian, Varia Historia, 14.33.
48. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:58, 69. Eating in public places was considered bad manners.
49. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:46
50. Dio Chrysostom, Or. 8.36; Julian, Orations, 6.202c.
51. Examined Lives from Socrates to Nietzsche by James Miller p. 80
52. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:34–35; Epictetus, Discourses, iii.2.11. Pointing with one's middle finger was considered insulting; with the finger pointing up instead of to another person, the finger gesture is considered obscene in modern times.
53. Cf. Plato, Republic Book II
54. Diogenes of Sinope, quoted by Stobaeus, Florilegium, iii. 13. 44.
55. "No document found". http://www.perseus.tufts.edu.
56. Laërtius & Hicks 1925, Ⅵ:13. Cf. The Oxford Companion to Classical Literature, 2nd edition, p. 165.
57. Scholium on Aristotle's Rhetoric, quoted in Dudley 1937, p. 5
58. Sloterdijk, Peter (1983). Critique of Cynical Reason. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. pp. 1–600. ISBN 0816615861.
59. See the 7 March lecture Michel Foucault, The Courage of the Truth Lectures at the Collège de France (Palgrave Macmillan, 2011)
60. Hanon C, Pinquier C, Gaddour N, Saïd S, Mathis D, Pellerin J (2004). "[Diogenes syndrome: a transnosographic approach]". Encephale (in French). 30 (4): 315–22. doi:10.1016/S0013-7006(04)95443-7. PMID 15538307
61. Navia, Diogenes the Cynic, p. 31
62. Michelangelo and the Pope's Ceiling, by Ross King
63. "60 Jaar Nero". http://www.stripspeciaalzaak.be.
64. "Stripspeciaalzaak.be > De Honderd Hoogtepunten van Willy Vandersteen". http://www.stripspeciaalzaak.be.
65. Possum Living by Dolly Freed Archived January 21, 2009, at the Wayback Machine.
66. Alexander: The Ends of the Earth by Valerio Manfredi. Retrieved 2013-04-15.
67. Richard Seaver, "Rebel, Rebel," Los Angeles Times, 10 Aug 1997 online
68. Hugh Grady, "A Companion to Shakespeare's Works", Dutton. R & Howard J., Blakewell Publishing, 2003, ISBN 0-631-22632-X, pp. 443–44.
69. Paul Ollswang, "Cynicism: A Series of Cartoons on a Philosophical Theme", January 1988, page B at official site; repr. in The Best Comics of the Decade 1980-1990 Vol. 1, Seattle, 1990, ISBN 1-56097-035-9, p. 23.

Sources

• Desmond, William D. 2008. Cynics. Acumen / University of California Press.
• Dudley, Donald R. (1937). "A History of Cynicism from Diogenes to the 6th Century A.D."Cambridge
• Laërtius, Diogenes; Plutarch (1979). Herakleitos & Diogenes. Translated by Guy Davenport. Bolinas, California: Grey Fox Press. ISBN 0-912516-36-4.
(Contains 124 sayings of Diogenes)
• Laërtius, Diogenes (1972) [1925]. "Διογένης (Diogenes)". Βίοι καὶ γνῶμαι τῶν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ εὐδοκιμησάντων [Lives of eminent philosophers]. Volume 2. Translated by Robert Drew Hicks (Loeb Classical Library ed.). Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-99204-0. Retrieved 2010-09-14.
• Long, A. A. (1996). "The Socratic Tradition: Diogenes, Crates, and Hellenistic Ethics". In Bracht Branham, R.; Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile. The Cynics: The Cynic Movement in Antiquity and Its Legacy. University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-21645-8
• Navia, Luis E. (2005). Diogenes The Cynic: The War Against The World. Amherst, N.Y: Humanity Books. ISBN 1-59102-320-3
• Prince, Susan (2005). "Socrates, Antisthenes, and the Cynics". In Ahbel-Rappe, Sara; Kamtekar, Rachana. A Companion to Socrates. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN 1-4051-0863-0
• Sloterdijk, Peter (1987). Critique of Cynical Reason. Translation by Michael Eldred; foreword by Andreas Huyssen. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 0-8166-1586-1

Further reading

• Cutler, Ian (2005). Cynicism from Diogenes to Dilbert. Jefferson, Va.: McFarland & Company, Inc. ISBN 0-7864-2093-6.
• Mazella, David (2007). The making of modern cynicism. Charlottesville, Va.: University of Virginia Press. ISBN 978-0-8139-2615-5.
• Navia, Luis E. (1996). Classical cynicism : a critical study. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-313-30015-1.
• Navia, Luis E. (1998). Diogenes of Sinope : the man in the tub. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-313-30672-9.
• Hard, Robin (2012). Diogenes the Cynic: Sayings and Anecdotes, With Other Popular Moralists, Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-958924-1
• Sayre, Farrand (1938). Diogenes of Sinope: A Study of Greek Cynicism. Baltimore: J.H. Furst. ISBN 978-1258017972.
• Shea, Louisa (2010). The cynic enlightenment : Diogenes in the salon. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-9385-8.

External links

• "Diogenes of Sinope". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
• Lives & Writings on the Cynics, directory of literary references to Ancient Cynics
• A day with Diogenes
• Diogenes The Dog from Millions of Mouths
• Diogenes of Sinope
• James Grout: Diogenes the Cynic, part of the Encyclopædia Romana
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

Postby admin » Mon Sep 03, 2018 12:35 am

Spatial structure of urban settlement systems: stability versus changeability
by Viatcheslav Shuper and A.L. Valesyan
© CNRS-UMR Géographie-cités 8504

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Abstract

Postulates of W. Christallers central-place theory are discussed with an introduction of a new sixth postulats. Under consideration are specific cases of settlement systems which cannot be described by the apparatus of the classical central-place theory. It is shown that besides external causes responsible for the deformation of Christaller grid (anisotropy of the territory, etc.) there are some inner, immanent causes of it which have spontaneous nature. The paper formulates basics of the relativist version of the central-place theory, introduces notions of "the degree of stability of urban settlement systems" and “isostatic equilibrium" (as an attractor). It presents the results of analysis of the degree of stability of settlement systems of Estonia, Armenia, Georgia, and Central Russia. It is substantiated that it is possible to create a theory of the Great Unification by applying the synthetic approach to both the relativist central-place theory and phasic conceptions of spatial development.

1. In the basic work of W. Christaller (Christaller, 1966) the central-place theory did not achieve complete logical harmony. Christaller laid down the foundations of the central-place theory for he formulated the most essential of its basic principles and stimulated so far further research. The theory became axiomatic thus allowing to get non-trivial results using deduction in 1960s only with primary respect to the works of M. Dacey and his school (Dacey and al., 1974). Among the other researchers' works those of J. Parr (Parr, 1969 and 1978) have to be mentioned.

2. Numerous scholars' efforts have succeeded in formulating the basic postulates of this theory. Its first postulate is the one of the isotropy of space. The space in the central-place theory is equally permeable in every direction via the transport, homogenous with respect to the rural population density, natural environment, and the distribution of all possible resources; in other words it is absolutely homogenous except the distribution of urban population which is to be described by the theory itself.

3. The second postulate of the theory is the one of the infinity of space. No fragments can be isolated from the Christaller grid. If we denied the infinite spacial transmission of the grid we would inevitably perceive the edge effects the theory can neither take into account no describe. The very principles of the theory's construction would be violated along the edges of the central-place system thus the fourth postulats to be discussed below would not be implemented under any circumstances. The impossibility of an "isolated state" results from the second postulats of the centralplace theory.

4. The third postulate is the one of maximum compactness of the zones. According to this postulate the reason central-place systems make hexagonal grid is that the maximum compact geometrical figure is a circle, and a regular hexagon is the figure the most close to the circle geometrically which allows solid packing in the two-dimensional space.
The question of validating the space structure of central-place systems was discussed in details by A. Losch (Losch, 1959) and, later on, in general form by B. Rodoman (Rodoman, 1970).

5. The fourth postulate - the optimization principle - stipulates the polymorphism of the central-place systems. The statement that these systems can exist in three versions i.e. with a K value of 3, K value of 4, and 7 is considered by both scientific and educational accounts of the theory. Under condition that K is equal 3 the optimum configuration of market areas is achieved (central places are located in the nodes of the hexagonal grid), and the number of central places serving the region is minimal. K = 4 provides for minimal distances between central places located in the middle points of hexagonal grid's ribs. K = 7 provides for 2 the best administrative division as each central place of the lower hierarchical tier is subordinated to only one central place of the next higher tier comparing with two for K = 4 or three for K = 3.

6. The very parameter K has been defined by many scholars and J. Parr in particular as the number of central places of the next lower hierarchical tier subordinated to one central place of a given tier, plus one. One can describe K parameter in a different way - as a number of zones of the next lower hierarchical tier subordinated to one central place of a given tier.

7. Under a strict approach the central places system with K = 7 should be considered a certain misunderstanding (Shuper, 1990). According to the fourth postulate no central-place systems with other Ks could exist either for no basic principle has been found for them to be implemented in their spatial structure.

8. The fifth postulate of the theory is the assumption of the "rational" behavior of consumers. It suggests that all goods and services are being acquired at the nearest of all central places where they are available. One should not think though that the phenomenon of multi-purposes trips is essential for the systems with the optimum configuration of market areas only (K = 3). It is assumed that in the central places system with K = 4 all trips are strictly hierarchical which does not occur in reality. The divergence between real trips and those strictly hierarchical can be perceived as another expression of the phenomenon of multipurposes trips.

9. Finally, the sixth postulate of the central-place theory formulated by V. A. Shuper suggests the constancy of the share (k) of the population of a given central place in the total population of the area being served by the place, for all hierarchical tiers.

10. The necessity to introduce this postulate is dictated by the paradox of k parameter (Shuper, 1984).

11. It is widely known that in reality Christaller grids are substantially deformed. Anisotropy of the territory provoked by both natural and anthropogenic factors cannot leave undestroyed the ideal pattern of hexagons. It is far less known about the inner characteristics of any settlement system as well as the grid itself responsible for the deformation of the latter. What are these characteristics?

Anisotropy /ˌænɪˈsɒtrəpi/, /ˌænaɪˈsɒtrəpi/ is the property of being directionally dependent, which implies different properties in different directions, as opposed to isotropy. It can be defined as a difference, when measured along different axes, in a material's physical or mechanical properties (absorbance, refractive index, conductivity, tensile strength, etc.) An example of anisotropy is light coming through a polarizer. Another is wood, which is easier to split along its grain than across it.

-- Anisotropy, by Wikipedia


12. If a central place at a tier m + 1 is located close enough to the central place of a higher tier m, or even m - 1, then the former does not have to possess all set of functions appropriate for that level: some goods and services can be acquired at the nearest central place of higher hierarchical tier. Additional profit including informational one which is being received by central places of lower hierarchical tiers due to their closeness to larger centers is unquestionable. Such a concentration is beneficial for a larger center as well for it can use resources of places of lower tiers for its own needs. One can argue that the use of potential of numerous satellites-cities is an important source of development of a large city for it does not require the population growth of the latter, and the whole system can "save" on this.

13. If some functions of places of lower tiers have been transferred to the principal center the same should happen to their populations as well in order to avoid additional costs of transportation. Under such conditions the value of K cannot be kept constant even within the same hierarchical tier.

14. Now let us examine the very characteristics of the grid which are responsible for its deformation. According to the fourth postulate of the theory each central place with its service zone is being divided equally between central places of higher tiers as the former is located at the boundary between their zones. Each central place of higher hierarchical tier controls so far zones of all places of lower tiers. That postulates that any central place can be located at an equal distance from central places of higher tiers with those places belonging to different levels and thus having different size. In real world it could have corresponded to the situation when a small or average-sized city which is located at the same distance from two larger cities would have been equally attracted to both of them even if one of them is 4 times bigger than the former, and the other is 16 or 64 times bigger.
Can we imagine that in order to get goods and services available both in Moscow and Tver' residents of Klin which is situated half-way between these cities would be equally likely to go to Moscow and to Tver'?

15. Let us consider a Christaller grid with K = 4 and three tiers of hierarchy. It is obvious that the service zone of the center of the first and highest tier of hierarchy will include the whole hexagon. At the second hierarchical tier the service zone of the principal center being now one of central places of the second tier will include not halves but whole zones of the inner circle of third-tier places, thus making the principal centers zone significantly larger. Now let us consider including a fourth tier of hierarchy. Those forth-tier places being located at the borders of the shaded area will gravitate not to the principal center to get services of the second level but to the second-tier central places. They will "take" their service zones with them thus changing the boundaries of the principal center's zone of second-tier service. Further changes will occur if more tiers of hierarchy are to be included. This violates the main principle underlying a system of central places which follows from the third postulate of the theory - the principle of zones' congruence. If not only a zone's size depends upon the number of hierarchical tiers but the very same tier of hierarchy includes zones of different sizes, then the coefficient K becomes meaningless.

16. It has been shown so far that some immanent causes exist which contribute to the deformation of a Christaller grid. These deformations are not a result of some external factors like anisotrope of the territory but occur spontaneously according to internal regularities.

17. One of the results of the above-described process of deformation of a Christaller grid is a growth of an urban agglomeration surrounding a national or regional capital. Agglomerations so far are the most pronounced examples of concentration of urban settlement systems (except for the cases when spatial unevenness of settlements' distribution is due to unevenness of distribution of natural resources). Classical central-place theory being spatially expressed by the ideal Christaller grid does not allow for any concentration of population at all for it can result in irregularities of the grid itself. It will also result in the violation of the Beckmann-Parr's equation which was deduced from the grid's characteristics (Parr, 1969).

18. Thus a very important fact which nevertheless - to the best knowledge of the authors - has not been reflected by the literature on the central-place theory points out that formation of large urban agglomerations violates not only theoretically predicted proportions of distances between cities but also relative sizes of central places of different tiers of hierarchy.


19. As it was mentioned above, one of the postulates of the theory is that of constancy of K (with K being the share of a central place in the population of its service zone) for all tiers of hierarchy. Under condition of sharp deformations of a Christaller lattice the value of K cannot remain constant not only for different hierarchical tiers but for same tier's central places as well. Consequently one cannot apply the Beckmann-Parr equation which describes relationship between sizes of central places of neighboring tiers. Thus unevenness of spatial distribution of an urban settlement system resulting in the formation of large agglomerations represents a different side of the reality which in turn requires substantial changes to be included into the classical central-places theory to have it all explained.

20. There is at least one more phenomenon which cannot be explained by the classical central-place theory: the absence of precisely those places in some urban settlement systems which should have occupied second highest tier of hierarchy. Sometimes, but not always, such an effect is accompanied by a heavy condensation of central places' web around the principal center.


21. It has been shown so far that population distributions between tiers of the Christaller hierarchy when different from those predicted by the Beckmann-Parr equation simply cannot be considered by the classical theory. As a result the latter is unable to take into account interrelations between spatial organization of a central-place system and a distribution of population among different tiers of the same system. As opposed to the classical central-place theory the relativistic central place theory developed by V.A. Shuper is aimed at the very interrelation between spatial organization of a central places' system and population distribution among its hierarchical tiers.

22. One of the central concepts of the relativistic central-place theory is that of an isostatic equilibrium. The latter is precisely what allows to establish a functional dependency between spatial organization of urban settlements and distribution of population among different hierarchical tiers. Tiers of centralplace hierarchy are being classified into heavy and light ones according to the fact if they have population respectively larger or smaller than it was predicted (by the classical theory?). A question can arise, that is why there should be any discrepancies at all between observed and predicted populations of a hierarchical tier? The answer was given above - there are both internal characteristics and external factors allowing for the deformation of an ideal grid.

R[e][n]
K
R[e][n]
P[t][n]
=
P[e][n]
/
P[t][n]
KkKKKKK
R[e][n]
R[t][n]
R[t][n]
/
R[e][n]
= m-1


23. Under the condition that isostatic effects are being completely compensated for this parameter has a value of m - 1, where m - 1 is a number of hierarchical tiers in a central places 1 system minus the first tier represented by only one central place. A compliance with the parameter of isostatic equilibrium is the very characteristic of stability of an urban settlement system.

24. The notion about urban settlement systems as gravitating in their development toward a certain stable state with the latter defined as an isostatic equilibrium has also a certain philosophical meaning. It allows to think about such a state as some kind of an attractor. This introduction of the notion of an attractor is not a mere tribute to a fashionable parlance: if we can assume that a process is determined not by initial conditions but by a final state, then we suggest both the existence of the equifinality and a possibility of using different routes between the initial and final conditions, more precisely - between stages of the process which were defined as such conditions.

Equifinality is the principle that in open systems a given end state can be reached by many potential means. The term and concept is due to Hans Driesch, the developmental biologist, later applied by Ludwig von Bertalanffy, the founder of general systems theory, and by William T. Powers, the founder of perceptual control theory. Driesch and von Bertalanffy prefer this term, in contrast to "goal", in describing complex systems' similar or convergent behavior. Powers simply emphasised the flexibility of response, since it emphasizes that the same end state may be achieved via many different paths or trajectories. In closed systems, a direct cause-and-effect relationship exists between the initial condition and the final state of the system: When a computer's 'on' switch is pushed, the system powers up. Open systems (such as biological and social systems), however, operate quite differently. The idea of equifinality suggests that similar results may be achieved with different initial conditions and in many different ways.[1] This phenomenon has also been referred to as isotelesis[2] (from Greek ἴσος isos "equal" and τέλεσις telesis: "the intelligent direction of effort toward the achievement of an end") when in games involving superrationality.

-- Equifinality, by Wikipedia


25. The idea of equifinality of the development of largest cities has been known in the science since mid-60s (Haggett, 1983). It states that gigantic cities show much more of a resemblance with each other than do those small cities they have grown up from. Some difficult philosophical questions arise here: it can be supposed that moving to similar conditions require similarity of initial conditions and factors affecting it, or it can be assumed that it is determined by a certain "construction" such as a potential form which is to be revealed in the process of a system's development.

26. Such a teleology can be quite well explained scientifically and logically. For example, K. Popper has shown that Darwin's natural selection must have a future expediency as motive forces of evolution (Popper, 1982). In this case the expediency will reveal itself in the future only but it needs certain spendings today.

Teleology or finality is a reason or explanation for something in function of its end, purpose, or goal. It is derived from two Greek words: telos (end, goal, purpose) and logos (reason, explanation). A purpose that is imposed by a human use, such as that of a fork, is called extrinsic. Natural teleology, common in classical philosophy but controversial today, contends that natural entities also have intrinsic purposes, irrespective of human use or opinion. For instance, Aristotle claimed that an acorn's intrinsic telos is to become a fully grown oak tree.

Though ancient atomists rejected the notion of natural teleology, teleological accounts of non-personal or non-human nature were explored and often endorsed in ancient and medieval philosophies, but fell into disfavor during the modern era (1600–1900). In the late 18th century, Immanuel Kant used the concept of telos as a regulative principle in his Critique of Judgment. Teleology was also fundamental to the speculative philosophy of Georg Hegel.

Contemporary philosophers and scientists are still discussing whether teleological axioms are useful or accurate in proposing modern philosophies and scientific theories. For instance, in 2012, Thomas Nagel proposed a non-Darwinian account of evolution that incorporates impersonal and natural teleological laws to explain the existence of life, consciousness, rationality, and objective value.


27. The very same approach is being applied in this research for there is yet no clear understanding of mechanisms determining development of settlement systems. Our knowledge allows to analyze past development of settlement systems but prohibits from formulating any analytical laws allowing to predict future states of these systems. That is why the notion of isostatic equilibrium as an attractor for the development of urban settlement systems possesses a few clear advantages. It happens because the most stable state and directions for the process are given with the latter always aiming to reach the former even if the system has diverged from the most stable state under the influence of external factors.

28. An important question has to be raised on the correlation between the classical and relativistic central-place theories. Let us consider this correlation from the position of I.V. Kuznetzov who formulated a partial principle of correspondence as follows:

29. "A new theory's mathematical apparatus containing a certain characteristic parameter which values are different in the old and new areas of phenomena passes to the old theory's mathematical apparatus with a proper value of the characteristic parameter" ("Principe...", 1979).

30. It seems obvious that such a characteristic parameter connecting the classical and relativistic theories is represented by the Beckmann-Parr equation. The very parameter K becoming meaningless under strong relativistic effects transform the apparatus of the classical theory into the relativistic one.

31. Another important factor determining the correspondence between the classical and relativistic theories is presented by the existence of a certain transitional zone where relativistic effects take place. Relativistic effects gradually penetrate into the classical theory: there are two poles. Firstly, the ideal Christaller grid described by the classical theory and the central-place system with no second hierarchical tier. The latter does not fit to the classical theory at all and can only be described by the relativistic theory. There is a wide "area" between those poles which includes the vast majority of urban settlement systems existing now or existed before.

32. It is obvious that a close-to-ideal Christaller grid can exist in a very rare situation. This is true even for the central places' system of South Germany. A corresponding figure in the classical book by W. Christaller (Christaller, 1966) unequivocally shows that only the existence of a preconceived idea let its author to see on the map something looking like a regular hexagonal grid.

33. Finally, the very state of isostatic equilibrium expressed by the equation (1) represents a very important parameter which ensures the correspondence between the classical and relativistic theories. If isostatic equilibrium is complete, then the equation (1) is true for both an urban system completely corresponding to the ideal Christaller grid (if one can imagine that such a system exists) and one with high concentration of cities near the principal center and no second hierarchical tier.

34. Let us now discuss stability of spatial structures of real settlement systems. It has to be emphasized that hierarchical structuralization of urban settlement systens does not happen at once. A hypothesis was earlier suggested by V.A. Shuper that urban settlement systems first had been formed as a whole while their compliance with predictions of the Zipf's rule getting improved, and then a distinct hierarchical structure was formed thus improving their agreement with predictions of the central-place theory and worsening their compliance with ones of the Zipf's rule.

35. As if substances pass with time from amorphous to crystalline conditions, settlement systems also pass from a quasi-amorphus state described by the Zipf's rule to a quasi-crystalline state characterized by predictions of the central-place theory.

36. This hypothesis has been successfully proved by such diverse settlement systems as those of Estonia, Armenia, Georgia and Central Russia
(computing programs were created by N. Aznauryan).

37. Table 1 presents values of a parameter which was calculated using the method by Yu.V. Medvedkov (Medvedkov, 1964) and is equal to the average of squared deviations from the natural logarithm function approximating the population distribution of first 16 largest cities for corresponding regions. As it can be seen from the Table 1, all four settlement systems began improving their agreement with the Zipf's model during some initial period and then changed this trend to the opposite one. Increasing values of the parameter can be seen as an indicator of growing integrity of each system.

38. It seems to be quite logical that in Central Russia, transition from a quasi-amorphus state into a quasi-crystalline one happened as early as in the middle of nineteenth century. The following dynamics of the parameter show a constant growth. By the time when Estonian Republic proclaimed itself independent and left Russia Estonian settlement system had been already quite mature. Not surprisingly the latter had developed as a kind of integrity earlier than Armenia and Georgia did it. Being more compact than its northern neighbor, Armenia left Georgia behind for the latter was witnessing clear centrifugal tendencies. The latest decline of the parameter in Estonia might be understood as a legitimate fluctuation provoked by the process of re-establishing its independence.

39. Let us now analyze dynamics of the parameter which characterizes the degree of correspondence of a system with the state of isostatic equilibrium (Table 2).

40. In the case of Estonia, the parameter under consideration got quite close to its predicted value of 3 (for 4 tiers of hierarchy) by the year 1959, and in 1965 it became equal with the ideal. The subsequent behavior of the parameter can be interpreted as follows: under the forces of inertia of its own movement, the system achieves the value of 3.18, and after that it starts moving back. The hypothesis on oscillatory type of dynamics of the parameter has been already suggested (Valesyan, 1991). To obtain the data supporting such a hypothesis, we have to analyze many examples of real settlement systems.

41. A new splash occurring in Estonian settlement system after 1989 might seem quite strange. But we should not forget about stormy political collisions survived by Estonia during the period of painful re-establishing of its national independence, for they for sure influence the development of its urban settlement system.

Years / Central Russia / Estonia / Armenia / Georgia

1833 / 11.40 / -- / -- / --

1840 / 9.93 / -- / -- / --

1847 / 10.11 / -- / -- / --

1861 / 11.24 / -- / -- / --

1870 / 20.41 / -- / -- / --

1885 / 25.64 / -- / -- / --

1897 / 32.69 / -- / -- / --

1926 / -- / -- / 3.17 / 7.59

1927 / 1.49 / -- / -- / --

1931 / -- / -- / 6.62 / --

1934 / -- / 0.66 / -- / --

1939 / -- / -- / 6.32 / 16.51

1950 / -- / -- / -- / 16.25

1959 / -- / 3.36 / 15.09 / 19.04

1970 / -- / 4.22 / 22.21 / 21.60

1979 / -- / 5.98 / 28.42 / 23.47

1989 / -- / 7.61 / 36.66 . 28.00

1992 / 294.93 / 6.98 / -- / --

1993 / -- / -- / 37.11 / --

Table 1. Changes in the degree of agreement of some settlement systems with the rule of "rank-size".

Years / CentralRussia / Estonia / Armenia / Georgia

1926 / 2.01 (4) / -- / 3.11 (3) / 1.76 (4)

1927 / -- / 2.58 (3) / -- / --

1931 / -- / -- / -- / 1.73 (4)

1934 / -- / 2.40 (3) / -- / --

1937 / 2.41 (4) / -- / -- / --

1939 / -- / -- / 1.61 (3) / 1.92 (4)

1959 / 2.82(4) / 2.84 (4) / 1.55 (3) / 2.79 (4)

1965 / 3.07 (4) / 3.00 (4) / 2.33 (4) / 2.95 (4)

1970 / 3.32 (4) / 3.09 (4) / 2.68 (4) / 3.05 (4)

1979 / 3.63 (4) / 3.14 (4) / 2.99 (4) / 2.82 (4)

1985 / -- / 3.18 (4) / -- / --

1988 / -- / -- / 3.22 (4) / --

1989 / 3.55 (4) / 3.13 (4) / 3.14 (4) / 2.90 (4)

1992 / 3.57 (4) / 3.18 (4) / -- / --

1993 / -- / -- / 3.37 (4) / --

Table 2. Changes in the degree of spatial stabilite of some urban settlement systems.
Numbers in parentheses represent the number of hierarchical tiers.


42. As if on purpose, Estonia has been created by nature to help verify different approaches in the field of central-place theory. Settlement systems which lack the same degree of maturity and integrity fit this goal to a much lesser extent. Nevertheless an attempt to apply either classical or relativistic central-place theories to them can be quite interesting.

43. The only one of three Baltic republics, Estonia is an ideal region for the development of the central-place theory. Latvia's capital, Riga, is too big for such a country for the city became a major transportational center; Lithuania historically possesses two capitals. Both Ukraine and Byelorussia as if have been built of two distinctive pieces: their settlement systems are far from integrity, and this affects proportions of these systems. There are two capitals in Ukraine as well; in Byelorussia the urban settlement system is not only divided into eastern and western parts but also has disproportional hierarchical tiers: it lacks, in particular, a sufficient development of a network of small cities which would have contributed to the forth hierarchical tier.

44. In this connection republics of Caucasia are of a great interest, and especially those of Armenia and Georgia, as the territory of Azerbaijan has been torn apart. Let us consider the data on Armenia. As it can be seen from the Table 2, changes in the degree of stability of spatial structure of the urban settlement system in Armenia have been following the trend similar to one of Estonia: at the beginning there was a poor agreement with predictions of the theory, but since approximately mid-sixties, when a fourth hierarchical tier appeared in the system, the latter began to get closer to the isostatic equilibrium and even passed it "farther". Unlike Estonia, with its more mature settlement system, Armenia has not seen any returning movement of the "pendulum" yet, and the 1989 value reflects the impact of the major earthquake on its settlement system. It can be suggested that in the near future such a oscillatory trend will show up in Armenia as well.

45. A somewhat different trajectory describes the changes in the degree of spatial stability of the settlement system of Georgia. Having reached the isostatic equilibrium by the end of 1960s, the parameter of stability went to the opposite direction after that. For now it is hard to say if the settlement system of Georgia follows its own way, or it will repeat that of Estonia in a few years, with the parameter of stability decreasing after having reached an ideal agreement with the theory. If the second option comes true, its later realization can be explained by the lower level of integrity of the settlement system of Georgia: centrifugal tendencies could and still can be seen in it quite clearly.


Centrifugal: proceeding or acting in a direction away from a center or axis.

-- Centrifugal, by Merriam-Webster


46. Though all three settlement systems under consideration can be described by the classical central-place theory, it is not the case for the territory of Central Russia. The settlement system of Central Russia lacks those cities which had to have formed the second tier of hierarchy, that is why in order to evaluate the degree of agreement of the system with the isostatic equilibrium, we use the apparatus of the relativistic central-place theory.

R[t][n]
t/
R[e][n]


47. Let us shift our attention from real values of the parameter of stability of settlement systems to its methodological importance. At a first approximation, the latter can be used as a good indicator of changes in stages of spatial evolution of settlement. A hypothesis on the oscillatory nature of changes in urban settlement systems' stability was suggested earlier (Valesyan, 1991). The time points where the direction of oscillatory movements changes may turn out to be the very critical points where the system moves from one state with, for example, predominantly centripetal tendencies, to the other state with predominantly centrifugal ones. Monitoring trajectories of changes in stability of settlement systems with different level of maturity, together with studying spatial evolution of urbanisation in those systems, can lead to quite fruitful results.

48. We have analyzed some possibilities of synthesis of those conceptions which deal with settlement systems only. The search for these possibilities seems to be quite logical. It might be a lot less trivial of an idea to suggest the existence of a certain synchronisa in the changes of stages which describe heterogeneous spatial phenomena. An inner connection can exist between, say, an appearance of a new topological level in the transportation network, development of a new hierarchical tier in the corresponding urban settlement system, a change in directions of spatial components of urbanisation (from centripetal to centrifugal and vise versa) and an emergence of a next wave of concentration or deconcentration in the regional development. If enough of serious evidence could be found to support this statement, it would be possible to discuss possibilities to create a theory which would allow to embrace all existing conceptions of phasic spatial development. By analogy with physics, this future theory can be named with some sense of humor a theory of the Great Unification. The idea to create such a theory capable of unifying research paradigms which are methodologically related but still significantly separated from each other, will allow to reach a better understanding of the drama of spatial connections of different phenomena and to reveal their concordance.

In mathematics, topology (from the Greek τόπος, place, and λόγος, study) is concerned with the properties of space that are preserved under continuous deformations, such as stretching, crumpling and bending, but not tearing or gluing. This can be studied by considering a collection of subsets, called open sets, that satisfy certain properties, turning the given set into what is known as a topological space. Important topological properties include connectedness and compactness.

-- Topology, by Wikipedia


49. At a first approximation, we can intuitively suggest that the invariant which characterizes the degree of stability of spatial structure of urban settlement systems can become such a pivot to "thread" the above-named conceptions. This means that determining the trajectory of changes in stability of a system, a researcher can "catch" different stages of spatial self-development. It seems to have a deep meaning for the urban settlement system of a given region, reflects in one way or another a whole palette of the spatial self-development "from geology (location of largest cities at morpho-structural nodes) to ideology (cities as focuses of political and cultural life)" (Guberman, 1987).

50. Suggesting the above-named invariant as one of foundation-stones of the future theory of the Great Unification is a logical step from the methodological point of view, for the growth of the theoretical knowledge in any areas of the natural science starts from the search for specific invariants, or parameters which are stable with regard to certain transformations (Ovchinnikov & Shuper, 1987).


51. It might seem at the first sight that the suggested idea on the possibility to create the theory of the Great Unification is somewhat improbable or even fantastic. But it is known that the verisimilitude is a false criterion of the correctness of a theory.

52. Strict mathematical statements existing in the theory will allow to empirically verify its conclusions in the future. As it was noted by K. Popper, "we try to find similar features in objects and interpret them according to laws invented by ourselves. Not waiting for all premises to be at our disposal, we immediately formulate conclusions. They can be rejected later on if the observation will prove their error" (Popper, 1959).

53. As a conclusion, let us express the hope that the theory of the Great Unification will not lack attention of geographers. For if a conception, as it was righteously noticed by W. Heisenberg, "is so good that it allows to combine a lot of most different phenomena which look "the same" or closely related in a certain aspect, then this conception will be accepted for the very unifying power of its own" (Heisenberg, 1991, p.77).

_______________

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Parr, J.B., 1969, "City Hierarchies and the Distribution of City Size : A Reconsideration of Beckmann's Contribution", Journal ofRegionalscience, vol. 9, n°2-1969, 239-253.
DOI : 10.1111/j.1467-9787.1969.tb01337.x

Parr, J.B., 1978, "Models of the Central Place System : A More General Approach", Urban Studies, n°1-1978, 35-49.
DOI : 10.1080/00420987820080041

Popper, K.R.,1976,Unended Quest : An Intellectual Autobiography,London, Fontana.

Popper, K.R., 1959, The Logic of Scientific Discovery, New York, BasicBooks.
DOI : 10.1063/1.3060577

Printsip Sootvetstviya. Istoriko-metodologicheskii analiz [Principle of Correspondence. Historical Methodological Analysis], Moscow, 1979.

Rodoman, B.B., 1970, "Osnovniye Protsessy Prostranstvennoi Differentsiatsii [Major Processes of Spatial Differentiation]", Vestnik MGU, Seriya V. Geographiya, n°5-1970, pp.22-30.

Shuper, V.A., 1984, "Paradoksy Teorii Tsentral'nykh Mest i Ikh Znachenie Dlya Analiza System Rasseleniya Stolichnogo Tipa [Paradoxes of Central Place Theory and Their Importance for the

Analysis of Settlement Systems of Regional Capitals]", in Regional Settlement in the USSR, Moscow, 172-184.

Shuper, V.A., 1989, "Deformation of Central Place Systems in the Formation of Large Urban Agglomerations", Soviet Geography, XXX, n°1-1989, 24-32.

Shuper, V.A., 1989, "Nekotoriye Udivitellniye Svoystva Kristallerovskikh Reshetok [Some Amazing Characteristics of Christaller Grids]", Izvestiya AN, Seriya geographicheskaya, n°1-1990, 96-100.

Valesyan, A.L., 1991, "Kolebatel'niye Protsessy v Systemakh Tsentral'nykh Mest [Oscillatory Processes in Central Place Systems]", Izvestiya VGO, 123, n°4-1991, 371-372.

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References

Electronic reference


Viatcheslav Shuper and A.L. Valesyan, « Spatial structure of urban settlement systems : stability versus changeability », Cybergeo : European Journal of Geography [Online], Systems, Modelling, Geostatistics, document 88, Online since 26 March 1999, connection on 03 September 2018. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/cybergeo/2386 ; DOI : 10.4000/cybergeo.2386

About the authors

Viatcheslav Shuper
Institut de Géographie, Académie des Sciences de Russie, Moscou

By this author
Débats socratiques en géographie [Full text]
СОКРАТИЧЕСКИЕ ЧТЕНИЯ ПО ГЕОГРАФИИ
Published in Cybergeo : European Journal of Geography, Current issues, Débats socratiques en géographie
La théorie des lieux centraux et les phénomènes d’évolution [Full text]
Article 87
Published in Cybergeo : European Journal of Geography, Systems, Modelling, Geostatistics
A.L. Valesyan
Institut de Géographie

Académie des Sciences de Russie, Moscou
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

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Russia Youth Environmental Program
by U.S. Embassy & Consulates in Russia (ru.usembassy.gov)
Accessed: 9/2/18

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To apply please visit: http://ryep.ru/
Application deadline: March 19, 2018

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The Russian Youth Environmental Program (RYEP) is designed to foster greater understanding between the people of the United States and Russia and provide Russian youth with an international forum to discuss environmental issues. The program will focus on environmental sustainability – which considers how individual, community, corporate, and global practices can better contribute to the health and sustainability of the world. Russian participants will learn more about environmental sustainability, gain exposure to successful youth-led environmental and community service projects, and examine the topics of community engagement and citizen participation.

In the summer of 2018, RYEP will bring 40 Russians ages 18-20 to the United States for a four-week program consisting of training seminars, interactive group activities, site visits, and community service opportunities. Participants will be matched with environmental organizations to gain hands-on experience and learn from the leaders of the projects. The program will include cultural activities and a two week homestay so that the participants can learn about the culture and everyday life of the American people.
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

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RUY - Russian Union of Youth
Centre for International Cooperation
by Russian Union of Youth
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Russian Union of Youth (RUY) is one of the biggest non-governmental, non-political and non-profit youth organizations in Russia, focusing on providing young Russians with leadership experience through various projects and programs.

Every year more than 4 million young people participate in these projects and programmes. RUY has regional offices in 75 regions of Russia with a large number of local offices in schools, colleges, universities and enterprises.

RUY organizes more than 20 national and more than 200 regional projects and programmes for young people. All projects and programs are supported by either federal or local authorities. In 2014 RUY was honored to become for the second time one of the providers of the President grants for NGOs working in the social field.

International youth cooperation is one of the main areas of work for Russian Union of Youth. RUY cooperates with more than 20 foreign states by organizing and participating in international projects, exchanges, conferences, panel discussions etc. Every year RUY welcomes foreign delegations from our partner countries and send active members of the organization abroad.

On the international scene RUY works in accordance with priorities of the Russian foreign policy. Russian Union of Youth collaborates with the Government of Russian Federation (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, the Federal Agency for the Commonwealth of Independent States, Compatriots Living Abroad and International Humanitarian Cooperation, and the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation), funds (the Alexander Gorchakov Public Diplomacy Fund, the Russkiy Mir Foundation, the CIS Interstate Humanitarian Cooperation Fund) and educational institutions (Moscow State Institute of International Relations, Moscow State University, Peoples' Friendship University of Russia, Russian State Social University) etc. Foreign youth organizations of CIS, SCO, BRICS, EU countries are also among partners of RUY. However, we are open for cooperation with all organizations concerned.

Spheres of Work:

- Engaging young compatriots living abroad

- Promoting Russian language and culture abroad

- Developing youth public diplomacy

- Developing international youth entrepreneurship

Methods of Work:

- International educational projects

- Developing multilateral cooperation (CIS, SCO, BRICS)

- International youth business clubs

- Participating in the projects organized by Russian and foreign NGOs

- Organizing international projects, contests, conferences, discussions, meetings etc.

2014 – Overview

During 2014, Russian Union of Youth has been working intensively to broaden cooperation with its partners from the Government of the Russian Federation, major Russian NGOs working in the field of international relations and public diplomacy, funds, and universities.

From January to December 2014 more than 15 foreign delegations consisted of young leaders, politicians, NGO employees, and entrepreneurs paid visits to the Central Committee of Russian Union of Youth (more than 100 people from all around the world).

RUY activists participated in a number of international events held in Russia and abroad.

Taking into account that cooperation with CIS-countries is one of the priorities of the Russian foreign policy, RUY also focuses on cooperation with these countries. In 2014 Russian Union of Youth organized its traditional international events in Russia: “Be-La-Rus” International Youth Camp (Pskov), “Sosedi” International Youth Camp (Orenburg), XXI Century Leader International Student Unions School (Rostov-on-Don), “Russkaya Zima” International Youth Festival (Yaroslavl).

A new impetus was given to the development of friendly relations with China. Russian Union of Youth became an operator of youth exchanges in the framework of the Russia-China Youth Friendly Exchanges Years 2014-2015. RUY became one of the organizers of the Opening Ceremony of the Years as well as of the concert in the State Kremlin Palace dedicated to Russia-China friendship (October, 12). RUY activists also participated in the traditional youth exchanges with All-China Youth Federation – the main partner of RUY in China. Five Chinese delegations visited Russia in 2014 at the invitation of Russian Union of Youth.

Working with members of the SCO was also an important area for RUY. Several large events aimed at strengthening relations with these countries were organized: Shanghai Cooperation Organization Student Spring Festival, the SCO Youth Innovation Forum and a number of panel discussions. The delegation of RUY took part in the annual meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Youth Council in Tajikistan in June 2014.

Russian Union of Youth is also working on developing youth cooperation within BRICS. The first landmark event was the BRICS International Youth Forum, which took place in Moscow from 21 to 25 July 2014. All delegates of the Forum decided to organize similar events in their countries. From 2 to 10, November a delegation of Russian Union of Youth visited the capital of India New-Delhi. Russian and Indian young leaders have decided to organize two more events in Delhi in 2015.

Russian Union of Youth also gave a new boost to the development of the European Youth Card in Russia; a project organized by EYCA (European Youth Card Association) where RUY has the membership since 90-s. Experts have prepared an action plan for card development in Russia for 2015-2020.

2014 – Events and Highlights:

The Opening Ceremony of the Russia-China Youth Friendly Exchanges Years 2014-2015

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The Russia-China Youth Friendly Exchanges Years 2014-2015 were launched in St. Petersburg on March 28th, with Chinese President Xi Jinping and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin both sending congratulatory messages to the event. Visiting Chinese Vice Premier Liu Yandong and her Russian counterpart Olga Golodets pledged to deepen youth interaction between the two countries.

The opening ceremony with Russian Union of Youth as one of co-organizers was held at the new Concert Hall of Mariinsky Theater. RUY had also trained a large group of volunteers for the event.

As part of the Years events, a youth exchange program involving 100 schools and 10,000 students from both countries, as well as an online interaction program involving 1 million students from both sides, were also launched on the same day.

The concert of the opening ceremony was performed by the joint symphony orchestra consisting of young musicians from both countries. The world-renowned Russian conductor Valery Gergiev, the general and artistic director of the Mariinsky Theatre, was in charge of the Russian-Chinese Youth Symphony Orchestra. The concert was the first event of the program, which is in action for 2 years. The youth-themed activities should be of great appeal to young people from both countries, especially those learning Russian in China, and Chinese in Russia.

Before the concert, the Mariinsky Palace (the residence of the Legislative Assembly of Saint Petersburg) held a meeting of the organizing committee of the Years. Russian Union of Youth is an active member and contributor of the committee. Following the meeting, Liu Yandong and Olga Golodets signed the Action Plan of the Years.

On the same day, Russian Union of Youth participated in the task meeting with the representatives of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation and All-China Youth Federation. Russia and China have prepared more than 300 activities within the framework of the Russia-China Youth Friendly Exchanges Years, including large-scale two-way youth visits, language contests, sport games, youth forums and art festivals.

2014 and 2015 years will be a period of active development of relations in the humanitarian field between Russia and China, including youth cooperation.

Russian-Chinese Forum on Youth Friendship and Cooperation

Russian-Chinese Forum on Youth Friendship and Cooperation took place on the campus of the Far-Eastern Federal University on Russkiy Island (Vladivostok, Russia) from 24 to 26 June. The Forum was organized by Russian Union of Youth with the support of the Alexander Gorchakov Public Diplomacy Fund and the Far-Eastern Federal University.

The Forum is one of the featured events of the Russia-China Youth Friendly Exchanges Years 2014-2015, an intergovernmental cultural project aimed at developing Russian-Chinese cooperation in culture, education, art and science.

On the first day of the Forum, students and teachers from Russia and China (Beijing City University, Beijing Foreign Studies University, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Chinese University of Political Science and Law, etc.) met for a panel discussion.

The participants of the Forum discussed achievements and prospects in the field of bilateral youth cooperation, shared experience of working with young people and children. During the Forum they also met with Vladivostok authorities and had a guided tour around the city. The event boosted the relations between Russian and Chinese young leaders and contributed to the mutual cultural understanding. Participants also signed a joint resolution in the end of the Forum.

Chinese-Russian business club for young entrepreneurs

Sino-Russian Youth Business Club and its web-site were launched on June, 29 in Harbin (China). The Club was founded by Russian Union of Youth and All-China Youth Federation. It is due to become a good platform for cooperation between young entrepreneurs of both countries.

Assistant to the Chairman of the All-China Youth Federation Wan Xuejun said “the club will help to nurture the results of pragmatic cooperation and to share international experience”.

Meetings between young entrepreneurs of two countries is an important part of the Action Plan of The Russia-China Youth Friendly Exchanges Years 2014-2015. New club is due to organize a large amount of events including business negotiations between Chinese and Russian entrepreneurs, seminars and lectures as well as to provide information and consulting via its web-site.

Shanghai Cooperation Organization Student Spring Festival (SCO Student Spring Festival)

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Shanghai Cooperation Organization Student Spring Festival took place in Chita (Zabaikalsky Kray, Russia) from 2 to 7 July. The Festival was included into the Action Plan of the Russian presidency in the SCO in 2014-2015 and became the biggest youth event in Russia in 2014.

More than 3,5 thousand people from 14 member states, observer states and dialogue partner states of the SCO (China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, India, Iran, Mongolia, Pakistan, Sri-Lanka, Belarus, Turkey) came to Chita. According to RIA-Novosti news agency, the Festival took the second position at the top list of the most expected events on the Russian Federation territory after Sochi Winter Olympics in 2014. The Festival gala concert was broadcasted on a federal TV channel.

The founders and organizers of the Festival are the All-Russian public organization “Russian Union of Youth” and the Government of Zabaikalsky Krai. It was supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, the Ministry of Education and Science of Russia and the Ministry of Culture of Russia.

The Festival program was subdivided into seven thematic areas in which the youth demonstrate their abilities in the fields of science, education, sports, creativity, entrepreneurship, and social activities. More than 100 famous and well-known politicians, officials, journalists, artists and public figures took place in the Festival in the capacity of experts, moderators and honored guests.

This international festival became an effective platform for strengthening relations, developing cooperation among the SCO countries and forming a positive image of Russia abroad.

BRICS International Youth Forum

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BRICS International Youth Forum took place in Moscow from 21 to 25 July 2014.

Sixteen young leaders from Brazil, India, China and South Africa arrived to the capital of Russia to discuss with their Russian counterparts the prospects of youth cooperation in the political, economic, humanitarian and cultural fields in BRICS countries. More than 150 people took part in the Forum.

The Forum was supported by the Federal Agency for the Commonwealth of Independent States, Compatriots Living Abroad and International Humanitarian Cooperation (Rossotrudnichestvo).

The Opening Ceremony and the plenary session of the Forum took place in Moscow State University in the presence of honored guests from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, the Ministry of Education and Science of Russia, Embassy of India in Russia, Moscow Government and RUY.

On the first day of the Forum, young leaders of BRICS visited workshops and seminars by well-known Russian investors, financial gurus and innovators. They also visited the Civic Chamber of the Russian Federation in order to discuss the role of public diplomacy in the modern world. The participants of the panel discussion decided to create BRICS Youth Magazine and appeal to the governments of state to boost youth exchanges among BRICS countries, to create joint educational institutions and innovation projects.

The agenda of the Forum also included the visit to the Central Committee of Russian Union of Youth where participants had an opportunity to meet with the Chairman of RUY Pavel Krasnorutskiy and learn more about RUY’s projects and programmes.

The last day of the Forum was dedicated to the visit to the Moscow School of Management SKOLKOVO, the largest private business school in Russia.

BRICS International Youth Forum came out with an outcome document “Dialogues for Resolution”. Among other things, the outcome document calls for “establishing a working group for creating BRICS Youth Councils' communicative platforms for executing plans with respect to business, innovation, leadership development, humanitarian, political and scientific fields; creation of a division of the Development Bank of the BRICS aimed at supporting youth initiatives in entrepreneurship and innovation projects; and creating a system of youth internships and exchange programs, mentoring and enterprise development.”

The SCO Youth Innovation Forum

On October 7-10, 2014, Ufa (Republic of Bashkortostan, Russian Federation) hosted the Youth Innovation Forum of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), bringing together young scientists from Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and China, as well as from major Russian cities with the population of more than one million. The Forum was included into the Action Plan of the Russian presidency in the SCO in 2014-2015.

The All-Russian public organization “Russian Union of Youth”, the Government of Bashkortostan Republic were the organizers of the Forum. Ufa-2015 SCO BRICS Office Group Autonomous Non-commercial Organization acted as a co-organizer of the event. The Ministry of Youth and Sports of Bashkortostan Republic operated all preparations and logistics.

Bashkir universities presented their innovation projects in the foyer of the Congress Hall, where the exhibition of innovation solutions from six different fields (nanosystems, agriculture, energy, environmental management, information technology and breakthrough technologies in medicine) was held on the first day of the Forum.

The roundtable discussion on the subject “Prospects for SCO Innovation Cooperation” took place right after the opening part. Denis Gusev, Director of the Convergus Project Oriented Educational Technologies Center led the discussion.

“We invited investors, experts, businessmen and representatives of major industrial holdings to take a look at the projects and innovative ideas proposed by the young people at the Forum. We are confident that the Forum will help young scientists in their future work and encourage further cooperation within the SCO,” said Deputy Prime Minister of Bashkortostan Marat Magadeyev.

More than 30 experts from the Skolkovo Innovation Centre, Agency for Strategic Initiatives, Russian Venture Company as well as representatives of investment companies and private investors studied and evaluated 80 different projects. As a result, 18 participants reached the final of the competition. Three winners in each nomination were determined: “Best Innovative Product”, “Best Innovative Project”, and “Best Innovative Idea”. They received money prizes, became members of the RUY’s business club.

100-member Russian Youth Delegation to China

In the framework of the Russia-China Youth Friendly Exchanges Years 2014-2015 a 100-member Russian youth delegation visited China at the invitation of the All-China Youth Federation in late October, 2014. The visit was prepared and organized by Russian Union of Youth and the Ministry of Education and Science.

The goal of the visit was to share experience in youth policies and to strengthen friendly relations between Russian and Chinese young people. Young NGO employees, innovators, journalists, entrepreneurs, lawyers, scientists, doctors, civil servants aged 20-40 from all Russian regions became members of the delegation. The visit lasted for 7 days and the Russian delegation divided in four smaller delegations had an opportunity to learn more about life in Shandong, Jilin, Shaanxi and Hubei.

In provinces, delegates had meetings with students and university officials, visited industrial parks, car factories and business incubators. They also participated in roundtable discussions with Chinese entrepreneurs.

Chinese Vice President Li Yuanchao met with a Russian youth delegation in Beijing. Li said Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin in 2013 decided to conduct Year of Youth Exchange between China and Russia in 2014 and 2015, which is a major decision concerning long-term development of China-Russia relations. He called on young people from both countries to work together for the better future of bilateral relations.

Chinese partners organized a large cultural program for their Russian friends. The members of delegation saw the Terracotta Army, the Museum of the Imperial Palace of the Manchu State, The Forbidden City, The Temple of Confucius, Changchun World Sculpture Park and the Great Wall of China.

Russia-China Youth Concert

On October, 12 the State Kremlin Palace hosted the Russia-China Youth Concert organized in the framework of the Russia-China Youth Friendly Exchanges Years 2014-2015. The Concert was organized by Russian Union of Youth, the Ministry of Education and Science of Russia and the Ministry of Culture of Russia.

The concert was dedicated to the official visit of Chinese Premier Li Keqiang to Russia. Artists from Beijing and Moscow participated in the concert. All guests also had an opportunity to see the art and calligraphy exhibition organized on the same venue.

Visiting Chinese Vice Premier Liu Yandong and her Russian counterpart Olga Golodets addressed to the guests in the beginning of the concert. They emphasized the high level or relations and cooperation between Russia and China in all fields, including humanitarian sphere.

“New generations, who better acknowledge and understand each other's culture and value systems, are taking shape in Russia and China,” Golodets told. “That will positively influence the political climate of bilateral relations in the coming decades, and facilitate joint programs in various social spheres,” she added.

The Chairman of RUY Pavel Krasnorutskiy said that “all these bilateral events are extremely important for establishing long-term relations and cooperation in education, science and youth policy. “We have been working hard and have already created organizing committees in both countries, organized a number of meeting on different levels and worked out a joint action plan”, he added.

RUY’s Official Visit to India

A delegation of Russian Union of Youth visited the capital of India New-Delhi from 2 to 10, November. Tatiana Seliverstova, Head of International Department, says that it was the first visit to India for RUY activists.

Russian Union of Youth is to play an important role during the period of the Russian chairmanship of the BRICS due to the fact that it has been working hard on developing cooperation among young people of BRICS countries since 2012. BRICS International Youth Forum held in Moscow in July 2014 became an important landmark for developing youth cooperation within BRICS. During the Forum participants have decided to meet again in autumn.

In order to discuss a wide range of issues RUY invited innovators, scientists, project managers and entrepreneurs to take part in the visit. During their stay in New Delhi, they participated in various important meetings and discussions.

The roundtable discussion “Prospects of Development of Russian-Indian Collaboration at the level of youth unions, organizations and associations”, jointly organized by the Russian Centre of Science and Culture (RCSC) and the International Federation of Indo-Russian Youth Clubs was aimed at marking the World Youth Day.

Ms. Meenakshi Lekhi, M.P., who was the chief guest from the Indian side, lauded the crucial role played by Russia in supporting the country in times of difficulties and referred to the number of bilateral projects contributing to the development of the country. Ms. Lekhi identified such fields as trade, economy, health, education and science and technology for intensive cooperation. She laid deep stress on the immense potential of the youth organizations from both sides to materialize India's ambitious concepts such as Swatch Bharat and Make in India.

Later the Russian delegation was also welcomed at the Indian Institute of Technology Delhi and at Jawaharlal Nehru University. After the meeting with representatives of these universities, it was decided to sign bilateral agreements during the next Russian visit to India.

The delegation also visited the VIII Russian-Indian Trade and Investment Forum. The Russian delegation was led by Mr. Dmitry Rogozin, Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. After the Forum the young delegates were honored to be received by Yaroslav Tarasyuk, Russian Trade Representative in India, with whom they discussed opportunities for cooperation between Indian and Russian young entrepreneurs. Mr.Tarasyuk offered to established an Indo-Russia Youth Business Club. Russian Union of Youth is going to work on this ambitious project.

As result of the visit, two sides decided to organize BRICS International Youth Forum (BIYF) and India-Russia Youth Forum in New-Delhi.

RUY Public Diplomacy School

From 17 to 21 November, 2014 Russian Union of Youth organized together with Russian State Social University the Public Diplomacy School. Thirty young people aged 18-35 took part in the project.

The Public Diplomacy School is a project aiming at providing further education for students, postgraduates and young politicians in the area of political and socio-economic cooperation. Meetings with well-known politicians and public figures as well as master classes taught by experts in the field of international relations are included in the program.

The participants visited the Federation Council, the Civic Chamber of the Russian Federation and RT Channel Office.

As a result of the Forum Russian Union of Youth decided to establish the Public Diplomacy Youth Club. All alumni of RUY Public Diplomacy Schools have an opportunity to become its members. Moreover, all Club members are welcomed to publish their articles and essays on international relations, foreign policy and public diplomacy on the web-site of the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC).

2015 – Events and Highlights:

The Public Diplomacy Youth Club


The first meeting of the Public Diplomacy Youth Club was held on January 20. Students and experts in the field of international relations and public diplomacy took part in the meeting. They discussed the future structure and projects of the Club as well as the role of Russia on the international scene.

The main aim of the Club is creating a pool of young diplomats and ambassadors who can participate in RUY’s international projects in Russia and abroad. The Club will work permanently in order to give its members all opportunities for professional development. RUY is going to have one meeting every month, where popular public figures, politicians and experts will be invited.

The Public Diplomacy Youth Club focuses more on projects and practice rather than on theory. The Club members can also participate in the work of Department of International Cooperation and Innovations as well as receive consultations and help should they desire to set up their own projects.

These topics of the meeting will mainly touch upon the most important issues for Russian foreign policy – CIS, SCO, BRICS and China.

BRICS International Youth Forum

The three-day BRICS International Youth Forum was held in late January at the Russian Centre of Science and Culture (RCSC) in New Delhi. RUY became one of the main organizers of the Forum and sent a large delegation. Other organizers of the Forum are the Russian Centre of Science and Culture, International Federation of Indo-Russian Youth Clubs. The organizing committee also received knowledgeable support of the BRICS Chamber of Commerce & Industry and the Indian Institute of Corporate Affairs.

The delegates of the BRICS Youth Forum proceeded to Gandhi Smriti and Darshan Samiti, the venue of Mahatma Gandhi’s Last Prayer, to pay homage to the Father of Nation on the Martyr’s Day after the conclusion of the Forum. The delegates had the privilege of meeting the Hon’ble Prime Minister Narendra Modi there.

The Resolution adopted on the concluding day focused on the creation of a world-wide youth dialogue, communication tools and formation of a permanent platform for interaction between youth associations of BRICS countries, ensuring effective investment in youth professional potential of the BRICS countries. Experts and participants stressed that the above tasks acquired relevance. They also expressed the need for development of a programme of dialogue between young people, which should be the basis for a new strategy of developing cooperation among BRICS counties.

In this context, the participants identified such facets as establishing a Working Group for creating BRICS Youth Council, marking Youth Policy as a priority for interaction between BRICS countries, establishing a Coordination Council of Youth Programmes in BRICS, forming a specialized Unified Communication Centre, creating a Division of the Development Bank of the BRICS, organizing a System of Youth Internships, developing a Plan of Cooperation within the BRICS, and developing Inter-Cultural and Inter-Ethnic Dialogue, promoting public harmony and tolerance among youth of BRICS countries.

The Forum participants also decided to hold the next events in Ufa, Russia, in July 2015 and in South Africa in November 2015. The leaders of delegations emphasized that it is very important to hold such events in all five countries in order to give a chance to the bigger number of young people to be involved.

The head of the Russian delegation Tatiana Seliverstova also had a meeting with the officials from the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports, who promised to support the India-Russia Youth Forum scheduled for March 2015. During the next Forum both sides plan to sign several bilateral agreements on cooperation.
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

Postby admin » Mon Sep 03, 2018 3:47 am

The Soviet Environment: Problems, Policies and Politics -- EXCERPT
edited by John Massey Stewart
©   Cambridge University Press 1992

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Igor I. [Izodorovich] Altshuler was a research associate of the Department of Geography, Moscow State University from 1972 to 1990, and is co-author of several books on global and regional environmental problems (atmospheric pollution, acid rains and bio-geochemical cycles). In recent years he has specialised in the USSR's environmental problems. He is co-founder of Moscow State University's Youth Council on Nature Protection (1974), the Association for the Support of Ecological Initiatives (1988) and the Independent Ecologists' Foundation (1990). Since 1991 he has been coordinating the 'Chernobyl' project of WISE (World Information Service on Energy), Amsterdam.
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