Round Table Movement, by Wikipedia

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Round Table Movement, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sun Apr 28, 2019 8:01 am

Round Table movement
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/28/19



The Round Table movement, founded in 1909, was an association of organisations promoting closer union between Britain and its self-governing colonies.

The movement

The Round Table Movement evolved out of Lord Milner's Kindergarten. They held meetings called 'The Moot', named after the Anglo-Saxon meeting, but also because they were discussing 'moot' points. The movement began at a conference at Plas Newydd, Lord Anglesey's estate in Wales, over the weekend of 4–6 September.[1] The framework of the organisation was devised by Lionel Curtis, but the overall idea was due to Lord Milner. Former South Africa administrator Philip Kerr became secretary to the organisation.[2]

In 1910 they would publish a journal The Round Table Journal: A Quarterly Review of the Politics of the British Empire. The aim of the original movement was closer union between Britain and the self-governing colonies, which Lionel Curtis believed could only be achieved by imperial federation, though others such as Leo Amery were in favour of improved co-operation.

In 1910–1911 Lionel Curtis took a tour of the Dominions to set up local Round Table groups. Groups were formed in Canada, the Union of South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, and a Newfoundland Group was set up in 1912.[3]

Curtis composed a series of 'Round Table Studies' which were circulated to all the Round Table groups, and the comments were also circulated. Curtis hoped that he would be able to produce a collective volume arguing the case for imperial federation but agreement proved impossible, and in 1916 published The Problem of the Commonwealth under his name only.

In the course of his studies, Curtis developed the 'principle' of a Commonwealth as involving the progressive enlargement of self-government among its members, an idea which gained more favour among the Round Table groups than imperial federation. A sub-group including James Meston and William Marris considered the place of India in any scheme of federation, and concluded that India would have to be represented. During the First World War Philip Kerr developed the idea of a 'Commonwealth' further, as being anithetical to the German idea of 'empire'. Alfred Zimmern's brief entry in the movement during the War would bring it into disrepute amongst the British right.

The Round Table supported free trade despite Milner and Leo Amery's support for imperial preference, and endorsed the White Australia policy, publishing material by Frederic Eggleston on the matter.[4]

With the entry of the United States into the First World War and the promotion of the League of Nations, the movement moderated its conception of the empire as a "Commonwealth of Nations" and concentrated on ways to improve communication and co-operation between Britain and the increasingly independent self-governing 'dominions'.

During the interwar period the Round Table groups continued to advocate a policy of collaboration among the Dominions of the British Empire (Canada and Newfoundland, Australia, New Zealand, Union of South Africa, and the Irish Free State) together with the United States. However, its embrace of the "Commonwealth" ethos also led it to support movements for self-government within the Empire such as the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 and the Indian reforms of 1919 and 1935. In the late 1930s the contributors to the journal were split between those who advocated appeasement and those that did not.[5]

The Round Table continued to exist for some time as a Commonwealth ginger group, designed to consider and influence Commonwealth policies, but since the 1980s has largely been a forum for discussion of Commonwealth matters.

Prominent members

Prominent members of the Round Table 'moot' in the first half of the twentieth century included[6]

• Leo Amery
• Lord Robert Brand
• Sir Reginald Coupland
• 2nd Baronet, Sir George Craik
• Lionel Curtis
• Geoffrey Dawson
• Lionel Hichens
• Philip Kerr, 11th Marquess of Lothian
• William Marris, Lord Marris
• James Meston, Lord Meston
• Alfred Milner, Lord Milner
• 2nd Earl of Selborne
• Sir Arthur Steel-Maitland
• Sir Alfred Zimmern

Prominent members of the Round Table 'moot' in the second half of the twentieth century included[7]

• Guy Barnett
• Leonard Beaton
• Henry Brooke
• Alastair Buchan
• Sir Olaf Caroe
• Baron Gore-Booth
• Malcolm Hailey, 1st Baron Hailey
• Vincent T. Harlow
• H.V. Hodson
• Richard Hornby
• Sir Michael Howard
• Douglas Hurd
• Derek Ingram
• Robert Jackson
• Alan Lennox-Boyd
• Sir Clement Leslie
• Sir Ivison Macadam
• Sir Dougal Malcolm
• Sir Nicholas Mansergh
• Adam Denzil Marris
• Sir John Maud, Baron Redcliffe-Maud
• Sir Humphrey Maud
• Sir Jeremy Morse
• Sir Robert Wade-Gery
• Sir Robin Williams

Conspiracy theory

Irish American academic Carroll Quigley believed that the Round Table Group was the front for a secret society for a global conspiracy of control set up by Cecil Rhodes named the Society of the Elect [8] to implement Rhodes's 'plan' to unite all English-speaking nations,[9] and further believed that the elite of the British empire had an undue influence on the American elite. Sir Ivison Macadam thought Quigley was "crazy".[10] As one writer noted, the "tragedy of Quigley was his conviction that he was outside of an inner circle that itself did not exist"[11]


1. Historical Dictionary of the British Empire. 1996. ISBN 0-313-27917-9.
2. J. Lee Thompson (2007). Forgotten Patriot: A Life of Alfred, Viscount Milner of St. James's And Cape Town, 1854–1925. ISBN 0-8386-4121-0.
3. May, Alexander The Round Table, 1910–66 DPhil. University of Oxford 1995 pp.69–72
4. White Australia The Round Table Volume 11, 1921
5. The Journal's History
6. May, Alexander The Round Table, 1910–66 DPhil. University of Oxford (1995) Appendix B pp451-453
7. May, Alexander The Round Table, 1910–66 DPhil. University of Oxford (1995) Appendix B pp451-453
8. Quigley, Carroll : Tragedy & Hope: A History of the World in Our Time. G. S. G. & Associates, Incorporated (June 1975). ISBN 0-945001-10-X, ISBN 978-0-945001-10-2
9. Conspiracy Encyclopedia Collins & Brown (2005) p179
10. May, Alexander The Round Table, 1910–66 DPhil. University of Oxford (1995) pp16-17
11. David P. Billington Jr Tragedy and Hope: Carroll Quigley and the 'Rhodes Conspiracy The American Oxonian 82/4 1994 p232

Further reading[edit]
• May, Alexander The Round Table, 1910–66 DPhil. University of Oxford (1995)
• Bosco, Andrea The Round Table Movement and the Fall of the 'Second' British Empire (1909-1919) (2017)
• Kendle, John The Round Table Movement and Imperial Union (1975)

External links

• The Round Table official web-site
• Catalogue of the papers of the Round Table, held at the Bodleian Library, Oxford
• Catalogue of additional papers of the Round Table, held at the Bodleian Library, Oxford
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Re: Round Table Movement, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sun Apr 28, 2019 8:07 am

Appendix: A Tentative Roster of the Milner Group [Society of the Elect] [Excerpt]
The Anglo-American Establishment: From Rhodes to Cliveden
by Carroll Quigley



Appendix: A Tentative Roster of the Milner Group

The following lists are tentative in the sense that they are incomplete and erroneous. The errors are more likely in the attribution of persons to one circle of the Group rather than another, and are less likely in the attribution to the Group of persons who are not members at all. For the names given I have sufficient evidence to convince me that they are members of the Croup, although I would not in many cases feel competent to insist that the persons concerned knew that they were members of a secret group. The evidence on which this list is based is derived from documentary evidence, from private information, and from circumstantial evidence.

Persons are listed in each group on the basis of general impression rather than exact demarcation, because the distinction between the two is rather vague and varies from time to time. For example, I know for a fact that Sir Alfred Zimmern and Lord Cecil of Chelwood attended meetings of the inner circle in the period before 1920, but I have attributed them to the outer circle because this appears to be the more accurate designation for the long period since 1920.

Within each list I have placed the names of the various individuals in order of chronology and of importance. In some cases where I suspected a person of being a member without having any very convincing evidence, I have enclosed the name in brackets.

A. The Society of the Elect

Cecil John Rhodes
Nathan Rothschild, Baron Rothschild
Sir Harry Johnston
William T. Stead
Reginald Brett, Viscount Esher
Alfred Milner, Viscount Milner
B. F. Hawksley
Thomas Brassey, Lord Brassey
Edmund Garrett
[Sir Edward Cook]
Alfred Beit
Sir Abe Bailey
Albert Grey, Earl Grey
Archibald Primrose, Earl of Rosebery
Arthur James Balfour
Sir George R. Parkin
Philip Lyttelton Gell
Sir Henry Birchenough
Sir Reginald Sothern Holland
Arthur Lionel Smith
Herbert A. L. Fisher
William Waldegrave Palmer, Earl of Selborne
[Sir Alfred Lyttelton]
Sir Patrick Duncan
Robert Henry Brand, Baron Brand
Philip Kerr, Marquess of Lothian
Lionel Curtis
Geoffrey Dawson
Edward Grigg, Baron Altrincham
Jan C. Smuts
Leopold Amery
Waldorf Astor, Viscount Astor
Nancy Astor, Lady Astor

B. The Association of Helpers

1 . The Inner Circle

Sir Patrick Duncan
Robert Henry Brand, Baron Brand
Philip Kerr, Marquess of Lothian
Lionel Curtis
William L. Hichens
Geoffrey Dawson
Edward Grigg, Baron Altrincham
Herbert A. L. Fisher
Leopold Amery
Richard Feetham
Hugh A. Wyndham
Sir Dougal Malcolm
Basil Williams
Basil Kellett Long
Sir Abe Bailey
Jan C. Smuts
Sir William Marris
James S. Meston
Baron Meston
Malcolm Hailey
Baron Hailey
Flora Shaw
Lady Lugard
Sir Reginald Coupland
Waldorf Astor, Viscount Astor
Nancy Astor, Lady Astor
Maurice Hankey, Baron Hankey
Arnold J. Toynbee
Laurence F. Rushbrook Williams
Henry Vincent Hodson
Vincent Todd Harlow

2. The Outer Circle

John Buchan, Baron Tweedsmuir
Sir Fabian Ware
Sir Alfred Zimmern
Gilbert Murray
Robert Cecil, Viscount Cecil of Chelwood
Sir James W. Headlam-Morley
Frederick J. N. Thesiger, Viscount Chelmsford
Sir Valentine Chirol
Edward F. L. Wood, Earl of Halifax
[James] Arthur Salter
Sir Arthur H. D. R. Steel-Maitland
William G. A. Ormsby-Gore, Baron Harlech
Dame Edith Lyttelton, Mrs. Alfred Lyttelton
Frederick Lugard, Baron Lugard
Sir [Leander] Starr Jameson  
Henry W. C. Davis
John A. Simon, Viscount Simon
Samuel J. G. Hoare, Viscount Templewood
Maurice P. A. Hankey, Baron Hankey
Wilson Harris
[Francis Clarke]
William G. S. Adams
[William K. Hancock]
Ernest L. Woodward
Sir Harold Butler
Kenneth N. Bell
Sir Donald B. Somervell
Sir Maurice L. Gwyer
Charles R. S. Harris
Sir Edward R. Peacock
Sir Cyril J. Radcliffe
John W. Wheeler-Bennett
Robert J. Stopford
Robert M. Barrington-Ward
[Kenneth C. Wheare]
Edward H. Carr
Malcolm MacDonald
Godfrey Elton, Baron Elton
Sir Neill Malcolm
Freeman Freeman-Thomas, Viscount Willingdon
Isaiah Berlin
Roger M. Makins
Sir Arthur Willert
Ivison S. Macadam

3. Members in other countries

a. Canada

Arthur J. Glazebrook
Sir George Parkin
Vincent Massey
George P. de T. Glazebrook
Percy Corbett [Sir Joseph Flavelle]

b. United States

George Louis Beer
Frank Aydelotte
Jerome Greene
[Clarence Steit]

c. South Africa

Jan C. Smuts
Sir Patrick Duncan
Sir Abe Bailey
Basil K. Long
Richard Feetham
[Sir James Rose-Innes]

d. Australia

Sir Thomas Bavin
Sir Frederic Eggleston
[Dudley D. Braham]

e. New Zealand

James Allen
William Downie Stewart
Arthur R. Atkinson

f. Germany

Helmuth James von Moltke
Adam von Trott zu Solz
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Re: Round Table Movement, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sun Apr 28, 2019 8:11 am

The Anglo-American Establishment [EXCERPT]
by Carroll Quigley



[Alfred Eckhard Zimmern] was the inaugural Montague Burton Professor of International Relations, Oxford University (1930–1944), and co-founder of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (1919). He was for a short time a member of the Round Table Group (1913–1923) and would provide the insider source of information for conspiracy theorist Carroll Quigley.

-- Alfred Eckhard Zimmern, by Wikipedia


One wintry afternoon in February 1891, three men were engaged in earnest conversation in London. From that conversation were to flow consequences of the greatest importance to the British Empire and to the world as a whole. For these men were organizing a secret society that was, for more than fifty years, to be one of the most important forces in the formulation and execution of British imperial and foreign policy.

The three men who were thus engaged were already well known in England. The leader was Cecil Rhodes, fabulously wealthy empire-builder and the most important person in South Africa. The second was William T. Stead, the most famous, and probably also the most sensational, journalist of the day. The third was Reginald Baliol Brett, later known as Lord Esher, friend and confidant of Queen Victoria, and later to be the most influential adviser of King Edward VII and King George V.

... the three drew up a plan of organization for their secret society and a list of original members. The plan of organization provided for an inner circle, to be known as "The Society of the Elect," and an outer circle, to be known as "The Association of Helpers." Within The Society of the Elect, the real power was to be exercised by the leader, and a "Junta of Three." The leader was to be Rhodes, and the junta was to be Stead, Brett, and Alfred Milner. In accordance with this decision, Miter was added to the society by Stead ...

The creation of this secret society was not a matter of a moment... Rhodes had been planning for this event for more than seventeen years. Stead had been introduced to the plan on 4 April 1889, and Brett had been told of it on 3 February 1890. Nor was the society thus founded an ephemeral thing, for, in modified form, it exists to this day. From 1891 to 1902, it was known to only a score of persons. During this period, Rhodes was leader, and Stead was the most influential member. From 1902 to 1925, Milner was leader, while Philip Kerr (Lord Lothian) and Lionel Curtis were probably the most important members. From 1925 to 1940, Kerr was leader, and since his death in 1940 this role has probably been played by Robert Henry Brand (now Lord Brand).

During this period of almost sixty years, this society has been called by various names. During the first decade or so it was called "the secret society of Cecil Rhodes" or "the dream of Cecil Rhodes." In the second and third decades of its existence it was known as "Milner's Kindergarten" (1901-1910) and as "the Round Table Group" (1910-1920). Since 1920 it has been called by various names, depending on which phase of its activities was being examined. It has been called "The Times crowd," "the Rhodes crowd," the "Chatham House crowd," the "All Souls group," and the "Cliveden set." All of these terms were more or less inadequate, because they focused attention on only part of the society or on only one of its activities. The Milner Kindergarten and the Round Table Group, for example, were two different names for The Association of Helpers and were thus only part of the society, since the real center of the organization, The Society of the Elect, continued to exist and recruited new members from the outer circle as seemed necessary. Since 1920, this Group has been increasingly dominated by the associates of Viscount Astor. In the 1930s, the misnamed "Cliveden set" was close to the center of the society, but it would be entirely unfair to believe that the connotations of superficiality and conspiracy popularly associated with the expression "Cliveden set" are a just description of the Milner Group as a whole. In fact, Viscount Astor was, relatively speaking, a late addition to the society, and the society should rather be pictured as utilizing the Astor money to further their own ideals rather than as being used for any purpose by the master of Cliveden.

Even the expression "Rhodes secret society," which would be perfectly accurate in reference to the period 1891-1899, would hardly be accurate for the period after 1899. The organization was so modified and so expanded by Milner after the eclipse of Stead in 1899, and especially after the death of Rhodes in 1902, that it took on quite a different organization and character, although it continued to pursue the same goals. To avoid this difficulty, we shall generally call the organization the "Rhodes secret society" before 1901 and "the Milner Group" after this date, but it must be understood that both terms refer to the same organization.

This organization has been able to conceal its existence quite successfully, and many of its most influential members, satisfied to possess the reality rather than the appearance of power, are unknown even to close students of British history. This is the more surprising when we learn that one of the chief methods by which this Group works has been through propaganda. It plotted the Jameson Raid of 1895; it caused the Boer War of 1899-1902; it set up and controls the Rhodes Trust; it created the Union of South Africa in 1906-1910; it established the south African periodical The State in 1908; it founded the British Empire periodical The Round Table in 1910, and this remains the mouthpiece of the Group; it has been the most powerful single influence in All Souls, Balliol, and New Colleges at Oxford for more than a generation; it has controlled The Times for more than fifty years, with the exception of the three years 1919-1922; it publicized the idea of and the name "British Commonwealth of Nations" in the period 1908-1918; it was the chief influence in Lloyd George's war administration in 1917-1919 and dominated the British delegation to the Peace Conference of 1919; it had a great deal to do with the formation and management of the League of Nations and of the system of mandates; it founded the Royal Institute of International Affairs in 1919 and still controls it; it was one of the chief influences on British policy toward Ireland, Palestine, and India in the period 1917-1945; it was a very important influence on the policy of appeasement of Germany during the years 1920-1940; and it controlled and still controls, to a very considerable extent, the sources and the writing of the history of British Imperial and foreign policy since the Boer War.


Among the ideas of [Arnold] Toynbee which influenced the Milner Group we should mention three: (a) a conviction that the history of the British Empire represents the unfolding of a great moral idea - the idea of freedom - and that the unity of the Empire could best be preserved by the cement of this idea; (b) a conviction that the first call on the attention of any man should be a sense of duty and obligation to serve the state; and (c) a feeling of the necessity to do social service work (especially educational work) among the working classes of English society. These ideas were accepted by most of the men whose names we have already mentioned and became dominant principles of the Milner Group later. Toynbee can also be regarded as the founder of the method used by the Group later, especially in the Round Table Groups and in the Royal Institute of International Affairs.


The Milner Group could never have been built up by Milner's own efforts. He had no political power or even influence. All that he had was ability and ideas. The same thing is true about many of the other members of the Milner Group, at least at the time that they joined the Group. The power that was utilized by Milner and his Group was really the power of the Cecil family and its allied families such as the Lyttelton (Viscounts Cobham), Wyndham (Barons Leconfield), Grosvenor (Dukes of Westminster), Balfour, Wemyss, Palmer (Earls of Selborne and Viscounts Wolmer), Cavendish (Dukes of Devonshire and Marquesses of Hartington), and Gathorne-Hardy (Earls of Cranbrook). The Milner Group was originally a major fief within the great nexus of power, influence, and privilege controlled by the Cecil family. It is not possible to describe here the ramifications of the Cecil influence. It has been all-pervasive in British life since 1886. This Cecil Bloc was built up by Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, Viscount Cranborne and third Marquess of Salisbury (1830-1903). The methods used by this man were merely copied by the Milner Group. These methods can be summed up under three headings: (a) a triple-front penetration in politics, education, and journalism; (b) the recruitment of men of ability (chiefly from All Souls) and the linking of these men to the Cecil Bloc by matrimonial alliances and by gratitude for titles and positions of power; and (c) the influencing of public policy by placing members of the Cecil Bloc in positions of power shielded as much as possible from public attention.


When [Alfred] Milner went to South Africa in 1897, Rhodes and he were already old acquaintances of many years' standing... they were contemporaries at oxford, but, more than that, they were members of a secret society which had been founded in 1891. Moreover, Milner was, if not in 1897, at least by 1901, Rhodes's chosen successor in the leadership of that society.

The secret society of Cecil Rhodes is mentioned in the first five of his seven wills. In the fifth it was supplemented by the idea of an educational institution with scholarships, whose alumni would be bound together by common ideals-Rhodes's ideals. In the sixth and seventh wills the secret society was not mentioned, and the scholarships monopolized the estate. But Rhodes still had the same ideals and still believed that they could be carried out best by a secret society of men devoted to a common cause. The scholarships were merely a facade to conceal the secret society, or, more accurately, they were to be one of the instruments by which the members of the secret society could carry out his purpose. This purpose, as expressed in the first will (1877), was:

The extension of British rule throughout the world, the perfecting of a system of emigration from the United Kingdom and of colonization by British subjects of all lands wherein the means of livelihood are attainable by energy, labour, and enterprise, . . . the ultimate recovery of the United States of America as an integral part of a British Empire, the consolidation of the whole Empire, the inauguration of a system of Colonial Representation in the Imperial Parliament which may tend to weld together the disjointed members of the Empire, and finally the foundation of so great a power as to hereafter render wars impossible and promote the best interests of humanity.

To achieve this purpose, Rhodes, in this first will, written while he was still an undergraduate of Oxford at the age of twenty-four, left all his wealth to the Secretary of State for the Colonies (Lord Carnarvon) and to the Attorney General of Griqualand West (Sidney Shippard), to be used to create a secret society patterned on the Jesuits. The reference to the Jesuits as the model for his secret society is found in a "Confession of Faith" which Rhodes had written two years earlier (1875) and which he enclosed in his will. Thirteen years later, in a letter to the trustee of his third will, Rhodes told how to form the secret society, saying, "In considering questions suggested take Constitution of the Jesuits if obtainable and insert 'English Empire' for 'Roman Catholic Religion.'"

In his "Confession of Faith" Rhodes outlined the types of persons who might be useful members of this secret society. As listed by the American Secretary to the Rhodes Trust, this list exactly describes the group formed by Milner in South Africa:

Men of ability and enthusiasm who find no suitable way to serve their country under the current political system; able youth recruited from the schools and universities; men of wealth with no aim in life; younger sons with high thoughts and great aspirations but without opportunity; rich men whose careers are blighted by some great disappointment. All must be men of ability and character . . . . Rhodes envisages a group of the ablest and the best, bound together by common unselfish ideals of service to what seems to him the greatest cause in the world. There is no mention of material rewards. This is to be a kind of religious brotherhood like the Jesuits, "a church for the extension of the British Empire."


The creation of the secret society was the essential core of Rhodes's plans at all times. Stead, even after Rhodes's death, did not doubt that the' attempt would be made to continue the society. In his book on Rhodes's wills he wrote in one place: "Mr. Rhodes was more than the founder of a dynasty. He aspired to be the creator of one of those vast semi-religious, quasi-political associations which, like the Society of Jesus, have played so large a part in the history of the world. To be more strictly accurate, he wished to found an Order as the instrument of the will of the Dynasty, and while he lived he dreamed of being both its Caesar and its Loyola. It was this far-reaching, world-wide aspiration of the man which rendered, to those who knew him, so absurdly inane the speculations of his critics as to his real motives." Sixty pages later Stead wrote: "The question that now arises is whether in the English-speaking world there are to be found men of faith adequate to furnish forth materials for the Society of which Mr. Rhodes dreamed."


[Cecil] Rhodes wanted to create a worldwide secret group devoted to English ideals and to the Empire as the embodiment of these ideals, and such a group was created.


The secret society, after so much preliminary talk, took form in 1891, the same year in which Rhodes drew up his fourth will and made Stead as well as Lord Rothschild the trustee of his fortune. It is perfectly clear from the evidence that he expected Rothschild to handle the financial investments associated with the trust, while Stead was to have full charge of the methods by which the funds were used. About the same time, in February 1891, Stead and Rhodes had another long discussion about the secret society. First they discussed their goals and agreed that, if necessary in order to achieve Anglo-American unity, Britain should join the United States. Then they discussed the organization of the secret society and divided it into two circles: an inner circle, "The Society of the Elect", and an outer circle to include "The Association of Helpers" and The Review of Reviews (Stead's magazine, founded 1890). Rhodes said that he had already revealed the plan for "The Society of the Elect" to Rothschild and "little Johnston." By "little Johnston" he meant Harry H. Johnston (Sir Harry after 1896), African explorer and administrator, who had laid the basis for the British claims to Nyasaland, Kenya, and Uganda. Johnston was, according to Sir Frederick Whyte, the biographer of Stead, virtually unknown in England before Stead published his portrait as the frontispiece to the first issue of The Review of Reviews in 1890. This was undoubtedly done on behalf of Rhodes. Continuing their discussion of the membership of "The Society of the Elect," Stead asked permission to bring in Milner and Brett. Rhodes agreed, so they telegraphed at once to Brett...

Within the next few weeks Stead had another talk with Rhodes and a talk with Milner, who was "filled with admiration" for the scheme, according to Stead's notes as published by Sir Frederick Whyte.

The "ideal arrangement" for the secret society, as drawn up in 1891, never came into effect in all its details. The organization as drawn on paper reflected the romantic and melodramatic ideas of Cecil Rhodes and Stead, and doubtless they envisioned formal initiations, oaths, secret signs of recognition, etc. Once Milner and Brett were made initiates, the atmosphere changed. To them secret signs or oaths were so much claptrap and neither necessary nor desirable, for the initiates knew each other intimately and had implicit trust in each other without the necessity of signs or oaths. Thus the melodrama envisioned by Rhodes was watered down without in any way reducing the seriousness with which the initiates determined to use their own personal influence and Rhodes's wealth and power to achieve the consolidation of the British Empire, which they shared as an ideal with Rhodes.

With the elimination of signs, oaths, and formal initiations, the criteria for membership in "The Society of the Elect" became knowledge of the secret society and readiness to cooperate with the other initiates toward their common goal.


Rhodes and Milner were aiming at the same goals, and had been for twenty-five years, in 1902. They differed slightly on how these goals could be obtained, a difference based on different personalities. To Rhodes it seemed that the ends could be won by amassing great wealth, to Milner it seemed that they could be won by quiet propaganda, hard work, and personal relationships (as he had learned from Toynbee). Neither rejected the other's methods, and each was willing to use the other and his methods to achieve their common dream as the occasion arose. With the death of Rhodes in 1902, Milner obtained control of Rhodes's money and was able to use it to lubricate the workings of his propaganda machine. This is exactly as Rhodes had wanted and had intended. Milner was Rhodes's heir, and both men knew it. Rhodes himself said before his death, "They tell me I can only live five years. I don't mean to die. I want to live. But if I go, there is one man-Sir Alfred Milner. Always trust Milner. You don't know yet what you have got in him." In 1898, in conversation with Stead, Rhodes said, "You will support Milner in any measure that he may take short of war. I make no such limitation. I support Milner absolutely without reserve. If he says peace, I say peace; if he says war, I say war. Whatever happens, I say ditto to Milner."

The goals which Rhodes and Milner sought and the methods by which they hoped to achieve them were so similar by 1902 that the two are almost indistinguishable Both sought to unite the world, and above all the English-speaking world in a federal structure around Britain. Both felt that this goal could best be achieved by a secret band of men united to one another by devotion to the common cause and by personal loyalty to one another. Both felt that this band should pursue its goal by secret political and economic influence behind the scenes and by the control of journalistic, educational, and propaganda agencies.


The Milner Group has been in eclipse, and it is not clear what has been happening. Its control of The Times, of The Round Table, of Chatham House, of the Rhodes Trust, All Souls, and Oxford generally has continued but has been used without centralized purpose or conviction. Most of the original members of the Group have retired from active affairs; the newer recruits have not the experience or the intellectual conviction, or the social contacts, which allowed the older members to wield such great power. The disasters into which the Group directed British policy in the years before 1940 are not such as to allow their prestige to continue undiminished. In imperial affairs, their policies have been largely a failure, with Ireland gone, India divided and going, Burma drifting away, and even South Africa more distant than at any time since 1910. In foreign policy their actions almost destroyed western civilization, or at least the European center of it.


The great idealistic adventure which began with[Arnold] Toynbee and [Alfred] Milner in 1875 had slowly ground its way to a finish of bitterness and ashes.
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Re: Round Table Movement, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sun Apr 28, 2019 8:26 am

All Souls College, Oxford
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/28/19



All Souls College
The twin towers of Hawksmoor's Quadrangle
All-Souls College Oxford Coat Of Arms.svg
Blazon: Or, a chevron between three cinquefoils gules.
Location High Street, Oxford
Coordinates 51.753279°N 1.253041°WCoordinates: 51.753279°N 1.253041°W
Full name College of the souls of all the faithful departed
Latin name Collegium Omnium Animarum
Established 1438
Named for Feast of All Souls
Sister college Trinity Hall, Cambridge
Warden John Vickers
Undergraduates None
Postgraduates 8 (2017)[1]
All Souls College, Oxford is located in Oxford city centreAll Souls College, Oxford
Location in Oxford city centre

All Souls College (official name: College of the Souls of All the Faithful Departed[2]) is a constituent college of the University of Oxford in England.

Unique to All Souls, all of its members automatically become fellows (i.e. full members of the college's governing body). It has no undergraduate members, but each year recent graduate and postgraduate students at Oxford are eligible to apply for examination fellowships through a competitive examination (once described as "the hardest exam in the world") and, for the several shortlisted after the examinations, an interview.[3][4][5]

All Souls is one of the wealthiest colleges in Oxford, with a financial endowment of £420.2 million (2018).[6] However, since the college's principal source of revenue is its endowment, as of 2007 it only ranked 19th among Oxford colleges in total income.[7] All Souls is a registered charity under English law.[8]

The college is located on the north side of the High Street adjoining Radcliffe Square to the west. To the east is The Queen's College with Hertford College to the north.

The current warden (head of the college) is Sir John Vickers, a graduate of Oriel College, Oxford.


The college was founded by Henry VI of England and Henry Chichele (fellow of New College and Archbishop of Canterbury), in 1438, to commemorate the victims of the Hundred Years' War.[9] The Statutes provided for a warden and forty fellows; all to take Holy Orders: 24 to study arts, philosophy and theology; and 16 to study civil or canon law. The college's Codrington Library was completed in 1751 through the bequest in 1710 of Christopher Codrington, a wealthy slave and plantation owner from Barbados, who attended Oxford and later became colonial governor of the Leeward Islands.

Today the college is primarily a graduate research institution, with no undergraduate members. All Souls did formerly have undergraduates: Robert Hovenden (Warden of the college from 1571 to 1614) introduced undergraduates to provide the fellows with servientes (household servants), but this was abandoned by the end of the Commonwealth. Four Bible Clerks remained on the foundation until 1924.[10]

For over five hundred years All Souls College admitted only men; women were first allowed to join the college as fellows in 1979,[11] the same year as many other previously all-male colleges in the university.[12]

Buildings and architecture

Codrington Library

Codrington Library

The All Souls Library (formally known as the Codrington Library) was founded through a bequest from Christopher Codrington (1668–1710), a fellow of the college. Christopher Codrington bequeathed books worth £6,000, in addition to £10,000 in currency. This bequest allowed the library to be built and endowed. Christopher Codrington was born in Barbados, and amassed his fortune from his sugar plantation in the West Indies.[13] The library was completed in 1751, and has been in continuous use since then. The modern library comprises some 185,000 items, about a third of which were published before 1800. The collections are particularly strong in law and history (especially military history).[14]


Built between 1438 and 1442, the chapel remained largely unchanged until the Commonwealth. Oxford, having been a largely Royalist stronghold, suffered under the Puritans' wrath. The 42 misericords date from the Chapel's building, and show a resemblance to the misericords at Higham Ferrers. Both may have been carved by Richard Tyllock.

Christopher Wren was a fellow from 1653, and in 1658 produced a sundial for the college. This was originally placed on the south wall of the Chapel, until it was moved to the quadrangle (above the central entrance to the Codrington Library) in 1877. During the 1660s a screen was installed in the Chapel, which was based on a design by Wren. However, this screen needed to be rebuilt by 1713. By the mid-19th century the Chapel was in great need of renovation, and so the current structure is heavily influenced by Victorian design ideals.

All services at the chapel are according to the Book of Common Prayer; the King James Bible is also used rather than more modern translations.[15]


Examination fellowships

In the three years following the award of their bachelor's degrees, students graduating from Oxford and current Oxford postgraduate students having graduated elsewhere[16] are eligible to apply for examination fellowships (sometimes informally referred to as "prize fellowships") of seven years each. While tutors may advise their students to sit for the All Souls examination fellowship, the examination is open to anybody who fulfils the eligibility criteria and the college does not issue invitations to candidates to sit.[17] Every year in early March, the college hosts an open evening for women, offering women interested in the examination fellowship an opportunity to find out more about the exam process and to meet members of the college.[18]

Each year several dozen candidates typically sit the examination.[4][19] Two examination fellows are usually elected each year, although the college has awarded a single place or three places in some years, and on rare occasions made no award.[20]

The competition, offered since 1878[21] and open to women since 1979,[4] is held over two days in late September, with two papers of three hours each per day. It has been described in the past as "the hardest exam in the world".

Two papers (the 'specialist papers') are on a single subject of the candidate's choice; the options are classics, English literature, economics, history, law, philosophy, and politics. Candidates may sit their two specialist papers in different specialist subjects, provided each paper is in one subject only (for example, a candidate might sit one paper in History and one paper in Politics). Candidates who choose Classics have an additional translation examination on a third day.[16]

Two papers (the 'general papers') are on general subjects. For each general examination, candidates choose three questions from a list.[22] Past questions have included:

• "'If a man could say nothing against a character but what he could prove, history could not be written' (Samuel Johnson). Discuss."[23]

• "Should the Orange Prize for Fiction be open to both men and women?"[22]

• "Does the moral character of an orgy change when the participants wear Nazi uniforms?"[21]

Before 2010 candidates also faced another examination, a free-form "Essay" on a single, pre-selected word.[3][4][21]

Four to six[19] finalists are invited to a viva voce[20] or oral examination.[16] Previously, these candidates were then invited to dinner with about 75 members of the college. The dinner did not form part of the assessment, but was intended as a reward for those candidates who had reached the latter stages of the selection process. However, the dinner has been discontinued as the college felt candidates worried too often that it was part of the assessment process.

About a dozen examination fellows are at the college at any one time.[4] There are no compulsory teaching or requirements, although examination fellows must pursue a course of study or research at some point within their first two years of fellowship. They can study anything for free at Oxford with room and board.[16] As "Londoners" they can pursue approved non-academic careers[4][16] if desired, with a reduced stipend, as long as they pursue academia on a part-time basis and attend weekend dinners at the college during their first academic year.[19] As of 2011 each examination fellow receives a stipend of £14,842[24] annually for the first two years; the stipend then varies depending on whether the fellow pursues an academic career.[16]

Notable candidates

Until 1979, women were not permitted to put themselves forward for fellowships at All Souls.[11]


• Leo Amery (1897),[25] politician
• Isaiah Berlin (1932),[23] philosopher
• George Earle Buckle (1877),[25] journalist
• Lord Curzon (1883),[23][25] Viceroy of India
• Geoffrey Dawson (1898),[25] journalist
• Matthew d'Ancona (1989),[23] journalist
• John Gardner (1986),[26] legal philosopher
• Birke Häcker (2001), legal scholar[27]
• Quintin Hogg (1931),[28] politician and philosopher
• Douglas Jay (1930),[29] politician
• Keith Joseph (1946),[5] politician
• Cosmo Gordon Lang (1888),[25] Archbishop of Canterbury
• T. E. Lawrence (1919), writer
• Jeremy Morse,[23] banker
• Lord Pannick (1978),[30] barrister
• Derek Parfit (1974),[31] philosopher
• John Redwood (1972),[23] politician
• A. L. Rowse (1925),[23] historian and poet
• Katherine Rundell (2008),[32] author
• Lord Chancellor Simon (1897),[25] politician
• William Waldegrave (1971),[23] politician
• Richard Wilberforce (1932),[3] jurist
• Bernard Williams (1951),[33] philosopher
• Crispin Wright (1969), philosopher
• Sir John Vickers (1979), economist


• Hilaire Belloc (1895),[23] author
• John Buchan (1899),[23][34] author and Governor General of Canada
• Lord David Cecil,[23] author
• H. L. A. Hart (1929, 1930),[29] philosopher
• William Holdsworth (1897),[25] legal historian
• Harry Mount (1994),[4] journalist
• Ramsay Muir (1897),[25] politician
• Alfred Denning (1923),[35] jurist
• Hugh Trevor-Roper,[23] historian
• Harold Wilson,[36] Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
• Lord Bingham, jurist

Subjects of the "Essay"

• "bias"[3][4]
• "censorship"[21]
• "chaos"[4][21][23]
• "charity"[21]
• "comedy"[37]
• "conversion" (1979)[21][38]
• "corruption"[21]
• "culture" (1914)[38]
• "diversity" (2001)
• "error" (1993)[4]
• "harmony" (2007)[21][22]
• "innocence" (1964)[3][4][21]
• "integrity" (2004)[19]
• "mercy"[4][21][23]
• "miracles" (1994)[3][23]
• "morality"[4]
• "novelty" (2008)[3][4][21][22]
• "originality"[38]
• "possessions" (1925)[23]
• "reproduction" (2009)[21][22][38]
• "style" (2005)[4][21][22]
• "water" (2006)[3][4][22]

Other fellowships

Other categories of fellowship include:

• Senior research fellows (a renewable seven year appointment)
• Extraordinary research fellows (elected to conduct research into the college's history)
• Visiting fellows (academics from other universities, usually elected for a period of one term to one year)
• Post-Doctoral research fellows (a non-renewable five year post open to those who have recently completed doctoral study at a recognised university)
• Fifty-Pound fellows (open only to former fellows no longer holding posts in Oxford)
• Official fellows (consisting of holders of college posts, such as the Domestic Bursar, Estates Bursar, Chaplain, and Fellow Librarian)
• Distinguished fellows

There are also a number of professorial fellows who hold their fellowships by virtue of their University post.

Chichele professorships

Fellows of the college include the Chichele professors, who hold statutory professorships at the University of Oxford named in honour of Henry Chichele, a founder of the college. Fellowship of the college has accompanied the award of a Chichele chair since 1870.

Following the work of the 1850 Commission to examine the organisation of the university, the college suppressed ten of its fellowships to create the funds to establish the first two Chichele professorships: The Chichele Professor of International Law and Diplomacy, established in 1859 and first held by Mountague Bernard, and the Chichele Professor of Modern History, first held by Montagu Burrows.

There are currently Chichele Professorships in five different subjects:

• Chichele Professor of Economic History: Kevin O'Rourke.
• Chichele Professor of the History of War: Hew Strachan appointed 1 January 2002.
• Chichele Professor of Public International Law: Vaughan Lowe appointed 1 October 1999.
• Chichele Professor of Social and Political Theory: Jeremy Waldron appointed December 2009.
• Chichele Professor of Medieval History: Julia M.H. Smith, appointed September 2016

Probably the best known former Chichele Professor is Sir Isaiah Berlin. Perhaps the best known former Professor of the History of War was Cyril Falls.

Chichele Lectures

The Chichele Lectures are a prestigious series of lectures formally established in 1912 and sponsored by All Souls College. The lectures were initially restricted to foreign history, but have since been expanded to include law, political theory, economic theory, as well as foreign and British history. Traditionally the lectures were delivered by a single speaker, but it is now common for several speakers to deliver lectures on a common theme.[39]


Every hundred years, and generally on 14 January, there is a commemorative feast after which the fellows parade around the college with flaming torches, singing the Mallard Song and led by a "Lord Mallard" who is carried in a chair, in search of a legendary mallard that supposedly flew out of the foundations of the college when it was being built.[40] During the hunt the Lord Mallard is preceded by a man bearing a pole to which a mallard is tied – originally a live bird, latterly either dead (1901) or carved from wood (2001). The last mallard ceremony was in 2001[41] and the next is due in 2101. The precise origin of the custom is not known, but it dates from at least 1632.[42]

People associated with All Souls


Past and current fellows of the college have included:

Robert Recorde – inventor of the Western "equals sign" (=).

Brownlow North – Bishop of Lichfield in 1771, Bishop of Worcester in 1774, and Bishop of Winchester in 1781. Portrait by Tilly Kettle.

George Nathaniel Curzonby John Cooke – British Conservativestatesman who was Viceroy of India and Foreign Secretary.Portrait after John Singer Sargent.

• William Emmanuel Abraham
• Leo Amery
• William Reynell Anson
• Andrew Ashworth
• F. W. Bain
• Max Beloff
• Isaiah Berlin
• Margaret Bent
• Tim Besley
• Peter Birks
• Susanne Bobzien
• William Blackstone
• Malcolm Bowie
• Peter Brown
• Julian Bullard
• Myles Burnyeat
• Lionel Butler
• Raymond Carr
• David Caute
• Alasdair Clayre
• Christopher Codrington
• Gerald Cohen
• Peter Conrad
• George Nathaniel Curzon
• Matthew d'Ancona
• David Daube
• David Dilks
• Michael Dummett
• Edward Evan Evans-Pritchard
• Cécile Fabre
• Sheppard Frere
• John Gardner
• Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury
• Robert Gentilis
• Gabriel Gorodetsky
• Birke Häcker
• Ruth Harris
• Andrew Harvey
• Reginald Heber
• Hensley Henson
• Cecilia Heyes
• Rosemary Hill
• Quintin Hogg, Baron Hailsham of St Marylebone
• Christopher Hood
• John Hood (university administrator)
• Michael Howard
• Susan Hurley
• E. F. Jacob
• Keith Joseph
• Colin Kidd
• Leszek Kołakowski
• Cosmo Gordon Lang
• T. E. Lawrence
• Edward Chandos Leigh
• Thomas Linacre
• Vaughan Lowe
• Stephen Lushington
• Robert Gwyn Macfarlane
• James Rochfort Maguire
• Noel Malcolm
• John Mason
• Angela McLean
• Catherine Morgan
• Edward Mortimer
• Max Müller
• Patrick Neill, Baron Neill of Bladen
• Brownlow North
• Avner Offer
• David Pannick
• Derek Parfit
• Anthony Quinton
• Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan
• Robert Recorde
• Catherine Redgwell
• John Redwood
• A. L. Rowse
• Katherine Rundell
• Peter Salway
• Andrew Scott
• Graeme Segal
• Amartya Sen
• Catriona Seth
• Patrick Shaw-Stewart
• Gilbert Sheldon
• John Simon, 1st Viscount Simon
• Boudewijn Sirks
• Margareta Steinby
• Alfred C. Stepan
• Joseph E. Stiglitz
• Charles Taylor
• Adam Thirlwell
• Guenter Treitel
• Cecilia Trifogli
• John Vickers
• William Waldegrave, Baron Waldegrave of North Hill
• Kate Warner
• Marina Warner
• Martin Litchfield West
• Charles Algernon Whitmore
• Richard Wilberforce
• Bernard Williams
• E. F. L. Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax
• Llewellyn Woodward
• Patrick Wormald
• Christopher Wren
• Crispin Wright
• Edward Young
• R. C. Zaehner
• Lucia Zedner


Main article: List of Wardens of All Souls College, Oxford


1. "Student statistics". University of Oxford. 2017. Retrieved 31 August 2018.
2. "History of the College". All Souls College, University of Oxford.
3. Shepherd, Jessica. "The word on Oxford University's All Souls fellows exam is: axed" The Guardian, 14 May 2010.
4. Mount, Harry. "All Souls, Oxford should continue to put genius to the test" The Daily Telegraph, 19 May 2010.
5. "Is the All Souls College entrance exam easy now?", The Guardian, 17 May 2010.
6. "All Souls College : Annual Report and Financial Statements for the year ended 31 July 2018" (PDF). p. 50. Retrieved 5 March 2019.
7. Finance, All Souls College, Oxford. Archived 30 May 2009 at the Wayback Machine
8. Charity Commission. THE COLLEGE OF ALL SOULS OF THE FAITHFUL DEPARTED, OF OXFORD, registered charity no. 1138057.
9. Simmonds, Tricia (1989). In and Around Oxford. Bath: Unichrome. p. 24. ISBN 1-871004-02-0.
10. History page 3 Archived 4 June 2008 at the Wayback Machine, All Souls College, Oxford (accessed 11 March 2008).
11. "All Souls College Oxford". Retrieved 4 May 2018.
12. "Women at Oxford | University of Oxford". Retrieved 4 May 2018.
13. James Walvin, Slavery and the Building of Britain, BBC.
14. "Codrington Library".
15. "The Chapel". All Souls College. University of Oxford. Retrieved 31 August 2017.
16. "Examination Fellowships 2010 Archived 3 August 2010 at the Wayback Machine" All Souls College, Oxford
17. ... nformation
18. "All Souls College news: Open Evening for Women".
19. Wainwright, Tom. "The most glittering prize" The Daily Telegraph, 8 January 2005.
20. "The Soul of All Souls" TIME, 19 May 1961.
21. Lyall, Sarah. "Oxford Tradition Comes to This: ‘Death’ (Expound)" The New York Times, 27 May 2010.
22. "Sample Fellowship Exam, Oxford University's All Souls College" The New York Times, 27 May 2010.
23. Mount, Harry. "A few things pointy-heads should know" New Statesman, 4 October 1999. Archived 18 July 2010 at the Wayback Machine
24. "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 29 December 2011. Retrieved 7 January 2012.
25. "Sir William Anson Archived 18 June 2010 at the Wayback Machine"
26. "John Gardner at Home". Retrieved 3 March2016.
27. Gordon, Olivia. "Professor Birke Häcker: Interviewed". Brasenose College. University of Oxford. Retrieved 8 October2017.
28. "B: Appeasement and public opinion". The Churchill Era. Churchill College, Cambridge. Retrieved 21 May 2012.
29. Lacey, Nicola (2006). A life of H.L.A. Hart: the nightmare and the noble dream. Oxford University Press. pp. 41, 43. ISBN 0-19-920277-X.
30. "Lord Pannick QC - Blackstone Chambers". Archived from the original on 21 March 2016. Retrieved 2016-03-16.
31. "Derek Parfit". All Souls College. Retrieved 30 July 2014.
32. "Katherine Rundell".
33. "Bernard Williams (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)". Retrieved 23 April 2013.
34. Godine, David R. and Andrew Lownie. John Buchan: the Presbyterian cavalier (1995), pp. 60–61.
35. "Lord Denning, OM". The Daily Telegraph. London. 6 March 1999.
36. Pimlott, Ben (1992). Harold Wilson. HarperCollins. p. 61. ISBN 0002151898.
37. Hensher, Philip. "'Comedy' was the word for my exam" The Independent, 24 May 2010.
38. Little, Reg. "One-word exam ending" The Oxford Times, 20 May 2010.
39. Howard Colvin and J.S.C. Simmons, All Souls: An Oxford College and its Buildings (Oxford: OUP, 1989), p. 91.
40. "Hunting the Mallard, Oxfordshire". British Folk Customs.
41. Daily Telegraph 15 January 2001: ... dance.html
42. HOLE, Christina, English Custom and Usage, London, Batsford, 1941, p.28: "...we know that the custom existed at least as early as 1632, for in that year Archbishop Abbot censured the college for a riot "in pretence of a foolish Mallard". "Mallard" has since become a colloquialism at the college, generally meaning "rubbish".

External links

• Official website
• Current Examination Fellows
• Virtual Tour of All Souls College
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Re: Round Table Movement, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sun Apr 28, 2019 9:13 am

Arnold J. Toynbee
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/28/19



Arnold J. Toynbee
Born Arnold Joseph Toynbee
14 April 1889
London, England, UK
Died 22 October 1975 (aged 86)
York, England, UK
Nationality British
Occupation Historian
Known for Universal history
Rosalind Murray
(m. 1913; div. 1946)
Veronica M. Boulter (m. 1946)
Antony Toynbee
Philip Toynbee
Lawrence Toynbee
Arnold Toynbee (uncle)
Jocelyn Toynbee (sister)
Academic background
Alma mater Balliol College, Oxford
Academic work
Institutions Balliol College, Oxford
King's College, London
London School of Economics
Royal Institute of International Affairs
Notable works A Study of History

Somervell's abridgement of Toynbee's magnum opus

Arnold Joseph Toynbee, CH, FBA (/ˈtɔɪnbi/; 14 April 1889 – 22 October 1975) was a British historian, philosopher of history, author of numerous books and research professor of international history at the London School of Economics and King's College in the University of London. Toynbee in the 1918–1950 period was a leading specialist on international affairs.

He is best known for his 12-volume A Study of History (1934–1961). With his prodigious output of papers, articles, speeches and presentations, and numerous books translated into many languages, Toynbee was a widely read and discussed scholar in the 1940s and 1950s.


Toynbee (born in London on 14 April 1889) was the son of Harry Valpy Toynbee (1861–1941), secretary of the Charity Organization Society, and his wife Sarah Edith Marshall (1859–1939); his sister Jocelyn Toynbee was an archaeologist and art historian. Toynbee was the grandson of Joseph Toynbee, nephew of the 19th-century economist Arnold Toynbee (1852–1883) and descendant of prominent British intellectuals for several generations. He won scholarships to Winchester College and Balliol College, Oxford (Literae Humaniores, 1907-1911),[1] and studied briefly at the British School at Athens, an experience that influenced the genesis of his philosophy about the decline of civilizations.

In 1912 he became a tutor and fellow in ancient history at Balliol College, and in 1915 he began working for the intelligence department of the British Foreign Office. After serving as a delegate to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 he served as professor of Byzantine and modern Greek studies at the University of London. It was here that Toynbee was appointed to the Koraes Chair of Modern Greek and Byzantine History, Language and Literature at King's College, although he would ultimately resign following a controversial academic dispute with the professoriate of the College.[2][3] From 1921 to 1922 he was the Manchester Guardian correspondent during the Greco-Turkish War, an experience that resulted in the publication of The Western Question in Greece and Turkey.[4] In 1925 he became research professor of international history at the London School of Economics and director of studies at the Royal Institute of International Affairs in London. He was elected a Fellow of the British Academy (FBA), the United Kingdoms national academy for the humanities and social sciences, in 1937.[5]

His first marriage was to Rosalind Murray (1890–1967), daughter of Gilbert Murray, in 1913; they had three sons, of whom Philip Toynbee was the second. They divorced in 1946; Toynbee then married his research assistant, Veronica M. Boulter (1893-1980), in the same year.[6] He died on 22 October 1975, age 86.

Academic and cultural influence

Toynbee on the front cover of Time magazine, 17 March 1947. read the Time article

Michael Lang says that for much of the twentieth century:

Toynbee was perhaps the world’s most read, translated, and discussed living scholar. His output was enormous, hundreds of books, pamphlets, and articles. Of these, scores were translated into thirty different languages....the critical reaction to Toynbee constitutes a veritable intellectual history of the midcentury: we find a long list of the period’s most important historians, Beard, Braudel, Collingwood, and so on.[7]

In his best-known work, A Study of History, published 1934–1961, Toynbee:

...examined the rise and fall of 26 civilizations in the course of human history, and he concluded that they rose by responding successfully to challenges under the leadership of creative minorities composed of elite leaders.[8]

A Study of History was both a commercial and academic phenomenon. In the U.S. alone, more than seven thousand sets of the ten-volume edition had been sold by 1955. Most people, including scholars, relied on the very clear one-volume abridgement of the first six volumes by Somervell, which appeared in 1947; the abridgement sold over 300,000 copies in the U.S. The press printed innumerable discussions of Toynbee's work, not to mention there being countless lectures and seminars. Toynbee himself often participated. He appeared on the cover of Time magazine in 1947, with an article describing his work as "the most provocative work of historical theory written in England since Karl Marx’s Capital”,[9] and was a regular commentator on BBC (examining the history of and reasons for the current hostility between east and west, and considering how non-westerners view the western world).[10][11]

Canadian historians were especially receptive to Toynbee's work in the late 1940s. The Canadian economic historian Harold Adams Innis (1894–1952) was a notable example. Following Toynbee and others (Spengler, Kroeber, Sorokin, Cochrane), Innis examined the flourishing of civilizations in terms of administration of empires and media of communication.[12]

Toynbee's overall theory was taken up by some scholars, for example, Ernst Robert Curtius, as a sort of paradigm in the post-war period. Curtius wrote as follows in the opening pages of European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages (1953 English translation), following close on Toynbee, as he sets the stage for his vast study of medieval Latin literature. Curtius wrote, "How do cultures, and the historical entities which are their media, arise, grow and decay? Only a comparative morphology with exact procedures can hope to answer these questions. It was Arnold J. Toynbee who undertook the task."[13]

After 1960, Toynbee's ideas faded both in academia and the media, to the point of seldom being cited today.[14][15] However, his work continued to be referenced by classical historians, at least, because "his training and surest touch is in the world of classical antiquity."[16] His roots in classical literature are also manifested by similarities between his approach and that of classical historians such as Herodotus and Thucydides.[17] Comparative history, by which his approach is often categorized, has been in the doldrums.[18] Yet, in Jared Diamond's book Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed there are similarities between Toynbee's "Challenge and Response" theory and Diamond's analysis on how elites make decisions at critical moments. For example, Diamond writes in Collapse that if the elites are insulated from problems in society and not actively engaged, they are more apt to make mistakes. Thus, Diamond may be stating that elites can not mount effective responses to challenges if their knowledge, sympathy, or own self-interest are not sufficiently the same as the broader society.[citation needed]

Political influence in foreign policy

While the writing of the Study was under way, Toynbee produced numerous smaller works and served as director of foreign research of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (1939–43) and director of the research department of the Foreign Office (1943–46); he also retained his position at the London School of Economics until his retirement in 1956.[8]

Toynbee worked for the Political Intelligence Department of the British Foreign Office during World War I and served as a delegate to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. He was director of studies at Chatham House, Balliol College, Oxford University, 1924–43. Chatham House conducted research for the British Foreign Office and was an important intellectual resource during World War II when it was transferred to London. With his research assistant, Veronica M. Boulter, Toynbee was co-editor of the RIIA's annual Survey of International Affairs, which became the "bible" for international specialists in Britain.[19][20]

Meeting with Adolf Hitler

While on a visit in Berlin in 1936 to address the Nazi Law Society, Toynbee was invited to have a private interview with Adolf Hitler, at Hitler's request.[21] Hitler emphasized his limited expansionist aim of building a greater German nation, and his desire for British understanding and cooperation. Toynbee believed that Hitler was sincere and endorsed Hitler's message in a confidential memorandum for the British prime minister and foreign secretary.[22]


Toynbee was troubled by the Russian Revolution, for he saw Russia as a non-Western society and the revolution as a threat to Western society.[23] However, in 1952 he argued that the Soviet Union had been a victim of Western aggression. He portrayed the Cold War as a religious competition that pitted a Marxist materialist heresy against the West's spiritual Christian heritage—a heritage that had already been foolishly rejected by a secularized West. A heated debate ensued; an editorial in The Times promptly attacked Toynbee for treating communism as a "spiritual force".[24]

Greece and the Middle East

Toynbee was a leading analyst of developments in the Middle East. His support for Greece and hostility to the Turks during World War I had gained him an appointment to the Koraes Chair of Modern Greek and Byzantine History at King's College, University of London.[2] However, after the war he changed to a pro-Turkish position, accusing Greece's military government in occupied Turkish territory of atrocities and massacres. This earned him the enmity of the wealthy Greeks who had endowed the chair, and in 1924 he was forced to resign the position.

His stance during World War I reflected less sympathy for the Arab cause and took a pro-Zionist outlook. He also expressed support for a Jewish State in Palestine, which he believed had "begun to recover its ancient prosperity" as a result. Toynbee investigated Zionism in 1915 at the Information Department of the Foreign Office, and in 1917 he published a memorandum with his colleague Lewis Namier which supported exclusive Jewish political rights in Palestine. In 1922, however, he was influenced by the Palestine Arab delegation which was visiting London, and began to adopt their views. His subsequent writings reveal his changing outlook on the subject, and by the late 1940s he had moved away from the Zionist cause and toward the Arab camp.

The views Toynbee expressed in the 1950s continued to oppose the formation of a Jewish state, partly out of his concern that it would increase the risk of a nuclear confrontation. However, as a result of Toynbee's debate in January 1961 with Dr. Yaakov Herzog, the Israeli ambassador to Canada, Toynbee softened his view and called on Israel to fulfill its special "mission to make contributions to worldwide efforts to prevent the outbreak of nuclear war."[25][26] In his article "Jewish Rights in Palestine",[27] he challenged the views of the editor of the Jewish Quarterly Review, historian and talmudic scholar Solomon Zeitlin, who published his rebuke, "Jewish Rights in Eretz Israel (Palestine)"[28] in the same issue.[29] Toynbee maintained, among other contentions, that the Jewish people have neither historic nor legal claims to Palestine, stating that the Arab

"population’s human rights to their homes and property over-ride all other rights in cases where claims conflict." He did concede that the Jews, "being the only surviving representatives of any of the pre-Arab inhabitants of Palestine, have a further claim to a national home in Palestine." But that claim, he held, is valid "only in so far as it can be implemented without injury to the rights and to the legitimate interests of the native Arab population of Palestine."[30]

Dialogue with Daisaku Ikeda

In 1972, Toynbee met with Daisaku Ikeda, president of Soka Gakkai International (SGI), who condemned the "demonic nature" of the use of nuclear weapons under any circumstances. Toynbee had the view that the atomic bomb was an invention that had caused warfare to escalate from a political scale to catastrophic proportions and threatened humanity's very existence. In his dialogue with Ikeda, Toynbee stated his worry that humankind would not be able to strengthen ethical behavior and achieve self-mastery "in spite of the widespread awareness that the price of failing to respond to the moral challenge of the atomic age may be the self-liquidation of our species."

The two men first met on 5 May 1972 in London. In May 1973, Ikeda again flew to London to meet with Toynbee for 40 hours over a period of 10 days. Their dialogue and ongoing correspondence culminated in the publication of Choose Life, a record of their views on critical issues confronting humanity. The book has been published in 24 languages to date.[31] Toynbee also wrote the foreword to the English edition of Ikeda's best-known book, The Human Revolution, which has sold more than 7 million copies worldwide.[32]

An exhibition celebrating the 30th anniversary of Toynbee and Ikeda's first meeting was presented in SGI's centers around the world in 2005, showcasing contents of the dialogues between them, as well as Ikeda's discussions for peace with over 1,500 of the world's scholars, intellects, and activists. Original letters Toynbee and Ikeda exchanged were also displayed.[33]

In 1984 his granddaughter Polly Toynbee wrote a critical article for The Guardian on meeting Daisaku Ikeda.[34]

Challenge and response

With the civilizations as units identified, he presented the history of each in terms of challenge-and-response, sometimes referred to as theory about the law of challenge and response. Civilizations arose in response to some set of challenges of extreme difficulty, when "creative minorities" devised solutions that reoriented their entire society. Challenges and responses were physical, as when the Sumerians exploited the intractable swamps of southern Iraq by organizing the Neolithic inhabitants into a society capable of carrying out large-scale irrigation projects; or social, as when the Catholic Church resolved the chaos of post-Roman Europe by enrolling the new Germanic kingdoms in a single religious community. When a civilization responded to challenges, it grew. Civilizations disintegrate when their leaders stopped responding creatively, and the civilizations then sank owing to nationalism, militarism, and the tyranny of a despotic minority. According to an Editor's Note in an edition of Toynbee's A Study of History, Toynbee believed that societies always die from suicide or murder rather than from natural causes, and nearly always from suicide.[35] He sees the growth and decline of civilizations as a spiritual process, writing that "Man achieves civilization, not as a result of superior biological endowment or geographical environment, but as a response to a challenge in a situation of special difficulty which rouses him to make a hitherto unprecedented effort." [36][37]

Toynbee Prize Foundation

Named after Arnold J. Toynbee, the [Toynbee Prize] Foundation was chartered in 1987 'to contribute to the development of the social sciences, as defined from a broad historical view of human society and of human and social problems.' In addition to awarding the Toynbee Prize, the foundation sponsors scholarly engagement with global history through sponsorship of sessions at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association, of international conferences, of the journal New Global Studies and of the Global History Forum.[38]

The Toynbee Prize is an honorary award, recognizing social scientists for significant academic and public contributions to humanity. Currently, it is awarded every other year for work that makes a significant contribution to the study of global history. The recipients have been Raymond Aron, Lord Kenneth Clark, Sir Ralf Dahrendorf, Natalie Zemon Davis, Albert Hirschman, George Kennan, Bruce Mazlish, John McNeill, William McNeill, Jean-Paul Sartre, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Barbara Ward, Lady Jackson, Sir Brian Urquhart, Michael Adas, Christopher Bayly, and Jürgen Osterhammel.[39]

In popular culture

• Toynbee's ideas feature in the Ray Bradbury short story named "The Toynbee Convector".
• He appears alongside T. E. Lawrence as a character in an episode of The Young Indiana Jones Chronicles, dealing with the post-World War I treaty negotiations at Versailles.
• He receives a brief mention in the Charles Harness classic, The Paradox Men (a working title was Toynbee 22).
• Frederick Buechner mentions him in the 1957 novel The return of Ansel Gibbs.
• Most versions of the Civilization computer game refer to his work as a historian.
• Toynbee receives mention in Pat Frank's post-apocalyptic novel Alas, Babylon.
• A character in the P. Schuyler Miller short story "As Never Was" adopts the name Toynbee "out of admiration for a historian of that name".
• He is mentioned in the Tom Robbins novel, Another Roadside Attraction.
• The Toynbee tiles may be a reference to Toynbee.[citation needed]

Toynbee's works

• The Armenian Atrocities: The Murder of a Nation, with a speech delivered by Lord Bryce in the House of Lords (Hodder & Stoughton 1915)
• Nationality and the War (Dent 1915)
• The New Europe: Some Essays in Reconstruction, with an Introduction by the Earl of Cromer (Dent 1915)
• Contributor, Greece, in The Balkans: A History of Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece, Rumania, Turkey, various authors (Oxford, Clarendon Press 1915)
• British View of the Ukrainian Question (Ukrainian Federation of U.S.A., New York, 1916)
• Editor, The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1915–1916: Documents Presented to Viscount Grey of Fallodon by Viscount Bryce, with a Preface by Viscount Bryce (Hodder & Stoughton and His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1916)
• The Destruction of Poland: A Study in German Efficiency (1916)
• The Belgian Deportations, with a statement by Viscount Bryce (T. Fisher Unwin 1917)
• The German Terror in Belgium: An Historical Record (Hodder & Stoughton 1917)
• The German Terror in France: An Historical Record (Hodder & Stoughton 1917)
• Turkey: A Past and a Future (Hodder & Stoughton 1917)
• The Western Question in Greece and Turkey: A Study in the Contact of Civilizations (Constable 1922)
• Introduction and translations, Greek Civilization and Character: The Self-Revelation of Ancient Greek Society (Dent 1924)
• Introduction and translations, Greek Historical Thought from Homer to the Age of Heraclius, with two pieces newly translated by Gilbert Murray (Dent 1924)
• Contributor, The Non-Arab Territories of the Ottoman Empire since the Armistice of the 30 October 1918, in H. W. V. Temperley(editor), A History of the Peace Conference of Paris, Vol. VI (Oxford University Press under the auspices of the British Institute of International Affairs 1924)
• The World after the Peace Conference, Being an Epilogue to the “History of the Peace Conference of Paris” and a Prologue to the “Survey of International Affairs, 1920–1923” (Oxford University Press under the auspices of the British Institute of International Affairs 1925). Published on its own, but Toynbee writes that it was "originally written as an introduction to the Survey of International Affairs in 1920–1923, and was intended for publication as part of the same volume".
• With Kenneth P. Kirkwood, Turkey (Benn 1926, in Modern Nations series edited by H. A. L. Fisher)
• The Conduct of British Empire Foreign Relations since the Peace Settlement (Oxford University Press under the auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs 1928)
• A Journey to China, or Things Which Are Seen (Constable 1931)
• Editor, British Commonwealth Relations, Proceedings of the First Unofficial Conference at Toronto, 11–21 September 1933, with a foreword by Robert L. Borden (Oxford University Press under the joint auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs and the Canadian Institute of International Affairs 1934)
• A Study of History
o Vol I: Introduction; The Geneses of Civilizations
o Vol II: The Geneses of Civilizations
o Vol III: The Growths of Civilizations
(Oxford University Press 1934)
• Editor, with J. A. K. Thomson, Essays in Honour of Gilbert Murray (George Allen & Unwin 1936)
• A Study of History
o Vol IV: The Breakdowns of Civilizations
o Vol V: The Disintegrations of Civilizations
o Vol VI: The Disintegrations of Civilizations
(Oxford University Press 1939)
• D. C. Somervell, A Study of History: Abridgement of Vols I-VI, with a preface by Toynbee (Oxford University Press 1946)
• Civilization on Trial (Oxford University Press 1948)
• The Prospects of Western Civilization (New York, Columbia University Press 1949). Lectures delivered at Columbia University on themes from a then-unpublished part of A Study of History. Published "by arrangement with Oxford University Press in an edition limited to 400 copies and not to be reissued".
• Albert Vann Fowler (editor), War and Civilization, Selections from A Study of History, with a preface by Toynbee (New York, Oxford University Press 1950)
• Introduction and translations, Twelve Men of Action in Greco-Roman History (Boston, Beacon Press 1952). Extracts from Thucydides, Xenophon, Plutarch and Polybius.
• The World and the West (Oxford University Press 1953). Reith Lectures for 1952.
• A Study of History
o Vol VII: Universal States; Universal Churches
o Vol VIII: Heroic Ages; Contacts between Civilizations in Space
o Vol IX: Contacts between Civilizations in Time; Law and Freedom in History; The Prospects of the Western Civilization
o Vol X: The Inspirations of Historians; A Note on Chronology
(Oxford University Press 1954)
• An Historian's Approach to Religion (Oxford University Press 1956). Gifford Lectures, University of Edinburgh, 1952–1953.
• D. C. Somervell, A Study of History: Abridgement of Vols VII-X, with a preface by Toynbee (Oxford University Press 1957)
• Christianity among the Religions of the World (New York, Scribner 1957; London, Oxford University Press 1958). Hewett Lectures, delivered in 1956.
• Democracy in the Atomic Age (Melbourne, Oxford University Press under the auspices of the Australian Institute of International Affairs 1957). Dyason Lectures, delivered in 1956.
• East to West: A Journey round the World (Oxford University Press 1958)
• Hellenism: The History of a Civilization (Oxford University Press 1959, in Home University Library)
• With Edward D. Myers, A Study of History
o Vol XI: Historical Atlas and Gazetteer
(Oxford University Press 1959)
• D. C. Somervell, A Study of History: Abridgement of Vols I-X in one volume, with a new preface by Toynbee and new tables (Oxford University Press 1960)
• A Study of History
o Vol XII: Reconsiderations
(Oxford University Press 1961)
• Between Oxus and Jumna (Oxford University Press 1961)
• America and the World Revolution (Oxford University Press 1962). Public lectures delivered at the University of Pennsylvania, spring 1961.
• The Economy of the Western Hemisphere (Oxford University Press 1962). Weatherhead Foundation Lectures delivered at the University of Puerto Rico, February 1962.
• The Present-Day Experiment in Western Civilization (Oxford University Press 1962). Beatty Memorial Lectures delivered at McGill University, Montreal, 1961.
The three sets of lectures published separately in the UK in 1962 appeared in New York in the same year in one volume under the title America and the World Revolution and Other Lectures, Oxford University Press.
• Universal States (New York, Oxford University Press 1963). Separate publication of part of Vol VII of A Study of History.
• With Philip Toynbee, Comparing Notes: A Dialogue across a Generation (Weidenfeld & Nicolson 1963). "Conversations between Arnold Toynbee and his son, Philip … as they were recorded on tape."
• Between Niger and Nile (Oxford University Press 1965)
• Hannibal's Legacy: The Hannibalic War's Effects on Roman Life
o Vol I: Rome and Her Neighbours before Hannibal's Entry
o Vol II: Rome and Her Neighbours after Hannibal's Exit
(Oxford University Press 1965)
• Change and Habit: The Challenge of Our Time (Oxford University Press 1966). Partly based on lectures given at University of Denver in the last quarter of 1964, and at New College, Sarasota, Florida and the University of the South, Sewanee, Tennessee in the first quarter of 1965.
• Acquaintances (Oxford University Press 1967)
• Between Maule and Amazon (Oxford University Press 1967)
• Editor, Cities of Destiny (Thames & Hudson 1967)
• Editor and principal contributor, Man's Concern with Death (Hodder & Stoughton 1968)
• Editor, The Crucible of Christianity: Judaism, Hellenism and the Historical Background to the Christian Faith (Thames & Hudson 1969)
• Experiences (Oxford University Press 1969)
• Some Problems of Greek History (Oxford University Press 1969)
• Cities on the Move (Oxford University Press 1970). Sponsored by the Institute of Urban Environment of the School of Architecture, Columbia University.
• Surviving the Future (Oxford University Press 1971). Rewritten version of a dialogue between Toynbee and Professor Kei Wakaizumi of Kyoto Sangyo University: essays preceded by questions by Wakaizumi.
• With Jane Caplan, A Study of History, new one-volume abridgement, with new material and revisions and, for the first time, illustrations (Thames & Hudson 1972)
• Constantine Porphyrogenitus and His World (Oxford University Press 1973)
• Editor, Half the World: The History and Culture of China and Japan (Thames & Hudson 1973)
• Toynbee on Toynbee: A Conversation between Arnold J. Toynbee and G. R. Urban (New York, Oxford University Press 1974)
• Mankind and Mother Earth: A Narrative History of the World (Oxford University Press 1976), posthumous
• Richard L. Gage (editor), The Toynbee-Ikeda Dialogue: Man Himself Must Choose (Oxford University Press 1976), posthumous. The record of a conversation lasting several days.
• E. W. F. Tomlin (editor), Arnold Toynbee: A Selection from His Works, with an introduction by Tomlin (Oxford University Press 1978), posthumous. Includes advance extracts from The Greeks and Their Heritages.
• The Greeks and Their Heritages (Oxford University Press 1981), posthumous
• Christian B. Peper (editor), An Historian's Conscience: The Correspondence of Arnold J. Toynbee and Columba Cary-Elwes, Monk of Ampleforth, with a foreword by Lawrence L. Toynbee (Oxford University Press by arrangement with Beacon Press, Boston 1987), posthumous
• The Survey of International Affairs was published by Oxford University Press under the auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs between 1925 and 1977 and covered the years 1920–1963. Toynbee wrote, with assistants, the Pre-War Series (covering the years 1920–1938) and the War-Time Series (1938–1946), and contributed introductions to the first two volumes of the Post-War Series (1947–1948 and 1949–1950). His actual contributions varied in extent from year to year.
• A complementary series, Documents on International Affairs, covering the years 1928–1963, was published by Oxford University Press between 1929 and 1973. Toynbee supervised the compilation of the first of the 1939–1946 volumes, and wrote a preface for both that and the 1947–1948 volume.

See also

• Carroll Quigley
• Eric Voegelin
• Fernand Braudel
• Oswald Spengler
• Christopher Dawson
• Toynbee tiles
• Will Durant
• World history


1. Orry, Louise (1997). Arnold Toynbee, Brief Lives. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 537. ISBN 978-0198600879.
2. "King's College London - Classics at King's".
3. Clogg, Richard (1985). "Politics and the Academy: Arnold Toynbee and the Koraes Chair". Middle Eastern Studies. 21 (4): v–115. JSTOR 4283087.
4. Toynbee, Arnold J. (1922). The Western Question in Greece and Turkey: A Study in the Contact of Civilisations (PDF). London: Constable and Company Ltd.
5. "Toynbee, Arnold Joseph". Who Was Who. Oxford University Press. 1 December 2007. doi:10.1093/ww/9780199540891.001.0001 (inactive 7 March 2019). Retrieved 14 October 2018.
6. McNeill, William H. (1989). Arnold J. Toynbee: A Life. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 124. ISBN 9780195058635.
7. Lang, Michael (December 2011). "Globalization and Global History in Toynbee". Journal of World History. 22 (4): 747–783. doi:10.1353/jwh.2011.0118.(subscription required)
8. "Arnold Toynbee". Encyclopædia Britannica Online Academic Edition. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. 6 April 2014. Retrieved 6 April 2014.(subscription required)
9. Kennan, George F. (1 June 1989). "The History of Arnold Toynbee". The New York Review of Books. Retrieved 23 July2014.
10. Montagu, M. F. Ashley, ed. (1956). Toynbee and History: Critical Essays and Reviews. Boston: Porter Sargent. p. vii.
11. "The Psychology of Encounters—Arnold Toynbee: The World and the West: 1952". BBC Radio 4. The Reith Lectures. 14 December 1952. Retrieved 8 April 2014.
12. Massolin, Philip Alphonse (2001). Canadian Intellectuals, the Tory Tradition, and the Challenge of Modernity, 1939–1970. University of Toronto Press. p. 162. ISBN 978-0802035097.
13. Curtius, Ernst Robert (1953). European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691018997.
14. McIntire, C. T.; Perry, Marvin, eds. (1989). Toynbee: Reappraisals. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0802057853.
15. Perry, Marvin (1996). Arnold Toynbee and the Western Tradition. American University Studies—5—Philosophy. 169. New York: Peter Lang. ISBN 978-0820426716.
16. Gruen, Erich S., ed. (1970). "Rome on the Brink of Expansion". Imperialism in the Roman Republic. European Problem Studies. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Intro, page 10. ISBN 978-0-030-77620-5.
17. "Is a History of Humanity Possible?". University of Oxford History Podcasts. Retrieved 1 July 2014.
18. Cohen, Deborah (Fall 2001). "Comparative History: Buyer Beware" (PDF). GHI Bulletin. No. 29: 23–33. Archived from the original (PDF) on 28 March 2013. Retrieved 8 April 2014.
19. McNeill, William H. (1989). Arnold J. Toynbee: A Life. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195058635.
20. Brewin, Christopher (1995). "Arnold Toynbee, Chatham House, and Research in a Global Context". In Long, David; Wilson, Peter (eds.). Thinkers of the Twenty Years' Crisis: Inter-War Idealism Reassessed. Oxford University Press. pp. 277–302. ISBN 9780198278559. Retrieved 11 April 2014.
21. Brody, J. Kenneth (1 October 1999). The Avoidable War—Volume 2: Pierre Laval and the Politics of Reality, 1935–1936. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-0765806222.
22. McNeill, William H. (1989). Arnold J. Toynbee: A Life. New York: Oxford University Press. Chapter 8. ISBN 9780195058635.
23. Paquette, Gabriel B. (June 2000). "The Impact of the 1917 Russian Revolutions on Arnold J. Toynbee's Historical Thought, 1917–34". Revolutionary Russia. 13 (1): 55–80. doi:10.1080/09546540008575717.
24. McNeill, William H. (1989). Arnold J. Toynbee: A Life. New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 223–4. ISBN 9780195058635.
25. Friedman, Isaiah (Spring 1999). "Arnold Toynbee: Pro-Arab or Pro-Zionist?". Israel Studies. 4 (1): 73–95. doi:10.1353/is.1999.0019. Retrieved 11 April 2014.(subscription required)
26. "This is how we ruined Toynbee's theory". Haaretz. 24 January 2007. Retrieved 19 December 2014.
27. Toynbee, Arnold J (1961). "Jewish Rights in Palestine". The Jewish Quarterly Review. 52 (1): 1–11. doi:10.2307/1453271. JSTOR 1453271.
28. Zeitlin, Solomon (1961). "Jewish Rights in Eretz Israel (Palestine)". The Jewish Quarterly Review. 52 (1): 12–34. doi:10.2307/1453272. JSTOR 1453272.
29. Jewish Rights in Palestine (pp. 1-11); Arnold J. Toynbee; DOI: 10.2307/1453271 Stable URL:
30. "Prof. Toynbee Rebuked by U.S. Scholar for Renewed Attack on Jews". December 1961.
31. "Choose Life—Arnold Toynbee and Daisaku Ikeda" Exhibition Opens in Hiroshima". Soka Gakkai International. 23 July 2005. Archived from the original on 21 September 2013. Retrieved 13 April 2014.
32. Ikeda, Daisaku (2004). The Human Revolution. Santa Monica: World Tribune Press. Preface. ISBN 978-0915678778.
33. "Thirtieth Anniversary of Toynbee-Ikeda Dialogue". SGI Quarterly. January 2003. Retrieved 13 April 2014.
34. Toynbee, Polly (19 May 1984). "The Value of a Grandfather Figure". Manchester Guardian.
35. Arnold J. Toynbee (1947). A Study of History: Abridgement of Volumes I to VI. Oxford University Press. p. 273. ISBN 9780199826698.
36. Graeme Snooks (2002). The Laws of History. Taylor & Francis. p. 91. ISBN 9780203452448.
37. Arnold J. Toynbee (1987). A Study of History: Volume I: Abridgement of. Oxford U.P. p. 570. ISBN 9780195050806.
38. "The Toynbee Prize Foundation". Toynbee Foundation. Retrieved 14 April 2014.
39. "The 2017 Toynbee Prize Lecture: "Arnold Toynbee and the Problems of Today" (Jürgen Osterhammel) | Toynbee Prize Foundation". Retrieved 25 January 2017.


• William H. McNeill (1989). Arnold J. Toynbee: A Life. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-506335-6. online from ACLS E-Books (subscription required)

Further reading

• Beacock, Ian. Humanist among machines – As the dreams of Silicon Valley fill our world, could the dowdy historian Arnold Toynbee help prevent a nightmare? (March 2016), Aeon
• Ben-Israel, Hedva. "Debates With Toynbee: Herzog, Talmon, Friedman," Israel Studies, Spring 2006, Vol. 11 Issue 1, pp. 79–90
• Brewin, Christopher. "Arnold Toynbee, Chatham House, and Research in a Global Context", in David Long and Peter Wilson, eds. Thinkers of the Twenty Years' Crisis: Inter-War Idealism Reassessed (1995) pp. 277–302.
• Costello, Paul. World Historians and Their Goals: Twentieth-Century Answers to Modernism (1993). Compares Toynbee with H. G. Wells, Oswald Spengler, Pitirim Sorokin, Christopher Dawson, Lewis Mumford, and William H. McNeill
• Friedman, Isaiah. "Arnold Toynbee: Pro-Arab or Pro-Zionist?" Israel Studies, Spring 1999, Vol. 4#1, pp. 73–95
• Hutton, Alexander. "‘A belated return for Christ?’: the reception of Arnold J. Toynbee's A Study of History in a British context, 1934–1961." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 21.3 (2014): 405–424.
• Lang, Michael. "Globalization and Global History in Toynbee", Journal of World History 22#4 Dec 2011 pp. 747–783 in project MUSE
• McIntire, C. T. and Marvin Perry, eds. Toynbee: Reappraisals (1989) 254pp
• McNeill, William H. Arnold J. Toynbee: a life (Oxford UP, 1989). The standard scholarly biography.
• Martel, Gordon. "The Origins of World History: Arnold Toynbee before the First World War," Australian Journal of Politics and History, Sept 2004, Vol. 50 Issue 3, pp. 343–356
• Montagu, Ashley M. F., ed. Toynbee and History: Critical Essays and Reviews (1956) online edition
• Paquette, Gabriel B. "The Impact of the 1917 Russian Revolutions on Arnold J. Toynbee's Historical Thought, 1917–34", Revolutionary Russia, June 2000, Vol. 13#1, pp. 55–80
• Perry, Marvin. Arnold Toynbee and the Western Tradition (1996)
• Toynbee, Arnold J. A Study of History abridged edition by D. C. Somervell (2 vol 1947); 617pp online edition of vol 1, covering vols 1–6 of the original; A Study of History online edition

External links

• Works by Arnold Toynbee at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about Arnold J. Toynbee at Internet Archive
• Toynbee bibliography
• Klaus-Gunther Wesseling (1998). "Kircher, Athanasius". In Bautz, Traugott (ed.). Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL) (in German). 13. Herzberg: Bautz. cols. 382–392. ISBN 3-88309-072-7. large bibliography of secondary literature
• Site analysing passages in Toynbee's work
• Arnold Toynbee, The Challenge Hypothesis (1934)
• Newspaper clippings about Arnold J. Toynbee in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics(ZBW)
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Re: Round Table Movement, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sun Apr 28, 2019 9:26 am

Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/28/19



The Coefficients was a monthly dining club founded in 1902 by the Fabian campaigners Sidney and Beatrice Webb as a forum for British socialist reformers and imperialists of the Edwardian era. The name of the dining club was a reflection of the group's focus on "efficiency".

The Webbs proposed that the club's membership reflect the entire gamut of political beliefs, and "proposed to collect politicians from each of the parties". Representing the Liberal Imperialists were Sir Edward Grey and Richard Burdon Haldane; the Tories were represented by economist William Hewins and editor of the National Review Leopold Maxse; and the British military was represented by Leo Amery, an "expert on the conditions of the army", and Carlyon Bellairs, a naval officer.

The club's membership included:

• Alfred Milner, statesman and colonial administrator

-- Coefficients (dining club), by Wikipedia

The Right Honourable
The Viscount Milner
The Rt. Hon. The Viscount Milner
Secretary of State for the Colonies
In office
10 January 1919 – 13 February 1921
Preceded by Walter Long
Succeeded by Winston Churchill
Secretary of State for War
In office
18 April 1918 – 10 January 1919
Monarch George V
Prime Minister David Lloyd George
Preceded by The Earl of Derby
Succeeded by Winston Churchill
1st Governor of the Transvaal and Orange River Colony
In office
23 June 1902 – 1 April 1905
Monarch Edward VII
Preceded by Himself
as Administrator of the Transvaal and Orange River Colony
Succeeded by The Earl of Selborne
Administrator of the Transvaal and the Orange River Colony
In office
4 January 1901 – 23 June 1902
Monarch Queen Victoria
Edward VII
Lieutenant Hamilton John Goold-Adams
Preceded by Office Established
Christiaan de Wet
As State President of the Orange Free State (31 May 1902)
Schalk Willem Burger
As President of the South African Republic (31 May 1902)
Succeeded by Himself
As Governor of the Transvaal and Orange River Colony
Governor of the Cape Colony
High Commissioner for Southern Africa
In office
5 May 1897 – 6 March 1901
Monarch Queen Victoria
Edward VII
Prime Minister John Gordon Sprigg
William Philip Schreiner
John Gordon Sprigg
Preceded by Sir William Howley Goodenough
Succeeded by Sir Walter Francis Hely-Hutchinson
Personal details
Born Alfred Milner
23 March 1854
Flagge Großherzogtum Hessen ohne Wappen.svg Grand Duchy of Hesse
Died 13 May 1925 (aged 71)
Great Wigsell, East Sussex
United Kingdom
Resting place Saint Marys the Virgin Church, Salehurst, East Sussex, UK
Nationality United Kingdom British
Spouse(s) Violet Milner
Alma mater University of Tübingen
King's College London
Balliol College, Oxford
Occupation Colonial administrator, statesman

Garter-encircled shield of arms of Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner, KG, as displayed on his Order of the Garter stall plate in St. George's Chapel.

Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner, KG, GCB, GCMG, PC (23 March 1854 – 13 May 1925) was a British statesman and colonial administrator who played an influential leadership role in the formulation of foreign and domestic policy between the mid-1890s and early 1920s. From December 1916 to November 1918, he was one of the most important members of David Lloyd George's War Cabinet.

Early life and education

Milner's partial German ancestry dates to his paternal grandmother [Sophie Louise Bertha Carolina Milner], married to an Englishman [James Richardson Milner] who settled in the Grand Duchy of Hesse (modern state of Hesse in west-central Germany). Their son, Charles Milner, who was educated in Hesse and England, established himself as a physician with a practice in London and later became Reader in English at Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen in the Kingdom of Württemberg (modern state of Baden-Württemberg).

Charles Milner
Birthdate: June 30, 1830
Birthplace: Neuss, Düsseldorf, North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany
Death: August 22, 1882 (52)
Chelsea, Greater London, England, United Kingdom
Immediate Family:
Son of James Richardson Milner and Sophie Louise Bertha Carolina Milner
Husband of Mary Crombe
Father of Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner, KG
Brother of Arthur Milner
Managed by: George J. Homs
Last Updated: June 19, 2018

-- Charles Milner, by

Alfred Charles Milner
Birthdate: March 23, 1854
Birthplace: Giessen, Giessen, Hessen, Germany
Death: May 13, 1925 (71)
Sturry Court, Canterbury, Kent, England, United Kingdom
Place of Burial: salehurst kent
Immediate Family:
Son of Charles Milner and Mary Crombe
Husband of Violet Georgina, Viscountess Milner
Managed by: Michael Lawrence Rhodes
Last Updated: January 23, 2018

-- Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner, KG, by

Arthur Milner
Birthdate: estimated between 1800 and 1860
Immediate Family:
Son of James Richardson Milner and Sophie Louise Bertha Carolina Milner
Brother of Charles Milner
Managed by: Alexander Armenis (on sabbatical...
Last Updated: June 13, 2018

-- Arthur Milner, by

His wife [Alfred Milner's Mother, Mary Crombe] was a daughter of Major General John Ready, former Lieutenant Governor of Prince Edward Island and later the Isle of Man. Their only son, Alfred Milner, was born in the Hessian town of Giessen and educated first at Tübingen, then at King's College School and, from 1872 to 1876, as a scholar of Balliol College, Oxford, studying under the classicist theologian Benjamin Jowett. Having won the Hertford, Craven, Eldon and Derby scholarships, he graduated in 1877 with a first class in classics and was elected to a fellowship at New College, leaving, however, for London in 1879.[1] At Oxford he formed a close friendship with young economic historian Arnold Toynbee, writing a paper in support of his theories of social work and, in 1895, twelve years after his death at the age of 30, penning a tribute, Arnold Toynbee: a Reminiscence.[2]

Journalism, politics and service in Egypt

Although authorised to practise law after being called to the bar at the Inner Temple in 1881, he joined the staff of the Pall Mall Gazette under John Morley, becoming assistant editor to William Thomas Stead. In 1885 he abandoned journalism for a potential political career as the Liberal candidate for the Harrow division of Middlesex, but lost in the general election. Holding the post of private secretary to George Goschen, he rose in rank when, in 1887, Goschen became Chancellor of the Exchequer and, two years later, used his influence to have Milner appointed under-secretary of finance in Egypt. He remained in Egypt for four years, his period of office coinciding with the first great reforms, after the danger of bankruptcy had been avoided. Returning to England in 1892, he published England and Egypt[3] which, at once, became the authoritative account of the work done since the British occupation. Later that year he received an appointment as chairman of the Board of Inland Revenue. In 1894 he was made CB and in 1895 KCB.[2]

In South Africa

Alfred Milner remained at the Board of Inland Revenue until 1897. He was regarded as one of the clearest-headed and most judicious officials in the British service, and his position as a man of moderate Liberal views, who had been so closely associated with Goschen at the Treasury, Cromer in Egypt and Hicks-Beach (Lord St Aldwyn) and Sir William Vernon Harcourt while at the Inland Revenue, marked him as one in whom all parties might have confidence. The moment for testing his capacity in the highest degree had now come.[2]

In April, Lord Rosmead resigned his posts of High Commissioner for Southern Africa and Governor of Cape Colony. The situation resulting from the Jameson raid was one of the greatest delicacy and difficulty, and Joseph Chamberlain, now colonial secretary, selected Milner as Lord Rosmead's successor. The choice was cordially approved by the leaders of the Liberal party and warmly recognized at a farewell dinner on 28 March 1897 presided over by the future prime minister Herbert Henry Asquith. The appointment was avowedly made in order that an acceptable British statesman, in whom public confidence was reposed, might go to South Africa to consider all the circumstances and to formulate a policy which should combine the upholding of British interests with the attempt to deal justly with the Transvaal and Orange Free State governments.[4]

Milner reached the Cape in May 1897 and by August, after the difficulties with President Kruger over the Aliens' Law had been patched up, he was free to make himself personally acquainted with the country and peoples before deciding on the lines of policy to be adopted. Between August 1897 and May 1898 he travelled through Cape Colony, the Bechuanaland Protectorate, Rhodesia, and Basutoland. To better understand the point of view of the Cape Dutch and the burghers of the Transvaal and Orange Free State, Milner also during this period learned both Dutch and the South African "Taal" Afrikaans. He came to the conclusion that there could be no hope of peace and progress in South Africa while there remained the "permanent subjection of British to Dutch in one of the Republics".[5]

Milner was referring to the situation in the Transvaal where, in the aftermath of the discovery of gold, thousands of fortune seekers had flocked from all over Europe, but mostly Britain. This influx of foreigners, referred to as "Uitlanders", threatened their republic, and Transvaal's President Kruger refused to give the "Uitlanders" the right to vote. The Afrikaner farmers, known as Boers, had established the Transvaal as their promised land, after their Great Trek out of Cape Colony, a trek whose purpose was to remove themselves as far as possible from British rule. They had already successfully defended the Transvaal's annexation by the British Empire during the first Anglo-Boer War, a conflict that had emboldened them and resulted in a peace treaty which, lacking a highly convincing pretext, made it very difficult for Britain to justify diplomatically another annexation of the Transvaal.

Independent Transvaal thus stood in the way of Britain's ambition to control all of Africa from the Cape to Cairo. Milner realised that, with the discovery of gold in the Transvaal, the balance of power in South Africa had shifted from Cape Town to Johannesburg. He feared that if the whole of South Africa were not quickly brought under British control, the newly-wealthy Transvaal, controlled by Afrikaners, could unite with Cape Afrikaners and jeopardise the entire British position in South Africa.[citation needed] Milner also realised—as was shown by the triumphant re-election of Paul Kruger to the presidency of the Transvaal in February 1898—that the Pretoria government would never on its own initiative redress the grievances of the Uitlanders.[5] This gave Milner the pretext to use the "Uitlander" question to his advantage.

In a speech delivered on 3 March 1898 at Graaff Reinet, an Afrikaner Bond stronghold in the British controlled Cape, Milner outlined his determination to secure freedom and equality for British subjects in the Transvaal, and he urged the Dutch colonists to induce the Pretoria government to assimilate its institutions, and the temper and spirit of its administration, to those of the free communities of South Africa. The effect of this pronouncement was great and it alarmed the Afrikaners who, at this time, viewed with apprehension the virtual resumption by Cecil Rhodes of leadership of the Cape's Progressive (British) Party.[5]

Later in 1899, Milner would meet Violet Cecil, the wife of Major Lord Edward Cecil. Edward Cecil was commissioned to South Africa after serving in the Grenadier Guards. Milner and Violet would begin a secret affair that would last until her departure in late 1900 back to England. She had a noticeable effect on his disposition, Milner himself wrote in his diary that he was feeling "very low indeed". Edward Cecil learned of this affair and pushed for a commission to Egypt after Violet pushed to return to South Africa. Milner would later marry Violet Cecil.[6]

Milner had an unfavorable view of Afrikaners and, as a matter of philosophy, saw the British as "a superior race".[citation needed] Thus, with limited interest in peaceful resolution of the conflict, he came to the view that British control of the region could only be achieved through war.

Famously, after meeting Milner for the first time, Jan Smuts predicted that he would be "more dangerous than Rhodes" and would become "a second Bartle Frere".[7]

Milner Schools

In order to Anglicize the Transvaal area during the Anglo-Boer war, Milner set out to influence British education in the area for the English-speaking populations. He founded a series of schools known as the "Milner Schools" in South Africa. These schools include modern-day Pretoria High School for Girls, Pretoria Boys High School, Jeppe High School for Boys, King Edward VII School (Johannesburg), Potchefstroom High School for Boys and Hamilton Primary School.

Although not all Afrikander Bond leaders liked Kruger, they were ready to support him whether or not he granted reforms and, by the same result, contrived to make Milner's position untenable. His difficulties were increased when, at the general election in Cape Colony, the Bond obtained a majority. In October 1898, acting strictly in a constitutional manner, Milner called upon William Philip Schreiner to form a ministry, though aware that such a ministry would be opposed to any direct intervention of Great Britain in the Transvaal. Convinced that the existing state of affairs, if continued, would end in the loss of South Africa by Britain, Milner visited England in November 1898. He returned to Cape Colony in February 1899, fully assured of Joseph Chamberlain's support, though the government still clung to the hope that the moderate section of the Cape and Orange Free State Dutch would induce Kruger to give the vote to the Uitlanders. He found the situation more critical than when he had left, ten weeks previously. Johannesburg was in a ferment, while William Francis Butler, who acted as high commissioner in Milner's absence, had allowed the inference that he did not support Uitlander grievances.[5]

Protection for the Uitlanders in the Transvaal

A caricature of Milner from Vanity Fair in 1897

On 4 May, Milner penned a memorable dispatch to the Colonial Office, in which he insisted that the remedy for the unrest in the Transvaal was to strike at the root of the evil—the political impotence of the injured Uitlanders. "It may seem a paradox," he wrote, "but it is true that the only way for protecting our subjects is to help them to cease to be our subjects." The policy of leaving things alone only led from bad to worse, and "the case for intervention is overwhelming." Milner felt that only the enfranchisement of the Uitlanders in the Transvaal would give stability to the South African situation. He had not based his case against the Transvaal on the letter of the Conventions, and regarded the employment of the word "suzerainty" merely as an "etymological question," but he realized keenly that the spectacle of thousands of British subjects in the Transvaal in the condition of "helots" (as he expressed it) was undermining the prestige of Great Britain throughout South Africa, and he called for "some striking proof" of the intention of the British government not to be ousted from its predominant position. This dispatch was telegraphed to London, and was intended for immediate publication; but it was kept private for a time by the home government.[5]

Its tenor was known, however, to the leading politicians at the Cape, and at the insistence of Jan Hendik Hofmeyr a peace conference was held (31 May – 5 June) at Bloemfontein between the high commissioner and Transvaal President Kruger.[5] Milner made three demands, which he knew could not be accepted by Kruger: The enactment by the Transvaal of a franchise law which would at once give the Uitlanders the vote; the use of English in the Transvaal parliament; and that all laws of the parliament should be vetted and approved by the British parliament. Realizing the untenability of his position, Kruger left the meeting in tears.

The Second Boer War

When the Second Boer War broke out in October 1899, Milner rendered the military authorities "unfailing support and wise counsels", being, in Lord Roberts's phrase "one whose courage never faltered". In February 1901, he was called upon to undertake the administration of the two Boer states, both now annexed to the British Empire, though the war was still in progress. He thereupon resigned the governorship of Cape Colony, while retaining the post of high commissioner.[5] During this time at the helm a number of concentration camps were created where 27,000 Boer women and children and more than 14,000 black South Africans died.[citation needed] The work of reconstructing the civil administration in the Transvaal and Orange River Colony could only be carried on to a limited extent while operations continued in the field. Milner therefore returned to England to spend a "hard-begged holiday," which was, however, mainly occupied in work at the Colonial Office. He reached London on 24 May 1901, had an audience with Edward VII on the same day, received the GCB[8] and was made a privy councillor,[9] and was raised to the peerage as Baron Milner, of St James's in the County of London and of Cape Town in the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope.[10] Speaking next day at a luncheon given in his honour, answering critics who alleged that with more time and patience on the part of Great Britain, war might have been avoided, he asserted that what they were asked to "conciliate" was "panoplied hatred, insensate ambition, invincible ignorance."[5] In late July Milner received the Honorary Freedom of the City of London, and gave another speech in which he defended the government policy.[11]

The peace

Meanwhile, the diplomacy of 1899 and the conduct of the war had caused a great change in the attitude of the Liberal party in England towards Lord Milner, whom a prominent Member of Parliament, Leonard Courtney, even characterized as "a lost mind". A violent agitation for his recall was organized, joined by the Liberal Party leader Henry Campbell-Bannerman. However it was unsuccessful, and in August Milner returned to South Africa, plunging into the herculean task of remodelling the administration.[5] He bitterly fought Lord Kitchener, who ultimately won out.[12] However Milner drafted the terms of surrender, signed in Pretoria on 31 May 1902. In recognition of his services he was, on 15 July 1902, made Viscount Milner, of Saint James's in the County of London and of Cape Town in the Cape Colony.[13] Around this time he became a member of the Coefficients dining club of social reformers set up in 1902 by the Fabian Society campaigners Sidney and Beatrice Webb.

On 21 June, immediately following the conclusion of signatory and ceremonial developments surrounding the end of hostilities, Milner published the Letters Patent establishing the system of crown colony government in the Transvaal and Orange River colonies, and changing his title of administrator to that of governor.[14] The reconstructive work necessary after the ravages of the war was enormous. He provided a steady revenue by the levying of a 10% tax on the annual net produce of the gold mines, and devoted special attention to the repatriation of the Boers, land settlement by British colonists, education, justice, the constabulary, and the development of railways.[5] At Milner's suggestion the British government sent Henry Birchenough a businessman and old friend of Milners as special trade commissioner to South Africa with the task of preparing a Blue Book on trade prospects in the aftermath of the war. To aid him in his task, Milner recruited a team of gifted young lawyers and administrators, most of them Oxford graduates, who became known as "Milner's Kindergarten".[15]

While this work of reconstruction was in progress, domestic politics in England were convulsed by the tariff reform movement and Joseph Chamberlain's resignation. Milner, who was then spending a brief holiday in Europe, was urged by Arthur James Balfour to take the vacant post of secretary of state for the colonies. He declined the offer on 1 October 1903, considering it more important to complete his work in South Africa, where economic depression was becoming pronounced. As of December 1903, he was back in Johannesburg, and had to consider the crisis in the gold-mining industry caused by the shortage of native labor. Reluctantly he agreed, with the assent of the home government, to the proposal of the mineowners to import Chinese coolies on a three-year contract with the first batch of Chinese reaching the Rand in June 1904.[16]

In the latter part of 1904 and the early months of 1905, Milner was engaged in the elaboration of a plan to provide the Transvaal with a system of representative government, a half-way house between crown colony administration and that of self-government. Letters patent providing for representative government were issued on 31 March 1905.[17]

For some time he had been suffering health difficulties from the incessant strain of work, and determined a need to retire, leaving Pretoria on 2 April and sailing for Europe the following day. Speaking in Johannesburg on the eve of his departure, he recommended to all concerned the promotion of the material prosperity of the country and the treatment of Dutch and British on an absolute equality. Having referred to his share in the war, he added: "What I should prefer to be remembered by is a tremendous effort subsequent to the war not only to repair the ravages of that calamity but to re-start the colonies on a higher plane of civilization than they have ever previously attained."[17]

He left South Africa while the economic crisis was still acute and at a time when the voice of the critic was audible everywhere but, in the words of the colonial secretary Alfred Lyttelton, he had in the eight eventful years of his administration laid deep and strong the foundation upon which a united South Africa would arise to become one of the great states of the empire. Upon returning home, his university bestowed upon him the honorary degree of DCL.[17]

Experience in South Africa had shown him that underlying the difficulties of the situation there was the wider problem of imperial unity. In his farewell speech at Johannesburg he concluded with a reference to the subject. 'When we who call ourselves Imperialists talk of the British Empire, we think of a group of states bound, not in an alliance or alliances that can be made and unmade but in a permanent organic union. Of such a union the dominions of the sovereign as they exist to-day are only the raw material.' This thesis he further developed in a magazine article written in view of the colonial conference held in London in 1907. He advocated the creation of a permanent deliberative imperial council, and favored preferential trade relations between the United Kingdom and the other members of the empire; and in later years he took an active part in advocating the cause of tariff reform and Imperial Preference.[17]

In 1910 he became a founder of The Round Table – A Quarterly Review of the Politics of the British Empire, which helped to promote the cause of imperial federation.

Censure motion

In March 1906, a motion censuring Lord Milner for an infraction of the Chinese labour ordinance, in not forbidding light corporal punishment of coolies for minor offences in lieu of imprisonment, was moved by a Radical member of the House of Commons. On behalf of the Liberal government an amendment was moved, stating that 'This House, while recording its condemnation of the flogging of Chinese coolies in breach of the law, desires, in the interests of peace and conciliation in South Africa, to refrain from passing censure upon individuals'. The amendment was carried by 355 votes to 135. As a result of this left-handed censure, a counter-demonstration was organized, led by Sir Bartle Frere, and a public address, signed by over 370,000 persons, was presented to Lord Milner expressing high appreciation of the services rendered by him in Africa to the crown and empire.[17]


Upon his return from South Africa, Milner occupied himself mainly with business interests in London, becoming chairman of the Rio Tinto Zinc mining company, though he remained active in the campaign for imperial free trade. In 1906 he became a director of the Joint Stock Bank, a precursor of the Midland Bank. In the period 1909 to 1911 he was a strong opponent of the budget of David Lloyd George and the subsequent attempt of the Liberal government to curb the powers of the House of Lords.

World War I

Since Milner was the Briton who had the most experience in civil direction of a war, Lloyd George turned to him in December 1916 when he formed his national government. He was made a member of the five-person War Cabinet. As a Minister Without Portfolio, Milner's responsibilities varied according to the wishes of the Prime Minister. This meant that all domestic related issues pertaining to the war fell in his lap, such as negotiating contracts with miners, food rationing, etc. Considering his background, as a former High Commissioner in South Africa, and a tory intellectual leader, this was not a position ideally suited for him. However, he remained one of Prime Minister Lloyd George's closest advisers throughout the war, second only to Bonar Law.

In January 1917 Milner led the British delegation (with Henry Wilson as chief military representative and including a banker and two munitions experts) on the mission to Russia. There were 50 delegates in total including French (led by de Castelnau) and Italians. The object of the mission, stressed at the second Chantilly Conference in December 1916, was to keep the Russians holding down at least the forces now opposite them, to boost Russian morale and see what equipment they needed with a view to coordinating attacks. The official report in March said that even if the Tsar was toppled—which in fact happened a few weeks later—Russia would remain in the war and that they would solve their "administrative chaos".[18]

It was Milner's idea to create an Imperial War Cabinet, similar to that of the War Cabinet in London, which comprised the heads of government of Britain's major colonies.

It was also Milner's influence, through correspondence with General Pershing in May 1918, that kept a black American infantry unit (the 92nd Division) from being trained by and deployed with the British Army.[19]

Milner became Lloyd George's firefighter in many crises and one of the most powerful voices in the conduct of the war. He also gradually became disenchanted with the military leaders whose offensives generated large casualties for little apparent result, but who still enjoyed support from many politicians. He backed Lloyd George, who was even more disenchanted with the military, in his successful move to remove Edward Carson from the Admiralty.[20]

On at least one occasion, the conservative Milner came to the aid of people from the other end of the political spectrum. He was an old family friend of Margaret Hobhouse, the mother of imprisoned peace activist Stephen Henry Hobhouse—in fact, he was Stephen's proxy godfather. In 1917, when Margaret was working to get her son and other British conscientious objectors freed from prison, Milner discreetly helped, intervening with high government officials. As a result, in December 1917 more than 300 COs were released from prison on medical grounds.[21]

Milner was involved in every major policy decision taken by Prime Minister George's Government in World War I, including the Flanders Offensive of 1917, which he initially opposed, along with Bonar Law and Lloyd George. Lloyd George spent much of 1917 proposing plans to send British troops and guns to Italy to assist in an Italian offensive (this did not happen in the end until reinforcements had to be sent after the Italian disaster at Caporetto in November). The War Cabinet did not insist on a halt to the Third Battle of Ypres offensive in 1917 when the initial targets were not reached and indeed spent little time discussing the matter—around this time the CIGS General Robertson sent Haig (CinC of British forces in France) a biting description of the members of the War Cabinet, whom he said were all frightened of Lloyd George—he described Milner as "a tired and dispeptic old man".[22] By the end of the year Milner had become certain that a decisive victory on the Western Front was unlikely, writing to Curzon (17 October) opposing the policy of "Hammer, Hammer, Hammer on the Western Front", and had become a convinced "Easterner", wanting more effort on other fronts.[22][23] As an experienced member of the War Cabinet, Milner was a leading delegate at the November 1917 Rapallo Conference in Italy that created an Allied Supreme War Council. He also attended all subsequent follow up meetings in Versailles, France, to coordinate the war.

Milner was also a chief author of the Balfour Declaration of 1917,[24] although it was issued in the name of Arthur Balfour. He was a highly outspoken critic of the Austro-Hungarian war in Serbia arguing that "there is more widespread desolation being caused there (than) we have been familiar with in the case of Belgium".

On March 21, 1918 came the German Spring Offensive. Lord Milner says, "On March 23rd, my birthday, I received a call from the Prime Minister who wanted me to go over to France to find out what was going on. I left the next day. On March 26th, at 8 in the morning, I drove to a meeting at Doullens, France, arriving there at 12:05pm. Immediately I met General's Haig, Petain, Foch, Pershing, their staff officers, and President[a] Clemenceau. The front had broken wide open in front of us, threatening Paris. There was confusion in the ranks as to what to do, and who was in charge. I immediately took the general's aside, and using the powers entrusted with me as the Prime Minister's representative, I deputized General Foch, making him the Allied Commander at the front, and told him to make a stand." That stand was taken at Amiens, a town with a critical railway station, that, if taken, could have divided the allies in half, driving the British into the sea, and leaving Paris and the rest of France open for defeat. When Milner returned to London, the War Cabinet approved his action. On 19 April he was appointed Secretary of State for War in place of the Earl of Derby, who had been a staunch ally of Field-Marshal Haig, and presided over the Army Council for the remainder of the war.

Following the khaki election of December 1918, he was appointed Colonial Secretary and, in that capacity, attended the 1919 Paris Peace Conference where, on behalf of United Kingdom, he became one of the signatories of the Treaty of Versailles, including the "Orts-Milner Agreement" allowing to Belgium the administration of Ruanda and Urundi territories to reward the Belgo-African army ("Force publique") for his war effort which highly contributed to push the German troops out the future Tanganyika Territory (the victorious Tabora and Mahenge battles).[25]

Post World War I

After the War, Lord Milner assisted the Royal Agricultural Society in procuring Fordson tractors for the plowing and planting of grasslands, and communicated directly with Henry Ford by telegraph.[26]

Last years

Right until the end of his life, Lord Milner would call himself a "British race patriot" with grand dreams of a global Imperial parliament, headquartered in London, seating delegates of British descent from Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. He retired in February 1921 and was appointed a Knight of the Garter (KG) in the same month.[27] Later that year he married Lady Violet Georgina Gascoyne-Cecil, widow of Lord Edward Cecil and remained active in the work of the Rhodes Trust, while accepting, at the behest of Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin, the chairmanship of a committee to examine a new imperial preference tariff. His work, however, proved abortive when, following an election, Ramsay MacDonald assumed the office of Prime Minister in January 1924.


Seven weeks past his 71st birthday, Milner died at Great Wigsell, East Sussex, of sleeping sickness, soon after returning from South Africa. His viscountcy, lacking heirs, died with him. His body was buried in the graveyard of the Church of St. Mary the Virgin, in Salehurst in the county of East Sussex.[28]


Found among Milner's papers was his Credo, which was published to great acclaim.

I am a Nationalist and not a cosmopolitan .... I am a British (indeed primarily an English) Nationalist. If I am also an Imperialist, it is because the destiny of the English race, owing to its insular position and long supremacy at sea, has been to strike roots in different parts of the world. I am an Imperialist and not a Little Englander because I am a British Race Patriot ... The British State must follow the race, must comprehend it, wherever it settles in appreciable numbers as an independent community. If the swarms constantly being thrown off by the parent hive are lost to the State, the State is irreparably weakened. We cannot afford to part with so much of our best blood. We have already parted with much of it, to form the millions of another separate but fortunately friendly State. We cannot suffer a repetition of the process.

— Alfred Milner, [29]

Lord Milner Hotel at Matjiesfontein in South Africa


According to Colin Newbury:

An influential public servant for three decades, Milner was a visionary exponent of imperial unity at a time when imperialism was beginning to be called into question. His reputation exceeded his achievements: Office and honours were heaped upon him despite his lack of identification with either major political party. [30]

Styles of address and honours

Styles of address

• 1854–1894: Mr Alfred Milner
• 1894–1895: Mr Alfred Milner CB
• 1895–1897: Sir Alfred Milner KCB
• 1897–1901: Sir Alfred Milner GCMG KCB
• 1901: Sir Alfred Milner GCB GCMG
• 1901–1902: The Rt Hon The Lord Milner GCB GCMG PC
• 1902–1921: The Rt Hon The Viscount Milner GCB GCMG PC
• 1921–1925: The Rt Hon The Viscount Milner KG GCB GCMG PC


• CB: Companion of the Order of the Bath – 1894
• KCB: Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath – 1895
• GCMG: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George – 1897
• GCB: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath – 1 January 1901 – New Year′s honours list[8]
• KG: Knight of the Order of the Garter – 1921[27]


1. "President" in this context means "President of the Council of Ministers", the official title of the Prime Minister of France, not the President of the Republic. The latter office was held by Raymond Poincare who was also present at Doullens.
1. New College Bulletin, November 2008
2. Chisholm 1911, p. 476.
3. Milner 1894.
4. Chisholm 1911, pp. 476-477.
5. Chisholm 1911, p. 477.
6. Hochschild 2011, pp. 28–32.
7. Smuts 1966, p. 95.
8. "No. 27264". The London Gazette. 8 January 1901. p. 157.
9. "No. 27338". The London Gazette. 26 July 1901. p. 4919.
10. "No. 27318". The London Gazette. 28 May 1901. p. 3634.
11. "Lord Milner in the City". The Times (36515). London. 24 July 1901. p. 12.
12. Surridge 1998, pp. 112-154.
13. "No. 27455". The London Gazette. 18 July 1902. p. 4586.
14. "No. 27459". The London Gazette. 29 July 1902. p. 4834.
15. Dubow 1997.
16. Chisholm 1911, pp. 477-478.
17. Chisholm 1911, p. 478.
18. Jeffery 2006, pp. 182–183, 184–187.
19. Pershing 1931, p. 46.
20. Hunt 1982, p. 70.
21. Hochschild 2011, p. 328.
22. Gollin 1964, p. 448.
23. Woodward 1998, pp. 148–149.
24. Stein 1961, pp. 310–311.
25. Louwers 1958, pp. 909–920.
26. Ford 1923, p. 198.
27. "No. 32232". The London Gazette. 18 February 1921. p. 1367.
28. ^Alfred Milner at Find a Grave
29. The Times 25 July 1925.
30. Newbury 2008.
• Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Milner, Alfred Milner, Viscount" . Encyclopædia Britannica. 18 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 476–478.
• Dubow, Saul (1997). "Colonial nationalism, the Milner kindergarten and the rise of'South Africanism', 1902–10". History Workshop Journal(43): 53–85. JSTOR 4289491.
• Ford, Henry (1923). My Life and Work. Doubleday.
• Gollin, Alfred (1964). Milner : Proconsul in Politics. London: Macmillan.
• Hochschild, Adam (2011). To End All Wars: A Story of Loyalty and Rebellion, 1914–1918. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. ISBN 978-0-618-75828-9.
• Hunt, Barry D. (1982). Sailor-Scholar. Wilfrid Laurier University Press.
• Jeffery, Keith (2006). Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson: A Political Soldier. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-820358-2.
• Louwers, Octave (1958). "Hommage à Pierre Orts (3 novembre 1872 – 12 juin 1958)". Bulletin des Séances de l'A.R.S.C. (in French). 58(4).
• Milner, Alfred (1894). England and Egypt. London: Edward Arnold.
• Newbury, Colin (2008). "Milner, Alfred, Viscount Milner (1854–1925)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/35037. (Subscription orUK public library membership required.)
• Pershing, John Joseph (1931). "Ch XXX". My experiences in the world war. Vol. 1. Frederick A. Stokes.
• Smuts, Jan Christiaan (1966). Hancock, William Keith; Van Der Poel, Jean (eds.). Selections from the Smuts Papers: June 1886 – May 1902. University Press.
• Stein, Leonard (1961). The Balfour Declaration. New York: Simon and Schuster.
• Surridge, Keith Terrance (1998). Managing the South African War, 1899-1902: Politicians V. Generals. Boydell & Brewer Ltd. ISBN 978-0-86193-238-2.
• Woodward, David R. (1998). Field Marshal Sir William Robertson. Westport, Connecticut & London: Praeger. ISBN 978-0-275-95422-2.

Further reading

• Ascherson, Neal. "The War That Made South Africa", New York Review of Books (December 6, 1979), p. 12.
• Cecil, Hugh and Cecil, Mirabel Imperial Marriage: an Edwardian War and Peace. London: John Murray, 2002
• Davie, Lucille. Constitution Hill: Thomas Pakenham, the Boer War and the Old Fort (2004)
• Garrett, F. Edmund (1905). "Rhodes and Milner" . The Empire and the century. London: John Murray. pp. 478–520.
• Iwan-Müller, E. B. Lord Milner and South Africa, London, 1902
• Marks, Shula, and Stanley Trapido. "Lord Milner and the South African State." History Workshop (1979) in JSTOR.
• Marlowe, John. Milner : apostle of Empire *London: Hamish Hamilton, 1976.
• Nasson, Bill. The South African War 1899–1902 (1999), 320pp a major scholarly history; also The War for South Africa: The Anglo-Boer War (1899–1902) (expanded 2nd ed. 2011)
• O'Brien, Terence. Milner London: Constable, 1979
• Porter, Andrew. "The South African War (1899–1902): context and motive reconsidered." The Journal of African History 31#1 (1990): 43–57.
• Porter, A. N. "Sir Alfred Milner and the Press, 1897–1899." The Historical Journal 16.02 (1973): 323–339.
• Quigley, Carroll. The Anglo-American Establishment New York: Books in Focus, 1981
• Stead, W. T., "Sir Alfred Milner", Review of Reviews, vol. xx. (1899)
• Thompson, J. Lee. A Wider Patriotism: Alfred Milner and the British Empire (Routledge, 2015).
• Worsfold, W. B. Lord Milner's Work in South Africa London, 1906.
• Wrench, Evelyn. Alfred, Lord Milner, the Man of No Illusions, 1854–1925(Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1958).
• Buckle, George Earle (1922). "Milner, Alfred Milner, Viscount" . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. 31 (12th ed.). London & New York. p. 946. This describes Milner's post-1906 career in business, politics, and diplomacy.

Primary sources

• Alfred Milner, England in Egypt (1894) online free
• Alfred Milner, The nation and the empire; being a collection of speeches and addresses (1913) online free
• Alfred Milner, The Milner Papers: South Africa 1899-1905 ed by Cecil Headlam (London 1933, 2 vol) online vol 2

External links

• Biographical entry for Alfred Viscount Milner at New College, Oxford College Archives
• Catalogue of the papers of Alfred Milner at the Bodleian Library, Oxford
• Catalogue of the additional papers of Alfred Milner at the Bodleian Library, Oxford
• NEXUS: A Short History of the Round Table – Extracted from Nexus Magazine, Volume 12, Number 3 (April – May 2005)
• Works by Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner at Internet Archive
• Newspaper clippings about Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics (ZBW)
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Re: Round Table Movement, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sun Apr 28, 2019 9:43 pm

William Thomas Stead
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/28/19



William Thomas Stead
Born 5 July 1849
Embleton, Northumberland, England
Died 15 April 1912 (aged 62)
RMS Titanic, Atlantic Ocean
Monuments New York NY, 91st St and Central Park East and Victoria Embankment in London near to Fleet Street
Education Silcoates School
Occupation Newspaper editor
Notable work
The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon
Style Sensationalism
Home town Howdon
Salary £250 a year at the Northern Echo
Net worth £13,000 probate

William Thomas Stead (5 July 1849 – 15 April 1912) was an English newspaper editor who, as a pioneer of investigative journalism, became a controversial figure of the Victorian era.[1][2] Stead published a series of hugely influential campaigns whilst editor of The Pall Mall Gazette, and he is best known for his 1885 series of articles, The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon. These were written in support of a bill, later dubbed the "Stead Act", that raised the age of consent from 13 to 16.[3]

Stead's "new journalism" paved the way for the modern tabloid in Great Britain.[3] He was influential in demonstrating how the press could be used to influence public opinion and government policy, and advocated "Government by Journalism".[4] He was also well known for his reportage on child welfare, social legislation and reformation of England's criminal codes.

Stead died in the sinking of the RMS Titanic; he was one of the most famous Englishmen on board.[3]

Early life

Stead was born in Embleton, Northumberland, the son of the Reverend William Stead, a poor but respected Congregational minister, and Isabella (née Jobson), a cultivated daughter of a Yorkshire farmer.[5] A year later the family moved to Howdon on the River Tyne,[6] where his younger brother, Francis Herbert Stead, was born. Stead was largely educated at home by his father, and by the age of five he was already well-versed in the Holy Scriptures and is said to have been able to read Latin almost as well as he could read English.[7] It was Stead's mother who perhaps had the most lasting influence on her son's career. One of Stead's favourite childhood memories was of his mother leading a local campaign against the government's controversial Contagious Diseases Acts — which required prostitutes living in garrison towns to undergo medical examination.[8]

From 1862 he attended Silcoates School in Wakefield, until 1864, when he was apprenticed to a merchant's office on the Quayside in Newcastle upon Tyne where he became a clerk.[9]

The Northern Echo

W. T. Stead as a child

From 1870, Stead contributed articles to the fledgling liberal Darlington newspaper The Northern Echo, and in 1871 despite his inexperience, was made the editor of the newspaper.[10] At the time, Stead at just 22, was the youngest newspaper editor in the country.[8] Stead used Darlington's excellent railway connections to his advantage, increasing the newspaper's distribution to national levels.[7] Stead was always guided by a moral mission, influenced by his faith, and wrote to a friend that the position would be "a glorious opportunity of attacking the devil".[10]

In 1873, he married his childhood sweetheart, Emma Lucy Wilson, the daughter of a local merchant and shipowner; they would eventually have six children together.[11] In 1876, Stead joined a campaign to repeal the Contagious Diseases Act, befriending the feminist Josephine Butler. The law was repealed in 1886.[12]

He gained notoriety in 1876 for his coverage of the Bulgarian atrocities agitation.[13] He is also credited as "a major factor" in helping Gladstone win an overwhelming majority in the 1880 general election.[4][14]

Pall Mall Gazette

In 1880, Stead went to London to be assistant editor of the Liberal Pall Mall Gazette (a forerunner of the London Evening Standard), where he set about revolutionizing a traditionally conservative newspaper "written by gentlemen for gentlemen".[8] When its editor, John Morley, was elected to Parliament, Stead took over the role (1883–1889). When Morley was made Secretary of State for Ireland, Gladstone asked the new cabinet minister if he were confident that he could deal with that most distressful country. Morley replied that, if he could manage Stead, he could manage anything.

Over the next seven years Stead would develop what Matthew Arnold dubbed "The New Journalism".[11] His innovations as editor of the Gazette included incorporating maps and diagrams into a newspaper for the first time, breaking up longer articles with eye-catching subheadings, and blending his own opinions with those of the people he interviewed.[8] He made a feature of the Pall Mall extras, and his enterprise and originality exercised a potent influence on contemporary journalism and politics. Stead's first sensational campaign was based on a Nonconformist pamphlet, The Bitter Cry of Outcast London. His lurid stories of squalid life in the slums had a wholly beneficial effect on the capital. A Royal Commission recommended that the government should clear the slums and encourage low-cost housing in their place. It was Stead's first success. He also introduced the interview, creating a new dimension in British journalism when he interviewed General Gordon in 1884.[15]

In 1884, Stead pressured the government to send his friend General Gordon to the Sudan to protect British interests in Khartoum. The eccentric Gordon disobeyed orders, and the siege of Khartoum, Gordon's death, and the failure of the hugely expensive Gordon Relief Expedition was one of the great imperial disasters of the period.[12] After General Gordon's death in Khartoum in January 1885, Stead ran the first 24-point headline in newspaper history, "TOO LATE!", bemoaning the relief force's failure to rescue a national hero.[16]

1885 saw him force the British government to supply an additional £5.5million to bolster weakening naval defences, after which he published a series of articles.[14] Stead was no hawk however; instead he believed Britain's strong navy was necessary to maintain world peace.[17] He distinguished himself in his vigorous handling of public affairs and his brilliant modernity in the presentation of news. However, he is also credited as originating the modern journalistic technique of creating a news event rather than just reporting it, as his most famous "investigation", the Eliza Armstrong case, was to demonstrate.[18]

In 1886, he started a campaign against Sir Charles Dilke, 2nd Baronet over his nominal exoneration in the Crawford scandal. The campaign ultimately contributed to Dilke's misguided attempt to clear his name and his consequent ruin.

Eliza Armstrong case

This map by Stead W. T presents 46 saloons, 37 "houses of ill-fame," and 11 pawnbrokers in 1894.

In 1885, in the wake of Josephine Butler's fight for the repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts, Stead entered upon a crusade against child prostitution by publishing a series of four articles entitled "The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon". In order to demonstrate the truth of his revelations, he arranged the "purchase" of Eliza Armstrong, the 13-year-old daughter of a chimney sweep. His first instalment was trailed with a warning guaranteed to make the Pall Mall Gazette sell out. Copies changed hands for 20 times their original value and the office was besieged by 10,000 members of the public.[1] The popularity of the articles was so great that the Gazette's supply of paper ran out and had to be replenished with supplies from the rival Globe.[8]

Though his action is thought to have furthered the passing of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885, his successful demonstration of the trade's existence led to his conviction for abduction and a three-month term of imprisonment at Coldbath Fields and Holloway prisons. He was convicted on technical grounds that he had failed to first secure permission for the "purchase" from the girl's father.

The "Maiden Tribute" campaign was the high point in Stead's career in daily journalism.[4] The series inspired George Bernard Shaw to write Pygmalion, and to name his lead character Eliza.[8] Another of the characters described, the "Minotaur of London", is reckoned to have inspired Jekyll and Hyde.[19]

Review of Reviews and other ventures

Stead in 1881

Stead resigned his editorship of the Pall Mall in 1889 in order to found the Review of Reviews (1890) with Sir George Newnes. It was a highly successful non-partisan monthly.[4] The journal found a global audience and was intended to bind the empire together by synthesising all its best journalism.[12] Stead's abundant energy and facile pen found scope in many other directions in journalism of an advanced humanitarian type. This time saw Stead "at the very height of his professional prestige", according to E. T. Raymond.[9] He was the first editor to employ female journalists.[12]

In 1893-4 he lived in Chicago for six months, campaigning against brothels and drinking dens, and published If Christ Came to Chicago.[12]

Beginning in 1895, Stead issued affordable reprints of classic literature under such titles as Penny Poets and Penny Popular Novels, in which he "boil[ed] down the great novels of the world so that they might fit into, say, sixty-four pages instead of six hundred".[20] His ethos behind the venture pre-dated Allen Lane's of Penguin Books by a number of years, and he became "the foremost publisher of paperbacks in the Victorian Age".[14]

Stead became an enthusiastic supporter of the peace movement, and of many other movements, popular and unpopular, in which he impressed the public generally as an extreme visionary, though his practical energy was recognised by a considerable circle of admirers and pupils. Stead was a pacifist and a campaigner for peace, who favoured a "United States of Europe" and a "High Court of Justice among the nations" (an early version of the United Nations), yet he also preferred the use of force in the defence of law.[21][22] He extensively covered the Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907; for the latter he printed a daily paper during the four-month conference. He has a bust at the Peace Palace in The Hague. As a result of these activities, Stead was repeatedly nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.[7]

With all his unpopularity, and all the suspicion and opposition engendered by his methods, his personality remained a forceful one, in both public and private life. He was an early imperialist dreamer, whose influence on Cecil Rhodes in South Africa remained of primary importance; many politicians and statesmen, who on most subjects were completely at variance with his ideas, nevertheless owed something to them. Rhodes made him his confidant, and was inspired in his will by his suggestions; and Stead was intended to be one of Rhodes's executors. However, at the time of the Second Boer War Stead threw himself into the Boer cause and attacked the government with characteristic violence, and consequently his name was removed from the will's executors.[23]

The number of his publications gradually became very large, as he wrote with facility and sensationalist fervour on all sorts of subjects, from The Truth about Russia (1888) to If Christ Came to Chicago! (Laird & Lee, 1894), and from Mrs Booth (1900) to The Americanisation of the World (1901).

Stead was an Esperantist, and often supported Esperanto in a monthly column in Review of Reviews.[24]

In 1904 he launched The Daily Paper, which folded after six weeks, and Stead lost £35,000 of his own money (almost £3 million in 2012 value) and suffered a nervous breakdown.[6][12]

Meeting with William Randolph Hearst

A year before the Spanish–American War W. T. Stead traveled to New York to meet with William Randolph Hearst, to teach him Government By Journalism.[25][26][self-published source][27]

Travel to Russia

In 1905, Stead travelled to Russia to try to discourage violence, but his tour and talks were unsuccessful[28]


Stead with his family.

In the 1890s, Stead became increasingly interested in spiritualism.[29] In 1893, he founded a spiritualist quarterly, Borderland, in which he gave full play to his interest in psychical research.[6][29] Stead was editor, and he employed Ada Goodrich Freer as assistant editor; she was also a substantial contributor under the pseudonym "Miss X".[30] Stead claimed that he was in the habit of communicating with Freer by telepathy and automatic writing.[31][32][33] The magazine ceased publication in 1897.[29]

Stead claimed to be in receipt of messages from the spirit world and, in 1892, to be able to produce automatic writing.[29][31] His spirit contact was alleged to be the departed Julia A. Ames, an American temperance reformer and journalist whom he met in 1890 shortly before her death. In 1909, he established Julia's Bureau, where inquirers could obtain information about the spirit world from a group of resident mediums.[29]

Grant Richards said that "The thing that operated most strongly in lessening Stead's hold on the general public was his absorption in spiritualism".[34]

The physiologist Ivor Lloyd Tuckett wrote that Stead had no scientific training and was credulous when it came to the subject of spiritualism. Tuckett examined a case of spirit photography that Stead had claimed was genuine. Stead visited a photographer who produced a photograph of him with an alleged deceased soldier known as "Piet Botha". Stead claimed the photographer could not have come across any information about Piet Botha; however, Tuckett discovered that an article in 1899 had been published on Pietrus Botha in a weekly magazine with a portrait and personal details.[35]

In the early 20th century, Arthur Conan Doyle and Stead were duped into believing that the stage magicians Julius and Agnes Zancig had genuine psychic powers. Both Doyle and Stead wrote the Zancigs performed telepathy. In 1924 Julius and Agnes Zancig confessed that their mind reading act was a trick and published the secret code and all the details of the trick method they had used under the title of Our Secrets!! in a London Newspaper.[36]

Ten years after the Titanic went down, Stead's daughter Estelle published The Blue Island: Experiences of a New Arrival Beyond the Veil,[37] which purported to be a communication with Stead via a medium, Pardoe Woodman. In the book, Stead described his death at sea and discussed the nature of the afterlife. The manuscript was produced using automatic writing, and Ms. Stead cited as proof of its authenticity the writer's habit of going back to cross "t's" and dot "i's" while proof-reading — which she said was characteristic of her father's writing technique in life.

Death on the Titanic

Stead boarded the Titanic for a visit to the United States to take part in a peace congress at Carnegie Hall at the request of President Taft. Survivors of the Titanic reported very little about Stead's last hours. He chatted enthusiastically through the 11-course meal that fateful night, telling thrilling tales (including one about the cursed mummy of the British Museum), but then retired to bed at 10.30pm.[12] After the ship struck the iceberg, Stead helped several women and children into the lifeboats, in an act "typical of his generosity, courage, and humanity", and gave his life jacket to another passenger.[4]

A later sighting of Stead, by survivor Philip Mock, has him clinging to a raft with John Jacob Astor IV. "Their feet became frozen," reported Mock, "and they were compelled to release their hold. Both were drowned."[38] William Stead's body was not recovered. Further tragedy was added by the widely held belief that he was due to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize that same year.[citation needed]

Stead had often claimed that he would die from either lynching or drowning.[4] He had published two pieces that gained greater significance in light of his fate on the Titanic. On 22 March 1886, he published an article titled "How the Mail Steamer went down in Mid Atlantic by a Survivor",[39] wherein a steamer collides with another ship, resulting in a high loss of life due to an insufficient ratio of lifeboats to passengers. Stead had added: "This is exactly what might take place and will take place if liners are sent to sea short of boats". In 1892, Stead published a story titled "From the Old World to the New",[40] in which a vessel, the Majestic, rescues survivors of another ship that collided with an iceberg.


Following his death, Stead was widely hailed as the greatest newspaperman of his age. His friend Lord Milner eulogised Stead as "a ruthless fighter, who had always believed himself to be 'on the side of angels'".[41]

His sheer energy helped to revolutionise the often stuffy world of Victorian journalism, while his blend of sensationalism and indignation, now so familiar, set the tone for British tabloids for more than a century.[42] Like many journalists, he was a curious mixture of conviction, opportunism and sheer humbug. According to his biographer W. Sydney Robinson, "He twisted facts, invented stories, lied, betrayed confidences, but always with a genuine desire to reform the world – and himself." According to Dominic Sandbrook, "Stead's papers forced his readers to confront the seedy underbelly of their own civilisation, but the editor probably knew more about that dark world than he ever let on. He held up a mirror to Victorian society, yet deep down, like so many tabloid crusaders, he was raging at his own reflection."[16]

According to Roy Jenkins, Stead became "the most sensational figure in 19th-century journalism".[43]

A memorial bronze was erected in Central Park, New York City, in 1920. It reads, "W.T. Stead 1849–1912. This tribute to the memory of a journalist of worldwide renown is erected by American friends and admirers. He met death aboard the Titanic April 15, 1912, and is numbered amongst those who, dying nobly, enabled others to live." A duplicate bronze is located on the Thames Embankment not far from Temple, where Stead had an office.

A memorial plaque to Stead can also be seen at his final home, 5 Smith Square, where he lived from 1904 to 1912. It was unveiled on 28 June 2004 in the presence of his great-great-grandson, 13-year-old Miles Stead. The plaque was sponsored by the Stead Memorial Society.[44]

In his native Embleton, a road has been named "W T Stead Road".

In the 2009 video game Nine Hours, Nine Persons, Nine Doors, Stead's 'How the Mail Steamer Went Down in Mid Atlantic by a Survivor, From the Old World to the New, and his death on the Titanic, is discussed by Akane Kurashiki and Junpei Tenmyouji, who debate the possibility that Stead was undergoing automatic writing by connecting to his future self.


Memorial plaque in Central Park, New York. A similar plaque, with a different inscription, is displayed on Victoria Embankment, London


14 boxes of the papers of William Thomas Stead are held at the Churchill Archives Centre in Cambridge.[45][46] The bulk of this collection comprises Stead's letters from his many correspondents including Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, William Gladstone, and Christabel Pankhurst. There are also papers and a diary relating to his time spent in Holloway Prison in 1885, and to his many publications.[citation needed]

Papers of William Thomas Stead are also held at The Women's Library at the Library of the London School of Economics,[47][48]


1. Mooney, Bel (25 May 2012). "High morals and low life of the first tabloid hack: Muckraker: the Scandalous Life and Times of W.T. Stead by W. Sydney Robinson". London: Mail Online. Retrieved 4 November 2012.
2. "The W.T. Stead Resource Site". 30 December 2010. Retrieved 21 September 2018.
3. "Press Office Home – The British Library".
4. Joseph O. Baylen, 'Stead, William Thomas (1849–1912)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Sept 2010 accessed 3 May 2011
5. 'Herbert & W T Stead', Derbyshire Advertiser and Journal, 6 March 1920, p19
6. "W.T. Stead Timeline". Retrieved 7 May 2011.
7. "The Great Educator: a Biography of W.T. Stead". 15 April 1912. Retrieved 7 May 2011.
8. "Bookshelf: The Father of Tabloid Journalism". The Wall Street Journal.
9. "W.T. Stead by E.T. Raymond (1922)". Retrieved 7 May 2011.
10. "W.T. Stead to Rev. Henry Kendall (11 April 1871)". Retrieved 7 May 2011.
11. "Mr William Thomas Stead". Encyclopedia Titanica. Retrieved 7 May 2011.
12. Luckhurst, Roger (10 April 2012). "WT Stead, a forgotten victim of Titanic". The Daily Telegraph. London.
13. Stead, W.T. (August 1912). "The Great Pacifist: an Autobiographical Character Sketch". The Review of Reviews for Australasia. p. 609. Retrieved 8 November 2017 – via Internet Archive.
14. "Sally Wood-Lamont, W.T. Stead's Books for the Bairns". 7 August 1923. Retrieved 7 May 2011.
15. Roland Pearsell (1969) The Worm in the Bud: The World of Victorian Sexuality: 369
16. The Sunday Times (London), 13 May 2012 Sunday Edition 1; "National Edition Fleet Street's crusading villain; The Victorian editor whose love of sensationalism set the tone for the tabloids for a century Scandalmonger", 40-42
17. Stead, Estelle (1913). My Father. (London)m p. 112,
18. Roland Pearsell (1969) The Worm in the Bud: The World of Victorian Sexuality: 367-78
19. "Book review: Muckraker, W Sydney Robinson".
20. "Grant Richards on Stead as Employer &c". Retrieved 7 May 2011.
21. Sally Wood (1987). W.T. Stead and his "Books for the bairns". Edinburgh: Salvia Books. ISBN 0-9512533-0-1.
22. W. T. Stead, "The Great Pacifist: an Autobiographical Character Sketch" (1901), published posthumously in The Review of Reviews for Australasia, (August 1912) pp. 609–620.
23. The Last Will and Testament of Cecil John Rhodes, ed. W. T. Stead (Review of Reviews Office: London), 1902.
24. Enciklopedio de Esperanto, 1933. Archived 8 July 2007 at the Wayback Machine
25. "W. Randolf Hearst". 30 December 2010. Retrieved 5 October 2014. Mr. Hearst, I am very glad to see you. I have been very curious to see you for some time, ever since I saw how you were handling the Journal. But do you know why I want to see you?" "I have been long on the look out for a man to appear who will carry out my ideal of government by journalism. I am certain that such a man will come to the front some day, and I wonder if you are to be that man.
26. Eckley, Grace (2007). Maiden Tribute. Xlibris Corporation. pp. Chapter 11. ISBN 978-1425727086.
27. Stead, William (December 1908). "A Character Sketch of William Randolph Hearst, by William Thomas Stead". London: Review of Reviews. Retrieved 5 October 2014.
28. "The beauty, the journalist, and the Titanic". 28 December 2014 – via
29. Janet Oppenheim (1988). The Other World: Spiritualism and Psychical Research in England, 1850–1914. Cambridge University Press. p. 34. ISBN 0-521-34767-X.
30. Hall, Trevor H. (1980). The Strange Story of Ada Goodrich Freer. Gerald Duckworth and Company. pp. 45–52. ISBN 0-7156-1427-4.
31. Laurel Brake; Marysa Demoor (2009). Dictionary of nineteenth-century journalism in Great Britain and Ireland. Academia Press. p. 65. ISBN 90-382-1340-9.
32. María del Pilar Blanco; Esther Peeren (2010). Popular Ghosts: The Haunted Spaces of Everyday Culture. Continuum International Publishing Group. p. 58. ISBN 1-4411-6401-4.
33. Borderland, volume I, 1893, page=6, Quoted in Hall (1980) p.50
34. Grant Richards (1933). Memories of a misspent youth, 1872–1896. Harper & Brothers. p. 306.
35. Ivor Lloyd Tuckett. (1911). The Evidence for the Supernatural: A Critical Study Made with "Uncommon Sense". Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Company. pp. 52–53
36. John Booth. (1986). Psychic Paradoxes. Prometheus Books. p. 8. ISBN 978-0-87975-358-0
37. Pardoe Woodman and Estelle Stead (1922). The Blue Island: Experiences of a New Arrival Beyond the Veil. Hutchinson & Co., London
38. "Stead and Astor cling to Raft" (Worcester Telegram, 20 April 1912) at
39. W.T. Stead, "How the Mail Steamer went down in Mid Atlantic" (1886) at
40. W.T. Stead, "From the Old World to the New" (The Review of Reviews Christmas Number, 1892) at
41. Prévost, Stéphanie (23 April 2013). "W. T. Stead and the Eastern Question (1875–1911); or, How to Rouse England and Why?". doi:10.16995/ntn.654 – via
42. F. Regard, 'The sexual exploitation of the poor in W.T. Stead's The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon (1885) : Humanity, democracy and the origins of the tabloid press', in Narrating Poverty and Precarity in Britain (ed. B. Korte et F. Regard), Berlin, De Gruyter, 2014, pp. 75-91.
43. Roy Jenkins, Victorians Uncovered – William Stead: unscrupulous journalist or moral crusader?
44. "City of Westminster green plaques". Archived from the original on 16 July 2012.
45. "The Churchill Archives Centre – Churchill College".
46. "Janus: The Papers of William T. Stead".
47. Science, London School of Economics and Political. "Library".
48. "9/11".

Further reading

• Brake, Laurel et al. W.T. Stead: Newspaper Revolutionary (British Library, distributed by University of Chicago Press; 232 pages; 2013), essays by scholars
• Brake, Laurel. Stead alone: journalist, proprietor and publisher, 1890–1903 (British Library Press, 2013).
• Eckley, Grace. Maiden Tribute: A Life of W. T. Stead (2007).
• Gill, Clare. "" I'm really going to kill him this time": Olive Schreiner, WT Stead, and the Politics of Publicity in the Review of Reviews." Victorian Periodicals Review 46#2 (2013): 184–210.
• Goldsworthy, Simon. "English nonconformity and the pioneering of the modern newspaper campaign: including the strange case of WT Stead and the Bulgarian horrors." Journalism studies 7#3 (2006): 387-402.
• Luckhurst, Roger, et al. eds. WT Stead: newspaper revolutionary (The British Library Publishing Division, 2013).
• Prévost, Stéphanie. "WT Stead and the Eastern Question (1875–1911); or, How to Rouse England and Why?." Interdisciplinary Studies in the Long Nineteenth Century 19 (2013). online
• Schults, RL (1972). Crusader in Babylon: W.T. Stead and the Pall Mall Gazette. University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-0760-8.
• Regard, Frederic. "The Sexual Exploitation of the Poor in W.T. Stead's 'New Journalism': Humanity, Democracy and the Tabloid Press". Narrating Poverty and Precarity in England (B. Korte and F. Regard eds). Berlin, De Gruyter, 2014 : 75-91.
• Robinson, W. Sydney. Muckraker: The Scandalous Life and Times of W.T. Stead, Britain's First Investigative Journalist (Biteback Publishing, 2012).
• Whyte, Frederic. A Life of W. T. Stead (2 vol. 1925).

External links

• The W. T. Stead Resource Site
• "The Great Educator: a Biography of W.T. Stead"
• Online links to works by and about W. T. Stead
• Encyclopedia Titanica Biography of W. T. Stead
• William Stead: unscrupulous journalist or moral crusader? article by Roy Hattersley
• NewsStead: A Journal of History and Literature
• Spiritualism by William Thomas Stead and his daughter Estelle
• Website of Stead's most recent biographer, W. Sydney Robinson
• [ The Last Will and Testament of Cecil J. Rhodes, Edited by Stead
• Photograph of William T. Stead, signed From scrapbook in the Carrie Chapman Catt Collection in the Rare Book and Special Collection Division at the Library of Congress
• A New Portrait of Mr. William T. Stead, Taken in New York From scrapbook in the Carrie Chapman Catt Collection in the Rare Book and Special Collection Division at the Library of Congress
• Works by W. T. Stead at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about W. T. Stead at Internet Archive
• Works by W. T. Stead at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
• Works by Estelle Wilson Stead at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about Estelle Wilson Stead at Internet Archive
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Re: Round Table Movement, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Sun Apr 28, 2019 11:42 pm

Chatham House [The Royal Institute of International Affairs]
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/28/19



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Chatham House
Formation 1920; 99 years ago
Headquarters London, England

Theresa May speaking in 2015

The Royal Institute of International Affairs, commonly known as Chatham House, is a not-for-profit and non-governmental organisation based in London whose mission is to analyse and promote the understanding of major international issues and current affairs. It is the originator of the Chatham House Rule and takes its name from the building where it is based, a Grade I listed 18th-century house in St James's Square, designed in part by Henry Flitcroft and occupied by three British Prime Ministers, including William Pitt, 1st Earl of Chatham.

In the University of Pennsylvania’s rankings (announced in January 2017) for their Global Go To Think Tanks Report, Chatham House was ranked the think tank of the year, and the second most influential in the world after the Brookings Institution, and the world's most influential non-U.S. think tank.[1] In November 2016, Chatham House was also named Prospect magazine's Think-Tank of the Year, as well as the winner in the UK categories for International Affairs and Energy and Environment.[2]

The current chairman of the Council of Chatham House is Jim O'Neill and its director is Robin Niblett. The deputy director is Adam Ward and research directors are Rob Bailey, Patricia Lewis, and Alex Vines.

Chatham House has three presidents — from the two main political parties at Westminster: Sir John Major, former Prime Minister (Con.); The Baron Darling of Roulanish, former Chancellor of the Exchequer (Lab.); and The Baroness Manningham-Buller, a crossbench peer and former Director General of MI5.[3]


Juan Manuel Santos, President, Republic of Colombia - Chatham House Prize 2017, 9 November 2017

Drawing upon its members, Chatham House aims to promote debate on significant developments in international affairs and policy responses. Their independent research and analysis on global, regional and country-specific challenges is intended to offer new ideas to decision makers on how these could best be tackled from the near to the long term. Chatham House is routinely used as a source of information for media organisations seeking background or experts upon matters involving major international issues.

Chatham House is membership-based and anyone may join. It has a range of membership options for corporations, academic institutions, NGOs, and individuals including students and under 35s. In addition to corporate members consisting of government departments, large corporations, academic institutions, investment banks, NGOs, energy companies and other organisations, Chatham House currently has international leaders from business, diplomacy, science, politics and media as its individual members.[4]

Chatham House Rule

Chatham House is the origin of the non-attribution rule known as the Chatham House Rule, which provides that guests attending a meeting may discuss the content of the meeting in the outside world, but may not discuss who attended or identify what a specific individual said. The Chatham House Rule evolved to facilitate frank and honest discussion on controversial or unpopular issues by speakers who may not have otherwise had the appropriate forum to speak freely. Despite this, most meetings at Chatham House are held on the record, and not under the Chatham House Rule.

Research and publications

Africa Programme's event in 2015

Chatham House research is structured around three thematic departments - Energy, Environment and Resources, International Economics, International Security – and Area Studies and International Law, which comprises regional programmes on Africa, the US and Americas, Asia-Pacific, Europe, the Middle East and North Africa, and Russia and Eurasia, as well as the International Law programme.

Chatham House also contains the Centre on Global Health Security, headed by David L. Heymann.[5] and the Hoffmann Centre, headed by Bernice Lee.[6]

Major reports in 2018 include Transatlantic Relations: Converging or Diverging? which argued that the longer-term fundamentals of the transatlantic relationship remain strong.[7]

Several reports were published in 2017 – The Struggle for Ukraine[8] explored how, four years on from its Euromaidan revolution, Ukraine is fighting for survival as an independent and viable state. Chokepoints and Vulnerabilities in Global Food Trade[9] set out why policymakers must take action immediately to mitigate the risk of severe disruption at certain ports, maritime straits, and inland transport routes, which could have devastating knock-on effects for global food security. Collective Action on Corruption in Nigeria: A Social Norms Approach to Connecting Society and Institutions[10] examined how anti-corruption efforts could be made significantly more effective through new ways of understanding why people engage in the practice. America’s International Role Under Donald Trump[11] explored how Trump's personality and style – brash, unpredictable, contradictory and thin-skinned – promises to have a meaningful impact on his engagement in foreign affairs.

In 2016, Elite Perceptions of the United States in Latin America and the Post-Soviet States[12] examined how elites in Latin America and the former Soviet Union view the United States, and makes recommendations as to how the US could adjust its policies based on these perceptions.

2015 also saw several reports published - Nigeria’s Booming Borders: The Drivers and Consequences of Unrecorded Trade[13] showed how a critical opportunity exists to formalize trade and drive more sustainable and less volatile growth, Changing Climate, Changing Diets: Pathways to Lower Meat Consumption[14] outlined why reducing global meat consumption will be critical to keeping global warming below the ‘danger level’ of two degrees Celsius, Heat, Light and Power for Refugees: Saving Lives, Reducing Costs[15] examined the reasons why energy provision to displaced people undermines the fundamental humanitarian aims of assistance, and Towards a New Global Business Model for Antibiotics: Delinking Revenues from Sales[16] argued for revenues for pharmaceutical companies to be delinked from sales of antibiotics to avoid their over-use and avert a public health crisis.

Chatham House published the research paper Livestock – Climate Change’s Forgotten Sector: Global Public Opinion on Meat and Dairy Consumption in December 2014. It argued that there was a major lack of public awareness of the link between climate change and human consumption of meat and dairy products.[17]

Released in July 2014, NATO: Charting the Way Forward suggested future priorities for NATO in the light of world events, especially considering Afghanistan and Ukraine. The report was the culmination of a year of expert roundtable meetings, in preparation for NATO's 2014 summit in Wales.[18]

Declared the #2 Report of 2014 in the University of Pennsylvania’s 2014 Global Go To Think Tanks Report, How to Fix the Euro: Strengthening Economic Governance in Europe was produced in March 2014, in conjunction with the Real Instituto Elcano and the Agenzia di ricerche e legislazione. It examined why the economic and monetary union (EMU) was so badly affected by the global economic and financial crisis, and assessed whether further changes needed to be made to the structure of economic governance underpinning it.[19]

Western Policy towards Syria: Ten Recommendations was published in December 2013. This programme paper sought to inform a more strategic approach to the overall Western response to the crisis in Syria and its immediate neighbourhood, and to that end produced a list of 10 strategic recommendations for Western governments.[20]

The November 2013 report Conflict and Coexistence in the Extractive Industries examined disputes between governments and companies over mineral resources and how falling commodity prices, plus heightened concerns over resource security, environmental degradation and climate change, could bring further scrutiny and tensions to the sector.[21]

Chatham House released the report Managing Famine Risk in April 2013 which argued that while early warning systems for famine and food crises had a good record, early action had been heavily hindered by the perceived political risk in donor countries.[22]

In December 2012, Chatham House released Resources Futures, a report on resource insecurity and the potential for future supply disruptions, volatile prices, accelerated environmental degradation and rising political tensions over resource access.[23] The report proposed a new 'G8-style' group of critical producers and consumers called the 'Resource 30' or R30 to tackle resource price volatility.[24][25]

In May 2012, Chatham House published the report Shifting Capital: The Rise of Financial Centres in Greater China.[26] The report argued that China needs to develop a deeper and more diversified financial sector that reflects the size and the international integration of its real economy.

To assess what contribution, if any, gold could make to the international monetary system in the wake of the global financial crisis, Chatham House set up a global taskforce of experts in 2011. In February 2012, the taskforce released the report Gold and the International Monetary System[27] which concluded that although a gold standard may have limited reckless banking and debt accumulation, it likely would have created excessive constraint on national economic policies where more flexible responses were needed.

George Osborne and Christine Lagarde speaking at Chatham House, 9 September 2011

In September 2011 Chatham House published a report examining support for populist extremists across Europe and recommending how mainstream political parties could respond. Right Response: Understanding and Countering Populist Extremism in Europe, by Matthew Goodwin,[28] noted that extreme parties more effectively exchange ideas and strategies as compared to mainstream parties, and recommended established parties work together on best practice to confront this challenge.

In October 2010 Chatham House published a report entitled Strategy in Austerity: The Security and Defence of the United Kingdom.[29] The report offered a framework for assessing the quality and durability of the British government's Strategic Defence and Security Review. Briefing Papers were also published on Iraq, Yemen, Cyber-Warfare, and the legal implications of unmanned drones (UAVs) amongst others.

In September 2010 Chatham House produced the report The ‘Shale Gas Revolution’: Hype and Reality, by Paul Stevens,[30] which analysed the huge increase in unconventional gas production in the US. The report cast serious doubts over the industry's confidence in the ‘revolution’ and whether conditions in the US could be replicated. It received a Special Note in the Publication of the Year category at the Prospect Think Tank Awards 2011.[31]

A Chatham House analysis of the June 2009 Iranian presidential election voting figures by Ali Ansari, Daniel Berman and Thomas Rintoul[32] revealed irregularities in the official statistics that contradicted the official government line that a spate of newly participating voters had pushed President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to victory. This report was widely cited by major media outlets, including The New York Times,[33] BBC,[34] The Guardian,[35] The Telegraph,[36] The Wall Street Journal,[37] and the Financial Times.[38]


Muhammadu Buhari speaking at Chatham House, 26 February 2015

In addition to undertaking wide-ranging research, Chatham House hosts high-profile speakers from around the world. Recent speakers include Shinzō Abe, David Cameron, Aung San Suu Kyi, Christine Lagarde, Madeleine Albright, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Abdullah Gül, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, Herman Van Rompuy, Muhammad Yunus, Ban Ki-moon and on 26 February 2015, Muhammadu Buhari, presidential candidate of All Progressive Congress, Nigeria, spoke on the prospects of democratic consolidation in Africa : Nigeria's transition.[39]

Periodical publications

Chatham House also houses the key scholarly and policy journal International Affairs, as well as a bi-monthly magazine The World Today. The World Today is represented for syndication by Tribune Content Agency, a subsidiary of The Tribune Company.

Chatham House Prize

Hillary Clinton, recipient of the 2013 Chatham House Prize.

The Chatham House Prize is an annual award presented to "the statesperson or organisation deemed by Chatham House members to have made the most significant contribution to the improvement of international relations in the previous year".[40]

List of winners

Year / Name / Country
2005 President Viktor Yushchenko[40] Ukraine
2006 President Joaquim Chissano[40] Mozambique
2007 Sheikha Mozah Al Missned[40] Qatar
2008 President John Kufuor[40] Ghana
2009 President Lula da Silva[41] Brazil
2010 President Abdullah Gül[42] Turkey
2011 Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi[43] Myanmar
2012 President Moncef Marzouki and Rached Ghannouchi[40] Tunisia
2013 Secretary of State Hillary Clinton[44] United States
2014 Co-founder of the Bill and Melinda Gates foundation Melinda French Gates[45] United States
2015 Médecins Sans Frontières [46] Switzerland
2016 Minister of Foreign Affairs Mohammad Javad Zarif[47] Iran
Secretary of State John Kerry[47] United States
2017 President Juan Manuel Santos[48] Colombia
2018 Committee to Protect Journalists [49] United States



The Royal Institute of International Affairs finds its origins in a meeting, convened by Lionel Curtis, of the American and British delegates to the Paris Peace Conference on 30 May 1919. Curtis had long been an advocate for the scientific study of international affairs and, following the beneficial exchange of information after the peace conference, argued that the method of expert analysis and debate should be continued when the delegates returned home in the form of international institute.[50]

Lionel Curtis was instrumental in the founding of Chatham House.

Ultimately, the British and American delegates formed separate institutes, with the Americans developing the Council on Foreign Relations in New York.

The British Institute of International Affairs, as it was then known, held its inaugural meeting, chaired by Robert Cecil, on 5 July 1920. In this, former Foreign Secretary Edward Grey moved the resolution calling the institute into existence:

"That an Institute be constituted for the study of International Questions, to be called the British Institute of International Affairs."[51]

These two, along with Arthur J. Balfour and John R. Clynes, became the first Presidents of the Institute, with Curtis and G. M. Gathorne–Hardy appointed joint Honorary Secretaries.[51]

By 1922, as the Institute's membership grew, there was a need for a larger and more practical space and the Institute acquired, through the gift of Canadian Colonel R. W. Leonard, Chatham House, Number 10 St. James's Square, where the Institute is still housed.[52]

Inter-war years

Following its inception, the Institute quickly focused upon Grey's resolution, with the 1920s proving an active decade at Chatham House. The journal, International Affairs, was launched in January 1922, allowing for the international circulation of the various reports and discussions which took place within the Institute.[52]

After being appointed as Director of Studies, Professor Arnold Toynbee became the leading figure producing the Institute's annual Survey of International Affairs, a role he held until his retirement in 1955. While providing a detailed annual overview of international relations, the survey's primary role was ‘to record current international history’.[53] The survey continued until 1963 and was well received throughout the Institution, coming to be known as ‘the characteristic external expression of Chatham House research: a pioneer in method and a model for scholarship.’[54]

In 1926, 14 members of Chatham House represented the United Kingdom at the first conference of the Institute of Pacific Relations, a forum dedicated to the discussion of problems and relations between Pacific nations.[55] The IPR served as a platform for the Institute to develop an advanced political and commercial awareness of the region, with special focus being place upon China's economic development and international relations.[56]

In the same year the Institute received its Royal Charter, thereupon being known as the Royal Institute of International Affairs. The Charter set out the aims and objectives of the Institute, reaffirming its wish to ‘advance the sciences of international politics...promote the study and investigation of international questions by means of lectures and discussion…promote the exchange of information, knowledge and thought on international affairs.’[57]

Further expansion

1929 marked the next stage in the Institute's development with the appointment of a full-time chief executive or director when Ivison Macadam was appointed to the position (Secretary and then Director-General) [58] where he oversaw the Institute's rapid expansion with its growing research, organisational and financial needs.[59] A role he occupied until 1955.

Macadam was able to secure funding to expand the physical plant of the Institute by acquiring the freeholds of 6 Duke of York Street, then called York Street, (largely though the generosity of Waldorf Astor, John Power and others) and later 9 St James's Square, then the Portland Club, in 1943 (through a donation to cover its purchase by Henry Price), and connect these adjoining properties to the original freehold property of Chatham House at 10, St James Square (with the cost of these connections covered by Astor's sons, William, David and John). Power also donated his leasehold property in Chesham Place to the Institute in 1938. These additional properties provided much needed additional space for the Institute's activities.[60]

1929 also saw the inception of the Institute's special study group on the international gold problem. The group, which included leading economists such as John Maynard Keynes, conducted a three-year study into the developing economic issues which the post-war international monetary settlement created.[61] The group's research anticipated Britain's decision to abandon the gold standard two years later.[62]

Around this time Chatham House became known as the place for leading statesmen and actors in world affairs to visit when in London; notably, Mahatma Gandhi visited the institute on 20 October 1931, in which he delivered a talk on ‘The Future of India’. The talk was attended by 750 members making it the Institute's largest meeting up to that point.[63]

Committee of Post-War Reconstruction meeting in the Institute's Common Room, 1943.

In 1933 Norman Angell, whilst working within the Institute's Council, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his book The Great Illusion, making him the first and only Laureate to be awarded the prize for publishing a book.[63]

Chatham House held the first Commonwealth Relations Conference in Toronto, Ontario, Canada in 1933. Held roughly every five years, the conference provided a forum for leading politicians, lawyers, academics and others to discuss the implications of recent Imperial Conferences.[64] With various dominion nations seeking to follow individual foreign policy aims, Neill Malcolm, the chairman of the Canadian Institute for International Affairs, emphasised the need for "essential agreement in matters of foreign policy between the various Governments," with the Commonwealth Relations Conference being the vehicle upon which this cooperation would be achieved and maintained.[65]

In 1937, Robert Cecil was also awarded the Nobel Prize for his commitment to, and defence of, the League of Nations and the pursuit for peace and disarmament amongst its members.[66]

War years, 1939–1945

The outbreak of WWII led the Chairman Bill Astor to decentralise the Institute, with the majority of staff moving to Balliol College, Oxford. Throughout the war years the Institute worked closely with the Foreign Office who requested various reports on foreign press, historical and political background of the enemy and various other topics. The few who remained in London were either drafted into various government departments or worked under Toynbee, dedicating their research to the war effort.[67]

The Institute also provided many additional services to scholars and the armed forces. Research facilities were opened to refugee and allied academics, whilst arrangements were made for both the National Institute of Economic and Social Research and the Polish Research Centre to relocate to the Institute following the bombing of their premises. In addition, allied officers undertook courses in international affairs at the Institute in an attempt to develop their international and political awareness.[67]

The post-war years

Chatham House had been researching potential post-war issues as early as 1939 through the Committee on Reconstruction.[67] Whilst a number of staff returned to the Institute at the end of the war, a proportion of members found themselves joining a range of international organisations, including the United Nations and the International Monetary Fund. Combining this with the Institute's early support of the League of Nations and impact of the gold study on the Bretton Woods system, Chatham House found itself to be a leading actor in international political and economic redevelopment.[67]

Margaret Thatcher leaving Chatham House after attending the 'Inside Saudi Arabia: Society, Economy and Defence' conference, October 1993.

In reaction to the changing post-war world, Chatham House embarked on a number of studies relating to Britain and the Commonwealth's new political stature, in light of growing calls for decolonisation and the development of the Cold War.[68] A board of studies in race relations was created in 1953, allowing for the close examination of changing attitudes and calls for racial equality throughout the world. The group broke off into an independent charity in 1958, forming the Institute of Race Relations.[69]

Following the Cuban missile crisis and Brazilian coup d'état, the institute developed a growing focus on the Latin American region. Che Guevara, then Cuba's Minister of Industry, wrote an analysis of ‘The Cuban Economy: Its Past and Present Importance’ in 1964 for International Affairs, displaying the Institute's desire to tackle the most difficult international issues.[70]

Chatham House played a more direct role in the international affairs of the Cold War through the October 1975 Anglo-Soviet round-table, the first in a series of meetings between Chatham House and the Institute of World Economy and International Relations in Moscow. As an early example of two-track diplomacy, the meeting sought to develop closer communication and improved relations between Britain and the Soviet Union, one of the first such attempts in the Cold War.[71]

Soon after the first Anglo-Soviet round-table, the Institute began an intensive research project into ‘British Foreign Policy to 1985’. Its primary aim was to analyse the foreign policy issues which Britain would encounter in the near and far future. Research began in 1976 and the findings were published in International Affairs between 1977 and 1979.

At the start of the 1980s, the Council moved to expand the Institute's research capabilities in two key emerging areas. The first modern programmes to be created under this initiative were the Energy and Research Programme and the International Economics Programme, formed in 1980 - 1981.[72]

In addition to reshaping its research practices, the Institute also sought to strengthen its international network, notably amongst economically prosperous nations. For example, Chatham House's Far East programme, created with the intention of improving Anglo-Japanese relations in the long and short term, was bolstered by the support of the Japan 2000 group in 1984.[73]

Nelson Mandela delivering a speech at the Chatham House conference 'South Africa: The Opportunity for Business', 10 July 1996.

Recent history

The Institute celebrated its 75th anniversary in 1995, an event marked by the visit of Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh. During her visit, The Queen was briefed by the Institute's experts on South Africa in preparation for her impending visit to the country following the end of apartheid.

The year 1998 marked the creation of the Angola Forum. Combining the nation's oil reserves with its growing international ambition, Angola quickly became an influential African nation. As a result, Chatham House launched the Forum to create an international platform for ‘forward looking, policy focused and influential debate and research'.[74] The Institute’s wider Africa Programme was created in 2002, beginning the modern structure of area studies programmes.[75]

In 2005, "Security, Terrorism and the UK" was published.[76] The publication, which links the UK's participation in the Iraq War and the nation's exposure to terrorism, gained significant media attention.

The Chatham House Prize was also launched in 2005, recognising state actors who made a significant contribution to international relations the previous year. Queen Elizabeth II presented the debut award to Ukrainian President Victor Yushchenko.[77]

In January 2013 the Institute announced its Academy for Leadership in International Affairs, offering potential and established world leaders a 12-month fellowship at the institution with the aim of providing ‘a unique programme of activities and training to develop a new generation of leaders in international affairs.’ In November 2014, The Queen, accompanied by Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh, once again visited and formally launched the Academy under the title of the Queen Elizabeth II Academy for Leadership in International Affairs.[78]

See also

• Australian Institute of International Affairs
• Canadian International Council
• Council on Foreign Relations
• German Council on Foreign Relations
• International Affairs
• List of UK think tanks
• Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael
• Pakistan Institute of International Affairs
• Singapore Institute of International Affairs
• South African Institute of International Affairs
• The World Today


1. "2017 Think Tank Rankings - Cheat Sheet". Retrieved 5 January 2018.
2. Team, Prospect. "Think Tank Awards 2016: the winners". Retrieved 5 January 2018.
3. "Patron and Presidents". Chatham House. Retrieved 5 January 2018.
4. "Become a member". Chatham House.
5. "Professor David L. Heymann - expert profile on Chatham House website".
6. "Bernice Lee OBE - expert profile on Chatham House website".
7. Wickett, X. (January 2018). "Transatlantic Relations: Converging or Diverging?".
8. Lutsevych, O.; et al. (October 2017). "The Struggle for Ukraine".
9. Bailey, R. and Wellesley, L. (June 2017). "Chokepoints and Vulnerabilities in Global Food Trade".
10. Hoffmann, L.K. and Patel, R.N. (May 2017). "Collective Action on Corruption in Nigeria: A Social Norms Approach to Connecting Society and Institutions".
11. Wickett, X.; et al. (January 2017). "America's International Role Under Donald Trump".
12. Parakilas, J. (September 2016). "Elite Perceptions of the United States in Latin America and the Post-Soviet States".
13. Hoffmann, L.K. and Melly, P. (December 2015). "Nigeria's Booming Borders: The Drivers and Consequences of Unrecorded Trade".
14. Wellesley, L.; et al. (November 2015). "Changing Climate, Changing Diets: Pathways to Lower Meat Consumption".
15. Lahn, G. and Grafham, O. (November 2015). ... cing-costs. Missing or empty |title= (help)
16. Clift, C.; et al. (October 2015). "Towards a New Global Business Model for Antibiotics: Delinking Revenues from Sales".
17. Bailey, R.; et al. (December 2014). "Livestock – Climate Change's Forgotten Sector: Global Public Opinion on Meat and Dairy Consumption".
18. Wickett, X.; et al. (July 2014). "NATO: Charting the Way Forward".
19. Pickford, S.; et al. (March 2014). "How to Fix the Euro: Strengthening Economic Governance in Europe".
20. Spencer, C.; et al. (December 2013). "Western Policy towards Syria: Ten Recommendations".
21. "Commodity disputes likely to increase" Archived 21 February 2014 at the Wayback Machine. CNBC (2013-11-28). Retrieved 2014-02-03.
22. Kinver, Mark (2013-04-05). "Chatham House report: Famine risks are badly managed". BBC News. Retrieved 2013-06-26.
23. Harding, Robin (2012-12-10). "Nationalism threat to resource prices". Financial Times. Retrieved 2012-12-19.
24. Bawden, Tom (2012-12-10). "Pressure on dwindling resources 'threatens global chaos'". The Independent. Retrieved 2012-12-19.
25. Bromby, Robin (2012-12-13). "Talkfest won't tackle the big issues". The Australian. Retrieved 2012-12-19.
26. Subacchi, P.; et al. (May 2012). "Shifting Capital: The Rise of Financial Centres in Greater China" (PDF).
27. "Gold and the International Monetary System" (PDF). Chatham House Gold Taskforce. February 2012.
28. Goodwin, Matthew (September 2011). "Right Response: Understanding and Countering Populist Extremism in Europe"(PDF).
29. Cornish, P (October 2010). "Strategy in Austerity, The Security and Defence of the United Kingdom" (PDF).
30. Stevens, P. (September 2010). "The 'Shale Gas Revolution': Hype and Reality" (PDF).
31. "Prospect Magazine Think Tank Awards 2011". on think tanks. 11 October 2011. Retrieved 4 August 2014.
32. Ansari, A.; Berman, D.; Rintoul, T. (June 2009). "Preliminary Analysis of the Voting Figures in Iran's 2009 Presidential Election" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 5 October 2011. Retrieved 30 August 2012.
33. Editors, The. "Answering Your Iran Questions".
34. Reynolds, Paul (23 June 2009). "Middle East | Iran: Where did all the votes come from?". BBC News. Retrieved 4 August2014.
35. "Magic numbers | Ali Ansari | Comment is free". The Guardian. Retrieved 4 August 2014.
36. McElroy, Damien (22 June 2009). "Mousavi urges more protests as Iran's hardline leadership arrests opposition member's family". Telegraph. Retrieved 4 August 2014.
37. Farnaz Fassihi (23 June 2009). "Heavy Security Reins In Iranian Protests". WSJ.
38. Blitz, James (21 June 2009). "Tensions deepen as UK rebuffs Tehran claims". Retrieved 4 August 2014.
39. TheatreSmart; et al. (September 2016). "Chatham House Membership Review".
40. "Chatham House Prize". Chatham House. Retrieved 12 November 2013.
41. "Lula: Brazil's Olympic Champion". 6 October 2009. Archived from the original on 28 November 2010. Retrieved 5 June 2010.
42. "Gül winner of prestigious Chatham House award". 20 March 2010. Archived from the original on 16 October 2012. Retrieved 5 Jun 2010.
43. "Winner of prestigious Chatham House award 2011". 2 December 2011. Retrieved 2 December 2011.
44. "Hillary Clinton voted Chatham House Prize winner" (Press release). Chatham House. 28 August 2013.
45. "Winner of prestigious Chatham House award 2014". 21 November 2014. Retrieved 6 February 2015.
46. "Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) Awarded 2015 Chatham House Prize". 22 June 2015.
47. "John Kerry and Mohammad Javad Zarif named winners of the Chatham House Prize 2016". Chatham House. 24 October 2016. Retrieved 25 October 2016.
48. "President Juan Manuel Santos named winner of the Chatham House Prize 2017".
49. [1]
50. Carrington (2004), p. 47
51. Carrington (2004), p. 48
52. Carrington (2004), p. 50
53. 'Report of the Council of the Royal Institute of International Affairs to the 7th AGM' in The Royal Institute of International Affairs Annual Reports 1926-1931, (London: Chatham House, 1931), p. 3.
54. 'Report of the Council of the Royal Institute of International Affairs to the 7th AGM' in The Royal Institute of International Affairs Annual Reports 1926-1931, (London: Chatham House, 1931), p. 11.
55. 'Report of the 8th AGM' in Annual Reports 1926-1931, p. 3
56. 'Report of the 11th AGM' in Annual Reports 1926-1931, p. 31.
57. 'Report of the 11th AGM' in Annual Reports 1926-1931, pp. 5 - 6.
58. Chatham House: Its History and Inhabitants, C. E. Carrington, Revised and updated by Mary Bone, The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2004.
59. Obituary of Ivison Macadam published in The Times , London, 31 December 1974 by Kenneth Younger
60. The Institute then owned the freeholds covering a rectangle of properties fronting on 10 and 9 in St. James’s Square on the south running north bordered on the east by Duke of York Street to the properties on Ormand Yard on the north (the mews immediately south of Jermyn Street). These freehold properties also later proved to be a valuable financial asset when in the 1960s the northern properties were redeveloped to provide additional annual income for the Institute. Chatham House: Its History and Inhabitants, C. E. Carrington, Revised and updated by Mary Bone, The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2004.
61. "The International Gold Problem, 1931-2011". Retrieved 27 January 2014.
62. Kisch, C. H. "The Gold Problem" (PDF). Chatham House. Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 June 2013. Retrieved 31 January 2014.
63. "Sir Norman Angell - Facts". 7 October 1967. Retrieved 4 August 2014.
64. McIntyre, W. David (2008). "The Unofficial Commonwealth Relations Conferences, 1933–59: Precursors of the Tri-sector Commonwealth". Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History. 36 (4): 591–614. doi:10.1080/03086530802560992.
65. 'Report of the 13th AGM' in The Royal Institute of International Affairs Annual Reports 1931-1932, pp. 9-10.
66. "Robert Cecil - Facts". 24 November 1958. Retrieved 4 August 2014.
67. Carrington (2004), pp. 63-64
68. Julius, Dr. DeAnne. "Impartial and International" (PDF). Chatham House. Archived from the original (PDF) on 18 October 2012. Retrieved 24 January 2014.
69. "About | Institute of Race Relations". Retrieved 4 August 2014.
70. The Royal Institute of International Affairs Annual Reports, 1964-1965, p. 3.
71. The Royal Institute of International Affairs Annual Reports, 1975-1976, p. 3.
72. The Royal Institute of International Affairs Annual Reports, 1980–1981, p. 9.
73. The Royal Institute of International Affairs Annual Reports, 1984-1985, p. 7.
74. "Angola Forum". Chatham House.
75. "Africa Programme". Chatham House.
76. "International Security Department". Chatham House.
77. "Impartial and International" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 18 October 2012. Retrieved 3 February 2014.
78. "Academy for Leadership in International Affairs". Chatham House. Retrieved 4 August 2014.


• Carrington, Charles (2004). Chatham House: Its History and Inhabitants. Chatham House. ISBN 1-86203-154-1.

External links

• Official website
• Charity Commission. The Royal Institute of International Affairs, registered charity no. 208223.
• Architectural history and description - from the Survey of London
• Conference papers, research memoranda and miscellaneous papers relating to the work of the Far East Department of the Royal Institute of International Affairs are held by SOAS Archives.
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Re: Round Table Movement, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Mon Apr 29, 2019 12:26 am

Reginald Brett, 2nd Viscount Esher
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 4/28/19



The Right Honourable
Reginald Brett, 2nd Viscount Esher
Member of the United Kingdom Parliament
for Penryn and Falmouth
In office
Serving with David James Jenkins
Preceded by
Henry Thomas Cole
David James Jenkins
Succeeded by David James Jenkins
Constable and Governor of Windsor Castle
In office
Preceded by Adolphus Cambridge, 1st Marquess of Cambridge
Succeeded by Alexander Cambridge, 1st Earl of Athlone
Personal details
Born Reginald Baliol Brett
30 June 1852
London, England
Died 22 January 1930 (aged 77)
Political party Liberal
Spouse(s) Eleanor Van de Weyer
4, including:
Dorothy Brett
Sylvia of Sarawak
William Baliol Brett, 1st Viscount Esher
Eugénie Mayer
Eton College
Trinity College, Cambridge
Occupation Politician, courtier, historian

Reginald Baliol Brett, 2nd Viscount Esher, GCVO, KCB, PC, DL (30 June 1852 – 22 January 1930) was a historian and Liberal politician in the United Kingdom, although his greatest influence over military and foreign affairs was as a courtier, member of public committees and behind-the-scenes "fixer", or rather éminence grise.

Career courtier and 'fixer'

Background and education

Reginald, known as Regy, Brett was the son of William Baliol Brett, 1st Viscount Esher and Eugénie Mayer (1814–1904).[1] Born in London, Esher remembered sitting on the lap of an old man who had played the violin for Marie Antoinette, and was educated at Eton and Trinity College, Cambridge. He held a militia commission after Cambridge.[2][3] His father, who was to be Solicitor-General in Disraeli's first ministry (1868), distinguished himself in the 1867 Reform Act debate dutifully supporting the triumphant Disraeli. In 1868 he was named a judge on the Court of Common Pleas; in 1876 he became a Lord Justice of Appeal and in 1883 Master of the Rolls. A distinguished common law judge, in 1885 he was raised to the peerage as Baron Esher by prime minister Lord Salisbury. On his retirement as Master of the Rolls in 1897, he was created first Viscount Esher. "Regy"'s mother was a French émigrée, who had arrived in England, after being expelled for supporting Bonaparte. A refugee she was adopted by the Duke of Wellington's secretary John Gurwood. She was the famous jejeune captivated in Disraeli's novel Coningsby. The happy couple met for the romantic bohemian Tory set at Longleat House and, at the home of the society hostess Lady Blessington.

At Eton Brett was taught by influential master William Johnson Cory, whose pupils included the future prime minister Lord Rosebery and others in the highest echelons of society. Rosebery's idealistic learning from romantic poets Wordsworth and Coleridge, the liberal philosopher J S Mill, the chemistry of Leibniz, music of Mozart, and Jeremy Bentham were intellectual influences on the young Regy. Going up to Trinity College, Cambridge, Brett was profoundly influenced by William Harcourt the radical lawyer, politician and Professor of International Law. Harcourt controlled Brett's rooms, and lifestyle at Cambridge. Brett's father had introduced him to Albert Grey's Committee, but had a long-standing dispute with General Charles Grey, the Queen's Equerry. Brett was admitted to the Society of Apostles, dedicated to emergent philosophies of European atheism; their number included the aristocratic literati of liberalism Frank, Gerald and Eustace Balfour, Frederick and Arthur Myers, Hallam and Lionel Tennyson, Edmund Gurney, S H and J G Butcher. Brett experimented approaching conversion to High Mass from Cardinal Newman on Sundays in London. The Oxford Movement included historians, J Sedgwick and F M Maitland holding an equally profound sway over his youthful scholarship.

Brett was seen with the Carlton Gardens set of Lady Granville, he was friend of the Clare brothers, introduced by the Earl de Grey. He visited Howick Park, and took law with Lord Brougham and Vaux. The famous lawyer's lectures coincided with Justice Brett's employment with Richard Cross, as a parliamentary re-drafter at the Home Office. Albert Grey introductions provided an invitation to the India Office and entrée to met Sir Bartle Frere, the colonial administrator. When Disraeli tried to enforce Anglicanism, in the Public Worship Bill, and was defeated, Brett wrote copious letters to Hartington, leader of the Liberals in the Commons. The consequences were to push Harcourt into the limelight as a leading Liberal in the Commons. But moderates tended to be dragged into sharing a religious position when the Disraelian tradition was threatening to split English liberalism. Brett visited the actor's daughter Lady Waldegrave at Strawberry Hill, and took deportment lessons from the Duchess of Manchester at Kimbolton, Hartington's private secretary, stamping his credentials as a rich aesthete. Regy was a socialite cultivating many friendships among both aristocratic and successful people. Early on a passion for tradition and imperial liberalism would frustrate the radical right.[4]

Courtier, diplomat and Liberal MP

The Great Eastern Crisis had released Turkey from the threat of Russian invasion. But the success of the Midlothian Campaign had re-energized Gladstone's authority as rightful leader of his party; casting Hartington and Brett as marginalized jingoes. Six years later the Whigs would be pushed into the unionist camp. Brett needed his vanity satisfied but felt comfortable in neither party. He rose to become the mediator between Liberal factions, and was a leading light at the Liberal Round Table Conference in 1887.

Having been a Conservative as a young man, Brett began his political career in 1880, as Liberal Member of Parliament for Penryn and Falmouth. He was Parliamentary Private Secretary to Lord Hartington, when Secretary of State for War (1882–85) and once drove him to a Cabinet meeting on a sleigh through the snow.[2] However he elected to withdraw from public politics in 1885, after losing an election at Plymouth, in favour of a behind the scenes role. He was instrumental in the Jameson raid of 1895 vigorously defending the imperialist Cecil Rhodes.

In 1895, Lord Brett became Permanent Secretary to the Office of Works, where the Prince of Wales was impressed by his zeal and dedication to the elderly Queen Victoria.[2] A lift was built at Windsor Castle to get the elderly Queen upstairs in a redecorated palace. In Kensington Palace, Esher would push the Queen around in wheel chair so she could revisit her childhood. The devoted royal servant would work even more closely with Edward VII. Upon his father's death on 24 May 1899, he succeeded him as 2nd Viscount Esher.

Brett in 1880

During the Boer War Esher had to intervene in the row between Lansdowne and General Wolseley, the Commander-in-Chief, who tended to blame the politician for military failures. He would make the walk between palace and War Office to iron out problems. Into the political vacuum, Esher wrote the memos that became established civil service procedure. When the Elgin Commission was asked to report on the conduct of war, it was Esher who wrote it after the Khaki Election, and continued to act to influence both King and parliament. They met Admiral Fisher at Balmoral to discuss reform of Naval structures, which relied heavily on Fisher's complex web of relatives in senior posts.[5]

In 1901, Lord Esher was appointed a deputy lieutenant of Berkshire[6] and became Deputy Governor and Constable of Windsor Castle.[7] He remained close to the royal family until his death. By the end of 1903 Esher was meeting or corresponding with King Edward VII every day.[2] He lived at 'Orchard Lea', Winkfield on the edge of the Great Park. During this period, he helped edit Queen Victoria's papers, publishing a work called Correspondence of Queen Victoria (1907).[8]

From 1903 Esher shunned office, but was a member of Lord Elgin's South African War Commission,[9] which investigated Britain's near-failure in the Boer War. At this time he was writing to the King daily (and having three or four meetings a day with the King’s adviser Lord Knollys), informing him of the views of the Commission, of party leaders, and War Office civil servants with whom he was still in touch from his days working for Hartington. St John Brodrick, Secretary of State for War, was resentful of Esher’s influence.[2] Brodrick's scope for operation was paralysed by Esher's circumvention, and the government was much weakened in October 1903 when Joseph Chamberlain and Devonshire resigned over the former's plans for Tariff Reform.

Esher Committee

In 1904 Esher set up a sub-committee of Committee for Imperial Defence, known as the Esher Committee of which he was appointed chairman. To achieve the King's desired reforms of the Army, Esher formed an uneasy alliance with Sir George Clarke, the permanent secretary, to directly undermine H O Arnold-Foster's attempt to block militia reform, Clarke "discountenancing" told him he could not possibly read the Order".[10] A Triumvirate included Esher, Rosebery, and General Murray, notorious for making policy on the hoof misusing ministerial offices[clarification needed]. Furious Esher was determined the King should have intervention: on 7 December, Arnold-Foster advised to save £2m the militia must be absorbed into the Army. His scheming encouraged by the King, wanted Balfour to look to party first, while at the same time warning the King's Secretary that "the Prime Minister will have to take matters into his own hands".[11] Esher's role was for sixty-seven years a secret, by a memorandum behind the scenes[clarification needed], unaccountable to parliament. It was decided on 19 December a Reserve Force should be set up "in commission". On 12 January Esher told the minister to accept his sub-committee's recommendation, even though Arnold-Foster had not even been told of the agenda.[12] Despite the intrigues, the King approved of the committee's work.[13]

Esher cultivated a friendship with Colonel Sir Edmund Ward[verification needed], secretary to the Army Council in order to control minute-taking, the agenda, and meetings quorum[clarification needed] telling him he had secret information of "proof of the Army Order"; and a plan known as "Traverse" towards Army decentralisation. That was in September 1904 when the Army Council's powers were still undefined at the time it was enlarged by Lord Knollys. The issue confronting Esher was the Royal Prerogative which had been circumvented "without reference to the Sovereign".[14] He marched into Arnold-Foster's office to remind him that precedent under Victoria had been to yield to arguments from the monarch[15] which had already been put forward by the Adjutant-General.[16]

Liberal War Office

Reginald Brett at his writing table in 1905

Behind the scenes, he influenced many pre-First World War military reforms and was a supporter of the British–French Entente Cordiale. He chaired the War Office Reconstitution Committee.[9] This recommended radical reform of the British Army, including the setting up of the Army Council, and established the Committee of Imperial Defence, a permanent secretariat that Esher joined in 1905. From 1904 all War Office appointments were approved and often suggested by Esher. He approved the setting up of the Territorial Force, although he saw it as a step towards conscription; a step not taken. Many of Esher’s recommendations were nonetheless, implemented under the new Liberal governments of Henry Campbell-Bannerman and H. H. Asquith by Haldane, Secretary of State for War, assisted by Esher's protege the young Major-General Douglas Haig.[2] When Haldane entered the War Office, he was provided with Colonel Sir Gerard Ellison as a new military secretary to make the transitional reforms. Haldane wished to avoid 'corner cuts' and so established the Information Bureau in the War Office. Although Eshers's biographer Peter Fraser argued "the Haldane reforms owed little to Haldane."[17] The initial Liberal reforms were thrown out by the Lords, and the resulting documents looked like Esher's original efforts.[18]

Esher found his son, Oliver Brett, a job as an additional secretary to John Morley and he was on good terms with Capt Sinclair, Campbell-Bannerman's secretary.

Esher's involvements in the Territorial Army were not limited to the War Office. He was the first chairman appointed in 1908 to the County of London Territorial Forces Association and its president from 1912 to his death, in addition he was appointed honorary colonel of the 5th (Reserve) Battalion of the Royal Fusiliers in 1908 and held the same appointment with the 63rd (London) Brigade of the Royal Field Artillery from 1910 to 1921.[19]

Esher's royal triumph and the Entente Cordiale

Esher was appointed a Deputy Lieutenant of the County of London in 1909.[20] and the King's Aide-de-Camp. Depicted as a disciple of national efficiency, an able administrator, and a silky, smooth influence as a courtier, he was accused of being an arch-insider, undemocratic and interfering.[21] Moreover, the King liked Esher, and so his influence over the Army grew, leading to a more liberal far-sighted attitude towards the possibility of averting conflict in Europe. Esher's invaluable contribution prevented further promotion in a political career, in which he had been destined for high cabinet office. His close political friends in the Liberal party included Edward Marjoribanks and Earl Rosebery. His aristocratic connections and military experience made him an ideal grandee, but such was the importance of his ties to the monarch, that his career was somewhat restrictive of ambition. He was by nature ambitious, 'clubbable' sociable, and frequently seen at High Society parties in the fashionable houses of the Edwardian era. He was secretive and patriotic: accordingly founding the Society of Islanders. Its one great principle was to build "two for one Keels" over and above any other Navy in the world in order to maintain global peace.

In 1911 Esher helped ease out Lord Knollys, who was then seventy-five years old, having been in the Royal Household since 1862, but who had lost some royal confidence over the negotiation of the Parliament Act. Esher arranged a replacement as King George V's principal adviser with Lord Stamfordham.[2]

Esher declined many public offices, including the Viceroyalty of India and the Secretaryship for War, a job to which King Edward VII had urged he be appointed.[2]

Esher's Great War

In January 1915, Esher visited Premier Briand in Paris, who told him Lloyd George had "a longer view than any of our leaders". An earlier opening of a Salonika Front might have prevented the entry of Bulgaria into the war".[22] He also made contact with Bunau Varilla, editor of Le Matin, to keep Russia in "the alliance and Americans to come to aid of Europe".[23] By 1916 the French war effort was almost spent. Finance Minister, Alexandre Ribot told them to sue for peace, Esher reported.[24] At the Chantilly Conference they discussed combined operations - "Dans la guerre l'inertie est une honte."[clarification needed][25] Esher accompanied Sir Douglas Haig to the Amiens Conference, but was back in Paris to be informed of the surprise news of Kitchener's death. Returning to London Esher spoke with Billy Hughes, Prime Minister of Australia. The following month at the Beaugency Conference they discussed the Somme Offensive. "For heaven's sake put every ounce you have got of will power into this offensive" he told Hankey.[26] He often travelled to France to leave the "mephitic" atmosphere of the War Office,[27] on a trip to Liaison Officer, Colonel Sidney Clive at Chantilly. He learnt first hand the French government's scheme for a "Greater Syria" to include British controlled Palestine. France's ally on the Eastern Front, Russia, had been badly defeated the previous year; so Asquith's neutrality over Briand's Salonika Plan perplexed Esher. He perceived the balance of power in cabinet shifting towards a new more conservative coalition.[28]

During the First World War Esher was, in one writer’s description, de facto head of British Intelligence in France, reporting on the French domestic and political situation, although he told his son he preferred not to have a formal position where he would have to take orders.[2] His son Maurice Brett set up a bureau in Paris called Intelligence Anglaise keeping his father informed through a small spy network with links to newspaper journalists.

In 1917 he told Lloyd George that the diplomacy in Paris was weak, informing the Prime Minister that he "was badly served". The ambassador Lord Bertie was the last of the Victorian imperial envoys, and was failing to do enough to persuade a faltering France to remain fighting in the war. When offered the ambassadorship in Bertie's stead Esher crowed "I cannot imagine anything I would detest more."[29] His considerable diplomatic skills included fluent French and German. The following month there was a French mutiny, as the Poilus were dying in appalling conditions. Haig and Wilson lent their support to an offensive to bolster the French. Petain, the new French commander-in-chief, was deemed too defensive: Esher sent Colonel Repington as liaison officer on a 'charm offensive'. Backed by Churchill and Milner for dramatic action, Esher entered a diplomatic conversation with the Cabinet's War Policy Committee; a unique new departure in the management of British policy. The bad weather and sickness of war made Esher ill in 1917; he was encouraged by the King to holiday at Biarritz.

Partly on Esher's advice, the War Office undertook major re-organization in 1917. He advised unification of commands, in which all British military commands would be controlled from Whitehall's Imperial War Office only.[30] Esher was at the famous Crillon Club dinner meeting in Paris on 1 December 1917 in which with Clemenceau they took critical decisions over the strategy for 1918. The Allied Governments proposed a unified Allied Reserve, despite negative press and publicity in the Commons. As cabinet enforcer, Esher visited Henry Wilson on 9 February 1918, during the crisis over his succession to Robertson as CIGS. Esher became instrumental in remonstrating with loose press articles critical of the war effort in particular, the Northcliffe press and the Morning Post, which was seized and shut down at 6.30 pm on Tuesday, 10 February 1918. In France, Esher had established a rapprochement with the press to help hold the Poincare-Clemenceau government together, at a time when England was at the zenith of her military strength."[31]

Esher was admitted to the Privy Council in 1922. In 1928 he became Constable and Governor of Windsor Castle, an office he had always wanted, holding it until his death in 1930.

Historian and retirement

Lord Esher was also a historian; besides the aforementioned work, he also published works on King Edward VII and Lord Kitchener. Together with Liberal MP Lewis ("Loulou") Harcourt he established the London Museum, which opened its doors on 5 March 1912.[32] In February 1920 he proof read Haig's History of the General Head Quarters 1917-1918. That summer Esher's critique of a Life of Disraeli appeared in Quarterly Review. His own life would be written by Oliver, eldest son and heir.

As the Great War concluded Esher intimated that the King wanted his resignation as Lieutenant-Governor of Windsor. In fact he coveted the post of Keeper of the Royal Archives. Stamfordham demanded his resignation in favour of historian Sir John Fortescue, but Esher remained as Governor. Professionalization also warned Hankey against becoming secretary to the Peace Conference, which to Esher's mind was beyond his competence. Esher also persuaded his friend not to desert the Empire for the League of Nations. Domestic unrest and trade unionism, which Esher loathed, as it threatened peace and stability, also destabilized his position as President of the Army of India Committee. Ever skeptical of political changes, "omnivorous" introductions to the Viceroy's work forced him to decline a solicitous offer to chair a sub-committee of the Conditions of the Poor.

Family life

Esher's most cheerful experiences were at Roman Camp in Callander, Scotland. He embraced the healthy Scottish highland air. His son, Maurice Brett was the successful founder of MI6 in Esher's Paris flat during the war; a meeting place for Prime Ministers and Presidents. In November 1919, Maurice sold Orchard Lea; Esher was a family man.

Astute, reserved, and modestly discreet Esher assiduously courted success and avoided scandal. He turned down an invitation to attend on David, Prince of Wales and his mistress Freda Dudley Ward at Balmoral. But when his wild, artistic daughter invited Colette and husband Bunau Varilla, the family stayed on his yacht in the Clyde; family came first.[33] Dorothy Brett was a slightly bohemian artist living at 2 Tilney Street. She befriended Gertler, a wild Russian Jew, her father despaired.


British honours

• KCB : Knight Commander the Order of the Bath – announced in the 1902 Coronation Honours list on 26 June 1902[34] – invested by King Edward while on board his yacht HMY Victoria and Albert on 28 July 1902[35] (gazetted 11 July 1902)[36]
• GCVO: Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order (previously KCVO)
Foreign honours


In 1879, Reginald Brett married Eleanor Van de Weyer, daughter of Belgian ambassador Sylvain Van de Weyer and granddaughter of Anglo-American financier Joshua Bates. They had four children.

• Their elder son, Oliver Sylvain Baliol Brett became 3rd Viscount Esher and was a Fellow of the Royal Institute of British Architects. He married Antoinette Heckscher, daughter of August Heckscher.
• Their second son, Maurice Vyner Baliol Brett, married the famous musical theatre actress Zena Dare.
• Their older daughter, Dorothy, was a painter and member of the Bloomsbury Group. She studied at the Slade School of Fine Artsand spent years in New Mexico.
• Their younger daughter, Sylvia, became the last Ranee of Sarawak on 24 May 1917, following the proclamation of her husband Charles Vyner Brooke as Rajah.

Although married with children, Esher had homosexual inclinations but his flirtations with young men were regarded with tolerant amusement in polite society. The years before his marriage had been marked by a series of what Esher described as 'rapturous' love affairs with various young men. His subsequent marriage in no way stopped or curtailed these activities. Indeed he could not, he told a friend, remember a single day when he was not in love with one young man or another. He later published anonymously a white-covered book of verse called Foam, in which he glorified 'golden lads'.


1. Hedley (2004)
2. Reid 2006, pp127-31
3. "Brett, Reginald Baliol (BRT870RB)". A Cambridge Alumni Database. University of Cambridge.
4. Searle, Critics, pp.82-3; Perfectly secret, EHR, CXXVII, no.528, p.1178
5. Morris, The Scaremongers, p.477; Humphries, p.1157; N Lambert, Adm Sir J Fisher and Concept of Flotilla Defence, pp.639-60
6. "No. 27281". The London Gazette. 5 February 1901. p. 766.
7. "No. 27336". The London Gazette. 23 July 1901. p. 4838.
8. Kuhn, Democratic royalism, pp.57-81
9. "The Papers of Viscount Esher (Reginald Brett)". Janus. Cambridge University.
10. Clarke to Esher, 26 November 1904, Esher's Journals and Letters
11. Esher to Lord Knollys, 27 November 1904, Journals and Letters
12. Arnold-Foster, Diary, 25 January 1905
13. Edward VII to Balfour, RA R 25/68, 69
14. Esher to Knollys, 18 October 1904, Journals and Letters
15. Clarke to Esher, 16 November 1904, Journals and Letters,
16. Adj-Gen. Sir Charles Douglas, W.O, 7 November 1904
17. Fraser, p.23.
18. Fraser, p.23-4
19. Kelly's Handbook to the Titled, Landed and Official Classes, 1930. Kelly's. p. 620.
20. "No. 28255". The London Gazette. 28 May 1909. p. 4062.
21. The World (1910); Lees-Milne, Enigmatic, p.220-1
22. Journal and Letters, 6 May 1916
23. Journals, 17 May 1916
24. Journals, Esher to Robertson, Paris, 20 May 1916
25. President Poincare on the state of battle at Verdun, Esher's Journals, 23–24 May 1916
26. Journals, Esher to Sir Maurice Hankey, Paris, 3 August 1916
27. Esher to Haig, 6 August 1916
28. Esher to Robertson, 11 August 1916, Journals and Letters, vol.4, 1916-30
29. Journals and Letters, 19 May 1917.
30. FM Sir William Robertson, 'Soldiers and Statesmen 1914-1918' (1926)
31. Memorandum to Stamfordham, 18 October 1917, Royal Archives, Windsor, GVK1340/1; Fraser, p.372
32. Bailkin, Jordanna "Radical Conservations: The Problem with the London Museum" Radical History Review - Issue 84, Fall 2002, pp. 43–7
33. The Enigmatic Edwardian, p.325
34. "The Coronation Honours". The Times (36804). London. 26 June 1902. p. 5.
35. "Court Circular". The Times (36832). London. 29 July 1902. p. 10.
36. "No. 27453". The London Gazette. 11 July 1902. p. 4441.


• Bloch, Michael (2015). Closet Queens. London: Little, Brown. ISBN 1-40870-412-9.
• Brett, Oliver (1938). Journals and Letters of Reginald Brett, Viscount Esher. 6 vols. Routledge.
• Fraser, Peter (1971). Life and Times of Reginald Brett, Viscount Esher. Routledge.
• Lees-Milne, James (1986). The Enigmatic Edwardian: The Life of Reginald, 2nd Viscount Esher. London: Sidgwick & Jackson.
• Magnus, Philip (1964). King Edward VII. John Murray.
• Reid, Walter (2006). Architect of Victory: Douglas Haig. Edinburgh: Birlinn Ltd. ISBN 1-84158-517-3.

External links

• Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by the Viscount Esher
• The Papers of Viscount Esher (Reginald Brett) at Churchill College
• Works by Reginald Brett, 2nd Viscount Esher at Project Gutenberg
• Works by or about Viscount Esher at Internet Archive
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Re: Round Table Movement, by Wikipedia

Postby admin » Thu Aug 22, 2019 7:35 am

Confession of Faith
by Cecil Rhodes
University of Oregon
June 2, 1877



Rhodes originally wrote this on June 2, 1877, in Oxford. Later, that year in Kimberley, he made some additions and changes. What follows is that amended statement. The spelling and grammar errors were in the original.

It often strikes a man to inquire what is the chief good in life; to one the thought comes that it is a happy marriage, to another great wealth, and as each seizes on his idea, for that he more or less works for the rest of his existence. To myself thinking over the same question the wish came to render myself useful to my country. I then asked myself how could I and after reviewing the various methods I have felt that at the present day we are actually limiting our children and perhaps bringing into the world half the human beings we might owing to the lack of country for them to inhabit that if we had retained America there would at this moment be millions more of English living. I contend that we are the finest race in the world and that the more of the world we inhabit the better it is for the human race. Just fancy those parts that are at present inhabited by the most despicable specimens of human beings what an alteration there would be if they were brought under Anglo-Saxon influence, look again at the extra employment a new country added to our dominions gives. I contend that every acre added to our territory means in the future birth to some more of the English race who otherwise would not be brought into existence. Added to this the absorption of the greater portion of the world under our rule simply means the end of all wars, at this moment had we not lost America I believe we could have stopped the Russian-Turkish war by merely refusing money and supplies. Having these ideas what scheme could we think of to forward this object. I look into history and I read the story of the Jesuits I see what they were able to do in a bad cause and I might say under bad leaders.

At the present day I become a member of the Masonic order I see the wealth and power they possess the influence they hold and I think over their ceremonies and I wonder that a large body of men can devote themselves to what at times appear the most ridiculous and absurd rites without an object and without an end.

The idea gleaming and dancing before ones eyes like a will-of-the-wisp at last frames itself into a plan. Why should we not form a secret society with but one object the furtherance of the British Empire and the bringing of the whole uncivilised world under British rule for the recovery of the United States for the making the Anglo-Saxon race but one Empire. What a dream, but yet it is probable, it is possible. I once heard it argued by a fellow in my own college, I am sorry to own it by an Englishman, that it was good thing for us that we have lost the United States. There are some subjects on which there can be no arguments, and to an Englishman this is one of them, but even from an American’s point of view just picture what they have lost, look at their government, are not the frauds that yearly come before the public view a disgrace to any country and especially their’s which is the finest in the world. Would they have occurred had they remained under English rule great as they have become how infinitely greater they would have been with the softening and elevating influences of English rule, think of those countless 000’s of Englishmen that during the last 100 years would have crossed the Atlantic and settled and populated the United States. Would they have not made without any prejudice a finer country of it than the low class Irish and German emigrants? All this we have lost and that country loses owing to whom? Owing to two or three ignorant pig-headed statesmen of the last century, at their door lies the blame. Do you ever feel mad? do you ever feel murderous. I think I do with those men. I bring facts to prove my assertion. Does an English father when his sons wish to emigrate ever think of suggesting emigration to a country under another flag, never—it would seem a disgrace to suggest such a thing I think that we all think that poverty is better under our own flag than wealth under a foreign one.

Put your mind into another train of thought. Fancy Australia discovered and colonised under the French flag, what would it mean merely several millions of English unborn that at present exist we learn from the past and to form our future. We learn from having lost to cling to what we possess. We know the size of the world we know the total extent. Africa is still lying ready for us it is our duty to take it. It is our duty to seize every opportunity of acquiring more territory and we should keep this one idea steadily before our eyes that more territory simply means more of the Anglo-Saxon race more of the best the most human, most honourable race the world possesses.

To forward such a scheme what a splendid help a secret society would be a society not openly acknowledged but who would work in secret for such an object.

I contend that there are at the present moment numbers of the ablest men in the world who would devote their whole lives to it. I often think what a loss to the English nation in some respects the abolition of the Rotten Borough System has been. What thought strikes a man entering the house of commons, the assembly that rule the whole world? I think it is the mediocrity of the men but what is the cause. It is simply—an assembly of wealth of men whose lives have been spent in the accumulation of money and whose time has been too much engaged to be able to spare any for the study of past history. And yet in hands of such men rest our destinies. Do men like the great Pitt, and Burke and Sheridan not now to exist. I contend they do. There are men now living with I know no other term the [Greek term] of Aristotle but there are not ways for enabling them to serve their Country. They live and die unused unemployed. What has the main cause of the success of the Romish Church? The fact that every enthusiast, call it if you like every madman finds employment in it. Let us form the same kind of society a Church for the extension of the British Empire. A society which should have members in every part of the British Empire working with one object and one idea we should have its members placed at our universities and our schools and should watch the English youth passing through their hands just one perhaps in every thousand would have the mind and feelings for such an object, he should be tried in every way, he should be tested whether he is endurant, possessed of eloquence, disregardful of the petty details of life, and if found to be such, then elected and bound by oath to serve for the rest of his life in his County. He should then be supported if without means by the Society and sent to that part of the Empire where it was felt he was needed.

Take another case, let us fancy a man who finds himself his own master with ample means of attaining his majority whether he puts the question directly to himself or not, still like the old story of virtue and vice in the Memorabilia a fight goes on in him as to what he should do. Take if he plunges into dissipation there is nothing too reckless he does not attempt but after a time his life palls on him, he mentally says this is not good enough, he changes his life, he reforms, he travels, he thinks now I have found the chief good in life, the novelty wears off, and he tires, to change again, he goes into the far interior after the wild game he thinks at last I’ve found that in life of which I cannot tire, again he is disappointed. He returns he thinks is there nothing I can do in life? Here I am with means, with a good house, with everything that is to be envied and yet I am not happy I am tired of life he possesses within him a portion of the [Greek term] of Aristotle but he knows it not, to such a man the Society should go, should test, and should finally show him the greatness of the scheme and list him as a member.

Take one more case of the younger son with high thoughts, high aspirations, endowed by nature with all the faculties to make a great man, and with the sole wish in life to serve his Country but he lacks two things the means and the opportunity, ever troubled by a sort of inward deity urging him on to high and noble deeds, he is compelled to pass his time in some occupation which furnishes him with mere existence, he lives unhappily and dies miserably. Such men as these the Society should search out and use for the furtherance of their object.

(In every Colonial legislature the Society should attempt to have its members prepared at all times to vote or speak and advocate the closer union of England and the colonies, to crush all disloyalty and every movement for the severance of our Empire. The Society should inspire and even own portions of the press for the press rules the mind of the people. The Society should always be searching for members who might by their position in the world by their energies or character forward the object but the ballot and test for admittance should be severe)

Once make it common and it fails. Take a man of great wealth who is bereft of his children perhaps having his mind soured by some bitter disappointment who shuts himself up separate from his neighbours and makes up his mind to a miserable existence. To such men as these the society should go gradually disclose the greatness of their scheme and entreat him to throw in his life and property with them for this object. I think that there are thousands now existing who would eagerly grasp at the opportunity. Such are the heads of my scheme.

For fear that death might cut me off before the time for attempting its development I leave all my worldly goods in trust to S. G. Shippard and the Secretary for the Colonies at the time of my death to try to form such a Society with such an object.

On September 19, 1877, Rhodes drafted his first will; at that time, he had an estate of only about £10,000. (Although he changed his will quite a number of times in years following, the objective remained the same. After his death, the directors of the Rhodes Trust set up the Rhodes Scholarships as the best way to achieve his objectives.) The first clause of the 1877 will bequeathed his wealth as follows:

To and for the establishment, promotion and development of a Secret Society, the true aim and object whereof shall be for the extension of British rule throughout the world, the perfecting of a system of emigration from the United Kingdom, and of colonisation by British subjects of all lands where the means of livelihood are attainable by energy, labour and enterprise, and especially the occupation by British settlers of the entire Continent of Africa, the Holy Land, the Valley of the Euphrates, the Islands of Cyprus and Candia, the whole of South America, the Islands of the Pacific not heretofore possessed by Great Britain, the whole of the Malay Archipelago, the seaboard of China and Japan, the ultimate recovery of the United States of America as an integral part of the British Empire, the inauguration of a system of Colonial representation in the Imperial Parliament which may tend to weld together the disjointed members of the Empire and, finally, the foundation of so great a Power as to render wars impossible and promote the best interests of humanity.
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