by admin » Wed Oct 28, 2020 8:07 am
Part 3 of 3
Had Mhir Hubbeeb, in obedience to Boschar Pundit's orders, drawn off his party, and destroyed the bridge, as soon as the rear of the Maharattor army past it; and Aliverdi retired; he would have gained great reputation in the action. But not suspecting that the usurper's cannon could possible be so near, as it really was; he was so rash as to remain on his post, until Aliverdi had, with astonishing expedition, opened a battery of three six pounders upon it. -- Mhir Hubbeeb stood one discharge from the battery; and now perceiving his error, attempted to escape with his party: but Aliverdi had posted a body of horse so advantageously, that immediately upon the discharge from his battery, they fell in pell mell with the enemy on the bridge; and a furious engagement ensued: in which Mhir Hubbeeb's party, three excepted, was cut to pieces. Himself and those three gained the Cutwah shore; and by the advantage of a fleet horse that waited for him, he escaped to the Maharattor army. A melancholy event closed the action: Aliverdi's troops crowding, in too great numbers, upon the bridge; it failed under them; and a thousand brave fellows perished in the river.
The usurper repaired the bridge with all possible diligence, and crossed over his troops and artillery in pursuit of the enemy; who artfully eluded every attempt he made to bring them to a general action. Thus, by continual marches and counter marches, his troops, particularly his foot, were almost exhausted by fatigue: whilst the Maharattors, in detached parties, ranged the provinces at large; collecting the revenues without the least interruption: the usurper not daring to divide his army further than reinforcing the garrison of Bukchs Bunder on the Ganges, wtih 500 horse, and 1,000 gunmen; under the command of Serafdi Mahomet.
Aliverdi, touched with deep chagrin at seeing his so lately usurped dominions a prey to his enemies, without being able to protect them, or bring the Maharattors to any decisive action; at last resolved to treat with Boschar Pundit. But that General was so elated with success, that he now added, at the instigation of Mhir Hubbeeb, a new article to those already offered at Burdwan, viz. "that the usurper should also restore the Soubahship to Soujah Khan's family; and resign the government he had so wickedly usurped to Suffraaz Khan's eldeston son." Mhir Hubbeeb, who knew that any treaty of peace would be fatal to himself, artfully threw this stumbling block in the way; which he foresaw would render the treaty of none effect: and to carry this point, he insinuated to Boschar Pundit, "that unless this article was insisted on, the most essential and positive part of the Emperor's orders would appear totally neglected; and wished him, with great humility, to reflect how he would answer this neglect to his master, the King of Sittarah."
This additional article produced the effect that Mhir Hubbeeb expected; for it was refused by the brothers, with marks of resentment and disdain; and hostilities were immediately commenced again on both sides. -- Several skirmishes happened between them, in which the usurper's horse always gained some advantage; but these produced nothing decisive.
Hodjee Hamet, who never suffered any scruples of conscience to oppose the foulest means to accomplish his views; in a private letter sent to his brother, urged the necessity, in their present situation, of attempting that by treachery, which they had failed in obtaining by every other means. Aliverdi, who saw the hazardous and necessitous posture of their affairs, as well as his brother, did not long oppose the motion. Hodjee formed the plan; and it was executed in manner following.
A treaty was set on foot by Aliverdi, who, under pretence of making it more conclusive and less liable to interruptions, proposed a conference with Boschar Pundit. The overture was accepted by that General; contrary to the opinion of Mhir Hubbeeb and the rest of his principal officers.
It was agreed that a spacious tent should be prepared and erected by the usurper, midway between the two armies, where the chiefs were to meet on a certain day and hour; attended each with eighty followers only; and that in the meantime hostilities on both sides should cease.
The appointed time being come, and all things prepared for the reception of the chiefs; they advanced with the stipulated number of followers, consisting on both sides of principal officers. When they approached near the tent, Aliverdi entered first, and was followed by Boschar Pundit, without the least suspicion of treachery.
The usual salutations and ceremonials being over, and both parties seated; on a signal given, two hundred select men who had been concealed by Aliverdi between a double lining of the tent, suddenly rushed out; and cut the Maharattor General and his party to pieces, before they were able to draw their scymitars; two or three only escaping in the confusion.
At the same time instant a signal was displayed from the tent (before agreed on) for the speedy advance of the usurper's army: this being observed by the Maharattor army, they also began to be in motion, not knowing as yet what had happened. But being not long after joined by those who had escaped the slaughter, and informed of the fate of their general and officers, they breathed nothing but fury and revenge.
In the first transports of their rage they advanced, and seemed resolved to avenge the treachery; by giving immediate battle to the usurper. But here, the wisdom and address of Mhir Hubbeeb interposed: he represented to them, "that the only means to frustrate the great object the usurper had in view by this treacherous assassination, was, to avoid coming to a general action with him." His arguments gained force and influence from the distracted state of the army; which was now under no head or any regular command: and observing the usurper advancing towards them in full march, they suddenly retired; to his great mortification and disappointment.
As soon as the disorder in the Maharattor army subsided, they elected unanimously Allee Bey for their General; an officer that held the next rank to Boschar Pundit; and who bore a considerable degree of reputation amongst them. And now their conduct seemed to show that they had resolved to execute that vengeance on the distressed country and inhabitants; which they could not execute on the usurper himself. To this end, they planted small parties of observation about the skirts of his army to report his motions; and appointing Nagur, the capital of Bierboheen, for their general rendezvous, they divided their army, and carried fire and sword in all their different routs. -- They detached a strong body to Bukchs Bunder, which they attacked; took; and plundered: perpetrating everywhere the most execrable cruelties that revenge and inhumanity could dictate; cutting off the ears, noses and hands, of any of the inhabitants whom they suspected of concealing their wealth, or valuable moveables; sometimes carrying their barbarity so far, as cutting off the breasts of women, on the same pretense; neither sex nor age proving any security against these enraged barbarians.
During these horrid scenes of desolation, the usurper left no stratagems unessayed to bring the enemy to a battle; but all his endeavors proved ineffectual. He was in continual chase of them from the beginning of December 1742, to the end of February 1742,-3; and at length, with astonishing bravery and perseverance, he obliged them to repair to their general rendezvous; and to retire out of the provinces over the Bierboheen hills; from whence they soon took their departure for Sittarah, to render an account of their expedition -- leaving many of their brethren behind them in the hands of Aliverdi, who had been taken prisoners in different actions. Amongst the prisoners, was an officer of distinction, character, and authority, named Sessarow, of whom we shall again have occasion to make mention.
The usurper had hardly time to breathe and form some hopes of recess, and ease to himself; and tranquillity to his harassed and desolate country; when he was again alarmed by advices from Orissa, that another army of Maharattors had entered the province by the way of Cuttack, commanded by Ragojee: and to complete his distress, and put his fortitude to the utmost proof, he shortly after received intelligence by express from Hodjee, that a third army of Maharattors had entered by the side of Patna commanded by Ballerow, and had already penetrated within a day or two's march of Siclygully. These Generals led each an army of 60,000 horse; the first had been dispatched from Sittarah, to enforce the orders before given to Boschar Pundit, and to support him in the execution of them: the latter, marched out later from the same city with instructions to join Ragojee, and avenge the murder of Boschar Pundit; of which, advice had been received at Sittarah, by expresses sent from Bierboheen immediately after that event.
The usurper thus beset, and apprehensive of being hemmed in by the two armies, and again cut off from his capital; directed his march with the utmost celerity to Cutwah bridge; which he gained; passed over his whole army; destroyed the bridge; and proceeded to his capital; with a mind greatly agitated and oppressed, by the reflection of being again forced to abandon his country to merciless enemies, who he was not able to oppose with troops, enfeebled by continual labor and hardships.
The reader may remember of how great importance the pass of Siclygully might have been to the unfortunate Suffraaz Khan, had it been properly put in a state of defense. The usurper well knew its consequence; and therefore, soon after his possessing himself of the Soubahship, he stationed there a trusty officer with proved troops, and three pieces of cannon -- depending that a vigorous stand would there be made against the invaders on the side of Patna; and their entrance into Bengal at least retarded, if the pass was as well defended as it was capable of: not suspecting that there was a possibility of their obtaining an inlet by any other passage, unless they marched far to the Westward by the Pachet road, and entered by Bierboheen; as Boschar Pundit had done the preceding year; flattering himself, should they attempt it, that by so long a march they would not be able to reach the province before the annual rains set in: but herein his foresight failed him.
Ballajee Row, more commonly (though improperly) known by the name of Ballerow, on his arrival in the neighborhood of Boglypore, received intelligence from those who had joined him, and were declared enemies of the usurper's house, that by his attempting to force the pass of Siclygully he would hazard the loss of a multitude of his men; and probably in the end be obliged to relinquish the design with disgrace to his arms. -- The Pachet road was proposed, but he declined hearkening to it urging "that thereby he should lose his harvest of plunder for that year; all which would be appropriated by his friend Ragojee to fatten himself and followers; whilst he and his people would be left to starve on the Padjee (paltry) contributions, he had been able to raise in Bahar."
Whilst he was under this difficulty, the evil genius of the usurper (and of unhappy Bengal) dictated a measure, that extricated him out of it without danger to himself or followers. He sent for some of the petty Rajahs from the neighboring Colgong hills; and questioning them concerning a passage through the hills to Bengal, he offered them a large reward if any of them would supply him with guides to answer that purpose. The Rajahs, to a man, were well enough disposed to comply with his wishes; for the usurper's treacherous conduct, during the first six years of his government of Bahar, had rendered his name as hateful as dreadful to them all: yet none of them had knowledge enough of the three ranges of mountains that separated Bahar from Bengal, to engage in so hazardous an undertaking.
The inquiry and reward being, however, bruited abroad, it came to the ears of an old peasant an inhabitant of Colgong hills. This man came to the Maharattor camp, and desired to be introduced to the presence of the General; which having obtained, he boldly undertook, on the forfeiture of his head, to guide his army through the secret passes into Bengal, for a reward of one Lac of Rupees, paid down to his family.
The General taking two of the Rajahs aside, to whom the peasant was known; and inquiring of them touching the character of the man; and what degree of credit might be given to his veracity and knowledge; he received such encouragement that he no longer doubted; and accordingly paid down the money, and issued his orders for marching the next day.
The guide, with faithfulness and dexterity, led the whole Maharattor army; at first Westward, a point or two Southerly; until he found a pass, which he sought for about the center of the range of the Colgong hills. This pass being found, it was his mark for the remainder of the expedition; and he carried them through it by very practicable roads with much facility, until the mouth of it opened upon the level country between the Colgong and Telliagurry hills. From hence his course was due South, which led to the second pass through the last-mentioned hills: this pass he accomplished with equal ease; and from hence for two days he crossed the level country, that lies between the Telliagurry and Rajamhol mountains; shaping his course about South-East: at night he told the General he must halt until the morning sun appeared. -- In the morning he led them due South; and in the evening of the same day entered a pass which guided them through the Rajamhol mountains; and landed (if we may be allowed the expression) the whole army, without the loss either of man or horse, in Bengal; on the plains, West of the city of Rajamhol, at a little town called Banian Gang. Having performed his obligation in six days, from leaving Bogulpore (more commonly by the English called Boglypore) through ways until this period deemed totally impassable; he was farther rewarded with handsome presents by Ballajee Row, and departed to his home: his name was Sittaram Roy; a Gentoo of the Raazpoot tribe. -- Ballajee Row reached Banian Gang the 13th of March, Anno 1742-3.
The usurper, who had received express intelligence of Ballajee Row's departure from Bogulpore, and of the march of his army Westward; did not entertain the least doubt but he was gone round the mountains to enter Bengal by the Pachet or Bierboheen; and was so much convinced of it, that he began to prepare again for taking the field; projecting that he might be able to bring the other army under Ragojee to an engagement, and defeat him before he could possibly be joined by Ballajee Row: but he had hardly formed this resolution, when he was advised by a courier, from his Governor of Rajamhol, "That Ballajee Row had entered Bengal by passes through the mountains, and was by that time, he believed, joined with Ragojee."
This intelligence shocked the usurper's present hopes, but not his courage and constancy: he laid aside the project of repassing the Cutwah river -- but determined not to coop himself up again in his capital; for the defense of which having made every necessary provision, he formed a strong camp not far from the city; preserving a ready communication with it.
The two Maharattor Generals met in the Burdomaan country, the 17th March, 1742-3; and after a private conference, the following agreement as published, "that an equal partition of the revenues and plunder should be made between the two armies, who nevertheless were to act distinctly under their respective Generals and officers." They then settled the different routs of their detached small parties, and took entire possession of the country. Then uniting the main bodies of their armies, they marched to Cutwah; constructed a new bridge; and passed over with their whole force. Here they again separated, and renewed the depredations everywhere, that Boschar Pundit had begun the preceding year.
During these transactions, the usurper kept himself within his entrenchments; yet he was not idle. Convinced he could not oppose them by force, he had nothing left but to combat them with fraud and stratagem; weapons which he was as great a master of, as of arms. His first movement was, to acquire a minute knowledge of the temper, genius, capacity, and characters of the two leaders of the enemy; and how they affected each other. In all these particulars he obtained perfect satisfaction, by the means of his prisoner Seffarow before mentioned; whom he had distinguished by every mark of favor and respect from the time he first fell into his hands; foreseeing he might be of future use to him: and from the arrival of the two armies he had redoubled his caresses; and of an enemy, had made him a fast friend.
Divide and conquer, was one of the usurper's favorite maxims in politics, as well as war. By the lights he had received from Sessarow, he rightly judged the minds of the enemies Generals were fitly disposed to take the impression he intended to stamp on them -- he learnt that Ballajee Row, was hot; insolent; and withal avaricious to an extreme degree: that Ragojee was the bravest soldier, but irritated and jealous at Ballajee Row's being sent equal in command with him, as he bore a superior rank to the other. And more to flatter the usurper's artful views, he was informed that already there subsisted some misunderstandings between them and their respective troops; touching suspicions of an unjust division of their plunder on both sides.
With these materials he began to work; laboring to enlarge a breach that was not yet wide enough for an attack. His plan was; by every means to promote the growth of those seeds of division and jealousy which had already taken root amongst them: to this end, he directed some capable emissaries (fully instructed) to desert to both armies; these executed his purposes so well, that they produced the effect he wished: they prepossessed the enemy against themselves; who accused each other of illicit practices in the division both of the revenues and plunder; and the spies were so well prepared, that they produced proofs and vouchers of many instances of what they insinuated (on both sides) that would not admit of contradiction. This occasioned mutual heats and animosities between the two armies, and an open rupture soon followed; each resolving to act in future on a separate and independent footing. The usurper seized this favorable occasion; and knowing Sessarow had an influence over Ballajee Row, (to whom he was related) he employed him to negotiate, in the most secret manner, a separate treaty of peace with that General.
Sessarow exerted his power with such success, that he soon disposed his relation to receive favorable impressions of the usurper, and readily to hearken to a peace with him. To this he was the more easily induced, as thereby he indulged his ruling passion in the hopes of making his own advantage of the Usurper, without the participation of his rival Ragojee.
The preliminaries of this treaty were soon adjusted, "the usurper was to cede to Ballajee Row alone, the Chout of two years revenues; and Ballajee Row engaged on his part, to join the Usurper with his force, and assist him in driving Ragojee and his army out of the provinces." It was further agreed, that to keep up the appearance of enmity and deceive Ragojee; Ballajee Row's army should advance nearer to the Usurper's camp, -- and make a show of attacking it: this movement as not only made to amuse Ragojee, but also to facilitate a personal conference between the Usurper and the General; which was to take place on the thirtieth of March 1743, near Plassey.
On the twenty-ninth of March, the usurper quitted his camp, and directed his march towards Plassey. He was not far advanced, before his spies brought him intelligence, that Ragojee's army was in motion, as well as Ballajee Row's: this raised a suspicion in Aliverdi, that the treaty was only assented to, to amuse him, and draw him out of his camp: therefore he immediately retired to it again; and the treaty was retarded until the motions of the two armies were explained to him.
Sessarow, deeply chagrined at suspicions which reflected on his own sincerity, engaged on the forfeiture of his head for that of his cousin; which engagement being supported by a solemn oath (the Ganges) on the part of Ballajee Row, Aliverdi's doubts subsided; the treaty was resumed; and the conference appointed on the third of April: but the place of meeting was changed to midway between Plassey and Burwah; a few miles nearer his camp and capital. [The cause that gave rise to Aliverdi's suspicions, was this. -- Ragojee having heard that Ballajee Row intended to attack Aliverdi's camp, and judging the city would fall a prey to him if he succeeded, he put his army in motion, that he might be near at hand, to come in for a share of the plunder.]
On the second of April, the usurper again quitted his camp, and began his march; having drafted off a select body of 10,000 horse; commanded by Mustapha Khan; that moved on his flank, to be an occasional check on Ragojee.
On the third, the chiefs met at the appointed place, in a tent (previously examined by deputies from both parties) about two course distant from each of their armies. -- The condition openly insisted upon by the Maharattor was, "that twenty-five lac of rupees, for two years Chout of the revenues, should be paid down in gold;" -- to this the Usurper replied, "that howsoever unreasonable the demand was, considering them themselves had collected the whole of the revenues and customs for the last two years; yet, he would not make any objection, provided that Ragojee could be brought to sign the treaty; otherwise he could not submit to it:" This unexpected proposal was highly disgustful to Ballajee Row, and had well nigh broke off the treaty; but by the interposition of Sessarow, he was at last prevailed on to send the overture to Ragojee; but not until he had been made easy by the promise of a private gratuity for himself.
Ragojee immediately returned for answer, "that he would hearken to no terms of accommodation, unless the payment of the Chout in perpetuity, was established to them; as a preliminary article for treating at all." [This preliminary was dictated to him by Mhir Hubbeeb, who joined the Ragojee as soon as he entered the province of Bengal.]
When the messenger returned with this laconic reply, the treaty seemed for some time suspended. -- However, by the address and mediation of Sessarow, a separate peace was at last concluded with Ballajee Row, on the following terms -- "That the Usurper shall pay down two years Chout, estimated at twenty-two lac of rupees in gold; and that Ballajee Row should either satisfy Ragojee, or join the Usurper to drive him out of the country." To the performance of which they both solemnly engaged themselves by the most obligatory oaths; this done, and mutual compliments and present made, they parted.
The Usurper with great punctuality performed his part of the treaty in two days; and Ballajee Row so far regarded it, that he drew off his army; repassed Cutwah river; and retired to Burdomaan, followed by Ragojee; who thought himself no match for the Usurper on equal terms.
Ballajee Row recalled all his detached parties; and making a dividend amongst his troops of part of the Usurper's contribution, according to their different ranks, he quitted Bengal; and marched by way of Bierboheen to Sittarah; leaving (in breach of his solemn oath) Ragojee to make the best terms he could for himself.
This General made the most of his time; and immediately took possession of those parts of the country, which had been lately evacuated by Ballajee Row's flying parties. He sent Mhir Hubbee, with the title and authority of General, to take possession of Orissa; who accordingly seated himself at Cuttack, where he ruled as sovereign of the province.
The Usurper, called upon by the universal clamor of the people, and distresses of his country, once more quitted his capital, crossed over Cutwah river; and marched in pursuit of Ragojee: in which chase he was employed all the remaining part of April, and until the middle of May; without being able, by any art or stratagem, to bring him to a general action. And the rains setting in earlier than usual this year, and the roads becoming impassable, both armies were obliged to go into quarters, about the twentieth of May. At the close of this campaign the enemy remained in quiet possession of Orissa; and of all the country on the Western shore of the Hougley river; from Ballafore, to within a few miles of Tanna's Fort, near the English settlement of Fort William. [Aliverdi retired with his army to Morshadabad, and Ragojee with his main body to Beirboheen during the rains.]
Though the treaty of peace with Ballajee Row answered a prudent purpose, and relieved the Usurper from the more immediate danger which threatened himself, his capital and family; yet it afforded no relief to the provinces. The partial execution of the treaty on the part of the Maharattor, he could not be much surprised at; as himself had set them an example of perfidy and treachery.
Every evil attending destructive war, was felt by this unhappy country in the most eminent degree. A scarcity of grain in all parts; the wages of labor greatly enhanced; trade; foreign and inland, laboring under every disadvantage and oppression: -- and although during the recesses of the enemy, from June to October, the manufactures of this opulent kingdom raised their drooping heads, yet the duration of their reprieves from danger was so short, that every species of cloth at the Arungs was hastily, and consequently badly fabricated; though immensely raised in its price; and from these causes came into disrepute at all the foreign markets; particularly at the Western ports of Juddah, Mocha, and Bussorah.
The trade of the Europeans became greatly embarrassed and injured; their effects were often plundered by the enemy; and these grievances were much heightened by oppressive exactions of the Usurper. But in this they were not singular; for the whole of the people who still remained within the reach of his grasp, suffered equally in this respect: even Juggaat Seet's house, which so eminently promoted his usurpation, was often fleeced; to the malicious joy of all, who were friends to Soujah Khan's family.
For these oppressive measures the Usurper had nothing to plead in extenuation, but the necessities of his situation: and in truth, had he not been the ungrateful traitor he was, they were such, as would have merited the deepest commiseration: for although by his usurpation he became possessed of the treasures of the three last Soubahs, yet so immense were his continual expenses and disbursements, that little of them remained; it being pretty well known, that he, notwithstanding what has been said of the treaty with Ballajee Row, did not buy the absence and retreat of that General, for a sum less than five korore of rupees; [Five Million Sterling.] although the twenty-two lac, for two years Chout only, were speciously published to the world; to save the credit of the Usurper, and to afford an opportunity to the Maharattor of secreting from his followers all above that sum; which he appropriated to his own use; besides the lion's share of the twenty-two lac: therefore he was well enabled at his departure to present to Jeyndi Amet Khan, Hodjee's second son, a single complete dress (for Seerpah) valued at two lac of rupees.
In October 1743, the next campaign opened; when the Usurper again took the field: and Ragojee descending from the heights of Bierboheen, assembled his forces about Burdwan. -- The succeeding months exhibited the same scenes of marches, countermarches, retreats and skirmishes, with various success; but with uniform misery to the people; who now for the first time, began to be plundered, and cruelly treated; as well by the detached parties of the Usurper, as of the enemy: the former assuming the dress and accoutrements of the Maharrators, to cover and conceal their villainies.
In March 1744, these invaders entered the provinces in fresh shoals, but Cuttack, Bierboheen and Patna, excited by the immense booty carried off by their brethren, the two preceding years -- and thus this miserable country fell annually a prey to the depredations of the Maharattors, under various leaders, for the six succeeding years; receiving no effectual check, but from the succession of the usual rainy seasons. During these intermediate spaces the country was left to fatten, that it might again be worth devouring. In the meanwhile, the Usurper sustained himself with amazing constancy, intrepidity and address; though often reduced to the deepest distresses; parts of his capital being frequently attacked and plundered.
In the latter part of the year 1744, by indefatigable and sudden marches he attacked and beat up all the quarters of the enemy; and obliged them to retire much sooner than usual. Orissa only remaining in their possession; early in December 1744, he marched to that province; where with expedition hardly to be conceived, he retook Cuttack, and recovered the province; obliging the enemy to retreat to the hills. Then leaving forces for the defense of it, he returned, and arrived at the capital, the beginning of February 1744,-5; crowned with laurels; and received with wonder. Here, revolving in his mind the confusion of affairs in the province of Bahar and city of Patna; and its importance to him, as being one of the enemies' keys into his country; and determining to have a Governor there, whose courage, capacity and integrity he might repose a perfect confidence in, he fixed upon his nephew Jeyndee Amet Khan for this post of trust, who possessed these qualities in a very high degree. He soon after set out for his government, escorted by a strong body of horse.
We shall omit entering more minutely into the particular occurrences of these annual invasions, which would only exhibit an irksome detail of murders, oppressions, and distresses, similar to those already recited: but as we cannot help viewing this Usurper in an extraordinary light, we should be inexcusable in neglecting to lay before the public and posterity those striking events, which were interesting in themselves; and which more strongly mark the character and genius of this great, though wicked man, in the course of a destructive eight years war. With this intent only we again resume our narrative from the close of the year 1745; a period which gave birth to an incident, that eventually proved not only the destruction of his hitherto favorite General; but also that of his brother and nephew.
It was, at the time just mentioned above, that the Usurper first began to entertain suspicions and jealousies of the great reputation and power of Mustapha Khan; who had, by his master's liberality and other means, at different times acquired great wealth; which he profusely bestowed on the soldiery, but chiefly on the Patans; thereby gaining a dangerous popularity, that bore too much the appearance of ambitious views. Whether he really had any designs against his master is not known; but his being the idol of the army was cause sufficient to make him obnoxious; in a government where no subject can with safety to himself, or to his prince, be possessed of a superior degree of power or renown.
The Usurper had received intelligence from his brother Hodjee, that Mustapha Khan was forming designs to his prejudice; and that he had actually concerted measures with the Maharattors, for cutting him off the ensuing year; and placing himself in the government.
Whether this intelligence had truth for its foundation, or was only afterwards devised to cover the step, that was premeditated against Mustapha Khan, is uncertain. Hodjee, however, had the address to produce vouchers for his suspicions that approached to facts; and these acquiring weight from the brother's apprehensions of that General's known talents, reputation, and popularity; it was resolved at all events that he should be assassinated the next time he appeared at court: assassins were accordingly provided, and stationed for his reception.
But Mustapha Khan being generally beloved, the design against him could not be so secretly conducted, as to prevent his receiving hints to provide for his safety; and though these were imperfect, they were yet sufficiently alarming to urge his immediate departure from the city, with 3,000 Patan horse. In about twelve hours after, he was followed by Sumseer Khan, a Patan General next in command to him, with about 2,000 more of their countrymen. The whole being joined, by rapid marches, they arrived at Siclygully, before any suspicion or intelligence of a breach between them and the Usurper had reached the commander of that pass; and by a well feigned story of their being dispatched to join and reinforce Jeyndee Amet Khan, they were permitted to advance into Bahar without interruption; intending to pass through that province into the Patan country.
So great a defection of his best troops, with two officers of such reputation at their head, struck the Usurper with the deepest apprehensions, and this on a double score. He had the greatest cause to dread a union between the Maharattors and Mustapha Khan; and by the secret flight of that General, he became convinced that some traitors were about his person: but still himself, under every exigency and difficulty, he lost not a moment -- by large presents, and larger promises, he secured the fidelity of the remaining Patans -- sent express upon express to his nephew Jeyndi Amet Khan, informing him of this untoward event, with orders "to take the field with what troops he could get together, and endeavor to intercept the fugitive Patans -- and that himself would go in pursuit of them, and probably the might be hemmed in between them."
The Usurper immediately put himself at the head of a strong body of forces, who were best attached to his person and government; and with the greatest expedition arrived at Siclygully; where he only stayed to strike off the head of that commander, who had suffered the Patans to pass his post.
Had the unfortunate Mustapha Khan made the same expedition from the pass of Siclygully, as he did to it; he would, in all human probability, have eluded the pursuit, and passed through Bahar before he could possibly have been intercepted by Jeyndi Amet Khan, or overtaken by the Usurper. But for a particular reason, to be hereafter mentioned; and not suspecting he was pursued, he proceeded through Bahar by such slow marches, that the Usurper came up with him between Monghir and Patna; and sent a messenger to him with offers of pardon, to himself and followers; if they would submit, and embrace again his service.
Mustapha Khan, disdaining all terms of accommodation, returned the Usurper's messenger, with a brave defiance to him; and receiving intelligence at the same time, that Jeyndi Amet was within a few hours march of him, he thought it most advisable to face about, and fight the Usurper first; having learnt his troops were very little superior in number to his own; therefore without hesitation he distributed the necessary orders, and gave the signal for battle.
The conflict was bloody, but of no long duration. Valor and resentment took full possession of the soul of Mustapha Khan, and left no place for prudence or precaution: fired with the hope of executing his vengeance on the Usurper, he thought all else unworthy his sword; and attempting with too much impetuosity to penetrate to that part where Aliverdi fought, and not being well supported, he was soon surrounded, overpowered and slain -- his head was separated from his body, and elevated upon a spear -- his death being known to the Patans, Sumseer Khan, with those that survived the battle, made a speedy flight; and taking a rout different from that, by which Jeyndi Amet Khan was advancing, they escaped out of the province; notwithstanding the eager pursuit that was made after them.
The Usurper returned to his capital more dreaded, but less beloved by the people, for this last stroke of his policy. The jealousy, and (generally believed) unjust motives, for assassinating the Patan General were now blazed abroad; and the Usurper became the object of detestation to some of his best friends, who drew a conclusion (from this act of base ingratitude to the man, who had so often preserved his life and government) -- very unfavorable, and alarming to themselves; as the merits of their greatest services, might on the slightest suspicions or fear, in the cowardly breast of Hodjee, only draw on their own destruction.
Hodjee, who had accompanied his brother in this expedition against Mustapha Khan, advanced from the head of the General, to meet his son Jeyndi Amet Khan. With him he returned to Patna; and after bestowing many indignities upon the head of that brave man, whose face he could not have beheld the day before, without sinking into abject fear and terror; he had now the coward bravery, to order it to be carried in triumph three times round the city; -- unworthy and indecent insults! from which the remembrance of his former signal services should have defended his senseless remains. -- Justice seemed to interest herself in avenging the death of this gallant man, by favoring in an extraordinary manner the escape of her destined instrument Sumseer Khan: and the brave Jeyndi Amet Khan, at the sight of the barbarous insults exercised by his father, could not refrain from tears; for great friendship subsisted between him and the deceased; and his memory was dear to him.
We will leave Hodjee on his return to Morshadabad; exulting for a short time over the success of his treacherous machinations; and advert to Sumseer Khan.
This Patan General arriving safe with his few followers in their own country, began immediately to levy troops; and with such success, that in the year 1747, he was enabled to advance towards Patna, at the head of 8,000 choice horse.
Here it is necessary to advertise the reader, that the two Patan Generals on their sudden retreat from the city of Morshadabad, had opened a correspondence with Mhir Hubbeeb, informing him "that they should return the next year, to attempt the capture and plunder of Patna; then march by the hills and join the Maharattor army; and with their united force attack the Usurper; declaring themselves justly absolved from all allegiance to the assassin." Mhir Hubbeeh improved upon this plan and advised "to encounter Hodjee and the Usurper with their own weapons, craft and treachery; for that, by address and management, and a well feigned contrition for their former conduct, and a fresh tender of their troops, they might easily obtain an interview with the Nabob of Patna; at which they should cut him off: a circumstance that would much facilitate the taking and plundering that city (which seemed to be their principal object) as such an event must necessarily cause the greatest confusion and consternation in the place."
It was this intercourse of letters, that proved fatal to Mustapha Khan; by retarding his escape through Bahar, as already mentioned -- but the counsel of Mhir Hubbeeh was not lost upon Sumseer Khan; who was a man, possessed of every requisite, for carrying it into effectual execution. He was brave; artful; beloved and highly esteemed by his officers and soldiers; who, to a man, were united to him in a solemn vow, to take an exemplary revenge for the death and indignities of their late lamented commander; or perish in the attempt.
With this determined view, Sumseer Khan began his march; and being arrived within a few hours of Patna, on the opposite shore of the river, he dispatched a letter to Jeyndi Amet Khan, couched in the following terms, "that his heart had felt the deepest compunction for his past conduct, to which he had been instigated by the rash counsels of his late commanding officer; that he appealed to Jeyndi Amet himself, to witness for the approved fidelity he had always shown for the service and interest of the Soubah his uncle; that he had now raised a faithful and tried body of officers and troops; who, with him, were ready to devote their lives to his commands, against the common enemies of his house and country: hoping he should obtain permission to visit him; and in a personal conference, give him more convincing proofs of his attachment and submission."
Jeyndi Amet Khan immediately communicated the contents of this letter to his father Hodjee, who was very lately arrived at Patna; brought thither by some informations the brothers had received of the concerted scheme between Sumseer Khan and Mhir Hubbeeh, for the plunder of that capital -- Hodjee, without a moment's hesitation, ordered his son to encourage Sumseer Khan's visit, and cut him off; telling him, he himself would direct the means.
Jeyndi Amet Khan, much averse to obey these orders, determined to wait those of his uncle to whom he wrote, and transmitted a copy of Sumseer Khan's letter; and in the meantime he returned in civil terms a reply to the Patan General, telling him "he had forwarded the purport of his request to the Soubah, but that he could not give any conclusive answer thereto, before the Soubah's pleasure was known." -- This soon reached him, in these few, but peremptory words, "Regarding the business between us and Sumseer Khan, follow the orders of your father."
Hodjee directed Jeyndi Amet Khan to write to the Patan General, "that he should with pleasure receive his visits, and rejoice to embrace him; as the Soubah had readily accepted the tender of his services, and wished his speedy march to Morshadabad." -- To which purport the Usurper had likewise wrote to him in pressing terms; thereby intending to lull him into the greater security.
We have already hinted the method proposed by Mhir Hubbeeb to the two Patan Generals, for taking off the Nabob of Patna, and plundering the city. The intelligence the brothers had received extended only to the latter part of their scheme; of the intended assassination of the Nabob they had not the least conception. -- Hodjee's counterplot for the murder of Sumseer Khan, was concerted in manner following. A day was appointed for the General's visit to Jeyndi Amet Khan, on a plain a small distance North of the city; where a sumptuous tent was prepared for his reception; in the floor of which a mine was sunk, whose train extended some distance from the tent. The signal for putting fire to the train, was Jeyndi Amet Khan's withdrawing a certain space from the tent. -- Every circumstance of whic hwas betrayed to Sumseer Khan, by a Patan in the service and confidence of Hodjee.
On the receipt of the Usurper's and the Nabob's letters, Sumseer Khan passed the river with his troops, about two miles to the Northward of the city; and being advanced, on the day appointed, within a furlong of the tent; he received a polite message from the Nabob, requesting, "that he would favor him in ordering his troops to halt; that they might not in their conference be incommoded by the dust; for that he himself was only attended by fifty followers." -- This request was instantly complied with, and the Patan General proceeded to the tent with a few selected attendants only; all of whom were provided with armor under their coats.
They met in mutual embraces, and with the most affectionate compliments; these over they seated themselves, and began to confer upon the operations of the war, against the common enemy the Maharattors. -- After about an hour's discourse, a servant came and whispered the Nabob, who soon after arose, telling the General "that he was just going to give some necessary orders for his reception and entertainment in the city, and should attend him again in a few minutes." -- When he had got half way to the door of the tent, Sumseer Khan and his attendants drew their scimitars, fell upon Jeyndi Amet Khan, killed him, and all that were in the tent, before they had time to make any resistance: some instantly flew to the head of the train, to which they were perfectly instructed, and prevented fire being put to it; for on the alarm, those who were on the outside of the tent, and thereby escaped the slaughter, fled with all speed to the city.
Sumseer Khan made a signal for his troops to advance; and mounting his horse gained the city almost as soon as the fugitives, and entered it sword in hand with his soldiers; before Hodjee Hamet had received the least intelligence of the unhappy fate of his beloved son.
He proceeded immediately to the palace, where, with little resistance, he took Hodjee Hamet prisoner, at the very moment he was (in disguise) making his escape; and after securing him under a strong guard, he went in search of the principal treasures of the city, (to which he was minutely directed by his spies) these he deposited in the palace, and gave up the town to be plundered by the soldiers; who, for the space of three days, committee every ravage and outrage that revenge and avarice, backed by uncontrolled power, could meditate and execute; except against the English, French, and Dutch factories; which alone remained exempt from ruin and unmolested.
Hodjee Hamet, after suffering the heaviest reproaches and revilings from Sumseer Khan, for his base ingratitude, treachery, and cruelty to Mustapha Khan; and after undergoing a hundred and one lashes from the severe discipline of the Khorah, was by order of the general set on an ass, with his legs tied under the belly of the animal; and his face painted half black, half white; and thus led round the city, the same route himself had appointed for the head of the unfortunate Mustapha Khan. -- Returning from this disgraceful progress, the discipline of the Khorah was again inflicted on him; not only as a punishment, but with a view to extort from his a confession and discovery of a large sum of gold and diamonds; which, it was said, he had buried or otherwise secreted; -- but he bore the lash with amazing constancy; and made not the discovery that was aimed at. -- After this he was chained to the leg of an elephant, -- to that very elephant, on which the head of Mustapha Khan was exposed and elevated. Sumseer Khan had doomed him to a cruel and lingering death; but one of his guards, touched with his great age; the high dignity he had born; his cruel suffering; and heavy lamentations for his murdered son; conveyed, in pity to him, a dose of poison; which he greedily swallowed and put an end to his miserable being.
Sumseer Khan, after this exemplary vengeance, made a short stay at Patna, and retired to his country with an immense booty; but without paying any further regard, at least for the present, to the engagements that subsisted between him and Mhir Hubbeeb.
The fates of Hodjee Hamet and Jeyndi Hamet Khan, met a very different regard from the world; the latter being as much lamented, as the memory of his father was detested. But it may be very easily conceived that the loss of both proved a heavy stroke of Affliction to the Usurper; who now became as eminently wretched as he was great. His grief on the arrival of the news was such, that it was with the greatest difficulty he was prevented following them. -- However; cool reflection soon took place; and his usual fortitude surmounted, in a few days, the first violent impressions of his irreparable misfortune; and obliged him to attend the concerns of his government; to which he was roused and stimulated by the spirited, wise and affectionate representations of his Begun -- A woman whose wisdom, magnanimity, benevolence, and every amiable quality, reflected high honor on her sex and station. She much influenced the Usurper's councils, and was ever consulted by him in every material movement in the state; except when sanguinary and treacherous measures were judged necessary; which he knew she would oppose, as she ever condemned them when perpetrated howsoever successful, -- predicting always that such politics would end in the ruin of his family.
Though the Usurper's critical situation called him to action; yet the death of his nephew ever after remained a heavy pressure upon his heart. He greatly loved him, and had designed him his successor in the government of the Soubahship, in preference to Hodjee's eldest son; who then bore the title of the Emperor's Dewan, (to which he had just as much right as his uncle had to that of Soubah.) But this design being blasted by the untimely decease of Jeyndi Amet; and that occasioned by the pernicious policy of his brother and himself: the only amends in his power to make to the manes of his murdered nephew was, to transfer the affection he ever bore him, to his eldest son Mhirza Mahomeed; whom he immediately adopted as his own: and this youth was, from that period, looked upon as his successor.
Until the rains broke up in October 1747, the Usurper remained unmolested; but now the Maharattors reentered the province of Bengal by the Bierboheen hills; and Sumseer Khan having safely lodged his Patna plunder returned and entered Bahar; at last remindful of his engagement to Mhir Hubbeeb, and hoping by an union with the Maharattors, to share at least the plunder also of Morshadabad.
The Usurper had taken the field very early -- and on the first advice that Sumseer Khan had entered Bahar, he advanced towards him by rapid marches; thirsting to revenge his brother's and nephew's deaths; and depending that she should be able to engage and defeat him before the Maharattors could possibly join him. Whilst he was in this pursuit, the Maharattors, who did not think it eligible to risk an action with the Usurper until they had joined their new allies, were on full march to the settled rendezvous at Bogolpore; near which place the three armies arrived about the same time in the night. The Usurper encamped, and sent out his spies for intelligence. They soon returned and informed him he was encamped between the enemies' armies; the Patans a course to the Northward of him; and the Maharattors about the same distance to the Southward. -- This perilous situation would have struck any but this brave Usurper with alarm and terror: some of his general officers proposed his taking the advantage of the night, and attempting a silent retreat to Siclgully; but he rejected this overture with high indignation. -- He was perfectly acquainted with the different genius and disposition of the enemies he had to encounter; and from this knowledge formed his resolutions; the only resource left him was instantly obvious to this consummate general and soldier.
At midnight he held a council of war, of three or four of his principal officers only. To these he opened his designs, and directed them to issue orders for the troops to be ready to march, half an hour before day break; without striking their tents -- strictly prohibiting they should encumber themselves with aught but their arms; for that his own, his officers, and soldiers baggage should be left in the camp; for which he himself would be accountable to them. -- These orders distributed he went to rest.
Before day break the Usurper put himself at the head of his troops, and marched to attack the Patans; leaving his camp standing -- he found them prepared to receive him, not doubting but their allies, whose situation they had learnt, would attack his rear. -- A bloody engagement ensued, in which the Usurper might justly say, with another great usurper, "that he had many times for for Empire, but in this battle, for Life." -- After an obstinate contest Sumseer Khan was slain and the Patans put to flight -- instead of pursing them, he immediately returned in good order to his camp; where, as he had foreseen, he found the Maharattors plundering it, confusedly dispersed, and regardless of the commands of their General or Officers: -- In this situation the Usurper fell upon them, and after a great slaughter gave them a total defeat and rout. After these exploits he returned triumphantly to his capital.
Notwithstanding these glorious successes, he was incessantly harrassed by, and forced to be ever in the field against the Maharattors, until the year 1750; when he made a lasting peace with them on the terms recited in the "Short sketch of the history of Bengal," before mentioned; to which we beg leave to refer. There the reader may if he pleases follow this great wicked man, "through the more pleasing scenes of domestic life, and public tranquillity." We shall content ourselves in closing this chapter, and second general head, with a few circumstances which happened in consequence of his natural demise, Anno 1756. -- It is pretty well known, and has been by us severely felt, that he was succeeded by Mhirza Mahommed his adopted son and grandson (who assumed the title of Surajad Dowla) in the government; that after he had quelled an opposition that was made to his succession by part of his own family, he directed his arms against our settlements; took, and destroyed them. -- The causes for that invasion of property, having been faithfully investigated and presented to the public in a second edition of "India Tracts," published March 1764. -- This short recapitulation would have had no place here, but to introduce a circumstance not so well known as the foregoing.
When Surajad Dowla declared his resolution to attack and drive the English out of Bengal, he was opposed by the affectionate remonstrances of the deceased Aliverdi Khan's Begun, already mentioned -- with every argument which love and maternal authority could devise, she labored to dissuade him from his purpose; but labored to no end: for though the young tyrant preserved some reverence for her person, yet her influence was not great: but when she found him deaf to her entreaties, she had the courage to tell him, "She saw his own fate was blended with, and waited on the destruction he was aiming to accomplish against the English; and that if he persisted, his rashness and injustice would not only be the cause of his own death, but the total ruin of his family." Her wisdom and foresight was so great and extensive, that it was commonly said by the Usurper, "He never knew her judgment or predictions fail."
We hope to meet with pardon for doing honor to the character of this extraordinary woman; especially as we thereby embrace a favorable opportunity of discharging the tribute of sincere gratitude particularly due from us, -- the author owing life and liberty to her humane and successful intercession.