PART 1 OF 2
Chapter II. The State and the Sexes
We have seen that behind all religious, moral and artistic values a racially conditioned people stand and that, through unhindered race mixing, all true values are ultimately destroyed, while the individualities of the peoples vanish in a racial chaos, to vegetate away as an uncreative mass or become subservient, intellectually and materially subordinated, to a powerful new race will. However within these world spanning contrasts of races and souls of life there is another polarisation of peoples: the male and the female. If the deepest outward racial and spiritual features, the orientations and structures of values of man and woman in a type conditioned people are also identical, then nature has created a sexual polarity alongside the other polarities of physical and ideological kinds, in order to produce organic tension and creation as the preconditions of all creation. This fundamental insight has a twofold result, namely, that certain peculiarities of male and female—although on different planes and within a different typecast—are nevertheless similar according to the simple eternal laws of the physical structural planes of this world, and also that attempts at elimination of the sexually conditioned tensions must necessarily have a diminishing of creative powers as a consequence. This means that sexual collectivism, such as in the case of situations of miscegenation, will end in the debasement of the people. It also means that race mixing debases the offspring as well.
The opinion must be expressed that the recognition of the fact of sexual polarity as alone maintaining creation, producing and releasing tensions, must be an eternally unshakeable conviction because it has been substantiated a thousandfold. In fact, all truly profound thinkers have been of this opinion. These philosophers have a self evident maturity derived from their conclusions drawn from life. They believe in effect that man is superior to woman in all realms of research, invention, fabrication and creation. The value of woman rests upon the equally important mission of blood preservation and racial propagation.
In times of external catastrophes and inner disintegration, however, feminist man joins with emancipated woman to become the symbol of cultural decline and decay of the state. The speeches by Medea in Euripides’s plays are similar to the tirades of Fräulein The Myth of the 20th Century 107
Stocker or Miss Pankhurst, without—in spite of the woman’s freedom during the Renaissance, the era of the Sun King, Jacobinism and present day democracy—anything new being revealed other than what Aristoteles expressed in a few words:
Woman is woman by virtue of a certain lack of capability.
The ancient poets recognised this fact when they symbolised destiny as having been embedded in a cosmic law of female beings; the Teutons by the Norns and the Greeks by the Moirai. This lack of capability is the consequence of a nature directed at the vegetative and the subjective. The woman of all times and races lacks the strength of both intuitive and intellectual vision. Everywhere that a mythic shaping of the world, a great epic or drama, or a scientific hypothesis explaining the cosmos has appeared in world history, a man stands behind them as creator. To the ancient Aryan Indian it is the Prajapati, that is, the Master of Creatures, who formed this world, or the Purusha, the man and spirit who created. The Teutons formed heaven and earth from the giant Ymir; and it was the male spirit everywhere which gave birth to a world order against chaos.
Thus everywhere that something typical, and type forming, arises, the man is operative as the creative cause. Two of the greatest male acts of all time are called state and Marriage.
Present day Feminism—without the author wishing it—has found in Bachofen a glorification of its nature, and many unhealthy thinkers have taken his extravagant fantasies—irrespective of their interesting details—concerning matriarchy as true historical facts. However much he and all those related to him are right to claim hetairism as a form of government by women, it is nevertheless unjust to assume that state forms of this form ever existed. Bachofen did not shy away from assuming the existence of matriarchy in some places simply because women occupied high positions. He then expressed himself poetically about this. For example, he even presumes and asserts this for Sparta on grounds of the freedom enjoyed by women within this rough Dorian tribe. In fact, Sparta offered the example of a well disciplined state, and was devoid of any female influence. The kings and the ephors formed the absolute power, the essence of which was the maintenance and expansion of this power through the increase of the Dorian upper stratum with its disciplined outlook. For that sole purpose, women were also required to participate in gymnastic games. Generally, the wearing of golden jewellery was forbidden to them as were decorative hair styles. If woman enjoyed respect among the Teutons, then it was not because there were matriarchal conditions. On the contrary, it was because patriarchy was completely realised. That system alone provided consistency and, as a result of the racial typification of Nordic man, it was linked with the greatest respect for women. Accompanied by that magnanimity was a part of the eternally searching free nature which, in times of crises, can also become a great danger for the whole, as exemplified in the emancipation of the Jews. When that was approved, the idea of the political emancipation of women was recognised in the state legal domain.
The traditional view is that the family forms the cell of the state. This view has grown into a coercive dogma which, in the face of Marxist and Democratic attempts to disintegrate all ideas of the family, has constantly been reinforced. This argument not only clouds the stage for the study of the questions of women’s rights, but it inhibits judgement as a whole as it concerns the nature of the present movement for renewal and of the new state concept of our future.
The state has nowhere been the consequence of a common idea, but the result of an alliance of oriented men conscious of their goal and purpose. The family, having on occasions proved itself as the stronger, and on other occasions the weaker, supporter of state and folkish architectonics, has often even been placed in its service, conscious of its goal. But nowhere was it the most important pillar of a state, or, in other words, of a community based on political and social power.
The first purposeful association that arose anywhere in the world was the warrior clan, or tribe, or horde. It was formed for the purpose of creating a common security against a hostile alien environment. In the subjugation of one tribe by another, the defeated league of warriors was incorporated into the victorious one. Thus the first cell of the purposeful state association arose, existing unconsciously in the idea of a state.
Everything which we describe allegorically about Rome, Sparta, Athens and Potsdam begins with the alliance of warrior men. The bases of the state systems of China, Japan, India, Persia and Egypt also rest upon this primal ground which, under calmer external conditions, received a different kind of character. In its core, however, it always remained an allied league of men, even until the decline of one or the other culture. But decline signified the dissolution of the idea of a male system of training, of a male, type forming, norm.
Egypt passed relatively quickly from the league of men warriors into a technical association which for a long time bore the stamp of the learned scribe and the official. It was then pushed aside incrementally by the league of priests. Egypt has therefore aptly been called a state of officials or scribes. In each case a completely determined technical norm was recognised as the measuring rod of all action. It has had a type breeding effect over thousands of years. The first great cultural achievement of the Nile kingdom was making the land arable and utilising the changes in the soil which resulted from floods. Egypt did not use tribal names. It recognised neither leagues of the sexes nor blood revenge. The family played almost no role at all in the imposing structure of the Egyptian state. This Egyptian concept of the state, as controlled by learned officialdom, has persisted tenaciously over thousands of years. However, this type was trained by the purposeful league of Egyptian technicians, the learned ones, the scribes, who had to give advice concerning regulations of river, land irrigation, atmospheric effects, royal building plans, and so on, in order, through the league of priests, to give religious dedication to the entire activity.
See, there is no social rank which could not be ruled, only the scribe who rules himself
are the emphatic words in the Doctrine of Duaf. Thus the learned technician and the correct, but not incorruptible, clerk bred a state community.
We see something similar take place in China. Here, likewise, the league of warriors was transformed into a society of learned men. After Lao Tse and Confucius had established themselves as classics of the Chinese soul, their teachings on morals and life, in which Confucius completely predominated, became a measure and guiding line for the state life, religion and scientific activity of the Chinese people. For maintenance of the norm, the league of warriors transformed itself into a loosely linked society which found its dominant type in the learned Mandarin. This type ruled the life of China for centuries. There was no high official who had not passed his philosophical examination in the classical teachings of Confucius. This system of training held the Chinese Empire together during times The Myth of the 20th Century 108
when the purely political union was weakened through wars and revolutions, that is, the league of men, held together by an openly racially conditioned system, lasted through to the present. With China, the entire ancestral cult, naturally, must be considered. That cult cultivated an instinct of solidarity, of belonging together, at least in family belief. Its earthbound nature provided the most permanent way of cementing together ancient China and it still does so even today. The family, seen from the aspect of the wife’s influence, contributed little to nothing to Chinese society and to the nature of the state.
These two somewhat remotely connected examples are also to be found in the kingdoms undoubtedly founded by Aryans. The life style of ancient India was first conditioned by the warrior caste, called the Shatryas. In the ancient songs of the Veda, a courageous warlike spirit is breathed forth. It lasted until the time of post Christian decline. Indeed, even up to the present the Rajputs, the warrior families, were racially an alien, Aryan conditioned, body living in disintegrated India. However, gradually the direction of the people passed over to the Brahmans who finally brought all Indians under their intellectual rule. Secrets and magical rites were the elements, style forming, which were so powerfully implanted that, even today, Brahmanism represents the binding force to which hundreds of millions subordinate themselves. In this respect, it is characteristic that the Brahmans—in contrast, for example, to the Roman popes—have never striven for political power, and yet their authority was so great as to introduce the practice of the burning of widows. This was permitted by the forgery of an ancient text of the Veda. It is a measure which can only be traced back to an authoritarian male society. Nowhere has the power of a compelling, shaping, architectonic idea appeared stronger than in the type of the weaponless, yet ruling, Brahman. The strength, style forming, of its philosophy remained praiseworthy despite the fact that there was an unrestricted, widespread, race denying, doctrine of universal oneness that allowed mixing with the aborigines. Thus miscegenation was promoted, and dark mixed racial types attained high posts.
Another, clearly evident example which proves that men were germ cells of the state and backbone of a life type is offered us by Hellas in its political systems known by the names Sparta and Athens. One merely repeats elemental wisdom if he pauses to describe the power of the league of warriors over Spartan life. In Athens, it was not fundamentally different. Later, when, within men of more insight, the recognition of disintegration occurred during democratisation, one could always fall back on and rely on the male leagues. The members of these associations did not describe themselves as members of a family and clan, but described; themselves as brothers. In Greek life they represented a completely conscious retreat from the bonds of relationships based upon feelings. In Athens the league of youth, the Ephebia, took first place. It is no accident if Aristoteles begins the representation of the Constitution of Athens by mentioning this state youth league. This control by the state signified the attempt, carried out shortly before him by the disintegrating individualistic democracy, to reestablish the original and ancient Greek league of men warriors. In our understanding it signifies nothing other than the introduction of a universal military service for all young, free Athenians. In their 18th year they were put into barracks and identically uniformed. Gymnastic masters and educators strictly watched over the maintenance of discipline, guaranteeing strength and uniformity. This act of despair by the Greek democracy, knowing that the aristocratic Athenian had once arisen from among them, came too late. The strength of Athens decomposed through the subversion by demagogues, sophists, democrats, and women emancipated from femininity, and by race mixing. These things had to bow to a powerful new league of men, the warriors of Alexander the Great. If one looks even deeper, then he will also have to take into consideration the Athenian artist’s guilds, the philosophers’ schools, and, as a male league, one also must not overlook the great role played by the oracle goddesses in Greek life. The latter particularly represent the side, unable to form type, of pre Greek life with its emphasis upon superstition. These and the Dionysos cult are also unquestionably closely connected racially with the subordinated native stratum. The same is true of the later Bakchic cult which grew into a symbol of the late Greek era. Bacchic festivals, hetairai economy and democratic slave emancipation were the disintegrating powers which mitigated against the Greek folkhood, the Athenian state and the Hellenic culture in general.
We can observe a very interesting relationship among state, people, league of men, and family in Rome. The individual in Rome almost ceased to be a personality. His entire service and his whole life belonged to the community. The consciousness of the power and greatness of this community, however, represented in its after effect the pride, indeed, the personal property, of the citizen. If, from the aspect of the state, he was only a number, then individualism was legally unrestricted. Here the family also took its place. It has unquestionably been an enormously important stone in the building of the Roman state. But, as is known, this family was nothing other than a tool of the paterfamilias which disposed permanently over life and limb of all its members. Thus here also, merciless male discipline ruled. The grownup son could only withdraw from the tyranny of the head of the family by entry into the league of men, the Curia, the army. These forces mutually balanced each other, watched over the discipline of state citizens, and created that rigid Roman type which conquered the world. Its laws still determine the norm of western life even today. It must be said here at once that the crassly individualistic, private capitalistic Roman law created Roman strength but—released from its environment of intrinsic type—had a disintegrating effect on the Germanic essence. It must again be eliminated if we wish to recover our health.
The principles of collapsing Rome were taken over by a new league of men aiming at world rulership: the catholic church. Christianity entered into world history, carried by a great personality. At first it was only an emotional movement. Later, it infiltrated the state as a faceless mass movement, but when it had conquered the state the priests began, exactly as in Egypt and India, to control the architecture of thought, to represent themselves as the sole justified mediators between man and god, and to improve history according to its needs. This previously described system has proven to be an enormous disciplining power. It was shaped completely by an extremist league of men whose representatives practised celibacy. Women were, and still are, regarded up to today, only as serving elements. Through the introduction of the Isis Mary cult, account was also taken of the female maternal feeling. Through this concession to the emotional side—beginning with tolerant dedication and ending in religious hysteria, paired with complete exclusion of the female element from the structure of the church—the Roman church system of the league of men has based its capacity for resistance. In this respect, however, it must not be forgotten that the types of the Brahman and the Mandarin are even far older and stronger than the type of the Roman priest.
It is evident that the leaders of the male leagues have everywhere striven to prove that their rulership was willed by god. The Egyptian Pharaoh did this just as did the Brahman, who boldly declared of whoever knew the secrets of the Veda and mastered the The Myth of the 20th Century 109
sacrificial ceremony that the gods are in his hand.
The idea of divine grace was then taken over in the west by a male league completely different from the Roman priesthood: by the Germanic Knights Order which reached its peak under the Kaisers. The middle ages signifies the tortured attempt to equilibrate monks and knights—these two great types of the league of men—to one another, whereby each one made efforts to be serviceable to the other. In its essence, the Roman system was not Nordic, and the Knights Order of the middle ages was only one side of the struggle for release from it. The Germanic orders and guilds, the city leagues, the Hansa, and so on, appear as forces which made themselves free of the Roman ideas. Protestantism, as an anti Roman orientation of feeling, therefore corresponded to a disposition spread over the whole of Europe. It was, as even Görres admitted, the ethical conscience of Germanic man. However, the Reformation carried no strength, type forming, within it. Rather, it merely prepared the ground for the national ideas which have only begun to unfold their mythic strength in our times. The Roman system of training could only be pushed aside by another type breeding power. This was developed, at first, in the type of the Prussian officer, who, as was proved in 1914, became the type of the German soldier. The Prussian, then the German, army was one of the most splendid examples of the architectonic league of men corresponding to that of the Nordic, for it was built on honour and duty. Therefore, by necessity, it bore a hatred of others.
These observations can be extended at length by choice. The German order of Knights of the Sword, the Templars, the Freemasons’ League, the Jesuit order, the association of Rabbis, the English Club, the German student corporations, the German Freikorps after 1918, the S.A.—Storm Troopers—of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party—these are all eloquent examples of the insurmountable fact that a state, folkish, social or church type, however different their forms may be, go back almost exclusively to a league of men and its training. The woman and the family are added on or excluded. The woman’s capacity for sacrifice forces her into the service of a type. Only the power of another idea releases her from the system of training. Such an idea may use her as an element of disintegration—as in Hellenic democracy, as in late faceless Rome, as in the present day movement of Emancipation—or, in order to make their power of passionate dedication serviceable to a new, type forming, ideal after a revolutionary transition.
The demand for equal political rights for women was the natural consequence of the ideas of the French revolution. These rights were promoted by liberal, so called human rights, philosophies. The emancipation of the Jews followed from the preaching of the insane idea of human equality. So also was the case with the liberation of woman from male slavery. The demand for present day female emancipation was raised in the name of boundless individualism, not in the name of a new synthesis. In the sense of living to the full the movement was then interpreted accordingly by its adherents. As a reinforcement of this demand came the shaping of the social situation through world trade and overindustrialisation. Women were forced to assist their men in the factories in order to maintain the life of the family. The entry of women into the work force lowered the man’s wages. As a result, the period of bachelorhood was unnaturally lengthened. This increased the number of unmarried marriageable women. In turn, this led to the increase of prostitution.
Here, one of its most important tasks awaited the state. However, the state was not equal to the task. It could not cope with industrialisation and proletarianisation. Possibly, the democratic state never could be equal to this task. The workers’ movements were completely justified. They saw in woman a fellow sufferer and made her cause likewise a program point of their efforts.
In 1905, the League for the right of women to vote, founded in 1902, announced the following demands:
admission of women to all responsible community and state posts
admission of women to the practice of law
communal and political voting rights, and so on
This was the program, a deliberate reaching out for control of the state.
If we recall the facts represented at the outset, that in the entire course of world history, every lasting combination of state and social architectonics has been the consequence of the male will and masculine creative power, then it is clear that to concede a fundamental permanent influence of women in the state must be to represent the beginning of evident decay. In this connection it is not a question of good will or positive cooperation, nor of one or another competent—even great—female personality, but of the essence of woman, which, in the last analysis, approaches all questions lyrically or intellectually, never viewing things as a whole. Our feministically democratic humanity, which is so sympathetic to the individual criminal, but forgets the state, the people—in brief—the type, is thus really the breeding ground for all efforts which deny norms or only participate in them emotionally.
It is characteristic of the nature of the protagonists of a women’s state that their attack—in harmony with the entire Marxist and Democratic Jewish press—is directed instinctively against Prussian Militarism, that is, against the disciplining and type creating foundation of our state. This will be true as long as there are cultures, peoples and states. Thus, for example, England is generally praised because it does not experience Continental Militarism (Schirmacher). But up to 1832 the English granted women political, and up to 1835, communal, voting rights in full equality with men. But then, out of very pertinent reasons of experience, it abolished these again. These rights were reintroduced in 1929 under the renewed pressures of democracy. The emancipated are not accustomed to speaking well of Germany and its violations. None of our modern cultural nations is in a position to thank a victorious war fought scarcely a generation ago for its political existence. But every war, every emphasis on the furtherance of militarism, represents a diminishing of the cultural powers and influence of women. The emancipated have no eyes for understanding the fact that every culture for 8,000 years has arisen only under the protection of the sword. All have perished without salvation when the unconditional will to self assertion was no longer present. Just as the man infected with Marxism sees only his class and his fellow believers, so the emancipated see only the woman—not woman and man, sword and spirit, people and state, power and culture. And just as the Mythless and characterless 19th century stood helplessly in the face of Parliamentarianism, Marxism, and all the other disintegrating forces, so today we experience the fragmentising femininism of democratic politicians who see themselves thereby as especially liberal.
This liberality or rather, the weakness, of the male, type forming, power, has encouraged the women’s movement to express what the entire thing is directed at: the conquest of power. The exercise of power is sweet. The woman chases after it as much as the man. That female energies seek an outlet when men are tired is a phenomenon of natural necessity.
An entire literature came into being to provide a basis for this general claim to power. It attempted to prove the absolute equal rank The Myth of the 20th Century 110
of women. The fact that women gave birth was put forward with refreshing logic as the cause of this fundamental equality.
If one alludes to history as the chief witness for the absence of strength, type forming, in women, then they complain about the violent repression which has hindered them, without noticing that this concession alone is decisive. The greatest male geniuses have often been children of poverty and oppression, but nevertheless they have grown to become rulers and shapers of men. There is more falsehood than truth in the assertion that, historically, women have been oppressed. Even in the gloomy middle ages, noble women enjoyed a better education than the knights who rode out to battle and adventure. They also had leisure enough to study anatomy and astronomy at the household hearth. But never from the midst of these women has there emerged a Walther von der Vogelweide or a Wolfram. There was no Roger Bacon who was hunted through all of Europe by the church. No woman became one of the founders of our science. Woman could not create because she lacked the conceptualisation which is native only to man. There is no magic or power that permits creativity. It is simply a gift given only to man, never women.
Greece gave intellectual freedom to the hetairai, if not to the wife. Nevertheless, apart from the lyrically sexual Sappho, nothing noteworthy happened. This freedom of women was far more a clear sign of Hellenic decline. The Renaissance also gave women equal opportunities with men. Women such as Vittoria Colonna, Lucrezia Borgia, are known only to us, not because of their own deeds, but because of the way they were immortalised by men such as Michael Angelo. Woman has simply failed to produce or create lasting values of genius.
The intrusion of the woman’s movement into the collapsing world of the 19th century has taken place on a broad front. This female liberation program has, by natural necessity, entered into a mutually reinforcing alliance with all other forces of disintegration—with world trade, democracy, Marxism and Parliamentarianism. The enormous industry of woman in all domains has been given only a modest display when deeds and victories were counted. There are only a few significant women: Sonya Kowalewsky; Madame Curie, whose genius suddenly vanished when her husband was run over in a street accident; and a legendary inventress of the sewing machine. Otherwise, although there has been a succession of competent women physicians, art and crafts women, female secretaries, scholars and natural scientists, none has produced synthesis.
The science of emancipation declares that the so called female qualities have been merely called forth due to the thousand year old rule by men. When woman ruled, as had occurred at times, female qualities were formed in the man. Therefore only sex could be evaluated.
This logic is just as typical as it is widespread. Essentially, it springs from the dusty milieu theory, according to which man is nothing other than a product of his environment. This Darwinian white elephant must even today bear the burden of providing the ideological support and scientific backbone of the champions of women’s rights. Two incompatible sequences of thought run alongside one another. On the one side, it belongs to the art of propaganda to call upon male knightliness and sympathy to establish that women have been cheated of their freedom and culture by men. This has led them to demand an alteration in the future.
On the other side, efforts are today made to prove that men generally had mismanaged things, that the century of women approaches, and that in the past there were significant feminist states in which men played the role of obedient house pets. From this we should draw consolation in that the collapse of the male state would not bring chaos in its wake. But, on the contrary, a real culture and a real human state would commence. It is amusing to follow these new writers of history as they proceed. They report, for example, that a Kamshad woman cannot be moved, even by the greatest promises, to wash clothes, repair them or perform other household duties—from which presumably comes the high culture of Kamshadalia. Particular attention has been paid to Egypt. Diodoros and Strabon, as well as Herodotos, have been scoured for evidence to interpret signs of female worship as evidence that Egypt was ruled by women. This is said to be proven by the inscription over the sculptures of King Ramses and his wife on a gate. It is written there:
See what the goddess wife speaks, the royal mother, the mistress of the world.
They alleged that this proves that the queen stood above the king. The words spoken about the mother are totally ignored. Further, they allege that the male Egyptian principally performed the household tasks while the women ruled. Let us, for a moment, agree. Simply stated, the doctrine fails because we can and have been trying to show that women founded no states. They have not created science. It is merely because they were oppressed?
But simultaneously, naturally, unwillingly, another thing is proved: that women with, or in spite of all, freedom have neither founded nor maintained a state. For Egypt was not a women’s state. From King Menes (approximately 3,400 B.C.) onward, the history of the Egyptian state is the history of men. The first king’s tomb is that of Chent, whose government created the foundation of Egyptian culture. The king is the incarnation of Horus; even after death he can take wives away from husbands, whence he wishes, if his heart is seized by the desire ..... The god, he is called, the great house—Pharaoh.
Royalty finds its rigid limitations in the ceremonial, in the typifying arrangement of law, in the observance of which its divinity is linked. Each of the kings built his own residence according to his capacity; his own sarcophagus, as a memorial. The rhythm of ordinary life was determined by the official, the chamberlain, the technician, or, in short, the scribe. After periods of unrest, Amenehet I struggled toward creative power. The classical period of Egypt had begun. The fact that the Egyptian male state allowed the greatest freedom for women shows that there can, in fact, be rule by women, but not a female state per se. This concept is a contradiction in itself, just as the term men’s state represents a tautology.
Things are not as simple as, nor are they solved by, establishing an equilibrium between a male and a female political system. The establishment of equal rights is not, despite claims to the contrary, a cultural goal worth striving for. A swing of the pendulum away from the formation of a male type does signify a time of degeneracy. The pendulum does not swing over to form a new type; rather it lands in a swamp. Rule by women is an example of absolutely nothing. For a European race—and not only for it—a time of rule by women is a time of decay in the structure of life. With further perpetuation, it signifies the decline of a culture, and of the race.
Even if women have become rulers during the course of European history, through dynastic succession, whether they have ruled well or badly, they did this within, and supported by the existing form of a male state. They have subordinated and adapted themselves to his type, in order after death to once again make room for a man. Ministers, generals and soldiers, represented by women—this would The Myth of the 20th Century 111
be the prerequisite for a Women’s state.
As monarchy ended in France, women were of necessity brought into positions of influence. The aristocratic lady possessed all the rights of the feudal lords. She could raise troops and collect taxes. Female landed property owners on a large scale had positions on, and voting rights in, the representative bodies of their class. Some, for example, as Madame de Sevigne did, indeed, become peers of France. In the self disintegrating guilds, the female masters could even determine the professional right to vote.
Some ideas of the French Revolution included the liberation of women. Its spokeswomen were the demi monde women, Olympe de Gouges and Theroigne de Mericourt. As long as the revolutionaries fought, women could not use the rights which they had possessed under the old regime. Later, they drew advantage from the Democratic victory. Napoleon was much hated by emancipated women on account of his antifeminist Code Napoleon.
The Americans, who granted women equal rights from the very beginning, are praised for this, but then, this was to be expected. If one studies the history of the United states, then he clearly notices two types of rule by women in American society, despite the fact that it has a male state. The American man still ruthlessly forces his will on society. The ceaseless hunt for the dollar almost exclusively governs his existence. His culture is represented by sport and technology. All paths of art, science and politics stand open to the emancipated woman. Her social position is undoubtedly superior to the male. The consequence of this rule by women in America is the strikingly low cultural level of the nation. A real cultural and vital type will come into existence in America only when the chase after the dollar has been tamed and when the contemporary technological man has begun to think about the nature and aim of existence. Emerson represented the first reflective moment in America. But unfortunately, this was only a moment. In spite of the social predominance of woman, the state is nevertheless, by necessity, masculine. If diplomacy and national defence were also female controlled, then America could not maintain its existence as a state.