Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

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Nikolai Bukharin
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/28/18



"Bukharin" redirects here. For the Russian anarchist, see Mikhail Bakunin. For the Jewish ethnic group, see Bukharan Jews.

This name uses Eastern Slavic naming customs; the patronymic is Ivanovich and the family name is Bukharin.
Nikolai Bukharin

Никола́й Буха́рин
Full member of the 13th, 14th, 15th Politburo
In office
2 June 1924 – 17 November 1929
Candidate member of the 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th Politburo
In office
8 March 1919 – 2 June 1924
Personal details
Born Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin
9 October 1888
Moscow, Russian Empire
Died 15 March 1938 (aged 49)
Communarka shooting ground, Russian SFSR, Soviet Union
Cause of death Execution
Nationality Russian
Political party Bolshevik, Communist Party
Spouse(s) Anna Larina
Children Svetlana, Yuri Larin
Parents Ivan Gavrilovich and Liubov Ivanovna Bukharin
Alma mater Imperial Moscow University (1911)
Known for Editor of Pravda, Izvestia, author of The Politics and Economics of the Transition Period, Imperialism and World Economy, co-author of The ABC of Communism, principal framer of the Soviet Constitution of 1936

Nikolai Ivanovich Bukharin[a] (9 October [O.S. 27 September] 1888 – 15 March 1938) was a Russian Bolshevik revolutionary, Soviet politician and prolific author on revolutionary theory.

As a young man, he spent six years in exile, working closely with fellow exiles Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky. After the revolution of February 1917, he returned to Moscow, where his Bolshevik credentials earned him a high rank in the party, and after the October Revolution, he became editor of the party newspaper Pravda.

Within the Bolshevik Party, Bukharin was initially a Left Communist, but his gradual move from the left to the right from 1921, as a strong supporter and defender of the New Economic Policy (NEP), eventually saw him lead the Right Opposition. By late 1924, this had positioned Bukharin favourably as Joseph Stalin's chief ally, with Bukharin soon elaborating Stalin's new theory and policy of Socialism in One Country. Together, Bukharin and Stalin ousted Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev from the party at the XVth Communist Party Congress in December 1927. From 1926 to 1929, Bukharin enjoyed great power as General Secretary of Comintern's executive committee. However, Stalin’s decision to proceed with collectivisation drove the two men apart, and Bukharin was expelled from the Politburo in 1929.

After the Russian Civil War of 1917-1922 ended, the Soviet government under Lenin introduced a semi-capitalist economic policy to stabilize Russia’s floundering economy. This reform, the New Economic Policy (NEP), introduced a new social policy of moderation and discipline, especially regarding Soviet youth. Lenin himself stressed the importance of political education of young Soviet citizens in building a new society.

The first Komsomol Congress met in 1918 under the patronage of the Bolshevik Party, despite the two organizations' not entirely coincident membership or beliefs. Party intervention in 1922-1923 proved marginally successful in recruiting members by presenting the ideal Komsomolets (Komsomol youth) as a foil to the "bourgeois NEPman".[3] By the time of the second Congress, a year later, however, the Bolsheviks had, in effect, acquired control of the organization, and it was soon formally established as the youth division of the Communist party. However, the party was not very successful overall in recruiting Russian youth during the NEP period (1921-1928).

This came about because of conflict and disillusionment among Soviet youth who romanticised the spontaneity and destruction characteristic of War Communism (1918-1921) and the Civil War period.[4] They saw it as their duty, and the duty of the Communist Party itself, to eliminate all elements of Western culture from society. However, the NEP had the opposite effect: after it started, many aspects of Western social behavior began to reemerge.[5] The contrast between the "Good Communist" extolled by the Party and the capitalism fostered by NEP confused many young people.[6] They rebelled against the Party's ideals in two opposite ways: radicals gave up everything that had any Western or capitalist connotations, while the majority of Russian youths felt drawn to the Western-style popular culture of entertainment and fashion. As a result, there was a major slump in interest and membership in the Party-oriented Komsomol.

In March 1926, Komsomol membership reached a NEP-period peak of 1,750,000 members: only 6 percent of the eligible youth population.[7] Only when Stalin came to power and abandoned the NEP in the first Five Year Plan (1928–1933) did membership increase drastically.[8]

-- Komsomol, by Wikipedia

When the Great Purge began in 1936, Stalin looked for any pretext to liquidate his former allies and rivals for power, and some of Bukharin's letters, conversations and tapped phone calls indicated disloyalty. Arrested in February 1937, he was charged with conspiring to overthrow the Soviet state and executed in March 1938, after a show trial that alienated many Western communist sympathisers.

Before 1917

Nikolai Bukharin was born on September 27 (October 9, new style), 1888, in Moscow.[1] He was the second son of two schoolteachers, Ivan Gavrilovich Bukharin and Liubov Ivanovna Bukharina.[1] His childhood is vividly recounted in his mostly autobiographic novel How It All Began.

Ivan Bukharin, father of Nikolai

Bukharin's political life began at the age of sixteen with his lifelong friend Ilya Ehrenburg when he participated in student activities at Moscow University related to the Russian Revolution of 1905. He joined the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in 1906, becoming a member of the Bolshevik faction. With Grigori Sokolnikov, he convened the 1907 national youth conference in Moscow, which was later considered the founding of Komsomol. By age twenty, he was a member of the Moscow Committee of the party. The committee was heavily infiltrated by the Tsarist secret police, the Okhrana. As one of its leaders, Bukharin quickly became a person of interest to them. During this time, he became closely associated with Valerian Obolensky and Vladimir Smirnov, and also met his future first wife, Nadezhda Mikhailovna Lukina, his cousin and the sister of Nikolai Lukin, who was also a member of the party. They married soon after their exile, in 1911.

In 1911, after a brief imprisonment, Bukharin was exiled to Onega in Arkhangelsk, but soon escaped to Hanover, where he stayed for a year before visiting Kraków in 1912 to meet Vladimir Lenin for the first time. During the exile, he continued his education and wrote several books that established him as a major Bolshevik theorist in his 20s. His work, Imperialism and World Economy influenced Lenin, who freely borrowed from it[2] in his larger and better known work, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. Nevertheless, he and Lenin often had hot disputes on theoretical issues and Bukharin's closeness with the European Left and his anti-statist tendencies. Bukharin developed an interest in the works of Austrian Marxists and non-Marxist economic theorists, such as Aleksandr Bogdanov, who deviated from Leninist positions. Also, while in Vienna in 1913, he helped the Georgian Bolshevik Joseph Stalin write an article, Marxism and the National Question, at Lenin's request.

In October 1916, while based in New York City, he edited the newspaper Novy Mir (New World) with Leon Trotsky and Alexandra Kollontai.When Trotsky arrived in New York in January 1917, Bukharin was the first to greet him (as Trotsky's wife recalled, "with a bear hug and immediately began to tell them about a public library which stayed open late at night and which he proposed to show us at once" dragging the tired Trotskys across town "to admire his great discovery").[3]

In 1916, the year preceding the Russian Revolution, internationalist Leon Trotsky was expelled from France, officially because of his participation in the Zimmerwald conference but also no doubt because of inflammatory articles written for Nashe Slovo, a Russian-language newspaper printed in Paris. In September 1916 Trotsky was politely escorted across the Spanish border by French police. A few days later Madrid police arrested the internationalist and lodged him in a "first-class cell" at a charge of one-and-one-half pesetas per day. Subsequently Trotsky was taken to Cadiz, then to Barcelona finally to be placed on board the Spanish Transatlantic Company steamer Monserrat. Trotsky and family crossed the Atlantic Ocean and landed in New York on January 13, 1917.

Other Trotskyites also made their way westward across the Atlantic. Indeed, one Trotskyite group acquired sufficient immediate influence in Mexico to write the Constitution of Querétaro for the revolutionary 1917 Carranza government, giving Mexico the dubious distinction of being the first government in the world to adopt a Soviet-type constitution.

How did Trotsky, who knew only German and Russian, survive in capitalist America? According to his autobiography, My Life, "My only profession in New York was that of a revolutionary socialist." In other words, Trotsky wrote occasional articles for Novy Mir, the New York Russian socialist journal. Yet we know that the Trotsky family apartment in New York had a refrigerator and a telephone, and, according to Trotsky, that the family occasionally traveled in a chauffeured limousine. This mode of living puzzled the two young Trotsky boys. When they went into a tearoom, the boys would anxiously demand of their mother, "Why doesn't the chauffeur come in?"1 The stylish living standard is also at odds with Trotsky's reported income. The only funds that Trotsky admits receiving in 1916 and 1917 are $310, and, said Trotsky, "I distributed the $310 among five emigrants who were returning to Russia." Yet Trotsky had paid for a first-class cell in Spain, the Trotsky family had traveled across Europe to the United States, they had acquired an excellent apartment in New York — paying rent three months in advance — and they had use of a chauffeured limousine. All this on the earnings of an impoverished revolutionary for a few articles for the low-circulation Russian-language newspaper Nashe Slovo in Paris and Novy Mir in New York!

Joseph Nedava estimates Trotsky's 1917 income at $12.00 per week, "supplemented by some lecture fees."2 Trotsky was in New York in 1917 for three months, from January to March, so that makes $144.00 in income from Novy Mir and, say, another $100.00 in lecture fees, for a total of $244.00. Of this $244.00 Trotsky was able to give away $310.00 to his friends, pay for the New York apartment, provide for his family — and find the $10,000 that was taken from him in April 1917 by Canadian authorities in Halifax. Trotsky claims that those who said he had other sources of income are "slanderers" spreading "stupid calumnies" and "lies," but unless Trotsky was playing the horses at the Jamaica racetrack, it can't be done. Obviously Trotsky had an unreported source of income.

What was that source? In The Road to Safety, author Arthur Willert says Trotsky earned a living by working as an electrician for Fox Film Studios. Other writers have cited other occupations, but there is no evidence that Trotsky occupied himself for remuneration otherwise than by writing and speaking.

Most investigation has centered on the verifiable fact that when Trotsky left New York in 1917 for Petrograd, to organize the Bolshevik phase of the revolution, he left with $10,000. In 1919 the U.S. Senate Overman Committee investigated Bolshevik propaganda and German money in the United States and incidentally touched on the source of Trotsky's $10,000. Examination of Colonel Hurban, Washington attaché to the Czech legation, by the Overman Committee yielded the following:

-- Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, by Antony C. Sutton

1917 to 1923

At the news of the Russian Revolution of February 1917, exiled revolutionaries from around the world began to flock back to the homeland. Trotsky left New York on March 27, 1917, sailing for St. Petersburg.[4] Bukharin left New York in early April and returned to Russia by way of Japan (there he was temporarily detained by local police), arriving in Moscow in early May 1917.[3] Politically, the Bolsheviks in Moscow remained a definite minority to the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries. However, as soldiers and workers began to be attracted to the Lenin's promise to bring peace by withdrawing from the war, membership in the Bolshevik faction began to skyrocket—from 24,000 members in February 1917 to 200,000 members in October 1917.[5] Upon his return to Moscow, Bukharin resumed his seat on the Moscow City Committee and also became a member of the Moscow Regional Bureau of the Party.[6]

Delegates of the 2nd World Congress of the Comintern in 1920

To complicate matters further, the Bolsheviks themselves were divided into a right wing and a left wing. The right wing of the Bolsheviks, including Aleksei Rykov and Viktor Nogin, controlled the Moscow Committee, while the younger left-wing Bolsheviks, including Vladimir Smirnov, Valerian Osinsky, Georgii Lomov, Nikolay Yakovlev, Ivan Kizelshtein and Ivan Stukov, were members of the Moscow Regional Bureau.[7] On October 10, 1917, Bukharin, along with two other Moscow Bolsheviks: Andrei Bubnov and Grigori Sokolnikov were elected to the Central Committee.[8] This strong representation on the Central Committee was a direct recognition of the fact that the Moscow Bureau had grown in importance. Whereas the Bolsheviks had previously been a minority in Moscow behind the Mensheviks and the Socialist Revolutionaries, by September 1917 the Bolsheviks were in the majority in Moscow. Furthermore, the Moscow Regional Bureau was formally responsible for the party organizations in each of the thirteen (13) central provinces around Moscow—which accounted for 37% of the whole population of Russia and 20% of the Bolshevik membership.[7]

Kliment Voroshilov, Semyon Budyonny, Mikhail Frunze and Nikolai Bukharin in Novomoskovsk 1921 with the 1st Cavalry Army (Konarmia).

While no one dominated revolutionary politics in Moscow during the October Revolution, as Trotsky did in St. Petersburg, Bukharin certainly was the most prominent leader in Moscow.[9] During the October Revolution, Bukharin drafted, introduced, and defended the revolutionary decrees of the Moscow Soviet. Bukharin then represented the Moscow Soviet in their report to the revolutionary government in Petrograd.[10] Following the October Revolution, Bukharin became the editor of the party's newspaper, Pravda.[11]

Bukharin believed passionately in the promise of world revolution. In the Russian turmoil near the end of World War I, when a negotiated peace with the Central Powers was looming, he demanded a continuance of the war, fully expecting to incite all the foreign proletarian classes to arms.
[12] Even as he was uncompromising toward Russia's battlefield enemies, he also rejected any fraternization with the capitalist Allied powers: he reportedly wept when he learned of official negotiations for assistance.[12] Bukharin emerged as the leader of the Left Communists in bitter opposition to Lenin's decision to sign the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.[13] In this wartime power struggle, he was urged by some of his more fiery allies to have Lenin arrested. He rejected this idea immediately, but the issue would later become the basis of Stalinist charges against him, culminating in the show trial of 1938.

Nikolay Bukharin with “Communist Bible” (ABC of Communism). 1923

After the ratification of the treaty, Bukharin resumed his responsibilities within the party. In March 1919, he became a member of the Comintern's executive committee and a candidate member of the Politburo. During the Civil War period, he published several theoretical economic works, including the popular primer The ABC of Communism (with Yevgeni Preobrazhensky, 1919), and the more academic Economics of the Transitional Period (1920) and Historical Materialism (1921).

By 1921, he changed his position and accepted Lenin's emphasis on the survival and strengthening of the Soviet state as the bastion of the future world revolution. He became the foremost supporter of the New Economic Policy (NEP), to which he was to tie his political fortunes. Considered by the Left Communists as a retreat from socialist policies, the NEP reintroduced money, allowed private ownership and capitalistic practices in agriculture, retail trade, and light industry while the state retained control of heavy industry. While some have criticized Bukharin for this apparent U-turn, his change of emphasis can be partially explained by the necessity for peace and stability following seven years of war in Russia, and the failure of communist revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe, which ended the prospect of worldwide revolution.

Power struggle

After Lenin's death in 1924, Bukharin became a full member of the Politburo.[14] In the subsequent power struggle among Leon Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev and Stalin, Bukharin allied himself with Stalin, who positioned himself as centrist of the Party and supported the NEP against the Left Opposition, which wanted more rapid industrialization, escalation of class struggle against the kulaks (wealthier peasants), and agitation for world revolution. It was Bukharin who formulated the thesis of "Socialism in One Country" put forth by Stalin in 1924, which argued that socialism (in Marxist theory, the transitional stage from capitalism to communism) could be developed in a single country, even one as underdeveloped as Russia. This new theory stated that revolution need no longer be encouraged in the capitalist countries since Russia could and should achieve socialism alone. The thesis would become a hallmark of Stalinism.

Trotsky, the prime force behind the Left Opposition, was defeated by a triumvirate formed by Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev, with the support of Bukharin. At the Fourteenth Party Congress in December 1925, Stalin openly attacked Kamenev and Zinoviev, revealing that they had asked for his aid in expelling Trotsky from the Party. By 1926, the Stalin-Bukharin alliance ousted Zinoviev and Kamenev from the Party leadership, and Bukharin enjoyed the highest degree of power during the 1926–1928 period.[15] He emerged as the leader of the Party's right wing, which included two other Politburo members Alexei Rykov, Lenin's successor as Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars and Mikhail Tomsky, head of trade unions, and he became General Secretary of the Comintern's executive committee in 1926.[16] However, prompted by a grain shortage in 1928, Stalin reversed himself and proposed a program of rapid industrialization and forced collectivization because he believed that the NEP was not working fast enough. Stalin felt that in the new situation the policies of his former foes -- Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev — were the right ones.[17]

Nikolai Bukharin on the Congress of educators, USSR 1925

Bukharin was worried by the prospect of Stalin's plan, which he feared would lead to “military-feudal exploitation” of the peasantry. Bukharin did want the Soviet Union to achieve industrialization but he preferred the more moderate approach of offering the peasants the opportunity to become prosperous, which would lead to greater grain production for sale abroad. Bukharin pressed his views throughout 1928 in meetings of the Politburo and at the Party Congress, insisting that enforced grain requisition would be counterproductive, as War Communism had been a decade earlier.[18]

Fall from power

Bukharin's support of continuation of the NEP was not popular with higher Party cadres, and his slogan to peasants, "Enrich yourselves!" and proposal to achieve socialism "at snail's pace" left him vulnerable to attacks first by Zinoviev and later by Stalin. Stalin attacked Bukharin's views, portraying them as capitalist deviation and declaring that the revolution would be at risk without a strong policy that encouraged rapid industrialization.

Having helped Stalin achieve unchecked power against the Left Opposition, Bukharin found himself easily outmaneuvered by Stalin. Yet Bukharin played to Stalin's strength by maintaining the appearance of unity within the Party leadership. Meanwhile, Stalin used his control of the Party machine to replace Bukharin's supporters in the Rightist power base in Moscow, trade unions, and the Comintern.

Nikolai Bukharin on the meeting of the workers and peasants news reporters in Moscow, June 1926

Bukharin attempted to gain support from earlier foes including Kamenev and Zinoviev who had fallen from power and held mid-level positions within the Communist party. The details of his meeting with Kamenev, to whom he confided that Stalin was "Genghis Khan" and changed policies to get rid of rivals, were leaked by the Trotskyist press and subjected him to accusations of factionalism. Eventually, Bukharin lost his position in the Comintern and the editorship of Pravda in April 1929 and he was expelled from the Politburo on 17 November of that year.[19]

Bukharin was forced to renounce his views under pressure. He wrote letters to Stalin pleading for forgiveness and rehabilitation, but through wiretaps of Bukharin's private conversations with Stalin's enemies, Stalin knew Bukharin's repentance was insincere.[20]

International supporters of Bukharin, Jay Lovestone of the Communist Party USA among them, were also expelled from the Comintern. They formed an international alliance to promote their views, calling it the International Communist Opposition, though it became better known as the Right Opposition, after a term used by the Trotskyist Left Opposition in the Soviet Union to refer to Bukharin and his supporters there.

Friendship with Osip Mandelstam and Boris Pasternak

In the brief period of thaw in 1934–1936, Bukharin was politically rehabilitated and was made editor of Izvestia in 1934. There, he consistently highlighted the dangers of fascist regimes in Europe and the need for "proletarian humanism". One of his first decisions as editor was to invite Boris Pasternak to contribute to the newspaper and sit in on editorial meetings. Pasternak described Bukharin as "a wonderful, historically extraordinary man, but fate has not been kind to him."[21] They first met during the lying-in-state of the Soviet police chief, Vyacheslav Menzhinsky in May 1934, when Pasternak was seeking help for his fellow poet, Osip Mandelstam, who had been arrested -- though at that time neither Pasternak nor Bukharin knew why.

Old Bolsheviks: Nikolai Bukharin, the editor of Pravda and Projector. Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov, the First People's Commissar (Minister) for Finance. Lev Karakhan, Deputy People's Commissar (Deputy Minister) for Foreign Affairs, the first Soviet Ambassador to China. 1928

Bukharin had acted as Mandelstam's political protector since 1922. According to Mandelstam's wife, Nadezhda, "M. owed him all the pleasant things in his life. His 1928 volume of poetry would never have come out without the active intervention of Bukharin. The journey to Armenia, our apartment and ration cards, contracts for future volumes -- all this was arranged by Bukharin."[22] Bukharin wrote to Stalin, pleading clemency for Mandelstam, and appealed personally to the head of the NKVD, Genrikh Yagoda. It was Yagoda who told him about Mandelstam's Stalin Epigram, after which he refused to have any further contact with Nadezhda Mandelstam, who had lied to him by denying that her husband had written "anything rash"[23] - but continued to befriend Pasternak.

Soon after Mandelstam's arrest, Bukharin was delegated to prepare the official report on poetry for the First Soviet Writers' Congress, in August 1934. He could not any longer risk mentioning Mandelstam in his speech to the congress, but did devote a large section of his to Pasternak, whom he described as "remote from current affairs...a singer of the old intelligensia...delicate and subtle...a wounded and easily vulnerable soul. He is the embodiment of chaste but self-absorbed laboratory craftsmanship..."[24] His speech was greeted with wild applause, though it greatly offended some of the listeners, such as the communist poet Semyon Kirsanov, who complained: "according to Bukharin, all the poets who have used their verses to participate in political life are out of date, but the others are not out of date, the so-called pure (and not so pure) lyric poets."[25]

When Bukharin was arrested two years later, Boris Pasternak displayed extraordinary courage by having a letter delivered to Bukharin's wife saying that he was convinced of his innocence.[26]

Great purge

Stalin's collectivization policy proved to be as disastrous as Bukharin predicted, but Stalin had by then achieved unchallenged authority in the party leadership. However, there were signs that moderates among Stalin's supporters sought to end official terror and bring a general change in policy, now that mass collectivization was largely completed and the worst was over. Although Bukharin had not challenged Stalin since 1929, his former supporters, including Martemyan Ryutin, drafted and clandestinely circulated an anti-Stalin platform, which called Stalin the "evil genius of the Russian Revolution".

However, Sergey Kirov, First Secretary of the Leningrad Regional Committee was assassinated in Leningrad in December 1934, and his death was used by Stalin as a pretext to launch the Great Purge, in which about a million people were to perish as Stalin eliminated all past and potential opposition to his authority.[27] Some historians now believe that Kirov's assassination in 1934 was arranged by Stalin himself or at least that there is sufficient evidence to plausibly posit such a conclusion.[28] After Kirov's assassination, the NKVD charged an ever-growing group of former oppositionists with Kirov's murder and other acts of treason, terrorism, sabotage, and espionage.[29]

Tightening noose

Nikolai Bukharin London 1931

In February 1936, shortly before the purge started in earnest, Bukharin was sent to Paris by Stalin to negotiate the purchase of the Marx and Engels archives, held by the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) before its dissolution by Hitler. He was joined by his young wife Anna Larina, which therefore opened the possibility of exile, but he decided against it, saying that he could not live outside the Soviet Union.

Bukharin, who had been forced to follow the Party line since 1929, confided to his old friends and former opponents his real view of Stalin and his policy. His conversations with Boris Nicolaevsky, a Menshevik leader who held the manuscripts on behalf of the SPD, formed the basis of "Letter of an Old Bolshevik", which was very influential in contemporary understanding of the period (especially the Ryutin Affair and the Kirov murder) although there are doubts about its authenticity.

According to Nicolaevsky, Bukharin spoke of "the mass annihilation of completely defenseless men, with women and children" under forced collectivization and liquidation of kulaks as a class that dehumanized the Party members with "the profound psychological change in those communists who took part in the campaign. Instead of going mad, they accepted terror as a normal administrative method and regarded obedience to all orders from above as a supreme virtue. ... They are no longer human beings. They have truly become the cogs in a terrible machine."[30]

Yet to another Menshevik leader, Fyodor Dan, he confided that Stalin became "the man to whom the Party granted its confidence" and "is a sort of a symbol of the Party" even though he "is not a man, but a devil."[31] In Dan's account, Bukharin's acceptance of the Soviet Union's new direction was thus a result of his utter commitment to Party solidarity.

To André Malraux, he also confided, "Now he is going to kill me". To his boyhood friend, Ilya Ehrenburg, he expressed the suspicion that the whole trip was a trap set up by Stalin. Indeed, his contacts with Mensheviks during this trip were to feature prominently in his trial.


Following the trial and execution of Zinoviev, Kamenev, and other leftist Old Bolsheviks in 1936, Bukharin and Rykov were arrested on 27 February 1937 following a plenum of the Central Committee and were charged with conspiring to overthrow the Soviet state.

Anna Larina (Bukharina), the second wife of Nikolai Bukharin 1936.

Bukharin was tried in the Trial of the Twenty One on 2–13 March 1938 during the Great Purge, along with ex-premier Alexei Rykov, Christian Rakovsky, Nikolai Krestinsky, Genrikh Yagoda, and 16 other defendants alleged to belong to the so-called "Bloc of Rightists and Trotskyites". In a trial meant to be the culmination of previous show trials, it was now alleged that Bukharin and others sought to assassinate Lenin and Stalin from 1918, murder Maxim Gorky by poison, partition the Soviet Union and hand out her territories to Germany, Japan, and Great Britain.

Even more than earlier Moscow show trials, Bukharin's trial horrified many previously sympathetic observers as they watched allegations become more absurd than ever and the purge expand to include almost every living Old Bolshevik leader except Stalin. For some prominent communists such as Bertram Wolfe, Jay Lovestone, Arthur Koestler, and Heinrich Brandler, the Bukharin trial marked their final break with communism and even turned the first three into passionate anti-Communists eventually.[32]

While Anastas Mikoyan and Vyacheslav Molotov later claimed that Bukharin was never tortured and his letters from prison do not give the suggestion that he was tortured, it is also known that his interrogators were instructed with the order: "beating permitted". Bukharin held out for three months, but threats to his young wife and infant son, combined with "methods of physical influence" wore him down.[33] But when he read his confession amended and corrected personally by Stalin, he withdrew his whole confession. The examination started all over again, with a double team of interrogators.[34][35]

Bukharin's confession and his motivation became subject of much debate among Western observers, inspiring Koestler's acclaimed novel Darkness at Noon and a philosophical essay by Maurice Merleau-Ponty in Humanism and Terror. His confessions were somewhat different from others in that while he pleaded guilty to the "sum total of crimes," he denied knowledge when it came to specific crimes. Some astute observers noted that he would allow only what was in the written confession and refuse to go any further.

There are several interpretations of Bukharin's motivations (beside being coerced) in the trial. Koestler and others viewed it as a true believer's last service to the Party (while preserving the little amount of personal honor left) whereas Bukharin biographer Stephen Cohen and Robert Tucker saw traces of Aesopian language, with which Bukharin sought to turn the table into an anti-trial of Stalinism (while keeping his part of the bargain to save his family). While his letters to Stalin – he wrote 34 very emotional and desperate letters tearfully protesting his innocence and professing his loyalty – suggest a complete capitulation and acceptance of his role in the trial, it contrasts with his actual conduct in the trial. Bukharin himself speaks of his "peculiar duality of mind" in his last plea, which led to "semi-paralysis of the will" and Hegelian "unhappy consciousness", which likely stemmed not only from his knowledge of the ruinous reality of Stalinism (although he could not of course say so in the trial) but also of the impending threat of fascism.[36]

The result was a curious mix of fulsome confessions (of being a "degenerate fascist" working for the "restoration of capitalism") and subtle criticisms of the trial. After disproving several charges against him (one observer noted that he "proceeded to demolish or rather showed he could very easily demolish the whole case"[37]) and saying that "the confession of the accused is not essential. The confession of the accused is a medieval principle of jurisprudence" in a trial that was solely based on confessions, he finished his last plea with the words:

"the monstrousness of my crime is immeasurable especially in the new stage of struggle of the U.S.S.R. May this trial be the last severe lesson, and may the great might of the U.S.S.R. become clear to all."[38]

Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Communist Party and French author and Nobel laureate Romain Rolland. 1935

The state prosecutor Vyshinsky characterized Bukharin as an "accursed crossbreed of fox and pig" who supposedly committed a "whole nightmare of vile crimes".

While in prison, he wrote at least four book-length manuscripts including a lyrical autobiographical novel, How It All Began, philosophical treatise Philosophical Arabesques, a collection of poems, and Socialism and Its Culture -– all of which were found in Stalin's archive and published in the 1990s.


Among other intercessors, the French author and Nobel laureate Romain Rolland wrote to Stalin seeking clemency, arguing that "an intellect like that of Bukharin is a treasure for his country." He compared Bukharin's situation to that of the great chemist Antoine Lavoisier who was guillotined during the French Revolution: "We in France, the most ardent revolutionaries... still profoundly grieve and regret what we did. ... I beg you to show clemency."[39] He had earlier written to Stalin in 1937, "For the sake of Gorky I am asking you for mercy, even if he may be guilty of something," to which Stalin noted: "We must not respond." Bukharin was shot on 15 March 1938, but the announcement of his death was overshadowed by the Nazi Anschluss of Austria.[40]

According to Zhores and Roy Medvedev in The Unknown Stalin (2006), Bukharin's last message to Stalin stated "Koba, why do you need me to die?", which was written in a note to Stalin just before his execution. "Koba" was Stalin's nom de guerre, and Bukharin's use of it was a sign of how close the two had once been. The note was allegedly found still in Stalin's desk after his death in 1953.[41] This anecdote has been disputed due to inconsistencies in its reporting from various sources, however, particularly by professor Grover Furr.[42]

Despite the promise to spare his family, Bukharin's wife, Anna Larina, was sent to a labor camp, but she survived to see her husband officially rehabilitated by the Soviet state under Mikhail Gorbachev in 1988.[43]

Political stature and achievements

Bukharin was immensely popular within the party throughout the twenties and thirties, even after his fall from power. In his testament, Lenin portrayed him as the Golden Boy of the party,[44] writing:

Speaking of the young C.C. members, I wish to say a few words about Bukharin and Pyatakov. They are, in my opinion, the most outstanding figures (among the youngest ones), and the following must be borne in mind about them: Bukharin is not only a most valuable and major theorist of the Party; he is also rightly considered the favourite of the whole Party, but his theoretical views can be classified as fully Marxist only with great reserve, for there is something scholastic about him (he has never made a study of the dialectics, and, I think, never fully understood it) ... Both of these remarks, of course, are made only for the present, on the assumption that both these outstanding and devoted Party workers fail to find an occasion to enhance their knowledge and amend their one-sidedness.

Bukharin delivers the welcome speech on the meeting of Young Communist International. 1925

Bukharin made several notable contributions to Marxist–Leninist thought, most notably The Economics of the Transition Period (1920) and his prison writings, Philosophical Arabesques,[45] (which clearly reveal Bukharin had corrected the 'one-sidedness' of his thought), as well as being a founding member of the Soviet Academy of Arts and Sciences, and a keen botanist. His primary contributions to economics were his critique of marginal utility theory, his analysis of imperialism, and his writings on the transition to communism in the Soviet Union.[46]

His ideas, especially in economics and the question of market-socialism, later became highly influential in Chinese market-socialism and Deng Xiaoping's reforms.

British author Martin Amis argues that Bukharin was perhaps the only major Bolshevik to acknowledge "moral hesitation" by questioning, even in passing, the violence and sweeping reforms of the early Soviet Union. Amis writes that Bukharin said "during the Civil War he had seen 'things that I would not want even my enemies to see'."[47]


Books and articles

• 1915: Toward a Theory of the Imperialist State
• 1917: Imperialism and World Economy
• 1917: The Russian Revolution and Its Significance
• 1918: Anarchy and Scientific Communism
• 1918: Programme of the World Revolution
• 1919: Church and School in the Soviet Republic
• 1919: The Red Army and the Counter Revolution
• 1919: Soviets or Parliament
• 1920: The ABC of Communism with Evgenii Preobrazhensky
• 1920: On Parliamentarism
• 1920: The Secret of the League (part I)
• 1920: The Secret of the League (part II)
• 1920: The Organisation of the Army and the Structure of Society
• 1920: Common Work for the Common Pot
• 1921: The Era of Great Works
• 1921: The New Economic Policy Of Soviet Russia
• 1921: Historical Materialism—a system of Sociology
• 1922: Economic Organization in Soviet Russia
• 1923: A Great Marxian Party
• 1923: The Twelfth Congress of the Russian Communist Party
• 1924: Imperialism and the Accumulation of Capital
• 1924: The Theory of Permanent Revolution
• 1926: Building Up Socialism
• 1926: The Tasks of the Russian Communist Party
• 1927: Economic Theory of the Leisure Class
• 1927: The World Revolution and the U.S.S.R.
• 1928: New Forms of the World Crisis
• 1929: Notes of an Economist
• 1930: Finance Capital in Papal Robes. A Challenge!
• 1931: Theory and Practice from the Standpoint of Dialectical Materialism
• 1933: Marx's Teaching and its Historical Importance
• 1934: Poetry, Poetics and the Problems of Poetry in the U.S.S.R.
• 1937-38: How It All Began, a largely autobiographical novel, written in prison and first published in English in 1998.[48]


Nikolai Bukharin was a cartoonist who left many cartoons of contemporary Soviet politicians. The renowned artist Konstantin Yuononce told him: "Forget about politics. There is no future in politics for you. Painting is your real calling."[49] His cartoons are sometimes used to illustrate biographies of Soviet officials. Russian historian Yury Zhukov stated that Nikolai Bukarin's portraits of Joseph Stalinwere the only ones drawn from the original, not from a photograph.[50]

See also

• Communist Party of the Soviet Union
• Historical materialism
• Marxian economics


1. Russian: Никола́й Ива́нович Буха́рин


1. Cohen 1980, p. 6.
2. Lenin wrote a preface to the book of Bukharin Imperialism and the World Economy (Lenin Collected Works, Moscow, Volume 22, pages 103–107).
3. Cohen 1980, p. 44.
4. Isaac Deutscher, The Prophet Armed: Trotsky 1879–1921(Vintage Books: New York, 1965) p. 246.
5. Cohen 1980, p. 46.
6. Cohen 1980, p. 49.
7. Cohen 1980, p. 50.
8. Leonard Shapiro, The Communist Party of the Soviet Union(Vintage Books: New York, 1971) pp. 175 and 647.
9. Cohen 1980, p. 51.
10. Cohen 1980, p. 53.
11. Cohen 1980, pp. 43–44.
12. Ulam, Adam Bruno (1998). The Bolsheviks: The Intellectual and Political History of the Triumph of Communism in Russia. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. pp. 410–412. ISBN 0-674-07830-6. Retrieved 2011-01-26.
13. Rabinowitch, Alexander (2007). The Bolsheviks in power: the first year of Soviet rule in Petrograd. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, pp. 167, 174-175, 194 and passim. ISBN 978-0-253-34943-9. At the crucial meeting of the CEC convened at 3:00 AM, on 24 February 1918, few hours before the Gernan ultimatum was due to expire, Bukharin had the courage to break ranks and voted against accepting the treaty, while many other Left Communists either observed party discipline (V. Volodarsky and Stanislav Kosior, for instance) or were simply "no shows" (Dzerzhinsky, Kollontai, Uritsky, etc.) (p. 178).
14. Stephen F. Cohen, Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution: A Political Biography, 1888-1938 (1980)
15. RUSSIA: Humble Pie, TIME Magazine, October 25, 1926
16. Cohen 1980, p. 216.
17. Coehn, 1980
18. Paul R. Gregory, Politics, Murder, and Love in Stalin's Kremlin: The Story of Nikolai Bukharin and Anna Larina (2010) ch 3-6
19. Paul R. Gregory, Politics, Murder, and Love in Stalin's Kremlin: The Story of Nikolai Bukharin and Anna Larina (2010) ch 17
20. Robert Service. Stalin: A Biography (2005) p 260.
21. McSmith, Andy (2015). Fear and the Muse Kept Watc, the Russian Masters - from Akhmatova and Pasternak to Shostakovich and Eisenstein - Under Stalin. New York: New Press. p. 131. ISBN 978-1-59558-056-6.
22. Mandelstam, Nadezhda (1971). Hope Against Hope, a Memoir, (translated by Max Hayward). London: Collins & Harvill. p. 113.
23. Mandelstam, Nadezhda. Hope Against Hope. p. 22.
24. Gorky, Karl Radek, Nikolai Bukharin, Maxim,; et al. (1977). Soviet Writers' Congress 1934, the Debate on Socialist Realism and Modernism. London: Lawrence & Wishart. p. 233.
25. Medvedev, Roy (1980). Nikolai Bukharin, The Last Years. New York: W W Norton. pp. 85–86. ISBN 0-393-01357-X.
26. Medvedev, Roy. Nikolai Bukharin. p. 138.
27. Nikolaevsky, Boris, The Kirov Assassination, The New Leader, 23 August 1941
28. Conquest, Robert. Stalin and the Kirov Murder. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 122–138, ISBN 0-19-505579-9.
29. A. Yakovlev, "O dekabr'skoi tragedii 1934", Pravda, 28 January 1991, p. 3, cited in J. Arch Getty, "The Politics of Repression Revisited", in ed., J. Arch Getty and Roberta T. Manning, Stalinist Terror: New Perspectives, New York, 1993, p. 46.
30. Nicolaevsky, Boris. Power and the Soviet Elite, New York, 1965, pp. 18–19.
31. Radzinsky, Edward (1997). Stalin. New York: Random House. p. 358. ISBN 0-385-47954-9. Retrieved 2011-01-28.
32. Bertram David Wolfe, "Breaking with communism", p. 10; Arthur Koestler, Darkness of Noon, p. 258.
33. Orlando Figes, Revolutionary Russia, 1891-1991, Pelican Books, 2014, p. 273
34. Robert Conquest, The Great Terror: A Reassessment, pp. 364–65.
35. Helen Rappaport, Joseph Stalin: A Biographical Companion(1999) p 31.
36. Stephen J. Lee, Stalin and the Soviet Union (2005) p. 33
37. Report by Viscount Chilston (British ambassador) to Viscount Halifax, No.141, Moscow, 21 March 1938.
38. Robert Tucker, "Report of Court Proceedings in the Case of the Anti-Soviet "Block of Rights and Trotskyites", pp. 667–68.
39. Radzinsky, p. 384.
41. Zhores A. Medvedev & Roy A. Medvedev, translated by Ellen Dahrendorf, The Unknown Stalin, I.B. Tauris, 2006, ISBN 1-85043-980-X, 9781850439806, chapter 14, p. 296.
42. Furr, Grover (2007). "Furr, Bobrov. Bukharin's 'Last Plea': Yet Another Anti-Stalin Falsification". Archived from the original on December 11, 2016. Retrieved December 11, 2016.
43. Alessandra Stanley (February 26, 1996). "Anna Larina, 82, the Widow Of Bukharin, Dies in Moscow". New York Times. Retrieved May 6, 2017.
44. Westley, Christopher (2011-03-30) A Bolshevik Love Story, Mises Institute.
45. Monthly Review Press, 2005, ISBN 978-1-58367-102-3,
46. Philip Arestis A Biographical Dictionary of Dissenting Economists, p. 88.
47. Amis, Martin. Koba the Dread: Laughter and the Twenty Million(Hyperion, 2001), p 115
48. Nikolai Bukharin, How It All Began. Translated by George Shriver, Columbia University Press
49. Russkiy Mir, “Love for a woman determines a lot in life” – Interview with Yuri Larin, 7 August 2008
50. KP.RU // «Не надо вешать всех собак на Сталина» at (Komsomolskaya Pravda)


• Coates, Ken (2010). Who Was This Bukharin?. Nottingham: Spokesman. ISBN 978-0-85124-781-6.
• Cohen, Stephen F. (1980). Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution: A Political Biography, 1888–1938. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-502697-7.
• Gregory, Paul R. (2010). Politics, Murder, and Love in Stalin's Kremlin: The Story of Nikolai Bukharin and Anna Larina. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press. ISBN 978-0-8179-1034-1.
• Kotkin, Stephen (2014). Stalin: Volume 1: The Paradoxes of Power, 1878–1928.
• Service, Robert (2004). Stalin: A Biography. ISBN 0-330-41913-7.
• Imperial Moscow University: 1755-1917: encyclopedic dictionary. Moscow: Russian political encyclopedia (ROSSPEN). A. Andreev, D. Tsygankov. 2010. pp. 108–109. ISBN 978-5-8243-1429-8.

External links

• Nikolai Bukharin archive at
• Bukharin's death-cell letter to Stalin
• How it all began, Bukharin's last letter to his wife
• A site dedicated to Bukharin
• A Bolshevik Love Story, Mises Institute
• February–March Plenum discussions transcript (in Russian) on which Bukharin was finally defeated, humiliated and expelled from Party
• Some of Bukharin's famous cartoons
• Newspaper clippings about Nikolai Bukharin in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics(ZBW)
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

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Gabriele D'Annunzio
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/28/18



Gabriele D'Annunzio
Prince of Montenevoso
Duke of Gallese
Gabriele D'Anunnzio.png
Duce of the Carnaro
In office
12 September 1919 – 30 December 1920
Preceded by Office created
Succeeded by Office abolished
(Riccardo Zanella as President of the Free State of Fiume)
Member of the Chamber of Deputies
In office
5 April 1897 – 17 May 1900
Constituency Florence
Personal details
Born 12 March 1863
Pescara, Kingdom of Italy
Died 1 March 1938 (aged 74)
Gardone Riviera, Kingdom of Italy
Resting place Vittoriale degli italiani, Gardone Riviera, Lake Garda
Nationality Italian
Political party Historical Right
Historical Far-Left[1]
Italian Nationalist Association
Spouse(s) Maria Hardouin (m. 1883)
Domestic partner Eleonora Duse (1898–1901)
Mario (1884–1964)Gabriellino D'Annunzio (1886–1945)Ugo Veniero (1887–1945)Renata Anguissola (1893-1976)Gabriele Cruyllas (1897-1978)
Parents Francesco Paolo Rapagnetta and Luisa de Benedictis
Profession Writer, journalist, poet, soldier
Military service
Nickname(s) "Il Vate" ("The Poet"); "Il Profeta" ("The Prophet")
Service/branch Royal Italian Army
Royal Air Force
Years of service active: 1915–18
Rank General (honorary)
Lieutenant colonel
Lieutenant colonel
Unit 3rd Army
World War IImpresa di FiumeTenth Battle of the IsonzoFlight over Vienna
Writing career
Period 20th century
Genre Poetry, novel
Subject Individualism, existentialism
Literary movement Decadentism
Notable works
Il PiacereIl trionfo della morteLa Gioconda
Years active 1879–1938

General Gabriele D'Annunzio, Prince of Montenevoso, Duke of Gallese OMS CMG MVM (Italian pronunciation: [ɡabriˈɛːle danˈnuntsjo]; 12 March 1863 – 1 March 1938), sometimes spelled d'Annunzio,[2] was an Italian writer, poet, Master Mason, journalist, playwright and soldier during World War I. He occupied a prominent place in Italian literature from 1889 to 1910 and later political life from 1914 to 1924. He was often referred to under the epithets Il Vate ("the Poet")[3] or Il Profeta ("the Prophet").

D'Annunzio was associated with the Decadent movement in his literary works, which interplayed closely with French Symbolism and British Aestheticism. Such works represented a turn against the naturalism of the preceding romantics and was both sensuous and mystical. He came under the influence of Friedrich Nietzsche which would find outlets in his literary and later political contributions. His affairs with several women, including Eleonora Duse and Luisa Casati, received public attention.

During the First World War, perception of D'Annunzio in Italy transformed from literary figure into a national war hero.[4] He was associated with the elite Arditi storm troops of the Italian Army and took part in actions such as the Flight over Vienna. As part of an Italian nationalist reaction against the Paris Peace Conference, he set up the short-lived Italian Regency of Carnaro in Fiume with himself as Duce. The constitution made "music" the fundamental principle of the state and was corporatist in nature.[5] Some of the ideas and aesthetics influenced Italian fascism and the style of Benito Mussolini and, thereby, Adolf Hitler.

Early life

Birthplace of Gabriele D'Annunzio Museum in Pescara

D'Annunzio was born in the township of Pescara, in the province of Abruzzo, the son of a wealthy landowner and mayor of the town Francesco Paolo Rapagnetta d'Annunzio (1831–1893) and his wife Luisa de Benedictis (1839-1917). His father had originally been born plain Rapagnetta (the name of his single mother), but at the age of 13 had been adopted by a childless rich uncle Antonio d'Annunzio.[6][7] Legend has it that he was initially baptized Gaetano and given the name of Gabriele later in childhood, because of his angelic looks,[8] a story that has largely been disproven.[9]

His precocious talent was recognised early in life, and he was sent to school at the Liceo Cicognini in Prato, Tuscany.

He published his first poetry while still at school at the age of sixteen — a small volume of verses called Primo Vere (1879). Influenced by Giosuè Carducci's Odi barbare, he posed side by side some almost brutal imitations of Lorenzo Stecchetti, the fashionable poet of Postuma, with translations from the Latin. His verse was distinguished by such agile grace that Giuseppe Chiarini on reading them brought the unknown youth before the public in an enthusiastic article.

In 1881 D'Annunzio entered the University of Rome La Sapienza, where he became a member of various literary groups, including Cronaca Bizantina, and wrote articles and criticism for local newspapers. In those university years he started to promote Italian irredentism.

Literary work

D'Annunzio in 1889

He published Canto novo (1882), Terra vergine (1882), L'intermezzo di rime (1883), Il libro delle vergini (1884) and the greater part of the short stories that were afterwards collected under the general title of San Pantaleone (1886). Canto novo contains poems full of pulsating youth and the promise of power, some descriptive of the sea and some of the Abruzzese landscape, commented on and completed in prose by Terra vergine, the latter a collection of short stories dealing in radiant language with the peasant life of the author's native province. Intermezzo di rime is the beginning of D'Annunzio's second and characteristic manner. His conception of style was new, and he chose to express all the most subtle vibrations of voluptuous life. Both style and contents began to startle his critics; some who had greeted him as an enfant prodige rejected him as a perverter of public morals, whilst others hailed him as one bringing a breath of fresh air and an impulse of new vitality into the somewhat prim, lifeless work hitherto produced.[10]

Meanwhile, the review of Angelo Sommaruga perished in the midst of scandal, and his group of young authors found itself dispersed. Some entered the teaching career and were lost to literature, others threw themselves into journalism.[10]

Gabriele D'Annunzio took this latter course, and joined the staff of the Tribuna, under the pseudonym of "Duca Minimo". Here he wrote Il libro d'Isotta (1886), a love poem, in which for the first time he drew inspiration adapted to modern sentiments and passions from the rich colours of the Renaissance.[10]

Il libro d'Isotta is interesting also, because in it one can find most of the germs of his future work, just as in Intermezzo melico and in certain ballads and sonnets one can find descriptions and emotions which later went to form the aesthetic contents of Il piacere, Il trionfo della morte and Elegie romane (1892).[10]

D'Annunzio's first novel Il piacere (1889, translated into English as The Child of Pleasure) was followed in 1891 by Giovanni Episcopo, and in 1892 by L'innocente (The Intruder). These three novels made a profound impression. L'innocente, admirably translated into French by Georges Herelle, brought its author the notice and applause of foreign critics. His next work, Il trionfo della morte (The Triumph of Death) (1894), was followed soon by Le vergini delle rocce (1896) and Il fuoco (1900); the latter is in its descriptions of Venice perhaps the most ardent glorification of a city existing in any language.[10]

D'Annunzio's poetic work of this period, in most respects his finest, is represented by Il Poema Paradisiaco (1893), the Odi navali (1893), a superb attempt at civic poetry, and Laudi (1900).[10]

A later phase of D'Annunzio's work is his dramatic production, represented by Il sogno di un mattino di primavera (1897), a lyrical fantasia in one act; his Città Morta (1898), written for Sarah Bernhardt. In 1898 he wrote his Sogno di un pomeriggio d'autunno and La Gioconda; in the succeeding year La gloria, an attempt at contemporary political tragedy which met with no success, probably because of the audacity of the personal and political allusions in some of its scenes; and then Francesca da Rimini (1901), a perfect reconstruction of medieval atmosphere and emotion, magnificent in style, and declared by an authoritative Italian critic – Edoardo Boutet – to be the first real, if imperfect, tragedy ever given to the Italian theatre.[10]

In 1883, D'Annunzio married Maria Hardouin di Gallese, and had three sons, Mario (1884-1964), Gabriele Maria "Gabriellino" (1886-1945) and Ugo Veniero (1887-1945), but the marriage ended in 1891. In 1894, he began a love affair with the actress Eleonora Duse which became a cause célèbre. He provided leading roles for her in his plays of the time such as La città morta (The Dead City) (1898) and Francesca da Rimini (1901), but the tempestuous relationship finally ended in 1910. After meeting the Marchesa Luisa Casati in 1903, he began a lifelong turbulent on again off again affair with Luisa, that lasted until a few years before his death.

In 1897, D'Annunzio was elected to the Chamber of Deputies for a three-year term, where he sat as an independent. By 1910, his daredevil lifestyle had forced him into debt, and he fled to France to escape his creditors. There he collaborated with composer Claude Debussy on a musical play Le martyre de Saint Sébastien (The Martyrdom of St Sebastian), 1911, written for Ida Rubinstein. The Vatican reacted by placing all of his works in the Index of Forbidden Books. The work was not successful as a play, but it has been recorded in adapted versions several times, notably by Pierre Monteux (in French), Leonard Bernstein (sung in French, acted in English), and Michael Tilson Thomas (in French). In 1912 and 1913, D'Annunzio worked with opera composer Pietro Mascagni on his opera Parisina, staying sometimes in a house rented by the composer in Bellevue, near Paris.

Initiation to the Freemasonry

In 1901, D'Annunzio and his closely friend Ettore Ferrari, the [[Great Master] of the Grand Orient of Italy, inaugurated the Università Popolare of Milan, located in via Ugo Foscolo (33 degree Scottish Rite Mason). In that occasion, D'Annunzio took the inaugural speech, and in the following years was associated professor and lecturer at the same university[11].

D'Annunzio was 33 degree Scottish Rite Mason of the Great Lodge of Italy, which in 1908 had separated from the GOI[12], and some years later was introduced to the Martinism[13].

Among the volunteers of Fiume, there were many Freeamsons and occultists like Alceste De Ambris[14], Sante Ceccherini[15], Marco Egidio Allegri. The flag of the Regence of Carnaro would have contained gnostic and masonic symbols, like the Ouroboros and the seven stars of the Ursa Major[16], [17][18].

Flight over Vienna

Italian translation of the propaganda leaflet which D'Annunzio threw from his airplane during his flight above Vienna.

After the start of World War I, D'Annunzio returned to Italy and made public speeches in favor of Italy's entry on the side of the Triple Entente. Since taking a flight with Wilbur Wright in 1908, D'Annunzio had been interested in aviation. With the war beginning he volunteered and achieved further celebrity as a fighter pilot, losing the sight of an eye in a flying accident.

Gabriele D'Annunzio (left) with a fellow officer

In February 1918, he took part in a daring, if militarily irrelevant, raid on the harbour of Bakar (known in Italy as La beffa di Buccari, lit. the Bakar Mockery), helping to raise the spirits of the Italian public, still battered by the Caporetto disaster. On 9 August 1918, as commander of the 87th fighter squadron "La Serenissima", he organized one of the great feats of the war, leading nine planes in a 700-mile round trip to drop propaganda leaflets on Vienna. This is called in Italian "il Volo su Vienna", "the Flight over Vienna".[19]


1921 Postcard from Fiume and postage stamp with D'Annunzio's portrait. (The motto Hic Manebimus Optime is Latin for: "Here we'll stay wonderfully.")

The war strengthened his ultra-nationalist and irredentist views, and he campaigned widely for Italy to assume a role alongside her wartime allies as a first-rate European power. Angered by the proposed handing over of the city of Fiume (now Rijeka in Croatia) whose population, outside the suburbs, was mostly Italian, at the Paris Peace Conference, on 12 September 1919, he led the seizure by 2,000 Italian nationalist irregulars of the city, forcing the withdrawal of the inter-Allied (American, British and French) occupying forces.[20] The plotters sought to have Italy annex Fiume, but were denied. Instead, Italy initiated a blockade of Fiume while demanding that the plotters surrender.

Fiume residents cheering D'Annunzio and his raiders, September 1919

D'Annunzio then declared Fiume an independent state, the Italian Regency of Carnaro; the Charter of Carnaro foreshadowed much of the later Italian Fascist system, with himself as "Duce" (leader). Some elements of the Royal Italian Navy, such as the destroyer Espero joined up with D'Annunzio's local forces.[21] He attempted to organize an alternative to the League of Nations for (selected) oppressed nations of the world (such as the Irish, whom D'Annunzio attempted to arm in 1920),[22] and sought to make alliances with various separatist groups throughout the Balkans (especially groups of Italians, though also some Slavic and Albanian[23] groups), although without much success. D'Annunzio ignored the Treaty of Rapallo and declared war on Italy itself, only finally surrendering the city in December 1920 after a bombardment by the Italian navy.

Gabriele D'Annunzio (in the middle with the stick) with some legionaries (components of the Arditi's department of the Italian Royal Army) in Fiume in 1919. To the right of D'Annunzio, facing him, Lt. Arturo Avolio (commander of the Ardit's department of Bologna Brigade).

Later life

Villa of Vittoriale degli italiani

After the Fiume episode, D'Annunzio retired to his home on Lake Garda and spent his latter years writing and campaigning. Although D'Annunzio had a strong influence on the ideology of Benito Mussolini, he never became directly involved in fascist government politics in Italy. In 1922, shortly before the march on Rome, he was pushed out of a window by an unknown assailant, or perhaps simply slipped and fell out himself while intoxicated. He survived but was badly injured, and only recovered after Mussolini had been appointed Prime Minister.

In 1924 he was ennobled by King Victor Emmanuel III and given the hereditary title of Principe di Montenevoso. In 1937 he was made president of the Royal Academy of Italy. D'Annunzio died in 1938 of a stroke, at his home in Gardone Riviera. He was given a state funeral by Mussolini and was interred in a magnificent tomb constructed of white marble at Il Vittoriale degli Italiani.

His son Gabriellino D'Annunzio became a film director. His 1921 film The Ship was based on a novel by his father. In 1924, he co-directed the historical epic Quo Vadis, an expensive failure, before retiring from filmmaking.


Picture of d'Annunzio

D'Annunzio is often seen as a precursor of the ideals and techniques of Italian fascism. His political ideals emerged in Fiume when he coauthored a constitution with syndicalist Alceste de Ambris, the Charter of Carnaro. De Ambris provided the legal and political framework, to which D'Annunzio added his skills as a poet. De Ambris was the leader of a group of Italian seamen who had mutinied and then given their vessel to the service of D'Annunzio. The constitution established a corporatist state, with nine corporations to represent the different sectors of the economy (workers, employers, professionals), and a tenth (D'Annunzio's invention) to represent the "superior" human beings (heroes, poets, prophets, supermen). The Carta also declared that music was the fundamental principle of the state.

It was rather the culture of dictatorship that Benito Mussolini imitated and learned from D'Annunzio. D'Annunzio has been described as the John the Baptist of Italian Fascism,[24] as virtually the entire ritual of Fascism was invented by D'Annunzio during his occupation of Fiume and his leadership of the Italian Regency of Carnaro.[25] These included the balcony address, the Roman salute, the cries of "Eia, eia, eia! Alala!" taken from the Achilles' cry in the Iliad, the dramatic and rhetorical dialogue with the crowd, and the use of religious symbols in new secular settings.[24] It also included his method of government in Fiume: the economics of the corporate state; stage tricks; large emotive nationalistic public rituals; and blackshirted followers, the Arditi, with their disciplined, bestial responses and strongarm repression of dissent.[26] He was even said to have originated the practice of forcibly dosing opponents with large amounts of castor oil, a very effective laxative, to humiliate, disable or kill them, a practice which became a common tool of Mussolini's blackshirts.[27][28][29]

D'Annunzio advocated an expansionist Italian foreign policy and applauded the invasion of Ethiopia.

First and last sheet of D'Annunzio's letter to Mussolini, 15 February 1920

Rivalry with Mussolini

As John Whittam notes in his essay "Mussolini and The Cult of the Leader":[30]

This famous poet, novelist and war hero was a self-proclaimed Superman. He was the outstanding interventionist in May 1915 and his dramatic exploits during the war won him national and international acclaim. In September 1919 he gathered together his 'legions' and captured the disputed seaport of Fiume. He held it for over a year and it was he who popularised the black shirts, the balcony speeches, the promulgation of ambitious charters and the entire choreography of street parades and ceremonies. He even planned a march on Rome. One historian had rightly described him as the 'First Duce' and Mussolini must have heaved a sigh of relief when he was driven from Fiume in December 1920 and his followers were dispersed. But he remained a threat to Mussolini and in 1921 Fascists like Balbo seriously considered turning to him for leadership.

In contrast Mussolini vacillated from left to right at this time. Although Mussolini's fascism was heavily influenced by the Carta del Carnaro, the constitution for Fiume written by Alceste De Ambris and D'Annunzio, neither wanted to play an active part in the new movement, both refusing when asked by Fascist supporters to run in the elections of 15 May 1921. Before the March on Rome, De Ambris even went so far as to depict the Fascist movement as: "a filthy pawn in Mister Giolitti's game of chess, and made out of the least dignified section of the bourgeoisie"

D'Annunzio was seriously injured when he fell out of a window on 13 August 1922; subsequently the planned "meeting for national pacification" with Francesco Saverio Nitti and Mussolini was cancelled. The incident was never explained and is considered by some historians an attempt to murder him, motivated by his popularity. Despite D'Annunzio's retreat from active public life after this event, the Duce still found it necessary to regularly dole out funds to D'Annunzio as a bribe for not re-entering the political arena. When asked about this by a close friend, Mussolini purportedly stated: "When you have a rotten tooth you have two possibilities open to you: either you pull the tooth or you fill it with gold. With D'Annunzio I have chosen for the latter treatment."[31]

Nonetheless, D'Annunzio kept attempting to intervene in politics almost until his death in 1938. He wrote to Mussolini in 1933 to try to convince him not to take part in the Axis pact with Hitler. In 1934, he tried to disrupt the relationship between Hitler and Mussolini after their meeting, even writing a satirical pamphlet about Hitler. Again, in September 1937, D'Annunzio met with the Duce at the Verona train station to convince him to leave the Axis alliance. Mussolini in 1944 admitted to have made a mistake not following his advice.[citation needed]


Gabriele D'Annunzio reading (photo by Mario Nunes Vais)

At the height of his success, D'Annunzio was celebrated for the originality, power and decadence of his writing. Although his work had immense impact across Europe, and influenced generations of Italian writers, his fin de siècle works are now little known, and his literary reputation has always been clouded by his fascist associations. Indeed, even before his fascist period, he had his strong detractors. A New York Times review in 1898 of his novel The Intruder referred to him as "evil", "entirely selfish and corrupt".[32] Three weeks into its December 1901 run at the Teatro Constanzi in Rome, his tragedy Francesca da Rimini was banned by the censor on grounds of morality.[33]

A prolific writer, his novels in Italian include Il piacere (The Child of Pleasure, 1889), Il trionfo della morte (The Triumph of Death, 1894), and Le vergini delle rocce (The Virgins of the Rocks, 1896). He wrote the screenplay to the feature film Cabiria (1914) based on episodes from the Second Punic War. D'Annunzio's literary creations were strongly influenced by the French Symbolist school, and contain episodes of striking violence and depictions of abnormal mental states interspersed with gorgeously imagined scenes. One of D'Annunzio's most significant novels, scandalous in its day, is Il fuoco (The Flame of Life) of 1900, in which he portrays himself as the Nietzschean Superman Stelio Effrena, in a fictionalized account of his love affair with Eleonora Duse. His short stories showed the influence of Guy de Maupassant. He was also associated with the bizarre Italian noblewoman Luisa Casati, an influence on his novels and one of his mistresses.

The 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica wrote of him:

The work of d' Annunzio, although by many of the younger generation injudiciously and extravagantly admired, is almost the most important literary work given to Italy since the days when the great classics welded her varying dialects into a fixed language. The psychological inspiration of his novels has come to him from many sources—French, Russian, Scandinavian, German—and in much of his earlier work there is little fundamental originality.

His creative power is intense and searching, but narrow and personal; his heroes and heroines are little more than one same type monotonously facing a different problem at a different phase of life. But the faultlessness of his style and the wealth of his language have been approached by none of his contemporaries, whom his genius has somewhat paralysed. In his later work [meaning as of 1911], when he begins drawing his inspiration from the traditions of bygone Italy in her glorious centuries, a current of real life seems to run through the veins of his personages. And the lasting merit of D'Annunzio, his real value to the literature of his country, consists precisely in that he opened up the closed mine of its former life as a source of inspiration for the present and of hope for the future, and created a language, neither pompous nor vulgar, drawn from every source and district suited to the requirements of modern thought, yet absolutely classical, borrowed from none, and, independently of the thought it may be used to express, a thing of intrinsic beauty. As his sight became clearer and his purpose strengthened, as exaggerations, affectations, and moods dropped away from his conceptions, his work became more and more typical Latin work, upheld by the ideal of an Italian Renaissance.

In Italy some of his poetic works remain popular, most notably his poem "La pioggia nel pineto" (The Rain in the Pinewood), which exemplifies his linguistic virtuosity as well as the sensuousness of his poetry.


D'Annunzio's life and work are commemorated in a museum, Il Vittoriale degli Italiani. He planned and developed it himself, adjacent to his villa at Gardone Riviera on the southwest bank of Lake Garda, between 1923 and his death. Now a national monument, it is a complex of military museum, library, literary and historical archive, theatre, war memorial and mausoleum. The museum preserves his torpedo boat MAS 96 and the SVA-5 aircraft he flew over Vienna.

His birthplace is also open to the public as a museum, Birthplace of Gabriele D'Annunzio Museum in Pescara.


Poster by Adolfo De Karolis for Alberto Franchetti's opera La figlia di Iorio (1906)

Pro-Italy messages that D'Annunzio threw from his airplane during his 1915 flight above Trieste


• Il Piacere (The Child of Pleasure[3], 1889)
• Giovanni Episcopo (1891)
• L'innocente (The Intruder (UK) or The Victim (US)) (1892)
• Il trionfo della morte (The Triumph of Death, 1894)
• Le vergini delle rocce (The Maidens of the Rocks, 1895)
• Il fuoco (The Flame of Life: A Novel, 1900)
• Forse che sì forse che no (1910)


• La città morta (The Dead City: a Tragedy, 1899)
• La Gioconda (Gioconda, 1899)
• Francesca da Rimini (1902) [4]
• L'Etiopia in fiamme (1904)
• La figlia di Jorio (1904)
• La fiaccola sotto il moggio (1905)
• La nave (1908).
• Fedra (1909)

Short story collections

• La Riscossa (1918), Bestetti e Tumminelli Edizioni d'Arte, First Edition[34]
• Terra vergine (1882)
• Le novelle della Pescara (1884–1886)

Poetry collections

• Primo vere (1879)
• Canto novo (1882)
• Poema paradisiaco (1893)
• The five books of Laudi del cielo, del mare, della terra e degli eroi (1903–1912)
• Maia (Canto Amebeo della Guerra)
• Elettra
• Alcyone
• Merope
• Asterope (La Canzone del Quarnaro)
• Ode alla nazione serba (1914)

Autobiographical works

• La Leda senza cigno
• Notturno
• Le faville del maglio
• Le cento e cento e cento e cento pagine del Libro Segreto di Gabriele D'Annunzio tentato di morire o Libro Segreto (as Angelo Cocles)
His epistolary work, Solus ad solam, was published posthumously.

Movies of Gabriele d'Annunzio

• Cabiria, directed by Giovanni Pastrone (1914) – screenplay
• D'Annunzio, directed by Sergio Nasca (1985) – about the romantic relationships in the life of the poet


• D'Annunzio University in Chieti and Pescara is named after him.
• The Brescia Airport is named after him.
• In his honour, the Chilean poetess Lucila Godoy Alcayaga, 1945 Nobel Prize in Literature, took the first name of her pseudonym, Gabriela Mistral.
• Ernesto Giménez Caballero was given the nickname the "Spanish D'Annunzio".[35]
• The play Tamara is based on his meeting with the painter Tamara de Lempicka.
• Luchino Visconti's last film, The Innocent, is based on d'Annunzio's novel

See also

• Maurice Barrès, a friend and literary-political kindred spirit of D'Annunzio
• Tom Antongini, D'Annunzio's private secretary for more than thirty years
• The Pike: Gabriele D'Annunzio, Poet, Seducer and Preacher of War, a modern reappraisal of his life and work.


1. Francesco De Filippo (12 December 2014). "Gabriele D'Annunzio fu anche socialista". ANSA.
2. As he used to sign himself (Guglielmo Gatti, Vita di Gabriele d'Annunzio, Firenze, 1956, pp. 1–2).
3. The Italian vate directly stems from Latin vates. Its meaning is a poet with special emphasis on prophetic, inspiring or even divining qualities.
4. D'Annunzio and "Carnaro" irredentism
5. Parlato, Giuseppe (2000). La sinistra fascista (in Italian). Bologna: Il Mulino. p. 88.
6. Joseph Guerin Fucilla, Joseph Médard Carrière D'Annunzio abroad: a bibliographical essay Volume 2, page 29 1935 "(Translation of the birth certificate of d'Annunzio's father, Francesco Paolo Rapagnetta, of the legal act recognizing the latter's adoption by his uncle Antonio d'Annunzio, and the birth certificate of Gabriele d'Annunzio)."
7. André Geiger Gabriele d'Annunzio, 1918, page 142: "Après la légitimation, et conformément à la loi, il perdit ce nom de Rapagnetta pour prendre le seul nom du père qui l'avait légitimé. Il est probable que le Camillo Rapagnetta, qui figure dans- l'acte de naissance du poète, était un parent, ..."
8. Adrian Room, Dictionary of Pseudonyms: 13,000 Assumed Names and Their Origins (2010), p. 132
9. For the urban legend: Cfr. A. Rapagnetta, La vera origine familiare e il vero cognome del poeta abruzzese Gabriele D'Annunzio, Carabba, Lanciano, 1938; online sources on the real birthname of "Gabriele D'Annunzio": [1] and [2]
10. Chisholm 1911.
11. "Our History - Gabriele D'Annunzio". (in Italian). Università Popolare di Milano. Archived from the original on Jan 31, 2011. Retrieved Sep 21, 2018.
12. Fulvio Conti (2003). Storia della massoneria italiana. Dal Risorgimento al fascism. Bologna: Il Mulino. ISBN 978-88-15-11019-0.
13. M. Introvigne. "Gli ordini martinisti e l'ermetismo kremmerziano" (in Italian). Centro Studi sulle Nuove Religioni. Archived from the original on Dec 17, 2015. Retrieved Sep 20,2018.
14. "Alceste De Ambris. L'utopia concreta di un rivoluzionario sindacalista". (in Italian). Archived from the original on Feb 21, 2014.
15. Esoterismo e Fascismo (in Italian). Rome: Edizioni Mediterranee. 2006. p. 44. ISBN 978-88-272-1831-0. Unknown parameter |authir1= ignored (help)
16. De Turris 2006, p. 44.
17. S. Calasso (2011). Speciale movimenti moderni - La Reggenza del Carnaro (pdf) (in Italian). pp. 1–13. ISSN 2279-6924. Archived (PDF) from the original on Feb 10, 2002. Retrieved Sep 20, 2018. Unknown parameter |review= ignored (help) and Ermini, Armando (2011). Speciale movimenti moderni - Bilancio (pdf) (in Italian). pp. 13–16. ISSN 2279-6924. Archived (PDF) from the original on Feb 10, 2012. Retrieved Sep 20, 2018. Unknown parameter |review= ignored (help); Unknown parameter |Issue= ignored (|issue= suggested) (help) .
18. P. Colono. "A special flag". superEva (in Italian). Archivedfrom the original on Aug 4, 2002. Retrieved Sep 20, 2018.
19. Chisholm 1922.
20. H.R. Kedward, Fascism in Western Europe 1900–45, p 40 New York University Press New York, 1971
21. "D'ANNUNZIO PAYS DESERTING SAILORS; Hands Out 10,000 Francs to Crew of Destroyer—Its Officer Bound to Gun.WRANGEL TROOPS NEAR BYMany in Rome Look Hopefully to Giolitti to Find a Way Outof Flume Crisis". The New York Times. 11 December 1920. Retrieved 3 May 2010.
22. Mark Phelan, 'Prophet of the Oppressed Nations: Gabriele D'Annunzio and the Irish Republic, 1919–1921, History Irelandvol. 21, no, 5(Sept/Oct 2013, pp. 44–50.
23. Ekrem Vlora (1973). Lebenserinnerungen: 1912 bis 1925[Memoirs: 1912–1925] (in German). Walter de Gruyter. p. 154. ISBN 9783486475715.
24. Ledeen, Michael Arthur (2001). "Preface". D'Annunzio: the First Duce (2, illustrated ed.). Transaction Publishers. ISBN 9780765807427.
25. Paxton, Robert O. (2005). "Taking Root". The Anatomy of Fascism. Vintage Series (reprint ed.). Random House, Inc. pp. 59–60. ISBN 9781400040940.
26. The United States and Italy, H. Stuart Hughes, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1953, pp. 76 and 81–82.
27. Cecil Adams, Did Mussolini use castor oil as an instrument of torture?, The Straight Dope, 22 April 1994. Accessed 6 November 2006.
28. Richard Doody, "Stati Libero di Fiume – Free State of Fiume". Archived from the original on 8 March 2009. Retrieved 24 August 2002., The World at War.
29. Cali Ruchala, ""Superman, Supermidget": the Life of Gabriele D'Annunzio, Chapter Seven: The Opera". Archived from the original on 10 February 2005. Retrieved 6 November 2006., Degenerate magazine, Diacritica (2002).
30. Mussolini and the Cult of the Leader, John Whittam, New Perspective, vol 3, no 3, March 1998 pp. 12–16
31. The Vittoriale degli Italiani, Fred Licht, The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 41, No. 4 (Dec. 1982), pp. 318–324
32. "D'Annunzio.; Books That Prove Him to Be Entirely Selfish and Corrupt", New York Times, 5 March 1898. p. RBA145.
33. "D'Annunzio's Tragedy Prohibited by Censor.; Further Performances of Francesca da Rimini at Rome Forbidden on Moral Grounds", New York Times, 31 December 1901. p. 5.
34. First edition of warlike prayers held on the Italian front from November 1917 to May 1918, in 16 °, pp. 171 broch. orig. xilografata, frontispiece and trim always engraved on wood by Sartorio
35. Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism: 1914–1945, London: Routledge, 2001, p. 258


• Bleiler, Everett (1948). The Checklist of Fantastic Literature. Chicago: Shasta Publishers. p. 22.
• This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Annunzio, Gabriele D'". Encyclopædia Britannica. 2 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
• Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1922). "D'Annunzio, Gabriele". Encyclopædia Britannica (12th ed.). London & New York.

Further reading

• Gabriele d'Annunzio: Poet, Seducer, and Preacher of War by Lucy Hughes-Hallett (2013, ISBN 0307263932)
• Gabriele D'Annunzio: Defiant Archangel by J.R. Woodhouse (2001, ISBN 0-19-818763-7)
• D'Annunzio: The First Duce by Michael A. Ledeen (ISBN 0-7658-0742-4)
• D'Annunzio: The Poet as Superman by Anthony Rhodes (ISBN 0-8392-1022-1)
• Gabriele D'Annunzio: The Dark Flame by Paolo Valesio (trans. by Marilyn Migiel, ISBN 0-300-04871-8)
• D'Annunzio and the Great War by Alfredo Bonadeo (Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1995, ISBN 0-8386-3587-3)
• Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890 edited by Philip Rees (1991, ISBN 0-13-089301-3)
• The Appeal of Fascism: A Study of Intellectuals and Fascism 1919–1945 by Alastair Hamilton (London, 1971, ISBN 0-218-51426-3)
• D'Annunzio by Tom Antongini (William Heinemann, 1938) - the author was his private secretary
• David Gilmour, "He Dared the Undarable" The New York Review of Books 6 March 2014, pp. 21–22.
• Matteo Veronesi, Il critico come artista dall'estetismo agli ermetici. D'Annunzio, Croce, Serra, Luzi e altri, Bologna, Azeta Fastpress, 2006, ISBN 88-89982-05-5
• Nicoletta Pireddu, Antropologi alla corte della bellezza. Decadenza ed economia simbolica nell'Europa fin de siècle, Verona, Fiorini, 2002, ISBN 88-87082-16-2
• Nicoletta Pireddu, "Gabriele D'Annunzio: the art of squandering and the economy of sacrifice,” in _The Question of the Gift. Essays Across Disciplines_, ed. by Mark Osteen (London and New York: Routledge, 2002): 172–190.
• Nicoletta Pireddu, “’Il divino pregio del dono’: Andrea Sperelli’s economy of pleasures,” _Annali d’italianistica_, 15, 1997: 175–201.
• Rudolph Altrocchi (1922). Gabriele D'Annunzio: Poet of Beauty and Decadence. Chicago Literary Club.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Gabriele d'Annunzio.

Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Gabriele d'Annunzio

• Full texts of Gabriele D'Annunzio's works and chronology
• Works by Gabriele D'Annunzio at Project Gutenberg
• Works by Gabriele D'Annunzio at Faded Page (Canada)
• Works by or about Gabriele D'Annunzio at Internet Archive
• Works by Gabriele D'Annunzio at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
• Gabriele D'Annunzio –
• Gabriele D'annunzio
• Casa D'Annunzio
• D'Annunzio's museum "Il Vittoriale"
• IL VITTORIALE "La Cittadella del d'Annunzio"
• Per non dormire Eleganze notturne al Vittoriale
• Eleganze notturne al Vittoriale
• Decennale di Fiume
• Stamp Fiume
• Le Martyre de Saint Sebastien "Epistolario D'Annunzio Debussy"
• Free scores by Gabriele D'Annunzio at the International Music Score Library Project (IMSLP)
• Newspaper clippings about Gabriele D'Annunzio in the 20th Century Press Archives of the German National Library of Economics (ZBW)
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Ilya Ehrenburg
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/29/18



Ilya Ehrenburg in the 1960s

Ilya Ehrenburg in 1943

Ilya Grigoryevich Ehrenburg (Russian: Илья́ Григо́рьевич Эренбу́рг, pronounced [ɪˈlʲja ɡrʲɪˈɡorʲjɪvɪtɕ ɪrʲɪnˈburk] (About this sound listen); 27 January [O.S. 15 January] 1891 – 31 August 1967) was a Jewish Soviet writer, Bolshevik revolutionary, journalist and historian.

Ehrenburg is among the most prolific and notable authors of the Soviet Union; he published around one hundred titles. He became known first and foremost as a novelist and a journalist – in particular, as a reporter in three wars (First World War, Spanish Civil War and the Second World War).
His articles on the Second World War have provoked intense controversies in West Germany, especially during the sixties.

The novel The Thaw gave its name to an entire era of Soviet politics, namely, the liberalization after the death of Joseph Stalin. Ehrenburg's travel writing also had great resonance, as did to an arguably greater extent his memoir People, Years, Life, which may be his best known and most discussed work. The Black Book, edited by him and Vassily Grossman, has special historical significance; detailing the genocide on Soviet citizens of Jewish ancestry by the Nazis, it is the first documentary work on the Holocaust. In addition, Ehrenburg wrote a succession of works of poetry.

Life and work

Ehrenburg, early 20th century

Ilya Ehrenburg was born in Kiev, Russian Empire to a Lithuanian Jewish family; his father was an engineer. Ehrenburg's family was not religiously affiliated; he came into contact with the religious practices of Judaism only through his maternal grandfather. Ehrenburg never joined any religious denomination. He learned no Yiddish, although he edited the Black Book, which was written in Yiddish. He considered himself Russian and, later, a Soviet citizen, but left all his papers to Israel's Yad Vashem. He took strong public positions against antisemitism. He wrote in Russian even during his many years abroad.

When Ehrenburg was four years old, the family moved to Moscow, where his father had been hired as director of a brewery. At school, he met Nikolai Bukharin, who was two grades above him; the two remained friends until Bukharin's death in 1938 during the Great Purge.

In the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1905, both Ehrenburg and Bukharin got involved in illegal activities of the Bolshevik organisation. In 1908, when Ehrenburg was seventeen years old, the tsarist secret police (Okhrana) arrested him for five months. He was beaten up and lost some teeth. Finally he was allowed to go abroad and chose Paris for his exile.

In Paris, he started to work in the Bolshevik organisation, meeting Vladimir Lenin and other prominent exiles. But soon he left these circles and the Communist Party. Ehrenburg became attached to the bohemian life in the Paris quarter of Montparnasse. He began to write poems, regularly visited the cafés of Montparnasse and got acquainted with a lot of artists, especially Pablo Picasso, Diego Rivera, Jules Pascin, and Amedeo Modigliani.
Foreign writers whose works Ehrenburg translated included those of Francis Jammes.

During World War I, Ehrenburg became a war correspondent for a St. Petersburg newspaper. He wrote a series of articles about the mechanized war that later on were also published as a book (The Face of War). His poetry now also concentrated on subjects of war and destruction, as in On the Eve, his third lyrical book. Nikolai Gumilev, a famous symbolistic poet, wrote favourably about Ehrenburg's progress in poetry.

Ehrenburg with Ernest Hemingway and Gustav Regler during the Spanish Civil War, c. 1937

In 1917, after the revolution, Ehrenburg returned to Russia. At that time he tended to oppose the Bolshevik policy, being shocked by the constant atmosphere of violence. He wrote a poem called "Prayer for Russia" which compared the Storming of the Winter Palace to rape. In 1920 Ehrenburg went to Kiev where he experienced four different regimes in the course of one year: the Germans, the Cossacks, the Bolsheviks, and the White Army. After antisemitic pogroms, he fled to Koktebel on the Crimea peninsula where his old friend from Paris days, Maximilian Voloshin, had a house. Finally, Ehrenburg returned to Moscow, where he soon was arrested by the Cheka but freed after a short time.

He became a Soviet cultural activist and journalist who spent much time abroad as a writer. He wrote modernistic picaresque novels and short stories popular in the 1920s, often set in Western Europe (The Extraordinary Adventures of Julio Jurenito and his Disciples (1922), Thirteen Pipes[1]). Ehrenburg continued to write philosophical poetry, using more freed rhythms than in the 1910s.

As a friend of many of the European Left, Ehrenburg was frequently allowed by Stalin to visit Europe and to campaign for peace and socialism. In 1936–39, he was a war journalist in the Spanish civil war, but also got involved directly in the military activities of the Republican camp.

World War II

Ilya Ehrenburg with Red Army soldiers in 1942

Ehrenburg was active in war journalism throughout World War II. As a consequence, he is one of many Soviet writers, along with Konstantin Simonov and Aleksey Surkov, who have been accused by many of "[lending] their literary talents to the hate campaign" against Germans during World War II.[2] His article "Kill" published in 1942 — when German troops were deeply within Soviet territory — became a widely publicized example of this campaign, along with the poem "Kill him!" by Simonov.[3][4] In "Kill", Ehrenburg wrote: "We shall kill. If you have not killed at least one German a day, you have wasted that day... Do not count days; do not count miles. Count only the number of Germans you have killed." After criticism by Georgy Aleksandrov in Pravda in April 1945,[5] Ehrenburg responded that he never meant wiping out the German people, but only German aggressors who came to our soil with weapons, because "we are not Nazis" who fight with civilians.[6] He wrote already in May 1942 : "The German soldier with weapon in hand is not a man for us, but a fascist. We hate him [...] When the German soldier gives up his weapon and surrenders, we will not touch him with a finger – he will live."[7] Ehrenburg fell into disgrace at that time and it is estimated that Aleksandrov's article was a signal of change in Stalin's policy towards Germany.[8][9]

Ehrenburg was a prominent member of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee.

In 1942 Ehrenburg was a companion to Leland Stowe, an American journalist who traveled to Soviet front lines. In his book They Shall Not Sleep published in the United States in 1944 Stowe describes his interaction with Ehrenburg.

Postwar writings

Ehrenburg awarding the Stalin Peace Prize to Soong Ching-ling and Guo Moruo, April 1951

In 1954, Ehrenburg published a novel titled The Thaw that tested the limits of censorship in the post-Stalin Soviet Union. It portrayed a corrupted and despotic factory boss, a "little Stalin", and told the story of his wife, who increasingly feels estranged from him, and the views he represents. In the novel, the spring thaw comes to represent a period of change in the characters' emotional journeys, and when the wife eventually leaves her husband, this coincides with the melting of the snow. Thus, the novel can be seen as a representation of the thaw, and the increased freedom of the writer after the 'frozen' political period under Stalin. In August 1954, Konstantin Simonov attacked The Thaw in articles published in Literaturnaya gazeta, arguing that such writings are too dark and do not serve the Soviet state.[10] The novel gave its name to the Khrushchev Thaw. Just prior to publishing the book, however, Ehrenburg received the Stalin Peace Prize in 1952.[clarification needed]

Ehrenburg is particularly well known for his memoirs (People, Years, Life in Russian, published with the title Memoirs: 1921-1941 in English), which contain many portraits of interest to literary historians and biographers. In this book, Ehrenburg was the first legal Soviet author to mention positively a lot of names banned under Stalin, including the one of Marina Tsvetaeva. At the same time he disapproved of the Russian and Soviet intellectuals who had explicitly rejected Communism or defected to the West. He also criticized writers like Boris Pasternak, author of Doctor Zhivago, for not having been able to understand the course of history.

Ehrenburg's memoirs were criticized by the more conservative faction among the Soviet writers, concentrated around the journal Oktyabr. For example, as the memoirs were published, Vsevolod Kochetov reflected on certain writers who are "burrowing in the rubbish heaps of their crackpot memories."[11]

For the contemporary reader though, the work appears to have a distinctly Marxist-Leninist ideological flavor characteristic to a Soviet-era official writer.

He was also active in publishing the works by Osip Mandelstam when the latter had been posthumously rehabilitated but still largely unacceptable for censorship. Ehrenburg was also active as a poet till his last days, depicting the events of World War II in Europe, the Holocaust and the destinies of Russian intellectuals.


Ilya Ehrenburg's grave with a wire reproduction of his portrait by Picasso

Ehrenburg died in 1967 of prostate and bladder cancer, and was interred in Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow, where his gravestone is adorned with a reproduction of his portrait drawn by his friend Pablo Picasso.

English translations

• The Fall of Paris, Knopf, NY, 1943. [novel]
• The Tempering of Russia, Knopf, NY, 1944.
• European Crossroad: A Soviet Journalist In the Balkans, Knopf, NY, 1947.
• The Storm, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1948.
• The Ninth Wave, Lawrence And Wishart, London, 1955.
• The Stormy Life of Lasik Roitschwantz, Polyglot Library, 1960.
• A Change of Season, (includes The Thaw and its sequel The Spring), Knopf, NY, 1962.
• Chekhov, Stendhal and Other Essays, Knopf, NY, 1963.
• Memoirs: 1921–1941, World Pub. Co., Cleveland, 1963.[12]
• Life of the Automobile, URIZEN BOOKS Joachim Neugroeschel translator 1976.
• The Second Day, Raduga Publishers, Moscow, 1984.
• The Fall of Paris, Simon Publications, 2002.
• My Paris, Editions 7, Paris, 2005


1. Liukkonen, Petri. "Ilya Ehrenburg". Books and Writers ( Finland: Kuusankoski Public Library. Archived from the original on 27 February 2015.
2. Orlando Figes The Whisperers: Private Life in Stalin's Russia, 2007, ISBN 0805074619, page 414.
3. (Text is found in Ilya Ehrenburg's book Vojna (The war) (Moscow, 1942–43)
4. Original text in Russian. Retrieved on 24 June 2015.
5. Товарищ Эренбург упрощает.
7. "On Hatred", May 1942
8. Joshua Rubenstein: Tangled Loyalties. The Life and Times of Ilya Ehrenburg. 1st Paperback Ed., University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa (Alabama/USA) 1999 (= Judaic Studies Series), ISBN 0-8173-0963-2
9. Carola Tischler: Die Vereinfachungen des Genossen Ehrenburg. Eine Endkriegs- und eine Nachkriegskontroverse. In: Elke Scherstjanoi (Hrsg.): Rotarmisten schreiben aus Deutschland. Briefe von der Front (1945) und historische Analysen. Texte und Materialien zur Zeitgeschichte, Bd. 14. K.G. Saur, München 2004, S. 326–339, ISBN 3-598-11656-X, p. 336-
10. Orlando Figes The Whisperers: Private Life in Stalin's Russia, 2007, ISBN 0805074619, pages 590–591.
11. Stacy, Robert H. (1974). Russian Literary Criticism: A Short History. Syracuse University Press. p. 222. ISBN 9780815601081.
12. Muchnic, Helen (11 March 1965). "Ilya Ehrenburg's Story". New York Review of Books. Archived from the original on 17 July 2011. Retrieved 11 October 2014.

External links

• Works by or about Ilya Ehrenburg at Internet Archive
• Works by Ilya Ehrenburg at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)
• Poems by Ilya Erenburg (English Translations)
• A poem in verse translation by A. Givental and E. Wilson-Egolf
• The Black Book at
• Tangled Loyalties, the 'definitive' Ehrenburg biography by Joshua Rubenstein at the book's home on the web
• Long biography, includes quote above
• Article in The Columbia Encyclopedia
• Brief page on The Thaw
• Marevna, "Homage to Friends from Montparnasse" (1962) Top left to right: Diego Rivera, Ilya Ehrenburg, Chaim Soutine, Amedeo Modigliani, his wife Jeanne Hébuterne, Max Jacob, gallery owner Leopold Zborowski [1] [2]. Bottom left to right: Marevna, hers and Diego Rivera's daughter Marika, (Amedeo Modigliani), Moise Kisling.
• Olga Carlisle (Summer–Fall 1961). Ilya Ehrenburg, The Art of Fiction No. 26. The Paris Review.
• Excerpts from "The Storm" in English. From
• Tribute to Ehrenburg by Aleksandr Tvardovsky in English. From
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

Postby admin » Sat Sep 29, 2018 7:26 pm

Grigori Sokolnikov
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/29/18



This name uses Eastern Slavic naming customs; the patronymic is Yakovlevich and the family name is Sokolnikov.

Grigori Sokolnikov
Григорий Сокольников
Sokolnikov grygory.JPG
Grigori Sokolnikov (1888-1939)
People's Commissar for Finance of the USSR
In office
6 July 1923 – 16 January 1926
Premier Vladimir Lenin (until 1924)
Alexei Rykov
Preceded by None—post created
Succeeded by Nikolai Bryukhanov
People's Commissar for Finance of the RSFSR
In office
22 November 1922 – 6 July 1923
Premier Vladimir Lenin
Preceded by Nikolay Krestinsky
Succeeded by Myron K. Vladimirov
Full member of the 6th, 7th Bureau
In office
11 March – 25 March 1919
In office
10 October 1917 – 29 July 1918
Candidate member of the 13th Politburo
In office
2 June 1924 – 1 January 1926
Personal details
Born Girsh Yankelevich Brilliant
15 August 1888
Romny, Poltava Governorate, Russian Empire
Died 21 May 1939 (aged 50)
Verkhneuralsk, Tyumen Oblast, Soviet Union
Political party All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks)
Alma mater Saint Petersburg State University

Grigori Yakovlevich Sokolnikov[a] (born Girsh Yankelevich Brilliant; 1888–1939) was a Russian old Bolshevik revolutionary, economist, and Soviet politician.


Grigori Sokolnikov was born Girsh Yankelevich Brilliant to a railway doctor in Romny on 15 August 1888. Sokolnikov was Jewish.[1] He moved to Moscow as a teenager and joined the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in 1905. He served time in prison and studied economics whilst at the Sorbonne.

He returned to Russia in April 1917 along with Vladimir Lenin in the 'sealed train', and on arriving in Russia became part of the editorial board of the Bolsheviks' central party organ.[2]

Grigori Sokolnikov, People's Commissar for Finance of the USSR, marked (1) negotiates in Berlin Sep 1923

Grigori Sokolnikov was a member of the first Politburo, with seven members: Lenin, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Trotsky, Stalin, Sokolnikov and Bubnov.[3] After the October Revolution, he held various government positions. He was a member of the Joffe led delegation for peace negotiations with Germany. While Joffe accompanied the signatory team in protest as a consultant, he replaced Leon Trotsky as chairman and signed the Brest-Litovsk treaty in 1918 on behalf of the Bolshevik government of Russia. Later, alongside Rosalia Zemlyachka, he became commissar of the Eighth army, using this position to order mass shootings during the Russian Civil War.[4] He was appointed People's Commissar of Finance following the introduction of the New Economic Policy and became a candidate member of the Politburo of the Communist Party in May 1924. According to Boris Bajanov, as minister of finance Sokolnikov proved himself to be a capable administrator, accomplishing every task he was asked to do, such as creating the first stable Soviet currency. Bajanov also notes that despite Sokolnikov's past in the Red Army, he was not ruthless in his personality. Privately, Sokolnikov lost faith in the Soviet Union under Stalin and later described the Soviet economy as "state capitalist".[5] He was removed from his position in the Sovnarkom (Council of People's Commissars) and demoted from the Politburo after calling for Joseph Stalin's removal as General Secretary of the Communist Party at the Fourteenth Congress of the Bolsheviks in December 1925. Sokolnikov was appointed instead as vice-chairman of Gosplan, the new economic planning agency (an appointment that carried cruel irony since Sokolnikov himself was a bitter opponent of heavy-handed centralized planning) and later as head of an oil company. He was the Soviet ambassador to the United Kingdom from 1929 to 1932.

During the Great Purge, Sokolnikov was arrested in 1937 and tried at the Trial of the Seventeen. He was sentenced to ten years of imprisonment.
Reportedly, he was assassinated in a prison by other convicts on 21 May 1939. A post-Stalin official investigation during the Khrushchev Thaw revealed that the murder was organized by the NKVD official K.P. Nikolaevich (ru) being ordered by Lavrenty Beria and Josef Stalin personally.[6]. In 1988, during perestroika, he was rehabilitated along with many other victims of the Great Purge.


1. Russian: Григорий Яковлевич Сокольников
2. Russian: Гирш Я́нкелевич Бриллиа́нт


2. Trotsky, L. 'A New Moscow Amalgam' in "Writings of Leon Trotsky (1936-37)", pg.120, Pathfinder, New York
3. Dmitri Volkogonov, Lenin. A New Biography, translated and edited by Harold Shukman (New York: The Free Press, 1994), p. 185.
4. Boris Bajanov, Bajanov révèle Staline, Gallimard, 1979
5. ... /12/18.htm
• Soviet Policy in Public Finance, 1917–1928, by Gregory Y. Sokolnikov & Associates; translated by Elena Varneck, edited by Lincoln Hutchinson & Carl C. Plehn. Stanford University Press. 1931.

External links

• Grigory Sokolnikov Archive, part of Marxists Internet Archive.
• Grigorii Yakovlevich Sokolnikov and the development of the Soviet state, 1921–1929
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

Postby admin » Sat Sep 29, 2018 8:04 pm

Gentlemen Volunteers: The Story of American Ambulance Drivers in the Great War: August 1914-September 1918
by Arlen J. Hansen
© 1996 The Estate of Arlen J. Hansen



Chapter One: The Three Beginnings; The Harjes Formation

In March of 1910, a group of Americans living in Paris opened a small, semiphilanthropic hospital just off the Boulevard Victor Hugo in the suburb of Neuilly. When the war broke out in August of 1914, the American Hospital became a natural focal point for the concerned American colony. They donated money, equipment, and automobiles, and even offered their personal services, to help the war effort. Learning that the American Hospital intended to treat wounded soldiers by setting up tents in the hospital's gardens if necessary, French officials were directed by a Dr. Fevier, surgeon general of the French Army, to offer the Americans the unfinished Lycee Pasteur to use as its "ambulance," or military hospital. (Ambulance can be a misleading term. The Americans, like the English, use the word to denote a motorized vehicle designed to carry patients to hospitals. For the French, ambulance designates a military hospital. In this text, ambulance in lowercase refers to vehicles, and Military Hospital replaces Ambulance, though I am aware there are those who prefer American Ambulance of Paris to American Military Hospital because the latter suggests that the American military was involved, and this was most emphatically not the case.) The Lycee Pasteur, which had been requisitioned by the French government, was an elaborate arrangement of red-brick school buildings just beyond the Maillot gate in Neuilly, six blocks from the American Hospital.(1) After the war, the Lycee Pasteur reclaimed its buildings on the Boulevard d'Inkerman, and the Americans were reimbursed for some of their construction expenses. The ante-bellum American Hospital, which got a new building in 1926, still carries on its work today at its old location, just off the Boulevard Victor Hugo.

The French offer of Lycee Pasteur carried with it two conditions. First, the American Hospital Board had to agree to underwrite the completion of the buildings and grounds, at a cost of $400,000. Second, the Board had only twenty-four hours to accept. Neither of these stipulations daunted the Hospital Board's two principal powers: former Ambassador Robert Bacon, its president, and Anne Harriman Vanderbilt, the second wife of William K. Vanderbilt. Once introduced, the deal was done.(2) On August 14, 1914, the day after accepting the offer, Bacon appointed a Board of Governors for the American Ambulance of Paris. The roster of the Ambulance Board alone is sufficient to demonstrate that this board had the wherewithal, clout, and connections to get things done: Mrs. Henry P. Davison (her husband later directed the American Red Cross), Mrs., E. H. Harriman, Mrs. Myron T. Herrick (wife of the popular ambassador to France), Mrs. Whitelaw Reid, Airs. Montgomery Sears, Mrs. Bayard Van Rensselaer, and Mrs. Harry Payne Whitney, among other names of equal luster.(3)

To help recruit the medical staff and oversee the completion of the lycee buildings (which needed mostly interior work: lighting, heating, and cabinetry), the Ambulance Board named an administrative Ambulance Committee.(4) Working together, these two groups soon had the American Military Hospital up and running--in the nick of time. According to a report later filed with the American Hospital Board, the first four wounded soldiers were received on September 6. As the French and British continued to drive the Germans back from the Marne in mid-September, the number of blesses rose steadily. Ninety-one were admitted to the Military Hospital on the 15th of September; 146 on the 16th; 209 the following day; and during the second half of September and the first half of October, the average number of patients per day reached 238.(5)

Yet all this medical service would not have been helpful without a means of getting the blesses to the hospital. Mrs. Vanderbilt and Harold White, manager of the Ford Motor Company's French assembly plant, had already addressed the matter of transporting the wounded.(6) With financial assistance from Mrs. Vanderbilt, White donated ten Ford chassis, which were outfitted as ambulances by a local carriage builder. A crude plank floor was extended from the gas tank out over the rear axle, an overarching canopy of canvas covered the rear compartment, and a single board was strapped across the top of the gas tank for the driver to sit on. That was all--no side doors, no roof over the cab, no windshield.

The first drivers signed on in no less improvised a manner. J. Paulding Brown, whose pleasure tour of Europe had been interrupted by the outbreak of the war, showed up at the Military Hospital one day in early September of 1914, and "15 minutes later was an ambulance driver.(7) Brown's first of a series of interesting trips into the environs of Paris" was made on September 7, and thereafter 'for several weeks we were busy along the Marne gathering in wounded and bringing them back to Paris."(8)

Once the Germans had been pushed above the Aisne in late September, the French holding stations were necessarily beyond the reach of the Military Hospital's Fords, and the usefulness of the ambulances temporarily waned. Sanitary trains now constituted the principal means of transporting the wounded from the front to La Chapelle, the renovated rail station at the northernmost edge of Paris. This former railway depot had been transformed into an official receiving station to which all Paris-bound hospital trains brought their wounded. Once a warehouse-like barn with a huge unloading platform, this cold and stark station was made over into a warm, pleasant, and efficient distribution center. On the platform facing the railroad tracks were four newly constructed barracks, each painted a different color. The wounded were taken from the railroad cars directly into one of these structures, where nurses gave them hot soup and bread, and dressed them in fresh bandages if necessary. Using cards coded according to the color of the barracks, clerks wrote down the names of the wounded, four per card, grouped according to type of injury. Then the cards were distributed to the drivers, whose ambulances were lined up in stalls. After selecting his or her stretcher-bearers from a common pool, the driver sent them to the barracks corresponding to the card's color, where they picked up the four blesses named on the card. Once the blesses were loaded into the ambulance, the driver took off for the appropriate hospital--say, the American Military Hospital if four blesses required facial surgery--or to the Val du Grace for special types of amputation. The only hitch was that no station, not even the wondrously efficient La Chapelle, could keep pace with the daily slaughter and the resultant backlog of trains. One night, Harold Howland noted, "There were two trains standing alongside the La Chapelle station and one inside, and eight more waiting in the yards outside the city to come in."(9)

The most expedient means of distributing blesses from La Chapelle to the numerous hospitals was by automobile, but ambulance work was regarded by many as incidental, not integral, to a hospital's true and proper functions. In that trips into the field were no longer practical and, for Americans, were actually prohibited by military policy, the Ambulance Committee of the American Military Hospital hesitated before deciding officially to add a transportation department to its operations.(10) Some on the Committee felt that whatever ambulance service the American Military Hospital required could be handled by other motor corps operating in the city, including units from Spain, Canada (whose drivers were all women), and Scandinavia. In addition, they knew that eventually an ambulance service would probably be co-opted by the military, which would, understandably, take over the control and deployment of the vehicles. The Hospital seemed to have little to gain by setting up its own ambulance service. Most of the medical administrators felt that a hospital's job was to treat the wounded, not to fetch them.

Other factors worked against the inclusion of a transportation department in the American Military Hospital's operations. Given the magnitude of the Hospital's undertaking and its policy of treating the most challenging cases, particularly men in need of facial reconstruction,(11) an ambulance service would be a drain on the Hospital's finances and personnel. The American Military Hospital had become a highly respected and successful institution by concentrating its efforts on the medical aspects of its service. By the end of 1915, it had an impressive number of beds in operation -- 575, with another 50 ready for emergencies.(12) Although the hospital staff was serving largely without pay, the Board spared no expense on medical technology, which gave rise to the criticism that the Hospital was extravagant.(13) Still, despite the Hospital's emphasis on treatment rather than transportation, its ambulances had already proved their worth at the holding stations in Meaux, Lizy-sur-Ourcq, and Coulommiers during the Battle of the Marne. The cars were also of considerable use in distributing the wounded who continued to arrive at La Chapelle. So, by late February of 1915, the Military Hospital Board finally consented to form a Transportation Committee, which would oversee the formation and operation of an ambulance service. Not surprisingly, transportation matters were relegated to the bottom of the Hospital's budgetary and organizational priorities. New ambulances were occasionally purchased with money raised in the United States by William R. Hereford, a New York banker who was the chief fund-raiser for the entire American Hospital organization. Some contributors specified that their donations go toward buying ambulances, giving Hereford no choice but to spend the money on cars. Nevertheless, by December of 1916, when the hospital was spending over $1,000 per day to handle nearly 1,600 wounded, the number of ambulances working directly out of the Neuilly hospital had increased from the original ten to just thirty-five.(14)

The American Military Hospital was not unique in its attitude toward ambulance units. Until the early spring of 1915, few hospitals recognized the importance of independent ambulance services, particularly when it came to trench warfare. When armies marched, the armies' mobile hospitals could follow the troops and pick up the wounded at assembly points. In this war, however, not only was the French Army stationary, but its medical facilities were often based in converted civilian hospitals and other civic buildings, which were invariably a moderate distance from the front, far enough to be out of artillery range. The wounded had to be hauled back to these urban hospitals, but neither trains nor horse-drawn wagons provided an entirely satisfactory means of transporting them. The blasted, seasonally boggy terrain over which the blesses had to be carried would not sustain railroad beds, and the wagons moved so slowly that the wounded were exposed far too long to enemy fire. Cars, in short, were the answer. However, as was the case with the American Military Hospital in Paris, most civilian hospital boards and their administrative surgeons were not accustomed to supporting or managing an extensive ambulance service.

A typical case was Mrs. C. Mitchell Depew, who converted half of her Chateau d'Annel at Longueil, some nine miles north of Compiegne, into a splendid forty-bed hospital. The American Mrs. Depew was a long-time resident in France and a close friend of General Joffre, who helped her obtain the necessary medical licenses. Mrs. Depew and her staff opened the hospital on August 27, but when German troops poured across the region three days later, everyone, including members of her own family, had to leave. Returning a month later, they reopened their hospital and, according to Dr. Harvey Cushing, who visited the Chateau d'Annel the following March, "have been continuously busy [ever since]." Cushing, a Harvard surgeon who was inspecting various regional clinics on behalf of the American Hospital Board, counted "seven nurses for the 40 patients [and] an ambulance corps of four Ford cars."(15)

But Dr. Cushing was wrong in one matter. Mrs. Depew's hospital may have been in full operation when he visited it in March of 1915, but between the preceding September and the end of January it had been virtually without patients. Earlier, in November of 1914, two French generals (Berthier and Dziewonski) directed the medecin en chef at Montdidier to deliver his overflow of wounded to her hospital. However, because the Montdidier doctor had no ambulances to spare and because Mrs. Depew had not obtained the requisite laisses-passers (permits) or sufficient gasoline to run her own ambulance service, Mrs. Depew's hospital was without the means of bringing in any patients, Montdidier's overflow included.(16) Not until the end of January, by which time Mrs. Depew had obtained three ambulances, the appropriate passes, and a ration of gasoline, did the Longueil hospital have a legitimate ambulance service. Accordingly, when Cushing arrived in March, the hospital had ambulances (Cushing counted an additional one, making four in all) and a full component of forty ....

Largely owing to the French ban on foreign nationals in the field, the American volunteer ambulance services were slow to be accepted by French officials, but once the usefulness of the American cars and drivers was recognized, the demand grew instantly.The experience of Edward Dale Toland captures the pace and nature of the change in attitude toward American ambulance drivers. Toland, a 28-year-old Philadelphia gentleman, boarded the S.S. Laconia out of New York in late August of 1914, intending "simply to see the excitement and the French people in wartime."(17) Having spent the previous six years in the engineering and banking businesses, the Princeton alum (1908) was intrigued by 'the prospect of an indeterminate holiday." Instead, the unassuming and modest Toland got caught up in the rush of events and before he knew it was helping to form the very first American volunteer ambulance unit.

Having been in Paris the previous year, Toland was stunned by what he saw upon arrival on September 14. The entire length of Avenue de I'Opera revealed "not a soul on the sidewalks," and that evening the usually hectic Place de la Concorde was "as dark and still as a country churchyard, " Toland wrote in his diary.(18) In early September, United Press reporter William Shepherd had stood on Avenue de l'Opera and looked in its shops and down its side streets. "No human being is in sight," Shepherd observed in Confessions of a War Correspondent. "The prairies of Texas were never more silent." In contrast, Will Irwin's first chapter in The Latin at War depicts Paris as unfazed during this period, with its populace as contented and outgoing as ever. Irwin admitted that his sample was skewed, however: Naturally, I know the American colony in Paris better than the French . . . , [and] they are for the most part wealthy or well-to-do, and before the war they were an idle set.' The city was still reeling from the terrors of the first weeks of the war. During August, three million German troops had raced across the western front, carried by 550 trains a day rolling through Belgium, to bear down upon the French capital. The German advance was finally halted and turned back a few miles outside Paris in early September, just before Toland's arrival. By late September, the German western flank had been driven north of the Aisne, where both sides eventually dug in. Nevertheless, many Parisians remained convinced that the German threat was not over, and that made them wary and sometimes capable of ugly conduct that winter.

Toland spent his first day at the Cooper-Hewitt Hospital, a small operation near the Bois de Boulogne. Although splendidly equipped, the fifty-bed Cooper-Hewitt was completely empty -- not a single patient, despite the savage fighting that had taken place recently along the Marne, literally within earshot of Paris. "The French officials in Paris do not seem to want wounded men brought in here," Toland was told by a Mrs. F, who managed the hospital (Toland does not give her full name). Throughout the city, she said, "There are some six hundred beds now prepared with first-class equipment and staff all ready and waiting for them." The officials, she figured, "are afraid the possibility of a siege is not over, or else they are afraid that the moral effect on the French public will be bad."(19)

Mrs. F told Toland that the only way to get patients into these small private hospitals was to ignore the officials and operate one's own ambulance service, as she had done for her other hospital, the converted Majestic Hotel. The night before Toland's arrival, Mrs. F and her aides had driven a huge omnibus out to the army's holding station at Montereau, some sixty miles outside Paris, and brought back twelve blesses, who had been virtually abandoned there. What she had seen at the Montereau station was almost more than she could bear: hundreds of wounded men piled on filthy straw, all wounds septic "beyond description," no bandages or gauze or anesthetics, no surgeons, and maybe one nurse for every fifty men. Sadly, her "horrible old rattle-trap of an omnibus"(20) had room for only a small fraction of the men requiring emergency attention
. Mrs. F's passionate account of this experience so impressed Toland that the former banker instantly blurted out an offer to help the Majestic's operations in any way he could. So much for the indeterminate holiday he had envisioned.

One day, while working at the Majestic as a volunteer orderly, Toland heard that a trainload of British wounded, slowly making its way to the coast, would stop briefly at Villeneuve St. Georges, six miles outside Paris, the following morning. "The thing that is most needed," he wrote in his diary that night, echoing Mrs. F's sentiments, is to get the men off the field and to a place where they can have some sort of attention."(21) Despite the proscription against civilian travel beyond the gates of Paris, Toland, along with one of the Majestic's surgeons and a French nurse, decided to intercept the train when it stopped at Villeneuve St. Georges and bring the most seriously wounded back for immediate care.

Thanks to the nurse's personal charm and her quick tongue, the group got past the various sentries and reached the Villeneuve St. Georges station well ahead of the British hospital train. However, no amount of time could have prepared them for the train's gruesome cargo. Some twenty small boxcars were crammed with maimed and bleeding men lying on wisps of straw loosely scattered over the floor boards. Far too many needed immediate attention for the Majestic's omnibus-ambulance to carry, so the irrepressible nurse went to work again, this time on the Villeneuve St. Georges station master, and enchanted him completely. He found them an empty railroad car with enough space for twenty-two couches, and ordered it attached to a train about to depart for Paris. Despite the impeding efforts of the civilian and military authorities, Toland and the others were able to bring dozens of severely wounded men to the Majestic that night.

There are several explanations for the abundance of horrific scenes of brutalized men at the holding stations. The new warfare technology accounted for a large percentage of the numerous conspicuous casualties. Fragmentation shells such as the so-called Daisy Cutter exploded on impact and were designed to maim and cripple rather than kill outright. Thus, in this war, siege artillery became antipersonnel weaponry. Shrapnel produced three times as many casualties as bullets. The newly designed pineapple ridges on hand grenades maximized the number of jagged bits of hot metal that burst randomly about, maximizing the ability of grenades to rip up human flesh. The machine gun, especially the Germans' Maxim, gave the solitary soldier a disproportionately large capacity for carnage with a single sweep of his gun.(22) Perhaps nothing was more efficient as a disabling weapon than gas: at first the suffocants, greenish-yellow chlorine and colorless phosgene; later, mustard gas, which produced progressive conjunctivitis or painfully crippling blisters.(23) Men died slowly from all of this new weaponry -- or, perhaps worse, didn't die at all, surviving with permanent disability or mutilation, a living reminder of the Great War's horrors.

There were nontechnological reasons as well for the boxcars overflowing with wounded, and the huge numbers of mutiles de guerre. During the first months of the war, the French military authorities tended to accept a notion attributed to Lieutenant Colonel Louzeau de Grandmaison, chief of training on the General Staff: ardor wins wars. Never mind weapon power or troop numbers, this view argued, an army that displays an unconquerable spirit will be victorious and, thus, French military strategy called for I'attaque a outrance, all-out attack.(24) As one historian put it: "The 1913 [French] manuals contained no prescription for retreat."(25) consequently, the number of casualties rose as French ardor rose, and the ardor soared the closer the Germans got to Paris.

Ironically, advances in treatment and medical knowledge may also have contributed to the suffering during the First World War. In 1901, the Austrian-born pathologist Karl Landsteiner, working in the United States, discovered the secret of blood types (A, O, B, AB), which made transfusions more practical. Many wounded who would previously have been regarded as untreatable were now being shipped back to urban hospitals for transfusions in the hope that their limbs, or lives, could be saved. Moreover, the recently developed practice of debridement, which prevented gangrene by immediately removing damaged tissue from wounds, kept still others alive long enough to endure the boxcar rides. In earlier wars, many of the raving, suffering men that Toland and Mrs. F encountered would have been silently abandoned or buried at the battlefront, out of public view.

To get these wounded men to urban hospitals, some type of transportation service was necessary, but ambulances were difficult to come by, at least for Mrs. F. It was a simple matter of greed, she concluded. "There are a good many motors which could be put at the disposal of hospitals," she stated bitterly, "but it is quite hard to get hold of them. " People who owned motorcars, she said, were acting in the "most cowardly and selfish way.' Although Mrs. F had extracted promises from several owners, she invariably discovered, when she went to pick up the cars, that neither the machines nor their owners were in town. The cars had been taken to the country and safely ensconced, presumably, on the grounds of family estates.(26)

Toland was shocked by the hypocrisy of car owners who reneged on their promises, but he was even more disturbed by the behavior of some hotel owners. Certain hotels made an ostentatious show of having been converted into hospitals, although these same hotel-cum-hospitals showed little real concern about actually treating patients. For instance, the glamorous Ritz Hotel generously reserved sixty-four beds for hospital use. It purchased some state-of-the-art medical equipment and hired two dozen nurses. Yet, the Ritz's management accepted no patients, protesting that it could not admit any blesses without authority from the officials of the Bureau de Sante (Department of Health). Literally speaking, that was true. However, Toland countered, "we told them they would never get any patients if they waited for authority from [the Health Department]."(27)

The advantages of such tactics were immediately apparent, assuming the hotel's management did not foolishly set aside so many beds that it undercut business. The idea was to hire a few nurses (but no expensive surgeons), giving the operation a veneer of sincerity, and perhaps even to invest in some medical equipment. It was imperative to announce the conversion by flying Red Cross flags conspicuously. A hotel could continue its normal routine without actually bothering about hospital work -- until, of course, the licenses were issued by the bureaucracy. There was little need to worry -- the labyrinthine Parisian bureaucracy worked it a snail's pace in the best of times. The point of such deviousness was to make sure German artillery spotters or troops, in the event that Paris was taken, might believe the hotel was a hospital. Best of all, the hotel's management did not have to put up with any bleeding blesses or imperious surgeons making things unpleasant for the hotel's clientele.

Toland sensed a change in the Majestic's attitude right after the Germans had settled in along the Aisne and the threat of a further assault on Paris had virtually disappeared. "Our relations with the management of this hotel," Toland said, "are decidedly unpleasant." The cause was obvious: "I am quite sure that the only reason the hotel was given as a hospital was as a sort of insurance proposition." In other words, Toland writes, "Now that there is no chance of the Germans getting in here [Paris], I think they [the Majestic's management] would jolly well like to kick us all out."(28)

When the French and German armies took up defensive positions during the relatively peaceful winter of 1914-1915, the small private hospitals in Paris became undersubscribed, if not superfluous. Civilian-managed mobile field hospitals were rumored to be in the offing. These field hospitals, it was held, would include both medical and automobile units, and would be set up just behind the trenches, within driving distance of the army's holding stations. Having heard about these field units, Toland noted that "It has been my wish to do this sort of work, and I feel I could be of far more use out there than in a [Paris] hospital."(29) He arranged a meeting with Robert Bacon, the President of the American Hospital Board, to talk it over. A man of considerable influence, Bacon had been President Theodore Roosevelt's third (1909) Secretary of State and President Taft's Ambassador to France. Toland's session with Bacon on September 25 turned out to be most frustrating. "There isn't any chance of getting to the front," Bacon had explained to him. "The English and French armies won't have any outsiders messing about their work."(30) Bacon was alluding to the French policy banning all nonmilitary personnel, including those from neutral or nonaligned countries, from traveling into battle zones.(31)

On October 1, Bacon introduced Toland to Dr. Edmund Gros, one of the chief medical officers at the American Military Hospital in Neuilly, who proposed that Toland come to work for them. As President of the American Hospital Board, Bacon added that the American Military Hospital "would offer me [Toland] more opportunities than the "Majestic Hotel Hospital." The hospital in Neuilly was a much larger operation, Bacon pointed out, with a capacity of six hundred patients. Moreover, it was about to establish a small ambulance unit for transporting blesses to and from the hospital. Driving an ambulance for the Military Hospital, Toland felt, was "more like the work I have been wishing to do."(32)

Bacon mentioned a second, even more appealing, possibility to Toland. H. Herman Harjes, the 39-year-old Senior Partner of the Morgan-Harjes Bank in Paris, was planning to organize a mobile field unit under the sponsorship of the French military hospital, the Val de Grace. Harjes, Bacon said, intended his field service to work in cooperation with both French medical and military officials (thus avoiding the ban against allowing neutrals in a war zone) in the Compiegne-montdidier sector, where the battle lines had not yet completely stabilized. If Toland so wished, Bacon would try to get him into Harjes' unit. "It is exactly what I want," Toland wrote in his diary that evening.(33)

The next morning (October 2, 1914), Mrs. Herman Hades, an active member of the Ambulance Board, as well as the prime force behind her husband's field service, made Toland an offer: Would he be willing to go to the front with the Morgan-Harjes Ambulance Mobile de Premiers Secours to set up a field hospital, complete with its own ambulances? Toland replied without hesitation that he would, and so for the next week he helped set up the Morgan-Harjes field hospital and ambulance service.

At 6:00 A.M. on Saturday, October 9, two chauffeur-driven Packards left Paris in search of a location for Harjes' field hospital. They wanted to choose a spot as close to the front as possible, enabling them to have prompt access to the wounded.(34) In this initial scouting party were Mr. and Mrs. Harjes, their chief surgeon (an American), a head nurse, a French corporal ("who is to represent the army and keep military records, etc."), and Edward Toland. Other personnel and equipment were soon added to this nucleus, including two operating surgeons, a few paramedics, and at least three more Packards.(35) Four Ford ambulances, donated by J. P. Morgan, were said to be on the way from New York.

In the village of Ricquebourg, halfway between Compiegne and Montdidier, the scouting party found a beautiful and spacious chateau, which seemed suitable, though it needed some repair and modernization (for example, running water) before it could function as a hospital. The chateau was also within three hundred yards of a French battery that invited the attention of enemy fire. Nevertheless, the Harjes group was assured, should the German infantry break through, that they would have plenty of time to evacuate. The group settled in and work began the next day.(36) For the first time, an American volunteer unit was setting up a hospital and ambulance service in the field, relatively close to the battle lines.

Two of Toland's favorite surgeons from the Majestic Hotel Hospital, Drs. Joll and DeQuelen, came out on October 11 to help the Harjes crew get started. Their operational model, naturally, was the Majestic, where the ambulance service (that is, the omnibus that Toland and Mrs. F occasionally drove) was secondary to the medical service. Drivers were members of the general hospital staff rather than an independent ambulance corps. Accordingly, when Clarence Mitchell joined the Harjes unit, he and the others who drove its ambulances regarded themselves as employees of a hospital, and therefore undertook whatever hospital chores needed to be done. "I have been working in the wards a good deal," Mitchell wrote his parents in December of 1914, "and this morning I put in chopping Wood."(37) Ambulance driving was simply one of the tasks he was assigned as an employee of the field hospital.

Given the extensive renovation required, and the proximity of the French battery, the setup at the Ricquebourg chateau didn't work out, so on October 26 the Harjes unit relocated to Compiegne. Less than a week later, Harjes drove out from Paris with instructions for his group to move again, this time to a chateau outside Montdidier belonging to French Minister of Finance Monsieur Klotz. Significantly, the instructions to move had originated at the 4th Corps of the French Second Army, which was expecting a large battle and a concomitant number of wounded.(38) In other words, the Harjes group was complying with, or at least responding to, a French Army request.

The following day, November 2, the medecin en chef of the Montdidier district and the chief surgeon of the largest hospital at Montdidier arrived, apparently uninvited and unannounced, to inspect Harjes' medical facilities. After giving their approval, the officials, suggested that some of the Montdidier patients might be transferred to Harjes' hospital. On the morning the transfer was to begin, a fierce battle broke out near the small town of Roye, and all available vehicles were pressed into emergency duty. By order of the Montdidier medecin en chef, every ambulance, including the five Harjes Packards, was sent to one of the rear-line holding stations in the region around Roye. Each of the Packards, which were big cars -- the one Toland was driving was a six-cylinder Packard 30 -- had room for six stretchers, and ended up transporting 250 couches (stretcher cases; those blesses or wounded men, able to sit up were called assis), most of whom were taken to Montdidier hospitals. Rolling all day and through most of the night, the Harjes ambulances played a far more prominent role than had the hospital to which they were assigned. Indeed, it was the biggest day the Harjes Ambulance Mobile de Premiers Secours had had so far.(39)

A few days later, French officials ordered the Harjes Packards back into the field, again without consulting the Harjes hospital. About three in the afternoon," Toland wrote in his diary, "the Medecin Chef sent for all of our cars again. . . . I was detailed to car No. 9. When we got to the [holding] station they had fifty men to take to Breteuil, twenty-two kilometers west of US."(40) French military and medical officials had found Harjes' ambulances efficient and convenient -- an eminently valuable autonomous service on which they could call regardless of the hospital to which it was formally attached. Gradually, Harjes' ambulance corps began to split off from the hospital unit and function independently. The Morgan-Harjes operation was evolving into two discrete groups: the medical staff, whose job it was to maintain a functional hospital, and the ambulance drivers, whose services were increasingly being called upon by second-line French officials.

As the separation between the medical and ambulance personnel formalized, the differences between the type of volunteer each attracted became more distinct. Signing up for hospital duty was quite unlike offering to drive an ambulance. Hospitals were hectic and crowded, yet guided by strict rules, and staffed with other overworked angels of mercy; ambulance driving was usually carried out alone. In an ambulance, you were alone, heading blindly down a bomb-cratered, unmarked dirt road to god-knows-where in a rattletrap of a car. Each job appealed to individuals with fundamentally different motives, attitudes toward the war, skills, expectations, and degrees of recklessness. The two sorts of work reinforced personality traits. If the volunteer ambulance driver and the volunteer hospital worker weren't that different when they arrived, the demands and pressures of their disparate jobs soon made them so.

The Morgan-Harjes unit was growing increasingly interested in and attractive to men who were more familiar with automobiles than with hospital work. When Clarence Mitchell decided to sail for France after the war broke out, he thought the type of assistance he could offer would be medical, not mechanical. He hadn't calculated exactly what he would do when he got to Paris, but he figured he would probably help out at the American Military Hospital in Neuilly. Upon his arrival in Paris on October 17, Mitchell presented a letter of introduction to an official at the Morgan-Harjes Bank. The official, who knew relatively little about the Neuilly hospital, said that Harjes had a unit "just behind the firing line and needs another man who understands automobiles, and I [Mitchell] can probably have the job."(41)

Two weeks later, after hurriedly practicing his driving and passing the requisite test, Mitchell was assigned to the Harjes unit. Despite anxious projections by the 4th Corps of the French Second Army (which had instructed Harjes to move his unit to Monsieur Klotz's chateau outside Montdidier), the sector was still rather quiet when Mitchell arrived, so he spent his first days making trips to and from the local train station. The action picked up "Mitchell called it a "rush" on November 5, and the drivers of the Harjes Packards, including Mitchell and Toland, were instr-ucted to proceed beyond the train station and pick up wounded men from the Warsy and Dancourt assembly points a few miles behind the trenches. Mitchell soon felt as if the Harjes ambulances had become part of the French Army. "This job beats working in the American [Military] Hospital four ways at once," he wrote his parents on November 11, 1914. "The field work is exciting and very good exercise. . . ."(42) Mitchell and the other Harjes drivers were now largely spared the drudgery of hospital duty and made available for emergency calls from French officials. Although not yet allowed to travel to the postes de secours at the very front, neither were Harjes' drivers confined to doing tiresome jitney work, shuttling back and forth between city hospitals and train stations.

In the winter of 1914-1915, the demand for ambulance drivers and their cars spread throughout France, even in Paris, where only a few months earlier the American Ambulance Board had displayed only a minimal commitment to its transportation service. The attitude of the Board had changed. "I had a note from the American [Military] Hospital, " Mitchell observed in December, "offering me a driving job, and one from F[rancis] C[olby] asking me to join his ambulance corps."(43) By February of 1915, the British Army started allowing British Red Cross groups, such as the Friends' Ambulance unit, to work the British Expeditionary Force's advanced dressing stations, a change in policy that incurred Mitchell's envy and admiration. "The English Red Cross men are nervy beyond belief," he wrote, "and the casualties among them are very high, even among the ambulance drivers who run up in daylight to the second line of trenches."(44)

The conversion of local hospitals and civic institutions near the battle zones into military hospitals was virtually completed by the early spring of 1915. Anyone setting up a hospital or clinic finally realized that they needed their own ambulance corps to bring into them. Mrs. Harry Payne Whitney, who completely refurbished a sixteenth-century seminary in the small village of Juilly (population 400) into a second American Military Hospital provides an example. Hospital B, as Mrs. Whitney's clinic was called, opened February 1, 1915, but it had no operational ambulance service.(45) Consequently, when Mitchell visited Hospital B a week later, he found "electric lights, steam heat, scientific sewerage, bath tubs, [and] two hundred and fifty beds -- but no patients."(46) This problem was rectified when Mrs. Whitney and the American Hospital Board in Paris arranged for a corps of ambulances to serve her hospital.

Given the disproportionate abundance of medical facilities in the Montdidier sector, as compared with the paucity of ambulance service, Harjes dropped the hospital branch from his operations in mid-February. "Our hospital is closed," Mitchell wrote on February 19, 1915, "but our ambulance service is to be kept going."(47) Indeed, Harjes' unit now included volunteers whose full-time job it was to drive its ambulance fleet, which consisted of two six-cylinder Packards, a 35-horsepower Renault, and, when operational, three wornout 1907 Panhards (as well as a 1907 Renault light truck).(48) Although later augmented by other vehicles and some new drivers, this group was all that remained of the original Morgan-Harjes Ambulance Mobile de Premiers Secours that Harjes and his wife had organized in late September of 1914. With the medical component dropped, the operation became strictly an ambulance service, known officially as the Harjes Formation.

From February to June, the Harjes Formation was attached to a regional evacuation hospital and assigned vital, if routine, duty. The hours between 8:00 A.M. and 9:00 P.M. were divided into three shifts, during which at least one ambulance was on duty. The Formation's on-duty drivers transported blesses who came in on the regularly scheduled sanitary trains, helped distribute the sick and wounded brought in from the front by French Army convoys, and delivered urgent cases that arrived randomly and unannounced from the front throughout the day. The off-duty Harjes ambulances were kept on alert. It was strictly jitney work.

Like the Harjes Formation, the ambulance corps headed by Richard Norton and A. Piatt Andrew were also attached to rear-line bases during late 1914 and early 1915. In these first months, Norton's unit was attached to the British Red Cross headquarters in Boulogne, and Andrew initially was overseeing the cars and drivers dispatched by the American Military Hospital in Neuilly. Both units were deployed in regions controlled by the British Expeditionary Force, north of the Harjes Formation, and they were all also pretty much limited to jitney duty, although their collective hearts ached for work more demanding and consequential.

The tedium of the American volunteers' life ended in the summer of 1915. The Harjes, Norton, and Andrew volunteer units grew dramatically, and their services became essential to the French Army. As their respective affiliations with regional base hospitals were dropped, the American units all became first-line ambulance services attached to specific divisions of the French Armies. Soon, Americans seemed to be everywhere up and down the French front, as Andrew observed. "In 1915," he said, "the little American ambulances could be seen scurrying over the flat plains of Flanders, on the wooded hills of northern Lorraine, and in the mountains and valleys of reconquered Alsace."(49)

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Report to the Board of Governors of the American Hospital in Paris of the Ambulance Committee
IN PARIS: Annual Report 1915
American Headquarters
14 Wall Street, New York City



The American Committee submits herewith the report to the Board of Governors of the American Hospital in Paris of the Ambulance Committee for the first year of the war, giving in detail an account of the work made possible by the generous support of the American Public.

MRS. S. R. BERTRON, New York
MRS. F. L. CHAPIN, Erie, Pa.
MRS. BRYAN LATHROP, Chicago Albany, N. Y.
MRS. JUNIUS S. MORGAN, Princeton, N.J.
MRS. HENRY W. MUNROE, Tuxedo Park, N. Y.
MRS. GEORGE W. PEPPER, Philadelphia
MRS. F. A. SAYLES, Providence, R. I.
MRS. J. WILLIAM WHITE, Philadelphia

WILLIAM R. HEREFORD, Executive Secretary


CAPTAIN FRANK H. MASON First Vice-President
MR. WILLIAM S. DALLIBA Second Vice-President
DR. ROBERT TURNER (ex-officio)

Façade of American Ambulance

Court Between Administration and Main Hospital Buildings

The Board of Governors, American Hospital of Paris.


The Ambulance(1) Committee has the honor of presenting herewith its report for the year ending August 31st, 1915.

By resolution of your Board the Ambulance Committee was constituted August 14th, 1914, with the mission of organizing and administering the affairs of a hospital for the wounded, and to the Committee were delegated the broadest powers and authority to this end. Your Committee entered upon its duties without delay, and, as a first step, the activities of a number of preliminary committees, previously constituted, were co-ordinated under its direction, a general plan of organization was adopted, chiefs of the various departments were selected, and volunteers were rapidly enrolled and assigned to their duties.

On August 12th the partially completed buildings of the Lycée Pasteur were requisitioned by the Military Authorities and turned over to your Committee and on that day the work of installation and equipment was begun. When taken over the building was in the condition in which the contractors had left it on the day of mobilization; it was filled with the materials and refuse of construction, it was partially completed everywhere, but fully completed in no particular. Many modifications in the interior arrangement were required to adapt it for hospital use, and all articles of furnishing and equipment had to be provided. Nevertheless, on September 1st the hospital, fully equipped, organized and ready to receive and care for 175 patients, was inspected and formally accepted by the Sanitary Authorities of the French Army.

The work of installation, completed in the short space of eighteen days, was carried out in the face of great, and at times almost insurmountable difficulties. France was in the midst of the general mobilization of her forces; shops, stores and factories were closed or closing, few workmen were available, transportation was demoralized or non-existent, credit was suspended, and the German armies were swiftly closing in on Paris. Nevertheless, through the resourcefulness and energy of the entire volunteer staff, men and women, the seemingly impossible was accomplished.

On September 6th the first patients were received, and on September 9th a train of motor-ambulances, despatched by the Hospital, with surgeons, nurses and supplies, proceeded to Meaux and beyond, the first volunteer relief to reach the field of battle. Thus, within three weeks of the appointment of your Committee, every department was in full activity and the American Ambulance was ready to meet any calls that could be made upon it.

Since the day of opening, the history of the Ambulance has been one of development and extension. New wards have been opened as funds have become available, new departments have been organized and equipped, until, at the close of its first year, the extensive buildings of the Lycée Pasteur have been fully occupied.

The Ambulance now comprises fifty wards, with 575 beds, but with provision for 625 patients in case of emergency. Two general, one special and two dental, operating rooms have been equipped with the most modern appliances; two X-ray plants have been provided, and pathological, research and dental laboratories have been installed. Sterilizing, disinfecting plants have been constructed, and ultra-violet ray apparatuses for sterilizing the water supply have been installed on every floor. Six isolation wards have been prepared in a remote part of the building, and fifty rooms provide quarters and dormitories for the surgeons, graduate nurses, orderlies and ambulance men. In the housekeeping department, the kitchen has been fitted with most modern appliances, and has a capacity for supplying meals for more than 1,000 persons. Two mess-halls have been arranged and furnished for the working staff. The offices of the various departments occupy fifteen rooms, and fifteen store-rooms have been provided for provisions, and surgical and medical supplies. Workshops have been installed for carpenters, plumbers, electricians, painters and locksmiths, as well as for cleaning and repairing the clothing of patients, and for repairing house and ambulance cars. The linen department has been provided with every facility for storing and handling clean and soiled linen, and arrangements with the American Hospital have placed its steam laundry at the disposal of the Ambulance. A complete system of house telephones has been installed, and extensive work has been carried out in steamfitting, electric lighting, plumbing, gas fitting, installation of bath tubs, glazing, doorhanging, drainage, in fact in everything required to transform a partially completed building into a modern surgical hospital. Finally, through the generosity of friends, and the collaboration of the municipal authorities of Paris, the unsightly grounds surrounding the hospital have been converted into lawns and flower beds, and made available for convalescent patients and their friends.

The Administrative organization has kept pace with the material development of the Hospital, and comprises correspondence, purchasing, accounting, statistical and storekeeping departments, in addition to which a special office compiles the elaborate records, and carries on the extensive correspondence required by the military authorities.

In planning and organizing the work thus summarily described, your Committee has exercised the most rigid economy; providing only what was essential to the care and comfort of the patients, but with a full sense of their responsibility to create an establishment worthy of the American people and of the generous contributors to the Ambulance fund.

In the administration of the Hospital your Committee has used every effort to keep the operating expenses at a minimum, and has closely scrutinized every item of expense. What success has crowned their efforts may be judged by the daily cost of a patient, which, for the year ending August 31st, has amounted to $1.68. This covers all running expenses, including not only ward expenses, but all wages, salaries, subsistence of the patients and of the staff, supplies of every description, lighting, heating, office expenses, service-cars and a portion of the expenses of the Paris section of ambulances. Since January 1st the greater part, and since July 1st the entire cost of new equipment has been charged to running expenses.(2) The cost per diem of a patient was at its maximum during the months of September and October 1914, and at a minimum in January 1915; since when it has been slowly increasing due to the increasing cost of food and supplies of every description.

In comparing the daily cost of a patient with the corresponding cost in permanent hospitals in the United States, it must be remembered that the American Ambulance has received from generous donors large contributions in the form of surgical dressings and materials, anesthetics, hospital, dental and photographic supplies, linen, blankets, wines, fruit, etc. These donations, the cost of which is unknown, could not be carried into the accounts, but they have not only had a material influence upon the per diem cost of a patient but have also enabled your Committee to provide comforts for the patients which they could not otherwise have contemplated.

The average daily cost of a patient, during the past year, was adversely affected by the fact that, during the months of September, October and November, 1914, the number of patients under treatment was very considerably below the capacity of the Ambulance. A large proportion of the operating expenses is naturally continuous, and independent of the number of patients under treatment. In this respect, attention is invited to the accompanying graphical chart, showing the number of patients under treatment on each day, and the total capacity of the Hospital.

Detailed and voluminous reports covering the operations of the various departments of the Ambulance for the year ending August 31st, 1915, have been filed with your Committee and these will be briefly summarized in what follows. Your Committee proposes to publish at the close of the war a complete and final report, and for this a vast amount of material has already been accumulated. The surgical, pathological, statistical and administrative data which will then become available, will undoubtedly be of great value to the medical profession and to those who may be called upon to organize a military hospital under war conditions.


In accordance with the military regulations governing all hospitals, ambulances and sanitary organizations, the Surgeon in Chief is the administrative, as well as the medical head, of the organization, and has full authority and responsibility over every department. By delegation of well-defined authority to the Medical Board and to the various chiefs of departments, a proper division of labor has been assured.

The patients treated in the institution have been exclusively surgical cases, and the number under treatment has varied from 1 to 570.(3) In general, the cases have all been of extreme severity, as the American Ambulance has been reserved by the authorities for the treatment of "grands blessés", and patients suffering from slight injuries have been evacuated to other hospitals with as little delay as possible. Many races and nationalities have been represented by the patients under treatment, including French, English, Scotch, Irish, Welsh, Canadian, Belgian, Dutch, Russian, Servian, American, German, Algerian, Moroccan, Tunisian, Senegalian, Soudanese, etc., and every military rank from the common soldier to the Major General, and every class in life from the titled aristocrat to the day laborer. It is needless to say that every patient without distinction has received the same consideration and devoted care.

The cases treated may be divided into two general classes: 1, Gunshot injuries, a large majority of which have involved compound and multiple fractures, and 2, Gunshot wounds of the face involving the maxillæ, and requiring the intervention of dental surgery. This latter class has greatly increased in number, owing to the unique facilities of the American Ambulance for their treatment.

The number of patients received during the year ending August 31st has been 2622,(3) of whom 1968 have been discharged cured or improved, 117 have died, and 537 remained under treatment. The death rate has been 4.46%.

It would be erroneous to draw any conclusions from the above figures, but it may be stated that the chief factor of gravity for the patients has been the infection of their wounds, and that the intensity of this infection has been almost absolutely proportioned to the interval of time between the injury and admission to the hospital. During the first half of September 1914, patients were brought by our own ambulances directly from the battlefield to the hospital; almost all of these recovered with slight infection or no infection at all. The comparison with cases reaching us later on, six days or more after their injury, is most eloquent in this respect. One infection in particular, gas gangrene, seems to be chiefly governed by this factor of delay.

In general, the patients received at the Ambulance have only received first aid, or have undergone operations of an imperative nature before admission; at times, however, when it has been necessary to evacuate hospitals nearer the front, patients have arrived who have been under treatment during extended periods. In jaw cases this delay has sometimes been as long as six months, resulting in most difficult conditions in the way of treatment.

It may be stated, generally, that the results have been satisfactory, both by absolute standard and by comparison with other hospitals.

During the year there have been performed approximately 3100 operations(3) in the two main operating rooms, besides many of minor importance which were done in the general wards and in the receiving ward. Many patients are received whose only treatment previous to admission had been a first dressing at the Poste de Secours, while many others are sent from other hospitals for special or revisional surgery. Despite the destruction of tissue, and severity of the infections, there have been few amputations, 81 in all. Of these about 50 per cent. were for gas gangrene, 30 per cent, for other severe infections, and 20 per cent, for secondary hemorrhage.

Another interesting feature of the work has been the extreme recuperative power with which the patients are richly endowed. In many cases of compound fractures associated with severe trauma, recovery was as prompt as in the case of simple fractures in civil hospitals, due probably to the youth and health of the patients and the almost complete immunity from hereditary diseases. Tetanus has been, perhaps, less frequently seen than in the civilian hospital, and is due no doubt to the routine promptness in administering anti-tetanic serum, and to dressings by the surgeons in the field.

The bulk of the surgical work has consisted in the incision and drainage of the infected wounds and the removal of foreign bodies. There also has been much revisional and reparative work done in the form of plastics and bone grafts, for the restoration of lost tissue, and the correction of marked disfiguration and deformities.

In the Dental department there have been compound fractures of the jaw associated in nearly every case with loss of the soft parts of the mouth and chin, and in some cases almost complete loss of the face, and the excellent results obtained in the restoration of function and cosmetic appearance in these cases exceeded all expectations. Plastic masques and photographs (ordinary and in color) are made of these patients before, during and on completion of treatment; these form a valuable part of the record that is kept of each patient.

The small number of amputations is a great credit to the surgical staff and to the efficiency of the department of surgical dressings, in devising appliances that made it possible to get efficient drainage with extension and fixation, whilst giving to the patient the greatest degree of comfort.

Perforating wounds of the chest have been one of the most common types of injuries, also one of the greatest sources of distress to both patient and surgeon. Despite the serious nature of these injuries and the frequent complication of pneumonia, the high percentage of complete recovery has been a source of gratification. Injuries of the brain and special nerve trunks with resulting paralysis have been numerous and have afforded an especially interesting field to the surgeons and neurologists. The results obtained have been remarkably good.

Every effort has been made to be as conservative as the conditions permitted in each particular case. This has involved great prolongation of treatment in many instances, but it has been considered a duty not only to save life, but, wherever possible, to discharge patients in a condition to provide for themselves in the future, and not as helpless cripples. The efforts made in this direction have been richly repaid, not only by the gratitude of the patients themselves, but by the constantly expressed desire of the wounded to be brought to the American Ambulance.

The hygienic conditions of the hospital have been most excellent, thanks to the painstaking efforts of every department. The clothing and effects of all patients are promptly disinfected or destroyed upon arrival, infected dressings and refuse are incinerated or sterilized, wards and corridors are constantly ventilated and cleaned, and the supply of drinking water is rendered sterile by ultra-violet rays. The success of these precautions may be measured by the fact that no epidemic of any kind has occurred in the hospital, and the further fact that the few sporadic cases of contagious disease have never spread to other patients.

Recently the Ambulance has increased its efficiency by the addition of a small Convalescent Home of 80 beds at Saint-Cloud to which are sent cases requiring mechano-therapy, massage, and electricity. Two members of the Surgical Staff visit this Hospital twice a week and follow the patients to complete convalescence. This has proved of the greatest value to the patients.(3)

Efforts are being made to increase this service to a 500 or 600 bed capacity. Through this outside service the Surgical Staff is able to keep under their control any patients who may need further operations and have them returned to the Ambulance at an elective time.


The Medical Board has met regularly throughout the year, and has been in close collaboration with the Surgeon-in-Chief in the solution of the many technical problems which have been brought before it. It has been particularly charged with the selection of members of the Medical Staff, subject to confirmation by the Ambulance Committee, and in the organization and distribution of the various medical services.

The medical and surgical staff was originally composed of American physicians and surgeons resident or present in Paris, and who promptly volunteered their services at the outbreak of hostilities. To these were added a small number (five) of French surgeons and physicians who also volunteered, and their services have been particularly valuable not only professionally, but through their knowledge of government routine and conditions obtaining in France. Their connection with the American Ambulance has gone far in cementing the bonds of sympathy between the people of the two republics and in bringing the character of the institution and its work to the knowledge of the French authorities.

With the growth of the institution it soon became necessary to increase the medical staff, and volunteer surgeons and physicians for various terms of service were obtained in the United States. As originally organized, the Ambulance comprised three medical divisions, but in January 1915 a fourth division was established and placed at the disposal of American universities, which were thus enabled to send complete units composed of surgeons, specialists, pathologists, operating nurses, etc., for a definite term of service with the institution. The Northwestern Reserve University (Lakeside Hospital of Cleveland) was the first to avail itself of this opportunity, and it was followed successively by units from the Harvard University and from the University of Pennsylvania. In addition to the privilege of rendering incalculable services to suffering humanity, these units have had unique opportunity for experience and study of traumatic and pathologic conditions incident to war. The results of their experience should be of the greatest value to our own country in case of need.

During the year a series of lectures and conferences on war surgery and allied subjects has been organized, and these have been of great value and interest, not only to the surgeons and physicians, but to the nursing and orderly staff as well.


The Dental Department dates from the inception of the American Ambulance, and it was organized, equipped, and ready for work on the day of opening of the institution. Up to this time no other military hospital had made provision for dental surgery, but the English and French soon after began the organization of similar departments, which brought the general surgeons and dental surgeons into a mutual co-operation and interdependence which had never existed before. The novelty and unprecedented nature of the work soon became apparent, for, whilst fractures of the maxillæ had been classified, and their treatment indicated, no reference books could be found recording the treatment of the terrible devastation caused by the projectiles of modern warfare.

View of One of Large Wards

Portable Field Tent Hospital

The Way Wounded Were Carried Over the Mountain Passes in Alsace Before the American Ambulance Arrived

A Wounded Officer Receiving the Decoration of the Legion of Honor

Almost every case has presented fractures with loss of substance varying from small pieces to half or nearly the whole of the mandible, or half the face. Each case has required a study of what fragments could be removed and what saved, means to maintain the fragments in their normal position during the healing process, and devices for restoring lost parts and building up a skeleton or frame for the final grafts and plastic work of the surgeon. The gravity of such injuries has involved daily and prolonged treatment, and approximately one-half of the cases have been tardy arrivals, healed of infection, but, from lack of dental intervention, with vicious consolidation and deformation of the remaining parts, necessitating reduction either by section or by application of complicated apparatus. The value of the work of the dental surgeons and dental mechanics on these novel and difficult cases has been widely recognized, and they have made it possible for a final plastic operation to return these mutilated wrecks to the world, not as objects of horror and commiseration, but as presentable men, happy, and fit to resume their places in society.

During the year ending August 31st, 244 cases of fractured maxillae were admitted, of which 104 have been discharged cured, 94 remain in the hospital, and 46 were transferred to convalescent homes and are still under treatment. In more usual dental work may be mentioned 2658 extractions, 2810 fillings, 519 plates and appliances fabricated and fitted, and 1279 cleansing and prophylactic treatments.(3)


The Radiographic Department has, from the first, been one of the most important and essential elements in the work of the hospital, as the vast majority of cases have required radiographic or fluoroscopic diagnosis or location of foreign bodies. As this was, of course, anticipated, the Ambulance was provided with a complete X-ray plant, and a complete developing and printing equipment. The services of expert operators and photographers were secured, and during the first year 2169 patients were examined by means of the original plant. Later on a second equipment was installed, for the service of the upper floors, and began operations on August 4th. Three hundred and seventy-one patients were examined by means of this second plant up to August 31st, making a total of 2440 examinations during the year.(3) The radiographic examinations were supplemented in many cases by the location of steel and iron fragments by the electro-vibrator.


The following summary of the work of the Pathological Laboratory covers the principal activities of the year from October 1st, 1914, to September 1915.

During the year, 1523 specimens and cultures of all kinds were examined, and 110 autopsies were performed.(3) In addition to the routine examination of specimens referred to the laboratory from the hospital wards, considerable work in the nature of water-analyses, cultures of wounds, serum reactions and examinations of pathological specimens, etc., has been conducted for the American Ambulance, Hospital B. at Juilly, and other hospitals.

An attempt has been made to carry out researches culminating in the papers cited below, which have been published, or accepted for publication, by various Medical Journals. An analysis of the autopsies performed was made with a view to determining the chest complications among the wounded dying from different lesions and was published in the November number of "THE ANNALS OF SURGERY" (New York), under the title of "Chest Complications Among the Wounded." A fairly extensive study of the bacteriology, pathology and treatment of gaseous gangrene was carried out, and the following papers were compiled by the Pathologist in Charge:

"The Use of Quinine in the Treatment of Experimental Gaseous Gangrene." --- The Lancet, September 4th, 1915.

"Factors Responsible for Gaseous Gangrene." The Lancet.

"Observations on the Pathology and Bacteriology of Gaseous Gangrene: Clinical Cases and Experimental Infections." --- The Lancet.

"A Case of Self-Inoculation with the Bacillus Aerogenes Capsulatus." --- The Lancet.

"The Use of Quinine Hydrochloride Solution as a Dressing for Infected Wounds." --- The British Medical Journal.

At the request of the British War Office, reprints of the first of the above articles, viz.: "The Use of Quinine in the Treatment of Experimental Gaseous Gangrene," have been sent to the Directors of the Medical Services of the London District, and likewise of the Eastern and Southern Departments, for distribution among the military hospitals under their administration and were also sent to individual surgeons and hospitals in the War Zone as well as in the United States.

Routine autopsies have been performed on all cases dying at the Ambulance, and microscopical examination of the tissues made in nearly every instance. Records have been kept of all autopsy and biopsy reports, and are on file in the laboratory.

Besides the routine and research laboratory work, a large number of pathological specimens have been collected, preserved and forwarded, with histories of the cases, to the Warren Anatomical Museum, Boston, Mass., and notice has been received from the Curator that they are on exhibition.


At the outbreak of the war nurses on duty at the American Hospital of Paris and others in private practice, promptly volunteered their services to the Ambulance, and during the month of August were already busily engaged in preparing surgical dressings, and in giving elementary instructions to volunteer auxiliary helpers. On September 1st, 15 volunteer graduate nurses reported for duty, and the following day moved to quarters assigned to them in the Ambulance. Of these original volunteers ten were still on duty on the 31st of August 1915. By September 17th the staff of graduate nurses had increased to 32, and it continued to increase with the development of the Ambulance until June 1915, when for a few days 110 nurses were on the rolls, including those on the sick report or on leave of absence. A general reorganization of the nursing staff was soon after effected and a greater use made of volunteer auxiliaries who had then become very proficient in their duties. As a result the staff of graduate nurses was reduced to 78, of whom 8 on leave of absence or in reserve.(3) The nurses are assigned as follows:

Floor Nurses 3
Charge Nurses 2
Operating-room Nurses 8
Massage Department 3
Dental Department 1
Diet Kitchen 1
On Special Cases 3
Ward Nurses (day) 31
Ward Nurses (night) 17
Night Supervisor 1

Although the Ambulance comprises fifty separate wards, and although the nature of the cases requires the most constant and devoted attention, this small staff of highly trained nurses, aided by the auxiliary helpers, have been able most efficiently to perform all of their important duties.

Nearly all of the present staff are graduates of the more important hospitals and training schools of the United States, who have been carefully selected by the representative of the Ambulance in New York. In times of emergency, however, the Ambulance has gladly availed itself of European graduates. On October 10th, 1914, ten British Army nurses reported for duty for a period of ten days, and were then replaced by a like number from St. John's Ambulance, London, who served for several months. A number of Swiss graduate nurses also came as volunteers, and rendered excellent service. During the first months of the war, the nurses, without exception, served without any remuneration whatever, but it soon became evident to the Ambulance Committee that this volunteer service could not be indefinitely continued. An allowance of 100 francs a month, after three months' service, was at first established, and later on changed to 100 francs a month from date of reporting for duty. It is greatly to the credit of the nursing staff that this allowance was accepted with great reluctance, as all were anxious to continue their volunteer service. A number of the graduate nurses, 30 on August 31, 1915, receive no allowance from the Ambulance, being supported by generous benefactors in the United States. Since the opening of the hospital, nearly 250 graduate nurses have served for periods varying from one month to one year.(3) With rare exceptions they have been faithful, skillful and indefatigable in their duties, and have won the admiration and undying gratitude of the patients under their care.


On August 4th, 1914, the Woman's Auxiliary Committee was formed, and a number of its members immediately offered their services for work in the Ambulance then about to be organized. A number of these volunteers had already had hospital experience, and others immediately began a course of instruction at the American Hospital of Paris. On the 1st of September they reported for duty, and were at once assigned as assistants to the trained nurses in the wards, to the work of preparing surgical dressings, or to miscellaneous duties in connection with the various departments. After a few months a special department for preparing surgical dressings and appliances was established, since which time the Auxiliary Nurses have served only in the wards and related services. On August 31st, 1915, 75 Auxiliaries were available for day and 17 for night duty, with 33 on leave of absence, and of these 23 were among the original volunteers at the beginning of the war.(3) While the majority of the Auxiliaries are Americans, many of French, British, Belgian and Swiss nationality are found among their number. All, however, are imbued with the same sense and responsibility of duty, and they have rendered inestimable service to the Ambulance.


Of the many volunteers offering their services to the Ambulance in the early days of August, a large proportion were immediately assigned to duty as hospital orderlies.

These men, drawn from every walk of life, have performed their onerous and exacting duties, day and night, with a cheerful efficiency worthy of the highest praise. When it is remembered that their duties involve carrying patients to and from wards, operating rooms and X-ray plants, up and down many flights of stairs, and the carrying of patients in their beds to and from the terraces, the burden of their task can be appreciated.(3)

Of the original volunteers, a small number are still on duty, but the greater number have been recalled to their former avocations or to the United States; many have volunteered in the French and British armies, others in due course have been called to the colors. It has been found necessary, as the months went by, to assist certain of the orderlies with a small daily allowance or through the issue of uniforms, or both, but, even when receiving an allowance, their service is no less voluntary, in the sense of being disproportionately great in comparison with their merely nominal remuneration.

Forty-four Orderlies were on day and ten on night duty and ten on sick leave on August 31st, 1915, and seven boy scouts were employed on general messenger service.


Even before the opening of the ambulance for the reception of patients, a number of trained nurses, volunteer auxiliaries and others were engaged in the preparation of surgical dressings in anticipation of future needs. Spacious rooms in the Ambulance Building were set aside for continuing this work, and, at first, volunteers were assigned to this Department as a preliminary to work in the wards. It soon became evident, however, that this service would become of far greater importance than anticipated, and it was, therefore, organized as an independent department. Thanks to the capacity and untiring zeal of its chief, and to the unflagging industry of the volunteer workers, it has not only promptly met the great and varied demands of the different services in the way of dressings, but has also supplied practically everything needed by the entire institution in the way of splints and special apparatus for the treatment of the most difficult cases of fractures. During the first year of operation this Department has prepared and supplied 1,598,932 different articles of hospital use, from the simplest form of applicators to the most complicated bandage. In addition, 1,019 splints, extensions and other special apparatus have been devised, manufactured and issued.


From small beginnings this important department has grown with the development of the Ambulance, until 55 men and women are constantly occupied under the direction of its efficient chief. This department is responsible for the maintenance, accounting, washing, ironing, repair and issue of all bed and table linen of the entire establishment, of the uniforms of doctors, nurses and orderlies, and of the hospital clothing of the patients. In addition it is responsible for the disinfection of all septic dressings and their washing for subsequent use, and for the cleaning and repair of patients' uniforms and clothing. The magnitude of its work may be gauged from the fact that no less than 28,000 pieces have been washed, ironed and issued in a single week, and 966,074 pieces during the entire year. This department has met all calls upon it promptly and efficiently and is worthy of high praise and commendation.


The Subsistence Department, from an administrative point of view, is the most important department of the Ambulance, as upon its economical management depends in great measure the ultimate daily cost of a patient. Your Committee was particularly fortunate in securing as manager of this department a man of wide experience and tireless industry, whose services have been not only voluntary, but prompted by a desire to do his share in the aid of the suffering.

The plant at the disposal of this Department has been developed with the growth of the hospital, and now comprises a most complete equipment of modern and labor-saving appliances. In September, 1914, a total of 25,544 meals were served to patients, staff and employees, a total which reached a maximum of 89,022 in the following July. During the year, and exclusive of those supplied by the diet kitchen, 822,010 meals were served, and 8374 tons of food products were consumed, of a total cost of $122,559. The average cost of each of the principal meals, luncheon and dinner, was $0.198 per person, including wages and coal, but exclusive of washing of table linen, and breakage. During the year food to the value of $6,109 was issued to the diet kitchen, and of $945, to the other services.


The General Office, under the direction of the disbursing Secretary, comprises the Accounting and Bookkeeping Department, the Statistical Department and the Donation Service, has charge of the general correspondence, identity and reference card systems, and acts as a Bureau of Information. In addition to these duties, it keeps the books and accounts of the Juilly Hospital, and purchased all of the original equipment of that institution.

The accounts, vouchers and cash of the American Ambulance are verified and audited three or four times a month by the Chartered Accountants, Messrs. Marwick, Mitchell, Peat & Co. They have always been found in perfect order, and the auditors have expressed their satisfaction in the efficiency of the Bookkeeping Department.


This department purchases and delivers all supplies, other than subsistence, required for the equipment, maintenance, and use of the various departments of the Ambulance. No purchase is made except upon requisition signed by a chief of service and countersigned by the Officer of the Day, and all purchases are paid on delivery by check or in cash against properly receipted bills, thus profiting by all discounts and rebates. Three thousand six hundred and eighty requisitions have been filled during the past year, and it is believed that the Ambulance has purchased at the lowest possible prices, quality and prompt delivery considered.


The Statistical Department, which operated under the direction of the Disbursing Secretary until nearly the end of August 1915, compiles the military identity cards, and medical record of all patients, acts as military paymaster for French non-commissioned officers and men under treatment, prepares, and forwards to the military authorities, all returns relating to admissions, discharges and deaths, carries on all correspondence with the Sanitary Authorities, and answers all inquiries regarding the condition of patients under treatment. This Department is also the custodian of and is responsible for all valuables found in the effects of patients.


is charged with the recording, distribution and acknowledgment of all donations in kind, and of clearing donations from abroad through the Custom House. During the past year more than 600 separate cases have thus been handled and accounted for.


With the opening of the Ambulance, a chaplain designated by the Archbishop of Paris was provided with quarters in the hospital and a chapel was installed for the use of the patients and the staff. A chaplain of the Church of England was appointed a little later who held regular services in the chapel as long as British patients were under treatment. The ministrations of these two good men, working in perfect harmony, were of great comfort and solace to the suffering and the dying, and their influence for good has been felt throughout the entire institution.


Soon after the opening of the Ambulance donations began to arrive of books, magazines, illustrated papers, games, etc., for the amusement of the patients. A room was soon set aside, which rapidly developed into a well-stocked reading room and library, and throughout the year, books, periodicals and newspapers have been regularly distributed to all of the wards.


Through the initiative of one of the auxiliary nurses, patients so desiring have been instructed in many varieties of light, interesting work, which has greatly relieved the tedium of hospital life, and permitted them to earn a little money for their future needs. Tools and materials are supplied free of charge, and the amount realized by the sale of the articles produced, less cost of materials, is turned over to the patients. The most popular work is the dressing of soldier dolls, macramé, worsted and bead work, embroidery and wood carving. The articles produced command ready sale, and many are commercially exported to the United States.


The Women's Auxiliary Committee was organized on August 6th, 1914, and immediately began soliciting subscriptions for the American Ambulance, the organization of which had only just been decided upon. A considerable sum was soon secured, and this formed the nucleus of the Ambulance fund. To the Women's Committee belongs therefore a large part in the creation of the Ambulance. In addition to securing funds, the Committee soon organized the work of preparing dressings, bed linen, hospital garments, and aided materially in preparing the first wards for the reception of patients. Many of the members followed a course of training in nursing during the month of August, and are still performing efficient service in the wards of the Ambulance.

Throughout the year the Committee has met regularly, and has been of great assistance in obtaining money and supplies, and its members have provided, through their own efforts, much of the hospital clothing, and cigarettes, tobacco and other luxuries which are regularly distributed to the patients. This Committee also organized and provided everything for the memorable Christmas celebration and one of its members organized a series of weekly concerts and entertainments throughout the winter, which were highly appreciated by all who were able to attend. The activities of the Women's Committee have been varied and tireless, and the Ambulance Committee desires to record its grateful appreciation.


In November 1914, the generous offer of Mrs. Harry Payne Whitney, of New York, to finance a hospital under the direction of the Ambulance Committee, to be established at a point nearer the theatre of military operations, was accepted by your Committee. Ample funds for its installation and maintenance were provided by Mrs. Whitney, and after a careful study by the Military Authorities, the Seminary at Juilly, about thirty miles to the north-east of Paris, was requisitioned for this purpose. Under your Committee's supervision and direction, this ancient building was thoroughly renovated, plumbing, central heating and electric lighting were installed, and by February 1st, 1915, it was fully equipped, organized and ready to receive 225 patients. A section of ambulances has been constantly stationed at Juilly for the transportation and evacuation of patients between the hospital and the neighboring towns and railways stations. In equipment and general facilities for the care and comfort of the wounded, the Juilly Hospital is in the same class as the American Ambulance, and in efficiency it ranks high among the Military Hospitals of France.(4)


In anticipation of the possibility of an advance of the armies during the summer campaign, it was believed that a mobile field hospital which could be installed close to the field of battle would be of great value in the immediate relief of the wounded. Through the generosity of three gentlemen, the necessary funds were obtained, and a field hospital of the United States Army pattern, complete in every detail, and of a capacity of 108 beds, was purchased from the United States War Department. The entire equipment could be transported on four 5-ton trucks, and could be erected and installed in a very few hours. To this hospital was attached a section of ten automobile ambulances, and early in April it left Paris, and four days later was erected and ready for service on the banks of the Meuse, near Pagny. The sedentary character of the military operations had not, up to August 31st, offered any opportunity for utilizing the mobility of this unit, but, nevertheless, a considerable number of wounded had been received for treatment, and were efficiently cared for by this organization.


The Transportation Department originated with a small committee during the first week of August 1914, and was organized with a view of providing ambulances for the transportation of patients to and from the proposed Ambulance Hospital. By August 15th eight town and touring cars were available and in constant use, and were rendering most valuable service in connection with the work of installation and equipment. On this date the Manager of the Ford Automobile Company donated ten chassis for the duration of the war, and these were at once fitted with ambulance bodies, designed and, to a large extent constructed, by the volunteer members of the Department. These little cars were at once utilized for the transportation of equipment and supplies, and the personnel worked unremittingly in installing the wards and other departments of the hospital. It was in large measure due to the Transportation Department that the hospital was ready for patients eighteen days after the buildings of the Lycée Pasteur were requisitioned.

On September 7th a detachment of ambulances was despatched beyond the entrenched camp of Paris, and on the night of September 9th the entire organization comprising ten ambulances and six touring cars, proceeded to Meaux, bringing the first relief to the wounded at that point. Thirty-five patients were transported to the hospital at Neuilly, and a part of the ambulances aided in removing the wounded from the battle field, and in transporting those in Meaux to the nearest rail-head.

Since that day the duties of the department have been constant and arduous; patients have been transported from the railway stations of Paris and neighboring towns to the Ambulance and to other hospitals, the transportation of food and other supplies has been effected regularly and efficiently, and the transportation of volunteer nurses and others between the gates of Paris and the Ambulance during the long months when the passage of vehicles was forbidden, was a great factor in the efficient working of the hospital.

On October 1st, at the request of the British Expeditionary Force, a small detachment of five ambulances was detached for service in the field, and on October 8th left Paris for its new duties. This was the first opportunity of realizing the long cherished plan of a Field Service, which as money and ambulances have become available has been increased and extended until on August 31st, 1915, four complete sections, aggregating 91 ambulances and cars were operating in the zone of the armies in addition to 15 ambulances, and 28 other cars attached to the Ambulance Hospital. One hundred and fifty-two officers and men were on duty with the transportation department on the same date.

To August 31st, 1915, inclusive, 65,076 patients had been transported, at an average cost of Frs. 3,29 ($0.55) for each patient.(3)

Your Committee cannot speak too highly of the courage, devotion and efficiency of the personnel of the Transportation Department, and of their care and tenderness in handling the suffering wounded. They have undergone hardship and privation cheerfully and uncomplainingly, they have been calm and steadfast in danger, and they have never faltered however exhausting might be the task to be accomplished.

In closing this report your Committee desires especially to thank individually and collectively every member of the American Ambulance and of its various departments. The service, whether voluntary, assisted or paid, has been self-sacrificing and efficient, an esprit-de-corps has developed wonderful in its sympathy for the wounded and in its devotion to the institution, and it is to this spirit and to the collaboration of all that the great achievement of the American Ambulance is due.

And your Committee finally wishes to express their gratitude, and the gratitude of thousands of sufferers, to the generous friends and contributors to the American Ambulance. However small or however munificent their donations, they alone have made our work possible, and to them alone is due that friendship and gratitude so constantly demonstrated by the French people toward America and Americans.

Respectfully submitted,
FRANK H. MASON, Chairman.


While the Annual Report was in process of being printed, a cablegram was received from Paris, giving additional statistics up to January 31, 1916. The substance of the cablegram follows:

Maximum number of patients in one day at the main hospital in Neuilly 615
Approximate total number of cases received at the main hospital 3,760
Number of operations at the main hospital 5,150
X-ray examinations 3,760 Autopsies 142
Pathological cultures and examinations 2,250
Jaw cases 384
Dental cases 2,315
Wounded transported in ambulances 105,000
Trained nurses 81
Auxiliary nurses 70
Outside beds available for semi-convalescent patients 765

Through the generosity of a subscriber elevators are now being placed in the Hospital.

Ambulance Committee.

Mr. Robert Bacon. Mr. F. W. Monahan.
Mr. Laurence V. Benet. Mr. L. V. Twyeffort.
Dr. C. Winchester Du Bouchet. Mrs. W. K. Vanderbilt.
Mrs. Harry Payne Whitney.
WILFRED YARDLEY, Secretary to the Committee.
Surgeon in Chief.
The Medical Board.
J. A. BLAKE, M.D., Chairman.
A. J. MAGNIN, M.D., Vice-Chairman. C. J. KOENIG, M.D., Secretary.
N. Allison, M.D. J. P. Hutchinson, M.D.
L. Chauveau, M.D. D. J. McCarthy, M.D.
C. B. Craig, M.D. R. Mignot, M.D.
E. L. Gros, M.D. F. Soulier, M.D.
G. B. Hayes, D.D.S. Kenneth Taylor, M.D.
R. H. Turner, M.D.
Chiefs of Service.
J. A. Blake, M.D. J. P. Hutchinson, M.D.
C. W. Du Bouchet, M.D. R. Mignot, M.D.
Surgeons and Physicians.
T. G. Aller, M.D. P. Lund, M.D.
A. E. Billings, M.D. D. J. McCarthy, M.D.
L. Chauveau, M.D. A. J. Magnin, M.D.
Mary Crawford, M.D. F. Martigny, M.D.
A. Desjardins, M.D. W. P. Nicholson, M.D.
H. O. Feiss, M.D. E. B. Piper, M.D.
J. B. Flick, M.D. F. Soulier, M.D.
P. M. Keating, M.D. H. W. Stone, M.D.
W. E. Lee, M.D. R. H. Turner, M.D.
N. Allison, M.D
H. W. Scarlett, M.D.
C. J. Koenig, M.D.
C. B. Craig, M.D.
Kenneth Taylor, M.D.
A. Harlay, M.D.
S. Goldsmith, M.D.
D. S. Davison, M.D.
Ambulance Surgeons.
E. L. Gros, M.D.
E. H. Lines, M.D.
M. Dutrieux, M.D.
Chief Dental Surgeon.
G. B. Hayes, D.D.S.
Dental Surgeons.
R. A. Cooper, D.D.S. Prof. S. H. Guilford, D.D.S.
Prof. Jules Choquet, Ch.-Dent. E. P. Lane, D.D.S.
E. Darcissac, D.D.S. W. C. Speakman, D.D.S.
W. S. Davenport, D.D.S. F. Stuhl, D.D.S.
D. Guilford, D.D.S. D. M. Wass, D.D.S.
Oral Surgeon.
C. Russell, M.D., D.D.S.

On Duty January 1st to March 31st, 1915.

Surgeon in Chief.
George W. Crile, M.D.
Associate Surgeon.
William E. Lower, M.D.
Charles W. Stone, M.D.
Resident Staff.
Samuel L. Ledbetter, M.D. Leroy B. Sherry, M.D.
Edward F. Kieger, M.D. Lyman F. Huffman, M.D.
Miss Agatha Hodgins.
Miss Mabel Littleton.
Operating Nurses.
Miss Iva B. Davidson.
Miss Ruth J. Roberts.
Research Laboratory.
William B. Crozier, Ph.D.
Amy F. Rowland, B.S.

On Duty from April 1st to June 30th, 1915.

Surgeons in Chief.
Prof. Harvey Cushing, M.D.
Prof. R. B. Greenough, M.D.
Assistant Surgeon.
B. Vincent, M.D.
Senior House Officers.
F. A. Coller, M.D.
E. C. Cutler, M.D.
House Officers.
L. G. Barton, Jr., M.D
M. N. Smith-Petersen, M.D.
P. D. Wilson, M.D.
R. B. Osgood, M.D.
W. M. Boothby, M.D.
George Benet, M.D.
Medical Assistant.
Orville F. Rogers, Jr., M.D.
Head Nurse.
Miss Edith I. Cox.
Assistant Nurses.
Miss Geraldine K. Martin.
Miss Helen Parks.
Miss M. R. Wilson.

On Duty from July 1st, 1915.

Chief Executive.
J. W. White, Professor Emeritus, M.D.
Surgeon in Chief.
J. P. Hutchinson, M.D.
W. E. Lee, M.D.
D. J. McCarthy, M.D.
Assistant Surgeon.
A. E. Billings, M.D.
Senior House Officer.
P. McC. Keating, M.D.
House Officers.
T. Aller, M.D.
E. D. Piper, M.D.
J. B. Flick, M.D.
D. Davies, M.D.
S. Goldsmith, M.D.
Chief Operating Nurse.
Miss Wagner.
Assistant Operating Nurses.
Mrs. Spry.
Miss Jacobson.
Miss Frazer.


Chief Nurse.
Miss Mary Willingale.
Floor Nurses.
Miss Nellie B. Grimes
Miss Ethel Lucas.
Miss Mary K. Wolfe.
Night Superintendent.
Miss E. M. Hall.
Chief Operating Nurse.
Miss Marion S. Doane.
Operating Nurses.
Miss Rosa B. Muller.
Miss L. M. Marsh.
Chief of Auxiliary Nurses.
Mrs. George Munroe.
Superintendent of Diet Kitchen.
Mrs. Carroll Greenough.
Miss R. E. Cotter, Assistant.
Chief of Surgical Dressing Department.
Miss Grace Gassett.
Mrs. Edmund L. Gros, Assistant
Mrs. G. Robin, Assistant.
Chief of General Store.
Mrs. G. A. Audenried.
Mrs. A. W. Kipling, Sr.
Superintendent of Linen Department.
Mrs. Orlhac-Pradier.
Architect of the Building.
Carroll Greenough.
Captain of Orderlies.
J. E. Wilde.
James B. Bacon, Assistant.
Max Moricand, Assistant.
Bathing Department.
James Jackson.
A. H. Stewart.
Arthur O. King.
Director of the Field Hospital.
Capt. E. A. La Chaise.

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Visit of President Poincaré to the Hospital

Ambulances of the American Ambulance hospital in Paris Awaiting the Call

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Antony Meslier.
Mrs. Antony Meslier, Assistant.
Charles Delagère.


Disbursing Secretary.
P. G. Du Carpe.
Chief Accountant.
Barton Morrison.
Chief Purchasing Department.
Maurice Lavigne.
Department of Donations.
Gaston Castex, Recorder.
John Terry, Receiving Clerk.
Charles Dien.
R.R.P. Félix Klein
Rev. Dr. Stanley V. Blunt.


Transportation Committee.
A. Piatt Andrew.
Dr. Edmund Gros. A. W. Kipling.
G. W. Lopp.
Laurence V. Benet.
Inspector of Ambulances.
A. Piatt Andrew.
Captain of Ambulances.
A. W. Kipling.
Ambulance Surgeon.
Dr. Edmund Gros.
Section Directors.
Frederick B. Bate
Mechanical Officer.

J. F. McFadden, Jr
Equipment Officer.

A. H. Muhr

J. E. Rochfort

H. Skerret-Rogers

R. M. L. Balbiani.
Lovering Hill. Robert Maclay.
Edward Van D. Salisbury.
Assistant Section Directors.
H. de Maine, Assistant to Captain of Ambulances.
H. A. Webster, Assistant to Inspector of Ambulances.
A. G. Carey
R. J. Cunninghame.
A. T. Ewell
J. Eddy J. H. Glover.
H. D. Hale.
J. C. Hurlburt..
H. L. Kingsland.
H. M. Suckley.


Honorary President.
Mrs. Wm. G. Sharp.
Mrs. George Munroe.
Mrs. Laurence V. Benet.
Miss Florence H. Mathews.
Mrs. J. W. Barker.
Mrs. Robert W. Bliss.
Mrs. Carl Boyd.
Mrs. Spencer Cosby
Mrs. J. G. Coolidge.
Mrs. Percival Dodge.
Mrs. S. Barton French.
Mrs. George Getting.
Mrs. Cooper Hewitt. Mrs. Ralph Hickok.
Mrs. A. W. Kipling.
Mrs. A. W. Kipling, Jr..
Mrs. Frank H. Mason.
Mrs. F. W. Monahan.
Mrs. Arthur Orr.
Mrs. W. R. Sayles.
Mrs. B. J. Shoninger.
Mrs. S. B. Watson.


August 31st, 1915.
Alt, Miss N. J.
Alt, Miss M.
Argles, Miss R.
Ballantyne, Miss E. G.
Barter, Miss M. T.
Buckley, Miss F.
Balsillie, Miss K.
Barriel, Miss J.
Bigelow, Miss G. L.
Boddell, Miss M. C.
Bossis, Miss J.
Bown, Miss B. E.
Carson, Miss I.
Cass, Miss B.
Clark, Miss G.
Conlin, Miss M. A.
Contryman, Miss B.
Cowles, Miss
Cremerieux, Miss L. M.
Davies, Miss L. H.
Davis, Miss Ethel
Dessigny, Miss M.
Dickerson, Miss R. B.
Donnelly, Miss
Edgers, Miss A.
Fleckenstein, Miss A.
Flint, Miss A.
Freund, Miss C.
Gibbs, Miss E. A.
Giles, Miss M. D.
Goldstone, Mrs. M.
Gould, Miss B.
Grace, Miss M. A.
Greyloz, Miss M.
Griffiths, Mrs. A. M.
Haack, Miss V.
Hall, Miss M. A. W
Handford, Miss I.
Hammond, Miss E.
Hanrahan, Miss A. E.
Hickman, Miss N.
Hinckley, Miss H. T.
Hodgins, Miss E. C.
Johnstone, Miss R.
Jones, Miss M. G. Jackson, Miss E. B.
Kerr, Miss M.
Kiener, Miss A. E.
Laming, Miss S.
Lattimer, Miss H.
Lawrence, Miss
Lefebvre, Miss J.
Legeret, Miss C.
Lockwood, Mrs. M.
Lough, Miss A.
MacCallum, Miss J.
Macdonald, Miss M. C.
Macdonald, Mrs. S.
Mackay, Miss J.
Makagon, Miss K.
Manning, Miss A. R.
Marshall, Miss K.
Mewhort, Miss H. F.
Nolan, Miss M.
Oelker, Miss M.
O'Toole, Miss M.
Page, Miss B.
Paris, Miss M. E.
Patterson, Miss E. J.
Royds, Miss W. M.
Ryan, Miss L. B.
Sawyer, Miss G.
Schipper, Miss A.
Selby, Miss J.
Sharp, Miss N.
Sliney, Miss M. A.
Smith, Miss E. P.
Summerhayes, Mrs. G. E.
Swinney, Miss M. S.
Thompson, E. R.
Trestrail, Miss C.
Turbeville, Miss G. de
Watson, Miss E.
Weller, Miss M. G.
Whitaker, Miss G. M.
Winning, Miss M. Y.
Wood, Mrs. Rapley
Wright, Mrs. G.
Young, Miss F.
Young, Miss M.

The above list of names includes persons who were on duty in various capacities, at the American Ambulance Hospital on August 31st, 1916. At the close of the War a complete roster will be issued with the final Report, giving the names of all persons who have been in the service of the Ambulance from its creation until the close of its activities.


August 31st, 1915.

Alfonce, Miss J. d'
Arkwright, Miss V.
*Bagues, Mrs. R.
Benet, Mrs. L. V.
Benneteau-Desgrois, Mrs. H.
Bennett, Miss N.
Berg, Mrs.
Birkhead, Mrs.
Blanc, Miss J.
Bordenave, Miss M. L.
Boucly, Miss E. A.
Bouyeron, Miss J.
Bridges, Mrs.
Bullock, Miss A. C.
Charansonney, Miss S.
Chenut, Miss S.
Clark, Miss E. A.
Coiemena, Miss H.
Collinet, Miss R.
Cooke, Miss K. T.
*Cordey, Mrs. J.
Craik, Miss C.
Crosbie, Miss K.
Cyon, Mrs. E. de
Dana, Miss M.
Dehlinger, Mrs. G.
*Desbrières de Lavelaye, Mrs. R.
Desjardins, Mrs. A.
Dornes, Baroness R.
Doty, Miss M.
Dougherty, Mrs.
*Du Bouchet, Miss H.
Dunlap, Miss La Belle
Elliot, Lady E. J.
Elliot, Miss E.
Erzer, Miss R.
Facchini, Miss N.
Fleurot, Mrs. George G.
Foster, Mrs.
*Fourier, Miss M.
Fretté, Mrs.
Frey, Miss H.
Gaurat, Mrs.
Getting, Mrs. G.
Girard, Mrs.
Gleiser, Miss O.
Goddard, Mrs. C. F.
Gordon, Mrs.
Guérin, Miss M.
Guilford, Mrs. D.
Hall, Miss M. L.
Harvey, Miss V. G.
Heath, Mrs.
Holland, Miss D.
Holland, Mrs. S. G.
Holmes, Miss A. M.
Hoogstoel, Miss M. V.
Irwin, Mrs. H. L.
*Ivatts, Mrs. C. P.
Jackson, Miss M.
Janssens, Miss F.
Janssens, Miss M.
Jeannel, Miss M.
Johnston, Miss M.
Jorrisen, Miss H.
Jung, Miss L. Kent, Miss L. M.
Kipling, Mrs. A. W.
Klein, Miss E.
Lachenmeyer, Mrs.
Lacroix, Miss M.
Lawton, Miss E.
Lawton, Miss L.
Lawton, Miss M.
Lefebvre, Miss E.
Leplat, Mrs. L.
Lester, Mrs.
Lestringuez, Miss L. M.
Lévy, Miss M.
Lines, Miss M.
Lines, Mrs. E. H.
Lockwood, Mrs. R. M.
Lopp, Mrs. Washington
Lynch, Miss E.
Maitland, Mrs.
*Mayer, Miss G.
McWean, Miss J.
Mège, Miss G.
Merritt, Miss A. S.
Montpays, Mrs.
Muhr, Mrs. A.
Munroe, Miss Y.
Nicollet, Miss S.
*Oothoorn, Baroness Guy.
Oppenheim, Miss G.
Parent, Miss A.
Pareux, Miss M.
Pas, Miss J. de
Paumier, Miss A.
Petit-Dent, Miss L.
Phalempin, Miss E. E.
Phillips, Miss R. P.
Plan, Miss L.
*Rheims, Mrs. J.
Roberts, Mrs. E. V
Rosa, Miss L. de
Scarlett, Mrs. H.
Schofield, Mrs.
Sewall, Mrs. W. G.
Seyler, Miss J.
Silva, Mrs. V. de
*Simon, Miss C.
Slade, Miss G.
Slimmon, Miss I. B.
Smyth, Mrs. E.
Strauss, Miss Y.
Stummer, Miss G.
Taylor, Miss E.
Thalmann, Miss S.
*Thomas, Mrs. J. Yeo
Trambetsky, Miss L.
Treadwell, Miss C.
*Tysen, Mrs. R.
Vallier, Miss G.
Verany, Mrs.
Wagen, Miss L.
Webster, Mrs. C.
Wheeler, Mrs. D. E.
Whibley, Miss K.
White, Miss A. M.
White-Smith, Miss F.
Whitton, Mrs. F. B.
* On leave of absence.


August 31st, 1915.
Miss E. Amsden
Countess Guillaume de Balincourt
Miss G. Beauclair
Mrs. R. G. Berner
Mrs. J. J. Bonnell
Miss F. F. Billings
Miss M. Brandt
Miss E. Brewster
Miss L. C. Brooking
Mrs. Laurence Brown
Mrs. G. Dazard
Mrs. A. Delvaux
Mrs. E. S. Douglas
Mrs. Harry Ellis
Mrs. V. R. Engelmann
Mrs. N. T. Gassette
Dr. A. Gleason
Mrs. L. Grabowska
Mrs. L. M. Gros
Miss M. Gros
Mrs. E. C. Heilig
Miss M. Herr
Mrs. Galbraith Horn
Mrs. M. Jonas Mrs. Pierre Lafitte
Miss B. Lanusse
Miss F. Lozout
Miss C. MacIntosh
Miss Sarah Mackinder
Mrs. M. Michelet
Mrs. Auguste Van Minden
Mrs. A. Morrison
Miss A. C. Morton
Miss C. Philippe
Mrs. Paul Rie
Mrs. L. L. Van Rinkhausen
Miss G. Robin
Miss H. Robin
Miss E. Rogier
Mrs. Morse Rummel
Countess Jacques de la Salle
Miss M. Simon
Mrs. E. G. Strouse
Mrs. William Tiffany
Miss Marie William
Mrs. W. J. Younger
Miss M. Zellhardt

August 31st, 1915.

Bersier, Jean
Bigaré, Gérard
Blenman, Valentin
Brightwell, William
Cadot, Charles
Carruzzo, Maurice
Carruzzo, Paul
Crossland, Wedon
Dahlgren, John
D'Aste, Alexandre
Decloedt, Oscar
Dickenson, Edw.
Dittmer, Edgar
Divonne, Antoine
Dunn, David
Durham, Terry
Fay, Herbert
Fitzgerald, Clement
Foltzer, Jos.
Frank, Victor
Glanville, Ranulph
Gosselin, René
Gray, Edwin
Grimwood, Frank
Guillaume, Charles
Häfelin, Robert
Howland, Thomas
Jackson, James
Jansen, Jean
Jones, Robert
Jousse, Léon Kouindjy, Isaac
Lequin, Carlos
Liodau, Jean
Lomas, Henry
Lund, George
Meguerian, Georges
Neveu, E.
Niles, Emory
Otis, Francis De
Rommevaux, André De
Roudanez, Benjamin De
Rougemont, P. L.
Royer, Louis De
Saldanha, A.
Sandoz, E.
Sandoz, Paul
Scherer, Edmond
Scherer, Paul
Spender, Arthur
Stanton, Th.
Terry, John
Valet, Charles
Vandenbulcke, Fernand
Vandendriessche, Maurice
Verschaeve, Edmond
Villanueva, Marcel
Wallet, Philippe
Whitham, Lawrence
Wilkinson, James
Wilks, Sidney
Yorke, Henry

August 31st, 1915.

Allen, Julian
Askam, E. L.
Askam, F. O.
Aubier, P. L.
Austin, K. L.
Avard, Percy L.
Barclay, Leif
Brenner, M.
Brewer, L.
Budd, O. W.
Buswell, L.
Campbell, J. G. B.
Carey, A. G.
Cartier, P. L.
Chalus, A.
Cunningham, J. E.
Curley, E. J.
Cushing, E. G.
Darr, René
Dawson, B. F.
De Roode, C. H.
Delabarre, L. V.
Delplanque, C.
Dobes, Otoka
Doty, R. Z.
Douglass, D. B.
Du Bouchet, V.
Duiguid, B. G.
Emerson, W. R. B.
Eno, J. W.
Fenton, Powel
Fischof, Pierre
Francklyn, Giles B.
Freeborn, Ch.
Freeborn, G. F.
Furlong, M. A.
Gence, C.
Gence, Leo
Gile, H.
Girdwood, K.
Glover, J. H.
Granger, J. M.
Grimbert, L.
Hall, R. N.
Hamilton, T. L.
Hansen, S.
Hatton, J.
Hayden, E. B.
Hellier, W. H.
Hourcade, L.
Hubbard, W.
Humbert, R.
Jennings, A. R.
Judson, F. S.
Kent, P. L.
Kirwan, J. S.
Kurtz, Paul B.
Lewis, D. W.
Lockwood, P. Loiseau, G.
Lovell, Walter
Lyon, John
Machiels (de) R.
Martin, W. T.
Mayet, M.
McConnell, J. R.
McGibeny, D. H.
McMenemy, L.
Mellen, J. M.
Meyer, L.
Montgomery, R. B.
Moore, H. R.
Morin, F. H.
Morss, P. R.
Moss, R. T. W.
Myers, C.
Northover, G. H.
O'Connor, Winnie
Ogilvie, F. D.
Oller, Ch.
Pierce, Waldo
Putnam, T. J.
Reese, G. F.
Rice, Durant
Richardson, W. E.
Riggs, C. G.
Rockwell, G.
Roeder, G.
Ryan, Dolph F.
Schoonmaker, J. N.
Schroeder, B.
Schwartz, G.
Sheahan, H. B.
Siegel, Jean
Slater, W. A.
Smith, B. E.
Smith, Phil.
Smith, T.
Sommer, Lucien
Stierli, Jean
Sulzbach, M.
Sykes, R. W.
Taylor, J. C.
Taylor, J. M.
Tefft, L. V.
Tetreault, A.
Townsend, E. D.
Townsend, H. P.
Van der Borght, P.
Van Driesche, E.
Vincent, P.
Waddell, A. T.
Wainwright, C.
Walden, D.
Weller, R. H.
White, Victor
Willis, H. B.
Winsor, C. P.
Woodworth, B. N.

The following volunteer ambulance drivers have sailed from New York to enter the service since the above list was compiled:

Adamson, Harry
Barclay, Leif N. (returning)
Brown, Charles H.
Brown, John F.
Carson, James LeRoy
Cate, Philip T.
Clark, John W.
Clayton, Dr. Wiltshire
Day, Harwood B.
Downes, Jerome I. H.
Doyle, Luke C.
End, George K.
Fay, William P.
Graham, John Ralston
Griswold, Roger
Hall, Louis P., Jr.
Hammond, Leonard C.
Hitt, Laurence W.
Howe, George L.
Hoye, James Paul
Illich, Harry T.
Imbrie, Robert Whitney
Kent, Peter Lorillard
Kenyon, Hugo A.
Latimer, Empie
MacMonagle, Douglas Mather, Robert
McCall, George A.
Monteith, Donald Wright
Muckley, Robert Latour
Nevin, Ogden (returning)
Nolan, Harry W. (returning)
O'Neill, James H.
Page, Donald O.
Perkins, J. R. Osgood
Phillips, George W.
Potter, Thomas W.
Rainsford, Walter Kerr
Ripley, Louis A.
Russell, Henry Potter
Sanders, Roswell S.
Shattuck, Maxwell C.
Sponagle, James M.
Stanton, Ernest M.
Taber, Arthur R.
Tucker, Allen
Tyler, Charles H.
Van Dorn, William E.
Walker, John Marquand
Walker, William H. C.
White, Kenneth T.

The list includes those who sailed before January 31, 1916.

The following universities are represented among the men who have volunteered as ambulance drivers, and whose applications were made to the Headquarters in New York:

Harvard 55
New York University 2
Yale 17
Maryland Agricultural 1
Princeton 16
Bowdoin 1
Dartmouth 4
Stevens 1
Massachusetts Institute of Technology 4
Wabash College 1
Temple University 1
University of Pennsylvania 6
Brown 1
University of Virginia 4
University of Michigan 2
Columbia University 9
Amherst 1
Fordham 3
Cornell 2
U. S. Naval Academy 1
Hillsdale College 1
St. Lawrence 1
University of California 2

Stretcher Drill

The Dental Department is the Most Complete Attached to Any Hospital

Hospital "B" at Juilly

Snow Covered Ambulances in Alsace

W, B. PEAT & CO.


To the Directors of
The Ambulance of the American Hospital of Paris.


We have audited the books and accounts of the Ambulance of the American Hospital of Paris for the period ended 31st August, 1915, and have pleasure in submitting you herewith the following Exhibits and Schedules which we have prepared therefrom:----

Exhibit "A" Balance Sheet as at 31st August, 1915.
" "B" Statement of Receipts and Disbursements of the General Fund for the period from 19th August, 1914, to 31st August, 1915.
Schedule "1" Statement of Current Working Expenses for the period from 19th August, 1914, to 31st August, 1915.
" "2" Statement of position of General Fund at 31st August, 1915.
" "3" Statement of position of Special Funds at 31st August, 1915.
" "4" List of Advances and Deposits refundable to General Fund at 31st August, 1915.
" "5" List of Amounts outstanding at 31st August, 1915.
" "6" Resources of the Ambulance at 31st August, 1915.

Since our appointment as Auditors to the Ambulance, we have conducted a continuous Cash Audit of your Disbursing Department. This audit consists of an examination, on an average of once a week, of vouchers for all payments made since the preceding examination. A requisition for the total amount of such vouchers is then made by us and the cash for it placed to the credit of the Ambulance Committee. At irregular intervals, averaging once a month, the cash in hand has been counted and the balance of the Ambulance Committee's account at the Bank verified.

We have the following remarks to make in regard to the under-mentioned accounts appearing in the Balance Sheet.


Office Cash at 31st August, 1915, Dr. Frs. 26.523,65. We counted the Cash in hand at your Office on 10th September, 1915, and found it to be in accordance with the balance of the Cash Book as shown at that date.

Cash in Hands of Heads of Departments, Dr. Frs. 25.369,25. We counted the cash in the hands of the heads of Departments at 31st August, 1915, and found it to be in accordance with the accounts.


General Fund, Dr. Frs. 737.338,95. The Cash in Bank at 31st August, 1915, on the General Fund, amounting to Frs. 737.338,95, consisted of the two following accounts:

General Fund Account
Frs. 762.725,30

Ambulance Committee Account

Frs. 787.338,95

We have reconciled the above balances with the Bank Statements as at 31st August, 1915, and found them in order.

Transportation Fund, Dr. Frs. 74.446,75. Staff Sick Relief Fund, Dr. Frs. 9.450,35. Special Reserve Fund, Dr. Frs. 500,00. New York Nurses' Fund, Dr. Frs. 14.379,00. We have compared the balances of the above accounts with the Bank Statements issued as at 31st August, 1915, and found them to be correct.

Advances and Deposits refundable: General Fund, Dr. Frs. 10.191,65. Transportation Fund, Dr. Frs. 1.794,00. We give in Schedule "4" details of the above amount of Frs. 10.191,65 refundable to the General Fund.


Medical and Surgical Stores, Dr. Frs. 18.325,85. An inventory of Medical and Surgical Stores was taken at 31st July, 1915, by the Staff of the Ambulance and produced a total of Frs. 14,595,00. On examination of the purchases of this Department for the month of August and of the storekeeper's book of stores distributed during that month, we found that the value of stores in stock had increased by Frs. 3.730,85, bringing the total value of Medical and Surgical Stores in hand at 31st August, 1915, up to Frs. 18.325,85.

Household Stores, Dr. Frs. 44.766,10. The monthly inventory of the Household Stores at 31st August, 1915, handed to us by the Head of the Household Department, amounted to the above figure.

General Stores, Dr. Frs. 21.173,15. Fuel, Dr. Frs. 2.732,00. House Cars, Dr. Frs. 4.454,45. Stock of the above stores was taken by the Staff of the Ambulance as at 31st July, 1915. The amount of goods added to these stores during the month of August being approximately equivalent to the stores issued during that period, we have accepted the above figures as representing the stocks at 31st August.


Initial Building, Dr. Frs. 132.643,10. Permanent Equipment, Dr. Frs. 200.932,30. An amount of Frs. 132.643,10 has been expended on the necessary structural alterations and installations required to transform the unfinished building handed over to you by the civil authorities into an efficient ambulance. The necessary Permanent Equipment installed in the Ambulance has cost a further sum of Frs. 200.982,30.

A reserve amounting to Frs. 250.000, which appears on the Liabilities side of the Balance Sheet, has been formed to meet the cost of restoring the building to the state in which it was taken over by the Ambulance. No amount has, however, been charged in respect of depreciation of the Initial Building and Permanent Equipment accounts.


Balance of General Fund at 31st August, 1915, Cr. Frs. 1.026.495,35. Balance of Special Funds at 31st August, 1915, Cr. Frs. 78.414,75. In the annexed Schedules "2" and "3", we give detailed statements of the positions of the General and Special Funds at 31st August, 1915.

Amounts Due but not Paid at 31st August, 1915, Cr. Frs. 35.692,95. At 31st August, 1915, there were various sums amounting in all to Frs. 35.692,95 outstanding. Particulars of the classification of these items under the different departments will be found in Schedule "5".

We have received from your Statistical Department the Figure of 142.016 as representing the total number of patients per day treated during the complete period under review.

As the total Current Working Expenses of the Ambulance during the same period amounts to Frs. 1.437.464,40, the daily cost per patient, therefore, works out at Frs. 10,12, which at the current rate of exchange at 31st August, 1915, is equivalent to $1.68. We would, however, call your attention to the fact that a large quantity of material, etc., has been donated to the Ambulance, no estimate of the value of which has been made. Had it been necessary to purchase these goods, the daily cost per patient would have shown a higher figure.

We have examined the counterfoils of the receipts given by the Treasurer for Donations received, where such receipts have been given, and found them to be in order. Certain Donations, however, having been received anonymously or through a third person, the Treasurer has been unable to deliver receipts. This also applies to the amounts collected for the Ambulance by the American Relief Clearing House of Paris, which has periodically transferred to your Treasurer the total amounts of the Donations received by them.

Subject to the above remarks, we certify that the Balance Sheet presented herewith gives a true and correct view of the financial position of the Ambulance as at 31st August, 1915, and that all payments have been properly vouched and instructed.

In conclusion, we have pleasure in stating that we have received all the information we required from your Staff, whose unfailing courtesy we appreciate.

We shall be pleased to furnish you with any further information you may require.

Yours faithfully,
Chartered Accountants.

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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

Postby admin » Sun Sep 30, 2018 6:27 pm

Nikolai Mikhailovich Lukin
by The Great Soviet Encyclopedia



(pseudonym, N. Antonov). Born July 8 (20), 1885; died July 19, 1940. Soviet historian; academician of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR (1929). Member of the Communist Party from 1904. Born in Kuskovo (now within the city limits of Moscow); son of an elementary school teacher.

Lukin graduated from Moscow University in 1909 and began teaching there in 1915. He took part in organizing the Bolshevik newspaper Nash put’ in Moscow in 1913. After the February Revolution of 1917 he was a member of the editorial board of the Bolshevik newspaper Sotsial-demokrat. He resumed teaching in October 1918, first at Moscow University, then at the Academy of the General Staff and the Institute of the Red Professoriat. In 1925 he became one of the founders of the Society of Marxist Historians. From 1932 to 1936 he was director of the Institute of History of the Communist Academy, and from 1936 to 1938 he was director of the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. From 1933 to 1938 he was editor in chief of the journal Istorik-marksist.

His main works were devoted to the Great French Revolution (particularly the class struggle in the French countryside during the years of the Jacobin dictatorship) and the Paris Commune of 1871 (the monograph The Paris Commune came out in four editions, and Lukin made use of an entire new group of sources to improve each). A number of his works deal with the era of imperialism and the international workers’ movement of this period (Essays on the Modern History of Germany, 1890-1914, 1925, and others). In 1923 he published the first Marxist textbook on modern history for higher schools (Modern History of Western Europe, 2nd ed., 1925).


Izbr. trudy, vols. 1-3. Moscow, 1960-63.


Evropa v novoe i noveishee vremia: Sb. stateipamiati akad. N. M. Lukina. Moscow, 1966. Pages 3-79.
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

Postby admin » Sun Sep 30, 2018 6:36 pm

Alexander (Aleksandr) (Alyaksandr) Bogdanov
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/30/18



Alexander Bogdanov
Full member of the 4th, 5th Central Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party
In office
June 1906 – June 1909
Prospective member of the 3rd Central Committee of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party
In office
Personal details
Born Alyaksandr Malinovsky
22 August 1873
Sokółka, Grodno Governorate, Russian Empire (now Poland)
Died 7 April 1928 (aged 54)
Moscow, Russian SFSR, Soviet Union
Nationality Russian
Political party RSDLP (Bolsheviks)
Alma mater Moscow University, Kharkiv University
Occupation Physician, philosopher, writer

Alexander Aleksandrovich Bogdanov (Russian: Алекса́ндр Алекса́ндрович Богда́нов; born Alyaksandr Malinovsky; Belarusian: Алякса́ндр Алякса́ндравіч Маліно́ўскі; 22 August 1873 [O.S. 10 August] – 7 April 1928) was a Russian and later Soviet physician, philosopher, science fiction writer, and revolutionary of Belarusian ethnicity.

He was a key figure in the early history of the Bolshevik majority faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, (RSDLP - later the Communist Party of the Soviet Union [CPSU]), originally established 1898, being one of its co-founders in 1903, after the split with the Mensheviks minority faction and a rival to Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924), until being expelled in 1909. Following the Russian Revolutions of 1917, when the Bolsheviks came to power in the collapsing Russian Empire, during the first decade of the subsequent Soviet Union in the 1920s, he was an influential opponent of the Bolshevik government and Lenin from a Marxist leftist perspective. Bogdanov received training in medicine and psychiatry. His wide various scientific and medical interests ranged from the universal systems theory to the possibility of human rejuvenation through blood transfusion. He invented an original philosophy called "tectology", now regarded as a forerunner of systems theory. He was also an economist, culture theorist, science fiction writer, and political activist. He was one of the Russian Machists.

Early years

Alyaksandr Malinovsky was born in Sokółka, Grodno Governorate, Russian Empire (now Poland), into a rural teacher's family, the second of six children. He attended the Gymnasium at Tula, which he compared to a barracks or prison. He was awarded a gold medal when he graduated.[1]

Upon completion of the gymnasium, Bogdanov was admitted to the Natural Science Department of Moscow University. In his autobiography, Bogdanov reported that, while studying at Moscow University, he joined the Union Council of Regional Societies, and he was arrested and exiled to Tula because of it.[2]

The occasion of his arrest and exile is as follows. The head of the Moscow Okhrana used an informant to acquire the names of members of the Union Council of Regional Societies, which included Bogdanov's name. on October 30, 1894, students rowdily demonstrated against a lecture by the famous history Professor Vasily Klyuchevsky who, despite being a well-known liberal, had written a favourable eulogy for the recently deceased Tsar Alexander III of Russia. Punishment of a few of the students was arbitrary and unfair that the Union Council requested a fair reexamination of the issue. That very night, the Okhrana arrested all the students on the list mentioned above - including Bogdanov - who were expelled from the university and banished to their hometowns.[3] Expelled from Moscow State University, he moved to the University of Kharkov where he graduated as a physician in 1899. Bogdanov remained in Tula from 1894 to 1899, where - since his own family was living in Sokółka - he lodged with Alexander Rudnev, the father of Vladimir Bazarov, who became a close friend and collaborator in future years. Here he met and married Natalya Bogdanovna Korsak, who, as a woman, had been refused entrance to the university. She was eight years older than him[4] and worked as a nurse for Rudnev. Malinovsky adopted the nom de plume that he used when he wrote his major theoretical works and his novels from her patronym.[5] Alongside Bazarov and Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov he became a tutor in a workers' study circle. This was organised in the Tula Armament Factory by Ivan Saveliev, whom Bogdanov credited with founding Social Democracy in Tula. During this period, he wrote his Brief course of economic science which was published – "subject to many modifications made for the benefit of the censor" – only in 1897. He later said that this experience of student-led education gave him his first lesson in proletarian culture. In autumn 1895, he resumed his medical studies at the University of Kharkiv (Ukraine) but still spent much time in Tula. He gained access to the works of Lenin in 1896, particularly the latter's critique of Peter Berngardovich Struve. In 1899, he graduated as a medical doctor and published his next work, "Basic elements of the historical perspective on nature". However, because of his political views, he was also arrested by the Tsar's police, spent six months in prison, and was exiled to Vologda.


Bogdanov dates his support for Bolshevism from autumn of 1903. Early in 1904, Martin Lyadov was sent by the Bolsheviks in Geneva to seek out supporters in Russia. He found a sympathetic group of revolutionaries in Tver. Bogdanov was then sent by the Tver Committee to Geneva, where he was greatly impressed by Lenin's One Step Forward, Two Steps Back. Bogdanov was arrested on 3 December 1905 and held in prison until 27 May 1906. Upon release, he was exiled to Bezhetsk for three years. However he obtained permission to spend his exile abroad, and joined Lenin in Kokkola, Finland. For the next six years, Bogdanov was a major figure among the early Bolsheviks, second only to Vladimir Lenin in influence. In 1904-1906, he published three volumes of the philosophic treatise Empiriomonizm (Empiriomonism), in which he tried to merge Marxism with the philosophy of Ernst Mach, Wilhelm Ostwald, and Richard Avenarius.

Haeckel, Ostwald, and the Monistic Religion

Another European movement explicitly designed to be an "anti-Christian" path of Lebensreform was the "Monistic Religion" of Ernst Haeckel (1834-1919). From his post as professor of zoology at the University of Jena, Haeckel dominated German evolutionary biology in the second half of the nineteenth century and was the most prominent proponent of the social implications of Darwinian theory. Over the years Haeckel made many creative departures from Darwin, so many in fact that the tenets of Darwinism were occluded by the renovations of Haeckelism. Since he was a prolific author, and wrote books and articles for both the scholarly and popular presses, it has been said that he dominated the discussion of evolutionary theory in German Europe by providing "the most comprehensive surveys of the Darwinist position authored by a German." [32]

Haeckel published his views on human evolution in 1868, before Darwin did so in 1871 with The Descent of Man. [33] Darwin himself acknowledged Haeckel's priority by several years in formulating the theory of the descent of humans from simian ancestors. Historian of science and evolutionary biologist Ernst Mayr credits Haeckel for being "perhaps the first biologist to object vigorously to the notion that all science had to be like the physical sciences or to be based on mathematics." [34] Mayr says Haeckel was the first to insist that evolutionary biology was a historical science involving the historical methodologies of embryology, paleontology, and especially phylogeny.

In particular it was Haeckel's influential "Biogenetic Law" -- "ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny" -- based on the evidence of these historical methods in biology that eventually had profound implications not only for evolutionary biology, but for psychiatry and psychoanalysis, especially Jung's analytical psychology. Haeckel considered this law as a universal truth -- indeed, for much of his early career, perhaps the only universal truth. That the stages of individual development (ontogeny) could be shown to replicate, in order, the states of the development of the human race (phylogeny) was a compelling theory. Each adult human being, then, in both development and structure, was a living museum of the entire history of the species.

Taking this principle as a starting point, as early as 1866 Haeckel proposed a new "natural religion" based on the natural sciences, since "God reveals himself in all natural phenomena." [35] In many later publications he promoted his pantheistic natural religion based on scientific principles -- a philosophy he called "Monism" -- as a way of linking science and religion. Haeckel was interested in theorizing about the driving natural force of life and evolution, which he insisted Darwin left out of his (therefore) incomplete theories. His somewhat quasi-vitalistic descriptions of monism provided that. However, his first specific recommendations for a monistic religion came in 1892 in a speech in Altenburg. He argued fervently for a monism as a new faith founded on a "scientific Weltanschauung," thus going beyond a mere substitution of atheistic materialism for Christianity (as he was generally perceived as doing by his contemporaries and even by many historians today).

As the 1890s in Central Europe were marked by the rise of volkisch utopianism based on a rejection of the Christian myth and an emphasis on the worship of nature (particularly the sun), many took Haeckel's call for the establishment of a monistic religion in his best-selling book of 1899, Die Weltratsel (The Riddle of the Universe), to heart as a way of winning the Kulturkampf ("the struggle for civilization"). [36] Haeckel himself exhibited a messianic zeal in promoting his logical, new pantheistic "nature religion" through lectures during which he would display his own beautiful hand-colored drawings and etchings of cells, embryos, and other natural phenomena that appealed on an emotional level to those seeking a greater meaning in life through the study of its apparent rationality, organization, beauty, and essential unity. It was visual material that had a striking "shock of the new" quality about it in an age without cinema or television.  [37] Haeckel's bizarrely beautiful drawings of radiolarians may have been the source images for a dream Jung had as a teenager that convinced him to study the natural sciences instead of becoming a philologist or archaeologist. [38]

"In the sincere cult of 'the true, the good, and the beautiful,' which is the heart of our new monistic religion, we find ample compensation for the anthropistic ideals of 'God, freedom, and immortality' which we have lost," writes Haeckel, echoing Winckelmann's Apollonianism. [39] In a secular rite of passage, the monist is thus reborn through the rejection of the tenets of organized religion (separation), an initiation into the proof of the essential unity of matter and spirit (a period of liminality), and then participation in local societies promoting monistic ideas (reincorporation).

By 1904 groups all over Central Europe had formed and were known as the Monistenbund (the Monistic Alliance), with some trying out rituals based on this new scientific religion. In Jena in 1906, under the guiding hand of Haeckel himself, they were formally organized under a single administrative umbrella, like cells united within the individual identity of a larger body. The ground in German Europe has long been fertile for such ideas to take root, especially among German Darwinians, for "a large number of them had abandoned the Christian religion" and, like Haeckel, spoke out against organized religion. [40] The Monistenbund attracted many prominent cultural, occultist, and scientific celebrities as members, including physicist Ernst Mach and sociologist Ferdinand Tonnies. It also attracted such luminaries as the dancer Isadora Duncan, [41] then-Theosophist Rudolph Steiner, [42] and psychiatrist August Forel (1848-1931). [43] Forel was a former director of the Burgholzli and a dominant figure in Switzerland and in the French clinical tradition at the turn of the century. Although he is best remembered for his contributions to psychiatry (and his influence on other prominent figures, such as Bleuler, Adolph Meyer, and Jung), his Monistic League affiliation and his active promotion of eugenics and Social Darwinism are rarely discussed in the historical literature of psychiatry. [44]

Although Haeckel himself was not advocating an atheistic and materialistic philosophy at this time -- he preferred the label "monistic" -- this was the professed emphasis of many of his fanatical cultists. Monism was the unity of matter and spirit (Geist). Haeckel's Apollonian ideals soon disintegrated into Dionysian excess in his view, and he soon distanced himself from his own movement. In 1911 Nobel-laureate Wilhelm Ostwald of Leipzig University, a physical chemist, became president of the Monistenbund and founded a "monistic cloister" devoted to initiating Social Darwinian cultural reforms in the areas of eugenics, euthanasia, and economics. An elite devoted to the preservation of the Monistic Religion clustered around the charismatic Ostwald and his volkisch metaphysical works. [45] Indeed, it is these works of speculative philosophy (Ostwald even embraced the term Naturphilosopllie for this exercise) that made him an international figure long before his 1909 Nobel Prize, and many considered him a prophet of the modern age. [46]

We know that Ostwald was a significant influence on Jung in the formation of his theory of psychological types. Jung mentions Ostwald's division of men of genius into "classics" and "romantics" in his very first public presentation on psychological types at the Psychoanalytical Congress in Munich in September 1913 (published in a French translation in December of that year in Archives de Psychologie), [47] The classics and romantics correspond, according to Jung, to the "introverted type" and the "extraverted type" respectively. Long quotations from Ostwald appear in other of Jung's works between 1913 and 1921 -- precisely the period of Ostwald's most outspoken advocacy of eugenics, nature worship, and German imperialism through the Monistenbund. An entire chapter of Jung's Psychological Types is devoted favorably to these same ideas of Ostwald. [48] Except for a one-sentence comment that "the concept of energy in Ostwald's monism" is "an example of the superstitious overvaluation of facts," Ostwald is often cited at length and frequently favorably. [49] We have evidence that Jung read the Annalen der Naturphilosophie that Ostwald founded in 1901 and that contains some of his essays on his vitalistic "modern theory of energetics," which may have influenced Jung's own later theoretical work on "psychic energy." [50]

World War I and Haeckel's death in 1919 reduced the size of the movement's membership. Before his death Haeckel himself was briefly a member of the Thule Society, the secret organization of prominent nationalists that included prominent members of the National Socialist movement of the 1920s, such as Rudolph Hess. However, due to its exaltation of science over religion and the human over the divine, some early members of the German Communist Party (KDP) in places such as Leipzig were also members of the Monistenbund. East German scholars have tended to focus on Haeckel's similarities to Marxism rather than his many fundamental disagreements with it. [51] During the communist reign in East Germany Haeckel was promoted as a great hero and his home, library, and artistic productions were carefully maintained by the communist regime in a museum in Jena. [52]


Jung read Haeckel copiously during his medical-school years: "I interested myself primarily in evolutionary theory and comparative anatomy, and I also became acquainted with neo-vitalistic doctrines," Jung reveals. [53] Haeckel dominated these sciences. Jung discusses him in his Zofingia lectures, and, given Haeckel's great fame, Jung was certain to know of the promotional efforts of Haeckel and his Monistenbund. Jung read Die Weltriitsel in 1899 and based his own later phylogenetic theories of the unconscious on Haeckel's recommendations for a "phylogeny of the soul." Haeckel proposes a "phylogenetic psychology" as a science of evolutionary research alongside embryology, paleontology, and biological phylogeny. Jung's own comparative method for compiling historical evidence for his hypothesis of the collective unconscious (which he began in October 1909) seems to have been based closely on the methodological suggestions of Haeckel. Haeckel wrote:

The theory of descent, combined with anthropological research, has convinced us of the descent of our human organism from a long series of animal ancestors by a slow and gradual transformation occupying many millions of years. Since, then, we cannot dissever man's psychic life from the rest of his vital functions -- we are rather forced to a conviction of the natural evolution of our whole body and mind -- it becomes one of the main tasks of modern monistic psychology to trace the stages of the historical development of the soul of man from the soul of the brute. Our "phylogeny of the soul" seeks to attain this object; it may also, as a branch of general psychology, be called phylogenetic psychology; or, in contradistinction to biontic (individual), phyletic psychogeny. And, although this new science has scarcely been taken up in earnest yet, and most of the "professional" psychologists deny its very right to exist, we must claim for it the utmost importance and the deepest interest. For, in our opinion, it is its special province to solve for us the great enigma of the nature and origin of the human soul. [54]

Just as Haeckel is responsible for introducing historical methodology to evolutionary biology, Jung introduced an analogous historical approach to the study of the evolution of the human mind and the phylogeny of its unconscious roots in the first part of his Wandlungen und Symbole der Libido (1911). [55] When both parts -- which had originally appeared in the psychoanalytic Jahrbuch -- were published in book form in 1912, while the main title refers to Freud's influence on Jung, the second subtitle added to the volume, "Contributions to the History of the Evolution of Thought," may be an homage a Haeckel. It is somewhat suspect that Jung never mentions Haeckel by name in this seminal volume although he borrows significantly from him. Jung seems to have been put off by Haeckel's scientism and his perception of Haeckel as a strict mechanist.

This is how Jung introduces his "Haeckelian unconscious":

All this experience suggests to us that we draw a parallel between the phantastical, mythological thinking of antiquity and the similar thinking of children, between the lower races and the dreams. This train of thought is not a strange one for us, but quite familiar through our knowledge of comparative anatomy and the history of development, which show us how the structure and function of the human body are the results of a series of embryonic changes which correspond to similar changes in the history of the race. Therefore, the supposition is justified that ontogenesis corresponds in psychology to phylogenesis. Consequently, it would be true, as well, that the state of infantile thinking in the child's psychic life, as well as in dreams, is nothing but a re-echo of the prehistoric and the ancient. [56]

Two pages of digression later, Jung resumes:

We spoke of the ontogenetic re-echo of the phylogenetic psychology among children, we saw that phantastic thinking is characteristic of antiquity, of the child, and of the lower races; but now we know also that our modern and adult man is given over in large part to this same phantastic thinking, which enters as soon as the directed thinking ceases. A lessening of the interest, a slight fatigue, is sufficient to put an end to the directed thinking, the exact psychological adaptation to the real world, and to replace it with phantasies. We digress from the theme and give way to our own trains of thought; if the slackening of the attention increases, then we lose by degrees the consciousness of the present, and the phantasy enters into the possession of the field. [57]

And again, in summary:

Our foregoing explanations show wherein the products arising from the unconscious are related to the mythical. From all these signs it may be concluded that the soul possesses in some degree historical strata, the oldest stratum of which would correspond to the unconscious. [58]

Haeckel thus becomes the key to understanding the biological ideas underlying Jung's hypothesis of a phylogenetic layer of the unconscious mind circa 1909. In his first published theory to this effect, in 1911, Jung introduces the idea that his phylogenetic layer contains the mythological images and thinking of pagan antiquity: therefore, when Jung's use of language is analyzed to reveal his intent, it is a decidedly pre-Christian layer that has been covered up by centuries of Judeo-Christian sediment. Although initially viewed as, perhaps, "psychosis" or "incipient psychosis" in 1909, by 1916 -- after repudiating the relevance of the Christian myth in his own life in 1912 -- Jung instead advocates deliberately cutting through centuries of strangling Judeo-Christian underbrush to reach the promised land of the "impersonal psyche," a pre-Christian, pagan "land of the Dead," and to thereby be revitalized. The volkisch implications of this will be discussed at length in chapter 5.


A third movement of secular regeneration with mystery-cult aspects, which I will mention only very briefly here, can be found in the "god-building" movement in fin-de-siecle atheistic Russian Marxism. In the 1890s, a group of Bolsheviks led by Maxim Gorky (1838-1936), a friend and disciple of V. I. Lenin (1870- 1924), and Anatoly Lunacharsky (1875-1933) carried on a search in Russia for spiritual renewal through the promotion of what they called the "god-building movement" (bogostroitel'stvo). The god-building movement was a call for "scientific socialism" to be a religion with a god at its center who was human. Sacred cult sites devoted to a chosen atheistic genius of socialism would be established to remind the populace of the immortal, god-like achievements of a true socialist man and thereby renew the pilgrim's hopes of a better life through socialism. The god-building movement was to be a true deification of mankind and of human potential. Lunacharsky, the primary theorist of god-building, laid out the details of his ideas in 1908 and 1911 in a two-volume work, Religiia i sotsializm (Religion and Socialism). Lunacharsky's model seems to have been the cult of genius surrounding Wagner at Bayreuth (see below), as Lunacharsky was the most important promoter of Wagnerism in Russia at the turn of the century. [59]

Lenin detested the Bolshevik god-building movement, and in a 14 November 1913 letter to his friend and disciple Gorky he argues that the belief in any human god constructed by such a movement would be nothing more than necrophilia. For Lunacharsky, this new human god was to be a Marxist version of Nietzsche's ubermensch, who would be "a co-participator in the life of mankind, a link in the chain which stretches towards the overman, towards a beautiful creature, a perfected organism."
[60] This human god could be a political genius such as Lenin, or a scientific one, such as developed somewhat around the figure of T. D. Lysenko. Ironically, Lenin was made the first socialist deity in the years immediately following his death in 1924, as has been documented by historian Nina Tumarkin. [61]


The logical extension of the hypothetical success of these secular programs for the renewal or rebirth of the individual through ostensibly secular philosophies and methodologies would be the production of a new elite that would revolutionize human culture and lead it to a new utopia. In Also Sprach Zarathustra, Nietzsche rhapsodized about this fantasy of a new nobility that would be "the adversary of all the rabble" and be godlike, self-creating "procreators and cultivators and sowers of the future."  [62] Psychoanalysis would have its elite of analysts and enlightened analyzed patients; the Monistic Religion, especially under Ostwald, would have its eugenically pure race of scientifically minded natural philosophers; the Marxists of Russia would have their vanguard of the proletariat and Lenin as their first deity.

The Nietzschean fantasy of the creation of a "New Man," a "genius" in the New Order of a revitalized society, was therefore at the root of these and other fin-de-siecle reform movements. Historians Mosse, Jost Hermand, and others have demonstrated that this same fantasy is one of the many mystical or prefascist sources of National Socialism.

-- The Jung Cult: Origins of a Charismatic Movement by Richard Noll

His work later affected a number of Russian Marxist theoreticians, including Nikolai Bukharin.[6] In 1907, he helped organize the 1907 Tiflis bank robbery with both Lenin and Leonid Krasin.

For four years after the collapse of the Russian Revolution of 1905, Bogdanov led a group within the Bolsheviks ("ultimatists" and "otzovists" or "recallists"), who demanded a recall of Social Democratic deputies from the State Duma, and he vied with Lenin for the leadership of the Bolshevik faction. In 1908 he joined Bazarov, Lunacharsky, Berman, Helfond, Yushkevich and Suvorov in a symposium Studies in the Philosophy of Marxism which espoused the views of the Russian Marxists. By mid-1908, the factionalism with the Bolsheviks had become irreconcilable. A majority of Bolshevik leaders either supported Bogdanov or were undecided between him and Lenin. Lenin concentrated on undermining Bogdanov's reputation as a philosopher. In 1909 he published a scathing book of criticism entitled Materialism and Empiriocriticism, assaulting Bogdanov's position and accusing him of philosophical idealism.[7] In June 1909, Bogdanov was defeated by Lenin at a Bolshevik mini-conference in Paris organized by the editorial board of the Bolshevik magazine Proletary and was expelled from the Bolsheviks.

He joined his brother-in-law Anatoly Lunacharsky, Maxim Gorky, and other Vperedists on the island of Capri, where they started the Capri Party School for Russian factory workers. In 1910, Bogdanov, Lunacharsky, Mikhail Pokrovsky, and their supporters moved the school to Bologna, where they continued teaching classes through 1911, while Lenin and his allies soon started the Longjumeau Party School just outside of Paris.

Bogdanov broke with the Vpered in 1912 and abandoned revolutionary activities. After six years of his political exile in Europe, Bogdanov returned to Russia in 1914, following the political amnesty declared by Tsar Nicholas II as part of the festivities connected with the tercentenery of the Romanov Dynasty.

During World War I

Bogdanov was drafted soon after the outbreak of World War I, and he was assigned as a junior regimental doctor with the 221st Smolensk infantry division in the Second Army commanded by General Alexander Samsonov. In the Battle of Tannenberg, August 26–30, the Second Army was surrounded and almost completely destroyed, but Bogdanov survived because he had been sent to accompany a seriously wounded officer to Moscow.[8] However following the Second Battle of the Masurian Lakes, he succumbed to a nervous disorder, and subsequently became Junior house surgeon at an evacuation hospital.[9] In 1916 he wrote four articles for Vpered which provided an analysis of the World War and the dynamics of war economies. He attributed a central role to the armed forces in the economic restructuring of the belligerent powers. He saw the army as creating a "consumers' communism" with the state taking over ever increasing parts of the economy. At the same time military authoritarianism was also spread to civil society. This created the conditions for two consequences: consumption-led war communism and the destruction of the means of production. He thus predicted that even after the war, the new system of state capitalism would replace that of finance capitalism even though the destruction of the forces of production would cease.[10]

During the Russian Revolution

Bogdanov had no party-political involvement in the Russian Revolution of 1917, although he did publish a number of articles and books about the events that unfurled around him. He supported the Zimmerwaldist programme of "peace without annexations or indemnities". He deplored the Provisional Government's continued prosecution of the war. After the July Crisis, he advocated "revolutionary democracy" as he now considered the socialists capable of forming a government. However, he viewed this as a broad-based socialist provisional government that would convene a Constituent Assembly. In May 1917, he published Chto my svergli in Novaya Zhizn. Here he argued that between 1904 and 1907, the Bolsheviks had been "decidedly democratic" and that there was no pronounced cult of leadership. However, following the decision of Lenin and the émigré group around him to break with Vpered in order to unify with the Mensheviks, the principle of leadership became more pronounced. After 1912, when Lenin insisted on splitting the Duma group of the RSDLP, the leadership principle became entrenched. However, he saw this problem as not being confined to the Bolsheviks, noting that similar authoritarian ways of thinking were shown in the Menshevik attitude to Plekhanov, or the cult of heroic individuals and leaders amongst the Narodniks.

Every organisation, on achieving a position of decisive influence in the life and ordering of society, quite inevitably, irrespective of the formal tenets of the its programme, attempts to impose on society its own type of structure, the one with which it is most familiar and to which it is most accustomed. Every collective re-creates, as far as it can, the whole social environment after its own image and in its own likeness.[11]

After the October Revolution

At the beginning of February 1918, Bogdanov denied that the Bolsheviks' October rise to power had constituted a conspiracy. Rather, he explained that an explosive situation had arisen through the prolongation of the war. He pointed to a lack of cultural development in that all strata of society, whether the bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia, or the workers, had shown a failure to resolve conflicts through negotiation. He described the revolution as being a combination of a peasant revolution in the countryside and a soldier-worker revolution in the cities. He regarded it as paradoxical that the peasantry expressed itself through the Bolshevik party rather than through the Socialist Revolutionaries.

He analysed the effect of the First World War as creating 'War Communism' which he defined a 'consumer communism', which created the circumstances for the creation of state capitalism. He saw military state capitalism as temporary phenomenon in the West, lasting only as long as the war. However, thanks to the predominance of the soldiers in the Bolshevik Party, he regarded it as inevitable that their backwardness should predominate in the re-organisation of society. Instead of proceeding in a methodical fashion, the pre-existing state was simply uprooted. The military-consumerist approach of simply requisitioning what was required had predominated and could not cope with the more complex social relations necessitated by the market:

There is a War Communist party which is mobilising the working class, and there are groups of socialist intelligentsia. The war has made the army the end and the working class the means.[12]

He refused multiple offers to rejoin the party and denounced the new regime as similar to Aleksey Arakcheyev's arbitrary and despotic rule in the early 1820s.[13]

In 1918, Bogdanov became a professor of economics at the University of Moscow and director of the newly established Socialist Academy of Social Sciences.


Between 1918 and 1920, Bogdanov co-founded the proletarian art movement Proletkult and was its leading theoretician. In his lectures and articles, he called for the total destruction of the "old bourgeois culture" in favour of a "pure proletarian culture" of the future. It was also through Proletkult that Bogdanov's educational theories were given form with first the establishment of the Moscow Proletarian University. At first Proletkult, like other radical cultural movements of the era, received financial support from the Bolshevik government, but by 1920, the Bolshevik leadership grew hostile, and on December 1, 1920, Pravda published a decree denouncing Proletkult as a "petit bourgeois" organization operating outside of Soviet institutions and a haven for "socially alien elements". Later in that month, the president of Proletkult was removed, and Bogdanov lost his seat on its Central Committee. He withdrew from the organization completely in 1921-1922.[14]


Bogdanov gave a lecture to a club at Moscow University, which, according to Yakov Yakovlev, included an account of the formation of Vpered and reiterated some of the criticisms Bogdanov had made at the time of the individualism of certain leaders. Yakovlev further claimed that Bogdanov discussed the development of the concept of proletarian culture up to the present day and discussed to what extent the Communist Party saw Proletkult as a rival. He further hinted at the prospect of a new International that might emerge if there were a revival of the socialist movement in the West. He said he envisaged such an International as merging political, trade union, and cultural activities into a single organisation. Yakovlev characterised these ideas as Menshevik, pointing to the refusal of Vpered to acknowledge the authority of the 1912 Prague Conference. He cited Bogdanov's characterization of the October revolution as "soldiers'-peasants' revolt", his criticisms of the New Economic Policy, and his description of the new regime as expressing the interests of a new class of technocratic and bureaucratic intelligentsia, as evidence that Bogdanov was involved in forming a new party.[15]

Meanwhile, Workers' Truth had received publicity in the Berlin-based Menshevik journal Sotsialisticheskii Vestnik, and they also distributed a manifesto at the 12th Bolshevik Congress and were active in the industrial unrest which swept Moscow and Petrograd in July and August 1923. On 8 September 1923, Bogdanov was among a number of people arrested by the GPU (the Soviet secret police) on suspicion of being involved in them. He demanded to be interviewed by Felix Dzerzhinsky, to whom he explained that while he shared a range of views with Workers' Truth, he had no formal association with them. He was released after five weeks on 13 October; however, his file was not closed until a decree passed by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on 16 January 1989. He wrote about his experiences under arrest in Five weeks with the GPU.[16]

Later years and death

In 1924, Bogdanov started his blood transfusion experiments, apparently hoping to achieve eternal youth or at least partial rejuvenation. Lenin's sister Maria Ulyanova was among many who volunteered to take part in Bogdanov's experiments. After undergoing 11 blood transfusions, he remarked with satisfaction on the improvement of his eyesight, suspension of balding, and other positive symptoms. His fellow revolutionary Leonid Krasin wrote to his wife that "Bogdanov seems to have become 7, no, 10 years younger after the operation". In 1925–1926, Bogdanov founded the Institute for Haemotology and Blood Transfusions, which was later named after him. But a later transfusion cost him his life, when he took the blood of a student suffering from malaria and tuberculosis. (Bogdanov died, but the student injected with his blood made a complete recovery.) Some scholars (e.g. Loren Graham) have speculated that his death may have been a suicide, because Bogdanov wrote a highly nervous political letter shortly beforehand. Others, however, attribute his death to blood type incompatibility, which was poorly understood at the time.[17][4]


Both Bogdanov's fiction and his political writings imply that he expected the coming revolution against capitalism to lead to a technocratic society.[18] This was because the workers lacked the knowledge and initiative to seize control of social affairs for themselves as a result of the hierarchical and authoritarian nature of the capitalist production process. However, Bogdanov also considered that the hierarchical and authoritarian mode of organization of the Bolshevik party was also partly to blame, although Bogdanov considered at least some such organization necessary and inevitable.

In the 1920s and 1930s, Bogdanov's theorizing, being the product of a non-Leninist Bolshevik, became an important, though "underground", influence on certain dissident factions in the Soviet Union who turned against Bolshevik autocracy while accepting the necessity of the Revolution and wishing to preserve its achievements.[19]



In 1908, Bogdanov published the novel Red Star, about a utopia set on Mars. In it, he made predictions about future scientific and social developments. His utopia also dealt with feminist themes, which would become more common in later utopian science fiction, e.g., the two sexes becoming virtually identical in the future, or women escaping "domestic slavery" (one reason for physical changes) and being free to pursue relationships with the same freedom as men, without stigma. Other notable differences between the utopia of Red Star and present day society include workers having total control over their working hours, as well as more subtle differences in social behavior such as conversations being patiently "set at the level of the person with whom they were speaking and with understanding for his personality although it might very much differ from their own". The novel also gave a detailed description of blood transfusion in the Martian society.


From 1913 until 1922, Bogdanov immersed himself in the writing of a lengthy philosophical treatise of original ideas, Tectology: Universal Organization Science. Tectology anticipated many basic ideas of Systems Analysis, later explored by Cybernetics and Bogdanov attributed some of his ideas on the development of a monistic system to Ludwig Noire.In Tectology, Bogdanov proposed to unify all social, biological, and physical sciences by considering them as systems of relationships and by seeking the organizational principles that underlie all systems. His three volume book anticipated many ideas later popularized by Norbert Wiener in Cybernetics and Ludwig von Bertalanffy in General Systems Theory. Both Wiener and von Bertalanffy may have read the German translation of Tectology, published in 1928. In Russia, Vladimir Lenin (and later Joseph Stalin) considered Bogdanov's natural philosophy an ideological threat to dialectic materialism. The rediscovery of Tectology occurred only in the 1970s.

Published works



• Poznanie s Istoricheskoi Tochki Zreniya (Knowledge from a Historical Viewpoint) (St. Petersburg, 1901)
• Empiriomonizm: Stat'i po Filosofii (Empiriomonism: Articles on Philosophy) 3 volumes (Moscow, 1904–1906)
• Kul'turnye zadachi nashego vremeni (The Cultural Tasks of Our Time) (Moscow: Izdanie S. Dorovatoskogo i A. Carushnikova 1911)
• Filosofiya Zhivogo Opyta: Populiarnye Ocherki (Philosophy of Living Experience: Popular Essays) (St. Petersburg, 1913)
• Tektologiya: Vseobschaya Organizatsionnaya Nauka 3 volumes (Berlin and Petrograd-Moscow, 1922)
• "Avtobiografia" in Entsiklopedicheskii slovar, XLI, pp. 29–34 (1926)
• God raboty Instituta perelivanya krovi (Annals of the Institute of Blood Transfusion) (Moscow 1926-1927)


• Krasnaya zvezda (Red Star) (St. Petersburg, 1908)
• Inzhener Menni (Engineer Menni) (Moscow: Izdanie S. Dorovatoskogo i A. Carushnikova 1912) The title page carries the date 1913[20]

English translation


• Essays in Organisation Science (1919) Очерки организационной науки (Ocherki organizatsionnoi nauki) Proletarskaya kul'tura, No. 7/8 (April–May)
• 'Proletarian Poetry' (1918), Labour Monthly, Vol IV, No. 5-6, May–June 1923
• 'The Criticism of Proletarian Art' (from Kritika proletarskogo iskusstva, 1918) Labour Monthly, Vol V, No.6, December 1923
• 'Religion, Art and Marxism', Labour Monthly, Vol VI, No.8, August 1924
• Essays in Tektology: The General Science of Organization, translated by George Gorelik (Seaside, CA: Intersystems Publications, 1980)
• The Philosophy of Living Experience (1913/2015)
• A Short Course of Economics Science, (London: Communist Party of Great Britain, 1923)


• Red Star: The First Bolshevik Utopia, edited by Loren Graham and Richard Stites; trans. Charles Rougle (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1984):
• Red Star (1908). Novel. In English
• Engineer Menni (1913). Novel.
• "A Martian Stranded on Earth" (1924). Poem.

See also

• List of dystopian literature
• 1908 in literature
• Arkady Bogdanov, a character in K.S. Robinson's Mars Trilogy, inspired by Aleksandr Bogdanov


1. Bogdanov, Alexander (1974), "Autobiography", in Haupt, Georges; Marie, Jean-Jacques, Makers of the Russian Revolution: Biographies of Bolshevik Leaders, Allen & Unwin
2. Bogdanov, Autobiography
3. White, James (1981), ""Bogdanov in Tula", Studies in Soviet Thought, vol 2, no. 1
4. Huestis, Douglas W. "Alexander Bogdanov: The Forgotten Pioneer of Blood Transfusion". Transfusion Medicine Reviews. 21 (4): 337–340. doi:10.1016/j.tmrv.2007.05.008.
5. Biggart, John (1989), Alexander Bogdanov, Left-Bolshevism and the Proletkult 1904 - 1932, University of East Anglia, p. 170
6. Cohen p. 15
7. Woods, Part Three
8. Rogachevskii, Andrei (1995). "'Life Makes No Sense': Aleksandr Bogdanov's Experiences in the First World War". Proveedings of the Annual Conference of the Scottish Society for Russian and East European Studies: 105.
9. Biggart J. (1998) 'the Rehabitation of Bogdanov' in Bogdanov and His Work, Aldershot: Ashgate
10. Biggart, John (1990). "Alexander Bogdanov and the Theory of a "New Class"". Russian Review. 49 (3).
11. Biggart, John (1989), Alexander Bogdanov, Left-Bolshevism and the Proletkult 1904 - 1932, University of East Anglia, p. 170
12. Biggart, John (1989), Alexander Bogdanov, Left-Bolshevism and the Proletkult 1904 - 1932, University of East Anglia, p. 179
13. Rosenthal, p. 118
14. Rosenthal, p. 162
15. Yakolev, Vasily (January 4, 1923), "Menshevizm v Proletkul'tovskoi odezhde", Pravda, Moscow
16. 'The rehabilitation of Bogdanov' by John Biggart in Bogdanov and His Work: A Guide to the Published and Unpublished Works of Alexander A. Bogdanov (Malinovsky), 1873-1928, 1998, p. 12
17. Rosenthal, pp. 161–162
18. Sochor, p. ___
19. Socialist Standard, April 2007
20. Biggart, John; Gloveli, Georgii & Yassour, Avraham, Bogdanov and his Work, Aldershot: Ashgate, p. 254


• Cohen, Stephen F. 1980 [1973]. Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution: A Political Biography, 1888-1938. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-502697-7. First published by Alfred A. Knopf in 1973. Published 1980 by Oxford University Press with corrections and a new introduction. Google Books preview as of 20101006
• Rosenthal, Bernice Glatzer. 2002. New Myth, New World: From Nietzsche to Stalinism. The Pennsylvania State University Press. Google Books preview as of 20101006
• Sochor, Zenovia. 1988. Revolution and Culture: The Bogdanov-Lenin Controversy. Cornell University Press.
• Socialist Standard. 2007 April. Bogdanov, technocracy and socialism. 106(1232): 10.
• Souvarine, Boris. 1939. Stalin: A Critical Survey of Bolshevism. New York: Alliance Group Corporation; Longmans, Green, and Co. ISBN 1-4191-1307-0
• Woods, Alan. 1999. Bolshevism: The Road to Revolution. Wellred Publications. ISBN 1-900007-05-3 Part Three: The Period of Reaction

Further reading

• Biggart, John; Georgii Gloveli; Avraham Yassour. 1998. Bogdanov and his Work. A guide to the published and unpublished works of Alexander A. Bogdanov (Malinovsky) 1873-1928, Aldershot: Ashgate. ISBN 1-85972-623-2
• Biggart, John; Peter Dudley; Francis King (eds.). 1998. Alexander Bogdanov and the Origins of Systems Thinking in Russia. Aldershot: Ashgate. ISBN 1-85972-678-X
• Brown, Stuart. 2002. Biographical Dictionary of Twentieth-Century Philosophers, London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-06043-5
• Dudley, Peter. 1996. Bogdanov's Tektology (1st Engl transl). Hull, UK: Centre for Systems Studies, University of Hull.
• Dudley, Peter; Simona Pustylnik. 1995. Reading The Tektology: provisional findings, postulates and research directions. Hull, UK: Centre for Systems Studies, University of Hull.
• Gorelick, George. 1983. Bogdanov's Tektology: Nature, Development and Influences. Studies in Soviet Thought, 26:37–57.
• Jensen, Kenneth Martin. 1978. Beyond Marx and Mach: Aleksandr Bogdanov's Philosophy of Living Experience. Dordrecht: Kluwer. ISBN 9027709289
• Pustylnik, Simona. 1995. Biological Ideas of Bogdanov's Tektology. Presented at the international conference, Origins of Organization Theory in Russia and the Soviet Union, University of East Anglia (Norwich), Jan. 8-11, 1995.
• M. E. Soboleva. 2007. A. Bogdanov und der philosophische Diskurs in Russland zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts. Zur Geschichte des russischen Positivismus [The history of Russian positivism.]. Hildesheim, Germany: Georg Olms Verlag. 278 pp.

External links

• Alexander Bogdanov Archive at
• А. А. Bogdanov Biographic essay (English)
• International Alexander Bogdanov Institute (Russian)
• Short biography and bibliography in the Virtual Laboratory of the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science
• Red Hamlet
• Science in Russia and the Soviet Union: A Short History Loren R. Graham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993 ISBN 0-521-28789-8 - Russian technocratic influence of engineers, subsequent deaths, trials and imprisonments
• About tectology John A. Mikes, prepared for the [International Conference on Complex Systems] New England Complex Systems Institute, September 21–27, 1997, in Nashua, NH
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Re: Act & Punishment: The Pussy Riot Trials

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Vladimir Bazarov
by Wikipedia
Accessed: 9/30/18



Vladimir Alexandrovich Bazarov, 1901

Vladimir Alexandrovich Bazarov (Russian: Влади́мир Алекса́ндрович База́ров; 1874–1939) was a Russian Marxist revolutionary, journalist, philosopher, and economist, born Vladimir Alexandrovich Rudnev. Bazarov is best remembered as a pioneer in the development of economic planning in the Soviet Union. He was one of the Russian Machists.


Early years

Vladimir Alexandrovich Rudnev was born August 8, 1874 (N.S.) in Tula, Russian Empire.

The son of a doctor, A. M. Rudnev, he enrolled in the Tula classical gimnaziia (high school) in 1884, and graduated in the spring of 1892.

In the autumn of 1892, Rudnev enrolled in the faculty of natural sciences of Moscow University.[1] He became involved in revolutionary politics in 1896, activity which would lead to his expulsion from Moscow the following year.[1] He also adopted the surname "Bazarov" as an underground revolutionary pseudonym taking it from the Comtean positivist character in Turgenev's Fathers and Sons.[2] Thereafter, Bazarov returned home to Tula where, together with Alexander Bogdanov and Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov, Bazarov organized a secret school for Tula workers.[1] Bogdanov resided at the house of Bazarov's father, and met his wife who worked for Alexander Rudenev. A guiding principle of this group was that the workers' movement should be led by workers themselves, assisted by educated members of the radical intelligentsia.[3]

In exile

Bazarov was expelled from Tula in 1899 and emigrated to Germany, settling in Berlin.[1] In the fall of 1900, Bazarov was instrumental in establishing a political organization called the "Neutral Group of Social-Democrats in Berlin." This organization dedicated itself to helping heal the split between the Union of Russian Social-Democrats Abroad, publishers of Rabochee Delo (The Workers' Cause), and the Emancipation of Labor Group, publishers of Iskra (The Spark). According to Bazarov, the Berlin group sent representatives to Geneva in an attempt to broker a reconciliation between these two groups of Marxist revolutionary groups.[4] Bazarov's Berlin group issued three or four political proclamations before disbanding in the summer of 1901.[4]

Return to Russia

Cover of the first edition of Lenin's Materialism and Empirio-Criticism: Critical Notes about One Reactionary Philosophy, published in 1909 against Alexander Bogdanov, Nikolai Valentinov, Vladimir Bazarov, and their co-thinkers.

In the fall of 1901, Bazarov returned to Russia to serve as a member of the Moscow Social Democratic Committee.[1] He was soon again arrested for his political activity, however, this time to be exiled for three years to Siberia.[1] In 1904, Bazarov joined the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP), an organization headed by V.I. Lenin.[1] Over the next several years, Bazarov wrote extensively for the Bolshevik party press, serving on the editorial board of the grouping's primary newspaper, Rabochii put' (The Workers' Path), and sitting as a member of the party's underground leadership in the country, the so-called "Bolshevik Center."[1]

Also in this period Bazarov joined with his old Tula comrades Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov and Alexander Bogdanov in retranslating and publishing a new Russian-language edition of the three volumes of Capital by Karl Marx.[5] This edition of the book gained recognition as the basic Russian translation and was reissued for decades in the Soviet Union, although for political reasons any mention of the participation of Bazarov and Bogdanov in the translation was later avoided.[5]

Bazarov also became interested in philosophy during the first decade of the 20th Century, coming to reject Marx's formulaic dialectical materialism in favor of the use of the scientific method to observe and theorize about human behavior, as espoused by the Austrian Ernst Mach and the German-Swiss philosopher Richard Avenarius.[5] The Bolshevik supporters of the "empirical-criticism" of Mach and Avenarius, including Bazarov, Bogdanov, and Nikolai Valentinov, were soon the target of a bitter polemic by Lenin published in 1909, Materialism and Empirio-criticism. Bazarov subsequently moved away from membership and participation in the Bolshevik organization, while remaining politically radical.[1]

In 1911, Bazarov was arrested once again and was deported once more, this time a three-year sentence to Astrakhan.[1] In November 1912, Bazarov joined with Bogdanov, Anatoly Lunacharsky, Maxim Gorky, and Lenin, writing for a new paper in St. Petersburg called Pravda.[6]

First World War

During the years of World War I, Bazarov wrote for various radical publications, including Gorky's radical daily, Novaia zhizn' (New Life).[7]

After the 1917 revolution

Following the October Revolution of 1917, Bazarov moved to Kharkov in the Ukraine, where he wrote for various Menshevik publications.[5] In 1919 he published Na puti k sotsializmu (Khar'kov, 1919), for which he was attacked by Bukharin, who viewed him and Bogdanov as being part of a combined opposition espousing a theory of a "bureaucratic degeneration (the technico-intellectual bureaucracy, the 'organizing' caste)".

In 1922, Bazarov joined the staff of the State Planning Commission, where he met Vladimir Groman, with whom he would work intimately for the next half decade.[5] Bazarov and Groman worked together developing the basics of Soviet industrial planning, setting the foundation stones for the next half century of the Soviet economy. On November 21, 1923, Groman presented the Presidium of Gosplan with a paper entitled "Problems of Planning the National Economy as a Whole," in which Bazarov argued that the adoption of the mixed economy of the New Economic Policy actually accentuated rather than lessened the need for central economic planning.[8]

Together with Groman, Bazarov was influential in developing the idea that a diminishing rate of growth was an earmark of economies such as that of the Soviet Union which were in the process of recovery.[9] Although in retrospect the observation seems obvious, the "theory of the leveling-off curve" espoused by Groman and Bazarov postulated that an economy with substantial reserves of idle capacity would initially show an inordinately rapid pace of growth as productive capital returned to use, with this rate tapering off as available plant approached full capacity.[10]

In 1924 Bazarov published a pamphlet entitled Towards a Methodology for Strategic Planning in which he further expanded his ideas on the development of central planning procedures as the Soviet economy moved from recovery to expansion.[11] Bazarov remained convinced that central direction of economic investment would provide the impetus for accelerated economic growth, speaking in 1926 of the "hope to overtake and surpass in our development the advanced countries of the capitalist world."[12]

Bazarov was a staunch advocate of using material incentives to motivate the peasantry to expand agricultural output, declaring early in 1927 that "only by amply supplying the village with good industrial products at very low prices can we create a real impulse toward the development of our backward agriculture..."[13] In the wake of weak agricultural marketing by the peasantry in 1927 and 1928, Soviet political leaders moved another direction, however, returning to the coercive requisitioning methods first used during the earlier period of War Communism before moving to a radical drive for complete collectivization of agriculture at the end of the decade.

Bazarov was a voice in the Soviet planning apparatus for a rational rate of growth. In response to a draft Five-Year Plan prepared by the Supreme Council of National Economy (VSNKh) which posited industrial growth of 135% over the five economic years 1927/28 to 1932/33, Bazarov deemed the long-term possibilities "fascinating" and "enchanting."[14] Such a pace was soon dismissed as inadequate by those holding more extreme views, however, and Bazarov was sharply criticized for pessimism in underestimating "the advantages inherent in the Soviet system."[15] Ultimately, a growth of 179% over the five-year period was approved by Soviet planning authorities, and Bazarov, Groman, and others holding similar views favoring a less drastic rate of capital accumulation were shunted aside.[16]

1931 Menshevik Trial

Bazarov was arrested by the Soviet secret police during the summer of 1930. At his interrogation of August 15, 1930, he signed a deposition acknowledging his participation in a group with other economists who had been arrested and interrogated by the GPU, including his friend and co-worker Groman and former Socialist Revolutionary Party member Nikolai Kondratiev.[17]

In 1931 the Menshevik Trial was held charging "Mensheviks" in the state planning apparatus with the "wrecking" of Soviet industry through the setting of artificially low planning targets. Although Bazarov was not in the dock among the public defendants in this 1931 Menshevik Trial, his associate Groman was. Groman gave public testimony that he and Bazarov headed a counterrevolutionary group in Gosplan, purportedly organized in 1923, which attempted at "influencing the economic policy of the Soviet authorities so as to hold the position of 1923-25."[18] Historian Naum Jasny has speculated that Bazarov's failure to appear as a defendant at this major public trial was likely a reflection of the fact that "the GPU did not succeed in breaking him completely enough to make him a desirable member of the trial."[19]

Groman, the star figure among the accused, damned himself and his colleagues with testimony that at Gosplan they had spent their time

"Putting into the control figures and into the surveys of current business planning ideas and deliberately distorted appraisals antagonistic to the general Party line (lowering the rates of expansion of socialist construction, distorting the class approach, exaggerating the difficulties), stressing the signs of an impending catastrophe (Groman) or, what is close to this, assigning a negligible chance of success to the Party line directed toward the socialist attack (Bazarov, Gukhman)..."[20]

Although excluded from the public trial which besmirched him, Bazarov was tried in secret and sentenced to a term of prison for his alleged wrecking activities.[21] A December 1931 letter from the USSR published in the Menshevik journal Sotsialisticheskii vestnik (Socialist Herald) reported that Bazarov was being held at that time in a political "isolator" at Yaroslavl.[22]

Death and legacy

Bazarov died September 16, 1939 in Moscow. He was 65 years old at the time of his death.
In 1999 a two volume collection of documents relating to the 1931 Menshevik Trial was published in Russia. Included were the text of several handwritten depositions collected from Bazarov during the process of his interrogation during the summer of 1930.[23]


In Russian

• (Social Movements of the Middle Ages and Reformation). With I.I. Skvortsov-Stepanov. (c. 1898).
• "Авторитарная метафизика и автономная личность" (Authoritarian Metaphysics and Personal Autonomy), in the collection Очерки реалистического мировоззрения (Studies of Realistic Outlook), 1904.
• «Анархический коммунизм и марксизм» (Communist Anarchism and Marxism). 1906.
• «На два фронта» (On Two Fronts). 1910.
• На пути к социализму: Сборник статей (On the Path to Socialism: A Collection of Articles). Kharkov: Prosvieshchenie, 1919.
• "«Ножницы» и плановое хозяйство" ("The Scissors" and Planned Economy). Экономическое обозрение, 1923, № 10.
• "К методологии перспективного планирования (Towards a Methodology for Strategic Planning).
• "К вопросу о хозяйственном плане." (On the Question of an Economic Plan). Экономическое обозрение, 1924, № 6.
• "Темп накопления и «командные высоты»" (The Rate of Accumulation and the "Commanding Heights"). Экономическое обозрение, 1924, № 9-10.
• "О методологии построения перспективных планов. (On the Methodology of Long-Term Planning). Плановое хозяйство, 1926, № 7.
• "Кривые развития» капиталистического и советского хозяйства." (The "Curves of Development" of Capitalist and Soviet Economy). Плановое хозяйство, 1926, № 4.
• Использование бюджетных данных для построения структуры городского спроса в перспективе генерального плана (Using Cost Data to Construct the Structure of Urban Demand in the Perspective of the General Plan), 1927.

Bazarov's translations into Russian

• Karl Marx, Das Kapital. With I.I. Skvortsov-Stepanov. General editor, A. Bogdanov. 1905-07.
• Очерки по истории Германии в XIX веке. Т. 1. Происхождение современной Германии. (Studies in the History of Germany in the 19th Century: Vol. 1: The Origin of Modern Germany). With I.I. Skvortsov-Stepanov. St. Petersburg, 1906.
• Science and Religion in Contemporary Philosophy by Émile Boutroux with a Preface by the Translator, St Petersburg: Shipovnik Publishers, 1910).
• Элементы философии биологии 1911 by Felix Le Dantec (Elements de philosophie biologique – Elements of Biological Philosophy)[24]:106

Translations of Bazarov into English

• What is needed for socialism?, Novaya Zhizn, No. 190/184, 1/14 December 1917, p. 1;


1. Naum Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties: Names to Be Remembered. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972; pg. 124.
2. Polianski, Igor (2012). "Between Hegel and Haeckel: Monistic worldview, Marxist Philosophy, and Biomedecine in Russia and the Soviet Union". In Weir, Todd H. Monism: science, philosophy, religion, and the history of a worldview (1st ed.). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9780230113732.
3. Robert C. Williams, The Other Bolsheviks: Lenin and His Critics, 1904-1914. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1986; pg. 35.
4. Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the Central Committee of the CPSU, "The Neutral Group of Social Democrats in Berlin," in Lenin, Collected Works: Volume 36: 1900-1923. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1966; pg. 624, fn. 82. Direct translation of the same note in Lenin, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii: Tom 46: Pisma 1893—1904. Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Politicheskoi Literatury, 1964; pg. 489, fn. 109.
5. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pg. 125.
6. Williams, The Other Bolsheviks, pg. 170.
7. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pp. 124-125.
8. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pp. 125-126.
9. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pg. 127.
10. Alexander Erlich, The Soviet Industrialization Debate, 1924-1928. [1960] Second Edition. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967; pg. 60.
11. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pg. 126.
12. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pg. 128.
13. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pg. 130.
14. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pg. 133.
15. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pp. 130-131.
16. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pg. 134.
17. "Protokol dopros Bazarova Vladimira Aleksandrovicha ot 15-go avgusta 1930 goda" (Transcript of the Deposition of Vladimir Alexandrovich Bazarov of August 15, 1920) in A.L. Litvin (ed.), Men'sheviistskiii protsess 1931 goda: Sbornik dokumentov v 2-kh knigakh. Moscow: ROSSPEN, 1999; vol. 1, pp. 46-48.
18. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pg. 136, citing the transcript of Groman's trial testimony published in Protsess kontrrevoliutsionnoi organizatsii Men'shevikov (1 marta—9 marta 1931): Stenogragramma sudebnogo protsessa. Moscow: Sovetskoe Zakonodatel'stvo, 1931; pg. 69.
19. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pg. 137.
20. Naum Jasny, Soviet Industrialization, 1928-1952. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961; pg. 69, quoting Protsess kontrrevoliutsionnoi organizatsii Men'shevikov, pg. 37.
21. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pg. 137, citing an article in Pravda of December 24, 1938.
22. Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties, pp. 137-138.
23. See: Litvin (ed.), Men'sheviistskiii protsess 1931 goda, vol. 1, pp. 46-53.
24. Biggart, John; Peter Dudley; Francis King (eds.). 1998. Alexander Bogdanov and the Origins of Systems Thinking in Russia. Aldershot: Ashgate. ISBN 1-85972-678-X

Further reading

• Naum Jasny, Soviet Economists of the Twenties: Names to Be Remembered. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972.
• E.B. Koritskii (ed.), Каким быть плану: Дискуссии 20-х годов: Статьи и современный комментарий (How the Plan was Made: The Discussion of the 20s: Articles and Contemporary Commentary). Leningrad: Lenizdat, 1989.
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