Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:39 pm


Under immense pressure from the F.B.I., Troy Boner recanted the testimony he had provided Gary Caradori, about the criminal activities of some of Omaha's elite citizens. His recantation was crucial to the Douglas County Grand Jury's findings of July 1990, that all the charges of child sexual abuse and related criminal activity was a "carefully crafted hoax."

Later, a conscience-stricken Troy sought me out and re-stated his original charges. His story was recorded in an affidavit he swore before a notary public on October 27, 1993. This affidavit is printed in full below.


Troy Boner, being first duly sworn, does depose and say of his own knowledge and experience as follows:


I am making this affidavit freely and voluntarily and for the protection of myself and my family now and in the future; second, because it is right to do; and finally, because I want to undo some of the damage and injury I have caused and to help force legitimate and honest investigations of such matters as my brother's death, Gary Caradori's death and all circumstances surrounding my allegations herein, particularly the allegations that I lied to the grand jury and at the Alisha Owen trial but that such lies were caused by others including particularly the F.B.I. I, and my mother and family, are exhausted from living in fear of death or injury as a result of my personal involvement in the Franklin matters which ended up in my testifying at the Grand Jury hearings as well as at the Alisha Owen Trial. I lied at the Grand Jury hearings and I lied at the Alisha Owen trial. I lied when I "recanted" my original testimony to Gary Caradori. I lied because I truly believed and still do believe that it was a situation where I must either "lie or die," and at the insistence primarily of the Federal Bureau of Investigation officials who were dealing with me at that time, specifically Mr. Mott and Mr. Culver.

The purpose of this affidavit, very simply, is to provide John De Camp the information he requires to file an action seeking protection for me and for my family from various individuals and the F.B.I. so that my true story can be told without fear of death or injury to myself or my family and so that others in a similar situation to myself can also come forward safely and tell their stories which I believe will prove very clearly that what I am saying in this affidavit is true. I am also certain now that only by telling the truth as openly and publicly as I can will I ever stand a chance of providing protection for myself and my family for the future. I have asked John De Camp to do whatever is necessary to seek Witness Protection, including Federal Witness Protection if possible, for myself and my mother and my pregnant fiancee and child-to-be. Yes, I know full well the very great risk I run by taking this action but I and my mother and family can not go on the way we are and I can not live with myself unless I take this action.

I will be as brief as possible in this affidavit but I will also try to answer the questions that have to be answered in the situation I am in.


I know some of the people I am accusing in this affidavit, and the legal action accompanying it, will immediately claim that John De Camp somehow contacted me and convinced me to take this action for his purposes. So he has told me.

The exact opposite is true. Never have I spoken with John De Camp prior to this and he has never contacted me directly or indirectly. I had a friend of mine contact John De Camp several weeks ago and bring him to a meeting with me and my family at a secret location. At the time, John De Camp did not even know he was coming to meet me or my family. He thought he was being brought to meet a girl who needed representation on some matter. I searched him before our meeting began. We both agreed -- with my entire family present -- that anything said at the meeting could not and would not be recorded or ever used against me or to hurt me by John De Camp if I did not want to go ahead with this action. He agreed. I proceeded, along with my mother, to detail for John De Camp the fact that I had lied; why I had no choice but to lie; and many other facts. I then asked John De Camp whether he would represent me in helping to correct matters. I told him I went to him not because I liked him or knew him but because I felt he was the only honest one in this entire mess who could and would do something about my situation and who would not back down when the going got tough and who would "stick by me thru thick and thin if I (Troy) was telling the truth absolutely." He promised to do this so long as I told the truth and would agree to comply with any lie detector or other truth test he or any legitimate investigative officials might ask for no matter what and so long as I and my family were doing this action not for money damages but for our safety and to get the truth told and myself and my mother and other kids protected.

John De Camp also told me that he could not and would not represent me and my family in this effort if he, De Camp, believed that I was lying or if he believed he had any conflict of interest between myself and any other clients of his, specifically Alisha Owen and Paul Bonacci. After researching and investigating what I, Troy Boner, had told him, De Camp said he would represent me and my family on a Pro Bono basis seeking only such compensation for representation as a Court might provide him. He also agreed to assist in any way he could personally in helping procure a secure and safe environment for me and my fiancee and child-to-be and to procure such other assistance for us as was possible thru social agencies or other groups or government agencies able to assist me and my family. He specifically refused in advance to provide any personal financial assistance in any way saying that he felt that would raise questions as to the correctness of his work on this case. I have included this information in this affidavit at his, De Camp's, request, to answer in advance questions he said others would ask.


What I told Gary Caradori in the original taped interviews Gary had with me was the truth. It is still the truth. From about age 14 to 17, I was seriously involved in sexual and drug and related activities with a wide range of individuals but primarily and specifically Alan Baer, Larry King, Robert Wadman, Peter Citron, Eugene Mahoney, and others of prominence and wealth whom I will identify for any legitimate investigative officials who seriously wish to correct the problems and stop the conduct these individuals are and were engaged in rather than cover up that conduct.

It has been repeatedly publicly stated that my story and the stories told by Alisha Owen, Paul Bonacci, and a large number of other young people not previously identified who were simply intimidated from talking or who were ridiculed, were a "Carefully Crafted Hoax." The stories were not a hoax. The only carefully crafted thing that occurred was in fact the cover-up of the facts and the subsequent conviction of Alisha Owen and the original Grand Jury Investigation. In short, there was a carefully crafted cover-up by the very people who were supposed to be exposing the conduct of these people rather than covering it up. And, yes, I was a very, very critical element in that cover-up but that participation by me was done because of threat and promise made to me primarily from the F.B,I., and Mr. Mark Delman, the attorney arranged for me by others.

I repeat. The original story I told on taped interview to Gary Caradori was in fact substantially the truth and substantially accurate. I say substantially because I am sure on some points I exaggerated and on some points I did not remember exactly the date or place or time of this or that event or particular person or persons involved. But, specifically, the material and substantive facts about the (1) Parties that took place at Twin Towers; (2) the use of myself and other children as drug couriers for Alan Baer and Larry King, (3) the involvement of Alisha Owen at the parties and as a drug courier also and her involvement with former Omaha Police Chief Robert Wadman; (4) my relationship with Alan Baer sexually and otherwise as well as the involvement of a number of other children with him; (5) Wadman's presence and participation at these parties in question; (6) my delivering Alisha Owen personally to Bob Wadman on several occasions; (7) my involvement sexually as a boy with Eugene Mahoney, the former Game and Parks man; (8) Peter Citron's presence and involvement in the parties and related sexual activities and filmings, were all true, correct and accurate on the material facts. And, contrary to what the F.B.I. and others tried to get me to say and what I did say and in saying did lie about under pressure and threat and promise from the F.B.I. and others, Gary Caradori did not intimidate, threaten, coach, make up things or in any way improperly or falsely portray the information I provided him. He simply asked me to tell the truth, no matter what it was, and that is essentially what I did with him. He told me that was the law; that I had to report these things about Child Abuse under the state laws. But that was the only pressure of any kind he applied. And I know now it is the state law and all I want to do is comply with that law without fear of me or my family being hurt or killed for having complied with that law.


After telling my story to Gary Caradori, I was assured that it was most important that everything I knew be kept absolutely secret. That I should talk to no one or reveal what I had provided Caradori or the Legislative Committee. Everybody, including Caradori and the Committee and the Feds told me this. I know now that this was the stupidest thing I could do and that my following their very instructions to conceal things in fact made me and my family subject to and victims of later threats and intimidation. That is one of the main reasons that I have definitely determined that I will now conceal nothing from any legitimate investigative source -- including the press. I am certain that had the press really known what was happening and all the facts that they would have done a far better investigation than others and would not have allowed the cover-up to occur. I will explain later why I now believe this to be the case.

In my first contact with the F.B.I., the F.B.I. officials, particularly Mickey Mott and Mr. Culver, made it clear to me that (1) They were only interested in disproving everything I had told them; that (2) they were taking the position that "... we know you are lying and we are only trying to figure out why and who is your leader who is having you lie"; and that (3) "if you will tell us you are lying then we will let you off the hook but if you insist on sticking with the story you told Caradori, then we will stick you in prison for a long, long time. What you told on your tapes to Caradori can land you in prison for twenty years each on a lot of different charges of perjury. If you insist on sticking with your story, you will go down.

When the F.B.I. dealt with me, they made it clear that they had the power to put me in prison -- whether my story to Caradori was true or not -- and the power to put Caradori and others in prison including Alisha for providing the information we did to Caradori. And they made it clear that was what they intended to do unless I "recanted" my original story to Caradori and the Legislative Committee.

The F.B.I. in conjunction with my new attorney, Marc Delman, who was arranged for me by others including particularly Frank Brown of the Television Station in Omaha, made it crystal clear to me that my only hope of staying out of prison was in "recanting" my original story to Gary Caradori, even though my story to Caradori was and is the truth.

To make a long story short, I was put into the following situation by the F.B.I. and my attorney, Marc Delman, and I am confident in my own mind that they knew exactly what they were doing although I still do not understand all the reasons why they wanted me to lie or who they were doing this for: I had to lie to stay out of prison and I had to say that the truth was a lie and that the lies they wanted me to tell were the truth. So, when I went before the Grand Jury, at the insistence and instruction of Marc Delman and the F.B.I., I told the Grand Jury what the F.B.I. and Delman wanted me to tell the Grand Jury which is that the story to Gary Caradori was a "hoax." But, as stated, the exact opposite is true.

Some time after my testimony to the Grand Jury, Gary Caradori was killed. I have no proof but I do believe he was deliberately killed. But, someone else will have to determine this because I acknowledge I have no information to prove or disprove this. Immediately after Gary Caradori was killed, and because I did believe he had been killed as part of a cover-up and as a result of my lies to the grand jury, I immediately called his home (from the Red Lion Hotel) at which time I spoke to his wife Sandie and told her I had in fact lied to the Grand Jury and that I was going to help straighten it out now. She suggested I go to Senator Schmit and provide him that information. This I immediately did and told Senator Schmit personally in his office that I had lied to the Grand Jury and that what I told Gary Caradori was the truth and that I only lied out of fear that the F.B.I. and others, particularly my attorney Marc Delman, would hurt me or my family and particularly because they promised me they would put me in jail if I did not say what the F.B.I. and Delman wanted me to say which I, and I am sure they also knew was a lie.

I also met Senator Bernice Labedz at the Caradori funeral and agreed I would meet her and Senator Schmit for lunch immediately following the funeral at which time we would go over my alleged "recantation" and I would provide her and the Committee all the facts. At the funeral, however, the F.B.I. agents, particularly Mickey Mott made it clear to me thru their actions that they knew what I was up to and gave me the clear impression that I was in "great danger" if I went ahead and met with the Legislative Committee and tried to tell them the truth. So, immediately following the funeral, I told my mother, who was with me, that we were not going to the meeting with the Senators and I was going to stick with my lies to the Grand Jury because of what I feared the F.B.I. or others associated with them or whom they were protecting would do to me or the members of my family.

Later, Senator Labedz called me and asked why I did not show up at the meeting. At first I pretended like I did not know what she was talking about because by this time I was really scared especially because of Caradori's death. Then she said she knew I was scared. So I was honest and I remember I flat told her I was "scared" and could not do anything now. She said she felt sorry for me and that she understood.

Then, Marc Delman and Mickey Mott saw Senator Schmit say on T.V. that I had been in his, Schmit's office, and that my "recantation" had been false. They both called me. Even though Marc Delman knew I had been at Schmit's office and that what Schmit was saying was the truth, he, Delman, asked me whether the conversation had been taped or whether there was any other record of my having been in Schmit's office to talk to Schmit. I told Delman there was no tape or any other record I had been with Schmit & that I had not signed anything. So, acting on Delman's instructions I publicly lied and denied any meeting or discussion with Senator Schmit and Delman publicly did the same and suggested Senator Schmit was lying. Delman then instructed me to deny that I was in Schmit's office and to simply imply that Schmit was lying about all these things. Delman's exact words to me were, "It's your word against his ... as long as there are no tapes." Mickey Mott the F.B.I. man also met again with me and again made it clear that if I told the truth -- in other words, if I recanted my recantation -- that I was in big trouble and would go to prison and for the first time Mickey Mott said something I interpreted then and now to have been a direct and personal threat that later came to pass.

When I told Mickey Mott and Culver the F.B.I. people one time when I was feeling a bit cocky about their threats to me that Alan Baer and others "could not afford" to do anything to hurt me now because too much publicity was focused on me and that they could not afford the risk of doing anything to me, Mott right away told me that they probably would not do anything directly to me, that instead "they will do something to a family member." And, of course that is what happened shortly thereafter after I had met with Schmit and talked to Sandie Caradori and when the F.B.I. and Delman and Baer and others thought I might break away from them, the F.B.I. and Delman, and tell the truth and confirm that I had lied when I testified to the Grand Jury.

I am completely certain in my own mind, which I believe a decent and honest investigation will show, that my brother Shawn was killed as a message to me to stick with my lies and not to back down because they were afraid I might back down and tell the truth at the Alisha Owen trial. After Shawn got killed, I had no doubt at all that they really were as dangerous as I had originally feared; that they would do anything and kill anybody to keep the truth contained and to keep me lying for them; and I complied with every request they wanted me to do or say with respect to the whole so-called Franklin thing.

Before the Alisha Owen trial I was carefully rehearsed by the F.B.I. as to what I would say and what questions would be asked and then after rehearsing everything with the F.B.I., I was taken over to Mr. Moran the prosecutor to go thru the Rehearsal again. I do not know whether Mr. Moran knew I was lying but for sure the F.B.I. had to know because they were the ones who forced me to "recant" in the first place and threatened me with prison if I did not. Additionally, the F.B.I. themselves had actual pictures of me and other prominent individuals in their possession including particularly Alan Baer 1983 picture of he and me in very pornographic sexual acts) as well as checks from Alan Baer to me. So, they had to absolutely know I had a relationship with him and that they were forcing me to lie when I denied such relationships. Additionally, the F.B.I. had seized photos and tapes involving among others myself and a Mr. Andreasen and Larry King. These were video tapes of a party. And I know from having seen tapes at Peter Citron's house that the F.B.I. had access to tapes which clearly documented much of the conduct and the personalities I and other kids had identified as having occurred but which later I lied about before the Grand Jury and again at the Alisha Owen trial when I claimed -- again to satisfy the F.B.I. -- that the events never occurred. I do not know what the F.B.I. ever did with these pictures of me and Baer, for example, but I know they had them because I saw them. So, they, the F.B.I. had to know the real truth all along and had to know what they were doing when they forced me to lie. I am also sure that there are other pictures which would prove the things we kids told Caradori. Why do I say this? Because, the one thing I remember above all else is that these people like Baer, Mahoney, Citron, Andreasen, King, always loved to have pictures of themselves and others, particularly the kids, in weird sexual poses.


I know the first thing that the F.B.I. and Marc Delman and others involved in these Franklin and related matters will say when I submit my affidavit is something like: "You can't believe these kids and you can't believe Troy Boner now. If he lied once, he will lie again. He's a drug addict. He's a sex pervert. Who are you going to believe, these kids with their wild stories or respectable people like Alan Baer or the F.B.I. or Attorney Marc Delman? Besides, these kids were as guilty or more guilty than anybody else. They were using the drugs and they were selling their bodies and they were getting paid well for it and they did it all voluntarily." Or something like this is what they will say. I have heard it before. But, let me give the other side of that story.

Yes, we kids, from early age, sold our bodies. We became drug addicts. We got lots and lots of money from these people. But today we are ruined because of that. And we were turned into sex perverts and drug addicts by these people. In my particular case, just like a lot of other young boys, I was directly turned into a true drug addict by Alan Baer. He was the one who first taught me to mainline and who first directly injected heroin directly into my veins -- same as he did to a lot of other boys. He was the one who made me a prisoner of drug addiction to where he could completely control me and use me to deliver drugs or deliver sex or anything else. Sure, he paid me well, but he also destroyed me in the process. It was Alan Baer who first injected me with a "speed ball", for example. A speed ball is a heroin/cocaine mix that zips you up immediately but brings you down mellow. And it was Marc Delman, my attorney arranged for me by others who claimed I owed him more than $500,000.00 for work he did protecting me, when what he really was doing was having me lie to protect others.

But to those who really want the truth it really is all there for you to find out if you will only check on the things that are available. And the truth is the truth whether it is told by us street kids whom you may not want to believe or the richest and most powerful people in Omaha who you think you have to believe. Same with a lie.

So, here are some things that any honest investigator can check out to see who is lying and who is telling the truth.

I. Marc Delman wrote my script for the [TV] program 48 Hours wherein I claimed that the entire story of myself and the other kids was a "hoax." He promised me ten or fifteen thousand [dollars] for this. I got virtually nothing. 48 Hours told me that they had "paid my attorney." There should be records on this. I think Marc got about $10,500.00 for doing that. And as everyone knows, the 48 Hours program was played on television just before the Alisha Owen jury began their deliberations. Marc Delman also claimed that I had not met with Senator Schmit to tell the truth and I followed his instructions in denying it also. This sure can be checked out. There were people who saw me with Schmit. Same with my contact with Senator Labedz.

II. I saw the picture the F.B.I. had of me and Alan Baer. Some official sure ought to be able to get this picture to prove who is lying -- me or the F.B.I.

III. Lots of kids, other than myself and Alisha and the ones who tried to come forward and tell the truth, know about Alan Baer, Larry King and the major drug dealing activity they and other prominent people were involved in. But, as long as they are scared for their lives because of what happened to Alisha and me, they are not going to say anything. If an honest prosecutor would step in and offer immunity and protection to these kids, many of them young men and women now, I am sure the entire network of drug dealing, use of kids for sex, and related things could be proven and corroborated to everybody's satisfaction.

IV. But, maybe the most important thing that any honest investigator should do is to ask me, Troy Boner, or any of the other kids such as Alisha or Paul Bonacci, to take polygraph, lie detector, tests side by side on the same questions with the people we are accusing of these things. Example, ask Alan Baer if he shot mainline drugs into me and if he is a major drug dealer and if he had sex with me. Ask Eugene Mahoney if he met me at the book store in Council Bluffs and used to regularly pay me to have sex with him as a boy? Ask [...] to take a polygraph test on whether he is a big-time drug dealer. Ask the F.B.I. guys to take a polygraph test on whether they threatened me with jail if I did not say the things they wanted me to say which things were a lie. Ask Marc Delman about the 48 Hours thing and the Schmit meeting.

Obviously, either us kids are lying or the rich prominent people are lying. And just because they are rich and prominent does not mean they are telling the truth or because we are thought of as scum and kids who were supposedly all willingly involved in the drug trafficking and sexual activity does not mean we are lying. And like it or not, if we are not worth protecting then other young kids now and in the future will not be worth protecting either; and the prominent and respectable citizens who took us as children and made us a part of this drug dealing and sex abuse activity will continue without fear to do the same. Maybe to your children next time.

I promised my mother and myself after my lying at Alisha Owen's trial caused her to get convicted that if I ever got the chance to straighten things out I would come forward and do it and set the record straight. I owe it to my brother Shawn.

A couple months ago I met investigators from a British Television Broadcasting Company. They convinced me that they honestly wanted to tell the true story no matter what that story was.

I believed after talking with them that my and my family's safety lies in telling everything particularly to press sources outside Nebraska and not controlled by Nebraskans. I have done this in many hours of tapes with them. They have checked on many of the matters I told them about -- not dealt with in this affidavit and have satisfied themselves that I am telling the truth about my lying to the Grand Jury and to convict Alisha Owen and the reasons why I had to lie, just as I have explained in this affidavit. The reason I mention this is simply to establish that eliminating me or any member of my family will do nothing to suppress the information or keep me from reporting it because I have already done so in many hours of tapes which have been taken outside this country but which will be made available to Federal Authorities and legitimate investigators here and in Washington, D.C.

But right now, I need protection for myself and my family so that I can tell the truth totally and without fear of being punished or jailed for doing it. That is the purpose of this affidavit. To help Mr. De Camp in filing the proper papers to seek that protection. Mr. De Camp has discussed with me the fact that someone may attempt to file perjury charges against me for taking this action at this time. I understand that. I want to repeat one final thing: I told the truth to Gary Caradori. I tried to tell the truth to the F.B.I. and Marc Delman but they did not want to hear the truth and the only thing they wanted was to have me say the truth was in fact a hoax; and they scared me with threats of jail and other things into lying to the Grand Jury and then later into lying for them at the Alisha Owen Trial. I want to tell the truth without fear and to help other kids who are and were in the same situation as I am and was. That is the reason I am doing this.


Before me a Notary Public on this 27 day of October, 1993, personally appeared Troy Boner, to me personally known, who executed the above affidavit, affirmed the truthfulness of the statements made therein, affirmed that he was voluntarily and willingly signing the affidavit and doing it for the purposes stated therein.

Troy O. Boner

Dated and signed this 27 day of October 1993 by Notary Public Maryann Versaw, State of Nebraska


In Chapter 17, "So the Truth Would Never Come Out," the last chapter of the first edition of this book, I charged that "in the case of Larry King and the cadre of people he dealt with closely, boys and girls like Paul Bonacci, Troy Boner, Danny King, and Alisha Owen were used as drug couriers for a national program of illegal narcotics marketing. They were 'throw-away kids.' Because they were teenagers and younger when they were doing this activity, they provided a perfect insulation blanket between the real drug czars, like Larry King or Alan Baer, and the law."

In August 1996, events were to provide dramatic new evidence about this "national program of illegal narcotics marketing."
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:41 pm


On August 18-20, 1996, a California newspaper, the San Jose Mercury, published a series of articles implicating elements of the U.S. government in running tons of cocaine into U.S. cities during the 1980s. Based upon recently declassified government documents, eyewitness reports, and court records, Mercury reporter Gary Webb provided a detailed account of how the Contras financed their war against the Sandinista regime of Nicaragua by flying tons of cocaine into the West Coast, where it would be turned into the deadly, instantly addictive "crack," and sold to such street gangs as the Cryps and the Bloods.

All of this began after the U.S .Congress in the early 1980s passed the Boland Amendment, which stopped all official financing for U.S. intelligence's "covert war" in Nicaragua. The whole project was taken "off-line," and financed by drug sales -- the subject of Webb's articles.

Indignation exploded when the Mercury series hit the streets. Maxine Waters, Congresswoman for South-Central Los Angeles, one of the areas hardest hit by crack and drug-related violence, sent a letter to Central Intelligence Agency chief John Deutsch demanding an investigation of the Agency, in which she said, "As someone who has seen how the crack cocaine trade has devastated the South-Central Los Angeles community, I cannot exaggerate my feelings of dismay that my own government may have played a part in the origins and history of this problem. ... The impact and the implications of the Meneses/Blandon/Roiss Contra CIA crack cocaine connection cannot be understated. We all have an obligation to get to the very bottom of the origin, development, and implementation of this seedy enterprise."

While many were shocked at the news of apparent U.S. government drug-pushing, to me it was one more confirmation of a key aspect of the Franklin case. As I had discovered early on (as had Gary Caradori), the sexual abuse of children was only one part of the Franklin story. During the 1980s, many of the children, such as Alisha Owen and Paul Bonacci, said that they had been used as drug couriers to bring cocaine in from the West Coast for Alan Baer, Larry King, and others.

Then, on September 11, 1996, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Representative Harold James, chairman of Pennsylvania's Legislative Black Caucus, and a former undercover narcotics cop himself, also put out a call for an investigation. In the course of that press conference another name popped up, that I knew well from the Franklin investigation: George Bush.

Flanked by political leaders of both the city and the state, James declared: "As a retired undercover Philadelphia police officer who worked on narcotics cases, I know we can better impact the flow of drugs if we stop drugs from coming into this country, arrest those at the top levels of control, and punish the white-collar dealers who try to keep their hands clean while they run the entire operation. On this occasion, we must not allow anyone to use the pretext of national security to accomplish another cover-up. We need an investigation that goes right to the top."

As to where the "top" might be, James charged, in his release to the press, "previous investigations of the Iran-Contra scandal, particularly the U.S. House and Senate joint hearings in 1987, revealed the central role played by then Vice-President George Bush in covert intelligence operations. ... One of Bush's key lieutenants was Oliver North. Bush was also appointed by Reagan to run the National Narcotics Border Interdiction System, which supposedly coordinated efforts of all federal, state and local anti-drug agencies, especially along the south Florida coast. Bush was responsible for the White House anti-drug effort while, at the same time, according to the recent newspaper reports, tons of cocaine were allegedly supplied to street gangs by CIA-related networks."

Concluded James, "There's something wrong with this picture." In response to a question from one of the ten reporters in attendance about the role of Bush, Philadelphia City Council President John Street replied, "If George Bush is involved in it, someone should find it out. This kind of activity has been going on for well over a decade."

Lt. Col. Oliver North -- whom at least one witness reported seeing at a party thrown by Larry King -- had overseen the Contra resupply effort, and had been fully aware of the planeloads of drugs coming into the United States. A U.S. Senate subcommittee report under Massachusetts Senator John Kerry cited extensive evidence that the Contras were involved in drugs, and North had noted the fact in his publicly exposed notebooks.

From what I know from my own corner of the world, there is excellent reason to investigate Bush for possible involvement in the dope business. Think back to what I reported in Chapter 13, "The Washington Connection," about how George Bush and Larry King were linked in multiple ways, including eyewitness reports placing Bush at King's sex parties. Think about the constant rumors that King was financing the Contras, who have now been proved to have been running dope by the ton.

The first investigative reporter to ever look at Franklin, the World Herald's James Flanery, told associates that King was "running guns and money into Nicaragua," and that the CIA was heavily involved. (Flanery was soon taken off the story and shipped out of state for a year.)

Records exist to show that Larry King was a top contributor to a Contra "support committee," the Citizens for America (CFA). King's own public relations firm was also used by the Contras.

I became convinced early on that King was deeply involved with the Contras. I am reminded of the phone call State Senator Loran Schmit received on the Senate floor as the Franklin case was just beginning to break. The caller warned him off the case, because "it would lead to the highest levels of the Republican party." I am reminded of when Larry King was finally arrested -- just as he was about to go to a breakfast party in Omaha for his buddy, George Bush! I am reminded of the reports I used to hear that certain people in Omaha were charging that Omaha Police Chief Bob Wadman was protecting the expansion of the Cryps and Bloods into Omaha -- far from their home turf of Los Angeles.

So, was Larry King's buddy George Bush the country's "drug kingpin" in the 1980s? I don't know. But what I do know, is that if Bush were running the Contra affair, and drugs were a big part of it, that would certainly jibe 100% with everything known or rumored about Bush, Larry King, and the Franklin Credit Union. Congresswoman Maxine Waters and Representative Harold James are right -- let's investigate!


As follow-up investigation from the Franklin case shows, drugs are not the deepest level of government-sponsored evil. I think the lowest level of Hell is reserved for those who conjured up and carried out the "Monarch Project."

"Monarch" refers to young people in America who were victims of mind control experiments run either by U.S .government agencies such as the Central Intelligence Agency, or military intelligence agencies.

The story told by Monarch victims -- one of whom is Paul Bonacci -- is that they were tortured for the purpose of creating "multiple personalities" within them. These multiple personalities could then be programmed as desired -- as spies, "drug mules," prostitutes, or assassins.

Because of legal cases still pending, I am severely limited in what I can say about the Monarch Project. Suffice it to say at this point:

Major intelligence programs in this country did and do exist for the purpose of protection of this country and to learn what other countries, particularly our Cold War enemies, were doing in this area of mind control.

I asked Bill Colby to tell me what he could or would, about this. He said:

"Of course the CIA in particular was involved in investigating, learning and, on occasion, using, everything we could learn about mind control -- and with extremely good reason. Following the Korean War, this country's military and intelligence communities went through a period of absolute paranoia about just how far our enemies were ahead of us in mind control and related activities.

"There was no particular program called 'Monarch', contrary to what you want to think. 'Monarch' was merely a name that some participants in the program -- who knew very little about it, other than from their own limited participation -- were given to identify themselves. But, as far as the CIA was concerned, there was no such program named 'Monarch.'

"But, with respect to mind control, I will tell you that this country spent millions upon millions supposedly catching up to our Cold War adversaries, because we believed they had developed mind control technology which exceeded anything we had. In fact, we at the Company (CIA) truly believed for a substantial period of time, that technology and techniques and drugs had been developed by Russia which would enable them to have agents who in fact really were able to have and use ESP -- extra sensory perception.

"Can you imagine," Bill continued, "how dangerous for this country it would be if you could have had someone meeting the President of the United States, who was actually able to read what was in the President's mind?

"I know," Bill continued, "it may sound silly today to get all carried away with this fear; but I can tell you that we took it all very seriously and believed this ESP thing for some significant time period.

"I will tell you one other thing," Bill said, somewhat ominously, "we are not behind in knowledge of mind control. In fact, we never were, but we only found that out much later, after we had poured incredible resources into this area. And yes, I am sure, there were some problems and abuses that occurred and we will talk about them at another time."

We did have that other talk. And, I intend, when I am freed from court restrictions, to tell that entire story in an upcoming book. I have deposited extensive documentation on the Monarch Project with people who have the means, the motivation, and, most importantly, the guts, to print the entire story, should I suffer an "accident" before I get around to it. Here, I will merely quote from the work of one of America's finest investigative reporters, Anton Chaitkin.

I had known of Chaitkin, who writes for Executive Intelligence Review magazine, from the book he co-authored with Webster Tarpley, George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography. This 659-page-book is a devastating expose of Bush, and it played a notable role in helping to shape the 1992 presidential campaign, which Bush happily lost.

Perhaps it was because the name "Bush" was all over the Franklin scandal, that Chaitkin showed up one day in my Lincoln law office. I told him, "Look, I know you have been in some tough spots before, but are you really sure you want to poke around in this? This question of 'mind control' -- the Monarch Project -- is the most scary and dangerous thing I have ever encountered." As I came to know Anton, probably all that little lecture did was to spur him on. Chaitkin got his story on the Monarch Project, and printed it in the December 13, 1993, New Federalist newspaper under the headline, "Franklin Case Witnesses Implicate FBI and U.S. Elites in Child Torture and Murder." Here follows an abbreviated version of that article:



Since the 1992 publication of John DeCamp's book, The Franklin Cover-Up, Paul Bonacci has filed new affidavits and has given extensive interviews to investigators including reporters for Executive Intelligence Review and New Federalist. Bonacci's disclosures have been cross-gridded with evidence supplied by authorities in law enforcement, psychiatry, and the intelligence community. The result goes a long way to explain the high stakes involved, and the frantic nature of the Franklin cover-up. ...

Paul Bonacci has described in detail being dragged to Washington for use as a sex toy for Larry King's clients. Bonacci told investigators he was in one of the private White House tours for young male prostitutes conducted by lobbyist Craig Spence, a close political associate of Larry King in the cloak-and-dagger Contras enterprise. Spence turned up dead in a Boston hotel room in 1989, soon after his and King's "compromising" business was exposed in a Washington Times June 29, 1989 story, headlined: "Homosexual Prostitution Inquiry Ensnares VIPs with Reagan, Bush."


From very early childhood, Paul Bonacci was subjected to tortures as profound as any the Nazis inflicted on their captives. This is not merely a comparison; rather it is an actual continuation, as we shall see. From sexual degradation, from witnessing and forced participation in Satanic cult murders, Bonacci suffered the cracking of his mind into what is called "multiple personality disorder" (MPD). Tens of thousands of American children have been diagnosed MPDs; virtually all of them are thought to have resulted from sexual abuse, of which perhaps 85 percent were cases of Satanic ritual abuse.

Psychiatric professionals specified in Paul Bonacci's legal proceedings that through it all, Paul' s different "personalities" have emerged incapable of lying, with an ultra-sharp memory.

In one instance detailed in The Franklin Cover-Up, Paul was taken by Larry King and others to a wooded area in California -- identified after publication as the Bohemian Grove. There Paul and another boy were forced to do sex acts with and to consume parts of a child whom they had watched being murdered by the cultists. The body was to be disposed of by "the men with the hoods." A "snuff' pornography film was made of these events; it was directed by a man the party had picked up in Las Vegas whom Paul identified as "Hunter Thompson" -- the same name as a well known sleaze-culture figure.

Paul has told investigators that the ring which plunged him into Satanism was centered at Offutt U.S. Air Force Base near Omaha; that he was taken to Offutt to be sexually victimized by a babysitter's boyfriend when he was about three years old, around 1970. Offutt is the headquarters for the Strategic Air Command, and has had a cadre of thousands of intelligence personnel.

At Offutt, and later at other military installations, Paul says this ring "trained" him by tortures, heavy drugging, and sexual degradation, while instructing him in military arts including assassination. In fact, his personal knowledge in these realms can scarcely be accounted for other than by crediting the indictments he has made.

Larry King, FBI agent Gerry Wahl, Alan Baer, Harold Andersen, and former Omaha Police Chief Robert Wadman have all been reported as collaborators with this Satanic military-based ring. King reportedly told Paul's captors at Offutt, "He's young -- but you trained him good." A member of Nebraska's Concerned Parents group reported hearing from two North Omaha witnesses that "King used to send limousines down to Offutt Air Base to pick up CIA agents for parties." Larry King reported his own adoring relationship to the late CIA Director William Casey in a Sept. 7, 1988, interview in the Omaha publication Metropolitan.

Psychiatrists who have treated a growing number of MPD cases, victims of Satanic ritual abuse, report an alarming pattern of findings in many of their child patients. There is a structure to the personalities, conforming to what is evidently a deliberate breaking and reshaping of the mind. This phenomenon was identified to Paul Bonacci by his tormenters, and to other victims and witnesses, as the "Monarch" project. At Offutt Airbase, Paul was told that what he and other children were being subjected to was in aid of national security.

The use of mind-altering drugs, sensory deprivation, and other brainwashing techniques on U.S. citizens as subjects was the admitted practice of the CIA, certain military arms and private institutions joined in the MK-ULTRA, Artichoke, and Bluebird projects beginning in the early 1950s. A national security pretext often cited was the need to keep up with the Soviets in the race to develop a workable Manchurian Candidate human robot. With the "Monarch" (or whatever official title may be attached to it) project, the idea is extended to the production of a horde of children in whom the soul is crushed, who would spy, whore, kill, and commit suicide.

The material presented here, on this subject, must be understood to be only a bare introduction to a complex story with immense political and strategic ramifications. It is a beginning.

Professionals probing the child victims of "Monarch" say there are clearly two responsible elements at work: the government/military, and cooperating Satanic (or more exactly pagan) cults. These are multi-generation groups, where parents donate their own children -- who are proudly called "bloodline" or simply "blood" cultists -- to be smashed with drugs and electric shock, and shaped. Other children are kidnapped and sold into this hell, or are brought in gradually through day-care situations.

Paul Bonacci and other child victims have given evidence in great depth on the central role of Lt. Col. Michael Aquino in this depravity. Aquino, alleged to have recently retired from an active military role, was long the leader of an Army psychological warfare section which drew on his "expertise" and personal practices in brainwashing, Satanism, Nazism, homosexual pedophilia and murder.

A former director of the CIA was asked directly, "what about 'Monarch' "? He replied angrily, and ambiguously, "We stopped that between the late 1960s and the early 1970s." If a statement of fact, this would presumably relate to official participation of the CIA.


The disclosures of Paul Bonacci, which cohere with reports of MPD professionals in other cases, point to a particular artificially induced mental structure as common to many victimized children. Space permits only the briefest treatment of this here; this is intended mainly to begin to "blow the circuits," so to speak, when followed up by professional therapists and investigators.

These are some of the widely occurring separate "persons" which have been formed under torture, and the corresponding "triggers":

• General personality -- accessible under the code name ALPHA, with possible Alpha-001, Alpha-009, etc. "persons" with distinct task orientations
• Sex programs, accessible through code name BETA; particular programs (and thus commands) are for pornography, acting, oral sex, etc.
• Assassination programs, utilizing very specific modes, and espionage, accessible through code DELTA.
• OMEGA, self-destruction programs, ranging from self-mutilation to suicide by many different specific possible acts.
• GAMMA, system deception, amnesia and disinformation programs. Under this or other codes are track-covering false origins for the structure, giving the child memories of tormenters dressed as space aliens or Mickey Mouse or in Wizard of Oz costumes.

There are said to be such other personality levels as Master Programmer, Black Master, and different mental levels of backup programs. There are reported to be personnel who have large numbers of child victims' assignments and triggers neatly filed in their little computers.

Paul Bonacci reports the following "Monarch"-related activities, often involving his "Commander" at Offutt AFB, Bill Plemmons, and Lt. Col. Michael Aquino:

• Picking up cash in exchange for drugs at various Tennessee locations. Bonacci identifies several country music personalities as contacts.
• Trips on behalf of the North American Man-Boy Love Association (NAMBLA), the pedophile group now given semi-official status by the United Nations. Paul cites travel to the Netherlands and Germany carrying child pornography for subsequent "import" to the U.S.A. to avoid prosecution. In Amsterdam, he names "Charles Hester," and the British "Tommie Carter," who had on computer a global list of child pornography users. NAMBLA is also cited for organizing auctions of children.
• Travel to Hawaii, New York, Washington (in connection with Craig Spence) to compromise public figures by performing homosexual pedophile sex with them.
• The trip to California where the boy was ritually murdered, accompanied by "Monarch" contact, Mark Johnson of Den ver, Colorado.
• Travel to Mexico for the transportation of drugs, guns, and children. Paul was accompanied by the gangster-figure "Emilio," who otherwise directed the kidnapping of Johnny Gosch of Des Moines, Iowa. Johnny Gosch's parents commend Paul Bonacci as an accurate witness relative to that crime .
• Training under "Captain Foster" (survival skills) at Fort Riley, Kansas, under "Lt. Dave Bannister" (intelligence) at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, under "Col. Harris Livik" at Fort Defiance, Virginia, who is said to run a military school and to have housed "Monarch" boys. "Col. Bill Risher" of Bamberg, South Carolina, is said to have supplied children for Michael Aquino.
• Travel to Dresden in communist East Germany, where weapons were inspected. There and in the Federal Republic of Germany, the "Monarch" personnel were frequently neo-Nazis. This milieu is a special project of Lt. Col. Aquino, who was a West European adviser to the U.S. Chiefs of Staff. Paul Bonacci has extensive experience in the Aryan Nation and other White Supremacist cults.

An account of the origin of the "Monarch" project has been compiled by those who have been debriefing MPD child-victims. Nazi experimentation in World War II concentration camps were said to have gone beyond simply insane physical tortures. They brainwashed people, for military and strategic purposes. After the war, Allen Dulles and other Western intelligence people brought Nazi doctors out for use in the United States. A teenaged concentration camp inmate named Greenbaum, who had participated to save himself, also came to the United States. Known later as "Dr. Green," he became a high-level brainwasher, and is widely represented in brainwashing programs with a distinctive Cabalistic magic theme.

The precise details of these horrors lie deeply buried in national security archives. But this history, as told to psychiatrists, dovetails with what is definitively known about Anglo-American intelligence operations and the German Nazis. And once again, the story goes right back to Nebraska.

The killers in the Nazi camps were themselves trained and organized by psychiatrists and eugenicists, operating from the "T4" bureau. These psychiatrists had long been the pets of white supremacist British and American financier networks.

At least some of these Nazi doctors were spirited out of Germany under the supervision of former Bank of England Governor Montagu Norman and Tavistock Institute Director John R. Rees on behalf of the British government. Norman, personally an insane Theosophist who had been chief of the prewar pro-Nazi faction within England, and Rees organized postwar propaganda and continuing psychological warfare activities, and created "Orwellian" groupings within U.S. psychiatry and mental health fields.
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:42 pm


Within hours after the bomb -- or bombs -- exploded in front of the Federal Building in Oklahoma City, on April 19, 1995, FBI agents were in my office in Lincoln, Nebraska, seeking my assistance to identify the bombers.

Why would the FBI come to Lincoln, Nebraska, to see a lawyer named John DeCamp on a bombing in Oklahoma? Just weeks before, I had successfully represented the leadership and members of a group identifying itself as the Militia of Montana (MOM), in one of the strangest cases in which I had ever been involved.

It was through reading the first edition of The Franklin Cover-Up, that the Militia of Montana got my name and sought my assistance. Until they called me in early 1995, I had not even known that militias existed in this country nor, of course, that these "militias" were being closely watched by the FBI and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) and being viewed as a national security danger.

The Militia of Montana contacted me in a state of terror after their leaders and leaders of another group identifying themselves as "The Freemen," were physically assaulted, seized, and arrested in the town of Roundup, Montana, in early January 1995. I was shocked, as I listened to the story of their arrest, imprisonment and physical abuse by public officials.

Why? Because these men were arrested and tortured, put under bond requirements in the range of hundreds of thousands of dollars, charged with the crime of sedition with mandatory 10 and 20-year prison terms, and were about to go to trial. My question was, "For what?!" It quickly evolved that their "crime" was that they had met with individuals like themselves -- not for any actual violation of the law.

As I investigated, and learned just how unconstitutional these arrests were, I agreed to take their case -- even though I did not necessarily support, or even know, their beliefs or philosophy.

Why did I do this?

I have always been a zealous defender of the First Amendment -- Freedom of Speech, Press, Assembly. This Militia of Montana case convinced me that irrespective of what I personally thought about the beliefs of the MOM Leaders or the Freemen, these individuals had done nothing wrong, but were classic victims of improper government arrest, harassment, and abuse. As the case went on, I became very assertive on behalf of these men, angered by what had happened -- and was still happening -- under color of law.

Soon, the major media focused attention on the case, telling wild lies about the facts of the incident surrounding the arrests. In February and March and April of 1995, talk shows repeatedly requested me to explain the true story, which I did. Meanwhile, militia groups from across the United States began marshaling to come to Montana, and to deal with the imprisonment of the MOM and Freemen in some fashion outside the court room; this caused me grave concern.

The Attorney General of Montana became involved in the case, along with federal officials at various levels, who feverishly worked to create a case to justify the imprisonment and abuse of these men.

As the deadline approached for determining whether there was to be a full scale trial to attempt to permanently lock these men up, I, acting as their attorney, gave a written ultimatum to the Attorney General and to the Governor of Montana.

I reprint it here, just as I delivered it to the Attorney General, the Governor, and to the Montana State Legislature:


To: John Connor/Montana Atty. Gen'l office
Helena, Montana
Copies to: Montana Senate/House/Governor
Re: Montana Seven case
Request for dismissal of charges
Offer of Settlement on probable civil rights case

Dear John:

As I have promised, I have investigated thoroughly the situation on these charges and would like to make the following request:

I would respectfully request that all charges of any nature filed against my clients be dismissed as soon as possible and that any and all personal property of my clients still held be returned. I would also, on their behalf; make the following offer to resolve in advance any civil rights litigation that my clients may initiate against the entities involved in the episode of arrest, incarceration, charges, that occurred:

If the State would make a public apology to them, explain to the public the real truth on what occurred and why it occurred, insure the dismissal of the two Mussel Shell County deputies involved, and pay the sum of $1.00 (One Dollar) to my clients, they would waive their civil rights case that we believe they absolutely have against the various entities and personalities involved in this most interesting story.

Having said these things, John, let me present to you first the results of our/my investigation as well as some surprising offers and requests that I doubt any defendants have ever offered in Montana -- or maybe anywhere else, for that matter.


I/We believe the episode culminating in the arrest and filing of charges against the "Montana Seven" began with: (1) A Con Job by a long-time repeat offender, (Call him John Doe), who was arrested and incarcerated again on or about late Feb. 1995 for very serious spousal abuse. John Doe had become obsessed with a jealous rage and anger because he believed that a certain individual, one of the Montana Seven and a so-called Freeman had a "Relationship" with his wife that he did not sanction while he, John Doe, was previously incarcerated.

John Doe also knew that the charges he was facing were very grave. More important, John Doe knew that the Mussel Shell Sheriff's office (particularly Deputy Buzz Jones) was himself obsessed with concerns and fears and hatreds of the Freeman and/or the Montana Militia.

John Doe solved his incarceration problem by spinning a tale for Deputy Jones -- and later others -- to the effect that the Freemen were on the verge of kidnapping and hanging public officials, particularly a Judge, as well as robbing banks and doing any sort of other dastardly deed that John Doe could spin a tale about and which Mussel Shell officials were ready to lap up without proper investigation or analysis. Naturally, John Doe identified his former friend, one of the Montana Seven and a Freeman, as one who was to be involved in this tale of terror -- and described well his truck, items in it, etc. -- including a pile of money, gold and guns to watch out for. And thus, with one fantastic -- though fantasy -- tale, John Doe solved his incarceration problem and his jealousy problem, we believe the evidence will clearly show and which we believe the state is now aware of.

And, with fears being driven by the Con Job of John Doe on certain public officials, on Feb. 27, 1995, warnings were issued from Federal and Other officials that armageddon was about to descend upon poor little Roundup from an invasion of the Freemen or Montana Militia, or whoever.


Next, enter the fickle finger of fate -- and, of course, paranoia and probably incompetence on the part of the local officials of Mussel Shell County, Montana. And this drama unfolds.

Seven individuals -- some who did not even know or had never even met each other before, and comprised of individuals some of whom were members of the Montana Militia and others who were members of the Freemen -- all ended up in Roundup at about the same time, but for different reasons.

Defendant Dale Martin Jacobi of Thompson Falls, a businessman who just sold his business and has the cash from the sale and other property -- guns from his home since he is moving them; equipment from his business electrical/plbg/htng business -- rides into Roundup in his 1 ton '83 Chevy right after using part of his business sale proceeds to buy some gold coins in Billings.

Accompanying Jacobi was his friend and, because Jacobi was carrying his stash of loot from sale of his business, bodyguard, Frank Eugene Ellena of Billings.

Frank had borrowed a two way business network radio completely legal, licensed, etc., from another "Desperado" who ended up a member of the Montana Seven, namely, businessman Amando Gerry Lopez of Rexford. Lopez, also a Freeman, used the equipment in his business and allowed Frank to have the radio because Frank wanted to have access to assistance because he and Jacobi were carrying the cash mentioned above. Frank also had to file some "Trust Papers" in the courthouse in Roundup for some property Frank had bought in the county.

Meanwhile, John Trochman, not a Freeman, but founder of the Montana Militia, had come to the area to meet with F.B.I. officials whom he works with, and to allay any concerns or disagreements or misunderstandings between representatives of the Freemen Group and the Montana Militia.

Now comes Paul D. Stramer, Eureka, along with his friend, Cajun James, a disabled vet out of Eureka, whose gun-toting, buckskins-wearing, foot-long beard and super-long hair appearance would make the average person look and probably think twice about messing with him. But, until now, appearance is not a felony.

Stramer wants to set up a statewide radio network for the Patriotic groups (Militia and/or Freemen) and is seeking financial assistance from the arch-enemy of the local officials, namely a Mr. Leroy Switzer. And Cajun James, a legally licensed gun salesman, has been given an order for purchase of weapons (single shot, I might add) from Mr. Switzer also.

Mr. Switzer utilizes a CMO for his purchases (Certified Money Order) which he believes has value but which there seems to be considerable disagreement on as to how much value it has in the overall financial community -- but that is not an issue in the arrest of these individuals, merely an interesting sidebar.

On Friday, March 3, 1995, the Fickle Finger of Fate caused Deputy Buzz Jones to arrest, rather violently and without sound reason, Mr. Jacobi and Mr. Ellena in Roundup and to search their vehicle.

Deputy Jones found just what his con informant had told him he might find: gold, hordes of cash, guns, radio equipment, and two individuals who belonged to the militant groups he, Deputy Jones hated. Deputy Jones apparently believed he was on the verge of stopping an invasion, kidnapping, murder and worse. And, under those circumstances, why not rough up the individuals you have arrested? Why not scream obscenities at them and threaten them and tell them that those f ---Freemen are not going to take over his town. And Deputy Jones did that ... and a lot more.

But, unknown to Deputy Jones, watching from a short distance was one of the other Freemen who then contacted the other individuals named here and said they should check on what was going on. Besides, as Lopez said, "They got my radio and I need it for my business and I can't afford another one. They cost $500.00 and I am going to go to the Sheriff and see if they will give it back to me."


So, in two separate vehicles, the other individuals named drive over to the Sheriff's office to check on their friends and to ask for the return of Mr. Lopez's radio.

The tale gets controversial and tragic here. A couple of the defendants go into the sheriff's office to seek return of the Lopez radio and the others wait in their car properly parked in front of the sheriff's office. None of the Montana Seven defendants does anything improper or illegal. All are polite.

But, suddenly, with lightning speed and led by Deputy Jones, the officials assault these individuals. They believe, apparently driven by paranoia, they have a right to capture. Again, led by Deputy Jones, the Montana Seven are trussed up like hogs; handcuffed with their hands behind their backs; forced to lie for six hours in pain on concrete trussed up and handcuffed. They abuse them in a variety of other ways, threaten them with loaded shotguns in their backs and chests, break out car windows, question them in violation of all legal and proper police standards; charge them with felonies of every ilk and description and fabricate allegations to support their charges and their actions. The officials lie to the relatives and friends calling in to the sheriff's office and repeatedly deny that the Montana Seven are even at the jailor have been arrested.

And these things recited here are the nicest things the local officials do.


Believing they have captured the seven most dangerous men in America, the local sheriff and his cohorts bring in the Feds.

The Feds figure out -- we believe -- that they are in the midst of a comedy of errors and misunderstandings and after questioning the Montana Seven, quickly get out of any further involvement in the matters pending and return everything to local officials. We believe they, the Feds, are the ones who alerted the Attorney General of Montana of the need for some proper law enforcement involvement ... but we do not know.

Next, the Attorney General of Montana gets involved: a man named John Connor, and over the next few days sanity and proper law enforcement procedures begin to replace keystonekops and police brutality. Hundred Thousand Dollar Bonds are reduced to ten thousand dollar bond and communication is established between the attorney for the Montana Seven, myself, and the A.G.'s office.

Of course, before sanity begins returning, politicians (and I sure understand this) leap on the bandwagon and proclaim the evils of the terrorists and how the state must not be a victim of such terrorists; the media hypes the story -- without benefit of accurate facts or any responsible investigative reporting and -- the families and businesses of the Montana Seven are horribly damaged. And, the local law enforcement officials who prompted the comedy, "leak" one sordid and wild tale after another to the media as to what "really" occurred.

It is time now, John, to tether ourselves to reality instead of to Rambo and resolve this case. And that is what I am offering to do with this letter.

As a sample of how far reality and what was being perceived as reality were separated, let me provide you some of the evidence grabbed which was supposed to support a charge (remember the claims in the media being supported by "leaks" from Local Officials, particularly Deputy Jones) of counterfeiting.

Attached is the $3.00 bill which was the basis for the claim.

You might note, John, that if this is counterfeiting, then "every novelty store, gift shop and curio shop in America is in the business of counterfeiting and marketing counterfeit money.

Yet, John, this was probably the closest to reason of any of the charges against the individuals.

As a final offer to get this settled and in the best interest of getting some accurate information to all Montanans, my clients would like to make the following offer:

Each of my clients would undergo a polygraph test on any material question relating to these charges against them or the events and incidents surrounding this. They would want you to bring in the best polygraph expert(s) in the country .They would agree in advance that any results of the testing for any and all of them, no matter whether it showed positive or negative for them, would be admissible in court, civil or criminal.

There would be only one condition: That is, they insist the two Deputies and local officials in Musselshell County also be subject to the same terms and conditions. That is, polygraph examination on the material facts surrounding the arrest, incarceration, filing of charges, police brutality, etc.

Finally, for the benefit of all Montanans, they agree in advance that any representatives of the press would be allowed to be present at the polygraph examination and submit any questions they might have about the events.

Why all this?

So much injury and damage has been done and so much disinformation has been put out that it is in the best interest of everybody, including particularly the Montana Seven, that the truth get out. And it is in the best interests of everybody, that Law Enforcement be held to the same standards of truth and responsibility they expect of the citizens.

Again, I would repeat my offer as outlined in the beginning of this letter; and with these additional incentives I have just mentioned, polygraph, willingness to answer any questions for the press, it seems it would be beneficial for everyone to get these matters resolved, sanity restored and the situation de-escalated.

Awaiting your reply I remain,

John W. DeCamp,
Attorney for the Montana Seven

[All emphasis in original.]


The official response of the Attorney General of Montana to my ultimatum, was to say that the state of Montana was proceeding with the trial on charges of criminal syndicalism (sedition). The Deputy Attorney General John Connor, a fine individual who had to do whatever the Governor and Attorney General told him to, informed the press that my ultimatum would be ignored.

The Governor also stoked the rumor mills by, first, creating a strawman called "the Militia." He put forward the bogus story that the MOM had planned to assault the Sheriff's office and the courthouse in Roundup, and hang the judges.

When the press told me what the Governor and the Attorney General were purporting, I replied, "This story is pure fantasy, an attempt by public officials to excuse their mistakes. I dare Montana and its officials to go to trial on these bogus charges, because Montana will lose, and its criminal syndicalism laws will be declared unconstitutional."

Then, in March 1995, at the last minute before my deadline for dismissal of the charges, the Attorney General's office swept into Roundup, dismissed all the charges, and informed the press that Montana officials were not responding to my demands, but were dismissing the charges because the Attorney General "needed more evidence" to prove his case.

My goal to free these men had been accomplished. For that I felt proud and satisfied. The case received much national attention --especially with law enforcement at both the state and the federal level, and I became somewhat of a legend among the patriot and militia movement.

At the height of the "Montana Seven" case, as it came to be known, I had been dealing directly with the Montana Governor's office, the Attorney General's office and officials in Washington, as well as with the national press, trying to prevent an outbreak of violence spawned by either the militias or by the government.

During February, and particularly in March and early April of 1995, rumors were flying through the entire Militia and Patriot community on almost an hourly basis, warning of imminent raids by federal officials against militia compounds. Nationwide, militias were circulating reports in all their fax, press and phone networks, that these raids were coming, and that the militia members had better be prepared.

The militias specified in their written and oral communications, the date of April 19, 1995, as the date of the impending onslaught.

Militia members had become convinced that a Federal Strike Team composed of ATF and FBI, CIA and U.S. military was about to launch airborne and ground strikes against various militia headquarters, particularly against the Militia of Montana at Noxon, Montana. Militias across the country prepared to defend themselves against these attacks. All this intense activity -- unknown by most Americans then, or now -- was occurring in the first half of April 1995.

During that same period, I and others, such as former presidential candidate Bo Gritz, for example, spent hours each day trying to determine whether any such strikes were actually planned, or were just wild rumors. Federal officials advised us that no attacks were planned, information we relayed to militia leaders both in person and through talk shows on the patriot networks, working nonstop to defuse the extremely volatile situation.

This was the environment in the militia world, on the eve of April 19, 1995. Given my role in the midst of this, it was inevitable that the Feds showed up on my doorstep right after the Oklahoma bombing.
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:44 pm


Since the bomb -- or bombs -- ripped through the Oklahoma City Federal Building on April 19, 1995, I have received through fluke or fate, a huge amount of information about the bombing. Based on this, I will give here my best assessment of what actually happened -- what Americans in future years will understand about the events in Oklahoma City.

As noted, my first involvement came when the F.B.I. sought my assistance, because of my successful representation of various militia groups across the United States.

Then, certain bombing victims asked me to file civil litigation against whomever caused their injuries. Some of these victims were in hospitals at the time, severely injured, and able to speak only through writing notes to others to deliver to me.

I immediately put together an investigative team to look at the event and to try to determine what had actually occurred. The head of that team was Ted Gunderson, the former Special Agent in Charge (SAC) of the FBI's Los Angeles field office, who had had 800 agents working under him, and with whom I had collaborated in the Franklin case. Ted and his team arrived in Oklahoma before the dust had even settled from the explosion.

"Unknown to me at the time, I had taken a quantum leap in the direction of the Octopus when I contacted Ted Gunderson. ... He had been Senior Special Agent in Charge (SAC) at Los Angeles FBI headquarters from 1977 to 1979 when he retired from the FBI and went to work as chief investigator for F. Lee Bailey, Esq. Prior to that, from 1960 to 1965, Gunderson was Special Agent Supervisor at FBI headquarters in Washington, D.C. Interestingly, amongst a prestigious list of positions nationwide, he was also SAC from 1973 to 1977 in Dallas, Texas (where he became friends with Clint Murchison, Jr., according to his live-in partner, J.M. J.M. stated in phone interviews that she and Gunderson attended parties with Murchison in Dallas, and Gunderson phoned him often from their Manhattan Beach home). ... If in fact, F.I.D.C.O. was a vehicle of The Octopus, then the tentacles of its Board of Directors lead straight to the head. Clint Murchison, Jr. of Dallas, Texas was the son of Clint Murchison, Sr. who, according to Dick Russell, author of the book, "The Man Who Knew Too Much," (pp. 521523) was cut from the same political cloth as H.L. Hunt."

-- Carol Marshall, The Last Circle

Much later, after this initial work was completed, I became the attorney for a man named Hoppi Heidelberg, who was one of the federal grand jurors who had helped to indict Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols for the Oklahoma City bombing. Hoppi came to me because he believed the government planned to indict him for his work on the grand jury. It seems that Heidelberg had read his instructions on his responsibility and authority as a member of a federal grand jury, and was determined to do his job. Hoppi Heidelberg is a true patriot.

Hoppi had come to the conclusion that the government was covering up facts, was refusing to deal properly with the grand jury, and was trying to narrow the case to Mr. McVeigh and Mr. Nichols. Hoppi has said on talk shows nationwide, that he believes that there is a "John Doe 2" -- and probably 3 and 4 -- and that the government is refusing to share that information with the American people. Hoppi was in fact removed from the grand jury -- after the indictments of McVeigh and Nichols.

I emphasize at this point that nothing I say here violates, in my opinion, any information I learned from grand juror Hoppi Heidelberg, either from the standpoint of violating federal grand jury laws or violating attorney client relationships. All information disclosed here, was obtained by me from my own separate investigations.

With respect to my own investigation of the bombing on behalf of injured victims, the following events raised serious questions in my mind in regards to the case:

1. Our investigation revealed that the so-called fertilizer bomb could not, by itself, have caused the destruction of the Federal Building, and in the manner described. Today, there are many theories, including the "Hydro-Dynamic" theory of a "hydrodynamic" super-bomb, which is highly classified, and which would have been used in conjunction with the basic fertilizer bomb. There are also the theories of General Partin, a well-known retired army general, of bombs of different types, including the possibility that bombs were placed inside at key points in the building to destroy its supports.

Our investigation shows that the fertilizer bomb -- as it has been described by government officials as the single source of the explosive -- is not accurate. Highly qualified military personnel have observed, that if the explosion were to have been the result of only the fertilizer bomb, then a degree of expertise would have been required for its construction and placement, far beyond the capabilities of either McVeigh or Nichols. Such a fertilizer bomb would have to be a precisely constructed "shape charge," all of whose force would have to be directed at the building's supports, and at precisely the right angle.

2. In the investigation, I retained the most respected (and expensive) bomb experts in the world, John A. Kennedy and Associates, Inc., out of Hoffman Estates, Illinois. They had investigated the World Trade Center bombing, and are recognized as one of the world's best, if not the best, in the field.

3. I prepared documents to go to court to force the government to keep the Federal Building standing long enough for experts to examine the building, the soil, and environs, to establish what caused the destruction, in particular what type of explosive was used.

4. Only hours before I was to file the legal papers for a civil action to keep the building standing, I was contacted by Timothy McVeigh's attorneys, who presented me with two major requests.

First, they asked that I allow them to file the motions to keep the building standing so that the investigation could be conducted. They had cogent legal arguments for this request: because McVeigh was/is under federal criminal charges, he had the definite legal right to keep the building standing under Federal rules of evidence which grant criminal defendants the right to preserve evidence that would significantly impact their defense. It was clear that if McVeigh's attorneys believed, or even suspected government cover-up, they would definitely want the building examined.

Their second request was that I release from retainer the bomb investigation team I had assembled -- John A. Kennedy and Associates -- which, they claimed, they wanted to hire. I granted these requests to McVeigh's attorneys.

A few hours later, I watched in horror as CNN and all the national news channels reported that McVeigh's attorneys had no intent to file any motions to keep the Federal Building standing. They had "just reached agreement with the government," the reporters explained, to permit the building to be destroyed almost immediately.

Angry beyond belief, I called McVeigh's attorney and asked what they were doing. Since this all occurred on a weekend I could take no legal action to stop the building's destruction. McVeigh's attorney told me, "Oh yes, we are going to allow the building to be destroyed." "Why?" I demanded. "Because we could not afford to pay the retainer fee that the Kennedy and Associates firm wanted," he answered.

Shocked by this feeble explanation, I asked, "Well, just how much do they want?" McVeigh's attorney floored me: "$30,000," he said. "And we have no resources to pay it, because we are a court-appointed attorney and there are no funds for this purpose."

"For God's sake!" I screamed at him. "I will raise the money! I will pay the fee! There is too much at stake for America. How," I demanded, "can McVeigh go along with wanting that building destroyed, when that building is the one thing that can tell America the story of what really happened? I will get you the money, somehow, but don't refuse to keep the building up for that reason!"

My protests were futile. Within hours of my call, by mutual agreement between McVeigh's attorneys and the government prosecutors, the building was destroyed, and any evidence was destroyed with it.


What really did happen in Oklahoma City? Without violating any federal laws, the following is my best estimate on what transpired and how, based upon countless meetings with witnesses, victims, experts, and information gathered by my own investigative team led by Ted Gunderson. The "why" of all of this, is what I do not know in detail -- at least not yet.

The United States government -- probably as it should have -- was investigating a group of individuals, in particular Timothy McVeigh, who were inclined to want to "get even with the government for what they perceived to be its excesses and violations of the Constitution. The government infiltrated the McVeigh group, a standard operating procedure in such investigations.

Unfortunately, the government, was using low-quality, unreliable informants and infiltrators who were themselves more dangerous than either McVeigh or Nichols.

The government supervisors actively provided government resources and assistance -- through their informants and infiltrators -- to McVeigh and Nichols. They may have even provided certain chemicals and materiel. Most importantly, the government supervisors were aware of the planning of the bomb, the personalities involved, and the resources available.

There was a John Doe 1 and a John Doe 2 and probably several other John Does -- but they were the government infiltrators the government dare not admit existed, lest the American public find out just how deeply involved the government was.

There is still the open question of terrorism against the United States by a foreign power -- but this would involve complicity with at least certain U.S. agencies or personnel.

It is certain that the government knew from the beginning, that there were no organized militias or militia conspiracy involved in the bombing as such. Yet, government spokesmen in a coordinated fashion fostered the idea that the militias were involved, and that the militias were the most dangerous animal facing all Americans. For months after the Oklahoma bombing, witch hunts against the militias were carried out under the government cover of "national security" -- the same cover used and abused far too often in the last two decades of American history, including in the Iran/Contra trial.

"John, it sounds to me like you have the makings of another book. Believe me, I know this Militia/Patriot movement is more significant than most Americans, and particularly the press and politicians, could ever realize. I fear that our government does not understand the nature of this movement, nor its potential significance to this country. I watched the Anti-War Movement render it impossible for this country to conduct or win the Vietnam War. I tell you, dear friend, that this Militia and Patriot movement in which, as an attorney, you have become one of the centerpieces, is far more significant and far more dangerous for America than the Anti-War Movement ever was, if it is not intelligently dealt with. And I really mean this. It is not because these people are armed, that America need be concerned, it is not that these people stockpile weapons and have paramilitary training sessions, that they are dangerous. What concerns me is something far more serious, that I fear our politicians do not see, cannot see, and and refuse to deal with. They are dangerous because these people are, in most cases mature citizens who have done everything you just described and who, tragically and in many cases very justifiably, have lost faith in the integrity and honesty of their own government. Yes, they are dangerous because, to use your words, John, they are true patriots who are disenchanted with the government and the system they have grown up loving, supporting and giving their lives and talents for from the moment they were born. For many of them, it is as if they learned their mother was a prostitute and that they are bastards. It really is that traumatic. They are dangerous, John, because there are so many of them. It is one thing to have a few nuts or dissidents. They can be dealt with, justly or otherwise, so that they do not pose a danger to the system. It is quite another situation when you have a true movement -- millions of citizens -- believing something -- particularly when the movement is made up of society's average, successful citizens. The handwriting is on the wall in several places. We know from CNN and USA Today polls that about three out of every four Americans no longer trust their own government. And the distance between the government and the citizens is increasing instead of decreasing. And that means, quite simply, John, that there is a base of support for the patriot and militia community which is not visible and may not be seen or understood by our government. Our government and political leaders are still in the mode of viewing the outspoken and visible members of the so-called patriot movement as simply a few nuts who need to be shut up. This is a very dangerous trend. It is time for government and the media to begin closing the gap between the government, the media and the patriot movement, rather than exacerbating it. The first step in that process is communication. John, someone needs to step into the forefront and tell the story of the militias and the patriot movement -- what it is, why it has developed, what it means to America if not properly addressed by government; who is involved and just how broad-based this movement or attitude is; where it is strongest, and how this movement can be positively directed, rather than negatively directed -- perhaps by foreign powers. That is what your next book should be, and it must be written, rather than simply spoken to me. And yes, John, I will do everything to help you do this book and tell this story. Your book must become the communications device where both sides of this controversy can go to learn about themselves but, more important, to learn about the other side. And you can and must do that because you are really in the perfect position, and have the capability to do it. In fact, right now maybe you are the only one in that position. Should be a best seller. Start on it right away in fact. OK?"

-- William Colby to John Van De Camp

The government's legitimate concern with national security has been turned into a banner under which government officials and judges and agencies and politicians can, and do get away with almost anything and everything. They cover their mistakes. They cover their expenditures. They cover their sins. And they are covering up the true story of the Oklahoma bombing, not necessarily because they intend to be evil (I hope), but most likely because they cannot admit how their own negligence contributed to it.

At least, that is what I believe at this point.
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:46 pm


Because I had successfully represented various clients in, or around, the "militias," I was contacted in mid-1995 by Yorie Kahl, the son of farmer-activist Gordon Kahl. On June 3,1983, Gordon was assassinated by agencies of the U.S. government. The following "statement of facts" of the Kahl case, father and son, was filed by me before the U.S. District Court in North Dakota on April 16, 1996. It is based, in part, on the never-before released affidavit which Gordon Kahl prepared about the infamous shoot-out in Medina, North Dakota, on Feb. 13, 1983, in which Yorie Kahl was gravely wounded, and which set into motion the train of events that led to Gordon Kahl's own murder four months later. Gordon Kahl prepared the affidavit with the conviction that federal law enforcement would kill him, rather than capture him alive, if they ever found him -- which is exactly what happened.

Yorie Kahl released the following affidavit to me in preparation for his trial. I believe it is the most complete account ever of this chilling story.





The Petitioner Yorie Kahl has filed a motion with this court under 28 U.S.C. § 2255 to vacate, set aside, or correct sentence. Petitioner Kahl alleges that he is in custody in violation of the Constitution of the United States. The Petitioner suffered through a trial involving prosecutorial misconduct and a biased judge. But for the denial of his right to due process, Yorie Kahl would never have been convicted of any crime. This Statement of Facts has been prepared for the benefit of the judiciary who will be reviewing this case for the first time.


The case before this Court is complex. It involves a chain of events and a compounding of errors that occurred over a time frame of several years. On February 13, 1983, Yorie Kahl was in a group who were involved in a shooting incident with United States Marshals and others in Medina, North Dakota. Four United States Marshals and two local Law Enforcement Officers attempted to serve an arrest warrant on Gordon Kahl for an alleged violation of misdemeanor probation. A gun battle erupted and two U.S. Marshals were killed. Three other law enforcement officers were injured as well as the Petitioner, Yorie Kahl. As a direct result of the "shoot out", Petitioner Yorie Kahl was charged with and convicted of second degree murder, assaulting federal officers, harboring a fugitive and conspiracy.

Before this case can be understood it is critical that events leading up to the confrontation be examined and understood. The Kahl Saga, involving both Father Gordon and Son, Yorie, consists of four significant episodes. These are: (1) Preliminary causes, 1976-1982; (2) The "Shoot-out" event at Medina, North Dakota on February 13, 1983; (3) The trial in which Petitioner Yorie Kahl was convicted, February 14 through June 24, 1983; and (4) The death of Gordon Kahl in Arkansas, June 3, 1983.


Yorie Von Kahl, the Petitioner, is the son of the late Gordon Kahl. Gordon Kahl was a farmer and decorated veteran of World War II. Gordon Kahl held strong religious and political convictions. Gordon Kahl came to the conclusion in the 1970's that America was headed politically and morally in the wrong direction. This distressed Gordon Kahl. Despite his personal lack of resources, he felt he had an obligation to share his beliefs and views with anyone who would listen. Towards this end, Gordon Kahl regularly spoke out publicly, criticizing the Government and particularly the federal income tax system. Often Gordon Kahl used the media and public gatherings to spread his message.


Gordon Kahl was particularly outspoken and a strong critic of what he perceived to be the perversion of politics, law and Justice that Kahl believed was occurring in America. So prolific were Gordon Kahl' s written and verbal attacks on what he sincerely believed to be unconstitutional applications of laws (Income Tax, Federal Reserve System), that he eventually became a well-known political dissident among those who generally shared his concerns. Among what today is known as the "Patriot Community," Gordon Kahl might properly be termed an American "Refusenik."

In the mid-1970's, Gordon Kahl, along with other "Refuseniks, " appeared on local television in Texas to share their beliefs with other Americans. The primary target of their criticism was the foundational basis of the American Income Tax system and its application. Gordon Kahl publicly advocated and encouraged non-compliance, with the claim that the non compliance could be done with impunity. Such public disdain for the Tax System helped fan the flames of "non compliance" as far as the IRS was concerned. For a tax system built on the very theory of voluntary compliance and self assessment, individuals such as Gordon Kahl posed a threat to the superstructure of the income tax system.


To stem the feared spreading noncompliance with the tax system, the IRS in 1977 targeted Gordon Kahl officially as the leader of the "tax rebellion." The IRS initiated what it deemed to be reasonable and necessary measures to shut down the developing tax rebellion. To do this, the Government initiated a very public Prosecution of Gordon Kahl under IRS rules and laws which penalize NON-COMPLIANCE OR FAILURE TO FILE AN INCOME TAX RETURN. A co-leader in the tax rebellion with Gordon Kahl, Mr. W. M. Rinehart, was also prosecuted, convicted and subsequently died in prison. Both Kahl and Rinehart were prosecuted for and convicted of misdemeanors for failure to file a tax return. Yorie Von Kahl was a teenager living at home at the time of his father's prosecution.

Gordon Kahl was tried and convicted in 1978 in the United States District Court for the Western Division of Texas, on two misdemeanor counts of willful failure to file federal income tax returns. Specifically, Gordon Kahl was prosecuted under 26 U.S.C. § 7203, a misdemeanor carrying a maximum sentence of up to one year imprisonment and/or maximum fine of 10,000 dollars.

IT IS MOST IMPORTANT TO NOTE, however, that at the time of sentencing, Gordon Kahl was sentenced to one year imprisonment on Count I under the felony provision of 18 U.S.C. 4205(a). Additionally, Gordon Kahl's sentence on the second misdemeanor conviction was also a felony sentence. Specifically, Gordon Kahl was sentenced to "... probation for five years ..." on Count II. This felony sentence itself violated 18 U.S.C. § 3651. Section § 3651 provides that the probation period can not exceed the maximum incarceration penalty allowable. In this case the maximum incarceration sentence allowed was one year. Statutorily the maximum probation that the court should or could have imposed even under the felony provisions of 18 U.S.C §3651, was one year.

The judicial abuse of Gordon Kahl, whether through accident or artifice -- did not end with the sentencing errors. The special conditions of Kahl's parole were blatantly unconstitutional. Parole Condition One required not that Kahl divorce himself from illegal activity or groups participating in illegal activity, but rather from groups ADVOCATING the expression of free speech, all in contravention of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Condition two required that Kahl furnish copies of his tax return every year to his probation officer. This was a direct and clear contravention of the Revenue Laws of the United States.

After conviction and sentencing, Gordon Kahl was immediately sent to the Medical Center for Federal Prisoners in Springfield, Missouri for psychiatric evaluation. There Gordon Kahl was found competent to engage in further proceedings. He was then released on bond pending appeal.


In January of 1979, having exhausted his appeal rights, Gordon Kahl entered the Leavenworth Prison camp in Leavenworth, Kansas. Mr. Kahl was credited for time served at Springfield although he was given no credit towards probation for his exemplary behavior while awaiting appeal. No attempt by IRS was ever made to collect any alleged back taxes from Mr. Kahl until 1982, some four years later.

When Gordon Kahl arrived at Leavenworth prison, his Federally Appointed Case Worker advised Mr. Kahl that his sentence was illegal and that he was improperly sent to prison by the Sentencing Court. When the same case worker reported this fact to her supervisors, the Case Worker was instructed that if "she wanted to keep her job to keep her mouth shut." Shortly after that, Gordon Kahl was offered release in exchange for extremely onerous terms of probation. Gordon Kahl refused, preferring to serve his time and be free when released.


In August 1979, Gordon Kahl was released from Leavenworth Prison Camp. While being processed out of the camp he refused to sign the probation papers. After going home to the farm in North Dakota, Kahl's probation officer went out to the farm to see Kahl. Gordon Kahl told the probation officer that if it would make the probation officer happy Kahl would sign the papers. That was the only visit the Probation Officer made to Gordon Kahl' s house. Subsequently, for a few months, the Probation Officer left the Probation Report papers in the Kahl mailbox. Then, the Probation Officer even quit doing that.

For a substantial time following Gordon Kahl's release from prison, Gordon Kahl maintained a low profile and specifically declined invitations to attend and speak at public meetings. Consistent with the character of a dissident though, Gordon Kahl eventually renewed his denunciation and criticism of what he believed to be Unconstitutional Government actions and Judicial Corruption. Gordon Kahl was particularly outspoken about what he perceived to be the perfidy of the State and Federal judiciary in North Dakota and their links to Masonic organizations. Specifically, Kahl targeted Federal District Judges Paul Benson and Bruce VanSickle for his strongest criticism. They, consequently, took Kahl's vitriolic criticism as a personal affront, but, even more important, an affront to their judicial authority and the prestige of the position of federal judicial officers


On June 27, 1980, the U.S. District Court for the Western Division of Texas issued a summons for Gordon Kahl to appear before the Court to show cause why his probation should not be revoked. August 6, 1980, twelve months after Kahl's release from Leavenworth Prison Camp, Gordon Kahl was allegedly served the summons. It was further alleged that Gordon Kahl had advised the Deputy U.S. Marshal who had served the summons, that Kahl did not believe he was on probation and that consequently he had no intention of appearing at any show cause hearing.

According to uncontroverted testimony at trial by Joan Kahl, the widow of Gordon Kahl, the signature on the summons was not that of Gordon Kahl. The sole reason given on the motion for revocation of probation was "On or about May 20, 1980, the probationer has not abided by his Special Conditions of Probation that he be required to furnish the probation office with a copy of his income tax return each year at the appropriate time for filing a return."

On September 23, 1980, a month after any legal probation period would have expired, the U.S. Attorney was given leave of the U.S. District Court of Texas to withdraw the motion to revoke the defendant's probation. This was granted by order of the Court. It is believed that the reason for the withdrawal of the motion was that the condition of probation was illegal. It is also believed that fact was known to the Federal Judiciary as well as the consequential fact that the order could not lawful1y be enforced.


Six months later on March 30, 1981, the U.S. District Court for the Western Division of Texas issued a warrant for the arrest of Gordon Kahl. The supporting grounds on the petition requesting the warrant this time were, "It is alleged that probationer is in violation of Condition No. 7 YOU SHALL REPORT TO THE PROBATION OFFICER AS DIRECTED." (Emphasis in original).

According to a United States Marshals' Service Field Report, the Texas judge who had issued the warrant wanted Gordon Kahl returned to Texas. The report also stated "the JUDGE HAS SET THE BOND ON KAHL AT $1,000,000 CASH OR $75,000 + 10% CORPORATE SURETY." (Emphasis in original.)

All this for an "alleged" misdemeanor probation violation. A probation which was itself null and void and violative of Federal Law. Remember, no new motion had ever been entered to revoke Gordon Kahl' s probation. And, of course, the original probation imposed upon Gordon Kahl was illegal and therefore void. Any legal probation would have necessarily expired at the latest on August 19, 1980. Therefore, for any one of at least three reasons, the action by Federal Marshals, led by United States Marshal for North Dakota, Ken Muir, on Feb. 13, 1983 resulting in the "Shoot-out", was knowingly initiated under a faulty warrant at best.

The three reasons, summarized again, are: (1) Illegal 5-year FELONY probation sentence given for a Misdemeanor, thereby rendering the probation itself illegal; (2) Any legal maximum probation period allowed would necessarily have expired on Sept. 23, 1980, more than 2 years before the Shoot-out" at Medina; (3) The supporting grounds for issuing the "Alleged" warrant under which U.S. Marshal Muir was operating on 13 Feb. 1983, were themselves defective legal grounds. Why? Because the Probation conditions imposed ordered Gordon Kahl to perform acts which the courts are constitutionally forbidden to order; namely, (1) First Amendment violation by prohibiting Gordon Kahl from "Associating" with groups "advocating willful disobedience. ..." (2) Requiring Gordon Kahl to furnish copies of Kahl' s future tax returns to the probation office, in violation of Federal Revenue Laws.


Harold "Bud" Warren was the United States Marshal for North Dakota on March 30th, 1981, when the so called "Misdemeanor Arrest Warrant" for "Probation Violation" arrived at the U.S. Marshal's Office in Fargo, North Dakota. Warren immediately reacted by personally traveling to Carrington, North Dakota where Warren was advised Gordon Kahl might be located. Based on information from federal officials he had dealt with, Warren went there expecting to find a fugitive in hiding. What Warren by his own admission found was a friendly, smiling farmer leaning against the front of a church. Gordon Kahl had attended church and was waiting for Joan Kahl, his wife, to join him.

A few days later, Marshal Warren made arrangements to meet personally with Gordon Kahl. He wanted to discuss the "Misdemeanor Warrant" and resolve the situation. Warren went unarmed, as was Gordon Kahl. Warren advised Gordon Kahl of the existence of the warrant and gave Gordon Kahl thirty days to try and straighten out the situation with the warrant. Marshal Warren told Mr. Kahl, after thirty days he, Warren, would have to take action to arrest him, Kahl.

During the 30 day moratorium Marshal Warren had given to Gordon Kahl to clear up the misdemeanor Warrant, Warren himself was removed from office. Warren's removal from office was itself a highly charged political maneuver. Deputy U.S. Marshal, Ken Muir, was quickly installed as United States Marshal for North Dakota.

Marshal Warren himself had incurred the wrath and animosity of the political king-makers in North Dakota politics by 1981. His decision to accommodate Gordon Kahl and attempt to amicably resolve the issue of the Arrest Warrant was not well received. Gordon Kahl's very presence in North Dakota had become a significant embarrassment and irritant to the political system and economic power structure. Gordon Kahl was loud and outspoken in his criticism of the political power structure. He blamed the same political and economic power structure for an almost total collapse of the agricultural economy in North Dakota which was occurring in the early 1980's as part of the so called "Farm Crisis."


In 1981 Ronald Reagan replaced Jimmy Carter in the White House. The change in presidential administrations afforded the North Dakota power brokers and politicians the opportunity to appoint a U.S. Marshal who promised to rid the system of the irritating Gordon Kahl. In the person of U.S. Deputy Marshal Ken Muir, was the culmination of all their desires. At the request and behest of Judges Benson and VanSickle, Senator Mark Andrews of North Dakota was induced to recommend to President Reagan that Deputy Marshal Ken Muir be given the appointment as U.S. Marshal for North Dakota and that U.S. Marshal "Bud" Warren be removed from his position as U.S. Marshal. As is the custom, President Ronald Reagan then nominated Deputy U.S. Marshal, Ken Muir, for the position of U.S. Marshal for North Dakota and the U.S. Senate routinely approved the nomination.

With the transfer of office from Warren to Muir, new U.S. Marshal Ken Muir specifically refused former Marshal Warren' s offer of information and guidance and assistance in resolving the Gordon Kahl affair. Ken Muir specifically told outgoing Marshal Warren "When you were Marshal you did it your way, (handling Kahl) now we do it my way."

After failed attempts by Marshal Muir to apprehend Gordon Kahl -- keystone cop type attempts which Kahl himself apparently was never even aware of -- now Deputy U.S. Marshal Warren again contacted U.S. Marshal Muir. Deputy Marshal Warren offered to give Marshal Muir what information Warren had learned about Gordon Kahl. Muir responded to Warren's contact and offer by advising Warren that, "No need existed any more for assistance from Warren or concern about Gordon Kahl because Muir had been advised by U.S. Marshals' Service Deputy Director Toomey in Washington D.C., '... to file the Gordon Kahl warrant away and not spend anymore time or manpower on it.'" That was in 1981.


In 1982 the dissident Gordon Kahl freely roamed the country. He attended political meetings and personally, publicly and openly addressed these gatherings giving his strong opinions on constitutional issues such as gun control, income taxes, abortion, land use planning and Kahl's belief about excessive Masonic influence. Contrary to claims made by the Federal Government Gordon Kahl went about his business in the light of day.

In the summer of 1982 Gordon Kahl's wife, Joan, and a neighbor friend named Herman Widiker went to the IRS office in Fargo, North Dakota, and offered to pay Gordon's Kahl's bill. The IRS told Joan Kahl and Herman Widiker that the IRS couldn't tell Mrs. Kahl and Mr. Widiker how much Gordon Kahl owed because the IRS didn't know. Gordon Kahl attempted to file a Temporary Restraining Order in the Bismarck Federal District Court to halt the sale of his farmland by the IRS. The Clerk of the Federal District Court actually accepted the restraining order documents, but, unknown to Kahl, actually refused to file Gordon Kahl's petition and complaint for a temporary restraining order. This refusal to file was unknown to Gordon Kahl. Instead of advising Kahl of the refusal, the court clerk personally turned Kahl's paperwork over to U.S. District Court Judge Bruce Van Sickle and notified the U.S. Marshals Service.

Judge Van Sickle was then personally contacted by Deputy U.S. Marshal Bob Cheshire, who would later be killed at the shoot-out February 13, 1983 at Medina, North Dakota. Deputy Marshal Cheshire advised Judge Van Sickle in the fall of 1982, many months before the 1983 shoot out, that Gordon Kahl was a fugitive and the Marshal apparently suggested therefore that the Clerk should not file the motion. One thing is for sure: That is, Gordon Kahl sure did not know he was a fugitive in 1982.

For whatever reasons, apparently based on instructions from U.S. District Judge Van Sickle, Gordon Kahl's complaint and petition for temporary restraining order were never filed. This was never known to Gordon Kahl nor was he ever informed of this refusal action. In November of 1982 the IRS attempted to sell Gordon Kahl's farm. That effort failed when no one would bid on the farm, so the IRS bought the farm itself.

Of particular interest during the early 1980's, was the problem farmers had remaining solvent. So did the banks that were financing them. Record numbers of farms and farmers were in foreclosure. In such an environment of despair and economic upheaval, many farmers saw themselves as victims of a political and economic system gone berserk.

Seeing themselves as twentieth century patriots, many farmers proposed the return to their perception of what constitutionally mandated government should be as the essential immediate and long term solution to the farm problem. Harkening back to their patriot heritage and the "spirit of 1776" these citizens openly exercised their right to keep and bear arms, to assemble and speak out against the government. The typical farmer-patriot was also a hunter. But, bottom-line, they were simply citizens concerned about losing their farms and their personal safety.


During the week of February 6, 1983, an All Points Bulletin (APB) was disseminated by Law Enforcement Officials in North Dakota through their state law enforcement communications network, State Radio. The APB's contents were factually inaccurate. The APB originated from a confidential source in Carrington, North Dakota. It described Gordon Kahl and another man as carrying machine guns and driving to Fessenden, North Dakota to kill the Sheriff. The car Kahl was allegedly driving was in the possession of someone else that day. Needless to say Kahl and his friend did not show up to shoot the sheriff.

It now appears that the real purpose of the APB was not informational but was designed to provoke or create a violent confrontation between Gordon Kahl and Law Enforcement. By eliminating Gordon Kahl it was hoped to quash the emerging tax rebellion. This picture only emerges looking backwards with new factual data and documentation available now and not available in the heat of the 1983 Medina shoot-out and the emotionally and politically charged trials that followed.


On Sunday morning, February 13, 1983, Gordon Kahl, his wife Joan and son Yorie traveled from their farm near Heaton, North Dakota, to Medina to attend a meeting of dissidents, tax protesters and financially troubled farmers. They took their friend Scott Faul with them. Scott Faul suggested that Yorie Kahl bring Yorie's rifle in case they saw some rabbits. Yorie Kahl ran back in the house and retrieved his Ruger Mini-14. Gordon, Joan and Yorie Kahl and Scott Faul then left for Medina. Along the way they shot a rabbit to feed to the dog.


Early that afternoon of Feb. 13, 1983, Bradley Kapp, the Deputy Sheriff of Stutzman County, North Dakota, contacted State Radio (law enforcement network). Deputy Kapp told the law enforcement radio network that the rumored meeting of the tax protesters/dissidents was underway in Medina, North Dakota at the Medina Medical Clinic and that Gordon Kahl himself was physically present at the meeting. State Radio immediately relayed the message to the U.S. Marshals' Service for North Dakota. The Marshals' service immediately contacted U.S. Marshal Ken Muir at his home and advised him of the meeting and Kahl's presence. U.S. Marshal Muir and Deputy U.S. Marshal Carl Wigglesworth immediately left Fargo headed for Medina. At Medina, Muir and Wigglesworth met up with Deputy U.S. Marshals Cheshire and Hopson who had come from Bismarck, North Dakota. At Medina Muir, Wigglesworth, Cheshire and Hopson enlisted the help of another local law enforcement officer, Medina City Policeman, Steven Schnabel.

Under the pretense of executing the very warrant that Marshal Muir had specifically been instructed from higher authorities to ignore and not waste further resources attempting to serve, the Marshals set up a roadblock in the town of Medina at the railroad crossing. Darrell Graf, the Police Chief of Medina, became aware of the Marshals' plans and demanded that the roadblock be moved out of town. Unable to convince the Marshals to abandon their ill conceived plan, Chief Graf persuaded Marshal Muir & the others with him to move their road-block out of town into the countryside north of Medina.

While all of these preparations were being made, the meeting was winding up at the Medina Medical Clinic. As the meeting goers were walking out they noticed someone watching the clinic. Dr. Martin, the operator of the clinic said, "That's just Brad Kapp (Stutzman Co. Deputy Sheriff) being Brad. He does stuff like that." David Broer decided to call Darrell Graf, the Medina Police Chief about it. Chief Graf told David Broer about the APB that had been issued a few days before, previously described above.

The car in the APB matched Scott Faul' s. This troubled Scott Faul because the day the APB was supposedly generated, his wife Shauna had driven the car to Harvey to do laundry. None of the Kahl or Faul groups present could think of any valid reason for the issuance of a legitimate warrant, especially involving Scott's car. Someone said to Gordon, Joan and Yorie Kahl, "It looks like you're being set up." This disturbed Joan Kahl, but Gordon Kahl reassured her that nothing was going on that he knew of.

Not knowing what to think about the APB, and the anonymous comment about a setup, Yorie Kahl suggested and then insisted that Yorie Kahl and his Father Gordon Kahl, trade coats and hats. Yorie Kahl and Joan Kahl accompanied by Vern Wegner and Scott Faul, got in Gordon Kahl's Chrysler station wagon. Gordon Kahl and David Broer got in David Broer's car so they could talk on the way to Gordon Kahl's home. The two vehicles left the Medina Clinic and headed north for the Kahl home. They were totally unaware of the presence of the Marshals or the ambush the Marshals had planned for them.


Based on discussion and information between himself and the Marshals that afternoon of Feb. 13, 1983, Chief Graf was convinced that the Marshals planned a violent ambush and confrontation. He was certain of the upcoming violence planned by the Marshals. So certain was GRAF of the impending danger and a certain shoot out or execution of the Dissident Kahl and Kahl's party by the Marshals, that he, GRAF, took extraordinary measures to minimize the damage to the town of Medina and its citizens. Chief Graf called out the Medina rescue unit just before 5:00 p.m., a full hour before the planned shoot out. Graf then prepared to set up road-blocks of his own to keep citizens out of the Marshals' planned ambush and fire zone.

After observing the two Kahl vehicles and Marshal Cheshire's Ramcharger depart North out of town GRAF stopped citizens Mark and Carol Lanenga. The Lanengas were about to unknowingly drive north out of town into the planned ambush zone unaware of the danger.

From the vantage point of where Chief Graf stopped them, the Lanengas could see the Marshals standing outside of the Ramcharger, aiming their weapons at the Kahl vehicles. The Lanengas later testified at the trial of Yorie Kahl. They recounted that Chief Graf told them "there was going to be a shoot out and this time the police were in the wrong."

Two other citizens who had attended the meeting at the Medina Clinic where Gordon Kahl was present were also prevented by Chief Graf from entering the ambush fire zone. Chief Graf told them, "We are going to try to save at least Dave's [Broer] life." Other people at the scene also testified that Graf told them "there is a tax protester up there and now they are going to shoot him."

The Kahl entourage first saw the roadblock ahead of them on a hilltop a mile north of Medina as they topped a hill on the edge of town. Still unaware that they were the intended targets of the road block they pulled into the first driveway they could to turn around. Immediately, the Kahl's exit route from the areas was blocked by a Dodge Ramcharger which had followed the Kahl vehicles out of Medina.

In the Ramcharger were Deputy U.S. Marshals Cheshire and Hopson, and Stutsman County Deputy Sheriff Brad Kapp. In the roadblock ahead of the Kahls' vehicles were U.S. Marshal for North Dakota, Ken Muir, Deputy U.S. Marshal Carl Wigglesworth and Medina City policeman Steven Schnabel.

After the Marshals had cut off all the Kahl vehicles' retreat routes from the planned ambush zone, the Marshals jumped out of their unmarked vehicles and aimed their weapons at the Kahl group. None of the law enforcement officers at the scene were in uniform. Deputy Marshal Cheshire even told Deputy Marshal Hopson to take off his badge.

Once out of their cars and with their weapons aimed directly at the Kahl group, the Marshals began yelling "... we're going to blow your (Kahl group) goddamn heads off," and "you are going to die."

Gordon Kahl, Yorie Kahl and Scott Faul then got out of their cars and began to separate from each other. None of the Marshals knew who Gordon Kahl was in the group or what Gordon Kahl looked like. Relying ONLY on the description provided by Deputy Kapp who had seen Gordon Kahl attending the meeting in Medina, the Marshals directed their shouts, their attentions, their weapons DIRECTLY AT YORIE KAHL WHO, AS YOU WILL RECALL, WAS WEARING HIS FATHER GORDON'S COAT AND HAT.

This stand-off continued for a period of time that is still disputed ranging from a minute to as many as 13 minutes.

Then U.S. Marshal Ken Muir fired the first shot of the shoot-out. Firing his .38 Special revolver at Yorie Kahl Marshal Muir hit YORIE KARL in the grip of the pistol Yorie was wearing in his shoulder holster. As Yorie Kahl fell backwards from being hit the "Ruger mini-14 ranch rifle" Yorie Kahl was carrying discharged twice. Yorie Kahl was then shot in the abdominal region by Deputy Brad Kapp with two shotgun blasts. Marshal Muir himself -- rated as one of the top ten pistol shots in the United States of America -- then fired three more times hitting Yorie Kahl repeatedly with his fire.

During the balance of the gun battle, Victim Yorie Kahl lay on the ground with his near fatal wounds.

Kahl friend and traveling companion Scott Faul attempted to retreat from the fire zone but Faul's escape was cut off by an unknown but armed assailant who turned out to be U.S. Deputy Marshal Wigglesworth. With his escape cut off, Scott Paul retreated and headed back towards where Yorie Kahl lay wounded on the ground. At this time, Scott Paul also came under fire from the Marshals. In response to being fired upon, Scott Faul returned fire in the direction of the Ramcharger. Seeing his son Yorie repeatedly shot and believing Yorie to be dead, Gordon Kahl himself opened fire on the Marshals, Deputy Kapp and Officer Schnabel.

Marshal Muir and Deputy Marshals Cheshire and Hopson quickly succumbed to the deadly volley of fire laid down by the Veteran aerial gunner Gordon Kahl. Deputy Kapp and Officer Schnabel were soon wounded and out of the fight also. Gordon then went over to the Ramcharger and put two more rounds into Deputy Cheshire.

By the time Scott Faul reached the wounded Yorie Kahl, the shooting had stopped. Scott Paul then assisted Yorie Kahl into a vehicle and headed into Medina to the Medical Clinic.

The moment the shooting had stopped, and right on schedule, ambulances and rescue personnel began arriving. The injured were taken directly to the Medina Clinic where Dr. Martin began treating them and preparing the critically wounded for transportation to the Hospital in Jamestown, North Dakota. Marshal Hopson and Yorie Kahl underwent emergency surgery for their wounds. Hopson was disabled from the effects of his head wound, but would recover sufficiently to testify in the rush to judgment called a trial 85 days later.

David Broer, Vern Wegner and Scott Faul all surrendered within a day. Joan Kahl was arrested along with Yorie Kahl at the Jamestown Hospital. Gordon Kahl remained at large for four months and became the center of what was officially called by U.S. Marshals the "largest manhunt in American History."


Eighty-five days after the events at Medina and fifty-nine days after the Grand Jury returned an indictment, trial began in U.S. District Court for North Dakota, Southeastern Division. The trial was held before District Judge Paul Benson in Fargo and prosecuted by Assistant U.S. Attorneys Lynn Crooks and Dennis Fisher. The details of the trial and the issues there under attack are presented in more detail in the Motion to Vacate, Set Aside, or Correct Sentence. It suffices here to generally list the defects in what was passed off as a trial in Fargo, North Dakota thirteen years ago.

In the words of the Chief Judge of the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals, "The record amply demonstrates the defendants did not and could not receive a fair trial in the District of North Dakota." United States v. Faul, et al., 748 F.2d 1205, 1223 (Judge Lay, dissenting opinion).

Below is an enumerated list of major issues that prevented the Petitioner, Yorie Kahl, from receiving a fair trial. But for the illegal actions of the United States Government in the prosecution of the Petitioner, and the lack of a fair and impartial Judiciary, the Petitioner could have proved his innocence. The Petitioner, Yorie Von Kahl:

A. Was denied counsel and held incommunicado for ten days while he was interrogated by federal and state law enforcement agents.

B. Was prejudiced by denial of access to the Petitioner by available counsel and private investigative services being offered during the above ten day period.

C. Was denied effective assistance of counsel.

D. Was prejudiced by a partial and biased judge.

E. Was prejudiced by material non-disclosure and concealment by a juror.

F. Petitioner was tried by a jury that was "Presumably Biased" and "Actually Biased."

G. Was prejudiced by prosecutorial misconduct.

H. Potential defense witnesses were hindered or prevented from testifying as a result of threats, intimidation and subterfuge by government officials.

I. There was improper contact with the jury by U.S. Deputy Marshal Carl Wigglesworth, a victim in the shooting incident.

J. On February 14, 1983, U.S. Marshals traveled to Medina, North Dakota, for the purpose of killing Gordon Kahl. The spurious arrest attempt of Gordon W. Kahl was illegal and not based on a valid warrant.

K. Was prejudiced by numerous other incidents and actions. For sure, the cumulative effects combined to deny the Petitioner's right to a fair and impartial trial and his rights to due process of law.

From the beginning of the proceedings the Defendants tried to have Judge Paul Benson removed from the case. Judge Benson was the Masonic brother and sponsor of the deceased Marshal Muir. The defendants were well aware of the animus Judge Benson bore for any who would dare to defend themselves against Government agents. Seven years earlier in another proceeding involving confrontations between citizens and government agents at a place called WOUNDED KNEE, the team of Benson and Crooks had gained similar attention for their handling of the Leonard Peltier case.

From the start the push was on to rush the trial and prejudice the Defendants. Prior to trial there was a tremendous amount of negative pretrial publicity and a deliberate disinformation campaign carried out by the Government while a unilateral gag order was being enforced on the Defense. The biasing effect this had on the jury pool was demonstrated during jury selection. There was a presumption of bias in the jury and it was proven after trial there was actual bias.

One juror willfully gave deceitful answers to specific questions during voir dire relative to the juror's personal relationship with the prosecutor, Mr. Crooks.

Incredibly, the impaneled jury was guarded and even entertained by U.S. Marshals service who were the victims and clearly viewed themselves as a whole as the victims of the shoot-out with the Defendants. Marshal Wigglesworth, himself a participant in the Medina Shoot-out and one of the assault victims of the shoot-out, engaged with the other Marshals guarding the Jury in recreational activities with the jury members.

When such conduct was reported to Presiding Judge Benson, the Judge responded by simply brushing aside the incidents, refusing to hold a hearing on the matter, and insuring that the event was not recorded when Judge Benson met in chambers to discuss Wigglesworth's jury contact incidents with a select portion of the attorneys defending in the case.

The Petitioner was denied effective assistance of counsel. U.S. Magistrate Hill appointed an inexperienced civil attorney named Warren Sogard to defend [in] the most notorious criminal trial in North Dakota history.

Sogard had seventy-six days from the time of his appointment to the date trial began to prepare for an extremely complex multi-Defendant homicide trial. Sogard did not even see his client, Yorie Kahl, for days after his, Sogard's, appointment.

Even more shocking, Sogard spent almost all of his time between appointment as the attorney for Yorie Kahl until the time trial began OUT OF TOWN AND OUT OF TOUCH WITH HIS CLIENT THE DEFENDANT, APPARENTLY BELIEVING AS WELL AS ASSURING YORIE KAHL THAT THE TRIAL WOULD NOT OCCUR IN LESS THAN A YEAR. This was simply one more example of Sogard's advocacy deficiency.

Besides being prejudiced by ineffective assistance of counsel, Yorie Kahl was denied counsel prior to the appointment of Warren Sogard. Attorney Jerry LaFountain and private investigator-paralegal Gary Fredricks from Montana traveled to Jamestown, North Dakota to offer their services to Yorie Kahl and the other Defendants. LaFountain and Fredricks made themselves available to the family but they were denied access to the Defendants including Yorie Kahl who was still in the hospital recovering from his wounds. For ten days Yorie Kahl was prevented from obtaining counselor contacting anyone, including Jerry LaFountain, that could or would provide or obtain counsel for him. Assistant United States Attorney Lynn Crooks, lead prosecutor on the case, was quoted after trial saying "We did everything in our power to make sure that they did not wind up having tax protester lawyers."

When Jerry LaFountain and Gary Fredricks arrived in Montana they were harassed, intimidated and threatened by federal and local law enforcement officers. The motel room and car of the attorney and investigator were bugged. Everywhere LaFountain and Fredricks went they were followed by a detachment of law enforcement. LaFountain and Fredricks were not allowed in the area of the shooting incident to investigate. They went to interview Dave Broer's Wife, Joanne Broer, and the marshals followed them there. The legal team then departed the Broer residence to see Shauna Faul, wife of Defendant Scott Faul. While LaFountain and Fredricks were driving on the interstate and no one else was on the highway, they came upon a road block and were then blocked from behind by U.S. Marshals. The Marshals searched LaFountain, Fredricks and the car including LaFountain's legal papers.

Another incident involving Mr. LaFountain and Mr. Fredricks was staged for their benefit. LaFountain and Fredricks went to the Ramada Inn in Jamestown one night for entertainment. The place was full of U.S. Marshals. The Marshals dragged a young woman outside and stripped half of her clothes off. This happened within the view of LaFountain and Fredricks who were standing inside the lobby of the hotel watching through the window. LaFountain and Fredricks did not go out to help the woman fearing the incident was a set up to charge LaFountain and Fredricks with rape and assault. The half nude woman the Marshals were assaulting came in screaming at the Marshals. Jerry LaFountain went to the front desk to call the police and the female desk clerk was herself, a U.S. Marshal. JerryLaFountain then called a Federal judge to advise him of what was happening to insure the safety of LaFountain and Fredricks. The Marshals later harassed LaFountain and Fredricks about it. The Marshals told LaFountain and Fredricks the U.S. Marshals didn't like LaFountain and Fredricks calling "their" judges. It was clear to LaFountain and Fredricks that if they went outside they would be arrested or shot for rape.

Gary Fredricks said that they were so scared at one point they couldn't sleep for 50 hours. LaFountain and Fredricks ultimately got so scared they decided to go back home. LaFountain and Fredricks agreed together not to do or say anything because they feared for their own lives and those of their family.

The first testimony in the Government's case was not from witnesses with actual knowledge relevant to the case or from experts. The first testimony was from the grieving widows of the dead marshals presenting studio photos of their husbands and telling of their children. There was no probative value to their testimony whatever. The only purpose served was to garner sympathy with the jury and create animosity and prejudice against the Defendants.

The government withheld exculpatory evidence from the defense that would have substantially bolstered the Petitioner's affirmative defense. The pistol that saved the life of the Petitioner by stopping the bullet that Marshal Muir meant for Gordon Kahl, was not permitted to be utilized by the defendants to help prove their case. The government withheld knowledge of the existence and use of informants and undercover agents who could have provided exculpatory evidence of the events of February 13, 1983 as well as knowledge of the plan by the U.S. Marshals to kill Gordon Kahl. The APB upon which the Marshals relied was inaccurate and based on false information provided by a confidential informant in Carrington, North Dakota, whose name was withheld from Defendants. Additionally, it is now known that a key undercover agent named Mike Phillips from Ashley, North Dakota, who was a principal involved in helping orchestrate the Shoot Out, was concealed from the Defendants at the trial stage. The existence of the Carrington informant who generated the suspicious APB was also improperly concealed from defendants at trial.

Potential defense witnesses were hindered or prevented from testifying as a result of threats, intimidation and subterfuge by government officials. The intimidating presence of law enforcement officers following LaFountain and Fredricks as they went to interview witnesses was very effective. An unusual number of Government witnesses testified contrary to statements and reports made shortly after the incident and subsequently supplied to defense.

Especially interesting is the case of Defense witnesses Mark and Carol Lanenga. After the Lanengas finished testifying at trial and had been excused by the Court an FBI agent came up to Carol Lenenga and said "We're not done with you yet." This upset Mrs. Lanenga as well it should have. A few months after trial the Lanengas heard from the IRS that they were being audited. The Lanengas thought it was an unusual coincidence though IRS said it was routine. When the Lanengas were audited again within a few months, it was no coincidence. Another witness called by the defense was U.S. Deputy Marshal Bud Warren. Deputy Warren was also dunned by IRS after testifying too truthfully for the defense. After going through the audit he also received a refund.

Incidents of prosecutorial misconduct were condoned and sometimes defended by Judge Benson. During cross examination of Government witness Lonny Reuer by defense counsel Mr. Ramlo, several people in the courtroom including jurors, defendants and defense counsel observed the following: (i) Mr. Ramlo would ask Mr. Reuer a question; (ii) the witness, Mr. Reuer, would then turn his head to look at the prosecution table; (iii) Mr. Crooks would then shake his head up and down or side to side; (iv) Mr. Reuer would then turn his head back to face Mr. Ramlo and answer the question. This happened several times until Mr. Ramlo noticed others in the courtroom following this action. He then asked the witness "When Mr. Crooks shakes his head at you like that, is that a signal to answer one way or another?" Assistant U.S. Attorney Dennis Fisher objected, and Judge Benson immediately came to the defense of Mr. Crooks. "I've watched Mr. Crooks try cases for 12 Years ... The question is uncalled for." He further chastised Mr. Ramlo for suggesting such a thing totally ignoring that perhaps what Mr. Ramlo said was true. Noting the futility of pressing the issue, Mr. Ramlo dropped it, asked a token question of the witness and abandoned cross examination.

On Appeal the majority opinion did not address some of the issues appealed. After saying 28 U.S.C. § 144 and 455 are similar and that it would consider them together the Court ignored § 455. The Court was also disingenuous in the way it dealt with the issue of biased prospective jurors. The Court misconstrued the fact that fifty percent of the prospective jurors that were actually questioned were removed for cause arising from partiality. Judge Lay in a footnote to his dissent stated, "The Majorities statement that only 27% of the jurors attributed their partiality to media coverage is misleading." United States v. Paul, et al., 748 P.2d at 1231 fu. 8. It should not matter what their partiality was attributable to, just that they were partial.

The details of the grounds for the motion under § 2255 appear in the motion itself. One thing is certain. As Chief Judge Lay wrote in his dissent, "The record amply demonstrates the defendants did not and could not receive a fair trial in the District of North Dakota." United States v. Faul, et al., § 748 F.2d at 1223.


On February 17, 1983 Leonard and Norma Ginter of Walnut Ridge, Arkansas, were introduced to Gordon Wendall Kahl by an acquaintance of theirs, Bill Wade. Gordon Kahl requested the Ginters house him after Gordon advised them that he was wanted by federal authorities. On February 25, 1983, Gordon Kahl wrote out an affidavit witnessed by Leonard Ginter recounting the events of the shooting incident in Medina, North Dakota on February 13, 1983. Gordon Kahl expressed that if he was discovered he would not be given a chance to surrender before being killed. Because he expected to be murdered, Gordon Kahl wrote out the affidavit to preserve details of the previous events so that the truth could eventually be made known. For thirteen years these original documents, made in contemplation of impending death, have been hidden. Defense attorney for Yorie Kahl has now obtained this original sworn affidavit of Gordon Kahl. In these documents Gordon Kahl details what actually happened at the Medina shoot-out February 13, 1983. These documents clearly exonerate Yorie Kahl. Copies of these documents were not allowed to be admitted into evidence in the original trial because they were not the originals.

About the middle of April, 1983, Bill Wade had heard that the FBI was closing in on Gordon Kahl so Leonard Ginter took Gordon Kahl to the house of Art Russell. Gordon Kahl stayed at the Russell house until Leonard Ginter brought him back to the Ginter's house the last part of May, 1983. On June 2, 1983 Gordon Kahl learned of the conviction of his son Yorie Von Kahl. Gordon Kahl expressed to Leonard Ginter his desire to surrender to federal authorities to help his son.

The next day, June 3, 1983, Leonard Ginter left the house without explanation at 5: 15 p.m. and started driving up the driveway when he was seized by FBI Special Agent James Blassingame. Gordon Kahl was seated at the kitchen table eating dinner when Leonard Ginter left. At 5:30 p.m. the news was just coming on and Gordon was eating dinner and watching for news of his son Yorie Kahl. Norma Ginter heard a noise outside the house and went to look out the door. She was grabbed by Sheriff Gene Mathews. Norma Ginter was told to be quiet, handcuffed and taken around the corner of the house next to her husband Leonard Ginter.

Sheriff Mathews left Leonard and Norma Ginter with Special Agent Blassingame while Sheriff Mathews and Deputy U.S. Marshal Hall entered the house armed with pistols. State Police Investigator Ed Fitzpatrick stayed outside armed with a shotgun. Sheriff Mathews stepped through the kitchen doorway undetected by Gordon Kahl. Sheriff Mathews then shot Gordon Kahl in the back of the head with Mathews's .41 Magnum revolver. This single shot in the house was followed by four or five shotgun blasts directed into the house through the kitchen window by State Police Investigator Fitzpatrick. Sheriff Mathews was hit by the shotgun pellets fired by Fitzpatrick while he was standing outside on the patio. This all transpired in less than a few minutes. Sheriff Mathews remained in the house twenty to forty minutes after that.

The Ginters were then moved about 50 feet west of the house and pushed down to the ground. FBI agent David King then pointed a gun at Leonard Ginter and said, "I'm going to kill you, son of a bitch," several times. About ten minutes later the Ginters were taken a little bit further west to where Leonard had previously removed a large rock. The various law enforcement personnel were continuously shooting into the house this whole time. Leonard and Norma Ginter were then moved to the road up the hill and handcuffed to a police car about 250 feet from the house. Immediately after the initial shots were fired, Special Agent Blassingame went to Leonard Ginter and asked him "was Gordon Kahl clean shaven?" Leonard Ginter answered "the man at my house was clean shaven." Agent Blassingame then immediately went back to the house.

At about 6:00 PM an unidentified law enforcement officer positioned up the hill southwest of the house started shooting. Leonard Ginter said two of the many shots from this shooter sounded similar to the sound made when bullets hit a deer. This sound came from the corner of the garage. At this time different people started hollering that Sheriff Gene Mathews had been shot. Dero Downing, an FBI agent that was at the scene testified at trial that the wounded Sheriff Mathews came out of the house and was subsequently mortally shot in his side by the corner of the house as Leonard Ginter had described. The autopsy investigation would later find glass and shotgun pellets in Sheriff Mathews's bullet-proof vest. This was from Mathews being shot while Mathews was inside the house. This shot was from a shotgun fired by State Police Investigator Fitzpatrick through the glass of the kitchen window.

In response to Sheriff Mathews being shot a police car then came down the hill on the driveway to assist him. The car was driven to the corner of the house where Mathews had been shot. Within only a minute or two the police car came back up the road past where Norma and Leonard Ginter were now handcuffed to a police car. The car went right by Leonard Ginter and Ginter could see Sheriff Gene Mathews alone in the back seat. Mathews appeared to be dead and was receiving no attention. This was about ten or fifteen minutes after six o'clock p.m., forty minutes after Gordon Kahl had been shot and killed.

Immediately after Leonard Ginter saw Sheriff Mathews being taken away, Ginter heard a radio transmission from the police car he was handcuffed to. The broadcast said that Bill Wade had been shot. The law enforcement officers obviously did not know who had actually been killed in the house, but the broadcast confirmed the man in the house was dead. Bill Wade's family was called by people listening to police scanners to see if Bill Wade was dead. Bill Wade answered the phone and advised the caller he, Wade, had not been shot.

Around eight o'clock p.m. Leonard and Norma Ginter saw Tom Lee, the City of Ravenden Marshal, with two five gallon cans of fuel. Lee stopped right behind the police car the Ginters were still handcuffed to and began stirring the contents of the cans. Lee then went on to the roof of the house and poured the contents of the cans down a roof vent. The fuel was then ignited by dropping smoke grenades and tear gas canisters into the vent. Mr. Lee testified by sworn affidavit that he was ordered to do this by FBI agents at the scene.

The Ginters were then taken up the road to the top of the hill. Walking up the hill to the police car in which they would be transported, the Ginters could see their house was on fire. Gordon Kahl had been confirmed dead about forty minutes after the initial shots were fired and before the house was burned. The evidence suggests that law enforcement officers at the scene knew Gordon Kahl was dead before fire was set. Gordon Kahl's body was found in front of a large picture window, easily visible to the SWAT Team from outside of the house.

Later independent investigation would show accelerant pour points were found all over the house, in corners, on the body as well as under the roof vents where accelerants were admitted to have been poured. The body was definitely burned by materials not found in the house. The temperature required to burn human bones is higher than what could be attained by what was in the house or even by gasoline. Neither would 10 gallons of fuel poured down the roof vents have been enough to reach the body where the body was or burn the body to the extent it was. Considering the accelerants found on the corpse at autopsy, fuel practically had to have been poured directly on the body.

The feet and one hand of Kahl's body were either completely burned off or cut off. Part of a foot was later found suggesting that the hand and feet had been cut off. Whichever the case, the fire was hot, it was deliberately set, and it destroyed a lot of evidence.


As stated in the foreword of this paper this case is one of an unfortunate chain of events complicated by compounding errors. The negligent manner in which the original sentencing of Gordon Kahl was mishandled served to prove beyond any reasonable doubt, in Gordon Kahl's mind, the duplicity of the Federal Government and its court system in which he was selectively prosecuted. To Gordon Kahl, the Man whom the Media and Government described as paranoid fanatic, this treatment confirmed Gordon Kahl's belief that the courts were corrupt and validated his deeply held conviction that the U.S. Government was acting as an outlaw government.

Whether it was mere negligence or by design, the illegal warrant used to give color of law to the actions of the U.S. Marshals at Medina, North Dakota, was nothing less than a license to kill. The illegality of the outrageous actions of the Government in provoking the incident at Medina is unconscionable and inexcusable.

The resultant proceeding was mischaracterized as resembling a trial. Whether it was the defective voir dire, improper contact and influence with the jury by the Marshal's service and a victim-witness, prosecutorial misconduct, intimidation of witnesses and legal counsel, ineffective assistance of counsel, or an assassination plot by certain government officials, any one of these issues was a gross violation of the Petitioner's right to due process of law. Any one should be enough to warrant a reversal of the verdict. The cumulative effect of other infringements of the Petitioner's rights combined to unfairly prejudice him. The major individual issues of this case, are outrageous. It is for the prevention of this kind of government misconduct and persecution of political dissidents that constitutional protections were memorialized in the Bill of Rights.

The fiery Arkansas chapter of this saga is bizarre to say the least. Gordon Kahl was never given a chance to surrender and the officers involved did not make any attempt to subdue Kahl when they had the chance to. The cloud of suspicion that hangs over the true identity of the burned corpse found in the Ginter house may never dissipate.

The Arkansas chapter of this saga would be the last were it not for the continued unconstitutional and unjust incarceration of Yorie Kahl and Scott Faul. For thirteen years the Petitioner and Scott Paul have been model prisoners demonstrating every day they are not typical criminals, but political prisoners.

The whole Kahl affair and the injustice of it can be identified as the defining moment in American history that spawned the constitutionalist, patriot, militia movement. The events leading up to Medina and following were an injustice resembling and predating the events at Ruby Ridge, Idaho in August 1992. The conduct and atmosphere of the trial of the Medina defendants is by the answers received by members of the United States Senate Judiciary Committee hearings on Ruby Ridge in 1995. In response to the question from Senator Kohl, "Why is the death of a Marshal different in terms of response than if it's a civilian?" Henry Hudson, former director of the Marshals Service, angrily replied. "Because that is the height of defiance of the government."

The Petitioner asks of you to do justice and reverse the injustice done to him and give him relief by granting him a new trial.


The case of Yorie and Gordon Kahl, as well as the broader militia movement, were subjects I frequently discussed with Bill Colby. In fact, I was surprised by his intense interest in the whole matter. Just two weeks before he died, Bill gave me some very pointed advice on the matter.
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On April 27, 1996, my dear friend and mentor, former Central Intelligence Agency director, William Colby, disappeared, supposedly while boating on the eastern shore of Maryland. Ten days later, his body was fished out of the water, less than a mile from his weekend home. His death was pronounced an accident, probably caused by a heart attack, resulting in his falling into the river and drowning. Bill's sudden, and tragic death, prompts me to recount some features of our 25-year relationship, which bear directly on the events under discussion in this book. They will hopefully shed further light on his amazing life, and, perhaps, also on the circumstances surrounding his most untimely death. Bill Colby was one of the pivotal figures in unearthing the Franklin scandal. Without his persistent support and guidance, this book would have never been written.

More than once, I was determined to put Franklin behind me, and write it off as a horrible experience that I could do nothing about. Often, I would ask myself, "Why should I have any responsibility to do something, when others in positions of power and government responsibility would do nothing?" I know that Senator Loran Schmit, the head of the Nebraska State Senate's Franklin investigating committee, felt the same way. I told Bill one time: "I have done all I can do, and have been burned badly -- financially and credibility-wise -- and, I am sure, politically. I think it's time to just let it drop."

It was at those times that Bill Colby kept encouraging me (and Senator Schmit), kept pushing us, almost forcing us to keep going, and to keep the press apprised. To quote his exact words, "This case is so much bigger than you think. It goes to the very highest levels; we have to keep pulling the strings." His idea was not to investigate further -- which he repeatedly warned me could be very dangerous -- as to shine the sharp glare of publicity onto what had already been discovered, to create the possibility of a real investigation.

Bill always promised that he would help me as much as possible, behind the scenes and, if necessary, publicly. And, Bill always delivered.

When the Discovery Channel program, Conspiracy of Silence, was being prepared, the British investigative team insisted that they would not go forward on the program unless they had the on-camera personal interview, and verification of Bill Colby himself, that John DeCamp was reporting the truth with respect to Franklin, and with respect to this book, The Franklin Cover-Up. Colby went on camera, and thoroughly shocked the Yorkshire T.V. team in how strongly he came out, risking himself, to support me and my work on Franklin.

Bill also wrote a letter to Attorney General Janet Reno, in which he strongly recommended that the Justice Department investigate this case from the standpoint I outlined in my book, a copy of which he enclosed with his letter. He got a formal response back from a Justice Department official, promising that the Department would indeed look into the case.

But then, Bill had always backed me up, right from the earliest days, beginning in Vietnam.


I vividly remember my first encounter with Colby -- in the late 1960s. He discovered me by examining files of new, young officers being shipped to Vietnam, who might have "special talents." At that time, my ability to speak half a dozen languages; my training in Airborne, Jungle, and Ranger Schools, as well as Vietnamese Language School, and the fact I was a newly graduated attorney when I was called into service, and volunteered for Vietnam as a Combat Infantry Captain, apparently struck Colby's fancy -- or at least his curiosity. Colby was officially deputy ambassador to South Vietnam at that time, but was in reality the CIA station chief. He ordered that when I showed up in Vietnam, I was to be sent directly to him. I was.

Immediately, Bill immersed me in the planning of his own creation: a secret program which would later be one of the most controversial operations of the Vietnam War -- the so-called Phoenix Program. Yes, it was controversial, brutal, and at times horribly handled. But by the admission of the North Vietnamese leadership after the war, it was also the single-most effective, and most feared program the Americans carried out during the Vietnam war.

It was Bill Colby, with his power and position as ambassador in Vietnam, in 1970, that made it possible for me to accomplish something never before done or after: to run for the position of state senator from abroad. I fought my entire election campaign from Vietnam, and won it -- without ever setting foot on American soil. I ran and won, despite the fact that the top brass, from the Postmaster General, to the heads of the Army and Joint Chiefs of Staff, had tried to stop me, because I was saying, for the first time, that which Bill Colby and others thought needed to be told to the American people. That was: "Let us win or get out, but let's not keep conducting a charade, where we simply kill American boys to support a corrupt regime while the truth is hidden from the American people."

Back in the States, years later, as I marched through my political life and began practice as a private attorney, I maintained the contact with Bill, and often sought his advice. He dared -- when it was truly unpopular to do so -- to come back to Nebraska and testify for me on controversial issues, such as the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty in May 1986.

Bill Colby had one characteristic rarely, if ever, found in politicians in this day and age. He told it like it is -- the straight, unvarnished truth in simple, understandable terms.

Colby proved that, when, as head of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), he took the CIA before the U.S. Congress, to reveal the Agency's "family jewels" and start the process of correcting the sins of the CIA. For this, President Gerald Ford fired Colby and replaced him with a man named George Bush.

Colby told the truth again in December 1987, when he and I, and Henry Kissinger, and a couple of dozen prominent Americans, French, British, North Vietnamese, and former South Vietnamese leaders and journalists (Adm. James Stockdale; Col. Harry Summers, Jr.; George Will; Al Santoli; Jean-Louis Amaud; Ernesto Betancourt; Jacques Chaban-Delmas; Peter Collier; Sir James Goldsmith; Douglas Pike; Lam Ngoc Diep; Robert Komer; Olivier Todd; Nguyen Ngoc Quy; David Horowitz; Elliott Abrams; Tran Van Tong, to name a few) made our way to Paris, for three days, to sit around the very same table at which the Paris Peace Talks had been conducted 15 years earlier. There we all conducted our own International Conference on the Vietnam War.

Though not heavily reported in the U.S., in the rest of the world the Conference was heralded as the first real truth session on what happened in Vietnam, on both sides, and why we ended up where we did.


Shortly before his death, Colby gave me my final assignment. It was the week just before the Oklahoma bombing, and I spent a good amount of time with him in Washington, D.C. I brought him up to date on the Militia of Montana case which he had been following closely, describing in detail the militias' fears that the government was planning an imminent attack on them.

As I sought guidance from him on how to best handle the militia situation, Bill smiled and said, "John, it sounds to me like you have the makings of another book. Believe me," he continued, "I know this Militia/Patriot movement is more significant than most Americans, and particularly the press and politicians, could ever realize. I fear that our government does not understand the nature of this movement, nor its potential significance to this country," Bill said.

As he continued talking, Bill became very intense. "I watched the Anti-War Movement render it impossible for this country to conduct or win the Vietnam War. I tell you, dear friend, that this Militia and Patriot movement in which, as an attorney, you have become one of the centerpieces, is far more significant and far more dangerous for America than the Anti-War Movement ever was, if it is not intelligently dealt with. And I really mean this," Colby concluded.

"What are you saying?" I asked Bill. "Aren't you being a little melodramatic?" I asked him, more than a little upset at what I thought he was saying. "Dangerous?" I continued. "Hell, one Saturday night gang fight in Los Angeles is more dangerous than all the militias combined together from what I can see," I said. "In fact," I told Colby, "I'm willing to wager that you can't find any incidents of real danger or destruction across these United States that were, in fact, initiated by the militias. Every case I have ever heard about is a situation in which one of these characters was being attacked by some government agency over some rinky-dink crime in the first place," I argued -- "And, so far as I can see, most of the patriot and militia people I have dealt with are the salt-of-the-earth Americans who truly believe they are trying to save America. The typical militia member is usually someone who has a lifetime of activity, establishing that role, first in the military, then as a family man or woman, and also as a businessman or hard-working lifetime employee somewhere. Most often they are mature adults, with twenty or more years of life's experiences and learning behind them, including paying taxes, being property owners, developing their communities.

"They are not, in most cases, an eighteen or twenty-year-old kid, who has never held a job, been spoiled rotten, or ducked the draft or burned a flag or been arrested, or served time, or done drugs, or been a gang member or done drive-by shootings," I almost shouted at Colby, as I discussed this most important issue with him.

"Just what is it that makes the patriot movement and these people so dangerous?" I demanded of him.

Bill was now very intense. He spoke very slowly and very clearly, intending that there be no misunderstanding on my part of what he was saying.

"It is not because these people are armed, that America need be concerned," Bill explained to my surprise. "It is not that these people stockpile weapons and have para-military training sessions, that they are dangerous," Colby continued. "What concerns me is something far more serious, that I fear our politicians do not see, cannot see, and and refuse to deal with," Colby said.

"They are dangerous precisely because of everything you just said. They are dangerous because these people are, in most cases mature citizens who have done everything you just described and who, tragically and in many cases very justifiably, have lost faith in the integrity and honesty of their own government. Yes, they are dangerous because, to use your words, John, they are true patriots who are disenchanted with the government and the system they have grown up loving, supporting and giving their lives and talents for from the moment they were born. For many of them, it is as if they learned their mother was a prostitute and that they are bastards. It really is that traumatic."

I listened to Bill; I looked at him, and said, almost playing the devil's advocate by defending the politicians, "So what, Bill? There have always been unhappy people who think the politicians are crooked; that the government is bad; that the end of the world is coming or whatever. We call them nuts or crackpots or whatever and lock a few of them up now and then and go on with our business. What makes these people so much different or more dangerous than any other group who has tromped through history in the last 225 years of this country's existence?"

Then my friend, the man whom I have found to have a better grip on the processes of history than anyone else, delivered his punch line. "They are dangerous, John, because there are so many of them. It is one thing to have a few nuts or dissidents. They can be dealt with, justly or otherwise, so that they do not pose a danger to the system. It is quite another situation when you have a true movement -- millions of citizens -- believing something -- particularly when the movement is made up of society's average, successful citizens.

"The handwriting is on the wall in several places," Colby continued. "We know from CNN and USA Today polls that about three out of every four Americans no longer trust their own government. And the distance between the government and the citizens is increasing instead of decreasing. And that means, quite simply, John, that there is a base of support for the patriot and militia community which is not visible and may not be seen or understood by our government. Our government and political leaders are still in the mode of viewing the outspoken and visible members of the so-called patriot movement as simply a few nuts who need to be shut up. This is a very dangerous trend. It is time for government and the media to begin closing the gap between the government, the media and the patriot movement, rather than exacerbating it.

"The first step in that process is communication," Colby continued. Then, Colby stunned me with his next declaration.

"John," he said, looking me in the eyes, "someone needs to step into the forefront and tell the story of the militias and the patriot movement -- what it is, why it has developed, what it means to America if not properly addressed by government; who is involved and just how broad-based this movement or attitude is; where it is strongest, and how this movement can be positively directed, rather than negatively directed -- perhaps by foreign powers.

"That is what your next book should be, and it must be written," Colby instructed, "rather than simply spoken to me. And yes, John, I will do everything to help you do this book and tell this story. Your book must become the communications device where both sides of this controversy can go to learn about themselves but, more important, to learn about the other side." Colby concluded, "And you can and must do that because you are really in the perfect position, and have the capability to do it. In fact, right now maybe you are the only one in that position."

I was shocked by Bill Colby's near-command to write a new book. True, as the attorney for some of the Montana Militia, I had been put in a unique position to see the inner workings of the militias, but from a position of objectivity, as a lawyer. I had first been drawn into the "militia scene" as a result of the wide circulation of this book. By the militias themselves, I was seen, not as an attorney, but as a combatant, against the worst forms of obscene corruption by our government, and by our nation's so-called elites. The fact that I was a practicing attorney and a former elected official was of secondary consequence.

"I think you are serious," I said to Colby with a gentle snicker, trying to break the tension of the moment. "You really are going to help me do this militia book, as you call it -- and I know when you say you will help, that means I have access to a world of intelligence and knowledge that cannot be matched anywhere else on this planet earth. I will do it," I promised Bill. "Start on it right away in fact. OK?"

"Should be a best seller," Bill Colby said. "Next time I see you here in D.C. in the middle of May, you should have the first chapter of your new book, Militia," Bill said.

A few days later, on April 19, 1995, a bomb blew up the Federal Building in Oklahoma City.

Within a year, my dear friend and longtime adviser was found dead in the Chesapeake Bay.


I have very serious doubts about the description of Bill Colby's death that emerged from the police search and the subsequent coroner's inquiry. I do not possess any "secret information" about Bill Colby's final hours; I base my doubts on 25 years of near continuous contact and collaboration with the man, a collaboration which deepened in his final years. I knew Bill Colby very well; I knew his personal habits, his idiosyncracies.

Colby had a sailboat and his little get-away cottage, where he went as often as he could. I visited him there on several occasions, as Bill invited me sailing whenever I was in town. Inevitably, however, the weather forecast would warn of a possibility of rain, or a drop of rain would fall, or he'd notice that the moon was not in the right position, or the sun too hot, or whatever. And Bill would decide not to take the risk and go out sailing.

My point is simple. Bill Colby was the single most meticulously careful, programmed, organized individual I have ever encountered, especially when it came to matters of safety, security, and personal activities. Therefore, the description given in the media, surrounding his death, does not cohere with Bill Colby's personality, his character, his modus operandi, and my personal experiences with him over many years. Bill Colby was not the kind of person who would take off on an evening boating expedition, leaving his computer still turned on at his desk, his half finished dinner still sitting on the table, and most of the lights on in the cottage. That was not Bill.

Furthermore, Bill had been the victim of a "robbery" in Washington, D.C., not too long before his death, in which he had been badly beaten, and easily could have died.

This "robbery" and his actual death were both mysterious incidents, in a relatively short span of time. I have a hard time believing in coincidences, when it comes to people like Bill Colby.

His mysterious death has also brought to my mind, his own explanations of how people end up dead, in the course of our discussing the death of Franklin case investigator Gary Caradori -- a death Colby himself had investigated. His exact statement on this was: "If it's done right, you'll never know how it was done, or who did it for sure. That's what professionalism is all about."

Colby described both professional assassinations, as well as some bungles. The case of Fidel Castro, he said, was one of the biggest fiascos that Bill had ever run across. Colby told the story how in one, now known, memorable sequence of screw-ups, the CIA tried to get Fidel's mistress to plant a tube of super toxic toothpaste onto Castro's bath stand. The ploy ultimately resulted in the girlfriend becoming a dead, ex-girlfriend. The blunders and screw-ups and lack of professionalism, in the efforts to get Castro, drove Bill to insist that the CIA should simply quit trying to assassinate him.

In contrast, Colby always used the example of Chilean President Salvador Allende's death as the perfect assassination. "We didn't do that one," Colby informed me. "Everybody thinks we did. But, we truly did not. Someone else got to him before we did, because we sure were planning it. But, whoever did that one, really did it right. We (CIA) are taking the blame in the minds of most governments around the world. But despite the fact that we did not assassinate Allende, everybody knew we wanted to and, whoever did it, left no trails. The best example of a perfect assassination -- no trails; somebody else takes the blame; mission accomplished."

I rather suspect in my own mind that that is the situation with Colby's own death.


In the aftermath of Bill's death, a line began to emerge that Bill was either deeply depressed, or suffering from some fatal ailment, and, perhaps, took his own life. I think a recounting of my last face-to-face discussion with Bill Colby should dispel this gossip for good.

I had this meeting with Bill shortly before his death. We had a very lengthy discussion about life, and I asked him, among other things, "Bill, if you were going to pick any period of your life that you would say was the most satisfying and enjoyable, what two-, or three-, or five-year period would it be? World War II, Vietnam, your days as head of CIA? When would it be and what made it so special?"

Without hesitation -- exactly one week before he died -- Bill said the following:

"The last five years and for sure the next five years," Bill said.

"Are you serious?" I asked.

"Absolutely," Bill said. "Here's why. First, I have virtually no pressure; yet I am in a position to use my entire life's experiences and learning, and share them with the world to help make a difference. You know what I am doing immediately after I leave you?" Bill continued. "I am headed for Outer Mongolia to give a briefing and to talk to the heads of business and government there.

"I just got back from Italy where I did the same thing. That's what I have been doing. I love it. Travel when you want and at somebody else's expense; receive the best treatment you could imagine -- equal to or better than a head of state -- but without all the responsibility, and pressure, and problems. And know that when you speak, they really do listen and know that you really can make a difference in world events, sometimes even more profound than presidents of countries. I love it. And I am in as good health as I have ever been. All the things I wanted to say, and all the places I dreamed of seeing, I am doing, and I'm going to keep doing it and enjoying it for at least the next five years, I hope," Colby concluded.

"So, John, don't be discouraged," Bill assured me, "You are young yet, and your best and happiest years really are ahead of you."


At the time of his death, Bill was working with Britain's Lord William Rees-Mogg, and his American sidekick, James Dale Davidson, publishing a series of newsletters, on international events, financial opportunities, and politics. In fact, he was working on an article for one of those newsletters when he died.

Rees-Mogg and Davidson are strange birds. Lord William was, for over a decade, the editor-in-chief of the staid Times of London, and its Sunday Times of London. He fits the stereotype of the classic English "Colonel Blimp," the blunt imperialist, who periodically uncorks with a nasty mouthful of invectives against the "commoner," or the darker-skinned races. After all, he used to write that in the coming age of society, an elite of 5% of the total population would rule over the other 95% as virtual slaves. But Rees-Mogg is not just nasty -- he represents great power. In England, it has long been said that The Times, the flagship paper of the Establishment, regularly announces Britain's foreign policy before the Foreign Office even knows what that policy will be.

Rees-Mogg still writes a weekly column for The Times, and is one of the major contributors to the newsletter, Strategic Investment. At the time of his death, Bill had emerged as Strategic Investment's leading "geo-strategist," writing a lengthy front-page article in almost every edition. (Since Bill's death, another former CIA Director, Robert Gates, has been coopted into writing a number of articles, occupying the space formerly reserved for Bill's words of wisdom.)

But on several occasions, when I saw Bill or spoke with him during the last year of his life, I'd ask him whether I should subscribe to his newsletter, or, whether he'd just give me a few copies to look over. He always told me not to waste my money.

"Ask me about any situation you're interested in, and I'll give you as thorough a briefing as I possibly can. But don't believe a word you read in that newsletter I'm writing for." Strange. But, then again, Bill Colby spent his entire adult life in the shadow world of spies and counter-spies. Maybe his involvement with Rees-Mogg was more complicated than I ever speculated.

On at least one point, I know there was a savage difference between Bill and Lord Rees-Mogg and his crowd. Rees-Mogg is one of the most vocal detractors of President Clinton and the First Lady, and often devotes his Times of London columns exclusively to tirades against the American President. Strategic Investment, which goes out to a predominantly American readership, contains non-stop assaults against the Clintons. Not only was Bill's wife, Sally Shelton Colby, in a senior position in the Clinton Administration, but Colby himself had emphasized to me, repeatedly, that Clinton was a great President, and that it was urgent that he be re-elected.

And then I recall another incident, which I barely noticed at the time, but which now stands out in retrospect. Together with Rees-Mogg, the most savage press hound attacking Clinton was one Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, a Briton who has spent hundreds of hours in Arkansas "investigating" the President, and writing streams of articles in The American Spectator, the British Daily Telegraph, and other papers, attacking Clinton. Evans Pritchard once called me, urgently demanding a meeting. I had never heard of him before, and so asked Bill if he had ever heard of this fellow, "Evans-Prickard, or something," as I put it, barely recalling his name. Bill answered, rather ominously, as I now look back, "His name is Ambrose Evans-Pritchard. And," he said, "be very careful."

A week after our get-together, in which Bill spoke so enthusiastically about his work and his travels, he was dead -- under the most unusual circumstances, his death officially labeled an "accident."

I did not believe it then, and I do not believe it now. But I do believe what Bill said: "If it's done right, you will never know how it was done, or who did it."

And so, my dear friend, I wish you a last good-bye. I will do my best to carry out the final tasks you assigned me, as I always did, so many years ago, as a Combat Infantry Captain under your command, in the rice paddies and hamlets of Vietnam.
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:48 pm


I finally understood the true meaning of the Franklin case one night in early 1996. Watching television and skipping through the channels, I came upon the movie Billy Budd. Instantly I zeroed in on this movie, and my heart, rather than the channels, started skipping.

By the time the movie ended, the Franklin cover-up made sense. Alisha Owen's imprisonment for telling the truth made sense. The protection of the perpetrators by our highest public officials, finally made sense. I understood, also, why it was necessary to discredit me, John DeCamp, and to kill Gary Caradori, with his eight-year-old son. Any nagging doubts I may have had about any aspects of Paul Bonacci's charges were laid to rest. And it was clear to me, at last, that public officials at all levels knew Paul was telling the truth, as they set out to destroy him.

Where did the blinding revelation come from ? Let me go back a few months, to my last attempt to get a new trial for Alisha Owen. At that hearing, Troy Boner, who had originally told Gary Caradori the truth, and who had been forced to recant, was preparing to testify -- to tell the truth as you read it in his affidavit in Chapter 21. Troy Boner was going to provide the information in open court, under oath, that would blow the lid off the Franklin case and force a new trial for Alisha Owen.

As Troy came into the courthouse, he was immediately ushered into a private room by county judicial authorities. He was advised that a "Special Attorney" had been appointed to protect him. For approximately one hour, while the hearing was delayed, Troy was cornered in a room with this "Special Attorney" and with other officials from the prosecutor's office, the very same prosecutorial team Troy was about to testify against.

When Troy came out of the meeting, I knew he was broken, his morale smashed. His head hung down. He could not, or would not look at anyone.

As I approached Troy, his new court-appointed attorney tried to step between us. With probably the last ounce of courage he could muster, Troy leaned over and whispered to me, "Oh God, forgive me. They guaranteed if I talk here today they will put me away for twenty years. Guaranteed I would 'never see the light of day again. Told me that I would be charged with perjury for my original testimony, if I opened my mouth today in court. Don't call me up there. I can't survive in prison. I know they can put me there. Look what they did to Alisha. Look what they did to my brother. I've got no choice. They told me I had to take the Fifth Amendment and refuse to testify. Otherwise, they promised I would be taken directly from court to jail."

We all proceeded into the court room, where I called Troy to the stand. I showed Troy his affidavit. He hung his head, and when I asked my first question, "Would you please state your name?" Troy responded, "I take the Fifth Amendment," an answer he repeated, in a barely audible voice, to all my other questions.

It was hopeless. I ceased my questioning, and shortly thereafter the hearing ended.

I walked back to the judge's chambers to clear up any final details. Judge Enbody had been specially appointed by the Nebraska State Supreme Court to this hearing, which I had won from the Supreme Court based on Troy's new information. (The next day I learned that he had been appointed to the Court of Appeals-a very substantial advancement in his career.)

Sitting in Judge Enbody's chambers, with my head hung so low it was hitting my shoestrings, I was given the key to unlock the meaning of Franklin.

"I do not understand it, Your Honor," I kept repeating. " As God is my witness, I do not think that there is a judge or other person involved in this case who does not know that horrible injustice has been done. Everybody knows that Alisha Owen is telling the truth and that she is being punished for it. And, Your Honor, a person has to be deaf, dumb, blind, and totally dishonest. not to know that some of this state's and nation's top businessmen and public officials have engaged in the worst crimes possible, which are now being covered up. And these kids, instead of being honored and protected for exposing these things, are being sent to prison. Why? Why? Why?"

Judge Enbody looked at me. Slowly, his voice shaking, he began to talk.

"I am just a man. I am not a god. I wish I were. I have no choice in what I have done. I am just a man, just a man, not a god. I am doing what I must do with the evidence before me," Judge Enbody concluded. He appeared even more shaken and upset than I was.

I shook my head. "I don't understand. I just don't understand," I kept repeating. "Everybody knows what is happening, but nobody is willing to do anything about it. Why? Why?! !"

Judge Enbody looked at me and said, very slowly, "If you want to understand the entire Franklin case, I can help you. Go read 'Billy Budd.' Read 'Billy Budd.' If you will do that, John, and if you understand the book, then you will understand the what and why of Franklin, and why it can be no other way. I do not say you will like it. I do not say you will agree with it. But at least you will understand it. That, I promise you. Go read 'Billy Budd'."

Those were the last words I spoke with the Judge on the case. I left his chambers, burnt out, but angry. And I forgot all about Billy Budd, until the night I happened upon the movie.

The story of Billy Budd is set in the British Navy near the end of the eighteenth century. Billy was a young sailor, who, although impressed into the British Navy, bore no ill will to the authorities for having dragooned him; indeed, he was the very picture of innocence and good-will, and was almost universally loved aboard his war-ship. One officer, however, developed an insane jealousy of Billy, and set out to frame him up for allegedly inciting mutiny. Since there had been several notorious mutinies in the British fleet at the time, the mere whisper of "mutiny" was enough to spread panic among the ship's officers.

To make a long story short because, because of certain incriminating appearances m the case, the captain and his senior officers, although they knew Billy was innocent of all charges, nonetheless sentenced him to hang, a necessity -- as they viewed it -- to "save the system," not just on their own ship, but in the British fleet as a whole.

Now I think I do understand the Franklin case. I know now that all the public officials involved in Franklin-whether the; ever heard of Billy Budd or not-fully understood what they were doing.

And what they all have done, and will continue to do in this case, Franklin, and no doubt many others like it, is this: Protect the "system" at all costs. The "system" is the only ultimate sacred cow -- not any particular law or constitution, but only "the system." Because, ultimately, it is the system which makes certain that the individuals functioning within it-from judges to lawyers, to prosecutors, to politicians, to businessmen -- have their places and positions, and opportunities and pecking order, and future.

And, though it is unfortunate, that on occasion the protection of the "system" requires the deliberate sacrifice of perfectly innocent people, that is hoped overall to be the exception rather than the rule. But without the "system" ...

So, Judge Enbody, now I understand. And, as you said, I may not agree, but I do understand.

But then I have one final, nagging question. How do I know when, or if, the "system" itself has become so corrupted, that evil is the rule, rather than the exception ? And when that occurs, what do I do about it?

But I think I know the answer to that one -- my old commanding officer in Vietnam told me what I had to do. I made some promises to Bill, and I intend to keep them.
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:48 pm


Senator John DeCamp -- Author, Attorney, 16 Year-Nebraska State Senator, Vietnam War Vet, Businessman -- was selected as 2005 Nebraska Vets Council President. Vets Council consists of VFW/Am Vets/American Legion/Disabled Vets./Order of Purple Heart/Vietnam Vets., LEADERS.

DeCamp made military history and political history with his first and only one of its kind 1970 Senate campaign run directly from Vietnam, where DeCamp was an Infantry Captain detailed to then-Ambassador William E. Colby, later CIA Director and DeCamp's lifelong friend. Captain DeCamp won that 1970 Nebraska Senate election run from Vietnam without setting foot on U.S. soil.

From 1974 through 1986, Senator DeCamp was hailed by the Omaha World Herald as the "... most powerful and effective senator in Nebraska." But, since writing this book, The Franklin Cover-Up, the Omaha World Herald has attacked Senator DeCamp on front pages and editorially as the World Herald's worst enemy.

DeCamp was born in Nebraska but his unusual experiences early in life helped make him a man of uncommon independence and determination. On his own from the age of thirteen, DeCamp traveled, lived, and worked in Europe and Iran, spoke SIX languages and graduated with a Doctor of Law Degree and became an attorney in 1967 in the Nebraska Bar when he was called to duty and ended up in Vietnam.

DeCamp was a captain in Vietnam War and worked directly for Ambassador Colby to help establish the "Phoenix Program," which program DeCamp today condemns.

In 1975, as Saigon was falling, DeCamp excused himself from the Nebraska Senate, went to Vietnam in the final days before Vietnam collapsed, and initiated and organized the world famous "Operation Baby Lift." This program evacuated 2,800 Vietnamese! American children orphaned in the war .These children were brought to the USA, where all were adopted or reunited with people from their own families.

For this act, DeCamp was honored at the White House by the President of the United States, recognized by the u.s. Senate and, after being selected by newspaper editors across the U.S., was named and decorated by the Veterans Support Group "No Greater Love" as one of the Eight Most Outstanding Veterans of the Vietnam War.

In 1991 John DeCamp filed the first-of-its-kind lawsuit in Federal Court charging THE OMAHA CATHOLIC ARCHDIOCESE and fifteen other prominent individuals and institutions, including Larry King and World Herald Publisher Harold Andersen, with conspiracy to deprive Paul Bonacci of his civil rights. DeCamp's suit detailed slander, false imprisonment, child abuse, assault, battery and infliction of emotional distress suffered by Bonacci. THIS LAWSUIT with the Catholic archdiocese of Omaha as the FIRST NAMED DEFENDANT was attacked by the press and the politicians, and particularly certain members of the Catholic clergy as absolutely sinful and unforgiveable and outrageous in the extreme. And, the Federal Judge allowed almost immediately for the Catholic Bishop and Archdiocese to be excused from the suit. But, with persistence from DeCamp, and DeCamp's presentation of pictures and witnesses the pedophiles had denied even existed and shocking information that had previously been denied by all the defendants, A ONE MILLION DOLLAR JUDGMENT was won by DeCamp in the case against Larry King, the remaining defendant, who is prominent in this book.
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:49 pm


ABC-TV, 148
Abel, George P., 158
Abrams, Elliott, 380
Adams, Don, 258, 261
Agency for International Develop
ment, xi, 177
Ak-Sar-Ben, Knights of, 132-4,
136, 144-5
Albert, Paula, 150
Albert Food Brokerage, 135
Albert, Michael, 135
Alejos Arzu, Roberto, 180
Allen, Alfie, 69-70, 77
Allende, Salvador, 386
ALPHA, 329
Amato, Angelo, 135
Ambrose, David, l35
Amen, Paul, 41-2, 44,47-8
America First Corp., 134, 144,
American Association for Protect
ing Cmldren, xviii
American Express, 148
American Investment Group, 44-6
American Savings Company, 40-1
American Spectator, 388
America's Most Wanted, 278,
Americares, 180
Ameritas Financial Services, 158
Andersen, Harold, 63,68-71,77,
92,94-5,100, 110,115,128,
130-1, 134-5, 138-40, 142-5,
160, 177-8,218, 251, 288,
327, 395
Andresen, Robert, 80, 82, 83, 109
10, 146, 314
Andrews, Mark, 356
Antelope County (Nebraska), 203
Anti-Defamation League, 242, 294
Anti-War Movement, 380-1
Aquino, Michael, xx, 328-30
Arkansas, 388
Arnaud, Louis, 380
Artichoke, Project, 328
Aryan Nation, 330
Association for Voluntary Steriliza
tion, 148
Atlantic Telecast, 281-2
Austin (Texas), 100
Avvenimenti, 241

Baack, Dennis, 83
Baer, Alan, 68-71, 73,77-9, 81-2,
87, 92, 100-2, 107, 124, 132,
136, 140, 145, 158, 189, 204,
308, 313-16, 321, 327
Bahamas, 172
Bahensky, Melvin, 40, 244
Bailey, Edd H., 159
Baird-Holz, 135
Baker, Bill, 250
Bakersfield (California), 234, 238
Bamberg, N.C., 330
Bank of England, 331
Barbee, James, 45
Barker, Joseph III, 135-7
Barksdale, John, 152-3
Bamett, Wal1y, 254
Batchelder, Anne S., 158
Beerman, Alan, 1
Believe the Cmldren, 240
Benes, Richard, 203
Benson, Paul, 353, 356, 365, 366
Bentz, Bob, 237-8
Bentz, Lois, 237-8
Berksmre Hathaway, l48
Berney, Melvin, 183
Berry , John Stevens, 30-1, 122,
182,190, 194,196,222, 293
BETA, 329
Betancourt, Ernesto, 380
Bevel, Rev. James, 4, 222-3,
Billings, Montana, 336
Billington, Michael, 295
Black Democrats for McGovern,
Blair (Nebraska), 6, 211
Blassingame, James, 371
Bloods and Cryps, 240, 320, 323
Bluebird Project, 328
Bodies by God, 169
Boggs*, Millie, 75-6
Bohemian Grove, 326
Bohle, Terry J., 199
Bomberg, Nate, 38
Bonacci, Paul, xvii-xviii, xxiv
xxv,4, 100-5,108, 111, 113-
4, 118, 124-8, 138, 147-8,
212-7, 225-6,228-34, 236-9,
24l-2, 244-5,248,290-2,
301-4,308,316, 318,321,
323, 326-30, 390, 394-6
Boner, Loni, 78-9, 187,306
Boner, Shawn, 250,306,317
Boner, Troy, 69-74, 77-81, 84,
100, 102,108, 110, 113-4,
l16, 138,186-90,192-4,243,
248, 250,286,292, 301,305
Bookout, John G., 158
Boston (Massachusetts), 169
Bovasso, Ken, 26, 227
Bowman, Steve, 154
Boy Scouts, 143, 157
Boyle, Mike, 141
Boys Club, 140, 157
Boys Town, 8, 13-4,34, 36,57,
69,72, 139,150-7,163,176,
200, 283-85, 287, 293
Bradford, Coenen, and Ashford,
Bradford, Dana, 135
Breiner, Dr., 48
Brewton, Pete, 173
British Foreign Office, 387
Broer, David, 360-1, 364, 367
Broer, Joanne, 367
Broom, James Teddy, 74
Brown, Frank, 29-30, 188, 311
Brown, Jerry, 271
Bryan Memorial Hospital, 304
Bryant, Ernest E., 164
Buckey, Peggy McMartin, xx
Buckey, Raymond, xx
Buffett, Howard, 150, 159
Buffett, Susie, 148-50
Buffett, Warren E., xi, xv, 138,
Warren Buffett Foundation, 148
Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and
Firearms, 332, 342
Burger, Warren, 175
Burt County (Nebraska), 203
Bush, George, xi, xv, xxiii, 12,40,
53,94, 164-6, 169, 174-8,
180,263, 272, 304,321-3,
325, 326, 380
Bush, Neil, 173
Bush, Prescott, 180
Byrne, Joseph, 137
Byrne and Randall, P.C., 135, 137

Cable TV, 287-8
Cairo (Nebraska), l17
Calder, Sheila (see McGuire)
California, xx, 50, 72-3, 75-6, 80,
100, 102, 222, 234, 238-40,
270, 320, 326, 330
Canada, 234, 241
Caniglia, Joe, 124, 236
Caporaso, Giovanni, 241
Caracorp, 3, 142, 188
Caradori, Andrew (A.J.), xii, 2-4,
Caradori, Dick, 3
Caradori, Gary , xii, xxiii, 1-4, 66
9, 75-7, 82, 86-8, 100, 102,
106, 110-3,115, ]25,13],
]36-8,141-3, 156,166,177,
183-9, 19]-7,200-],215,
250, 286, 30],304, 305-313,
321, 385, 390
Caradori, Mary, 3-4, 221-3
Caradori, Sandie, 1, 3, 186-88,
222, 243, 3] 1,313
Caradori, Sean, 187
Car]son, Dennis, 25-6, 34-5, 57,
Carlson, Theodore, 72, 74, 77, 100,
Carmean, Irl (Chris), 15-6, 18-21,
25-8, 35, 156, 183, 227
Carmen, David, 174
Carmen, Gera]d, 174
Carmen, Carmen and Hugel, 174-5
Carpenter, Terry, 254, 257
Carter, James, 356
Casey, Michael, 110, 121-2, 168,
184-5, 194
Casey, William, 174-5,178,180,
Castro, Fidel, 385
CBS-TV, 178,218,226
Cedar County (Nebraska), 203
Central Intelligence Agency, xi,
xiii, 4, 59, 170-80, 253-4,
277, 320, 322, 323, 324, 327-
8, 342, 379-80, 385-6, 388
Chaban-Delmas, Jacques, 380
Chaitkin, Anton, 325
Chambers, Ernie, 27, 35 7, 53-4,
56-8,65,110,114, 117,120-
1, ]29, 136,139,145, 166,
Chesapeake Bay, 384
Cheshire, Jimmy, 154-5
Home Boy, 154-5
Cheshire, Robert, 358, 360-4
Chicago, 2-4, 12,80, 108, 176,
198, 201
Chicago Tribune, xix
Children's Civil Rights Committee,
Chijdren's Defense Fund, xviii
Chizek, Jerry , 88
Christic Institute, 180
Citizens' Fact-Finding Commission
to Investigate Human Rights
Violations in Nebraska, 241-2
Citizens for America, 173-4, 322
Citron, Peter, 71, 77, 92, 94-5,
100,108, 115,124,283,287,
301, 308-9, 314
Clark, Ramsey, 296
Clatty, Robert, 282
Clinton, Bill, 271, 388
CNN, 278, 345, 383
Cocozza Lubisco, Massimiliano,
Cohn, Roy E., 179
Colby, William E., xi-xv, 4, 171,
247-9,253,277, 300,324-5,
376, 377-389
Colby, Sally Shelton, xi-xii, 388
Cold War, 323-4
Colorado, 103,231,233-4, 263
Collier, Peter, 380
Comine, Lawrence Jr., 158
Commercial Federal Savings and
Loan, 130, 134-5
Commonwealth Depositors' Com
mittee, 244
Commonwealth Savings Company,
39-44,47-8, 51-2,60-1, 63
4, 73, 92, 95, 250, 263-4,
266, 268 70, 272. 289-90
Communist Party, U.S.A., 296
Compton, Jackie, 73
ConAgra, 132, 134-6, 158
Concerned Citizens for Responsible
Government, 40, 42
Concerned Parents, 1-2, 110, l13,
121, 240, 327
Congressional Black Caucus,
Connecticut Correctional Institute,
Connor, John, 338-40
Conspiracy of Silence, 285-8, 378
Consultants International, 179
Consumer Services Organization,
53, 134
Copple family, 39, 44, 47
Copple, Marvin, 41, 43
Copple, Newt, 250
Copple, S.E., 41-4,51,250
CORDS Program, 394
Corrigan, Judge, 88-9
Cosentino, Bonnie, 121
Coulter, FBI Agent, 195
Council Bluffs (Iowa), 72, 78, 81,
Council for Minority Americans,
Covenant House, 180-1
Creager, Robert, 30-1, 126-7,197
Credit Suisse, 174
Crnkovich, Liz, 37
Crooks, Lynn, 364, 366-7, 370
Crowley, Aleister, xx
Cult Awareness Network, 242
Culver, Rick, 185, 221, 306, 310,
Cutshall, Jill, 231

Daily Telegraph, 388
Dallas (Texas), 43, 54-5, 100, 103,
164, 166,265
Daniels, LeGree, 165
Daub, Hal, 135
Daugherty, Robert H., 158
Davidson, James Dale, 387
Davis, Florence, 74-6
Davis, James Martin, 226
Days Inn Lakefront Motel (Chi
DeCamp, Jennifer, 63-4, 168
DeCamp, John, xi, xxiii, 47,50,
214-5, 226,230-1,244-6,
252-272, 277-300, 305-9,
DeCamp Memo, xxiii-xxiv, 85-97,
99, 106-7
Deep Backgrounder, 178
Delman, Marc, 189,309,311-6,
Demjanjuk, John, 296 7
Densen-Gerber, Judianne, xvii, 4,
126-7,204,211-3,217, 229
Denver (Colorado), 103, 173, 330
Department of Social Services (see
Derr, Jason, 138, 288
Des Moines, 78-9, 100,229,232
4, 330
Des Moines Register, 229-30,
Deutsch, John, 320
Diep, Lam Ngoc, 380
Dillon, Special Agent, 199-200
Dinsdale, Roy, 158
Dinsdale Brothers, 158
Discovery Channel, 285-8, 378
Dixon and Dixon, 73
Dodge, N.P. II, 135
N.P. Dodge Real Estate, 135
Doe*, Jane (grand jury witness),
118,120-1, 123
Domina, David, 47-8
Dorr, Robert, 90-1,99,217,242
Dougherty, Terry, 119,121-3
Douglas, Paul, 47-8, 51, 259
Douglas County (Nebraska), xvii,
36, 88-9
Attorney's Office, 4,36-7,74,
123-5, 189, 201, 239
Grand Jury, 4, 106-128, 146,
148,184, 189-90,196-7,
201, 214, 222, 224, 228,
243, 246, 271-2, 300-1,
Dream Boys, 169
Dresden, 330
Drexel, Burnham, Lambert, 50
Drug Enforcement Agency, 138
Dulles, Allen, 331
Durham, Charles W., 158
Durham, Steven, 158
Durham Resources, 158
Dymally, Mervyn, 297-8

East Germany, 330
Eaton, Tinstrnan, Druhner, 158
Editor and Publisher, 151
Eisenhower, Dwight D., 178
Eisenstatt, Leo, 135, 137
Elkhorn (Nebraska), 101
Ellena, Frank Eugene, 336 7
Emilio (Last name unknown), 232
Erickson, Sederstrom, Leigh, Eisen-
statt, Johnson, Kinnamon,
135, 137-8
ESP, 324
Esping, Perry E., 158
Eureka, Montana, 336
European Citizens' Initiative to Pro
ect Life and Human Dignity,
Evans, Mary Kay, 246
Evans-Pritchard, Ambrose, 388-9
Evansville (Illinois), xix
Executive Intelligence Review, xx,
241, 325
Executive Life Insurance Co., 50
Executone Company, 1
Exon, J.J., 63-4, 144, 261

Farmers National Co., 159
Faul, Scott, 359,361,362-4,367,
370, 375
Faul, Shauna, 361, 367
Federal American Immigration Re
form, 149
Federal Bureau of Investigation,
xix-xxi, xxv, 3, 37,53,60-1,
85-6,88, 121, 152, 170, 182-
296, 297, 301, 304, 306, 309-
14,316,318,325,327, 332,
342, 343, 371
Federal Witness Protection Pro
gram, 292, 306
Fenner, Robert, 96, 170-2, 197,
Ferraro, Geraldine, 63
Fiala, Fr., 200
Fifth Amendment, 391
Financial Advisory Group, 60, 172
Finch, Deward, 9, 13,20, 23,67,
First Amendment, 333, 352
First Data Resources, 158
First National Bank of Lincoln, 45,
First National Bank of Omaha, 134
FirsTier Bank, 45, 138, 145, 150,
158-9, 259, 288-9
FirsTier Financial, Inc., 134, 145,
Fisher, Dennis, 364, 370
Fitzgerald, William A., 130, 134
Fitzwater, Marlin, 39
Flanagan, Michael, 116,122,
Flanery, Janles Allen, 58, 170, 322
Fletcher, pmlip B., 158
Forbes, Steve, 149
Forbes magazine, 149, 231
Ford, Gerald, 253, 380
Fort Bragg (N.C.), 330
Fort Calhoun (Nebraska), 5, 9, 13,
72, 75
Fort Defiance (Va.), 330
Fort Riley (Ks.), 330
Fortune magazine, 148
48 Hours, 244, 315-316
Foster Care Review Board (see Ne
Foxall, Pitmon, 28
Franklin, Benjamin, xxv
Franklin Committee (see Nebraska
Franklin Community Federal Credit
Union, xxi, xxiii, 5, 8, 51,53,
57,59-61,68-9,73, 77, 92-
3, 96, 107-8, 134-6, 138-9,
143, 145-6, 154-5, 160-3,
165,169,173, 181, 184, 189,
245, 288-9, 300, 323
Franklin Cover-Up, The, 277-9,
280, 285, 325, 326, 332, 378
Frederick Douglass Republican
Council, Nebraska, 165
Fredricks, Gary, 367-9
Freedom of Information Act, 288,
295, 296, 298
Freemen, 332-3
Fremont (Nebraska), 6,211
French Cafe, 71-2, 113,131, 150
Friedman, Hirsch, 297-8

Gage, Kelton, 236
GAMMA, 329
Gates, Robert, 388
Gentlemen's Quarterly, 137, 149
George Town Club, 179-80
Georgia, 251
Georgiu*, Margo, 15 7, 24, 31
Germany, 222, 229, 241,330
Gilbert, Ron, 80, 82
Gillespie, Carol, 155
Gillespie, Doyle, 155
Gilliam, DuRois, 55
Ginter, Leonard, 370-2
Ginter, Norma, 370, 372
Gittins, Jody, 189
Globe Neon, 61
Goc, John, 90
Godfather's Pizza, 142
Goldsmith, James, 380
Goodrich, Lt., 28, 183
Gosch, John Sr., 230-1, 291, 330
Gosch, Johnny, 229-34, 291-2,
Gosch, Noreen, 230-1, 233, 291
Gottschalk, John, 51, 270-1
Graf, Darrell, 360, 361-2
Grand Island (Nebraska), 40, 100
Gray, Robert Keith, 178-80
Gray and Company, 178, 180
Gregg, Donald, 169
Gregory, Joanie, 167, 195-6
Gritz, Bo, 342
Groth, A. Nicholas, xviii
Gugas, Chris, 112
Guatemala, 180
Gunderson, Ted, xx-xxi, 21 I, 343,

Haberman, Rex, 54-5
Haiti, 59
Hallberg, Kirstin, 27, 33-4, 36, 58,
Hansel, Robert, 142
Harper, Charles (Mike), 132-4
Harris, Sen., 41
Hart, Adrienne, 27
Hart, Jack, 268
Hart, James C. Jr., 134
Harvey, Mary Jane, 156, 173
Harvey, Tom, 173
Hastreiter, E.M., 203
Healy, James, 135
Heavican, Mike, 64
Hebenstreit, Joe, 188
Heidelberg, Hoppi, 343-4
Henry , Fr. Pat, 200
Higgins, Marge, 46
Hill and Knowlton, 178,180
Hinton, David, 135
Hobbs, Edward, 181
Hoch, Michael, 17-8, 27, 101
Hoffman Estates (Ill.), 345
Hoig, Bob, 50
Hoppner, Bill, 270-1
Hornung, Rick, 168
Horowitz, David, 380
Hougan, Jim, 179
Secret Agenda, 179
Houston (Texas), 100
Houston Post, 173
Howard, Clare, 81, 250-1
Howe, Woody, 140
Howland, William, 34-5, 109,
Hudson, Henry, 376
Hugel, Max, 174
Hughes, David, 113
Humphrey, Hubert (Skip) Jr., 236
Hupp, Msgr. Robert, 155, 283-5

Illinois, 2-4, 12,80, 108,176,198,
Immanuel Hospital, 24
Industrial Chemical Laboratories,
Internal Revenue Service, 53, 295,
351, 357-8
Iowa, 72, 78-9, 81,206,229-34,
Iran-Contra scandal, 96, 169-75,
180, 247, 270, 320, 323, 347
Itzen, Edward H., 222

Jacobi, Dale Martin, 336-7
Jamaica, 173-4
James, Cajun, 337
James, Harold, 323
Jarnrog, Jerome, 135
Johnson, Kent, 51, 61
Johnson, Mark, 330
Johnson, Vard, 49
Jones, Buzz, 336-9
Jordan (Minnesota), 234-7
Joyce, Jerry, 45
Justice Department (see U.S.)

Kahl, Gordon, 278, 294, 348 76
Kah1, Joan, 354, 355, 357
Kahl, Yorie, 348-52, 359-67, 371,
KAM Airlines, 103, 124
Kansas City (Missouri), 34, 58, 73,
93, 100, 124
Kansas City Star, 65, 93
Kapp, Bradley, 360, 362, 363
Kames, David, 144
Karpis, Alvin, 38
Keeler Polygraph Institute, 286
Kenefick, John, 146, 158, 163
Kennedy, John A. and Associates,
Kennedy, John F., 64, 272
Kern County (California), 238
Kerrey, Robert, xi, xv, 38-52, 60,
73,252-273, 281,290
Kerry, John, 322
Kessler, Frank, 74
KETV (Channel 7), 29, 114, 188
KGR, 277, 297
Peter Kiewit and Sons Corporation,
132, 134, 144-5, 158, 161,
Kiewit Foundation, 130, 161
King, Alice, 12, 36, 149-50, 174
King, Danny, 70, 72-4, 80-4, 100,
102,108, 110-1,114, 116,
138, 186, 192, 248, 318
King, Lawrence E. (Larry), xi,
xvii, xxi-xxiii, 5, 9-14, 16-8,
20-1, 23-6, 28-34, 36, 52,
87,92,100-11,123, 125,
127-31, 134, 136-9, 141-2,
145-6, 148-58, 160-3, 164-
78,181, 195, 197,199-203,
217, 224-225, 239-40, 245,
248, 250-1, 283,287, 288-9,
300,308-9, 314,316, 318-9,
321, 322,323, 326-7,395
King, Martin Luther Jr., 241
King, Prince, 12, 168
King Horse, 23, 74, 110-1, 202
Kirchner, Robert, 51, 60
Kirk, Arthur, 117
Kirk, Dee, 117
Kissinger, Henry, 296, 380
KKAR radio, 28-9, 140, 173
KJeier, Larry, 238
Knox County (Nebraska), 203
Komer, Robert, 380
Kopf, Richard G., 52, 166, 184,
Koppel, Ted, 278
Korean War, 324
Kotok, C. David, 40, 257, 272
Kupres, Alan, 154
Kutak, Rock, and Huie, 135

Labedz, Bernice, 83, 128, 185,
189,194,221,261-3, 273,
312, 316
LaFountain, Jerry, 367-9
Lahners, Ron, 199
Lamberty, Louis, 135
Lamenga, Carol, 361-2, 369
Lamenga, Mark, 361-2, 369
Lancaster County (Nebraska), 203
Lanning, Kenneth, xix-xx
Lanphier, Trish, 2, 113
LaRouche, Lyndon H., 241-2,
Larry (Last name unknown), 70,
72-4, 83,101, 110-1,202
Las Vegas (Nevada), 103, 105,
222, 234, 326
Lauritzen, Bruce, 134
LaVey, Anton, xx
Leahy, Eugene, 144
Leavenworth Prison, 352, 353
Lee County (lJlinois), 2
Lee, Tom, 373
Levco, Stanley, xix
Lewis, Mike, 251
Liddy, G. Gordon, 231
Lincoln (Nebraska), 2, 40-1, 44-5,
48-9, 51, 59,61, 100,231
Lincoln Journal, 3, 36, 50-1, 58,
89-92,97, 117,139, 143,
145, 149,177, 183,256, 262,
Lincoln Police Department, 61, 64
Lincoln Star, 42, 50, 253
Linguist, Lloyd, 75-6
Lontor, Charles, 241
Lopez, Amando Gerry, 336-7
Los Angeles (California), xx, 72-3,
198, 240, 320, 323, 381
Louisville State Park, 142
Lowe, Jerry, 21, 51, 59-61, 65-6,
170, 173,176,184, 240
Luedtke, Roland, 65, 259
Lynch, Dan, 83, 124, 138, 185,
196-7, 221
Lyons-Barrett, Mary, 1, 100

Maas, Peter, 179
Manhunt, 179
MacAuley, Robert, 180-1
Madison County (Nebraska), 203
Maenner, John R., 159
Maenner Co., 159
Mahoney, Eugene, 71, 110, 138,
316, 395
Malek, Joe, 251
Man to Man, 169
Marchetti, Victor, 179
Martin, Eugene, 233
Marvin, Samuel, 135
Masonic, 353, 357, 365
Massachusetts Mutual Insurance
Co., 135-7
Massengale, Martin A., 159
Mathews, Gene, 372-3
Mattson, Lloyd H., 159
Max Bar, 16, 18, 20, 74, 78-9,
136, 150
McArthur*, Sally, 5, 75
McArthur*, Sean, 5, 10,75
McArthur*, Steve, 5, 75
McAuley, Leslie, 135
McFarland, Sen.. 65
McFarlane, Robert, 180
McGuire, Sheila, 131
McKenney, Thomas, 72,74,110
McMartin Preschool, xx
McVeigh, Timothy, 343-4, 345,
346, 347
Mead, Beverly, 118, 126-7
Medina shoot-out, 348, 349, 350,
358, 359-64, 371, 374
Meese, Edwin, 175
Melville, Herman, 279; Moby Dick,
279; "Billy Budd," 390,
Mendenhall, Frances, 240, 243
Menks, Astrid, 150
Metropolitan magazine, 129-30,
175, 327
Mexico, 330
Miami (Florida), 100
Midlands magazine, 139
Militia of Montana (MOM), 332
42, 380, 383
Militia/Patriot Movement, 380-4
Miller, Donald, 135
Miller, John, 47
Miller, Kent, 9, 13
Minneapolis Star-Tribune, 38,235
Minnesota, 38, 100,231,233-8
Minton, John D., 159
Missing Children's Foundation,
Missouri, 34, 58, 73,93, 100, 124,
MK-Ultra, 328
Monarch Project, 303, 323-31
Montana Seven, 334-41
Montana State Legislature, 333,
Moody, Randy, 49
Moore, Barbara, 134
Moore, Thomas N., 159
Moran, Gerald, 125, 218, 225, 304,
Morgan, P.J., 72, 80, 82, 110, 133,
144, 254
Morino, Bob, 102
Morris, Kathleen, 234-5
Mott, Mickey, 185,188,192, 197,
306, 310, 312, 313
Muir, Ken, 356-7,360,362,365,
Mullen, Judge Patrick, 225
Multiple Personality Disorder, 126,
214, 217,326-9
Murphy, James M., 201
Murray State Bank, 135
MusselShell County, 333, 340
Mutual of Omaha, 134, 159--60,

National Bank of Commerce, 43,
National Black Caucus of State
Legislators, 298-9
National Black Republican Coun
cil, xxi, 164-5, 176
National cmld Abuse Defense and
Resource Center, xxiii
National Credit Union Administra
tion (NCUA), 53, 55, 60-1,
96,170-2,181, 197, 247,
National Endowment for Democ
racy, 175
National Narcotics Border Interdic
tion System, 321
National Public Radio, 149
National Transportation Safety
Board, 4, 201
Naylor, Kirk, 51,59, 65
Nazis, 326 7, 331
NERCO Inc., 158
Nebe, R.J., 189
Nebraska, State of
Attorney General's Office, 35,
48, 116
Banking Department, 42-4, 46,
Claims Board, 289-90
Department of Social Services,
5-8, 14, 63-4, 76, 195
Foster Care Review Board, 24
5, 27, 33-4, 52, 54, 57-8,
60, 109, 122, 183
Legislature, xxii, 40, 48, 53, 56,
91, 133, 136, 219, 221, 226,
244, 252-5,257,259-61,
264-5, 267, 289-90, 395
Banking, Commerce and Insur-
ance Committee, 44, 46-
7, 50, 52, 54,56,63-4,
257, 260-4, 266
Executive Board, 24-6, 34,
36-7, 56-8,129,136,
152,219' 239
Franklin Committee, xxii, 1,
4, 21, 28, 30, 35,51, 59-
62, 65-6,68, 83, 91,95-
6, 110,114-5, 118, 124,
127-9, 131, 146, 164,
171, 181-6, 190, 192-4,
197,211,217-21, 240,
242, 250, 293, 301, 310,
312, 377
Liguor Control Commission, 47
Parole Board, 244-5
Senate (see Legislature)
Small Business Development Au
State Patrol, 8, 36, 60, 62, 152,
195-6,203, 221-2,227
Supreme Court, 289-90, 300,
Nebraska Investment Finance Au
thority (NIFA), 40, 49-50,
Nebraska Leadership Conference,
223, 243
Nebraska Observer, 120, 123, 240,
Nebraska State Bar Association,
90-1, 97-8
Nebraska Wildlife Federation, 140
Negative Population Growth,
Nelson, Rusty, 15-8, 31-2,67,71,
Nelson, W. Don, 264
Nesbitt, Arnold, 135-6
New Federalist, 325
New Hampshire, 271
New Orleans (Louisiana), 54, 164,
New York City, 12, 229
New York State Police, 4
New York Times, xviii, xxii
Nguyen Ngoc Tuy, 380
Nicaragua, 59, 170, 174, 320, 322
Nichols, Terry, 343-4, 347
Nightline, 278
Nixon, Richard M., 165, 253, 268
Norfolk (Nebraska), 231
Norman, Montagu, 331
North Carolina State Legislature,
North, Oliver, 173-4, 180,321,
North American Man-Boy Love As-
sociation (NAMBLA), 229
Northern Natural Gas, 135
Northwest Bell, 135, 159
Noxon, Montana, 342
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, 379
Nuernberger, W.W., 64

Oklahoma City bombing, 277, 332,
343-7, 380, 384
Offutt Air Base, 175, 327-30
O'Hara, Nicholas, 85-6, 88, 182
3, 198, 241, 251, 304
Omaha (Nebraska), xvii, xxi, 1, 8-
9, 13, 15-6, 18, 22, 25, 28-
30,34,37,51,53-4, 62,67-
8, 72, 74, 81, 85, 88, 92-3,
96,109,111, 116-7,126,
129-163, 166,175-7,189,
192, 199-200,230-1, 240,
242,244, 246-8, 250-1, 254,
257-8, 261, 270, 293
Omaha Catholic Archdiocese,
Omaha Children's Home, 75
Omaha Girls Club, 10-1,19, 21-2,
57, 139-40, 152, 156-7
Omaha Metro Update, 39-40, 46
7, 49-50, 114,121
Omaha Ministerial Alliance, 220
Omaha National Bank, 135, 258-9,
Omaha National Corporation, 45,
Omaha Police Department, 15, 18,
23, 25-7, 29-30,33,35, 60,
101, 109, 126, 128, 182-3,
195-6,227,239, 241,251,
293-4, 395
Omaha Public Power District, 5,
Omaha Star, 164
Omaha World-Herald, xvii, xix,
xxiii, 2, 39-40,50-1,58,63,
66, 68, 87, 89-90, 92, 94-6,
99, 106, 115-6, 122, 124, 130,
133, 135-6, 138-40, 144, 150,
154, 166, 169-70, 173, 175,
177, 183, 188,217-8, 221-2,
322, 394
OMEGA, 329
Operation Babylift, 395
Operation Fruehmenschen, 297-9
Ornriston, Karen J., 3,9, 67, 69,82,
112, 124, 154, 187-8, 197,
Orpheum Tower, 18
Orr, Kay, 33, 35, 144, 165-6, 268
Owen, Aaron, 251
Owen, Alisha Jahn, xvii-xviii,
xxii, xxv, 4,9, 52,67-74, 76-
77,80-2,84-5, 100-2, 108,
111-4,118-20, 124-5,131,
141, 154,184-5,190-1,193
4, 197,217-9, 221,224-227,
229, 239,243, 248, 251, 291,
293, 300, 306-7, 313, 316-8,
321, 390-3, 394, 396
Owen, Alvin, 185
Owen, Amanda, 218
Owen, Donna, 185
Owen, Rob, 180

Pankonon, John, 185
Paris Peace Talks, 380
Park, Tong Sun, 179-80
Parker*, Brenda, 15-7,24, 67
Parker, Charlie, 183
Parker, David R., 159
Partsch, Frank, 257
Patterson* children (see Webb)
Peltier, Leonard, 366
Pennsylvania Legislative Black
Caucus, 321
People magazine, 235, 237, 272
Perkins, Charles, 180
Perpich, Rudy, 236
Peter, Fr. Val, 37, 152-3, 155
Petersen, Donald, 145
Phillips, Officer, 195
pmpps Y onas, Susan, 235
Phoenix Program, 277, 379
Phoenix Sign CoIp., 61
Pike, Douglas, 380
Planned Parenthood, 148
Plemmons, Bill, 329
Points, John, 81
Population Council, 148
Population Institute, 148
Power, Kenneth D., 130, 159
Powers*, Mark, 69-70, 138
Prairie Life, 47,49-51
Progressive magazine, 133
Prokop, Robert, 246 7
Pronto, 241

Queen, John, 48, 51, 60-1
Quinlan, Thomas C., 159
Quist, David, 224

Ramsey, William E., 155
Randall, Casey, 8
Randall, Gary, 8, 137
Rasmussen, Dean, 47, 50
Rasmussen, Jessie, 47,50
Reader's Digest, xx
Reagan, Maureen, 55, 164
Reagan, Ronald, xi-xxiii, 54, 164
5,169, 174, 178,326, 356-7
Rees, John R., 331
Rees-Mogg, William, 387-8
Remmers, Sell., 57
Reno, Janet, 296, 378
Rentfro, Robert, 45
Republican Party, xxi, 17, 55, 63,
102, 164,323
National Conventions, xxi-xxii,
14, 54-5, 128, 138, 164,
167, 176, 254, 264-5
Reuer, Lonny, 369-70
Rexford, Montana, 336
Richard YOUllg Hospital, 18, 20,
26-7, 33-5, 37,57, 202
Rinehart, W.M., 351
Rismiller, David A., 134
Ritter, Fr. Bruce, 180
Rivera, Geraldo, 204, 240
R-Lynn, Inc., 135
Robinson, Dana Saylor, 41
Robinson, John, 48
Rochon, Donald, 198-200, 293
Rogers, Charlie, 125, 251
Rogers, Joel, 155, 162-3
Rosenthal, Henry, 119, 128, 191-2,
Roskens, Ronald, xi, 63, 177
Roth, Dick, 84, 88-9, 226
Rothery, Carolyn, 135, 137
Roundup, Montana, 332, 336, 341
Ruby Ridge, 278, 294, 375
Rud, Alvin, 235
Rud, James, 235-8
Rud, Rosemary, 235
Rutledge, Kathleen, 89-91,97, 99
Ryan, Dan, 251
Ryan, Jim, 258, 260-1

Sacramento (California), 103
St. Louis (Missouri), loo
St. Paul (Minnesota), 38, 116, 235
St. Paul Pioneer Press, 38
Salomon Brothers, xi, 148, 270
San Jose Mercury, 320
Santoli, Al, 380
Sarpy County (Nebraska), 203, 239
Savoy Hotel, 78-9
Sawyer, Mary, 298; Harassment of
Black Elected Officials: Ten
Years Later, 298
Scmller Institute, 241,298
Schrnit, Loran, xxiv, 1-3,37,46,
53-4, 56-8, 61-2, 65-6, 83-
7,96,110-1, 115, 118,122,
127-9, 138,164,171,182,
219-21, 223, 226-227, 303,
311-3, 316, 322,377
Schnabel, Steven, 360, 362, 363
Schreiber, Flora Rheta, 126
Sybil, 126
Scott, Eugene, 202
Scott, Gerry , 234
Scott, Walter Jr., 132, 134, 144-5,
Scott, Sue, 134
Scribante, A.J., 159
Seacrest, Joseph, 143,177,270
Secret Service, 166
Seltzer, Noel, 139, 145, 194
Sessions, William, 293
Sex lnfonnation and Education
Council, 148-9
Shanahan, Dave, 153
Shea, Michael, 235
Sheehan, Daniel, 180, 283-5
Sheftel, Yoram, 297
Sherrets, Steven, 28
Shilling, Kay, 26
Shoppers Fair, 44-5
Sigler, Robert, 123-5, 304
Silverado Savings and Loan, 173
Simon, Jean-Marie, 180
Sioux City (Iowa), 124, 197
Sixth Court of Appeals, 297
60 Minutes, 178
Skoleski, Bill, 28, 251
Skutt, Thomas J ., 134
Skutt, V .J., 144, 159-60, 163
Smith*, Jackie, 22, 74
Smith*, Loretta, 18-24,26-9, 33,
35-7, 57, 60,67, 74,89-91,
103, 109-10, 153, 156, 175,
201-2,227, 240,251
Smith, William C., 158-9
Sogard, Warren, 366
Sorenson, Kathleen, 6, 9, 152, 156,
Sorenson, Ron, 6
Soto, Jose 1., 155
Southfork Ranch, 55, 128, 164,
Spain, 173
Sparrow, Paul, 291-2
Spence, Craig, 169, 326, 330
Spire, Robert, 33--4, 36, 45-7 58
60,83,109,144,151' ,
Starlite Motel, 77
Staskiewicz, Ronald, 123
State Security Savings, 39-41,43
5, 64,92,95,263-4,266-9.
270, 272
Stephens, Roy, 228,231--4,236-7,
Stem, Gabriella, 140
Stitt, Carol, 24, 27, 33-7, 52, 57
8,60, 109, 122, 151-2, 170
Stockdale, James, 380
Stoner, Ken, 27
Storz, Robert H., 159
Storz Broadcasting Co., 159
Stramer, Paul D., 336
Strategic Air Command, 175,327
Strategic Investment, 387 -8
Street, John, 321
Stuart, Jim, 43,48
Summers, Harry, Jr., 380
Sun newspaper, 151
Switzer, Leroy, 336
Switzerland, 172-4

Tampa (Florida), 100
Tavistock Institute, 331
T4 Bureau, 331
Terpil, Frank, 179
Tha1ken, Thomas, 183, 190-1, 198,
Tmessen, William, 142
Tmll, Richard, 203
Thomas*, Brandt, 11,155, 176
Thomas, L.B., 135
Thompson, Herbert, 203
Thompson, Hunter, 105
Thone, Charles, 255, 258-60, 262,
Thorstadt, David, 229
Times of London, 387-8
Tin1ey, Hugh L., 159
Tinstman, Dale C., 158
Todd, Olivier, 388
Tooley, Jane F., 6, 8
Toronto (Canada), 234
Tran Van Tong, 380
Traub, James, 137, 149
Travel Lodge Inn, 79
Treblinka, 297
Tripp, Patrick, 8-9, 13-4
Trochman, John, 336
Tucker, Curtis, 251
Tucker, Harmon, 251
Twin Towers, 15,17,69-70,72,
77-9, 101-2
Tyner, Neal E., 158

Ukrainian Political Action Commit
tee, 241
Unclassified, 174
Union Pacific Foundation, 146, 162
Union Pacific Railroad, 80, 132,
134-6, 138-9,146-8,151,
United Nations, 330
U.S. Check Book Co., 158
U.S. Constitution, 346, 349
U.S. Department of Justice, 109,
182, 294-298, 378
U.S. Department of State, 177
U.S. District Court (N.D.), 348-9,
358, 364 70
U.S. District Court (Western Divi
sion of Texas), 351
U.S. FederaJ Reserve System, 350
U.S. Government (see Agency for
International Development, Bu
reau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and
Firearms, Central Intelligence
Agency, Drug Enforcement
Agency, Federal Bureau of In-
vestigation, Federal Witness
Protection Program, Interna1
Revenue Service, National
Credit Union Administration,
National Endowment for De-
mocracy, National Narcotics
Border Interdiction System,
Nationa1 Transportation Safety
Board, Secret Service, strate-
gic Air Command, U.S. De-
partment of Justice, U.S. De-
partment of State, U.S. House
of Representatives, U.S. Joint
Chiefs of Staff, U.S. Senate)
U.S. House of Representatives
Banking Committee, 173,297-8
U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, 330, 379
U.S. Senate, 63,267-9,275,287,
Judiciary Committee, 375
US West Communications, 130
University of Nebraska, 135, 159,
177, 203, 246, 255, 269
USA Today, 383
Uta Halee Home for Girls, 24, 34,

Valley Green Trailer Park, 235,
Valmont Industries, 158-9
Van De Kamp, John, 238
Van Pelt, Samuel, 116-8, 121-3,
Vann, John Paul, 253
Van Sickle, Bruce, 353, 356, 358
Versaw, Maryann, 318
Vietnam, 252-6, 265, 267, 269,
274-5, 378-80, 386, 389
Vietnam War, 378-80, 394-5
Village Voice, xviii, 139, 168, 180
Virginia, 238
ViTal Resources, 159
Vlahoulis, Thomas, 35-7, 176,183
Volcker, Paul, 43
Vuchetich, Pamela, 184-5, 192-3

Waco, Texas, 278, 294
Wade, Bill, 371
Wadman, Robert, 25-6, 28-32,
85-8, 92, 100-1, 110, 112-3,
120, 127, 129, 142, 182-3,
198,218, 221, 225-226, 239-
40, 281-3, 293, 304, 308,
323, 327
Wahl, Gerry, 327
Wall Street Journal, 140, 149-50
Wa1lin, Lamont, 135
Walsh, Michael H., 132, 134, 147,
WaIters, Julie, 8-10, 12-4, 57-8,
130, 152-3, 155,176
Walton, Don, 253-4
Warin, Ed, 302
Wamer, Jerome, 83
Warren, Harold "Bud," 356-7
Wasmngton County (Nebraska), 5
6, 8-9, 13-4, 108
Sheriff s Office, 5-6
Washington, D.C., 3, 12, 17, 60,
63,100-2,108, 112, 168-81,
201,317, 326,385
Washington Post, 148-49, 202-3
Washington Times, 169, 174, 326
Waters, Maxine, 320, 323
Wayne, Lawrence, 68
Weaver, Randy, 294
Webb, Barbara, 5-6, 8-11, 13-4,
75-6, 137,139, 150,195,
204, 251
Webb, Cornelia (Nelly) Patterson*,
6-12, 14, 19-20, 33-4,57,
60, 67,108,152,154-6, 175-
7, 197, 204,224,251
Webb, Gary, 320
Webb, Jarrett, 5-11, 14, 75-6, 108,
134, 137, 139, 195, 204, 224,
Webb, Joey Patterson*, 5,10-11
Webb, Kimberly Patterson*, 6, 8
11, 13-4, 19-20, 67, 152,
154,156, 176, 197, 204,251
Webb, Kendra Patterson*, 7, 34,
Webb, Michael Patterson*, 6-7
Webster, William, 296
Wegner, Vern, 364
Wells Fargo Bank, 148
Welsh, William F. II, 159
West, Gary, 20, 74, 136
West, Peggy*, 20, 74
Westin Crown Center Hotel, 93
Wetterling, Jacob, 233
Wmnnery , Kent, 30
Whitehead, Milton E., 158
Wmtehead Oil Co., 158
Whittlesey, Faith, 174
Widiker, Herman, 357
Wigglesworth, Carl, 360, 362-3,
Will, George, 380
Williams, Burrell, 35, 57, 152
Williams, Lindsey, 117
Wilson, Edwin, 179-80
Winger, Debra, 260, 265
Wolforth, Dale, 135
Woodmen of the World Life Insur
ance Co., 80, 158
Woods, John, 258-61, 269
World Trade Center bombing, 345
Worster, Reuben, 40, 48, 244
Wounded Knee, N.D., 366
Wright, William F., 39-47, 49, 51,
263-4, 263, 267-8, 270, 272
Wright, Rembolt, and Ludke, 42,
Wylie, Bill, 141

Yanney, Michael B., 134, 144, 158
YNR Airlines, 103, 197
Yorkshire-TV, 285-8,290,301,

Zahn, George, 222
Zepp-LaRouche, Helga, 241
Ziegenbein, Lyn Wa11in, 130
Zeilinger, John S., 135
Zorinsky, Edward, 261


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