Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:23 pm


In December 1990, Senator Schmit recalled an incident from almost exactly two years earlier, before the Franklin committee was officially established. "It was rather strange," Schmit said, "the first day that I decided to introduce the resolution [for a legislative investigation], while the resolution was being drafted, I was cautioned by an unknown person by telephone, that I was advised not to pursue the investigation, because it would lead, I was told, to the highest levels of the Republican Party. And I responded, that the investigation would go where it went."

Hard as the Omaha business community worked to distance itself from Larry King, there were even more strenuous efforts to insulate from the scandal anybody of national stature, with whom King had consorted. There was a lot to hide.

In the Republican Party, King had a meteoric rise. He sang the Star-Spangled Banner at a National Black Republican Council event in 1982, where President and Mrs. Reagan were guests of honor. By 1984, it was the GOP's national convention that heard the national anthem from Larry King. There in Dallas, he hosted his extravagant party at Southfork Ranch, where I saw Maureen Reagan draped over King all evening like a big blanket. In 1988, at the Republican national convention in New Orleans, King sang again. He made a ten-minute "get-out-the-vote" video on behalf of Bush, for the 1988 campaign.

The Omaha Star, newspaper of the city's black community, chronicled the rise in politics of Larry King. In his "Political Viewpoint" column of November 24, 1983, Ernest E. Bryant explained why King was unable to stand for re-election as chairman of the Nebraska Frederick Douglass Republican Council.

Chairman King has accepted a position in the Reagan/Bush re-election campaign. He was appointed by National Black Republican Council Chairperson LeGree Daniels, who was named Chairperson of the Black Voters for the Campaign, in the Reagan/Bush' 84 re-election bid. She has appointed King as coordinator of all the activities to bring out the Black vote. In brief this means that Mr. King will be responsible for meeting with the Party officials and the Black Republican leadership within each of the 17 targeted states. He will coordinate the efforts of these groups in support of the Reagan/Bush campaign. ... Mr. King will also be traveling to the 17 targeted states when President Reagan does, to draw state party officials and Black Republican leadership together.

Mr. King has also accepted the Chairmanship of the National Black Republican Council, Development Committee for Fund Raising.

Stepping inside the Franklin Credit Union, visitors were greeted by a four foot high picture of Larry King with Ronald Reagan.

King's backers in the Omaha business community have plenty of ties to Washington, since Nebraska has been a favorite stomping ground for the national GOP. Although its population is just 1.6 million, the concentration of corporate wealth in the state makes it a priority for fundraising, with the attendant political and business back-and-forth. Peter Kiewit and Sons, for instance, contributed $100,000 to elect Richard Nixon, and later got the contract to build the subway system for the nation's capital. During the 1990 gubernatorial campaign, George Bush called Republican Kay Orr's reelection bid the most important race in the country; Bush visited Nebraska three times. (Orr lost.)

On the morning of February 7, 1990, Larry King was making plans to attend one of those fundraising events in Omaha, featuring President George Bush. Out of the blue, U.S. Magistrate Richard Kopf suddenly ordered King to be taken to a federal psychiatric facility in Springfield, Missouri, for "tests."

Senator Chambers reacted to King's abrupt disappearance, as reported in the March 17, 1990 World-Herald: "State Senator Ernie Chambers said Friday that he believes that Franklin Community Federal Credit Union head Lawrence E. King was 'whisked' out of Omaha 'in a hasty, almost clandestine way' last month so he could not attend an event at which President Bush spoke. Chambers said that a trial of King could prove embarrassing to 'powerful people at the national level.'"

The notes of Franklin investigator Gary Caradori confirm the senator's suspicions. On February 19, 1990, twelve days after King was whisked off, Caradori wrote:

I was informed that LK was sent to Missouri for observation because the Secret Service had discovered that he had purchased a ticket to Governor Orr's breakfast with President Bush. LK was approached at a local floral shop, and was rushed to court by the Secret Service, or at their demand. This was so sudden, that LK's attorneys were unaware of what was going on.

The word in Omaha was that King, indicted in federal court May 19, 1989 on forty counts of financial wrongdoing, was planning to ask Bush for help.


When Larry King traveled the political circuit, he evidently had two agendas. To the public, he was the rising GOP star with the resonant baritone voice. Something else went on behind closed doors.

At the Dallas convention in 1984, King threw his splashy party at Southfork Ranch, remembered by me and many other delegates as an unparalleled extravaganza. According to several victim-witnesses, he also arranged some private events during the convention. They recall being flown to Dallas, to be sexually used by convention-goers. Gary Caradori mapped the recollections of the Webb foster children, in his notes of February 28, 1990:

During this visit [the children's aunt] Marcy informed [social worker] Joanie that [the youngest Patterson Webb sister] Kendra had told her she had been transported around the country several times, she thought to Texas and Louisiana. Marcy remembered Texas in particular, and a Republican Convention because one of the children, possibly Kendra, had a book of matches from Texas and that is how the children had known where they were at. Joanie stated she remembered that the children had been exploited sexually in Texas, and she indicated that it was [the] feeling this activity had been occurring for several years

I was later to learn from Paul Bonacci, that he was also at the famed Southfork party. He described it for me in exact detail, some seven years after the party took place. He had been there for the purpose of providing sexual favors for people Larry King wanted to accommodate, satisfy, or compromise. Paul said he was one of a troop of teenaged boys and girls, whom King had shipped to Dallas for his purposes.

I have talked to Paul repeatedly about this party. I have listened to his description. Only by having been there, could someone describe the setting the way Paul did to me. Because I was there myself for the party, I am certain that Paul Bonacci was there and did not invent his story or his description of the party.

This was, it happens, just one of Paul's leads into matters surrounding Larry King and Franklin that I could personally check out and know the boy was telling the truth. Not because somebody told me he was telling the truth. Not because somebody said he passed a lie detector test on the subject. But because I was there and saw a part of it, and saw the exact same things this boy did.

Again in 1988, attendance at Larry King's party was virtually mandatory for any true Nebraska Republican attending the Republican National Convention, held this time in New Orleans. Most of the Nebraska delegation was transported to the party by bus. The theme of the festivities was Mardi Gras. With me was my 12-year-old daughter, Jennifer, who met a black youth named Prince at the party.

"Look, Daddy, that boy's name is 'Prince King.' Isn't that a funny name?" Jenny said to me, as she looked at the name tag of the son of the man sponsoring the party, Larry King. Everybody had a name tag pinned on, immediately upon entering the party.

I am sure that, again, Larry King had youth at that party, whose sexual favors were used as gifts for this or that politician or businessman.

King's parties were designed to bring in everybody, from the innocent to the top-ranking businessmen and politicians. I personally attended the two largest parties he ever threw, as did many Republican officials. As a guest at the party, you would not know from the outer glitter, what sordid activity was going on behind the scenes. I am sure that was the character of many of Larry King's parties, particularly the political events. Outwardly, they had the appearance of legitimacy, with prominent people in attendance, from mayors to presidents, from businessmen to congressmen.

So, when people say to me, "Well, I was at one of Larry King's parties and I did not see any of this sex or drug or pedophilia stuff," I understand that they may be speaking with honesty and accuracy. As to what really went on, I believe they are wrong.


Larry King spent his money far and wide, not just in Nebraska. One of the places he rented was a house for $5,000 a month, off Embassy Row in Washington, D.C., which formerly housed the Brazilian legation to the Organization of American States.

"When Larry entertained, it was a hot ticket," said a public relations man King hired, quoted by Rick Homung and Michael Casey, in the February 28, 1989 Village Voice. "Virtually every high-ranking black member of the Reagan Administration had been out to lunch, over for drinks, or at a dinner party. The food and drink were first rate, as was the mix of people -- black, white, Republican, Democrat, young, old." For King, the emphasis was on the young.

King acquired contacts in Washington's homosexual prostitution scene, one of whom was the late Craig Spence. A lobbyist and political operative, Spence maintained a call boy ring that catered to the political elite and, unlike most D.C. call boy rings, offered children to its clients.

Spence' s activities made banner headlines in the Washington Times on June 29, 1989: "Homosexual prostitution inquiry ensnares VIPs with Reagan, Bush." Spence's access was so good, that he could arrange nighttime tours of the White House for his clients. The Times added on August 9, 1989, that Spence "hinted the tours were arranged by 'top level' persons, including Donald Gregg, national security advisor to Vice President Bush. ..." Spence, according to friends, was also carrying out homosexual blackmail operations for the CIA.

According to a Washington, D.C. investigative journalist who researched the Spence ring, "The way we discovered Larry King and this Nebraska-based call boy ring, was by looking through the credit card chits of Spence's ring, where we found King's name." Another investigator, with personal knowledge of the call-boy rings operating in Washington, put it this way: "Larry King and Craig Spence were business partners. Look at two companies, 'Dream Boys' and 'Man to Man', both of which operated under another service, 'Bodies by God.'"


When Craig Spence turned up dead -- a suicide, police were quick to say -- in a Boston hotel room, in November 1989, it was the latest in the long string of deaths of persons linked to Iran-Contra covert operations and funding.

There is evidence that Larry King had Washington business in that area as well. "In the 6-1/2 months since federal authorities closed Franklin, rumors have persisted that money from the credit union somehow found its way to the Nicaraguan contra rebels," said a World-Herald article on May 21, 1989.

The first World-Herald reporter on the Franklin case, James Allen Flanery, apparently found more than rumors about the money-laundering. In late 1988, Flanery called Carol Stitt to discuss what he had learned. Their conversation is related in a February 21, 1989 report by Jerry Lowe:

Carol's notes also have a reference to Larry King running guns and money into Nicaragua. ... Carol's notes on Dec. 21, 1988 reflect that she talked with Flanery and in addition to the Nicaraguan info he was also now talking about CIA involvement and provided info that yesterday (Dec. 20) the FBI quit cooperating with him. ... Carol's notes next jump to Feb. 6. 1989, where she talked on the phone with Flanery and Flanery told her that the appropriate people didn't want to believe any of this and who was ever going to prosecute it. Apparently FIanery told Carol he was close to resigning and the reasons he didn't think anyone wanted to do anything was because of the possibility of a White House connection, the connections to a number of big people, and the fact that the investigators wanted badly to confine this all to the money. Also many white people made Larry King, he did not happen on his own.

Apparently Flanery told Carol he was uncomfortable on the phone, his editor was distressed, and things he had written were continually edited, he wanted to get his by-line off the article printed the 9th among other things. ... Flanery also expressed concern to Carol that if he didn't get off this story he worried about being compromised.

Soon Flanery was off the Franklin case, which continued for months to be the major news lead in Nebraska, and went to the University of Kansas on sabbatical. When he returned a year later, Flanery no longer wrote about Franklin.


Squelching interest in an Iran-Contra connection to Franklin was also a topic of the hour, in that phone call I received from National Credit Union Administration official Fenner, back in the early months of the legislative Franklin probe. "Why would the head of the NCUA be wanting to talk to me?" I wondered out loud, when my secretary said that Fenner was on the line.

The man on the other end of the phone said he knew I was a close friend of former CIA head Bill Colby, and that I also was Senator Loran Schmit's personal attorney. He quickly came to his point.

"I know there are a lot of rumors, that Franklin was being used as a front for laundering money for the Contras and that a lot of the money that is missing from Franklin actually went to finance the Contras."

I acknowledged that I had heard such talk, and told him, "I myself am one of those who wonder, if that is not a real possibility, in light of the way things have been shaking out on the Contra scandal."

Fenner then gave me a flood of details on the secret Franklin accounts, and where the missing money supposedly went. No destinations linked with Iran-Contra were mentioned.

"I know you recommended that Bill Colby be hired to investigate this matter," Fenner continued, "and that the committee rejected Colby. That was a big mistake. It is going to take someone of his ability and integrity, contacts and stature, to get to the bottom of this."

"So tell me," I said, "just what is at the bottom of it? If it is not laundered money involved in the Iran-Contra scandal, what the blazes is it? And how could Larry King get away with this, without you or somebody else knowing what was going on? Looks to me as if he had to have one heck of a lot of powerful political protection at the highest levels."

"Homosexuals," Fenner said, "Franklin financed the biggest group of homosexuals any state has ever seen. A lot of awfully powerful and prominent personalities involved. But probably not anything you can do anything about. As far as politicians go, it does not seem to go to the very top, as some of the rumors suggested."

"Are you telling me that the Franklin theft and scandal was just one big queer party, with a bunch of rich folk who do not want their involvement known?" I asked.

"Yes," replied Fenner, "and I am not sure we know who all was involved. Larry King did very clearly have contacts at the highest levels, that made it possible for him to prevent proper audits. Otherwise, this could never have happened. But the money was not used for Iran-Contra purposes."

Reviewing that conversation from the vantage point of nearly three years later, I think that on both counts -- where the money went, and the involvement of high-level political figures -- I was hearing something short of the real story from Fenner, to put it charitably.


Independent investigations confirm that there are ample grounds to question the conclusion of the NCUA-hired firm, FAG, that the nearly $40 million gone from the credit union was all squandered by Larry King on limousines, flowers, gold watches for his lovers, and the like.

Former political associates of King, sources on Capitol Hill, and intelligence specialists suggest that Larry King was one of dozens of owners and directors of savings and loans and other financial institutions, used by the CIA to help finance covert operations. From their information, a picture takes shape.

S&L managers, allegedly including King, would secretly lend CIA operatives bundles of depositors' money, supposedly on a 30-day basis. In some instances, hundreds of thousands and even millions of these dollars would be flown out of the United States, to destinations such as Switzerland and the Bahamas. The money would be invested for profit in short-term high-yield financial instruments or other overseas hot-money schemes. Before federal auditors could notice any money missing, it would be returned. Some of the profit would be used to payoff the cooperating financial officer and other intermediaries. The rest was funneled into slush funds for covert operations.

But the CIA would not always return the money. In 1990, a U.S. Congressional committee was forced to investigate allegations that the CIA's financial machinations had been a factor in the collapse of several S&Ls. In an explosive series of articles in the Houston Post, investigative reporter Pete Brewton wrote that during "an eight month investigation into the role of fraud in the nation's savings and loan crisis, the Post has found evidence suggesting a possible link between the Central Intelligence Agency and organized crime in the failure of at least 22 thrifts, including 16 in Texas."

One of the S&Ls named by Brewton was the Denver-based Silverado Savings & Loan, on whose board sat Neil Bush, son of the president. Sources have alleged that Silverado and Larry King's Franklin Credit Union had financial dealings with one another, but no independent confirmation has been obtained.

U.S. House of Representatives Banking Committee hearings on the Franklin Credit Union, held in 1989, did place Larry King in the right locations for covert operations. They established that during the 1980s, King traveled several times to Jamaica, where Lt. Col. Oliver North and other Iran-Contra principals transacted a lot of banking. They heard testimony that Franklin's chief accountant, Tom Harvey, together with his mother Mary Jane Harvey, made several trips to Switzerland, in the time period millions of dollars disappeared from the credit union.

In a memo dated June 18, 1989, Jerry Lowe noted that Larry King often received phone calls from Switzerland, that the staff at Franklin Credit Union had heard that King took money to Jamaica, and that Tom Harvey took money abroad, on numerous trips to Spain.


Direct ties of Larry King to persons and institutions active in Iran-Contra are a matter of public record. In 1987, according to the World-Herald, King donated $25,350 to Citizens for America, a group that sponsored speaking tours for Oliver North and Contra leaders. CFA was a key public relations group for Iran-Contra; King was a founding member and one of its largest contributors.

According to his May 22, 1989 interview with Omaha radio station KKAR, King was trying to bring North to Nebraska. A former security guard for King has sworn that he saw North attend at least one of King's parties, a party at which children were also present. Since he was stationed outside, he has no knowledge of what might have happened inside. "I just thought it seemed kind of curious, the whole set-up," he said.

The head of CFA, David Carmen, was a partner in Carmen, Carmen and Hugel, the public relations firm hired by Larry King to help set up one of his other projects, the Council for Minority Americans. It is alleged that Carmen, Carmen and Hugel was one of King's direct links to the CIA.

Another of the PR firm's partners was Max Hugel, formerly deputy director in charge of covert operations, under the late William Casey at the CIA. Hugel earned the post for services rendered to the 1980 Reagan-Bush campaign. Larry King met Hugel back then, since one of Hugel's responsibilities for the campaign committee was out-reach and liaison work with minority groups. Brought to the agency by Casey in 1981, Hugel lasted only a few months at the CIA and was forced out under a cloud of scandal.

King had a third friend at Carmen, Carmen and Hugel-Ambassador Gerald Carmen, the father of David. "What was Larry King doing with Ambassador Carmen?" reflected a Washington intelligence specialist, "It was the diplomatic pouches. ... Larry had even been lobbying for his appointment as an overseas ambassador." According to a Washington Times report of December 15,1988, King did seek an ambassadorial appointment. One source specified that he wanted to represent the United States in Jamaica, where his wife, Alice, was born.

During the height of Iran-Contra activities, 1984-86, Ambassador Carmen was in the right place to have served as bag man. He was U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations in Geneva, Switzerland from 1984 through August 1986. The United States ambassador to Switzerland in that period was Faith Whittlesey, who was depositioned by the congressional committee investigating Iran-Contra. Oliver North's multiple secret bank accounts were located at Credit Suisse. When Carmen left the diplomatic service in 1986, Carmen, Carmen and Hugel was and remained deeply involved in Nicaragua. According to the intelligence newsletter Unclassified (December 1990-January 1991), "the Carmen group under a National Endowment for Democracy contract, handled the U.S. activities of the Violeta Chamorro campaign in the Nicaraguan elections."

If King was involved with CIA money laundering, that jibes with a report from a member of Concerned Parents: "I heard from two different black people in North Omaha that King used to send limousines down to Offutt Air Base [home of the Strategic Air Command] to pick up CIA personnel for parties."

The sometimes expansive Larry King used to talk fondly about his friends. In a Sept. 7, 1988, interview with the Metropolitan King said, "I know some of the people I admire aren't very popular. Ed Meese. The late Bill Casey of the CIA. And I love former Chief Justice Burger. Those are the people I really like to talk to. Bill Casey. ... I just thought so very highly of him."


Larry King adored Bill Casey, but what about one of Casey's predecessors at Central Intelligence -- George Bush? Ever since July 23, 1989, when the lead editorial in the World-Herald said that "one child ... is said to believe that she saw George Bush at one of King's parties," King's connection with Bush has been a frequently asked question about the Franklin case. Anxiety on this account has run especially high in Omaha's black community, where in December 1990, one young lady stood up at a public meeting and proclaimed, "I think George Bush is involved in this child abuse case, and that is why all these people have been dying."

Inside investigators of Franklin, and the Webb case before it, know that Bush's name came up at the very beginning, and it came up more than once. The July 1989 World-Herald column, in an attempt to discredit this and other victim-witness testimony, attributed the mention of Bush to a person "under Psychiatric care," meaning Loretta Smith. In reality, the report was from Nelly Patterson Webb.

Nelly first brought up Bush in 1986, when she told Julie Walters about the sex parties she was flown to in Washington and Chicago. She saw Bush at two of these parties, she said, one in each city.

Nelly also told Walters that one frequent party-goer with King was a boy named "Brent," the one who was "flown to another city somewhere" after a falling out with King. Walters did not have the resources to cross-check this information with the life of Brandt Thomas, the Boys Town resident who had moved in with Larry King. Franklin credit union files contained a letter signed by King, in his capacity as Youth Affairs Committee advisor for the National Black Republican Council, listing Thomas as one of two national contact people for NBRC campus chapters.

Three years later, with an investigation of abuse by King and the Webbs finally under way, Nelly was interviewed again. Speaking to Franklin committee detective Jerry Lowe, she repeated her account of the Chicago party, and said that Bush and the two men he arrived with appeared to have left the affair with a young black man she called "Brandt."

Of course, as I have made clear, mere attendance by a politician, be he the president or any other office-holder, at a Larry King party does not mean that person knew of or was involved in Larry King's sordid activities. Almost every top Nebraska Republican, including myself, attended the two largest parties King ever hosted, the ones at the Republican national conventions in 1984 and 1988.

Bush's name surfaced again in Lowe's May 1989 review of reports by Thomas Vlahoulis from the state attorney general's office:

Sorenson told Vlahoulis that both Kimberly and Nelly brought up the name of George Bush and indicated that they had both met him. ...

On June 10, 1989, Lowe received a letter from a citizen:

There is a psychologist in Omaha who used to work for the CIA. In response to a direct question by an Omaha psychiatrist regarding George Bush's private life, this psychologist reported hearing rumors when Bush was head of the CIA, that correspond directly with one of the inferences made by Nelly Webb, and commented to the psychiatrist, "But how do you investigate your boss?"

Whether or not a Bush presence at King's parties were confirmed, he certainly backed key Nebraskans tied to King.

In August 1990, Bush appointed Ronald Roskens of Nebraska, to head the Agency for International Development (AID). Roskens had been fired the previous year as chancellor of the University of Nebraska, where Larry King was a member of his "chancellor's advisory committee."

Gary Caradori's daily notes for Feb. 19, 1989 record:

I was informed that Roskins [sic) was terminated by the state because of sexual activities reported to the Regents and verified by them. Mr. Roskins was reported to have had young men at his residence for sexual encounters. As part of the separation from the state, he had to move out of the state-owned house because of the liability to the state if some of this sexual behavior was "illegal." Upon Roskins vacating the house, he was provided a house by Joe Seacrist [sic) of the Lincoln Journal-Star.

The leadership of AID is the kind of sensitive job -- AID assignments have been used as a "cover" by CIA agents, for instance -- for which appointees undergo a background check that would have to turn up what Caradori also heard. Nevertheless, George Bush appointed Roskens.

When Harold Andersen's reputation sagged in the fall of 1989, due to his unconcealed association with Larry King, his friends at the Nebraska Society of D.C. staged an awards dinner in Washington to polish his image. George Bush sent a testimonial letter in praise of the adviser to the U.S. State Department and occasional horseshoes-player at the White House. Bush Wrote about Andersen and his wife: "These two outstanding individuals have spent countless hours serving the city of Omaha and the state of Nebraska. Throughout Harold Andersen's career with the Omaha World-Herald, he has made that fine paper an example of journalistic integrity. In addition, he has been a vigorous promoter of efforts to improve the quality of life in his community."


Like George Bush, Harold Andersen moves in the upper circles of the U.S. intelligence community. The career of another Nebraskan, Robert Keith Gray, illuminates that milieu and why it would be so congenial to a person like Larry King.

Gray is the chairman and CEO of Hill and Knowlton, one of the two biggest public relations firms in the world, with such blue-chip clients as AT&T, IBM, Xerox, and DuPont. CBS-TV's 60 Minutes has called Hill and Knowlton "by far, the biggest, most influential PR firm in Washington," adding that "critics accuse them of being an unelected shadow government."

Gray first came to Washington, D.C. during the Eisenhower Administration, as Ike's appointments secretary and then secretary of the cabinet. He went to Hill and Knowlton in 1961.

Gray played a role in Ronald Reagan's 1976 presidential campaign and, in 1980, he was deputy director of communications, reporting directly to Bill Casey. On the strength of his connections in the new administration, he left Hill and Knowlton to set up his own PR firm. Within a year, Gray and Company secured over $9 million in billings from a clientele including Warner Communications, NBC, GTE, Mutual of Omaha, the American Trucking Association, the American Iron and Steel Institute, and the governments of Canada and Turkey. In 1986, Hill and Knowlton bought out Gray and Co.; Gray became chairman and CEO of Hill and Knowlton.

Said to be Harold Andersen's "closest friend in Washington," Gray is also reportedly a specialist in homosexual blackmail operations for the CIA.

Gray's own sexual proclivities were the subject of an article in the July-August 1982 issue of The Deep Backgrounder, entitled "Reagan Inaugural Co-Chairman Powerful 'Closet Homosexual'?" The Deep Backgrounder tabloid featured exposes of homosexual networks in Washington, D.C.; its contributing editor was former senior CIA official Victor Marchetti.

During the Watergate era, Robert Keith Gray served on the board of Consultants International, founded by CIA agent Edwin Wilson. When Wilson and fellow agent Frank Terpil got caught running guns abroad, Gray tried to deny his connection with Wilson. "Yet ten years before," according to Peter Maas' book Manhunt, "in a top secret Navy review of Wilson's intelligence career, Gray described Wilson as a person of 'unqualified trust,' with whom he'd been in contact 'professionally two or three times a month' since 1963."

Author Jim Hougan, in Secret Agenda, reported another aspect of Wilson's work for the CIA:

According to fugitive ex-CIA officer Frank Terpil, CIA-directed sexual blackmailing operations were intensive in Washington at about the time of the Watergate scandal. One of those operations, Terpil claims, was run by his former partner, Ed Wilson. Wilson's base of operations for arranging trysts for the politically powerful was, Terpil says, Korean agent Tong Sun Park's George Town Club. In a letter to the author, Terpil explained that "Historically, one of Wilson's Agency jobs was to subvert members of both houses [of Congress] by any means necessary. ... Certain people could be easily coerced by living out their sexual fantasy in the flesh. ... A remembrance of these occasions [was] permanently recorded via selected cameras. ... The technicians in charge of filming ... [were] TSD [Technical Services Division of the CIA]. The unwitting porno stars advanced in their political careers, some of [whom] may still be in office."

Gray's associate Wilson was apparently continuing the work of a reported collaborator of Gray from the 1950s -- McCarthy committee counsel Roy Cohn, now dead of AIDs. According to the former head of the vice squad for one of America's biggest cities, "Cohn's job was to run the little boys. Say you had an admiral, a general, a congressman, who did not want to go along with the program. Cohn's job was to set them up, then they would go along. Cohn told me that himself."

The first president of Tong Sun Park's George Town Club, where Wilson's sexual blackmail operations were reportedly run, was Robert Keith Gray.

Gray maintained his intelligence connections during the Reagan Administration, according to an affidavit filed with the Southern District of Florida Court on December 12, 1986, by Attorney Daniel Sheehan for the Christic Institute. The affidavit states that when CIA chief Casey, national security adviser Robert McFarlane, and NSC staff member Lt. Col. Oliver North were devising a method to circumvent a congressional ban on arming the Contras, they turned to Gray and Company.

Gray employee Rob Owen set up a private group to solicit funds for the Contras. Owen was called before Congress, to testify on how he delivered bags of cash to the Contras.

In February 1989, Hill and Knowlton's Charles Perkins rushed to New York, for a fraction of the firm's usual fee, to help with public relations for Covenant House. The youth organization's director, Father Bruce Ritter, was alleged to have molested youth who took refuge with him.

Lauded by the Reagan and Bush Administrations as a showcase for the privatization of social services, Covenant House had expanded into Guatemala as a gateway to South America. According to intelligence community sources, the purpose was procurement of children from South America for exploitation in a pedophile ring. The flagship Guatemalan mission of Covenant House was launched by a former business partner of Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza, Roberto Alejos Arzu, who had ties to the CIA, according to the Village Voice of Feb. 20, 1990. The Voice quoted Jean-Marie Simon, author of Guatemala: Eternal Spring, Eternal Tyranny: "It's like having Idi Amin on the board of Amnesty International."

A top source of money for Covenant House has been Robert Macauley, founder of Americares, a service organization implicated in channeling funds to the Contras. A close friend of the Bush family since Connecticut, Andover and Yale days, Macauley has George Bush's brother Prescott on the Americares' board. Father Ritter was a vice president of Americares, at least until he had to resign from Covenant House in February 1989, and spent weekends at Macauley's estate in Connecticut, according to a former Covenant House employee.

As in New York, also in Nebraska an institution that sheltered child abuse could count on protection from Washington. The attitude of federal agencies towards Larry King' s Franklin Credit Union fits the mold.

All the way back in 1984, a Franklin teller named Edward Hobbs tried to blow the whistle about the embezzlement of funds from the credit union. He addressed a memorandum to his employers, and traveled to Lincoln, the state capital, to brief state banking officials on its contents. National Credit Union Administration (NCUA) examiners saw Hobbs' memorandum later that year. The memo covered evidence of embezzlement, and information Hobbs had, that promotions at Franklin were based on doing homosexual favors for its manager, Larry King.

The only visible result of his initiative was that Edward Hobbs lost his job.

Between 1985 and 1988, Franklin skipped the annual audit, required by federal law for institutions of its type. The Legislature's Franklin committee was told that when an audit was called for, King would pick up a special phone, call someone in Washington, and the audit would be called off.

I got the whiff of a Washington connection, when I first inquired about Franklin. As I explained it at a public meeting in December 1990, "I first noted something a little funny with the credit union when a good friend of mine and sometimes adversary on occasion, named Ernie Chambers, complained that the major financial institutions weren't making loans into the black community, that they were red-lining, in other words making sure the financing couldn't go into the black areas. As I began to investigate, I tried to find out information on ... [Franklin] -- what was it doing to get loans there? ... I found out that all the king's horses and all the king's men couldn't get information because, I was told, that was none of my business and if I didn't like it, to talk to the Feds and if you talk to the Feds you could find out nothing."
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:27 pm


In a deposition taken October 13, 1989, John Stevens Berry, counsel for the Franklin committee, was grilling OPD Chief Wadman about the lack of OPD follow-up on the child abuse when it was first reported. In exasperation, Wadman replied:

The tough thing with this, Mr. Berry, is that we have the FBI who conducts an investigation and basically says the same things that we have said. If the FBI, are they now linked to this cover-up in some way? Should the Justice Department be investigated as somehow or another assisting in this "cover-up?"

Wadman said it, but in this case it's true. The Justice Department, acting through the FBI and the U.S. Attorney's Office in Omaha, emerges from the record of the Franklin investigations not so much as a party to the cover-up, but as its coordinator. Rigging grand juries, harassment of witnesses, incitement to perjury and tampering with evidence -- federal personnel were seen to apply all of those techniques in the Franklin case.


In a case full of reported trips across state lines for sexual exploitation purposes, involving prominent persons from the national political parties, where was the Federal Bureau of Investigation? It was running interference, and worse.

Maybe Senator Schmit and I got the message in its purest form, when we met with Omaha FBI head Nick O'Hara in his office in early 1989. O'Hara, who kept Wadman's picture on his desk, threatened, "You f-- with Bob Wadman, you f--- with the FBI!"

There was a hint of trouble from the Bureau already in the summer of 1988, as OPD Officer Irl Carmean recollected in a memo to Deputy Chief Charlie Parker, dated December 20, 1988. A fellow officer had just reminded Carmean of a meeting back in July or August, where

Lt. [Bill] Goodrich spoke of the Larry King investigation and stated that he (Goodrich) had been in contact with a federal agency that was also investigating King. To the best of Officer Berney's recollection, Lt. Goodrich said that the federal agency was concerned that our child pornography/ abuse investigation might hamper their investigation. Officer Berney told me that although he wasn't sure, it was either directly stated or he (Berney) got the impression that we were to either "slow down or back off" in our investigation so as not to impede the federal case.

In 1988 and 1989, according to testimony to the Legislature's Franklin committee, the FBI claimed to be interested in Franklin money issues, but not child abuse. Dennis Carlson of the Foster Care Review Board testified to the Franklin committee, citing state Assistant Attorney General William Howland, that U.S. Attorney Tom Thalken had said "that the federal authorities were investigating Mr. King. ... But he said basically their investigation was confined to the money issues, and they were not specifically investigating allegations of child abuse."

Howland's part-time investigator, Vlahoulis, told the Franklin committee that it was his impression the FBI had information on private charter flights, something Gary Caradori would confirm in a dramatic way.

Moreover, as advertised in a May 12, 1990 article in the World-Herald, the FBI had been looking at Franklin since 1987, for over a year before it was closed! The FBI men could hardly have been unaware of the Franklin ambiance, not to mention the bedroom in the new addition, and the evidence shows that they were not. It was reported in the Lincoln Journal in December 1988, as summarized by Jerry Lowe for the Franklin committee, that "an ex-employee who is not identified said that when FCU shut down, FBI agents immediately began asking questions regarding child pornography, drugs and the lifestyle of Larry King."

Caradori's notes of March 14, 1990 record that on the day of the federal agents' raid, he was told by a member of the accounting firm that was auditing Franklin, that

a large amount of pornographic material was taken out of the credit union, including videos and photographs depicting sexual acts. I was told that if Friedrichs* or any of the other people working for the CPA firm that was contracted by the government would say anything, that they would automatically lose their jobs.

That evidence was never made available to the Franklin committee, nor its existence publicly acknowledged by the FBI. All warrants concerning the raid were sealed by U.S. Magistrate Richard Kopf.


The Douglas County grand jury proclaimed on July 23, 1990, that the allegations and evidence of Franklin-linked child abuse were a "carefully crafted hoax." Its report implied that the perpetrators were Alisha Owen, journalist Michael Casey, and the late Gary Caradori. According to testimony of Alisha Owen and her parents before the Franklin committee, the FBI had this line already in March of 1990, before the grand jury even started sitting.

Alisha testified to the Franklin committee on June 11, 1990, before promulgation of the grand jury report, that her former lawyer Pam Vuchetich had come to see her in the spring,

giving a proposal from the FBI that if l recanted my story then nothing would happen to me, I could possibly get out of prison and no charges would ever be brought against me. Such as, if I recanted my story, they wouldn't charge me with perjury, they wouldn't charge me with lying, they would just drop the whole thing, they would write letters to the judge asking for my sentence reduction so I could get out of prison. And if -- and in this deal I would have to say that Gary Caradori and Mike Casey came to me, they set this whole thing up, they told me what to say, we got scripts, we were promised monetary values. And I would be taken care of.

On June 21, 1990, Donna and Alvin Owen told the Franklin committee about that incident.

DONNA OWEN: My concern is that Pam came to us and said that the FBI wanted Alisha to say this, to drop it.

SENATOR LYNCH: You testified that your husband was there?

ALVIN OWEN: Sitting in the living room, I remember.

SENATOR LYNCH: You heard her say that? ... Did she tell you who in the FBI made that deal, made that offer to her?

DONNA OWEN: Mickey Mott. ...

SENATOR LYNCH: Was Mickey Mott -- was there anybody else with this Mickey Mott?

DONNA OWEN: He works closely with Rick Culver and John Pankonon.

SENATOR LYNCH: Okay. Well, for the record, do you remember the date at which time she told you about the FBI deal when your husband was present?

DONNA OWEN: This would have been on Tuesday, I believe. If Tuesday is April 25, then it would have been Tuesday, April 25, 1990. It would have all -- that was brought up then, but it was also brought up earlier, in March. Because at that time, I called Senator Labedz and I said, do you realize that this is what is happening and I want to tell you this because I think when all is said and done it's not going to just be this man Mike Casey, they are going to say that Gary Caradori was in on it and that members of the legislative committee were in on it. And she was very concerned and she immediately went to get Senator Schmit and I talked with him about it also. And that would have been in March.

SENATOR SCHMIT: I recall that.


In order for the FBI to claim that all of the Franklin committee's evidence was a hoax, they had to break one or more of the witnesses Caradori had taped. Troy Boner and Danny King recanted; what happened with Troy shows the hand of the FBI.

On the evening of July 11, 1990, the day her husband crashed to his death, Sandie Caradori received several phone calls from Troy Boner. She wrote up her notes on the calls:

I need to preface this writing by explaining that in the course of the Franklin Credit Union investigation, many calls were received at our home from Troy Boner. I was familiar with the individual's voice and can be 100% assured that I did, in fact, receive the telephone calls from him.

In the early evening of Wednesday, July 11, 1990, several telephone calls were received at our home by an individual identifying himself as "Troy." Different individuals answered the telephone and took the message from him. I was either talking to other visitors at our home or in no shape to come to the telephone. In any event, if necessary I can supply names of the parties who can attest to the fact that a "Troy" called for me during that evening.

Later in the evening, Troy again called and I was able to go the telephone. It should be noted that I did not initiate the call, nor did I know what, if anything, he wanted to speak to me about.

The following is a synopsis of the conversation:

SC: This is Sandie Caradori. ... Troy, what do you want to say?

TB: First, you have to be careful.

SC: Troy, that is the least of my worries. How are you?

TB: I am so sorry. I am so sorry. He shouldn't have died.

SC: What are you saying Troy? What are you trying to tell me.

TB: Gary wasn't lying. He didn't tell me what to say. What I told him was the truth. (He spoke rapidly as if fighting back tears.) They made me take it back. They threatened me.

SC: Troy, you should tell someone. ... Do you want me to call Senator Schmit? You need to come out with the truth once and for all. Troy, what has happened?

TB: You don't understand, thy threatened me. They made me take it back. I was so scared.

(At this point I felt I needed someone else to hear this so I asked Troy to tell what he had just told me to our son, Sean.)

SC: Troy, I want you to talk to Sean, Gary's 16-year old son. Please tell him, alright?

TB: Yeah, sure.

SEAN: Yeah, man what do you want?

I, along with the ten to 15 other people in our kitchen/ family room heard Sean's portion of the conversation as follows:

SEAN: Okay buddy, you need to do it for my Dad, man. Okay ... Okay ...

I got back on the telephone and told him I would try to contact Senator Schmit or Karen [Ormiston]. He said he'd be at [phone number] but only for a short time. He said he was going to be "on the move" or something to that effect. He further stated, "I'll go to anyone who'll listen. I'll go without my lawyer. I'm gonna come clean."

He then asked if I would talk with his mother. She wanted to talk. I said, "Of course."

Troy's mother's voice was familiar. She had called our house several times for Gary. ... Troy's mother related the following:

MRS. BONER: Mrs. Caradori, I am so sorry. I'm so sorry. This is such a tragedy. I knew something happened to Troy. He got so scared just before he changed his story. They were threatening him. I knew he shouldn't have backed away from the truth. ...

Troy then got back on the telephone and I repeatedly asked that he would promise me that he would come through for me, for Gary, and for A.J. He said, "I promise ... tomorrow. ... To anyone who will listen ... the FBI, the news -- anyone."

The next day I did not hear anything on the television or the radio and I really felt that Troy had probably backed away. That evening he called me again. He said, "Sandie, I tried, I tried. I went to Mickey Mott and (FBI agents). They laughed at me. They said they spent too much time and money on this case now for me to change my story. I also went to Frank Brown [Channel 7 TV] but he said he didn't want to take a statement because of my Grand Jury testimony."


The next day, Sandie Caradori arrived at the offices of her husband's firm for the first time since his death, to find two FBI agents already there, with a subpoena for all of Caradori's records. Mrs. Caradori recalled:

I was extremely upset because the timing certainly left much to be desired. I opened the closed door and noted two FBI agents, Karen Ormiston, and our security director, Joe Hebenstreit. They were all seated in the office. I said, "I don't think I need to introduce myself. What are you doing here? I can't believe this."

The smaller individual stammered a bit and looked at Karen and said, "Who ... who is this?" "She's Gary's widow." He then halfway stood up and extended his hand as if to shake mine and expressed his/their sympathy. The whole ordeal was extremely unprofessional. He then looked over his shoulder at the other agent, gave him a smirk, and shook his head. He identified himself as Mickey Mott .... I then asked them directly whether Troy Boner had tried to speak with them on the previous day. Mr. Mott said, "I can't confirm or deny that." I indicated that I did deserve an answer. Mr. Mott then said, "Yeah, he came to the office but we can't waste our time with him. He has lost all credibility."

Troy Boner did attempt to come clean. He went not only to the FBI office, but to Senator Schmit's -- and then pretended he had not. The World-Herald reported July 27, 1990:

State Senators Loran Schmit of Bellwood and Bernice Labedz of Omaha said Troy Boner told blatant lies when he said he did not come to Schmit's office last week and when he said he didn't recant what he told a Douglas County grand jury Schmit said at least eight people were in his office last week when Boner, in essence, recanted his recantation and said that what he had originally told Caradori was the truth.

Six of the eight appeared at a press conference Thursday, including four -- Schmit, Sen. Labedz, Caradori associate R.J. Nebe and Jody Gittins, an attorney who works in Schmit's office -- who said they heard Boner's comments directly. ... The six at the press conference Thursday said Boner was in Schmit's office both July 16 and July 17, the day of Caradori's funeral.

Under pressure, Boner reasserted that what he told Gary Caradori was not true. His new lawyer, Marc Delman, insisted that his client had lied to Caradori. A specialist in child abuse cases when he worked in the Douglas County Attorney's Office, Delman was now better known for defending pornographers. Since Boner was penniless, many people in Omaha wondered if Alan Baer or another patron had given him the money to hire Delman.


On Sept. 25, 1990, a federal grand jury returned findings almost identical to those of the Douglas County jury:

There is no credible evidence for us to believe that funds or individuals connected with the Franklin Community Federal Credit Union were involved in the sexual exploitation of minors, the interstate transportation of minors, the interstate transportation of minors for sexual purposes or the trafficking in controlled substances.

All of the big shots named in the Caradori investigation were cleared:

There is no credible evidence for us to believe that any prominent individuals in the Omaha community were involved in any ring of organized activity to sexually exploit minors, transport minors in interstate commerce for sexual purposes, or to traffic in controlled substances.

Alisha Owen was indicted again, on eight counts of perjury. The FBI, as Boner said, had threatened Boner into recanting his videotaped statement, which enabled the Douglas jury to return its "carefully crafted hoax" verdict, and set the pattern for the federal grand jury. Federal officials in charge of the latter, in particular Assistant U.S. Attorney Thomas Thalken, attempted to terrorize Alisha Owen into recanting as well.

In testimony to the Franklin committee on June 21, 1990, Owen told about her experience with the federal grand jury, in an exchange with committee counsel.

BERRY: Now, I do not want to know what questions were asked and what answers you gave. But you told me earlier that your life hasn't been easy and the worst three days of your life were in front of the county grand jury. Was the federal grand jury a more pleasant experience or --

OWEN: Well, now I have to clarify that statement. No longer -- the worst three days of my life were not in front of the county grand jury but they were in front of the federal grand jury.

Imagine if you were woken up at 5:00 in the morning, told to take a shower and get dressed. You were not told where you were going. I mean, if somebody came to your home at 5:00, did not tell you where you were going, they had the authority to drag you out of bed. After you got dressed you were then taken outside your home and wrapped in chains and driven two hours to another city, all -- you were still not told where you are going and what is actually happening. Officially you are not told.

Then once you get to this other city, you're put into an actual cage. I mean, I have seen kennels look nicer than where I was held. And five minutes before 9:00, you are given a subpoena telling you that you have to testify at 9:00 in front of a grand jury. Now, that -- I mean that in itself is suspect. Okay. Especially if you are the witness. I might be able to understand it if you are the perpetrator. ...

I am in a room and it's a cage, okay, it's -- it really is a cage like a zoo cage. The whole front is just a cage. And there is a hallway and there is -- there is an open door so I can hear what's going on in the hallway because it's just a cage, there is no sound barrier. I heard Mr. Thalken repeatedly and repeatedly in a very disrespectful -- what I consider dis -- I wouldn't talk to anybody like that, disrespectful tone, saying things repeatedly, over and over, if she gets up there and she doesn't tell the truth I'm going to charge her with perjury. Over and over and over and over again. I have not heard the word perjury so many times in my entire life than that day. ... He was saying this to my attorney, saying I'm going to put her on the stand and if she doesn't, you know, if she doesn't tell the truth I'm going to charge her with perjury.

Alisha's attorney Henry Rosenthal confirmed her account:

Well, I don't know Tom Thalken. ... He came at me like a little grizzly bear. ... And he had a finger about two inches from my nose and kept yelling about perjury. And I didn't even know what he was talking about. Over and over about this and that and this and that. I said, let me tell you, if you think you have got any evidence of perjury when she's done, please charge her, just please do that. And that's -- every time there was a recess, yelling about perjury ... This was before the evidence even started.

Long before Thalken's behavior in dealing with Owen, his name had surfaced in Gary Caradori's investigation, as an alleged pedophile who frequented adult book stores in Council Bluffs, Iowa. Moreover, a confidential informant told Caradori, that Thalken was key to the cover-up in progress. In a February 22, 1990 report, Caradori transcribed an interview with this confidential informant.

GC: Are the federal people still putting me down, have you heard? I mean they want me off this case.

CI: Well, they don't want anybody to get too close to it. ... This thing is way bigger than Nebraska. ... You get one of those dominoes to fall I think it could reach to the White House and back so fast. That's why it's just almost hopeless.

GC: What have you heard that they're doing [sic] to do to try to squash this case?

CI: Well, their ace in the hole is the assistant prosecutor.

GC: Thalken.

CI: Yeah. And the term was a year ago, finger in the dike.


Rosenthal was Alisha' s second lawyer. He succeeded Pamela Vuchetich, who had conveyed to Alisha the FBI's offer of a deal, from Vuchetich's friend Mickey Mott. In her Franklin committee testimony of June 11, 1990, Owen reported another incident involving Vuchetich and the FBI, which appeared to be an attempt to craft some evidence of the "carefully crafted hoax":

They had Troy call me in the beginning of March. He called me in the afternoon and I got on the phone. ... Pam had told me that Troy had recanted his statement about Danny. She never told me he recanted his statement about me. And you know, maybe I was naive, maybe I was just dumb, but I never once thought he could do that because, I mean, I had all this evidence, you know, and I mean, I'm the one that -- you know, that told them about Troy and others. It never dawned on me that he would ever do that, recant about Danny.

So we -- I got on the phone and I -- one of the first things I asked him was, why are you doing this to Danny, he's one of your best friends, how could you do this, what are you doing? And he said, something, Alisha, I'm scared. And his voice -- the FBI has this tape. His voice is just really scared.

And I know Troy sleeps until 4:00 or 5:00 at night, so I started to think oh, my God, he's in Omaha for a week, it's 3:00, 2:30 in the afternoon, somebody must be at his house making him do this. And I thought this must be a taped phone conversation. I was -- I was literally scared. I thought either they sat down a lot of money in front of him or else somebody has got a gun to his head making him say this. I mean, I never thought -- it never dawned on me the FBI would be so, you know, devious as to try and do something like that.

So I asked him, why are you doing this? And he -- and he said, Alisha, I'm scared, I don't know what to do, tell me what to do. And then he asked me, quote, unquote, do you think we're going to get any money? And I -- I stopped for a second and I said, I don't give a damn about any money, you know, just tell the truth. That's what I said, quote, unquote. Excuse my French. But I just -- just tell the truth. He said, what should I do? And I said, just tell the truth.

And he kept trying to make these leading statements, Alisha, what should I do? And that's when I realized at that point in time that whoever was listening was probably law enforcement, trying to do entrapping statements. ... And after I got off the phone, I tried to get ahold of Pam. Well, Pam is sitting down in the FBI's office with them making that call. Tried to get hold of Pam, Pam is not around. So I was upset enough and I was worried enough that possibly somebody was sitting there with a gun that I called Gary. And I thought, okay, if anybody is going to be able to do anything or know anything, Gary will know or he'll be able to find out.

I called Gary. And Gary said, Alisha, Troy is sitting down at the FBl's office right now. So okay, I knew that the FBI was the one that prompted him to that call. ... So Gary told me that it was the FBI. And Gary said to me at that time, Alisha, maybe you should start wondering why your attorney is spending so much time with the FBI.

Against Alisha Owen's specific instructions, she reported, Vuchetich turned over to the FBI a file that Alisha maintained on acquaintances from her past. Vuchetich had suggested she assemble this information. In it were the names of some people, like former boyfriends, who could be expected to be bitter toward her.

Alisha Owen told the Franklin committee, that the FBI also directly advised her to tell a lie -- to say that she had lied on the videotapes.

SENATOR SCHMIT: In other words, they advised you to say that you had lied on the tapes?



OWEN: The FBI had advised me that I should say that not everything on the tapes is true, just a blanket statement, and say not everything on the tapes is true, and that I should forget all about the tapes because they can come back to hurt me.

SCHMIT: I want to interrupt there because that is almost an identical statement that we heard in the press made by Troy, that not everything on the tapes was true.

OWEN: That's what they told me to say. ... And there were times when they tried to get me to say that Gary Caradori was withholding evidence from them, there were times when they -- they basically really rammed Gary into the ground.

Caradori wrote in his daily notes of April 20, 1990:

At approximately 1415, this writer received a telephone call from Alisha Owen. She talked about the FBI hinting to her that if she changed her story that they would insure that they would "go after" this writer and Mike Casey for "fabricating" an investigation. She informed me that she had not fabricated any part of any story and that she was sticking to the story she told me, and that she wished me well. For my own protection, I tape recorded the telephone conversation which lasted approximately 30 minutes.

According to an associate of Caradori, Franklin committee counsel John Stevens Berry alerted Caradori that he should get a lawyer, since he would likely be indicted.


Alisha was not the only witness the FBI was reported to have harassed or told to lie. At a Franklin committee session on June 22, 1990, Senator Labedz related her discussion with former Franklin employee Noel Seltzer:

One of the most important things that I thought he told me was the fact that when they first went into the investigation of Larry King, he was talked to by the FBI and he told them mostly everything that he told me about the sexual abuse and so forth. And then he said he was told by the FBI, we're going to advise you it's best for you that you keep your mouth shut. And I said, say that again, and he repeated it so I could write it down.

Gary Caradori interviewed a victim-witness named Terry Muller*. In his daily report of Apri1 20, 1990, Caradori wrote:

Further this writer received a telephone call from Sue Tompkins*, sister of Terry Muller. Briefly, Sue told this writer that the FBI and a member of the State Patrol were harassing her brother and trying to get him to talk about things that he just didn't know about. She stated that her brother is extremely scared. He wants to tell the truth, however, he felt extremely uncomfortable with the FBI and State Patrol investigators. She stated that a Phillips and FBI Agent Coulter were very harsh with her brother.

On May 4, 1990, Caradori added:

Following this meeting, this writer placed a telephone call to Sue Tompkins, who is the sister of Terry Muller. She advisedme that Terry had retained an attorney to protect him from the FBI. I told her that I wished him well and hoped that everything worked out for him.

Caradori's investigative notes for February 19, 1990 record his talk with Joanie Gregory, a Department of Social Services social worker who screened families applying for foster care licenses:

Approximately 2.5 years ago she was inspecting the home of Jarrett and Barbara Webb for a renewal of their license. She felt the environment was not right and wrote a letter to DSS in Lincoln. She received no response. After a couple of months, she wrote a letter to the Omaha Police Department regarding this same situation with the Webbs. She was then contacted by the FBI. In the meantime she had tried to do some research on her own, but evidently files were missing. To this writer's knowledge, a letter was not written to the FBI. The FBI informed Joanie Gregory that it would probably be in her best interests if she "forgot this information."

Caradori recorded in his notes for December 1, 1989:

At approximately 4:00 PM Senator Schmit arrived at [committee counsel] Steve Berry's office, during which time he advised me that within the last 48 hours the FBI were scrutinizing several of his businesses such as his gambling machines in southeastern Nebraska and other related matters.

On his own bitter experience with the Bureau, Caradori commented to the Franklin committee, on June 22, 1990.

CARADORI: I think the [Douglas Co.] grand jury is being misfed information.

SEN. LYNCH: By who, can you tell?

CARADORI: I think they are being misled by the influence of the State Patrol investigator and various people in the FBI.

BERRY: Do you think the FBI and the State Patrol are deliberately misleading the grand jury?

CARADORI: I do, but I can't -- you know, I have nothing to base it on. You know, the people ... in law enforcement say, we checked every lead you got, every lead that you have and it's nothing. And it's like, you know, all the work that you have done is not worth a damn. ... [T]he most frustrating thing in this whole case, and no sense dwelling on it, has been that you produce a work product, not every lead is going to be in gold but you produce a work product and then one of the aspects of your investigation is the State Patrol and right away it goes to them, goes to the FBI and -- and then they just tear you apart. And yeah, it's been really frustrating. ...

SEN. LYNCH: So the impression that we talked about being left with the grand jury wasn't an impression that this committee or witnesses that we had or any staff in addition to you, our counsel, misled us with information, but the fact that information we developed that we shared with the FBI and the police department was in fact used by them to --

CARADORI: Work against us.

SEN. LYNCH: Discredit us.

CARADORI: I go on record and say I -- I didn't want to give them our data. ...

BERRY: Mr. Creager and I, and following our advice the chairman and the committee members, have instructed you that everything you have must be turned over to both the grand juries, federal and county, you feel that sometimes your investigative effort has been sabotaged, is that -- is that the source of your frustration?

CARADORI: That's right.

The legislative investigator found that the FBI interfered with material even before he got to it. One afternoon in late 1989, Caradori and Karen Ormiston spent several hours at YNR Airlines in Sioux City, Iowa, photocopying flight manifests of Larry King's charter flights. At other airlines, staffers had already confirmed to Caradori, that King took underage boys and girls with him on charter flights. At YNR, children's names were listed for the flights -- proof that King was transporting children around the country as the Webb girls, Alisha Owen, Paul Bonacci, and others had charged.

The owner of YNR made a phone call, and prevented Caradori from leaving with the records, some of which had yellow FBI tabs attached to them. Since the Franklin committee had only limited, in-state subpoena power, Caradori requested the NCUA to subpoena the records, turn them over to him, and not mention this to the FBI. NCUA general counsel Robert Fenner agreed.

Caradori never got the records, but someone else apparently did. Caradori told a friend, that he saw some of the FBI stickers from YNR, in a notebook carried by FBI agent Mickey Mott. The FBI maintained that there was no proof whatsoever that King had transported children; the Douglas County grand jury lamented, that it was a pity charter companies did not keep flight manifests, so no trips could be verified.

In a September 25, 1990 letter to Senator Schmit, Ormiston summed up the FBI's activities:

There must be some kind of provision which allows the State of Nebraska to retain its information so that there is not a probable cover-up when this stuff is turned over to the federal level. It is my sincere hope that the federal agencies cannot just walk all over the state agencies, especially since we have given them everything we have yet we have been allowed to see nothing that they have. This in itself has not only prolonged the investigation, but it has also been a major factor in that the FBI does seem to get to our leads since they do have a lot of manpower. I do feel that the leads turned over to the FBI have effectively been stonewalled as it pertains to this investigation.


The FBI's eagerness to discredit the victim-witnesses may be based on more than just an institutional commitment to protect former Omaha FBI chief Nick O'Hara's friend Chief Wadman, or Assistant U.S. Attorney Thalken, or higher-ups in Washington. A look at life inside the Bureau, including its Omaha branch, shows why.

In August 1990, black FBI agent Donald Rochon settled his suit against the FBI for racial discrimination. A highly decorated veteran of the Los Angeles Police Department, Rochon joined the FBI in the early 1980s. According to the settlement, Rochon, who worked in the Omaha FBI office in 1983 and 1984, will receive more than $1 million over his lifetime, and have his $500,000 in legal expenses paid.

In his suit, Rochon charged Omaha FBI personnel with sexual perversion. Some of the details are recorded in a "Motion of the [U.S.] Attorney General for Summary Judgment as to Plaintiff's [Rochon] 'Chicago Claims,'" filed on September 13, 1989 in Washington, D.C. After his Omaha assignment, Rochon had moved to Chicago, where the harassment continued.

Subhead II of that motion, "The Sexual Deviance Complaint and Investigation," reads in part:

In response to his telephonic complaint, a signed sworn statement was taken from Rochon on July 3, 1984. In his statement, Rochon described a series of acts or events which he alleged were evidence of sexual deviance by SA [Special Agent] Dillon and other SAs assigned to the Omaha office. Specifically, Rochon alleged that he had "personally observed" Dillon "French kissing" SA Agent Terry J. Bohle, a male, at a going-away party for SA Bohle, and that he likewise had "personally witnessed" Dillon "exposing himself in the Omaha office during a regular work day to numerous Omaha employees, both male and female." In addition, Rochon said that he had heard reports that Dillon had allowed Boble to urinate into his mouth and to "urinate into a beer bottle, [from] which he subsequently drank;" and that Dillon had been observed "picking out the deodorant block in [the] men's urinal and placing this block in his mouth." Rochon further alleged that Dillon appeared preoccupied with homosexual sex, kept homosexual pornography at his desk, and had frequently spoken in the office of homosexual acts.

Another agent backed up Rochon's account of Dillon's allowing Bohle to urinate into his mouth. In an official response, Dillon protested that SA Bohle only "accidentally" did urinate on him on one occasion. He added that he, Dillon, had not exposed his penis in the office, as Rochon charged, but merely his buttocks. The Bureau defended Dillon's possession of pornographic homosexual literature, as necessary for his investigation of homosexual prostitution. But Rochon's claims of discrimination and harassment were so well substantiated, that the FBI chose to settle.

In October 1983, the FBI announced it had investigated a male prostitution ring in Omaha. Apparently one of the agents on the case was none other than SA Dillon. U.S. Attorney Ron Lahners commented privately at the time, "This thing is so big and involves so many prominent people around this state." The investigation was expected to bring high-level indictments, but never did. One Nebraska insider said recently, "There is no doubt that the pedophile networks investigated in 1983 overlapped those of Larry King; in fact King himself was probably looked at at that time."

Special agent Dillon, who was investigating homosexual prostitution in those years, was "real close to some priests at Boys Town," according to a law enforcement source who knew Dillon then. Years later, Caradori received allegations that some priests associated with Boys Town, in particular Father Pat Henry and Father Fiala, were pedophiles; Father Henry was sent to Bolivia when child abuse scandals surfaced at Boys Town in the mid-1980s.

Donald Rochon was a successful agent, part of whose responsibility while in Omaha was to find missing children. He once was commended for finding a kidnapped girl within one day of beginning work on the case. Inevitably, as a black agent, he would have developed ties in the black community in north Omaha, where Larry King's pedophilia was notorious. Many of the boys King used as prostitutes were black, and were recruited from Boys Town, where the alleged pervert SA Dillon seemed to have friends. Would it have been just a matter of time until Rochon found himself investigating SA Dillon, and others in Dillon's clique? One thing was established for certain by Rochon's court documents: Dillon was the ringleader of the harassment operation which drove Rochon from Omaha, and most of the rest of the Omaha FBI office covered up for Dillon.
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:28 pm


At the time of his death, Gary Caradori was known to be pursuing two tracks -- the Washington, D.C. connection, and satanism. A satanic magazine was seen by a farmer at the site of Caradori's plane crash in rural Illinois; the magazine disappeared without a trace, and without further mention by the news media or the National Transportation Safety Board.

Caradori told Senator Schmit he had some Franklin leads to follow up, while he was in Chicago for the All-Star Game. One place he planned to visit was a satanic book store.

The Douglas County grand jury acknowledged that the allegations in the Franklin case "necessitated our studying satanic and pedophile activity in eastern Nebraska, particularly in the Omaha metropolitan area."

The testimony of two victim-witnesses who did not know each other, Loretta Smith and Paul Bonacci, placed King in the middle of such activity. Smith's testimony was apparently so sensitive, that the Douglas County Attorney's office made an unprecedented appeal to the presiding judge of the Douglas County Circuit Court, Judge James M. Murphy, to have it sealed in perpetuity. (When I became Paul Bonacci's attorney, this judge failed in an attempt to prevent me from representing or assisting Paul, which would have left him to be represented by a public defender. Eventually, Judge Murphy had to disqualify himself from the case, as a result of his attempt to injure me.)

Murphy granted the request to seal Smith's grand jury testimony. Its nature, however, was clear by the references to it in the jury's final report:

In 1988 an Omaha girl, who was an inpatient at Richard Young Hospital, described a number of gruesome cult activities which she claimed to have witnessed between the approximate ages of 9 and 12. ... According to the girl, she became involved in a cult where older male members sexually molested her and killed infants and children to establish their dominance over other cult members.

Smith had named Larry King as present at ritual sacrifices, along with school superintendent Deward Finch and the person called Kings Horse, identified by videotaped witnesses as King's henchman, the other Larry.


Satanic activity is not new in Nebraska and the surrounding midwestern states. Some families have passed it from generation to generation, over fifty or a hundred years. Satanic practices have spread into the highest levels of society, where Larry King traveled.

A Nebraska woman now in her forties, who calls herself "a little wild" in her youth, tells how she was approached at age 15 and asked if she were a virgin. A virgin was needed, it was explained, for certain occult ceremonies. When it appeared she might go (she didn't), she was told, "Don't be surprised at the wealthy and powerful people you will be seeing at the ceremony."

In 1974, ritualistic cult activity in parts of rural Nebraska was a big enough story to be featured in a Washington Post article, "'Devil Cult' Sought in Nebraska Cattle Mutilations; Ranchers Enraged by Weird Deaths." It reported:

There is angry -- and serious -- talk among Nebraska ranchers about helicopter-equipped devil cultists and fertility ritualism. ... Since spring, 21 cases of cow or horse mutilations have been authenticated in a five-county area and some observers think the number should really be about 50. But it is difficult to determine the cause of death of a yearling after five or six days in open country.

However Pierce County rancher Eugene Scott last week found a calf which had been dead only five hours, according to the examining veterinarian. Its sex organs had been removed and the body drained of blood. State Patrol investigator E.M. Hastreiter said no blood or tracks were found on the scene.

Mutilation stories began in May and at first authorities attributed the acts to varmints, mostly coyotes. But then a veterinarian called to examine the dismembering and draining of a cow near Madison in June said he was concerned "that a human element was involved."

In most cases blood has been drained and reproductive organs removed. A helicopter frequently has been seen hovering over the area about the time of the mutilation. A copter with a spotlight was seen over the Lancaster County farm of Richard Benes the night of a confirmed mutilation there.

Knox County Sheriff Herbert Thompson, who is investigating seven mutilations, also reports the simultaneous sighting of unidentified helicopters in that area.

Dr. Richard Thill, Germanic professor at the University of Nebraska, who also teaches noncredit witchcraft courses, has been reviewing the reports and calls them "ritualistic." ...

Whatever is happening has nerves on edge. Nightly, cowboys in trucks with Citizen's Band radios and rifles patrol the prairies. Patrols are made almost nightly in the counties of Knox, Cedar, Antelope, Madison, and Burt.

In the blaze of publicity, and in face of the armed patrols, the ritualistic activity was driven underground, or into other, even more horrible forms.

According to testimony from Paul Bonacci, Larry King had been recruited to a satanic cult by December 1980 at the latest. In his written history, Bonacci described how King picked him up after school one day in December, "and took me to the Triangle which is in a wooded area in Sarpy County. I witnessed a sacrifice of a human baby boy. Everyone was chanting and it was a yearly ritual around the time of Christ's birth to pervert the blood of Christ. They used daggers and cut the boy and filled a cup with his blood and mixed urine in it and forced all of us to drink from the cup and chant 'Satan is Lord Lucifer our King. Realm of darkness come now empower us your slaves.' Then they all began to chant some weird sounds and I got scared and was threatened I'd become the next sacrifice if I told anyone about it."

Bonacci said he witnessed the participation of another Franklin-related figure: "I did see [Alan] Baer take part in satanic activity on several occasions." Bonacci spoke to Dr. Judianne Densen-Gerber about his activities as a member of four different satanic cults in Nebraska, some of which had 50 to 100 members.


A groundbreaking account of satanic activities in Nebraska came from Kathleen Sorenson, the foster mother who took in Nelly and Kimberly Patterson after they fled from the Webbs.

Mrs. Sorenson decided to speak out about what she had learned from children in her care. Together with her eldest foster daughter, a survivor of ritualistic abuse, she spoke at public forums around the state, gave radio and television interviews, and appeared on Geraldo Rivera's nationally televised special on satanism. This is the report Kathleen Sorenson gave on a Christian TV interview program aired in Nebraska in 1989, based on her experience with over 30 children who spent months or years in her home.

We got involved and learned about this subject because we were foster parents and worked with a number of children. And several years back, several of the children began, after a period of time and building up trust, began to talk about some very bizarre events that had happened in their past and they were frightening and very confusing. I really didn't know what to think. We went to the police, and we went to social services and there was really nothing anyone could do. These children we worked with are now adopted, in safe homes, and probably would never have talked had they not felt able to trust the people they were living with.

There are certain things that are in common in the childrens' stories when we talk about devil worship. ... There are things that come up in every single story, such as candles. They all talk about sex. Sex is without a doubt a part of every area of this, all sorts of perverted sex. That is what you will first hear, about the sex, about the incest, and it is so hard to believe. But once we get that, we have learned that we can go on and ask and find out. .. and it will involve pornography; that is always part of it. Part of the reason is that they can use that to threaten the children. "We have pictures, we will show the police if you talk." It makes the children feel that they are in great danger, and they are all very frightened of the law. They talk about the garish make-up that the people in the group wear, they talk about singing that they didn't understand. Obviously that is chanting, and that has come up in every one of these stories, and none of them call it chanting. There will be dancing. Most often that will involve sexual acts. There will always be a leader and they will be very frightened of the leader.

These children, from a very young age, and I am talking about children who came out of birth homes, the family they were born to, worshipped the devil. That's all I can share, and I don't pretend to be an expert. All I can tell you is what the children have told me. My husband and I say, we know things we shouldn't know. That's true, and I thought very carefully before I agreed to do the program, because we have heard so much, and it is so ugly, and so frightening, that you hesitate to tell it to people. It's very heavy to know. I don't want people running around looking in their closets and not leading normal lives. You don't want to think you are giving people ideas. I don't want people to say, if a child starts to talk about some of this, "They probably saw it on that show Kathleen did." But we're hearing more and more. And it is becoming very, very out in the open, and I think it's time for people to know that this is not fun and games; this is not something that we can laugh at -- or ignore.

The children I have talked to have all had to murder before the age of two. That is something beyond anything I could comprehend. But in some way, whether with the help of an adult's hand over theirs, by having them practise, by getting them excited to be part of the adult scene, they do murder. And the evil thing that happens is, that they really believe that they want to. They want to do what the older people are doing, and they are praised for that. And that becomes their goal, to be like the adults. There is a little part in them, that natural good, God-given part, which knows that it is wrong. But in a group, and in the excitement of everything, they want to do that. They enjoy the sex. Children are capable of enjoying the sex. I didn't know that. Well, why would they fight against it? A child will eat a bag of candy if you give it to them. They will take part in these things willingly. When they get out and begin to talk, it is very difficult for them to realize, we didn't realize it at first, that they actually wanted to do it.

They are told they will never get out, no one will ever believe them, that there is no freedom, that "the law will get you," they are hopeless before they get someone willing to listen. They are threatened with death. Every time a child is killed in their group, they are told, "If you tell, this will happen to you." They have every reason to believe that. So even when they are into the [foster care] system, and with another family and begin to feel somewhat safe, they still expect these people to show up on the doorstep. They believe that these people know everything they are doing, everyone they're talking to. One teenager told me that she had been told, that if she ever got married, that they would fool her, it would be one of them and she wouldn't know it ahead of time. They set them up to fail in every area.

It is very prevalent in the midwest, Iowa, Nebraska, Missouri. Some people have speculated recently that these states are headquarters. ...

As you listen to us talk about these things, there will be a natural part of you which will deny much of what you hear, and believe me, we did too. I would like to share this with you, partly in the children's words, so that you can hear the things that they said that nobody could make up, that no child could know. That's what eventually convinced me, along with the deep emotion. The grieving, screeching damage and hurt that they cry out with as they talk. The children I will be talking about, these are all children that I personally talked to. They are today between the ages of 5 and 17. When they talked they were between the ages of 5 and 15. When these things occurred to them, they were between the ages of, well birth, but of when memory enters in, I would say a year and a half to eight. So we are talking about very small children. ... We are talking about children forming consciences at that time, learning right from wrong. These children do not know. They come out and do not know what is right. They are confused. What they did before, that they were rewarded for, is such a horror to anybody else, that they are shunned. And most often they have been in multiple placements, they will go to a home, they will steal, they will lie, they will hurt animals. One little guy would sharpen pencils and try to stab people. I don't mean poke, I mean stab. People don't like that in their homes. They don't have any idea what it is, they just think, "We have a weird kid." Many are sent to psychiatric hospitals where they are labeled psychotics, schizophrenics, and who would want them in. I praise God that he brought so many of them into my life, and through our home, and that there are other families like ours, it is just a movement of the Holy Spirit, the only way I can explain it. ...

I will begin with the first stories that we heard, which will seem horrible to you, but are very mild to me, because we have progressed and heard far worse things. The first story is about two little boys who were 7 and 9 when they talked, and they told about sexual abuse at one point, and were very grieved. We talked about good and bad touching and we thought we really had gotten to the bottom of it, and then that afternoon the little one began to cry, and when we couldn't get the answer from him, the older brother said, "He is probably crying because he was in the room, when they killed his friend." That was the first one we know about. And as they described that, they talked about that particular victim being brought into a room, hands and arms tied, mouth taped, and how there had been X's marked on his body, on his vital organs. That was bad enough. Within a very few weeks we learned that it was not the adults who had killed that child. It was this oldest boy, who was talking.

The next person that we talked to was a little boy, who was very borderline mentally. He had language problems, it was very hard for him to explain himself. And when he began to come out of it, everyone was startled the way he talked. We were real sure, we knew he had not been around these other children and heard anything, but we began to question ourselves, "Are we asking strange questions. Is there something odd about us which makes children come and dump these things on us?"

The part which made me believe this child's story, he talked about different babies being killed, but this particular one being stabbed, he curled up in a fetal position, he was 9 years old when he was telling the story. He curled up in a fetal position, and his eyes got real glazed, and he said, "They cooked that baby on the grill." And I thought, he has really flipped out. I mean, I didn't know. And he said, "Oh, gross, it smelled like rotten chicken, or rotten deer."

He then went on to tell us how they would cut out the heart, or cut off the sex organs, and save them in the refrigerator. A very typical thing that these kids talk about. They worship the sex organs. ... They kept it for another ceremony. I asked him where the bodies went. I did not get any answers from that child about what happened to the bodies, but the other two boys, who I spoke about first, eventually, they talked about throwing the babies in the fire. And I asked about that, "You mean they were dead when they threw them in the fire?" And the littlest one said, "No, no. Them was alive and them threw them." And by this time we were really getting freaked out. What were we going to do? How can you help these kids? Where do you find a therapist who can deal with this? ... But God set up a support system. Other families were helping us, and that really helped.

The next child I will share about, and I am going sort of by categories here, how we learned, and the types of killings, this little girl is 11 today, she was 9 when she first talked. It was a very painful thing when she first started to share the sex things. The sex things are so harmful to the children and they are so embarrassed and it is so personal to the children, and they know that they enjoyed that. They know that. We had been through all that. She began to draw pictures of cats, and the cats all had tails that were on the other side of the page, or their leg was someplace else. As we began to work with her and talk, she said that she had had to kill a pregnant cat. She first said that they had killed a pregnant cat. We said how did you know it was pregnant. Well, she could not explain that, but as we got into it, she confessed that she had had to kill the cat. And I asked her. And her description was, "With a knife, I put it in her bottom, and twisted it."

Now you tell me, does a kid know that? If I ask a kid how do you kill a cat, do you think they will say that? Those are the kinds of details these children tell us. Later, and they eventually cut the cat open, and that was how they knew the cat was pregnant. And they eat parts of the cat, and the feces and the blood. And again, this was just the beginning. It progressed, and the next time she had to kill a baby, the same way -- put the knife in the bottom and twist. The baby was alive and he was screaming. And that child hears that, to this day, and has nightmares and flashbacks. And they cut the baby open, and they ate the baby. They do this, so there are no bodies left, and they burn what is left and grind up the bones. And she talked about that, pouring gasoline on the bodies and burning them in the back yard. And I used to think that was nuts, but I have heard it enough times now that I know it must be so. ...

We know there are mortuaries involved, to cremate the bodies, and that makes sense. ...

The most horrible story about fire that I have to tell, and this is extremely, extremely disturbing, it was a little girl, she was a teenager when she was telling me. And she was describing a barn where they used to go to have their meetings and they used to gather outside the barn, and there would be chanting. And then as they went inside the barn they would be split into different groups. And she was never with any of her family, they all went to different places. And I asked her where she had to go and she said "I was always in the burning room." And as she went on to describe the burning room, I thought, how she came out of this, with any sanity at all, I don't know. She was a very small child.

They would take in children, probably pre-schoolers, and they would hang them from the rafters in this barn, and there would be as many as five or ten hung in a row. They would be fully clothed, which is unusual, because frequently they are naked. The children, like this girl, were all given candles. And you can picture the ceremony as she described it. And the candles were lit. Then the adults would go forward and would pour liquid from a cup on each of the children's clothing, which was obviously gasoline or kerosene. And then they would give a signal and the others would have to go forward and set the children on fire. When they were done they would cut them down. The first child that this girl had to kill was a cousin, a little cousin. What does that do to you? But you couldn't object, because the children that objected were killed. Frequently, she said, people would come in families, not knowing that their child would be sacrificed, and she described the screams when they realized that their child had been killed. ...

This child, about two years ago, just fell to the ground at Christmastime, everyone thinks that Christmas is such a wonderful time. And she confessed that she hated Christmas, she couldn't wait until everything was put away, because all she could hear was babies crying. Christmas is the time when the most babies die. And she covered her ears and cried for 2-1/2 hours, and screamed, "Stop it, stop it, stop it! Talk to God and make him stop it!" All she could hear is the screams and the babies crying. ...

Christmas for the children I have talked to, has been one of the worst times. I have had three children tell me about a very similar ceremony, and I will kind of merge that and tell you how it went. They were taken to a church, and all the children, it is a very festive occasion, and they are taken to the front of the church, and a small child is now brought in, two of them talked about babies and they put them on a platform. The adults are all celebrating and dancing, and singing and the children are getting into the spirit of it, and what they are doing is forming a circle around the child, and of course the child represents the child Jesus, and they begin mocking, and spitting, and calling names, and then they encourage the children to begin doing it, and you can imagine how it gets out of control. And at some point they hand all of the children knives and then they are all hacking, and slashing until the baby is dead, and then they all celebrate because the child Jesus is dead.


Kathleen Sorenson was aware that it was dangerous to tell the public what she did. She appealed to friends, "Pray for me." She died in a head-on car crash in October 1989.

Former FBI abuse specialist Ted Gunderson evaluated the accident in which Kathleen Sorenson was killed as a satanic contract suicide. The other driver didn't die, but well could have; in satanic lore, a person who loses his life in such a contract murder/suicide will be reincarnated with more power, granted by Satan.

Kathleen was driving on a long, narrow stretch of road between Fremont, Nebraska and her home in Blair. At least several people knew the road she would be on, and at what time. A car was traveling in front of her, which was possibly the "spotter" car used in such a situation. Another car, coming from the opposite direction, crossed the center line and rammed into Kathleen's car, killing her. Both the young woman driver and her husband had prior arrest records for cruelty to animals, a common marker for satanism.

Not long after Sorenson's death, a teenager in a youth care facility told a worker, "You better watch out or we will get you like we got that lady from Blair." The youth went on to describe a ceremony of drawing lots for the privilege.


One of the most potent weapons of the satanists is the inability of the average person to comprehend such hideous events as described by Kathleen Sorenson. A few years ago, if anyone had recounted something like her testimony to me, I would have recommended that they be hauled off to the loony farm. Today, I have no doubt that much -- maybe all -- of it is true. I have been confronted with documentation of a world I did not know about or believe existed.

I understand why normal people, reading Kathleen Sorenson's words, will have what psychiatrists call a "denial syndrome." Dr. Densen-Gerber addressed this phenomenon, when she testified before the Senate Franklin committee on December 29, 1990:

I want to say one thing. I would not want the committee to disband. I think that that is not in the best interest of the average Nebraska citizen for the reasons that I have said. I would also not want the material to be turned over to any other committee. Because it takes two to three years for the average person to get through the automatic denial that goes along with this kind of material. The first human defense mechanism against untenable horrific facts is to say that they don't exist.

Dr. Densen-Gerber testified that a particular satanic ritual, in which a two-year-old child was placed in the cavity created by a Caesarean section delivery of a baby, was so horrible that she herself refused to understand what some of her patients were telling her.

I've been in this field for an awfully long time. I should have realized that's what these three patients were telling me. It was so horrific for me to contemplate. Taking a two-year-old child and placing it in an open uterus, in a dying woman. To have this child covered with blood. I used denial myself after all these years. ... [This] has occurred, according to Sorenson, in Nebraska, and now she's dead. And the same thing that is described, this ceremony, was described by Bonacci as occurring in Nebraska.

She reviewed her prison interview with Paul Bonacci, conducted the previous day: 1) He has an extraordinary memory for detail, making him an invaluable witness, 2) He does not lie, 3) He has precisely described satanic rituals used by international cults which it were impossible for him to have known, unless he participated in them.

Oh, he calls one personality a computer chip in his head. He keeps it together by this meticulous obsessive attention to detail. So that he can give you times and dates that I have never seen in any other child abuse case. I have never seen a child who could do this kind of thing. ... So that he is an unusual witness. ... He doesn't fabricate, he'll say "I don't know," if he doesn't know. ...

And then you have, what I think that you may have here. You have an internationally-connected cult. In which persons move from one place to another and [have] very set rituals and are busy attempting to bring about a force of evil of the anti-Christ. Now he knew such things, as for instance, let me give you an example. In discussing the Caesarean section, which was done here in Nebraska, the Triangle. When he was there the girl was fifteen, as he describes her two year old son had to have sex with her prior to her death, prior to the hysterotomy or C-section. ... The two year old had sex with his mother. The mother was a believer, he states that she was not tied down, though she was drugged, and a lot of them had drugs. The baby was removed and the blood drained, the chalice passed, the high priest urinated in the chalice, in the blood. Because part of the way of the reverse Christian belief is to take the blood and defile it. But only the high priest may do it. And he knew it. ... The baby was dismembered. ... The next thing that he said is that the child would not stop crying and so they eliminated that child as well. And ate the flesh. And the mother died and she was also eaten by the cult. And I said, "well, what happened to the bones and teeth?" And he said that they were ground in a machine. Which is one of the ways that they do do it. He described it extremely well.

Occasionally you have to ask a question in a matter of fact way. So instead of saying was there anything done with any body part that was unusual, I said "Who ate the eyes?" Because part of this ritual is the eating of the eyes. And because the concept is that when you eat the eyes of the fetus or the new born, you gain sight, that's a Celtic Druid ritual which has been taken by these individuals. And without a change in voice or anything else he said Malachi ate the eyes. ... And I said but you were supposed to eat the eyes [as the third-ranking member in the cult]. And he said I was out of favor and was not permitted to eat the eyes. ... But I have to tell you the detail that he knew about how the rituals are conducted have convinced me he has been at ritual events. There is no other way that this child could know.
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:29 pm


Freeing America from the influence of those who protect and engage in official corruption -- from drug dealing to pedophilia, from abuse of public office to protection of satanism -- will depend on people who put fear behind them and stand for human dignity. The lives of four fighters who didn't quit, even under frightening conditions, give hope and encouragement for the fight to defeat the pedophile rings. I asked their friends to talk about these four people. I have incorporated their observations with some of my own.


Two years ago, if anyone had told me, John DeCamp, that a person could have several distinct, real personalities within one body, I would have thought they had been reading too much science fiction, or living with Alice in Wonderland. Then, the Douglas County Grand Jury indictment of Paul Bonacci brought me deeper into the Franklin case, and the suffering of its victims. Paul Bonacci called me shortly after he was indicted, and I agreed to visit him in the jail where he was incarcerated for touching another boy on the outside of his pants.

Meeting with Paul, I have spoken to several of his personalities. Three psychiatrists who have examined him concurred in the diagnosis of Multiple Personality Disorder, brought on by horrible, traumatic abuse when he was a child. My first act with respect to representing Paul Bonacci was to have him write down everything he could remember, about individuals who had abused him, from his earliest boyhood. An excerpt from what he wrote appears in Chapter 10. In that document and in Paul's letters, his handwriting will vary, depending on which personality is in control.

Bonacci was sentenced to five years in prison in 1989, for molesting a young boy for whom he was baby-sitting. Apparently one of Paul's homosexual personalities was in control of him during the incident, in which he briefly put his hand on the outside of the young boy's pants, an activity stopped when a remorse-stricken Paul reasserted control. Despite testimony from family friends and church members, that this was out of character, and despite its being a first offense, the Omaha court "threw the book" at Paul. This was before Gary Caradori first interviewed Paul, but the Franklin case had broken, and it would have been known to those to whom it mattered, that Bonacci could be a key Franklin witness.

Paul Bonacci is not just a victim. He is an intelligent young man, who has entered a process of redemption. Bonacci was intentionally damaged, spiritually and physically, from a very early age. He was forced to participate in "headhunting" expeditions, luring younger boys into servitude.

Throughout his childhood, Paul fought desperately to survive hell. He was brutalized continuously. Once when he was very young and it was discovered he was going to tell about the abuse, he had hot metal shoved into his mouth. Now, Paul is in a fight for his life, and for the life of others. A person who, until quite recently, was involved in a life very immoral and dangerous to others, is now motivated to an effort to live by love and a sense of justice.

In letters and conversations with friends, Bonacci says that the mission of his life is to prevent other children from suffering what he has. He speaks of being strong in his Christian faith, and of his efforts to convert other inmates.

In a letter from prison, to a friend, Bonacci talked about his desire to serve others: "I'm a 23 year old man who loves God and wants to do the right thing to prevent other children from being abused. I'm against anyone harming a child in any way. I'm only wanting to see the men stopped from hurting others. They can kill me. I'm ready to die for what's right. If by my death I can prevent a child from being abused, 1'd do it."

In his written report on his victimization, Paul said, "I have in the past cowered and given up. I no longer can cower and give up, instead I must stand firm and with truth go forward and fight against the men and the evil they have done to myself and other young people. 'Perilous times shall come, for men shall be lovers of their own selves, covetous, boasters, proud, blasphemers, disobedient to parents, unthankful, unholy, without natural affection, trucebreakers, false accusers, incontinent, fierce, despisers of those that are good, traitors, heady, high-minded, lovers of pleasures more than lovers of God; having a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof: from such turn away. For of this sort are they which creep into houses, and lead captive silly women laden with sins, led away with divers lusts, ever learning, and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth.' 2 Timothy 3:1-9.

"This scripture just about says it all about the men who have used me and others. They can continue to deny these things before men, but the day will come when they will stand before God and He will know all and then they cannot deny. ... I have continued to speak the truth and for doing so I am now being put down as a liar. The only liars are those who continue to deny the terrible sins they have done. Also Troy and Danny who at first told the truth and then began to lie to save their own butts from indictments which everyone with a brain could see coming for the victims. I will stand firm in my faith and trusting in the Lord to show the truth in the end."

Paul has repeatedly been placed in situations of danger while in prison. He has been moved to different facilities, contrary to agreements worked out by me as his attorney. He was given food to which he was allergic, while his weight dropped, and he was denied a blanket for months. He has had no medical help for his Multiple Personality Disorder, induced by what Dr. Densen-Gerber called the "emotional Auschwitz" of ritual abuse.

Bonacci was beaten several times in jail. He has been placed in the same area in the jail with potentially violent people associated with Alan Baer and Larry King.

Since he testified before the Legislature's Franklin committee, Paul Bonacci has been under continual attack by the irregular troops, so to speak, of the Nebraska cover-up, such as the World-Herald and its reporter Bob Dorr, who have ridiculed him as a hoaxer.

Paul Bonacci's commitment to saving other children is evident in his willingness to be interviewed by investigators of child abuse. In order to remember details, Paul must go through the difficult process of allowing his different personalities to come forward and speak. If one personality can't remember, another might. The personalities were originally established, one by one, at the exact moments of psychological terror when Paul as a defenseless child was physically attacked. Some of the personalities are very young children, some are girls, some are boys, some are men. The process of calling them up, of assuming these different identities, often involves intense pain for Paul. If he didn't care, he wouldn't go through these difficult interviews.


"My statements are true. I'll never, never change my story. The truth is the truth," Alisha Owen said during her trial. The pressure on her to recant has been immense.

Alisha's strength and determination have become famous among her supporters in Nebraska. People who meet her now, often remark that she is motivated by love. One woman said that the first thing Alisha ever told her, was that she is strong in her religious faith and that she must and will do the right thing, "because the Lord will be here with me" through what she knows will be a long ordeal ahead.

Alisha Owen has been told she will have to serve a minimum of ten years, seven months of her sentence, even with "good time." Alisha's daughter, Amanda, has been inconsolable; until she saw Alisha in the courtroom at the sentencing hearing, she was convinced her mother was dead. At sentencing, Alisha read a statement, in which she blamed state prosecutor Gerald Moran, the World-Herald, and two of the men she accused of abusing her, Robert Wadman and Harold Andersen, for clouding the issues and fueling a climate of innuendo against her. "I couldn't change my story when the FBI asked me to," she said, "because I can look into the mirror and know I am telling the truth. Children ask for justice, while adults plead for mercy. Your honor, I stand before you here today and I ask for justice."

Even while she was a repeated victim of abuse, Alisha was an excellent student and a youth leader in her church. She is known as an intelligent and well organized person. During her trial, courtroom observers were impressed by her close attention and participation in all aspects of her legal defense. Meanwhile, the prosecution attempted to portray Alisha as an immoral person since childhood, the way a rapist's lawyers often try to depict the rape victim as a slut who invited and possibly deserved abuse. This courtroom performance reduced Alisha to tears several times.

As a teenager, Alisha gave birth to a child, who she strongly maintains was fathered by one of her abusers, Chief Wadman. Her parents have stood by her, and in support of her little daughter.

Even through her first months in jail, through the grand juries' denunciation and indictment of her, through its repetition by the World-Herald and CBS News, and through her long trial and sentencing, Alisha's supporters say, "her faith and strength have amazed us. She is always honest, loyal, and even maintains her sense of humor. Alisha maintains she will not give up until these perpetrators give up -- and she won't give up!"

Even though a court-appointed psychiatrist said that Alisha did not tolerate well being alone, during 1990 and 1991 she was held in solitary confinement longer than any other female inmate in the history of the Nebraska penal system. A friend of hers said, "Her determination was unchanged by being in solitary."

When she was 17, Alisha was discarded as a sexual object by the pedophiles. At that point, she was in a position to have become a trusted, and very wealthy, member of organized crime networks. Someone serving as a "mule," or youthful courier for criminal drug runners, would have narcotics worth hundreds of thousands of dollars pass through her hands. When Alisha started to talk to Franklin committee investigators, many deals were offered to her to make her stop. But her disgust and concern over what was happening to other children prevailed.


For the two years of its existence, Senator Loran Schmit chaired the Franklin committee of Nebraska's unicameral Legislature. It was disbanded against his recommendation.

Schmit has farmed all his life. He is the father of ten children, a grandfather, and has served in the Nebraska Legislature for twenty-three years. His work in the Legislature, on agricultural and water resources development in the state, is described by long-time associates as being of "legendary proportions." Senator Schmit has chaired the Agriculture, Public Works, and Natural Resources committees of the Legislature. He was a member of its Executive Board for eighteen years. In January 1991, when the Franklin committee was decommissioned, the newly elected Legislature stripped Schmit and its other members of key positions; Schmit lost his chairmanship of the Natural Resources committee.

Senator Schmit has worked as a crop duster. Of his more than 40,000 hours of flying time as a pilot, a majority has been in the dangerous occupation of low altitude crop dusting and seeding, in both fixed-wing craft and helicopters. His personal knowledge of aircraft boosted his certainty, that his investigator Gary Caradori's violent death was not accidental.

Loran Schmit is often moved close to tears, when he speaks about the work and the death of Caradori. In December 1990, meeting with the Ministerial Alliance in Omaha, he said he felt personally responsible for the death of the man he hired to investigate the Franklin Credit Union case.

Schmit has a longstanding reputation as a last resort for people trying to help children in trouble. As Franklin committee chairman, Schmit often stayed at his office late into the night, to pursue the investigation of the pedophile ring. After Caradori was killed, and the Franklin committee no longer had a professional investigator, Schmit remarked, "Gary had this remarkable knack of just putting on his casual clothes and going out to places where people had information and just sitting down with them and gaining their trust. That's how he brought in all these facts in the investigation. I know I can't do it like Gary did, but when I hear that someone has information for us I just put on my old clothes and go wherever I need to go and sit down with them, and try to get that information myself. Gary would have done it much better, but I try."

This senator, who often starts speeches by saying, "Well, I'm just a farmer, but here's what I think," is a plain-spoken man. The image before him, of setting the pace for the people of his state, and of keeping the faith with his martyred investigator, has proven Loran Schmit to be a man of courage. He has withstood threats and harassment. At the height of the Franklin committee investigation, a piece of gallows humor around the state house was to ask, "Who wants to go start Schmit's car tonight?"

There have been efforts to ruin Schmit financially, including by means of spurious lawsuits filed against him. The FBI launched several investigations of Schmit. He also found his legislative district so radically altered in a June 1991 redistricting, that his reelection became a long shot.

Unhappy about what he regards as a do-nothing attitude of a majority of state senators toward child abuse, Loran Schmit recently asked, "When does it happen that we cross the line and the passivity of the Senate makes us co-conspirators with corruption? We have to take action, and stop this abuse once and for all."

While most of the Legislature cowered, fellow Franklin committee members Senator Dan Lynch and Senator Bernice Labedz, especially, showed courage in standing by Senator Schmit to the day their committee was dissolved.


Gary Caradori told the victim-witnesses of child abuse whom he interviewed, that he would die for them, if necessary. He died on July 11, 1990, at the age of 41, when his plane crashed in Illinois. His eight-year-old son was also killed.

During Alisha Owen's trial, FBI agent Rick Culver testified that Caradori's work for the Franklin committee was worthless. Former Police Chief Robert Wadman, posing as the wronged party, sued the state for damages, charging that Caradori's investigation caused him mental anguish. Wadman's claim against the state was turned down, and the lawsuit dismissed.

Mary Caradori has commented, that there were no such slanders of her son while he was alive. She calls him "a gentle, smiling man, a great man and the greatest investigator Nebraska has ever had." The man the World-Herald now smears as a Keystone Kop, she notes, was the youngest person ever to qualify as an investigator for the State Patrol. He was universally liked and respected, and he was "so bothered by what he was finding in the Franklin investigation that he just couldn't give it up."

"He worked on this investigation sometimes 24 or 48 hours without eating or sleeping," Caradori's mother recalls. "He looked so worn out I was worried about him. I told him, 'maybe you should give it up,' but he couldn't give it up. He didn't need this case, but he was just so dedicated."

Mary Caradori says that the accusation that Gary wanted to make a movie out of the Franklin case was a lie. She is angered by the Douglas County grand jury's suggestion that tape breaks in Caradori's videotaped interviews of victim-witnesses concealed his coaching them. "He would stop the tape when the kids would start to break down," she said. "He would always leave them their dignity. That is the kind of man he was. And he knew that they were victims of slavery and a Satanic cult. He knew that if the perpetrators aren't brought to justice, they will not stop."

A former Nebraska state patrolman, who later opened his own private investigative company, Caradori was known as a resourceful investigator. George Zahn, plant manager at the Monfort of Colorado meatpacking plant in Grand Island, Nebraska, told the World-Herald that Caradori "'did a very good job for us,' providing security and handling some investigations for Monfort for about seven years. 'He works any and all hours,' Zahn said. 'It doesn't make any difference to him. He's a person you can trust.'" Lincoln private investigator Edward H. Itzen, president of Metropolitan Protection Service, added, "I've never heard anything but good about him." Caradori once traveled to East Germany and found a woman's father, 39 years after they were separated. He rescued young girls who ran away from home and became caught up in prostitution in Las Vegas or California. Franklin committee counsel John Stevens Berry told the World-Herald, that Caradori is "the kind of guy who can check out the cat houses and find the child and get the kid out of there."

Looking back, Mary Caradori recalls Gary's anticipation that the Franklin case was about to break wide open. "You'd better believe there was a cover-up," she says. "My daughter-in-law and I were never notified about Gary and A.J.'s death. My friend had to tell me over the phone they were dead."

Gary Caradori's widow, Sandie, was his high school sweetheart. They had two sons. A.J., the younger, was an avid baseball fan, like his father. Departing for the All-Star Game, his grandmother recalls, A.J. was overjoyed that he would finally get to see his favorite big league players in person. "He was a wonderful little boy."

The Reverend James Bevel, civil rights leader, addressed Mary Caradori during his speech to a rally held by the Nebraska Leadership Conference in Lincoln in March 1991. He thanked her "for the gift of your son and grandson, who died for what is right." Senator Schrnit, to applause, declared that it is imperative to "leave no stone unturned," to find out why Gary and A.J. died.
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With the sentencing of Alisha Owen, the Nebraska judiciary and law enforcement agencies wanted to ring down the curtain on the Franklin case, once and for all. They and federal authorities moved to tidy up matters that were left hanging.

Larry King is in prison, but not for child abuse. Under a plea bargain arrangement finalized with federal prosecutors on June 17, 1991, King is serving a 15-year sentence for embezzlement, conspiracy and making false financial record entries. Since the Douglas County grand jury deferred to the federal authorities, and since there was no trial of King on the federal embezzlement or any other charges, the evidence of child prostitution and abuse perpetrated by King was never presented in any court.

Jarrett Webb did not stand trial. In a calculated display of concern, the Douglas County grand jury recommended in May 1990, that Webb be indicted by Washington County prosecutors for "third degree sexual assault of a minor," Nelly Patterson. On December 26, 1990, however, Washington County Judge David Quist dismissed the charges against Webb, ruling that the statute of limitations had run out on acts committed in 1985. In Nebraska, cases of abuse of children under sixteen years of age are supposed to receive an automatic extension of the statute. But although Nelly had reported abuse that began when she was nine years old, the judge ruled that the assaults in question were not prosecutable because they occurred two days after the girl's sixteenth birthday!

Alisha Owen was convicted of lying when she said she was sexually used by Robert Wadman. I will allow the articles and statements of others to deal with this, since I have, at Alisha's request, now agreed to represent her free of charge. I do not want to say anything here that would jeopardize Alisha or my ability to help her. But I can say, that Alisha Owen's trial took the strangest turns I have seen any trial take. Suffice it to say, that I believe she had the most extraordinary trial there ever was in Nebraska. I have not a shadow of a doubt that her story is true, like Paul Bonacci's.

On August 8, 1991, Alisha Owen was sentenced to three consecutive three to nine year prison terms. As she remarked, she will be in jail longer than Larry King.

Minutes after Owen's conviction, Prosecutor Gerald Moran dropped the Douglas County perjury charges against Paul Bonacci. He also obtained a court order that barred me from gaining access to other files that would have been used in Paul's trial.

Speaking as Paul's attorney, I charged, "They dropped the charges so that the truth would never come out."

For months, motion after motion to deposition those Bonacci accused was denied by Judge Patrick Mullen. Now, Moran stipulated that any such depositions and discovery were permanently ruled out.

I had seen it coming. As we moved closer to the commencement of Paul Bonacci's perjury trial, I said many times to all who would listen, "I guarantee you that Paul Bonacci will never go to trial. They will either kill him, or dismiss the charges. We are ready for trial. When we have the trial, the entire picture of crime, drug dealing, pedophilia and child abuse, and even this satanic cult activity, will come out, with all the personalities associated with it. They dare not bring this boy to trial. Or, if they are going to bring him to trial, they will have to get rid of me first and get someone in there handling the trial whom they control."


For over a year, after the initial flurry of coverage in 1989, the national news media avoided the Franklin case. On June 19, 1991, two days before the jury convicted Alisha Owen, CBS-TV featured Nebraska on its prime time show, "48 Hours."

The program, ostensibly on the impact of child abuse in various communities, stated its conclusion on the Franklin case at the outset: "Some communities have over-reacted and accused innocent people." Expounding on the alleged injustices done to those named by victim-witnesses as abusers, the producers had former Police Chief Robert Wadman appear tearful before the cameras to say that the Franklin case had been "the most God-awful experience you could ever go through." Omaha attorney James Martin Davis offered his assessment, that "Bob Wadman has been scarred for the rest of his life."

Neither Senator Schmit, nor I, nor Owen, nor Bonacci was interviewed; besides the alleged perpetrators, only Troy Boner was given air time, to say that he had fabricated all the charges. Wadman asserted that "Caradori led witnesses, fed witnesses," while Boner pronounced that "the whole thing was just a lie," and that "Caradori convinced me to do it." The narrator stated, "Caradori's motives remain unknown."

The impact on Alisha Owen's trial, of such a presumably authoritative national TV show passing judgment on the Nebraska case, was devastating. Although the judge expressly ordered the jurors not to watch the program, a good number of them did, and several reported that it was the main topic of discussion in the jury room the next morning!

In articles on July 20 and 21 and a lead editorial of July 26, 1991, the World-Herald attacked victim Owen, Senator Schmit, and myself as "bacteria that cause a plague," and ridiculed the legislature's investigation as a "Keystone Kop" affair. The editorial, entitled "The Lessons of Franklin," denounced all and sundry -- Senator Loran Schmit, myself, the Legislature, the Omaha news media, Douglas County Sheriff Dick Roth, and the general public -- whosoever had ever intimated that the children might be telling the truth -- for "damaging the reputations of innocent people." Never again, the editorial intoned, should the Legislature exercise its rights to oversee law enforcement in the state.


Neither the Franklin case nor the hideous kind of activity it involved, however, are over with. The World-Herald itself demonstrated as much, in a July 20, 1991 article appearing side-by-side with one of its denunciations of the Franklin investigators. Under the headline "Male Hustlers Move In When Workers Leave," the paper trumpeted that prostitution and child abuse were here to stay.

The article quoted Sgt. Ken Bovasso of the OPD: "Male prostitution has been occurring at 16th and Jackson for years ... I don't think you can stop it ... it will continue to happen." (This was the same Sgt. Bovasso who supervised Officer Irl Carmean's work with Loretta Smith, which abruptly terminated. He is also the Bovasso charged in the civil suit filed by this writer, with having subjected Paul Bonacci "to long hours of brutal interrogation involving threats, intimidation, [and] physical and mental abuse ... purposely designed to prevent him [Bonacci] from disclosing any information he had regarding the conduct of prominent Omaha citizens.") Witnesses interviewed by the World-Herald described the expensive cars driven by the men who pick up young boys, and said that between "tricks" the boys shoot up drugs and discard the hypodermic needles on the sidewalk.

The Franklin case remains alive not only in Omaha, but in its nationwide and international scope. Karen Ormiston, Caradori's coworker, reviewed the case in September 1990. In her notes on a September 22, 1990 conversation with Alisha Owen's lawyer, Henry Rosenthal, Ormiston recorded:

I did indicate to Henry that these kids were only a small part of this case, and that the bulk and real intent of this case was to determine why OPD, FBI, and the NSP had insisted that they had thoroughly investigated these allegations and concluded that there was no merit to these allegations. I also indicated that the end result of this case should be to determine where the monies earned from kiddie porn, child prostitution, and drug activity, were going to. Failure of the various law enforcement agencies to follow up on these allegations which they had received from several years back was also discussed. Again, I stated that the statements of the kids was [sic] very important, but these kids were but a small part of the frightening reality and extent of the "bigger picture" of this case.

Three days later, Ormiston wrote to Senator Schmit in the same vein:

Gary and I have always maintained that these kids were not the case -- they were only a small part of it. For instance, where does all the money go that is earned by child prostitution and kiddie porn, and what is it used for? Why is the FBI and/or others trying so desperately to cover all this up? We both know that if these people were just ordinary citizens that they would certainly be in prison right now based on the incredible amount of information they, the State Grand Jury and Federal Grand Jury, have already received. As a matter of fact, they would have been endicted [sic] based on just a small portion of this information and the allegations made against them.

The Franklin investigators had lifted a corner of the rug, under which could be glimpsed a national and international organized crime syndicate, engaged in pedophilia, pornography, satanism, drugs, and money-laundering, and protected, as their own limited investigation began to show, by federal authorities.

Pull a thread on any corner of this vast, seamless web, and the whole begins to unravel. In the Franklin case, this is nowhere clearer than in the testimony of Paul Bonacci.


I debriefed Paul Bonacci at length, as did private investigator Roy Stephens, in preparation for the perjury trial that was not to be. Through his many personalities, each with its own distinct, partial recollections, Bonacci provided new evidence on child kidnapping, pornography, and murder taking place in the United States and abroad. The Franklin case was just one part of what he knew. The North American Man-Boy Love Association, or NAMBLA, figured prominently in what else Bonacci could recall.

The motto of NAMBLA is "Sex before eight, or it's too late." One of its leaders is named David Thorstadt. Two of Bonacci's personalities, Sean and Christopher, have "Thorstadt" as their last name. Bonacci reports that he was brought into contact with Thorstadt through two Omaha men, that he traveled with Thorstadt to New York, and that he witnessed NAMBLA-organized auctions of children.

Alexandrew, another Bonacci personality, wrote to Dr. Densen-Gerber, who had examined him in prison, in April 1991:

I can even recall when and where I remember you from. Tell me if I'm wrong in which I know you wouldn't remember me. It was in New York on December I believe the 28th or 29th, 1982, it was a Tuesday or Wednesday (not important). It was a news conference at I believe the Holiday Inn. I had to wait for David [Thorstadt] with a friend. When he got done he told me that wicked old witch Gerber was someone he had to fix somehow.

Densell-Gerber, dubbed "public enemy #1" by NAMBLA for her efforts to expose the organization, commented, "He's absolutely right. The details are perfect. ..."

Bonacci may remember events in Europe. He tells of having traveled to Europe more than once. One of his personalities speaks and writes German, more fluently than is probable just from Paul's brief study of German in high school.


In July 1991, just as the Franklin case got officially wrapped up at the sentencing of Alisha Owen, the news broke in Iowa that Paul Bonacci had given evidence in one of the most notorious kidnapping cases in the country. It was the disappearance of Johnny Gosch.

Early Sunday morning, September 5, 1982, 12-year-old Johnny Gosch went out on his Des Moines Register paper delivery route, as usual. Only that Sunday, he never came home. For nine years, his parents have searched the country for him. Most evenings, and weekends when they were not on the road to check out leads, they sold candy bars in local shopping centers, to finance the search. In late 1990, the Gosches got the first major break in years, because of what Paul Bonacci had to tell.

I had noted that one of the events Paul described reminded me of the case of Johnny Gosch, which I had read about years earlier. I went to the library, and confirmed the similarity of the details of the case, with what Paul said. I then contacted the Gosch family. They advised me that they had had their fill of false leads from people who claimed to know something about their missing boy, and people who claimed to have information for sale but did not seem genuinely interested. But a couple of weeks later, Mr. Gosch did come to Omaha.

The Des Moines Register of July 24, 1991 reported on what developed:

A Nebraska inmate has provided details about the abduction of Johnny Gosch that only someone with firsthand knowledge could have had, his lawyer said Tuesday.

Inmate Paul Bonacci's account "did not match up 90 percent, not 95 percent, not 98 percent, but 100 percent," John DeCamp said.

"I am convinced this kid is telling absolutely the truth- ... He never varied on the time. He gave a description of Johnny's pants, names on his shirt, scars on the body."

DeCamp said he became suspicious of a Gosch connection when he read a transcript of a psychiatrist's interview with Bonacci in which an "incident" involving a newspaper carrier was mentioned. DeCamp said Bonacci didn't identify Gosch by his full name.

"I went to the library and checked on Johnny Gosch. I wrote to the Gosches and told them I don't know if there is any validity, but the dates coincide and he talks about someone from Iowa."

DeCamp said John Gosch, the boy's father, met with Bonacci, "and started getting chills. I believe he believed him," DeCamp said.

John Gosch, Sr. walked into the prison in Lincoln, Nebraska to meet Paul Bonacci for the first time, unannounced. Sitting down across from him, Gosch asked Bonacci, "Do you know who I am?" Bonacci replied, "You look like -- it can't be -- the eyes, you look like Johnny Gosch."

Noreen Gosch told the World-Herald, that paper reported on July 22, 1991, that Bonacci knew "some incredible things" about the case. For instance, "There were photographs taken of Johnny prior to the kidnapping. We know this because a woman reported it to police. We're convinced Bonacci saw those pictures. He accurately described the location, which is not far from our home. He described many things about the pictures which we have never publicly talked about." Bonacci also described a mark on Johnny Gosch's body, which the Gosches had never publicized.

As a result of the Gosch meeting, Roy Stephens came to visit with me. Shortly after we discussed Paul Bonacci and the Gosch case, I hired him to check out Bonacci's story on Gosch and on other things.

Roy Stephens is an Omaha-based investigator and a founder of the Missing Children's Foundation. A former safecracker who went straight, Stephens was named "Outstanding Man of the Year" for 1991, by the Nebraska Jaycees, for his work in recovering children. Roy is remembered in Nebraska, as the man who did what the police and other investigators were unable to do -- locate and cause the conviction of the kidnaper of Jill Cutshall, the Norfolk, Nebraska girl who disappeared in 1987 and almost certainly was murdered, though her body was never found.

Stephens was cited as the leading child finder in the nation, in an article in the 1991 summer supplement to Forbes magazine: "The best in the business in that field, according to a survey of his peers, is Roy Stephens ... who has recovered some 50 missing children over the last five-and-a-half years," said G. Gordon Liddy of Watergate fame, now a private security consultant in Florida.

Stephens spent hundreds of hours debriefing Bonacci in Prison, and many more on the road in Iowa, Nebraska, Colorado and Minnesota, visiting the sites and tracking down the people Bonacci told him about. Quoted in the July 22, 1991 World-Herald, Stephens said that Bonacci "hasn't told me anything that hasn't been true."

Bonacci described to Stephens the kidnapping of Johnny Gosch, as an eyewitness:

PB: Well, we got up at, oh, before the sun got up. He [Emilio] said he wanted to go out cause he said that he had been around here before and stuff and he said that paper boys would be going out pretty soon. He said he might be able to, that that would be the best bet. He wanted them, because he said they were easier on mornings cause there was nobody else around. Everyone else is asleep. ...

RS: O.K., so it was just you, Mike and Emilio. And you were in his blue car, the blue Chevy. O.K., then what happened?

PB: Oh, then he, well, at first he had US, they had Mike was in the back seat and he was kind of covered up with a blanket. ... Me I was stuck in the trunk. Because I had said something and Emilio hit me a couple of times.

RS: What did you say?

PB: Called him a dirty bastard because of the way he treated Mike. ... At night when we was in the hotel and stuff he'd brought some other guy and made Mike have sex with that guy. I didn't think that was right. ...

RS: O.K., so you're in the trunk and Mike is on the floor or on the back seat covered with a blanket, and what [happened]?

PB: And then I heard them talking to somebody else at the car, but I don't know who it was cause we stopped. He was talking to somebody asking for directions; asking where some place was. And it sounded like there was more than one kid. It sounded like there was a couple of them there. And then we went around the block and he let me out of the trunk and told Mike to, he says, if you don't do what 1 say, I'm gonna shoot you. He has a gun he pulled out and pointed at me and says, you do what I say or I'll shoot you. We drove around. ...

RS: So you're out of the trunk now?

PB: Yeah. I was sitting in the back seat with Mike.

RS: You're both sitting there? Were you hidden in the back seat or were you just sitting up normal?

PB: Down low, kind of sitting on the floor. And then Emilio, I guess, I don't know what he did, but he, Mike told me, he says, when the car slows down, he says, when you feel the brakes jerk, he says, I'll grab him and you just hold him down. And so it happened quick. It's like we went up, I felt the brakes jerk, and I saw the door fly open and I saw Mike jump out and the next thing I know there was somebody, you know, he grabbed the boy and he'd thrown him in and my job, you know we were supposed to do is just hold him down and gag his mouth so he couldn't yell or nothing. And then after we had, just, like two seconds, just spun off, tore off, got out of there.

Two other people were involved in the kidnapping, one of whom was a local contact. Bonacci named them all. According to a July 18 article in the Des Moines Register, "Stephens has told the family, sources say, that [Bonacci] identified the Des Moines 'contact' from a photograph. The suspected contact, said [Noreen] Gosch, has been under suspicion by the family for some time." Furthermore, "Gosch said Stephens told her the same ring may be involved in other kidnappings in the region, including the suspected abduction of Des Moines Register carrier Eugene Martin, 13, in south Des Moines in 1984, and more recently, that of Jacob Wetterling in St. Joseph, Minn."

Bonacci described a network of safehouses, where the pedophile ring stored kidnapped children before selling them. He said he met Johnny Gosch again several years later, and provided a detailed description of the farm on which Gosch was being kept in Colorado and of Gosch's new "parents," a homosexual man and a lesbian in their thirties. After Gosch once attempted to run away, Bonacci reported, they branded him on the buttocks with the same brand used on horses and cows on the farm, of which Bonacci drew a picture for Roy Stephens.

The man called Emilio was part of a highly organized national and international kidnapping ring. Stephens asked Bonacci, "What did Emilio tell you that he did for a living?"

PB: Kidnap kids and took them to Las Vegas.

RS: What kind of kids?

PB: Any kid that he could get.

RS: Does it matter if it's male or female?

PB: Him, no, him he'd kidnap boys or girls. Main thing he'd kidnap was boys, though, cause he said he'd get more money for them. Emilio used to tell me all kinds of things like how they could get away with kidnapping kids and sell them out of the country. He said most of the kids were sold in Las Vegas at a ranch he took me to one time for an auction. I went with him to Toronto several times where boys were sold. I saw a few girls once in a while. He said virgins could bring as much as $50,000. They called the boys toys, used toys brought in money but not as much. ... Most boys were sold out of America cause it's harder to find them. The men who bought them had planes and could transport them easily.

Bonacci ran into Emilio again in March 1986, near Buena Vista, Colorado, on the second occasion he saw Johnny Gosch.

Despite the astonishing new information from Paul Bonacci on the Gosch kidnaping, West Des Moines police "have not interviewed Bonacci and have no plans to do so," according to the July 21, 1991 Des Moines Sunday Register. "We are aware of what's going on," said Lt. Gerry Scott, in charge of the Gosch investigation. "We're not going to reinvent the wheel. This has been investigated in Nebraska. When things need investigating, here, they will be investigated."


Bonacci also conveyed to Stephens specific recollections related to two other notorious cases -- pedophilia and ritualistic abuse in Jordan, Minnesota, and satanism and child sacrifice near Bakersfield, California.

In 1983 and 1984, Scott County, Minnesota prosecutor Kathleen Morris investigated and began to prosecute a ring of child molesters centered in the town of Jordan. Child victims had testified about satanic rituals and the filming of children in sex acts. "The case involves the largest adult-juvenile sex ring in Minnesota history, authorities said," reported the Minneapolis Star-Tribune on November 18, 1983.

At least 30 children told police they had been molested. Morris brought indictments against 24 adults. People magazine of October 22, 1984 summarized, "The village harbored rings of adult sex abusers who incestuously victimized their own children and other children during ritualistic sex parties involving sadism and bestiality. Some of the children described a bizarre sexual variation of hide-and-seek in which children who were 'found' were taken to a bedroom and abused." The children told of witnessing three ritualistic murders.

Child care workers and psychologists found the children highly credible. Psychologist Michael Shea, who treated some of them, told People, "Children are not able to fantasize in such graphic detail about sexual acts which are outside their experience. And they certainly can't be coerced, or bribed or brainwashed into making statements about their parents." Minnesota psychologist Susan Phipps Yonas, who also interviewed some of the children, told the Star Tribune that she fully believed their reports: "It's not just the details that make them convincing, but the [emotional] effect behind the stories. They're extraordinarily upset when they recount these things. They'd have to be world-class actors to be so convincing if it wasn't true." Phipps Yonas speculated that since the children talked about large sums of money changing hands, organized crime was likely involved.

Morris indicted the ring's chief figure, 26 year-old James Rud, on 108 counts of child abuse. His parents, Alvin and Rosemary Rud, and his 17-year old brother were also indicted, as were several other people from the Valley Green Trailer Park, 35 miles outside of Minneapolis-St. Paul. Most of the abused children also lived in the trailer park.

Like the Franklin investigators in Nebraska, Morris came under savage attack from media and the political establishment in her state. Under pressure, she ultimately turned the investigation over to state Attorney General Hubert "Skip" Humphrey, Jr. To the horror of many, Humphrey soon released a 29-page report titled "Scott County Investigations," which closed the case, citing "insufficient evidence." Minnesota Governor Rudy Perpich then appointed a commission to investigate Morris! Humphrey named one of his political cronies, lawyer Kelton Gage, as "independent counsel" to present evidence against her.

Yet in 1991, from prison in Nebraska, Paul Bonacci identified by name, from pictures, some of the same individuals Morris had been investigating. Some of Bonacci's conversations with Stephens about these events have been transcribed:

RS: You know anybody else who hurts children or takes kids or sells them or takes pornography of them?

PB: I don't know what their names are and they're all from mainly not even from. ...

RS: From this area? Where are they from?

PB: Minnesota and California.

RS: Do you know where or who?

PB: ... in Minnesota there was one guy named James Rud. He lived with his mom and dad, cause I remember we went out to his place one time in a trailer.

RS: And that's in Minnesota?

PB: Yeah, that was in Jordan, Minnesota.

A second exchange between Bonacci and Stephens, recorded on September 28, 1991, shed more light on the events in Jordan.

RS: What do you remember about this little boy named Joey?

PB: Joey? Oh, that's what I wanted to tell you about ... Jordan, Minnesota.

RS: Jordan? That's where he came from?

PB: Well, he wasn't kidnapped, his parents let him go, 'cause his parents were friends with Emilio and they had some strange ...

RS: It's okay.

PB: That there's a bunch of parents, that are not just parents but other people in that town that were abusing kids. ... Bob Bentz, that's the one I told you about that had the two [inaudible]

RS: And this guy's name was Bob?

PB: Uh-huh. Bentz.

RS: How do you spell it? Bentz.

PB: B-e-n-t-z.

RS: And he's in Jordan? When was this?

PB: Mmmmm, that was in '82.

Stephens had asked Bonacci to draw up a list of both abusers and victims. Later in the same conversation, Stephens went through the written list out loud.

RS: Okay. What do you have written here? What does this say? Who is this Bob? Is that his wife's name? Lois? Bob and Lois Bentz? They had three sons? Okay. This is the Bob you told me about?

PB: Uh-huh [yes].

RS: And Joey is theirs? Okay, and Jim Rud is the guy who lives with his mom and dad at the Valley Green Trailer Park?

PB: Yeah. 'Cause I remember one of the games we played was called hide and seek basketball.

RS: Hide and seek basketball? How do you play that? You're not talking about regular basketball, are you?

PB: No, it's sex. ... A lot of people lived in Jordan that were doing that [child abuse]. 'Cause when we were up there [inaudible] they tortured a couple [of children] that came in.

Bob and Lois Bentz were tried for child abuse, including of their own three sons, in August 1984, and acquitted. However, their acquittal left grave doubts in the minds of many in the town. Some incidents from the trial were featured in the People story:

Among the children who testified against the couple was their 6-year-old boy, Tony, who told the court that his father had sodomized him and his brothers. Although the boy was confused over the meaning of the sexual terms, when a defense attorney asked if he feared that his father would abuse him again, the boy looked across the courtroom at Bentz and replied, "You won't do that no more, right?"

During the grueling cross-examination, defense attorneys succeeded in shaking some of the young witnesses' stories by hammering away at dates, places and word meanings. However, a 12-year-old girl steadfastly refused to waver from her testimony. When a defense attorney accused her of lying, she snapped: "You're just helping Bob and Lois [Bentz] to get out of this stuff, this child-abusing stuff, I'm not lying, you guys are. It's the truth, they hurt us." Later she rushed tearfully into the arms of a social worker.

Though the Bentzes got off in the Scott County case, James Rud plea-bargained. Before the case was scratched, he pleaded guilty to lesser charges. In 1978 and 1980, Rud had been convicted of sexually abusing children in Virginia and Minnesota, respectively.

On other occasions, Bonacci described ritualistic abuse and the sacrifice of a boy at a place near Bakersfield, California. The details of his testimony, including names, are consistent with the 1983-1985 investigation by Kern County, California Sheriff Larry Kleier into satanic ritual abuse there. Despite attempts by the state attorney general, John Van De Kamp, to discredit the Kern County investigation as based on "hearsay" and "hysteria," a grand jury indicted seven people on 377 counts of pornography, child abuse and drug possession. They were convicted in a 1986 trial and sentenced to a total of 2,600 years in prison, but a state appeals court overturned the convictions in 1990, on grounds of "egregious prosecutorial misconduct."


Several months after becoming Paul Bonacci' s attorney in the summer of 1990, I remarked to a friend, "You know, the more I find out about this case, the more I am absolutely convinced that drugs are a major part of it. Everywhere you turn, there are drugs, and on a huge scale. The kids report Alan Baer involved in bigtime drugs from California, Larry King has been reported as a major pusher, and Wadman's name has been strongly linked to drugs."

Through the use of young boys and girls, Larry King was able to have a nationwide drug transportation network. It interfaced perfectly with his ability to compromise and blackmail politicians or businessmen. Having cocaine available could make it easier for Larry King to entice prominent people, after they got drunk, and then high on the drug, into sex with a teenaged girl or boy.

According to the accounts of Paul Bonacci and Alisha Owen, Alan Baer was running a nationwide drug ring, and used children 18 or under as couriers. Once the children became 19, and thus could be tried as adults, Baer let them go.

Senator Ernie Chambers observed to the Executive Board of the Legislature on December 19, 1988, just as the Franklin investigation was getting underway:

My community is ravaged by drugs. We see the Omaha police picking up kids from 14 to 18-years old with a half an ounce or less of these narcotic substances and that is supposed to be fighting the drugs. These are nickel and dime pushers, not suppliers, not mid level suppliers. A few days ago the Douglas County Sheriff got together with some of the county sheriffs, one was from Sarpy, and they made a raid and they got a pound and a half of heavy drugs, some money and some weapons. They didn't tell the Omaha police. And I talked to the Douglas County Attorney and I told him I was glad they didn't tell them because had the Omaha police been notified this drug bust would never have occurred, they would have told the individual, they would not have gotten a substantial amount of the drugs. These nickel and dime people in my community that they are arresting don't have the connections or the money to bring the amount of drugs into the City of Omaha that are coming. And certainly the little piddling amounts that are picked up by the police have no meaning or significance. When we wanted, as a community, to help organize and work with a task force of black officers to address the drug problem and the gang problem, Chief Wadman fought it tooth and nail and did not want it, wanted to deny that the problem existed. And I said the only reason that a police official would be opposed to this kind of action is because he knows something or he's part of it.

One of Caradori's informants stated that Wadman was instrumental in bringing the drug-trafficking gangs, the Los Angeles-based Bloods and Cryps, into Omaha. According to a June 19, 1989 report by Caradori's predecessor at the Franklin committee, Jerry Lowe, members of the Bloods and Cryps were identified by local police as driving Larry King's car.


As soon as awareness dawned, that sexual and ritual abuse of children was happening in Nebraska, and that it was being protected from within the political and law enforcement establishment, a resistance movement on behalf of the children took shape. In her famous interview on Geraldo Rivera's TV special on satanism, Kathleen Sorenson identified her group as Believe the Children. Later, friends of Kathleen were active in the Concerned Parents group, which urged that the testimony of Loretta Smith and others be investigated on its merits, instead of dismissed out of hand.

Against the shroud of cover-up, imposed by the World-Herald in its treatment of the Franklin case, some newspapers showed the integrity to keep all aspects of the case alive in Nebraska. Foremost among these has been the Nebraska Observer, published by the Nebraska Citizens' Publishing Group and edited by Frances Mendenhall.

While most of the national press dropped the Franklin story, in the summer of 1990, Executive Intelligence Review sent an investigative team into the state to report on the case first-hand. Its July 27, 1990 article, "FBI covers up child abuse, murder in Nebraska," brought a rain of denunciations on the pages of the World-Herald, which made much of the fact that EIR was founded by the jailed economist and presidential candidate, Lyndon LaRouche. After an initial "no comment" from an FBI spokesman, Nick O'Hara's successor at the Nebraska-Iowa office of the bureau, Charles Lontor, took to the pages of the World-Herald on August 13, to denounce such talk of cover-up as "nonsense," and to say that the FBI did "not wish to become involved in a futile public debate with them [EIR] or anyone who may choose to support their efforts."

It was my view, that the Franklin cover-up was so massive in Nebraska, that it could not be broken just inside the state. In 1991, the case did receive attention in the Italian weekly Avvenimenti and in Pronto, published in Spain. Both articles came from Italian journalists Giovanni Caporaso and Massimiliano Cocozza Lubisco, a team that has produced many stories for Italian television. After their own May 1991 investigative trip to Nebraska, they wrote about the kidnapping and sale of children as "the market of horrors." They quoted Paul Bonacci and Roy Stephens at length.

I was glad of the presence of other international observers, who came when the Schiller Institute, founded by Helga Zepp-LaRouche in 1984 and based in Washington, D.C. and Laatzen, Germany, organized an ad hoc human rights fact-finding mission to Nebraska. In response to a Schiller Institute appeal, nine people from five U.S. states and three foreign countries constituted themselves as the Citizens' Fact-Finding Commission to Investigate Human Rights Violations in Nebraska. Among them were the Reverend James Bevel, former close associate of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., an Austrian leader of the European Citizens' Initiative to Protect Life and Human Dignity, the president of the Ukrainian Political Action Committee of the United States, and a clinical psychologist from Canada. They came from October 11 to 17, 1990, and during that week, interviewed many witnesses, visited the Omaha FBI office, watched hours of videotaped testimony from child victims, and read mountains of documents.

The Citizens' Fact-Finding Commission issued a report that denounced the "torture and murder-in-progress" of Paul Bonacci, and said that there was so little recourse through the law left in Nebraska, that an international spotlight needed to be shined on the systematic "violations of human rights" there.

After these findings were published, one hundred fifty clergymen, civil rights leaders and other community leaders from throughout the United States signed a "Letter to the Citizens of Nebraska," which endorsed the findings and called on the Senate Franklin committee to pursue its investigation "at all costs." The World-Herald refused to print the Commission's findings and the endorsement letter, even as a paid advertisement. In an October 20, 1990 article by Bob Dorr, the paper attacked the independent fact-finders as "LaRouche Investigators."

There and in subsequent articles, Dorr called upon the expertise of so-called "anti-cult" specialists from the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B'nai B'rith and the Cult Awareness Network (CAN), in attempts to rebut the Commission's work. Rev. Bevel came in for particularly strong attack by such defenders of the cover-up.

Rev. Bevel was so horrified by what he witnessed during the short mission of the Fact-Finding Commission, that he moved to Nebraska for a period of months, to work with citizens resisting pedophilia and the cover-up of it. He was the target of death threats and physical attack in Omaha.

At first I thought that Rev. Bevel must be crazy, or a radical trouble-maker. Why would a middle-aged man with a family to support take off and move to Nebraska in the middle of winter, to take up a cause that could guarantee him nothing but grief, and might get him killed?

But as I watched him work and saw his dedication, I learned more about faith, hope, charity and truth from this one dedicated individual, than from all the priests, pastors and rabbis I have known. Rev. Bevel cared about one thing -- children. Children were being abused and were going to be abused, unless something was done. The more Bevel worked, the more he was condemned by the World-Herald for his efforts in the black community, particularly, to expose the sins.

Rev. Bevel and others found there was a tremendous unspoken support among the people of Nebraska, for the victims of the child abuse ring. Radio call-in polls showed that Nebraskans, by margins of up to ten to one, do not agree with the way prosecutors have handled the Franklin case or believe that the witnesses are hoaxers.

During 1991, a newly-formed citizens' group called the Nebraska Leadership Conference mobilized a large number of people, hundreds of whom traveled to Lincoln for several large conferences. At two of the conferences, detailed background presentations on the exploitation of children and on the Franklin cover-up were made by knowledgeable people from many different institutions and organizations in Nebraska. At a third, out-of-state specialists on satanic cults were given the opportunity to educate Nebraskans on the scope of the problem. The conferences turned into mass meetings, which rallied support for the victim-witnesses.

In September 1991, the Nebraska Leadership Conference issued a pamphlet called "The Mystery of the Carefully Crafted Hoax," which documented many of the inconsistencies in the Douglas County grand jury's and other official versions of the Franklin case.

After Alisha Owen's conviction, Frances Mendenhall's Nebraska Observer devoted its July 12, 1991 issue to a dissection of the flaws in Alisha's trial, and related matters. One article was, "Owen Trial Was a Far Cry from Justice," in which Mendenhall reviewed such key issues as the contradictory behavior of Troy Boner and the lack of any demonstrated basis for the central claim of the prosecution, that Alisha Owen was motivated by a desire for publicity. Other headlines included, "Evidence the Owen Jury Didn't Get to See," "Common Mis-Conceptions About the Owen Trial," "Caradori Widow Questions Fairness of '48 Hours'," and "Bonacci Recalls Early Trauma," which drew out the implications of dropping the charges against Paul.

Thousands of copies of that Observer issue have circulated in Nebraska.

Many demonstrations of support for Paul Bonacci and Alisha Owen were held in Lincoln and Omaha, outside the facilities where they have been imprisoned. A group called the Children's Civil Rights Committee was active in these, and also began holding weekly prayer meetings in Omaha, in December 1990. The Children's Civil Rights Committee has been instrumental in efforts to reinstate the Legislature's investigation into the Franklin case.

Another group that played a key role in 1990 and 1991 efforts to crack the Franklin cover-up, by lobbying and literature distribution, was the Commonwealth Depositors Committee, led by Reuben Worster and Dr. Melvin Bahensky. A respected veterinarian, now in his eighties, "Doc" Bahensky is legendary for his spirit and tenacity in fighting to expose the wrongs in the Commonwealth and Franklin cases. He always maintains, that they are one and the same.


In October 1991, the Nebraska State Parole Board voted 5-0 to parole Paul Bonacci, who has been serving a five-year sentence since 1989. On Halloween, soon after a scathing World-Herald editorial against the decision, the board reversed itself. As Bonacci' s attorney, I responded with the following press release:

From beginning to present, Franklin has been a cauldron of cover-up skillfully executed by powerful and wealthy thieves and pedophiles. Punishment, destruction and even elimination of those who would expose or try to correct the evil wrought by these individuals is the reward of child victim-witnesses and any who would aid those children.

The perpetrators have corrupted institutions of government. Abetted and at times absolutely led by the Omaha World-Herald they have systematically turned lies into truth and truth into lies. A "free" Paul Bonacci would continue to provide information which helps expose individuals and offenses involved in this cover-up. So, one way or another, they intend to eliminate Paul Bonacci -- no matter what it takes. That is my very real fear.

Therefore the World-Herald intimidated an already frightened and beleaguered parole board into effectively reversing their original proper decision to allow this youth out of prison. If there is a God above, the Franklin cover-up will fail and the evil and individuals involved will be exposed. Meanwhile, the visible payoff to the Parole Board will be a glowing editorial in the Omaha World Herald.

Right on schedule, the World-Herald came out on November 3, 1991, with an editorial, "Vote on Bonacci Was Sensible." Flaunting its clout more blatantly than ever, the paper took credit for the reversal, attributing it to lobbying by "the press and others."

I have often said that I wish I had never heard of the Franklin Credit Union, Larry King, or Paul Bonacci. I sincerely mean this. Why? Simply because I believe Paul Bonacci is telling the truth, and that our institutions of government have been as badly corrupted as that implies.

If I still had the luxury of believing, as I once did, that the allegations of drug abuse, child abuse, pedophilia, theft and satanic cult activity were exaggerated imaginings of some over-active child and adult imaginations, then I would not have to do anything about Franklin. I could still be enjoying an income of $400,000 per year as a lobbyist, without having to work too hard, instead of being financially strangled as clients are intimidated away from hiring me, because of the Franklin connection.

But I do know that it's true, and because of my upbringing, I have no choice but to plow ahead.

Were there any reasons for me or others to be "afraid or concerned" about our lives? You make your own judgment, after I tell you about just one documented incident.

At the height of the legislative Franklin investigation, when the Douglas County grand jury was also going full bore, I received a phone call in the middle of the night, from a close friend of mine in Omaha, who wanted to warn me that my life might be in danger. It was approximately a week after Gary Caradori died.

"Why do you believe this?" I asked. "Are you sure you are not falling into a trap, overreacting to rumors?"

"I don't know," answered Mary Kay Evans, a former campaign chairman of mine. "As you know, I am close to one of the University of Nebraska Board of Regents members, Dr. Robert Prokop. He called me and said he did not particularly like you or really ever get to know you, but that he felt he had an obligation, morally, to warn you."

I knew of Dr. Prokop. Everybody in Nebraska did.

Prokop had been chairman of the Board of Regents for many years. He had been a Democratic candidate for Governor of Nebraska just recently. And he was somewhat famous as a police pathologist, not only in Nebraska, but for many cities in the United States.

"What did Prokop say," I asked, "that has you so concerned?"

"He simply told me he was with the police, riding around talking to individuals on the street -- which he does once a month, he said -- and he learned that you were supposed to be the target of an assassination, because of your Franklin involvement and trying to force the investigation there. And he said that if I cared about you, that I should call you so that at least his conscience would be clear."

The next day, I called Dr. Robert Prokop. I told him who I was and what Mary Kay had said. I asked him if Mary Kay was imagining things, or maybe just getting carried away a bit, because of all the concern and fear that Franklin was generating.

Prokop was stern and nervous. "We really don't know each other," he said, "but I feel I have a moral obligation to tell you that when I was with the police last night, one of the very reliable informants we talked to advised us that you, John DeCamp, were supposed to be the 'first hit,' instead of Gary Caradori. In other words, Mr. DeCamp, you were supposed to be eliminated first and then Gary Caradori if that was necessary. Now that Caradori has been killed, I was concerned that maybe they will go ahead with the next hit, which means you."

"Are you serious?" I asked. "Do you really think there is even a remote possibility that could happen?"

"I have no doubt it could happen," Prokop said. "I have been doing police work and autopsies for almost as long as you have been around. And I think I know the difference between conversation and serious talk. That's why I felt I had to warn you, even if it is not my area of responsibility."

After warning me by phone, Prokop took it upon himself to make three separate trips to Lincoln from Omaha, to meet with the legislative Franklin committee and try to warn them of the seriousness of this threat.

So, am I crazy to be concerned? Is Prokop crazy? Maybe so. But there have been too many surprises for people closely involved in Franklin, who ended up dead.

I was prepared to take Bill Colby's warning seriously, when he sat me down and warned me that Franklin would never be dealt with without exposure in the national and international press.


What is Franklin really all about?

Was it theft by a black politician of forty million dollars? Is it child abuse?

Is it just a big "homosexual party," as Mr. Fenner from the NCUA suggested to me?

Is it laundering money for Iran-Contra?

Were there murders to protect rich and powerful people?

Were there politicians involved in the sins and the cover-up?

Does it involve satanic cult activity and pedophilia, and exploitation of children in horrible ways?

Why does the World-Herald care so much, and why has it gone overboard to damage and discredit anyone who would maintain that Franklin is more than a hoax?

Why do people continue to believe, that there was and is a cover-up, by prominent wealthy businessmen and politicians?

What I am going to offer now are my conclusions, my beliefs, based on the massive information I have seen and heard since Franklin broke in November 1988.

First, I have absolutely no doubt, that prominent individuals, whom everybody in Omaha is familiar with, and many of whom have been named during the investigation, have engaged in long-term activity involving drug peddling and drug abuse, child abuse, and pedophilia, with particular attention to the abuse of young boys.

That in the case of Larry King and the cadre of people he dealt with closely, boys and girls like Paul Bonacci, Troy Boner, Danny King, and Alisha Owen were used as drug couriers for a national program of illegal narcotics marketing. They were "throwaway" kids. Because they were teenagers and younger when they were doing this activity, they provided a perfect insulation blanket between the real drug czars, like Larry King or Alan Baer, and the law.

Larry King was able to read people and compromise people through their weaknesses. And Larry King knew whom to cater to and to compromise. Compromise the heads of institutions. Cater to the secret sins of a law enforcer, so that when you need protection, that official is not in a position to do anything but sit and watch your illegal activities. Cater to the weakness for drugs, or 13-year-old girls, or 9-year-old boys, and then blackmail as required.

Yes, based on what I have seen, much of which I am legally forbidden to reveal, I have no doubt that child abuse, pedophilia, illegal drug trafficking, murder, satanic cult activity, theft, and a host of other crimes were involved in what we have come to know as the Franklin scandal.

Just as surely do I believe, that there was and is a cover-up.

Just as surely do I fear, that nothing will be done about it.

So, let me conclude my saying simply this: Bill Colby, you were right. It is too big. I am too small. They are too rich and powerful, and go up too high in business and government, for me to touch them or do anything about it. Yes, it is something that I should have abandoned long ago and faced up to the fact that good does not always triumph and that evil, with its many faces, does sometimes succeed.

At least for a while.

If this book is read and acted on by others, I hope it will be more than just what Colby called my "private parade."
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:33 pm


At least fifteen people who were close to the Franklin case have died under suspicious circumstances. Many of these deaths were violent, others were unexplained.

1. Bill Baker. He was a restaurant owner in Omaha, and a partner of Larry King in homosexual pornography operations. He was found shot in the back of the head.

2. Shawn Boner. Brother of victim-witness Troy Boner, he died of a gunshot wound from "Russian roulette."

3. Gary Caradori. Chief investigator for the legislative Franklin Committee, Caradori told associates days before his death that he had information that would "blow this case wide open." He died when his plane crashed on July 11, 1990.

4. Andrew "A.J." Caradori died at the age of 8, in the plane crash with his father.

5. Newt Copple. A confidential informant for Caradori and his investigative firm, Copple was a key behind-the-scenes activist fighting the cover-up of the Franklin case. Son of Commonwealth Savings owner S.E. Copple, businessman in his own right, an ex-champion wrestler with no prior health problems and parents who lived into their late eighties and nineties, Copple suddenly "died in his sleep" in March 1991, at the age of 70.

6. Clare Howard. The former secretary of Alan Baer, who arranged Baer's pedophile trysts, Howard "died in her sleep" in 1991.

7. Mike Lewis was a former caregiver for victim-witness Loretta Smith. He died of a "severe diabetic reaction" at the age of 32.

8. Joe Malek, associate of Larry King and an owner of Peony Park, where homosexual galas were held. His death from gunshot was ruled a suicide.

9. Aaron Owen, the brother of victim-witness Alisha Owen. He was found hanged in his cell in Lincoln, Nebraska, hours before one of his sister's court appearances.

10. Charlie Rogers. A reputed homosexual partner of Larry King, Rogers said that he feared for his life, in the days before his death. His head was blown off with a shotgun, in what was ruled a suicide.

11. Dan Ryan, an associate of Larry King. He was found strangled or suffocated in a car.

12. Bill Skoleski. An officer in the Omaha Police Department who was believed to be keeping a file on Larry King, he died of a heart attack.

13. Kathleen Sorenson. The foster parent for Nelly and Kimberly Webb after they fled the home of Larry King's relatives, Jarrett and Barbara Webb, she was an outspoken activist against satanism. Her death in a suspicious car crash is related in Chapter 15.

14. Curtis Tucker. As associate of Larry King, he fell or jumped out of the window of the Holiday Inn in Omaha.

15. Harmon Tucker. A school superintendent in Nebraska and Iowa, a reputed homosexual, his death had signs of satanic ritual murder. He was found dead in Georgia, near the plantation which Harold Andersen and Nebraska-Iowa FBI chief Nicholas O'Hara used for hunting. "
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:34 pm


It is impossible to understand the Franklin scandal and its cover-up, without knowing the environment created in Nebraska when Robert Kerrey was governor, 1983 to 1987. It was an atmosphere of permissiveness for the rich and powerful, to do mostly as they pleased.

Some of what follows, I probably should have said some time ago. Now, the prospect of Bobby Kerrey holding the highest office in the land means that I, who am knowledgeable about Kerrey in a way that probably no one but the closest of his cronies is, have no choice but to speak out. I could say much more, but I think the following episodes, in addition to what I have said in Chapter 6, are enough to shed important light on Bobby's character.


I have always called him "Bobby" or "Roberto." Bobby has always called me "John-boy." Joseph Robert Kerrey and John William DeCamp.

We go back about twenty years.

Bobby had just returned from Vietnam with one and a half legs and the Medal of Honor and was trying to sort out his physical pain and mental bitterness toward the Vietnam experience. I came back from the Nam about a year later and went almost directly into the Nebraska Senate as one of the youngest state senators in the United States.

Bobby had been a Navy lieutenant on special duty in Vietnam with the SEALS. I had been an Army infantry captain in the south, in the Mekong Delta, on special assignment to John Paul Vann and a program called CORDS, which was run by then Deputy Ambassador to Vietnam, William E. Colby. Colby would later become head of the Central Intelligence Agency, under Presidents Nixon and Ford. I functioned as an infiltrator and analyst for CORDS, which in fact was more CIA than anything. Officially, CORDS was the pacification program. But that's another story.

In the early 1970s, I was aware of Bobby because of his war protest activities and his Medal of Honor. He was aware of me because of my high profile and controversial activities as a state senator.

One of the first things I did in Nebraska, following my return from Vietnam, was to sponsor a legislative resolution, which some viewed as a war protest, but which in reality was an attempt to open dialogue on the Vietnam War issue and to educate the politicians in the United States as to what was really occurring in Vietnam.

The essence of my plea in the legislative resolution was this: Let us win or get us out of this war. Do not keep us in the position of not being allowed to win and not being allowed to lose, swinging in the wind.

For the first time in its 100-year history, the Nebraska Legislature voted not to allow any discussion on a resolution. It also forbade any hearing on the resolution to be held within the walls of the Nebraska State Capitol. This was how volatile this issue was back in 1971, and how adamant the elected officials in Nebraska were against anybody daring to question the propriety or value of the Vietnam War.

I was hurt and discouraged by this action and what I viewed as the stupidity of the Legislature, in refusing to want to learn about the issue. As I sat at my Senate desk, licking my wounds after the vote to ban any hearing on the topic, Lincoln Star reporter Don Walton came up.

"Pretty discouraging, wasn't it?" Don asked.

"Yeah," I muttered angrily, "these bastards think they can suspend the First Amendment by some vote of this legislature that effectively says the Vietnam War does not even exist. No wonder they call them hayshakers. They love to wallow in their own ignorance. Sad thing is, they might actually learn something about the Vietnam War -- they might even learn to understand why there are war protests."

Don Walton bent over my desk and whispered in my ear, so no one standing around would hear. "The way I read that resolution the Legislature just passed," Don said, "was that they were not allowing any discussion on your resolution to occur inside the walls of the State Capitol. I did not see anything in that resolution that said you could not hold a hearing outside the Capitol, on the front steps."

Don smiled. I perked up. In a flash, I knew what he meant.

Defy the Legislature. Hold a hearing of our own right on the steps of the Capitol. Invite one and all to come and participate. Have any senators attend who wanted to. Let the others chicken out if they wanted, but make sure everyone got counted.

And that is exactly what I did. I announced the hearing would take place on the "north steps of the Nebraska State Capitol." The press did the rest.

On the day of the hearing, the Capitol steps were barren of people, except for more law officers, undercover police, FBI agents, and CIA operatives than had ever been assembled in Nebraska at one time. The only senators who dared to come sit on the steps of the Capitol to participate in the hearing and listen to testimony were: Senator Terry Carpenter, the firebrand from Scottsbluff, who had gained national attention by nominating a non-existent "Joe Smith" for President at the Republican National Convention years ago, to mock the nomination process at conventions; Senator Ernie Chambers, who has gained state, national, and international attention for his unwavering defense of the rights of African-Americans; Senator P.J. Morgan, now Mayor Morgan of Omaha; Senator Wally Barnett, who later became Nebraska State Fire Marshall; and myself, Senator John DeCamp.

As we five sat there at our make-shift hearing table on the steps, I felt disappointed. We were going to be made fools in front of the state and national press, because of the failure of the people to care enough to show up for the hearing. And I was going to be the biggest fool of all.

Then we heard a distant rumble. Slowly it grew louder. As we looked north from the Capitol steps, we could see the street filled by a mass of human beings moving straight toward us.

It was the most moving sight of my life. There they were, several thousand people marching on the Capitol, covering the street for blocks behind the leaders. Men in wheel chairs who had lost limbs or worse in Vietnam; combat veterans who came back shattered in spirit or mind, who had been cynical about everything but afraid to express it; students from the University of Nebraska by the thousands; and businessmen and housewives by the hundreds.

In the front, leading the parade, was a young war hero named Bob Kerrey.


The event turned out to be the largest hearing ever held by the Legislature, up to that time. As ideas were shared, those who supported the war and those who opposed it, including many on both sides of the issue who had fought in it, came together for the first time and communicated. It was awesome.

Part way through the hearing, a group of Vietnam War veterans moved up to the podium and began depositing medals they had earned for acts of heroism. This was their way of repudiating the war, and for them it was a catharsis.

Years later, there were rumors that Bob Kerrey was one of those who deposited a medal in the "coffin" some of the vets brought to the hearing to put the medals in. Kerrey has always denied this.

In 1982, when Bobby was running for governor, his participation in the event became an issue with potentially damaging political consequences. At that time, I discussed the matter with Bobby, as he sought to minimize the damage his opponent, Governor Charles Thone, was doing to him for having attended and thrown away his medal.

I remember Bobby's pleading discussion with me in my office at the Capitol, as the issue heated up. I had publicly admired and praised him for his participation because, back in 1971, it was a sign of courage. Now Bobby pleaded, "For God's sake, you're killing me. Just let the issue drop. Besides, I don't think I was even there." He declared that he had been in Peru visiting his brother at the time of the hearing, so he could not have been there.

I was dumbfounded. But as Bobby grew more insistent that he had not been there, I started to become confused about the matter myself. I complied with his request, taking his word, and publicly said that I must have been mistaken to say that Bobby attended the hearing.

Recently, I decided to see what records there were of that special hearing, twenty years ago, where Bobby now said he was not present. In the files of the Lincoln Journal, I found a May 6, 1971 article, which identified Congressional Medal of Honor winner Bob Kerrey as one of the main speakers at the rally. The article said, "A Nebraska native and Vietnam Congressional Medal of Honor winner, Robert Kerrey, in a prepared statement said that the 'Viet Cong or North Vietnamese troops are angelic compared with the ruthless Americans.'"

I checked the files of the World-Herald. They also report Bobby as a speaker at the hearing. Two days after the event, Bobby wrote a letter to the Journal in which he said that what he meant was that " ... the evidence of atrocities in Vietnam is sufficient to support an argument against all wars. ..."


Over the next several years, we had little contact. Bobby entered the restaurant business and -- with a little help from a law I helped amend, that let an individual obtain more liquor licenses than were allowed until then -- began to do quite well. He became a significant personality in Lincoln, the state capital. Meanwhile, I was having more legislative success than I had dreamed possible.

It is quite something, to look back at the headlines from that era, in the same World-Herald that today is trying to destroy me for defending the Franklin victims: "'Gladiator' DeCamp is Tall in Capitol Arena: Fast-Moving Senator Wields Vast Influence" -- from March 26, 1978. "Kingpin or Carpenter-like, John DeCamp Wields Power in Legislature" -- from April 1978; here, C. David Kotok chronicled what he called my "rise to legislative kingpin." My influence on events was such, said Kotok, that "The 1978 Legislature even has been dubbed 'the DeCamp session' by some." The authors of those two articles, Kotok and Frank Partsch, today write most of the World-Herald's editorials, many of which have viciously attacked me.

Bobby and I next had quite a bit to do with each other in 1982, during the Nebraska gubernatorial race. I was there when the state's leading powerbrokers anointed Bobby as the next governor, in fact it was I who suggested they anoint him. That is a fascinating story, but let me first give a little necessary back ground.

Starting in the mid-1970s, a debate over the structure of Nebraska's banking industry emerged as the issue which would dominate state politics for a decade. Officially dubbed "Multi-Bank," the issue was a turf battle of monumental proportions, over who was going to own the banks in Nebraska, and what competition was going to be allowed in the purchase of existing banks.

On one side were the "Independents," who advocated ownership of banks by individuals. The Independents were very strong in Nebraska, as in many rural states. On a per capita basis, as I recall, we probably had more banks than almost any other state in the United States.

On the opposing side were the "Big Banks," particularly those based in Omaha, the state's largest city. Nebraska law forbade holding companies, which could own many banks. If holding companies were allowed, the big banks would naturally start buying up a lot of small banks -- "Multi-Bank." That was the issue.

In 1976, I won the chairmanship of the Senate Banking Committee, which controlled banking, finance and insurance in Nebraska. That is, I thought I won it. I know today that I was merely the bright young legislator selected by powerful men in business and politics, to aid their efforts to change the banking structure in Nebraska.

I believed at the time, that the banking structure changes I was proposing, which would allow the big banks to get bigger, were good for Nebraska. I thought they were necessary, as well as probably inevitable.

It was this battle over bank structure, that next brought Bobby and me together.

In 1978, the banking forces I supported determined that we had likely assembled enough senators in the recent election, to pass the Multi-Bank structural changes. But we had to be sure that if we passed the legislation, we could get it signed by the governor. A veto would be fatal. It was possible to get a majority of votes to pass the legislation, but electing enough senators to override a governor's veto might take two or three elections, or forever.

It would be much faster and cheaper, the big boys concluded, to control the governor.

Accordingly, at a very private meeting between a Nebraska congressman named Charles Thone; the state's then-premiere lobbyist, Jim Ryan; Omaha National Bank President and CEO John Woods; Omaha National Vice President Don Adams; and myself, certain agreements were reached. The meeting was held at John Woods' personal residence in Fair Acres, Omaha, in a quiet "servants' quarters" outside the main house. The understanding was clear, that we would work to make Charles Thone governor. And Charles Thone, who said he strongly believed in our Multi-Bank bill, gave his iron-clad pledge that he would sign it, just as soon as we could "put it on my desk."

But the best laid plans of mice and men go oft awry, and that is what happened with the new governor, Charles Thone.

Charlie liked being governor. Charlie was cautious. Charlie did not want to do anything that made anybody unhappy. The last thing Charlie needed after being in office for a couple of years, was to have a controversial issue on which he had to play King Solomon, which would make one or another powerful group hate him, no matter what he did.

Multi-Bank was exactly that. The two contending groups of banks financed almost all major political races in Nebraska -- on both sides -- for almost a decade. Politicians would pledge their support to either the Independents or to the Big Banks, led by Omaha National (later to merge with First National of Lincoln to become FirsTier), as the first step toward running for public office, particularly for the Legislature.

Some politicians came to believe that they would never really have to cast a vote on the issue, because there would never be enough votes to get the bill passed. Therefore, they could promise to support Multi-Bank, without having to worry about a final vote or signature on the bill. Charles Thone was apparently one of those. As long as the bill never reached his desk, he could promise till the cows came home that he would sign the bill, but he would never be held accountable.

But on a fateful day in 1980, something happened in the Legislature that nobody dreamed possible. It had never happened in the first one hundred years of Nebraska history. There was a tie vote, 24 to 24. Nebraska's unicameral Legislature has 49 Senators, but on this day, Senator Ernie Chambers decided to sit on his hands, rather than vote for what he regarded as one bunch of evil-doers against another. Then, in an act of dubious legality, Lieutenant Governor Roland Luedtke cast the deciding ballot in favor of the Big Banks. Never before had a lieutenant governor voted on anything.

Governor Charles Thone was in a dilemma. If he signed the bill, he incurred the wrath of the powerful independent bankers. If he did not, he betrayed the promise he had made to John Woods and the Omaha business community, who were intent on this piece of legislation.

Charlie did the smart thing. He left town and criticized Luedtke for having improperly voted for the bill. Luedtke responded by putting on the hat of Acting Governor, and signed the bill into law.

The story did not end there. On instructions from Attorney General Paul Douglas, who favored the independent bankers, the newly passed law was not entered into the statutes. It was as if it had never passed.

In the next year's legislative session, the Big Bank forces came back with guns blazing. Led by me on the floor of the Legislature and in the Banking Committee, we marched the legislation slowly but surely through three legislative votes and to a final showdown with Governor Thone. We had a bare majority, but nowhere near enough votes to override a governor's veto.

On a spring day, as Charlie was dreaming of an easy reelection, as the newspapers were saying that he was unbeatable, being a Republican governor in a Republican state, who had done nothing really right or really wrong, we laid the newly passed legislation on Charlie's desk.

John Woods sent clear messages to Charlie Thone, that he was expected to live up to his promise to sign the legislation. But the Independent Bankers had their own ace in the hole. They had the leading independent banker in the state meet one-on-one with Charlie and "explain the facts of life."

The facts were these: 1. That if Charlie signed the legislation he would be politically dead, because ... 2. The Independent Bankers would organize a referendum on the newly passed legislation and put the issue on the ballot in the next election, where ... 3. As Charlie, we and everybody else knew, it would almost certainly be defeated, because the voting public was inclined to support the Independents. Charlie would be done for.

Charlie got the message. He vetoed the bill.

With that veto, Charlie's political doom was sealed, and the door was opened for Bob Kerrey to be the next Governor of Nebraska. Until then, Bobby was still frying hamburgers at his restaurant, and was no closer to the governorship, to Debra Winger, or to Hollywood than the local movie theater.

John Woods was adamant. So was super-lobbyist Jim Ryan. Charlie Thone must be eliminated. It was time to come up with other candidates.

To my suggestion that they seriously consider supporting me for Governor, the answer was unanimous. I was too controversial. I had too much political "baggage." I would not like being governor. I was too effective as a legislator and besides, as everybody knows, except for signing bills, the Governor of Nebraska is not as powerful as independent legislators.

What they said was probably true. They wanted me as their power broker in the Legislature.

I suggested we get behind a young man named Bob Kerrey. For a couple of years, there had been talk about Bobby. I had even dreamed, as I told Bobby many times, of running for Governor, with Bobby as Lieutenant Governor. I knew others were encouraging Bobby, too.

From that meeting on, it was a done deal. Jimmy Ryan and Omaha National Bank Vice President Don Adams were assigned the task of meeting with Bobby privately to sort out whether he would support Multi-Bank legislation.

Bob Kerrey filed as a candidate. A lot of people found it remarkable, that Democrat Bob Kerrey had the heavy support of the normally totally Republican Big Bank establishment.

In November 1982, Kerrey became Governor of Nebraska. His first public appearance as Governor was to testify before my Banking Committee for Multi-Bank. Shortly thereafter, he signed the bill into law.


Though the support of John Woods and the Omaha business community was the most critical factor in Kerrey's election, there was another force in Nebraska politics at the time, whose support was believed to be practically indispensable to winning the election. This was the pro-life movement.

The vocal head of the pro-life group, Senator Bernice Labedz of Omaha, was more than just another state senator and more than just another pro-life leader. She was the matriarch of the Democratic Party. She was close friends with both of Nebraska's U.S. Senators, J. James Exon and Edward Zorinsky, for each of whom she had worked as office manager. Her support for a candidate guaranteed tens of thousands of votes.

Bernice wanted to support Bobby Kerrey, but she was not going to support anybody who was not pro-life. Bobby knew he needed to do whatever he had to, to win her support. Only with Bernice on board, and with the backing of the Big Bankers, could Bobby do the impossible -- win election as a Democratic governor, in a solidly Republican state.

Bobby wrote a letter, for distribution as a true representation of his stand on the abortion issue.

Dear Bernice,

In the months ahead, your advice and support will be critical to my ability to provide new leadership for our State. Your courageous leadership in advancing respect for human life, promoting a strong family and a decent society, has been an inspiration to me as well as thousands of our fellow Nebraskans.

We have a common commitment to use our God-given abilities to defend and protect the sanctity of human life. There is no value I hold more dear than the conviction that every society should have as its first priority the protection of the life of its members. ...

Since becoming a candidate for Governor, I have consistently stated my opposition to abortion. As recently as May 14, 1982, in both the Omaha World-Herald and the Lincoln Journal, I stated, "I find abortion to be morally repugnant." It was in the Omaha World-Herald on May 14, 1982, that I also stated clearly that my position was not "pro-choice."

I believe the unborn to be human life and entitled to all the protections the State can legally offer for the preservation of life ..

I believe there are many important challenges that face us over the next few years. Reducing the number of abortions in our State and working with you toward the elimination of the need for even a single abortion will be of a highest priority. I am confident working in partnership with you in the years ahead will be one of the most rewarding experiences of my life.

Best wishes,

(signed) Robert Kerrey

Following her rule that "a man's word is his bond," Bernice rolled out the political machine of the pro-life movement, in favor of Bobby and away from Charlie Thone.

But in 1991, when Senator Bob Kerrey decided to run for President of the United States, the political winds had changed. Polls showed that only a candidate who would have the support of the pro-choice movement, stood a chance to beat George Bush.

Bobby's first substantive act in his presidential campaign was to repeat a pattern I had seen during the years I worked with him. He repudiated everything he had previously said on the subject of abortion, acknowledged that he had been essentially fibbing in his pro-life statements, and admitted that he had given the previous false commitments purely for the purpose of getting elected.

Campaigning in New Hampshire, Kerrey was quoted in the October 17, 1991 World-Herald, regarding his letter to Senator Labedz: "It was a political act, yeah, and an act about which I feel very little pride. ... The whole issue of not just abortion but many of the other emotional issues in 1982 were extremely difficult. I didn't know what public policy was for certain, should be for certain, and -- as a result -- I was all over the map."


The Multi-Bank legislation was not Governor Robert Kerrey's only foray into state banking law. In 1983-84, the state's banks were experiencing severe problems. In the summer of 1984, Kerrey called a special legislative session to deal with these problems, but specified that it would not deal with the most notorious of them, Commonwealth, whose collapse he himself had precipitated with his infamous press statement of October 31, 1983.

As the Legislature convened, however, Kerrey expanded the session to handle a completely new proposal of his own crafting, which did bear on Commonwealth and State Security. Kerrey's crony Bill Wright was involved.

Kerrey's new proposal was for a special form of interstate banking, in which only one out-of-state banking group would be allowed to take over Nebraska financial institutions. It would be arranged so that this single out-of-state group, a Colorado based combine with which Kerrey's associates were secretly working, would quietly take over Commonwealth and State Security, in return for the interstate banking monopoly.

I had been sponsoring legislation to allow legitimate interstate banking, but this was not legitimate. It was clear to me that the reason for the Kerrey administration's approach to Commonwealth, was to cover up a multitude of sins related to State Security, owned by Kerrey's intimate Bill Wright.

I met with Bobby. We talked intensely. I made clear that I would support a competitive and reciprocal interstate banking proposal, which I thought would help all Nebraskans, not one that would be used to bailout individuals involved in what I felt was corruption. I mentioned for the first time to him, face to face, the role of his friend and adviser Bill Wright.

When we ended our discussion, I thought Bobby would abandon his idea, and accept an interstate banking proposal along my lines. A legitimate interstate bank bill, however, could not be used by Bobby and his friends for their personal purposes, related to Commonwealth and State Security. From that standpoint, Kerrey, directed by Bill Wright, had to push through his peculiar form of interstate banking.

Led by his chief of staff, W. Don Nelson, Kerrey lined up enough votes to bypass my Banking Committee and railroad his bill through the Legislature and onto his desk where he could sign it. Or so he thought.

They had their votes lined up. It required 25 of the 49 to pass the legislation. Most senators knew less about the legislation than a sow knows about Sunday. But by using the most traditional political methods, carrot and stick, the Kerrey administration had gotten commitments from twenty-six senators. They were ready to roll.

Roll they did, using the most powerful lobbyists and the heaviest pressure the administration could put on. Through a technicality, I was able to stop them dead in their tracks. I invoked a procedural ruling, which forced them to have thirty votes to ever get to a vote on the bill itself. They had twenty-six votes, not thirty. Bobby was angry.

Immediately after the vote, I left for the Republican National Convention in Dallas. When I got there, reporters were calling me for my response to Bob Kerrey's latest action.

"What action was that?" I inquired.

"Bob Kerrey has declared you a 'non-person' whose existence he will no longer recognize in any way," they said.

"How can you declare somebody a ghost?" I asked. "How does Bob Kerrey think he has the authority to declare me a 'non-person'? What planet is he living on that he thinks he has this incredible power?"

I thought for a minute. Bobby was riding as high as any governor ever had in Nebraska. Movie star Debra Winger was now living in the mansion with him part time. All Nebraska was in love with Bobby and Debby. Camelot was here, and Nebraskans were lapping it up. There were pictures of Bobby fluffing up a pillow, smiling and saying, "Just fluff up your pillow and dream about it" -- his response when asked what it was like to date Debra Winger.

I knew the press was in love with Bobby, and that anything I said had to be simple and not susceptible of distortion. "Bobby has to learn that there is more to being a governor than macho and movie stars," I told the press.

Later, when I returned to Lincoln from Dallas, I learned from a close friend of mine and of Bobby, a prominent lobbyist, that immediately after the legislative vote in which I stopped his banking proposal, Bobby stormed out of the Governor's office and down to the doors just outside the Legislature, where he yelled out a threat:

"I know you lobbyists worked for John DeCamp to stop me on this. Well, I promise you one thing. DeCamp is 'dead meat.' Do you hear me? DeCamp is' dead meat.' I mean it!"

When I was an infantry captain in Vietnam, the phrase "dead meat" was well known. It was what a soldier, usually an enlisted man, threatened an officer with just before "fragging" him. "Fragging" was a live grenade tossed into the tent, living quarters, or restroom facility of another soldier, most commonly an officer.

Live grenades usually kill or maim people. Bobby knew that. His foot was most probably blown off by a live grenade that either the enemy threw or, as he himself has indicated, one of his own men accidentally dropped near him. Originally no one dreamed Bobby would be recommended for a Medal of Honor. Recently disclosed records show that as the Pentagon attempted to "popularize" the war, the word came down to create more heroes, to recommend more wounded for medals. Since there were more places to fill on the list, Bobby's name suddenly popped onto the bottom of it. This may be a crude way of putting things, but since the Medal of Honor is being cited by the press as the apparent best evidence of Bobby's qualifications to be President, it is legitimate to discuss it. And I do not think Bobby would deny this.

In 1984, Bobby knew that this lobbyist would deliver the message that I was "dead meat," which he did. It occurred to me that I might be dealing with an emotionally disturbed individual. I had no doubts, as to how important the legislation was to help bailout and cover up the State Security scandal, in which Bobby and his friend Bill Wright were involved. And I knew how detrimental such legislation would be to the rest of Nebraska's million and a half citizens.

A governor or legislator does not go completely nuts over a proposal the way Bobby did, unless he has something personal at stake. And I was well aware of what Bobby and his friends had hanging on their interstate banking plan.

The more I learned about State Security, the extent of the thievery that had occurred there, and the fact that the publicity about Commonwealth was being used as a smokescreen to protect State Security from a deeper probe, the more at odds Bobby and I became.

As I kept the heat on with continual demands for an investigation of State Security, Bill Wright left town. When the press confronted Kerrey as to why Wright was gone, an angry Kerrey snapped, that Bill Wright was "driven out of town by John DeCamp."

Finally, the Legislature agreed to allow my Banking Committee to investigate the State Security situation. Eight hundred pages of committee investigation record what happened, and I have covered the highlights in Chapter 6.

This investigation did not get well under way until the final year of Kerrey's governorship. It is my belief, that the reason Robert Kerrey did not run for reelection, was because of this investigation and where he thought it would lead.

The best evidence I can give of this, is what happened after the November 1986 election. Kerrey did not run for reelection. I was defeated for reelection to the Legislature.

Bobby and I sat down for a heart to heart talk.

I had not yet issued the committee report. I had determined to wait until after the election, so that it would not appear that I was using it as a campaign tool. Bobby wanted to know what I was going to say about him in the report.

"As far as I am concerned," I told Bobby, "I have no reason to go after you. You have already been hurt enough, by having to drop out of the Governor's race. I have no reason to pick on you, because it was really Bill Wright who masterminded the State Security swindle, though you obviously played a role in it. I am not out to hurt you. We both have been hurt enough and blamed enough."

As far as I was concerned, Bill Wright was the key villain, and that is what I said in the State Security report. Perhaps I felt a bit sorry for my old friend who left half his leg in Vietnam.


Two years later, Bobby and I had occasion to get together again for some very serious business.

I received a request from a close friend of mine, a lobbyist, that Bobby wanted to meet with me privately to discuss something before he made his decision on running for the United States Senate. We met in the lobbyist's office, for a long discussion. "Are you going to run ?" I quizzed him.

"I don't know. You think I should? What are you going to do if I do?"

"You mean," I said, "am I going to try to hurt you?"

"Yeah, I guess that's what I mean. What are you going do?"

"Bobby," I said, "I told you before that I think State Security was one terrible scandal, with thousands of victims. I believe absolutely Commonwealth was a cover-up for State Security. But I don't think you were the main perpetrator of it. Sometimes we can be the victim of our own friends," I told him, somewhat charitably. "We get in so deep before we even know it, just a degree at a time, trying to help this guy or protect that one from embarrassment. That's what got Nixon in Watergate ... trying to protect his friends. I truly believe Nixon did not know what the blazes was going on, but he was already in so deep, he had to take the fall for all the others because he was the 'officer in charge.'

"I think you did wrong in handling the whole thing -- Commonwealth and State Security, but you weren't the mastermind. Bill Wright was. That I know, despite your denials.

"But," I continued, "just so you know exactly what I am going to do, so that you do not have to be looking behind your back all the time, here is exactly what you can expect:

"First, I will not do or say anything publicly that will hurt you. You had your punishment already, having to drop out of the governor's race.

"Second, with respect to the State Security issue specifically, and Bill Wright and all the thefts and crimes and cover-ups I know and believe occurred there, I will say nothing more than to tell people they can look at the official reports.

"In short, Bobby, I will do nothing to hurt you."

Then I was pressured and begged, by the highest elected and unelected officials of the Republican Party in Nebraska, to "trash" Kerrey during his U.S. Senate race, by making public everything I knew about him. Governor Kay Orr herself appealed to me to speak out. I refused, not just once, but again and again. With hindsight, I believe I should not have stayed silent.

Ultimately, someone hired a writer named Jack Hart, to go through the records of my legislative investigation and write a series of articles to establish the extent of the Commonwealth/ State Security scandal and the culpability of Robert Kerrey. Hart's articles were essentially accurate, as far as they went, and I have quoted from them in Chapter 6.

I lived up to my promise to Bobby completely. And when the election was over and Kerrey had secured his U.S. Senate seat, a hand-written note from Bobby confirmed that fact.


So, why make an issue of Kerrey and Commonwealth and State Security now?

Because too much is at stake. Patterns associated with Kerrey from his earliest days in public life, which were accentuated in the Commonwealth/State Security affairs, are being repeated now in the Franklin matter, and have the possibility of being amplified onto the national level, if Robert Kerrey became President.

What are those patterns?

1. Abuse of public positions for one's own financial benefit. This is an invariant of Kerrey's career, from his first appearance in student politics at the University of Nebraska in 1964-65, where he was censured by the Student Council for pocketing profits from a Student Council program he was in charge of. We saw the same thing again in Commonwealth/State Security and the NIFA loan scam.

2. Shifting political position 180 degrees with the prevailing winds. When it was fashionable to be against the Vietnam War, Kerrey led the parade. When it became a political liability, he chucked his opposition overboard, and lied about it. When he needed votes and he could get them by denouncing abortion, he did so. When he thought the best way to get votes was to be pro-abortion, he embraced that position. In the lead-up to the Gulf war, Bobby was strongly against it. When it was clear that the war was popular, Bobby decided he had been "uninformed" before and switched his stance.

I saw this happen so many times, I used to call him "Flip flop Bobby" to his face.

3. Acting as a puppet of forces behind the scenes. Bobby got his start in political life because John Woods and the Omaha business community anointed him to pass their Big Banks bill. While governor, he danced to the tune called by them and by Bill Wright. Today he is controlled by a small circle which includes: John Gottschalk, publisher, Omaha World-Herald, and Kerrey business partner; William Wright, the individual who milked State Security's depositors of millions; Joe R. Seacrest, owner and publisher, Lincoln Journal newspaper; Bill Hoppner, his Chief of Staff who was effectively governor during the first years of Kerrey's administration, until he left the state to go work for Bill Wright in California; and Warren Buffett, billionaire from Omaha and the new CEO of Salomon Brothers.

These are the men who will tell Bobby when to open his mouth, and what to say, so much so that I will make a prediction: Look for Bobby to start taking stands for population control. His financial angel Warren Buffett is a fanatic on the issue, and funds the most radical population reduction groups in the country.

4. Operating with the protection of a corrupt press. The press can turn truth into falsehood, and lies into truth -- such is its power in Nebraska, and also nationally. The media should be the ultimate check and balance of our other institutions of government in this country. Three times in my short life -- the McCarthy era, Watergate, and Iran-Contra -- it was the press that finally exposed the truth and kept our Constitutional system of government in place, rather than the institutions of government themselves that are assigned that purpose.

In the case of Commonwealth and State Security, Robert Kerrey had a relationship with the two major news sources in Nebraska, the Omaha World-Herald and the Lincoln Journal, that guaranteed presentation of a distorted and false picture of Commonwealth and State Security. His personal and business relationships with the owners and publishers of the Lincoln Journal guaranteed that truth would be sacrificed to convenience. And his business and personal relationship today with the World-Herald publisher guarantees even more certainly that same result from the World-Herald.

Lest anyone doubt the latter, consider the "open mike" incident of November 1991. Kerrey found himself on a podium in New Hampshire, sitting next to fellow-candidate Governor Bill Clinton of Arkansas. Not realizing a microphone was on, he told Clinton a dirty joke that was offensive to lesbians and homosexuals, whom he has otherwise supported. Some of the nation's press attacked him for his crudity. But here is how the World-Herald, run by his business partner Jack Gottschalk, covered it in an editorial entitled "Kerrey, Too, Deserves Apology."

Bob Kerrey is right when he says he shouldn't have repeated the crude story he told Bill Clinton in a private conversation in New Hampshire. Nonetheless, it would be unjust if this stupid, minor, blown-out-of-proportion incident were to hurt Kerrey's campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination.

The World-Herald gave a tortured argument, that Kerrey was only telling Clinton the joke as an example of jokes which should not be told. At that, I had to laugh, because of a sense of deja vu. It was one unforgettable thing about politicians close to the Kerrey administration, that they habitually used a dirty or racial joke to open a conversation. Bill Hoppner, now chairman of Kerrey' s presidential campaign, was the master of masters, when it came to telling the raunchiest sexist or ethnic joke. And this particular joke, Bobby Kerrey himself told years before, only then he used my name instead of Jerry Brown's!

Bobby's friends at the World-Herald, however, concluded:

The senator on Tuesday apologized to anyone who took offense at the story. It was the proper and political thing to do. The way the story developed, however, Kerrey may be the target of a carefully crafted sabotage operation. Perhaps someone should apologize to him.

I sent the following letter to the editorial board of the World which, naturally, did not print it.

Everybody suspected -- but now we know, don't we?

It really was the World-Herald directing the Franklin Grand Jury. For doubters, read the 20 November 1991 editorial titled, "Kerrey, Too, Deserves Apology." That's right, Bob Kerrey tells dirty jokes about lesbians, and gets caught. Immediately, the World-Herald decides that Bob Kerrey is the victim because the evil people dared to catch him committing his dirty joke routine.

The World-Herald editorially attacks the accusers and labels Kerrey as the "target of a carefully crafted sabotage operation." And demands that his victims apologize to him.

In Franklin, the child-victim accusers were labeled as the bad people and the people they accused were the "target of a carefully crafted hoax."

Go ahead, World-Herald, tell us dumb Nebraskans that you did not write the script for the Franklin Grand Jury.


As I told People magazine in their November 25, 1991 profile of the candidate, Bob Kerrey has a magical ability, to make s-- smell like apple butter. Charisma? He has more than anyone I have known. I think he imitates Jack Kennedy even better than Jack Kennedy at times, in the way he speaks and smiles.

He also has a practiced method for touching up his image.

I have seen Robert Kerrey resort more brilliantly, success fully, and often than any other politician, to what I call the Pre-emptive First Strike Confession. If you are about to be compromised or tarnished by your own record, act swiftly, before a scandal develops. Make a tearful confession to a friendly press conduit about your "youthful indiscretion" or your "regrettable shortsightedness." Take something that could and maybe should destroy you politically, and turn it into an asset.

When Bobby needed to clean up his image on banking matters in order to attack George Bush's handling of the S&L crisis, he staged a confession to Kotok of the World-Herald, that yes, perhaps, being new to politics and all, he had relied a tad too much on the advice of Bill Wright in the Common wealth/State Security affair.

When it appeared that his repudiation of his 1982 anti-abortion letter to Senator Labedz might be used against him in the presidential campaign, given his current pro-abortion views, Bobby explained that back then, "I didn't know abortion from a load of hay."

I dare the national press to go through the record of Bob Kerrey and see how many Pre-emptive First Strike Confessions he has made on major matters. Then, compare this with any other politician. Kerrey will win hands down.

With his flip-flops and prevarication, his personal aggrandizement, his manipulation by forces behind the scenes, and his protection by a controlled press, we are in for some very rough times, if Joseph Robert Kerrey ever becomes President of the United States.

I have warned you. I hope I never have to say, "I told you so."
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:37 pm


It is a little over four years since I, John DeCamp, wrote the words you have just read. My closest friend and mentor, Bill Colby, like so many others in the Franklin case, is dead; he was fished out of a river in front of his home, under the most questionable of circumstances, in April 1996.

Was he killed because of his involvement in Franklin? I don't know. What I do know, is that Bill Colby was the heart and soul of the Franklin investigation. Although at a certain point he warned me against investigating the case further, it was he who relentlessly pushed to publicly expose what had already been discovered, when everyone else, including, at times, myself, wanted to call it quits. Without him, this book would never have been written. In the new, final chapter of this second edition, I tell much more about my relationship to Bill Colby, who was, in my estimation, one of the greatest patriots this country has seen, from the time that he served as our country's Deputy Ambassador to South Vietnam (but, in reality, as CIA Station Chief), and recruited a young combat infantry captain named John DeCamp to be one of his chief assistants in Operation Phoenix, right through to his role in trying to blow open the Franklin cover-up.

A partial list of the Knights and Dames of Malta reads like a Who’s Who of American Catholicism:

William Casey – CIA Director.

John McCone – CIA Director.

William Colby – CIA Director.

William Donovan – OSS Director. Donovan was given an especially prestigious form of knighthood that has only been given to a hundred other men in history.

-- "The Origins of the Overclass," by Steve Kangas

A former CIA deputy station chief and an American diplomat admitted in May 1990 that U.S. officials supplied both arms and the names of thousands of PKI members to the Indonesian army and CIA-funded Muslim student death squads, who hunted the leftists down and murdered them. The first order by military officers to Muslim students in early October was the word sikat, meaning "clean out", "wipe out" or "massacre." U.S. officials were well aware that the people named on the lists "were destined for extra-judicial firing squads." CIA officers "later checked off the names of those who had been killed." Estimates of the number of deaths that occurred as a result of this CIA operation run from half a million to over one million people.

Former CIA Director William Colby compared the Indonesian operation to the CIA's Phoenix Programme in the Vietnam War (whose goal was to "neutralise 3,000 people a month" and which murdered between 20,000 and 40,000 Vietnamese). Colby admitted: "The people getting killed in Indonesia were not soldiers. They were not even the "enemy" in an on-going war. They were members of a popular, grassroots political party. Or they were in the way."

-- The CIA in Indonesia, by

CIA director William Colby later admitted in secret testimony before the House Foreign Affairs Committee that the CIA had "penetrated" all of Chile's major political parties, that it had secretly furnished "some assistance" to certain Chilean groups and that the executions carried out by the junta after the coup had "done some good."

-- The CIA in Chile, by

When the Pine Gap Treaty, which would determine the future of the CIA's most valuable overseas base, was due for renewal on December 9th 1975, Whitlam's comments that he might not renew the treaty raised major alarms in the Agency. CIA Director William Colby later wrote that the "threat" posed by the Whitlam Government was one of the three "world crises" of his career, comparable with the Middle East war two years previously, when the United States considered using nuclear weapons.

The CIA Station Chief in London, Dr John Proctor, contacted MI6 and asked for British help with "the Whitlam problem." William Colby directly approached his opposite number, head of MI6, Sir Maurice Oldfield, to emphasise to British intelligence that Australia was "traditionally Britain's domain" and that if Pine Gap was closed down, "the Alliance would be blinded strategically." The CIA also sought assistance from MI6 and MI5 liaison officers based in Washington.

British intelligence has long had a vested interest in Australian politics. MI6 operates its own base at Kowandi, south of Darwin, where its highly secret activities are concealed from the Australian government and people. They include widespread interception of communications and covert operations in Asia. The Australian Secret Intelligence Service, ASIS, also operates from this base and is highly integrated with British intelligence.

At the same time as U.S. intelligence was targeting the Australian Labor Government, Peter Wright (of Spycatcher infamy) and his colleagues in British intelligence were busy destabilising the British Labour Government of Harold Wilson. Wright conspired with his close friend, James Jesus Angleton, the extreme right-wing head of CIA counter-intelligence, to "target" the three Western leaders they regarded as "Communist agents": Harold Wilson, Willy Brandt in Germany and Gough Whitlam.

After discovering that the British and American intelligence services based in Australia were secretly involved in Indonesia's invasion of East Timor, Whitlam ordered the dismissal of the heads of ASIO and ASIS in the autumn of 1975, and then began to make moves against the CIA. Then, at the beginning of November, it was revealed in the press that a former CIA officer, Richard Stallings, had been channelling funds to J. Douglas Anthony, leader of the opposition National Country Party, and was a close friend and former tenant of Anthony's Canberra home. Whitlam accused the opposition of being "subsidised by the CIA."

In Parliament, Doug Anthony admitted that Stallings was a friend but challenged Whitlam to provide evidence that Stallings worked for the CIA. (Stallings' name was not on the official list of "declared" CIA officers working in Australia, but on a "confidential" list held by the Permanent Head of the Australian Defence Department, Sir Arthur Tange). Whitlam prepared a reply, which he intended to give when Parliament resumed the following week, on Tuesday November 11th.

The CIA was frantic. The Australian Prime Minister was about to blow the cover of the agent who had set up Pine Gap and to reveal that the supposedly "joint" facility was a CIA charade. Furthermore, the future of the base itself was to be subject to parliamentary debate. The day before his speech was due, Whitlam was informed of a telex from the ASIO station in Washington, which stated that the Prime Minister of Australia was a security risk in his own country. The message had been virtually dictated by Theodore Shackley, head of the CIA's East Asia Division (and whose plethora of illegal covert activities have been outlined in other articles on this site).

On Sunday November 9th, the Australian Governor-General, Sir John Kerr, was briefed on the "security crisis", while the head of the Defence Department declared publicly: "This is the greatest risk to the nation's security there has ever been." The CIA was certain that Whitlam would announce the cancellation of the Pine Gap agreement on December 9th, and set into motion a plan to install in power a political party to "protect the sanctity of U.S. bases."

Six weeks earlier, during a visit to Indonesia, opposition politician Andrew Peacock had briefed government officials there on the current state of the Australian political crisis. He described in detail a sequence of events that were about to take Australia by surprise. A record of his briefing was later read into Australian Hansard:

"Whitlam will not agree to hold an election.... The Governor-General would be forced to ask Malcolm Fraser to form a Cabinet. But this Cabinet would not be able to get a mandate to govern, because Parliament is controlled by the Labor Party.... Fraser is appointed PM, a minute later he asks the Governor-General to dissolve Parliament, following which a general election is to be held."

And that was exactly what happened. On November 11th, the day Whitlam was to inform Parliament fully about the CIA and American bases in Australia, he was summoned by Kerr from Parliament House. Without warning, Kerr dismissed Whitlam as Prime Minister, dissolved both houses of Parliament and appointed Malcolm Fraser, leader of the Liberal Party, to head an interim government until new elections could be held in December. An unelected official (whose position was traditionally only that of a figurehead representative of the Queen of England) had, in one arbitrary and unconstitutional act, overthrown a legitimate and democratically elected government.

-- The CIA in Australia: America's Foreign Watergate, by

Under the guidance of William Colby, head of the CIA's Far East Division, the 1960's saw the Agency's programmes in South East Asia rapidly expand. The CIA's "secret" war in Laos was launched; guerrilla raids and bombing operations by the CIA's proprietary company Air America killed tens of thousands of Laotians. And in Vietnam, the notorious Phoenix "counter terror" programme was begun. Wayne Cooper, a Foreign Service Officer, reported: "CIA representatives recruited, organised, supplied and directly paid teams whose function was to use techniques of terror - assassination, kidnappings and intimidation against the Viet Cong leadership." William Colby also supervised the establishment of a network of Provincial Interrogation Centres in each of south Vietnam's 44 provinces, mainly for the use of torture tactics against suspected Vietcong.

A former US military intelligence officer in Vietnam, Barry Osborn, reported: "By late 1968, the Phoenix programme was not serving any legitimate function that I know of, but rather had gone so wrong that it was the vehicle by which we were getting into a bad genocide programme." Osborn testified before a House Committee that suspects caught by Phoenix were interrogated in helicopters and sometimes pushed out. He also spoke of the use of electric shock torture. Jeff Stein, a senior CIA agent, stated: "I learned of the insertion of a six-inch dowel into the circular canal of one of my detainee's ears and the tapping through to the brain until the person died; the starving to death of a Vietnamese woman suspected of being part of the local education cabinet . Atrocities are normal; atrocities are taught to us as being normal." Stein also stated: "I would send in a report which would say, one person who was suspected of being VC, unconfirmed, uncorroborated, should be at this point, co-ordinate, at this time on this day, and I would find out later that a B-52 strike had hit that spot at that time and wiped out the whole village."

Frank Snepp, another senior CIA agent, reported: "I would put together a list and I would turn it over to Mr Colby's people. He would feed this list out to the strike teams and they would go to work. The hit teams became impatient and they decided to take the law as such into their own hands. And instead of bringing the sources in, they began killing them piece-meal. I looked at a list of the Phoenix programme's latest casualty count and I discovered it ran about 20,000 killed. And that is how you became a collaborator in the worst of the terrorist programmes, in the most atrocious excesses of the U.S. government."

US Senator Stephen Young of Ohio was reported to have said that while he was in Vietnam, the CIA told him that the Agency disguised people as Vietcong to commit atrocities, including murder and rape, so as to discredit the Communists. In 1975 a Senate committee investigating the CIA's secret operations in Vietnam reported: "Two Vietcong prisoners were interrogated on an airplane flying towards Saigon. The first refused to answer all questions and was thrown out of the airplane at 3,000 feet. The second immediately answered all the questions. But he too was thrown out. Other techniques usually designed to force onlooking prisoners to talk involved cutting off the fingers, ears, fingernails or sexual organs of another prisoner."

According to William Colby's own testimony before a congressional committee in 1971, 20,587 suspected Viet Cong were killed under the Phoenix programme in its first two-and-a-half years. The South Vietnamese government credited Phoenix with 40,994 deaths. Colby, the architect of the murder programme, said: "I was not able to say that no-one had been wrongly killed. But the purpose and the effect of the Phoenix programme was to bring decency and intelligence to our side of the battle." Two years later, Colby became Director of the CIA.

During later congressional hearings into the activities of the CIA, William Colby meticulously detailed decades of assassinations, destabilisation campaigns and domestic surveillance in the U.S. itself, going so far as to bring along dart guns, vials of snake poison and other Company hardware as exhibits. George Bush replaced Colby as CIA Director in early 1976 and the year-long House investigation of the CIA under Otis Pike and Senator Frank Church was wound down. In terms of reform or control of the CIA's covert operations, those investigations produced little more than the establishment of intelligence oversight committees in both chambers and recommendations for future legislation. However, a couple of weeks after the House of representatives voted to allow the White House to censor the Pike Committee's report, it was leaked to the Village Voice. It was sensational, with details of CIA intervention in foreign elections, paramilitary operations and black propaganda.

-- The CIA: An Expose of the Agency's History and Covert Operations, by

[William Colby]: "Of course the CIA in particular was involved in investigating, learning and, on occasion, using, everything we could learn about mind control -- and with extremely good reason. Following the Korean War, this country's military and intelligence communities went through a period of absolute paranoia about just how far our enemies were ahead of us in mind control and related activities.

"There was no particular program called 'Monarch,' contrary to what you want to think. 'Monarch' was merely a name that some participants in the program -- who knew very little about it, other than from their own limited participation -- were given to identify themselves. But, as far as the CIA was concerned, there was no such program named 'Monarch.'

"But, with respect to mind control, I will tell you that this country spent millions upon millions supposedly catching up to our Cold War adversaries, because we believed they had developed mind control technology which exceeded anything we had. In fact, we at the Company [CIA] truly believed for a substantial period of time, that technology and techniques and drugs had been developed by Russia which would enable them to have agents who in fact really were able to have and use ESP-extra sensory perception.

"Can you imagine," Bill continued, "how dangerous for this country it would be if you could have had someone meeting the President of the United States, who was actually able to read what was in the President's mind?

"I know," Bill continued, "it may sound silly today to get all carried away with this fear; but I can tell you that we took it all very seriously and believed this ESP thing for some significant time period.


"I will tell you one other thing," Bill said, somewhat ominously, "we are not behind in knowledge of mind control. In fact, we never were, but we only found that out much later, after we had poured incredible resources into this area. And yes, I am sure, there were some problems and abuses that occurred and we will talk about them at another time."

-- The Franklin Cover-Up, by John W. DeCamp

I published The Franklin Cover-Up, as much as an insurance policy for myself and my family, as for any other purpose. Colby had pointed to the extreme danger for a person to have secret knowledge about a situation, that others who are affected want to keep out of the public's view.

"Some people will go to any lengths to make sure things stay secret," Colby had often repeated to me, "which is why the CIA and the KGB sometimes find their agents dead. Your best interest," he argued, "may well be in publishing what you know and are able to prove, rather than keeping those facts secret. Whether you ever sell a single book or not does not really matter. Putting your information on the public record is what is important. That way, there is no logical reason to harm you or your family, to suppress some truth you have already documented. That is probably your real life insurance policy in something like this Franklin situation," Colby had advised me.

Now, four years later, without a single dollar spent in advertising or promotion, over 50,000 copies of this book have been sold nationwide. I am convinced that this is why I am alive today, although I did receive a warning in September 1996, through reliable sources, that I am targeted -- "just like they got Colby." There have also been innumerable attempts to disbar me. Although I have thus far been able to defeat every one of these attempts, they keep coming; to silence me through disbarment is, for those trying to hide the truth on Franklin, the equivalent of assassinating me. So, the battle continues, both in the Franklin case per se -- about which I include stunning new material which proves the truth of Part I of this book -- and in the new cases in which I have become involved. As a result of the first publication of The Franklin Cover-Up, as an attorney, I have become involved in some of the most famous legal cases now occurring in these United States, from cases involving the militia movement, to the Oklahoma City bombing, to the notorious Gordon Kahl shootout with U.S. Marshals, about which documentaries and movies have been made, to appearances before the U.S. Senate on all of these matters, including Ruby Ridge and Waco. I have appeared on all of the national TV networks, and on many national shows, such as Nightline with Ted Koppel, Good Morning America, CNN's Burden of Proof, America's Most Wanted, and others.

So, I say, as I dedicate this second edition of The Franklin Cover-Up to my friend and mentor, William Colby: "Thanks, Bill. You were right, so right it terrifies me. I told the truth, just as you instructed. Now, as a result of the publication of the original Franklin Cover-Up, I have ended up in situations, where, once again, the truth must be told on some explosive new issues, whose consequences rival those of Franklin, for the future of this country."

Thus, this new edition contains eight dramatic new chapters (and an epilogue): The Franklin Investigation, and Cover-up, Continue; Four Years Later Where Are They Now?; Troy Boner Steps Forward; Drugs and the Monarch Project; From Montana to Oklahoma City; The Oklahoma Bombing; The U.S. Justice Department Murder of Gordon Kahl; and In Memoriam: Bill Colby. This concluding chapter will reveal more about Colby's role in Franklin, and his very last instructions to me, two weeks before his death.

Finally, the last word on the Franklin cover-up is delivered in the epilogue -- not by me, but by the nineteenth-century novelist Herman Melville. Besides his famous Moby Dick, Melville wrote short stories. A high-ranking personage involved in the Franklin case, told me that one of these stories contained the ultimate secret behind the Franklin cover-up. He was right.

"What kind of music are on the Mini LPs?" I asked.

"Sounds resembling the songs of the humpback whale."

I stared at him, not sure he was serious.

"Really," he said. "In fact I did a tape going from whale noises to the Synchronicity Music and back again. There's an eerie continuity; I mean, you can tell the difference, but --"

"How does the Synchronicity Music affect you? What sort of mood does it put you in?"

Kevin said, "A deep theta state, deep sleep. But I personally had visions."

"Of what? Three-eyed people?"

"No," Kevin said. "Of an ancient Celtic sacred ceremony. A ram being roasted and sacrificed to cause winter to go away and spring to return."

-- "Valis," by Philip K. Dick
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:38 pm


When the first printing of what you have just read appeared in May 1992, I was threatened with countless lawsuits by individuals named in the book. I was told by their attorneys, from some of the most prominent law firms in the state and in the country, that "We will destroy you in court." As it turned out, although there have been numerous attempts to disbar me, only one lawsuit for libel and slander was ever launched as a direct result of the book -- and that was a suit I launched and won, as I will relate.

My victory in that case was but one of a series of what I call the "mini-miracles" -- perhaps a hundred or more unforeseen events since the book first hit the streets, which prove the truth of The Franklin Cover-Up. I have chosen a small sampling of these "mini-miracles" to recount here.


After this book appeared, attorneys for Franklin-related individuals repeatedly appeared in the printed media (particularly in the Omaha World Herald) and on TV to make statements such as:

"This book is the most libelous and slanderous book I have ever read. The individuals who have been slandered in this book will definitely be filing legal actions to stop distribution of this book and against Mr. John DeCamp personally. That is certain. This book will be stopped and Mr. DeCamp will be proved to be a liar and made to pay damages."

When reporters who interviewed the lawyers or principals named in the book contacted me for my response to their threats, I had one standard answer:

"I agree with certain things these people and their attorneys attacking me are saying. I agree that the things described in this book are horrible. If anyone had said these things about me, I agree that I would sue them. I believe if there is anything false in this book or if they believe I have not told the truth in this book, that they should sue me. In fact, I welcome their lawsuits, because that will help develop the truth. I personally believe I have been most careful and cautious in the way I have handled matters, and only written about those things I can absolutely document."

So, what happened with those threats? Who sued whom? Who proved what?

The only major lawsuit for libel and slander arising from this book was my suit against Atlantic Telecast, owner of a television station in Wilmington, North Carolina, WECT (Channel 6). I charged that statements made on a WECT news broadcast on November 12, 1992, attacking me and the book, were false. I demanded a retraction and public apology.

The first response I received was from WECT's station manager, who informed me that WECT had consulted its attorneys, that the station had thoroughly investigated the matters described in my book, and that WECT was not only not going to apologize, but planned to repeat the attacks.

WECT's attorney further advised me that the station had investigated, in part, by talking to U.S. Senator Bob Kerrey from Nebraska, who was running for president of the United States at the time, and who had visited Wilmington, and met with representatives of the TV station. Further investigation, he claimed, was conducted by talking to the new Wilmington police chief, a man named Robert Wadman -- the former police chief of Omaha, Nebraska, who had come to Wilmington in the early 1990s!

After hearing this, I gave a simple demand to WECT: "Rest assured I am ready to prove everything I wrote in my book. I hope you are ready and able to prove your claims made on TV. I give you three weeks for further investigation, and then I will move forward aggressively on my lawsuit against you. At that time, I will seek not only an apology, but substantial monetary damages."

Just under three weeks from the date of my ultimatum, attorneys from Atlantic Telecast contacted me and stated that they had done further investigation and acknowledged that now they, not I, were in trouble.

Shortly thereafter, a settlement agreement was reached which stipulated: (1) WECT TV would broadcast a retraction and public apology to me on its news broadcasts, and would issue a press release to the same effect; (2) WECT would pay me money damages and other financial benefits; (3) All other details of the settlement, other than those stated above, would be kept confidential for the benefit of the TV station.

I accepted the settlement offer, and dismissed my lawsuit. WECT lived up to its part of the settlement, and I have lived up to mine.

My lawsuit intersected a fierce political battle between Chief Wadman, upon whom WECT had relied for its information, and his own police department, particularly with an officer named Sgt. Robert Clatty. Sgt. Clatty is the Wilmington police Department's expert on satanic ritual abuse of children, and is one of North Carolina's recognized experts as well, with published works on the subject. Chief Wadman, on the other hand, claimed that there was no such thing as satanic ritual abuse; he attempted to make it impossible for Sgt. Clatty to carry out his work, and, at one point, suspended him.

The publicly waged war between Chief Wadman and his wide array of defenders in Wilmington and across North Carolina, and Wadman's adversaries, led primarily by Officer Clatty, went as high as the State Legislature. From 1992 until roughly mid-1994, it divided the city of Wilmington, and even the state of North Carolina.

The outcome of the war between Chief Wadman and his own force was that in early July 1994, a secret meeting was held with city officials and Wadman's attorney. On July 11, 1994, Wadman resigned as police chief. Although city officials refused to comment on what had transpired in the meeting, Wadman himself admitted in a television interview later that month, that he had been ordered to resign from the Wilmington police Department.


In May 1992, shortly after the first edition of this book was published, Monsignor Robert Hupp, who had been the head of Boys Town from the late 1970s through the decade of the 1980s -- the critical time in question for the Franklin case, contacted me and asked to have a meeting, at which he specified that witnesses must be present. I anticipated that his purpose was to attack me, and to deny what I had written about Boys Town.

I was completely wrong. With two witnesses present, Monsignor Hupp opened our discussion with the simple statement: "John DeCamp, your book stated the game; I hope I can help with some of the names."

Monsignor Hupp and I then entered into an in-depth discussion on the entire situation involving Boys Town, Larry King, Peter Citron, the pedophile problem in general, and the entire story of the Franklin cover-up.

He verified piece after piece of evidence of the Franklin story for me, and provided guidance on other directions in which to look, to develop further proof of the children's stories of abuse by this country's wealthy and powerful.

When I asked Monsignor Hupp how this ever could have happened at Boys Town, he looked at me and told me, so apologetically, "I am like the wife who did not know, and was the last to find out. And when I finally did suspect something and tried to act, the Archbishop [Daniel Sheehan] elected to do nothing about it, when I asked him to help. And then, when I came upon something horribly evil, I found public officials and the Church would do nothing -- apparently terrified at the damage it would do to the Church and to the entire city of Omaha," Monsignor Hupp said.

"What are you talking about?" I asked him. "Is there some particular story or incident you are talking about in the book that you have more information about? Please explain what you mean," I asked the Monsignor.

He then described an incident in 1985, in which a young boy named Shattuck, who lived in Elkhorn, Nebraska, had been sexually abused and then killed. The Monsignor told me that he was certain who had killed the boy, a man he identified as a member of the Catholic clergy in the Omaha Archdiocese. Monsignor Hupp provided precise detail which he said proved beyond any doubt, that the particular individual he named was, in fact, the child's murderer.

"The Church is plagued by these sexual abuse problems across the country and by the devastating publicity the clergy abuse incidents have caused," Monsignor Hupp explained. "The Church's reaction to these sexual abuse problems is, in most cases, to immediately get the clergy member involved out of the state and, if possible, out of the country, and hopefully into treatment. I know that may not be right, but it is a difficult situation to deal with, and simply moving the priest or the brother out of the state or country has been the traditional approach by the Church in America to addressing the problems. In this case, where an innocent child was murdered and where I know that a member of our clergy has done this, I felt I had a moral obligation overriding all other things, to bring the situation to the attention of the appropriate authorities. And I did," Hupp concluded.

The Monsignor then shocked me for the second time that day -- and in a way that brought back to me the horrible memories of the Franklin cover-up.

He explained that after he determined that the Catholic Archbishop of Omaha was not going to take action on the case, he then went to the FBI and to the Omaha law enforcement authorities to provide complete details on the child's murder.

So, what happened as a result of Monsignor Hupp's actions?

Apparently, nothing. Each year on the anniversary of the child's murder -- now almost ten years -- the media talks about the case as still being "under investigation," and street rumors persist about the Catholic clergyman -- the one Monsignor Hupp believes killed the child -- who was shipped out of state for alcohol treatment right after the murder.

In the aftermath of our meeting, Monsignor Hupp ran into his own problems. In September 1992, the Monsignor advised me that he was receiving all kinds of pressure and criticism and was, he feared, being forced to leave Boys Town.

Shortly after that discussion, in a controversy that received national press attention on how resources should be used at Boys Town, Monsignor Hupp was removed from his post. He now lives quietly in a home in West Omaha, Nebraska. Monsignor Hupp has shown incredible courage, as he has continued to provide me direction and assistance in the Franklin investigation and related matters.

Monsignor Hupp is not some 13-year-old kid whom the cops say they cannot trust or believe. On the contrary, he is one of America's most famous and nationally honored clergymen; the author of two best sellers; a former Presidential Appointee as Special Ambassador to the United Nations; and the former head of America's most famous child care institution (Boys Town).

Monsignor Hupp showed his courage yet again, when he repeated his charges a year later to a British TV team making a documentary on the Franklin cover-up, entitled Conspiracy of Silence.


In mid-1993, after The Franklin Cover Up had been circulating for almost a year, the British-based TV station, Yorkshire Television, sent a top-notch team to Nebraska to launch its own investigation of the Franklin case. Yorkshire had a contract with the Discovery Channel to produce a documentary on the case for American television.

They spent many months in Nebraska, and also traveled this country from one end to the other, interviewing, filming, and documenting piece-by-piece the Franklin story as I had told it in the book. They spent somewhere between a quarter-million and one-half million dollars investigating the story, deploying probably a thousand times the resources and abilities that I personally had.

Over the year that I worked with them, I was amazed at the team's ability to gather new documents and witnesses which kept opening up new and frightening facts about Franklin. They were a crack team. In the final weeks that they were in Nebraska, they expressed their certainty that they would win awards for this documented horror story of government-sanctioned drug-running involving children; government-sanctioned abuse of children; and government protection of some of this country's most powerful businessmen and politicians, who had been the chief actors in the Franklin story.

Finally, the big day came. Their documentary was to air nationwide on the Discovery Channel on May 3, 1994. It was advertised in the TV Guide and in newspapers for that day. But no one ever saw that program. At the last minute, and without explanation, it was pulled from the air. It was not shown then, and has never been broadcast anywhere since.

I have a copy of that program, which arrived anonymously in my mail in late 1995. When I watched this pirated copy, I could see clearly why the program had been suppressed. Conspiracy of Silence proved, beyond doubt, that the essential points I had stressed in the book (and more) were all true.

For instance, the team had interviewed Troy Boner. Sometime after that grand jury was over, Troy, guilt-stricken because of his lying over Gary Caradori's death, contacted me and told the truth about what had happened. This is recorded in a remarkable affidavit (see Chapter 20). The Yorkshire TV team spent a small fortune to confirm Troy's charges. They flew Troy to Chicago and paid for a lengthy polygraph (lie detector) test at the Keeler Polygraph Institute. With the results of that test, the Yorkshire team was so convinced that Troy was telling the truth, that they featured him in their documentary.

It was only in mid-1996, that I finally pieced together, through sources I am not at liberty to disclose, what happened to stop the broadcast of this documentary.

1. At the time the Yorkshire TV team and the Discovery Channel were doing the documentary, they had no idea how high up the case would go into Government, and what major institutions and personalities in this country, would be found to be linked to the Franklin story. Ultimately, the documentary focused on several limited aspects documented in this book, and developed them much more extensively than I ever had the resources or abilities to accomplish.

2. These areas which the documentary focused on, were: (a) the use and involvement of Boys Town children and personalities in the Franklin Scandal, particularly Peter Citron and Larry King's relationships to Boys Town; (b) the linkage of Franklin to some of this country's top politicians in Washington, and in the U.S. Congress, with particular attention on those who attended parties held by Larry King at his Washington mansion on Embassy Row; (c) the impropriety of these politicians and businessmen and compromising of these people by Larry King, through drugs and using children for pedophilia.

3. When the broadcast tape was sent to the United States, Customs officials seized the documentary and held it up as being "pornographic material." Attorneys for Discovery Channel and Yorkshire TV were able to get the documentary released. Then, the lawyers went through the film for months, making this or that change or deletion, so that the documentary ultimately advertised to be shown on the Discovery Channel on May 3, 1994, would survive any claims of libel or slander that any of the individuals identified in the documentary might attempt to bring. The lawyers had cleared the documentary for broadcast.

4. During the several months that the documentary was being prepared and advertised for showing, major legislation impacting the entire future of the Cable TV industry was being debated on Capitol Hill. Legislation, which the industry opposed, was under debate for placing controls on the industry and the contents of what could be shown. Messages were delivered in no uncertain terms from key politicians involved in the Cable TV battle, that if the Conspiracy of Silence were shown on the Discovery Channel as planned, then the industry would probably lose the debate. An agreement was reached: Conspiracy of Silence was pulled, and with no rights for sale or broadcast by any other program; Yorkshire TV would be reimbursed for the costs of production; the Discovery Channel itself would never be linked to the documentary; and copies of Conspiracy in Silence would be destroyed.

Not all copies were destroyed, however, as I and some others received anonymously in the mail a copy of the nearly-finished product.


I said in Chapter 12, "The Omaha Business Community": "As essential to Franklin as [Harold] Andersen's fundraising and publicity were, the credit union could not have functioned for a single day without the complicity of Nebraska's largest bank, FirsTier ... Every dollar that went into Franklin Credit Union -- the missing $40 million was no exception -- went into its account #153-7-353 at FirsTier."

In October 1994, evidence released through the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) proved exactly how right I was. These FOIA documents showed that some of the same attorneys who had threatened so loudly to sue me, together with the FirsTier Bank with which they were associated, had reached a financial settlement with the National Credit Union Association (NCUA), in which they agreed to pay the NCUA $10 million in damages for their role in improprieties involving Franklin. The attorneys had to come up with over $6 million, and First Tier itself, over $3 million.

Despite the fact that the FirsTier case was the biggest malpractice settlement in the history of Nebraska, and despite the fact that the settlement involved very prominent individuals -- including former Republican Governor Charlie Thone and attorney Jay Derr -- the story received almost no coverage in the press, that is, before the FOIA material became public. Then, the World Herald jumped in with a huge editorial in October 1994, entitled "Franklin Credit Union Crimes Unfairly Claim New Victims." The World Herald wrote:

"Some defendants, including banks and a law firm, have agreed to pay more than $10 million to the NCUA to settle the claims. They admitted no wrongdoing. They said they acted to avoid prolonged litigation. Their position is understandable. Litigation is expensive. Moreover, this particular litigation ran the risk of creating a false impression. ...The impression could have taken hold that a wide circle of legal and financial advisers sat on the knowledge that King was looting the credit union. ...Such an impression would have been false."

There was, indeed, "a wide circle of legal and financial advisers" in on the looting of Franklin, just as I had charged, and whom I name in Chapter 12, "The Omaha Business Community." Finally, some of them, at least, had to pay for it. Nor was this the only multi-million dollar scam to be exposed in the wake of the first edition of this book.


In Chapter 6, I described another big money scheme that intersected the Franklin case -- the looting of the Commonwealth Savings Bank, in which I filed a claim on behalf of the Commonwealth victims. To my surprise and joy, I succeeded beyond all my expectations in this case -- until a strained interpretation of our state Constitution was put forward by Nebraska's Supreme Court.

First, I presented to the Claims Board the Commonwealth story exactly as described in this book, but with even more extensive documentation.

The Claims Board agreed and reached a Settlement for some $16,000,000.00 to be paid to the Commonwealth victims.

But, the Legislature had to approve this, as did the Governor.

So, we took the matter of the settlement -- with me as attorney for the Claimants and victims -- to the State Legislature. Surprise -- in a close but bitter battle, enough Senators stood up to acknowledge the horrible acts that had occurred, and the intense suffering of the Commonwealth victims that resulted. The settlement was approved.

Next, we went to the Governor, who signed the legislation for the settlement.

Then, the matter was taken to court by certain unnamed individuals (concerned citizens), who claimed that they did not want their tax money used to pay these Commonwealth victims. Nebraska has a unique section in its State Constitution which forbids the state from using any tax dollars for purposes of extending the credit of the state or granting a gift.

The result: that which the Claims Board, and the Legislature and the Governor all agreed the Commonwealth Savings Bank victims were entitled to because of the failures of the Government in Commonwealth, was taken away by the Supreme Court of the State of Nebraska. The Court claimed that Nebraska's Constitution forbids paying the money to the victims, because they were only victims of moral wrongdoing, rather than legal wrongdoing.

And John DeCamp, who would have become a multi-millionaire out of the case because I had done it on a contingent fee basis, ended up with nothing but the certain knowledge that I had established the truth as I have written in this book with respect to Commonwealth Savings Bank and certain of the personalities who are today so prominent on the national scene -- Senator Bobby Kerrey, for example.


Besides Yorkshire TV, the most notable among the electronic media which became interested in the Franklin story was the TV program, America's Most Wanted (AMW). In several episodes, AMW opened up a whole new dimension on just how high up politically the story went and how wide it reached across the country.

For a while, I had great hopes. For example, AMW interviewed Paul Bonacci in prison and broadcast his account of a host of specific details about individuals, places, activities, kidnappings, etc., in which he said he had participated.

To the shock of AMW (and sometimes, of myself), the incidents Paul Bonacci described, when investigated by AMW, turned out to be exactly as Paul had recounted.

For instance, a young boy named "Jimmy" who had been branded by pedophile perpetrators -- like you would brand a steer with a hot iron -- cautiously came forward to a nationally broadcast request by AMW, and verified many of the events Paul had described, including a secret hiding place for concealing children located in Colorado, precisely as Paul had said.

Investigation by AMW in preparing subsequent episodes of the program, began turning over more and more rocks, providing still more proof of the story told by Alisha Owen and by the other victim-witnesses. AMW even featured a one-hour special on one of the most important kidnappings on which Bonacci had given details, that of Johnny Gosch, the Des Moines, Iowa, newspaper boy who had disappeared a dozen years ago. Gosch's parents, John and Noreen, had repeatedly met with Bonacci and become convinced of the truth of Paul's description of the kidnapping and of Paul's own participation in it. At a press conference reported in the World Herald April 7, 1992, John and Noreen Gosch had declared: "Paul (Bonacci) told my wife and I things that we've never told anybody."

The investigation was moving rapidly in the Franklin case, as proof poured in by the bucketful. Then, I received a call from AMW producer for the show, Paul Sparrow.

"We are going to slow it down a bit on the Franklin story," Sparrow told me, "until you can get a break in the courts or get some responsible law enforcement to follow up some of the leads we have provided them. I don't know how to exactly say this, but I am beginning to understand what you are up against when it comes to certain law enforcement not wanting to pursue this story," Sparrow continued.

"What, exactly, do you mean?" I asked him.

"Well," Sparrow continued, "you must be aware of the fact that America's Most Wanted works extremely close with the FBI. In fact, without them we would not really be able to have a program. We really have never had any major disagreements in all our programming because we can't afford to. Our success requires their cooperation and we are a tremendous benefit to them, which they could get nowhere else. But we are running into some severe problems on this Franklin thing. It is the first time that the FBI is refusing to cooperate. And, they are making it very clear that they want us off of this story particularly anything to do with the FBI."

Paul Sparrow told me much more, but I promised confidentiality on those matters and will live up to that promise.

As I told Paul several weeks later, "You have done a tremendous service for this country in the work you did on the Franklin case, on its nationwide links and on its drug dealing and political implications, and particularly, by proving so many of the things in question, including even arranging to have Paul Bonacci polygraphed by some of the nation's best experts to prove his truthfulness. I full well understand your sensitive situation and your relationship with the FBI and the problems this entire case causes for you, because the essence of Paul Bonacci and the children's claims is that the FBI, for whatever reasons, is refusing to do anything about this case and is itself part of the cover-up."

I told Paul Sparrow that I accepted his definition of his duty: to provide an entertainment program to the American public; that requires the complete cooperation of the FBI, rather than an adversarial relationship. I have continued to maintain contact with Paul Sparrow and America's Most Wanted, and maintain the highest admiration for Paul and his work. But he has done his job. Now, it is up to myself and other Americans, and particularly law enforcement, who had the opportunity to see the America's Most Wanted programs, to do something about it.

AMW had turned up boatloads of new evidence on the Franklin case, and on the kidnapping of Johnny Gosch. The FBI, in response to this new evidence, officially stated that Alisha Owen was a convicted liar, and that Paul Bonacci was a convicted child molester. Their response to the October 1993 requests of Troy Boner and his mother to join the Federal Witness Protection Program, so they could safely provide further evidence on Troy's affidavit statement, was to not only deny the request but to threaten Troy with prosecution on charges of perjury, if he attempted to change the fabricated story that had helped convict Alisha Owen.


Still another revelation confirming the Franklin story surfaced with the apparent forced retirement of FBI head William Sessions in 1994. In Chapter 14, "Cover-up Phase III: The FBI," I discussed the case of the African-American FBI agent Donald Rochon in Omaha. Rochon had alleged, in his lawsuit against the FBI, that, in addition to harassing him, FBI agents in the Omaha office were involved in all sorts of sexual perversions, and these same agents were also "investigating" homosexual prostitution rings involving Boys Town. As I had reported, it was only a matter of time until Rochon discovered -- if he had not done so already -- that his FBI tormentors were deeply involved in the Franklin affair itself. The FBI agreed to settle Rochon's suit by paying him $1 million, and to reimburse his legal expenses of $500,000.

Later, in 1994, when the press was hounding Sessions as to what, if anything, he had done during his term as FBI Director, Judge Sessions defended himself by recalling his "successful" handling of the lawsuit of the former FBI agent Donald Rochon, which, he said, he had been able to settle, without it damaging the FBI. Sessions said that the horrible allegations Rochon had made in his lawsuit were in fact true, and that a public trial would have damaged the Bureau. He, Sessions, had prevented this disaster by settling out of court.


In Chapter 14, "Cover-up Phase III: The FBI," I reported how, in October 1989, John Stevens Berry, counsel for the State Senate Franklin Committee grilled Omaha Police Chief Robert Wadman as to why the Omaha Police Department was dismissing the reports by child victim-witnesses of horrific abuse, and of other crimes. Wadman replied:

"The FBI ... conducts an investigation and basically says the same things that we have said. If the FBI, are they now linked to this cover-up in some way? Should the Justice Department be investigated as somehow or another assisting in this 'cover-up'?"

I noted, apropos of this exchange, that, "Wadman said it, but in this case it's true. The Justice Department, acting through the FBI and the U.S. Attorney's Office in Omaha, emerges from the record of the Franklin investigations not so much as a party to the cover-up, but as its coordinator."

Now, four years later, I am even more certain of these charges. Not only has information continued to pour in on the Franklin case which strengthens me in that conviction, and not only has the Justice Department turned its back on a high-level request to re-examine the whole Franklin case (see Chapter 25), but, in case after notorious case entirely unrelated to Franklin, Justice Department personnel appear as liars, perverts, frame-up artists, and even assassins.

An increasing number of citizens view the United States government with suspicion, even hatred. Though there are no doubt other branches of the government where corruption flourishes, there is no question in my mind that the stench of evil which emanates from Washington, originates in the so-called Department of Justice, particularly in its permanent bureaucracy. I have documented that case with respect to the Franklin cover-up, and the average citizen may have become aware of it in the massacre at Ruby Ridge, Idaho, in August 1992, where it is now generally acknowledged that the Justice Department, through its FBI marksmen, murdered the 14-year-old son and wife of Randy Weaver. The same thing happened in Waco, Texas in 1993, when the Justice Department directed the slaughter of 86 people, based on false reports from "informants" out of Melbourne, Australia, associated with the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith.

I will note here, several other cases in which that same hideous corruption is apparent, and then describe at length, in Chapter 24 how the U.S. Justice Department on June 3, 1983, killed in cold blood midwestern farm activist Gordon Kahl, whose son is now my client.


I think by now, although the major news media alternately blacks him out, or slanders him, most people in the country know something about the economist and several-time Democratic Party presidential candidate, Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. After all, he did get a very respectable 600,000 votes in the Democratic presidential primaries in 1996, averaging 10% or more of the vote in each state in which he ran. And, while people may have heard that he is a "convicted felon," they probably have no idea of what actually happened.

On December 16, 1988, Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. and six co-defendants were convicted on one count of conspiracy to commit mail fraud, eleven counts of mail fraud, in the alleged amount of $294,000 in unrepaid loans; LaRouche was convicted on one additional charge, of attempting to defraud the Internal Revenue Service. LaRouche was then 66 years old; it was obvious that the very harsh sentence of 15 years he was given, meant that the Justice Department intended for him to die in jail. In 1991, I first had a chance to examine a small portion of the six volumes of evidence his attorneys filed with the court, proving his innocence. I must say, notwithstanding all that I had already been through on the Franklin case, I was shocked -- no, "stunned" is a better word -- by what I read. I remember saying to colleagues at the time, "Oh, my God, if they can do this to LaRouche, who is a well-known, if controversial, political figure, in this blatant way, there is no one in the country that they won't simply frame up."

The U.S. Justice Department had not a shadow of "evidence" to convict LaRouche, nor any of his associates, one of whom, Michael Billington, was sent to jail in Virginia for 77 years! In fact, the evidence showed -- in the government's own documents released under the Freedom of Information Act -- as LaRouche's attorneys contended, that "The U.S. government knew at all relevant times, from 1979 to the present day, that Lyndon LaRouche and his co-defendants were innocent of the false charges for which they were convicted." The only crimes committed in the "LaRouche case" were the massive illegalities of the U.S. Department of Justice in their zeal to remove LaRouche from the political life of this country.

It later turned out, as LaRouche's associates found out from FOIA appeals, that LaRouche's latest troubles started when his longtime political enemy, Henry Kissinger, wrote a letter in 1982 to then-FBI director William Webster, asking Webster to go after LaRouche. But, already back in 1973, as other FOIA documents from the FBI's own files showed, the FBI had authorized the Communist Party of the United States (which it basically ran, through its "informants") to "eliminate" LaRouche -- that is, to kill him outright.

I was not the only one to get a whiff of a big-time frame-up. Former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clark, with whom I had had some contact during the Franklin case, and who was LaRouche's appeals lawyer, wrote a letter to Attorney General Janet Reno, in which he said, "I believe it [the LaRouche case] involves a broader range of deliberate and systematic misconduct and abuse of power over a longer period of time in an effort to destroy a political movement and leader, than any other federal prosecution in my time or to my knowledge."

And, as of August 1996, 721 U.S. state legislators (and thousands more federal parliamentarians and other dignitaries around the world) had signed an open letter calling for the exoneration of LaRouche which denounced, in no uncertain terms, his frame-up. LaRouche is out of jail, and going strong, but he has still not been exonerated from the stain of a phony conviction, nor compensated for the five years stolen from his life, nor for the untold damage done to his political movement.


A case which almost rivals that of LaRouche, in terms of the length to which the Justice Department will go to crush one individual, is that of former Cleveland autoworker John Demjanjuk.

In 1979, the Justice Department accused Demjanjuk of being the notorious "Ivan the Terrible," the Nazi mass-murderer who killed countless Jews at the Treblinka concentration camp in Poland. Demjanjuk's lawyers later proved -- again, from the Justice Department's own documents -- that the department knew, almost from the very beginning, that Ivan the Terrible had already been proven to be someone other than Demjanjuk. Still other documents showed that the Justice Department knowingly accepted a forged I.D. card from the Soviet intelligence agency, the KGB, to frame Demjanjuk.

Finally, with the full knowledge that he was innocent, the Department of Justice had Demjanjuk extradited to Israel to be executed. It was only due to the extraordinary courage and tenacity of his Israeli lawyer, Yoram Sheftel, that the Cleveland auto worker was finally acquitted. Then, on November 17, 1993, the U.S. Sixth Court of Appeals in Cincinnati, Ohio, issued a stinging rebuke to the Department of Justice, in an 83-page decision overturning Demjanjuk's denaturalization. The Court charged that the Department had committed "prosecutorial misconduct" and "fraud upon the court," in obtaining the conviction.

Notwithstanding all that, the Justice Department is still trying to have Demjanjuk extradited from the United States!


On January 27, 1988, then-Congressman Mervyn Dymally placed before the House of Representatives a shocking document. It was an affidavit sworn by an FBI agent, Hirsch Friedman, concerning an FBI policy named Operation Fruehmenschen (German for "primitive man"). According to Friedman's testimony, "The purpose of this policy was the routine investigation without probable cause of prominent, elected and appointed officials in major metropolitan areas throughout the United States. It was explained to me that the basis for this Fruehmenschen policy was the assumption by the FBI that black officials were intellectually and socially incapable of governing major governmental organizations and institutions."

Other evidence backed up Friedman's charges, including a 1987 book by Dr. Mary Sawyer, Harassment of Black Elected Officials: Ten Years Later, a follow-up to a 1977 report she had issued on the same subject.

The figures backed up Dymally and Sawyer's charges. Between 1983 and 1988, 14% of all political corruption cases targeted black officials, though they comprised only 3% of U.S. officeholders. From 1981-1983, roughly half of the 26 members of the Congressional Black Caucus were targets of federal investigation for indictments. In magnitude, this is as if 204 members of the (largely white) 435-member House of Representatives were under investigation at any one time!

On this overall Justice Department corruption, I was very heartened to see a resolution from the National Black Caucus of State Legislators (NBCSL), which they had passed at their 19th Annual Legislative Conference, held in Birmingham, Alabama, from November 28 to December 2, 1995. The resolution referred to the two-day hearings which the Schiller Institute had sponsored in Virginia on August 31 and September 1, where a distinguished panel of legislators and international legal experts (including prominent members of the NBCSL) came together to examine Department of Justice corruption regarding the above cases and others. The NBCSL said, in its "Resolution 20: A Call For Congressional Hearings To Investigate Misconduct by the U.S. Department of Justice":

"WHEREAS, the hearings focused on cases where there was evidence of political targeting of groups and individuals by corrupt officials inside federal governmental law enforcement agencies, working in tandem with a concert of private organizations ...

"WHEREAS, the evidence was presented, not by the good word of the witnesses alone, but documented by the government's own documents, records, and memoranda, first suppressed and later obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, and other legal actions,

"BE IT RESOLVED ... That this body, the 19th Annual Legislative Conference of the National Black Caucus of state Legislators, join this independent and distinguished panel of individuals, in demanding that both Houses of the United States Congress exercise their oversight responsibility and conduct investigative hearings to examine these allegations of gross misconduct by the Department of Justice ... and urge our colleagues in the Congressional Black Caucus to do the same."

I can only say, "Amen."
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Postby admin » Thu Sep 24, 2015 10:38 pm


So now, four years later, what has happened to some of the key figures in the Franklin case?

My good friend, William Colby, the chief behind-the-scenes architect of the Franklin investigation, is dead.

Franklin Credit Union boss Larry King has served five years in prison and is about to be released.

Alisha Owen was convicted of perjury on June 21, 1991. In February, she went to prison to begin a 15-year sentence. This is notwithstanding the fact that the Nebraska Supreme Court expunged the report of the Douglas County Grand Jury from all official records, because the report violated all laws relating to such proceedings. This Grand Jury had indicted Alisha in the first place, claiming that the children's charges of abuse were a "carefully crafted hoax." The Omaha World Herald, however, had extolled the Douglas County Grand Jury report, complaining that the Supreme Court had condemned it.

At my own expense, I have continued to provide legal assistance to her in the appeals process during the last four years. But, I did not represent Alisha at her original, hasty 30-day trial, and the problem in defending her subsequently is, that if things were done wrong at the trial level, either by the defendant, or by the defendant's lawyer, it is difficult, if not impossible, to correct that problem at the appeals level. The only way to do that, is to prove to the court that the defendant did not receive adequate assistance by counsel during the trial -- otherwise the appeals attorney is limited to the record created during the original trial.

Troy Boner came under such onerous pressure from the FBI, that he recanted all that he had told the State Senate's Franklin investigator, Gary Caradori. This recantation was the key factor in the Douglas Grand Jury's "findings" that all the children had lied. In 1993, Troy engaged me as his lawyer. Before he did so, however, I asked him to write an affidavit, telling the story as he actually knew it to have actually happened. In this affidavit (printed in the next chapter), he reasserted his original story, which he had also told the Yorkshire TV crew. He has now dropped from sight, no doubt terrified about the threats that the FBI and others delivered to him, were he to tell the truth.

Paul Bonacci has matured, fallen in love, and is a devoutly religious young man. He is now a youth counselor, working to protect young children from the experiences he suffered.

The civil rights lawsuit I filed on behalf of Paul still continues. It has been an incredibly costly and painful effort for both of us. I will try to outline a few of the facts which are on the public record with respect to that lawsuit.

First, as part of our discovery process in the suit, we were able to locate a vast store of pornographic materials, which were in the possession of the Douglas County Court. These had been held by Peter Citron before Citron was arrested. However, the court imposed such strict rules on our being allowed to see the material, that we were able to review only 1% of the material -- before the court ordered it destroyed!

The material consisted of thousands of hours of tapes, magazine articles, and related pornographic materials. The court ruled that Paul was not to be allowed to see any of the materials.

This restriction was extremely damaging to us, because Paul was and is the one person who can, and will, identify the children and the others in the films -- a fact the court itself acknowledged!

The more we began to pour over Citron's materials, the more we discovered that huge amounts of them, as identified in the official court inventory provided to us, were missing. So, we immediately went to court -- which took additional time -- to hold hearings and to subpoena officials, to try to locate the missing materials and find out how these materials could disappear, despite strenuous security measures. The official in control of the materials simply declaimed: "We admit there are huge amounts of pornographic materials missing, but we are not the ones who hid or destroyed or took them, and we do not know who did."

Additionally, I could only view the materials in the presence of guards and of the Clerk of the Federal Court, at his convenience, and behind security doors, and with notice given to all other attorneys in the case to be present if they so desired. All this security was, as I was told, for the protection of the pornographers involved -- which seems strange, even in this bizarre case.

Under the terms and within the time frame the court allowed, it was impossible to ever look at more than a fraction of the materials.

Now, incredibly, the court has ordered the materials destroyed.

Arrayed against me in this civil rights lawsuit on behalf of Paul Bonacci are lawyers from across the United States, from a dozen or so of the highest priced law firms in the country . One of them is Ed Warin, a former United States Attorney from Nebraska during the time much of the Franklin matters were occurring, who represents Alan Baer. The reality I, and particularly Paul Bonacci, must face in this lawsuit is this: These defendants have unlimited money, power, and resources. Paul has no resources and I have limited time and resources and a family to support and a living to earn.

For example, take the Deposition of Paul Bonacci, which was given in nine days spread out over the period of a year. I have often told Paul, after the deposition and the legal assault on his credibility by the battery of high-priced lawyers assembled against him:

"Paul, there was truly an angel on your shoulder during these continuing days of depositions. I do not know of a single person who could have stood up to the questioning that you were put through and survived. If I had any doubts about your story before the depositions, I absolutely have no doubts now that you were and are telling the truth, and are possibly the single most important person in America who can document some horrible acts by some of our top government officials and government agencies. And though your particular case may not produce anything financial for you, the information you have laid out will one day be the starting point for major investigations of certain government agencies and their practices which have been concealed from the American people. You Paul Bonacci, are the living history book, for example, for a program called 'Monarch' and someday the American people must and will have access to that story."

The more than 2,000 pages of questioning of Paul Bonacci are today secret. Matters only hinted at in this book are developed in detail there.

Senator Loran Schmit was, as chairman of the State Legislature's special committee investigating Franklin, a pillar of courage, without whom little or none of the truth would ever have emerged. The forces involved in the Franklin cover-up made sure he lost his 1992 race for the Senate, after having served for 24 years. They also bankrupted him through phony lawsuits. With my help, he defeated all these legal assaults, but the suits, along with the incessant attacks by the World Herald, took a toll. Senator Schmit now works as a consultant in Lincoln.

Alan Baer paid a fortune to his attorneys and managed to get his charge reduced from felonies to a single misdemeanor for which he had to pay a $500 fine. Alan Baer has now become the major promoter for the gambling industry in Nebraska. In 1996, Baer and gambling syndicate supporters spent millions of dollars to win a position on the ballot for a proposal that would have given the gambling syndicates power to allow any type of casinos or gambling enterprises into the state that they would choose; and power to regulate the new casino operations.

As two former state senators, Loran Schmit and myself took out full-page ads in the World Herald denouncing the plan, and attacked Baer by name.

On Friday, October 25, 1996, the gambling syndicates had made arrangements to appear before Federal Judge Kopf, who had sentenced Larry King, to obtain a federal court order to place the gambling referendum on the ballot November 5, 1996.

Only a week before, I had put out a press release in which I publicly expressed my fear that the gambling syndicates would be successful in getting their proposal on the ballot, since many of the personalities involved in the syndicate, had also been involved, and protected, in the Franklin case.

The release may be one reason why, when on Oct. 25, the syndicate went to get its expected order from Judge Kopf, he was nowhere to be found! It turns out he had checked himself into Bryan Memorial Hospital, with what was claimed to be a possible heart attack. When all deadlines for signing the order had passed, Judge Kopf remarkably recovered and was released from the hospital to resume his duties on the bench.

U.S. Federal Magistrate Richard G. Kopf, as predicted in the first edition, leapfrogged ahead of others to win appointment as a federal judge by President George Bush, shortly after Kopf's sentencing of Larry King.

U.S. Assistant Attorney Thomas D. Thalken, the federal prosecutor on top of the Franklin case, who had himself been named by investigator Gary Caradori's informants as being involved in pornography, moved ahead of five other candidates, to be appointed in October 1992 to replace Kopf as the new U.S. Federal Magistrate.

Gerald Moran, Douglas County Prosecutor, also moved ahead of a host of others and was appointed a District Judge in Douglas County. His assistant, Robert Sigler, who had been described by Paul Bonacci as being in the middle of the Franklin affair, took over Moran's job of prosecuting Franklin-related victim-witnesses, particularly Alisha Owen.

Omaha FBI head Nick O'Hara, who, as the saying went in Omaha, was closer to Omaha Police Chief Bob Wadman than "nineteen is to twenty," moved to Washington to become the head of Counter Terrorism for the FBI, and then onto Minnesota, to head up the state's Commission on Crime.
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