This War Is FAR More Dangerous Than You’re Being Told: COL. Douglas Macgregor
by Yemek Zamanim
Jul 5, 2025
Transcript
I don't think it's a question necessarily of a zone. The real question is why have we taken this position that
Russia is an existential threat to Europe or the United States. I mean
quite frankly anybody who makes that assertion it's evidence-free. If you go back and look at February the
first few days of the intervention then look at what happens from March until
about July or August. The Russians sent in very few forces and several people
said, "Oh, well, look at the Russians. They don't have very many forces, do they? Their army is too small and they
don't seem to be very good." Now, I I don't don't agree with they're not very good. I understand the constraints under
which they operate because Putin took the position, we don't want to kill lots of Ukrainians. These are people just
like us. Uh we don't want to do a lot of property damage. We want we want negotiations. and they he thought
wrongly obviously that he could induce negotiations. Nobody was interested in talking. We don't need to go back over
that ground. But that's the that's the first thing. Is it because Russia doesn't qualify as a pristine liberal
democracy? Well, if that's the standard, then Ukraine fails miserably and is
worse now than it's ever been. Is it because Russia is too corrupt? Well, we've got lots of corruption in lots of
countries, even in our own. This is nonsense. So where is the justification for treating Russia in this way? And
then secondly, what are Russia's legitimate security interest? And I think you've stated
them. They they deserve to have a border area or or neighbors that are not
necessarily postured, organized, and equipped to attack them. That's not unreasonable. And the funny thing is
when all of this began, my friends that I served with at NATO all took the position that
neutrality for Ukraine was a gift to the Russians and to Europe. What a wonderful
thing. A nice open, secure country that is neutral, where we can do business,
where no one is threatened. The Russians feel safe from us. We feel safe from the Russians. What's the problem? But we
know that that was rejected out of hand. And as the ambassador pointed out, there has been no diplomacy. Whatever the
Russians have said, we've dismissed out of hand. When anyone in their right mind would have taken whatever offer was
there and said, "Thank you very much on closer inspection. We see some good things. We need time to study it. In the
meantime, while we study this, we'd also like to arrange talks." And then you do
your horse trading or your discussion privately. There's too much public diplomacy because every congressman,
every president wants to stand there, hurl abuse at the foreign enemy or alleged enemy and somehow or another
think he's going to endear himself to the American public. And here's the news. Most Americans could care less
what happens in Ukraine. That's the sad truth. Well, in light of this uh and because of
Ukraine, uh the president of the United States was in Ukraine and in Poland. Just left a few hours ago actually on
Air Force One. I want to touch upon uh my country, Poland's role in this entire
confilration, which has been very important because during the last 48 hours, we've been hearing a lot of uh
commentary coming from people who are very critical, I myself being one of them, of the current government's
position that Poland is becoming the second proxy uh visa v the war in
Ukraine in the sense that whereas the main thrust of the proxy war which has been acknowledged by all the major
players that it is a proxy war is Ukraine that Poland is lining up to be proxy number two. Uh and in light of
this uh I picked up this quote from the late Edvard Garrick who was the head of
the Polish United Workers Party in the late '7s. So this is a man who dealt with three presidents in essence. Uh
President Nixon, uh President Ford and President Carter towards the end of the 70s. Um he actually hosted President
Nixon in 72 just after uh the visit in China. I think it was two months after in in June in June of 1972. And Garrick
in an interview in 1992 when asked about how newly reborn Poland should deal with
the United States stated the following. I quote, "Believe me, I have talked to three American presidents and I know
that for them we are just pawns on the grand chessboard of world politics.
fairly controversial statement, but I'd like to get uh both of your thoughts, gentlemen, on that perspective in light
of Poland's role in the current proxy war with Russia. Ambassador Freeman,
well, certainly if the war spills out over the Ukrainian borders, Poland is
the most likely place for it to spill out. That is clear. Um, and it is very
appropriate for the government of Poland to be a bit cautious about that. Um, I
think there's an issue, a couple of issues I'd like to uh speak to which which bear on this if I may. Um, one is
geography. Uh, if you're Russian or for that matter a pole, um, you have you are a prisoner
of geography. There's nothing between Moscow and the Pyrenees except planes
that are easily crossed by cavalry or modern equipment. Um there's nothing
between Moscow and Kamchatka except frozen planes. If you're sitting
in Moscow or you're sitting in Warsaw or in Berlin, you don't have any natural
defenses of ge of the geographic nature. And therefore, you have to be concerned
about the orientation and alignment of your neighbors. You know, there have been multiple instances of invasion of
Russia uh both by the Mongols uh by the French, by the Germans and so forth and
so on. So there's a perfectly rational basis for Russian concern about denying
Ukraine to uh to NATO which after all was during
the cold war a defensive alliance but after the cold war mounted several
offensive operations um obviously in the former Yugoslavia
but also in Afghanistan and Libya. So I think um the the concerns u that polls
have and Russians have have a a rational basis uh and and and need to be taken
into account. Uh a second comment is about spheres of influence. Uh rather
than Russia trying to incorporate Ukraine into a Russian sphere of influence, I think it was attempting
strategic denial. it did not want Ukraine incorporated into the US sphere
of influence known as NATO. Um, you know, it and I think that's very clear.
Uh, spheres of influence may be objectionable to us except in the
Western Hemisphere where we have always asserted a sphere of influence. uh but
uh the fact is uh that attempting to deny other countries spheres of influence in a global order that is
increasingly disorderly and multipolar uh is not going to work. Um and uh
therefore uh I think u and I should say by way of advertising there's a new
handbook of diplomacy out in which I have a chapter on spheres of influence
which are a very interesting uh diplomatic tool
not much examined uh so I think the geography uh dictates caution on the part of those
countries that don't have natural geographic defenses and it also dictates caution on the part
of those who would place forces next to them that threaten them. Uh so uh the I
think Poland has is in a very awkward position. It always has been. Uh I'm
delighted as the uh father-in-law of a couple of Polish Americans um that um
that um Poland is back as a great power in Europe
and um but I think it does need to be very cautious in this context.
Doug, your thoughts? Well, the Poles are a charming group of people. They have a wonderful history
but much like Americans have difficulty learning from it. And uh Ambassador
Freeman has pointed to the sing singular reality that however great Poland may be
whatever its aspirations are it is for better or worse wedged between two great
powers really great powers Germany and Russia. Germany and Russia have lots of
reasons to cooperate, but that doesn't mean that Germany or Russia necessarily have any interest in capturing,
conquering, and administering Polish territory. And I think people need to get that through their heads. Uh I see
no evidence that Putin wants anything to do with Western Ukraine. I mean, he he
feels compelled to do what he's done in the east. He may he may ultimately and I think he probably will his forces will
take all of eastern Ukraine as a as a security measure in all probability. But
there's no interest in western Ukraine if you're a Russian. Do you really want to manage lots of Western Ukraines that
hate your guts? That's a very unrewarding exercise. Does do the Russians want to manage polls? Do the
Germans want to manage polls? The answer is no and no. So, let's put this this 19th century imperialist thinking to
bed. Stop talking about Europe as a chessboard. Then, let's ask a couple of
very key questions. I never hear anybody say this. What do the Ukrainians want?
Have they held a referendum in that country? Did everyone stand up and say, "Yes, we want war with Russia." I would
tell you that if you go back to Zalinsk's election when he ran on a peace platform, he was elected
overwhelmingly by the population of Ukraine, including not all but a
substantial portion of Western Ukrainians because they, as well as the Ukrainians in the east, wanted the same
thing. They wanted peace. They didn't want revenge. They didn't want a ravashist war to retake Crimea. They
wanted peace. Peace is essential to prosperity. So I think we could say
safely no one has really addressed that question. What is in the interest of the
people that live in the country? And that applies to Poland. What do the polls want? Has anybody asked them?
You've got a government right now that is extraordinarily hostile to Russia and seems hellbent for some sort of
confrontation. That's catastrophic in my view and it's unnecessary. So what do the polls want? Somewhere
along the line, people have to ask that question and the polls need to answer. So do the Ukrainians. It's a little late
for Ukraine. Tragically, as we know, there may be only 18 to 22 million Ukrainians left in the country at this
point. And everyone who's come out says they will never go back. It's tragic. I don't know that Ukraine will even exist
as a nation state when this is over, regardless of what peace arrangements are made. Who knows? But we don't want
that fate to befall Poland. So, I hope that someone in Poland will stand up and say, "What do the Polish people want?
Let's find out." Maybe they don't like the answer, but I suspect it will be peace and prosperity, not war with
Russia. Indeed, I think we need to if I may come in on this. I think we
need to recognize that one way or another, uh, Ukraine has been
effectively partitioned. um and um that Crimea is not coming back
under any circumstances and the Donbas is uh also I think lost
to uh to to Ukraine. Uh but um we have to ask ourselves a couple of questions.
Uh what will be left of Ukraine? Will it be viable?
Um this gets to the loss of population, the the fact that the major industries are have been in the east. U the fact
that uh huge damage has been done to the country. I think people are dreaming if
they think the uh European Union is going to come up with the money to repair all of that damage. But uh we
don't know whether at the end of this Odessa will be uh you know you have to
get a Russian or or Ukrainian visa to go there. We don't know. And um so one
question is you know when this is over however it ends
you know how do how does the Ukraine survive? That's pretty important to Poland among other countries. The second
question is what sort of European security architecture do we anticipate? Is it one which is
where Russia sits on one side of a DMZ like in Korea and the rest of Europe
sits on the other side? Uh or is it something like what we envvisaged in the
partnership for peace where by the way the the working assumption was that the
Ukrainians would be too smart to want to join NATO because that would be such a
provocation to Russia that would have dire consequences. but that they would
want to become militarily interoperable with NATO through uh the partnership for
peace in case of some contingency. Everybody saw Ukraine as a buffer and a
bridge between Russia and the rest of Europe. And um the fact that it uh it
chose a different course was under urging from successive American presidents is tragic. Now, Joe Biden,
who just visited Warsaw right before this war, said, "I don't do red lines. I
don't respect anybody's red lines." Well, that is pretty foolish. Um, and
we've seen the result of that. We now have people in our government, Victoria
Nuland for example, uh, saying that the war must go on until Ukraine recovers Crimea.
Well, when pigs fly, that will happen.
Uh just in in line of those observations, I think in terms of the
Polish government, u the problem is the uncompromising view in a way is Victoria
Nuland on steroids in a sense because the message coming from both the presidential palace and the government
and the prime minister is that Russia has to be completely defeated. uh an
uncompromising total defeat. And the way they're framing uh the situation is that
if Russia is not defeated, that would mean the end of European civilization, the end of the liberal west and so on
and so on. How they how they arrive at that conclusion is anyone's guess, but
these are things not even you know Jake Sullivan, Anthony Blinkin, Toria Nuland are saying and in essence these are the
people that Poland is hinging our foreign policy directives on. I mean those three people basically uh unless
we you know believe in in in the in the fact or non- fact rather that President Biden has a firm hold on his foreign
policy and his foreign policy team. So the the sort of the strategic uh
implications of what's been going on since February 2022 is the Americans say
one thing and the polls take it to the next level in a way. So we're sort of like the Rottweiler, the American
Rottweiler here in Eastern Europe, being pulled back sometimes by the Americans, as was the case in the first couple of
weeks when we proposed to give those MC29s to Ukraine. But you know, Anthony Blinkin even stepped in as a great way.
That's that's going a little bit too far. We don't want World War II here. Now they're openly talking about it. So
I don't know whether we're having an influence, but it's definitely a negative influence or the tendency is
such that, you know, you radicalize over time. But in light of uh the speech that
President Biden delivered last night in Poland, uh he continues to
mention the world. The world is united against this aggression. Now, obviously,
he seems to forget that the world also includes China, the Middle East, India.
Uh Ambassador Freeman, I'd like to pose this question again to you. uh China and
the Middle East have been positioning themselves or there's this expectation that they might be mediators in a in a
peace proposal. Anthony Blinkin was in Egypt a few weeks ago. They discussed the potential for uh restarting nuclear
arms agreements with the Russians. We have the Russian response already. Actually, we got one yesterday. President Putin has suspended Russian uh
participation in the START treaty. What do you think the Middle East countries
and China can bring to the negotiating table in potentially resolving this uh
this war as soon as possible? India, China, Brazil, other countries in
Africa and Latin America and the Arabs all want a multi-olar
world order. the if Russia is humiliated and weakened
that order will not happen. Uh what we will have is some sort of quasi bipolar
order between China and the United States. Nobody wants that. Therefore,
when we say, you know, that we must weaken and isolate Russia, there is
people in the global south, as it were, outside Europe, beyond the G7, which is
the club of former imperialist powers, all react negatively. That has no appeal
at all. Um, what they want is peace. They want access to Russian and
Ukrainian resources. uh and uh they want Europeans to be uh
able to devote their money to something other than fighting each other. Um then
so uh now um at the end of the week probably on Friday
uh general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Xinping will probably uh
deliver a peace proposal. Uh the danger is that that will be rejected out of
hand by the United States and others. simply because it's Chinese. Uh well,
how can a country that quote uh aligns itself with Russia possibly mediate?
Well, the answer is first of all, China has been very careful not to align
itself with Russia, but it has not aligned itself with the United States either. In fact, the Indians are more
pro-Russian than the Chinese. All the polling shows. So this is complicated.
Uh but it is not true that a mediator with a bit of sympathy for one side and
the Chinese do sympathize with the Russian view that they were pushed into this by NATO enlargement and a refusal
by NATO and the United States to negotiate. Uh it is not true that someone with that sympathy cannot
mediate. Um, I helped when I was u in active on active duty in the US foreign
service. I helped to broker the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola.
Um, the independence of Namibia, the withdrawal of a South African forces
from Namibia and an election process in Angola. There was no doubt during those
mediation efforts which were assisted by the UN and others um and in the latter
stages actually by the Soviet Union. There was no doubt where America stood and it was not with Cuba and Angola
uh and yet we succeeded. So, I wouldn't rule this out. Although, I think there
is a danger that if the Chinese feel that uh uh the United States is upping
the ante with Russia and they think they're next, if we do weaken and isolate Russia, will go after them, that
they will indeed do what uh Secretary of State Blink has accused them of with no
evidence whatsoever. They will indeed start to arm the Russians.
Um, and they could, if the Russians have some of the ammunition and equipment
shortages that u British intelligence keeps erroneously asserting they do, uh,
then, uh, the Chinese have the ability to make that up. So, this is a very dangerous moment. Um, the peace
proposal, whatever it is, should not be rejected out of hand. Uh, it should
become the basis for discussion. If the discussion goes nowhere, that's another thing. But if there's no discussion, I
think uh this could be quite perilous. Doug, can Xi Jinping make a successful
intervention here? I think under normal circumstances, he certainly could. Of
course, I'm one of these people that tires of hearing people talk about the Communist Party because there aren't very many communists that I'm aware of
still in China. The place can be described in many other ways. But I think it's important for people to
understand that China's interest is not in waging war. It never has been. It isn't now. Whatever we don't like about
the Chinese, the Chinese are very clear about their principal interest. That's business. And they want to build
prosperity. To build prosperity, to do business, you need stability and peace in Central Asia. And that includes
Ukraine. If you're going to make the one belt, one road work and do business with Europe, you've got to have uh
uninterrupted lines of communication between Europe and China. I mean, that's
Ambassador Freeman pointed to the nature of the landscape. And he's absolutely right. I mean, from the rail standpoint,
even even if you're going to use airship to move across that continent, uh is an
extraordinary achievement if you can do it without warfare. The last time the world saw anything like that was under
the Mongolian Empire. The Mongols controlled it. They imposed discipline and prosperity thrived. Frankly, Mongols
don't usually get credit for that sort of thing, but it nevertheless is true. So my my point is, yeah, I think we
should listen, but we're not very good at listening right now. We we tend to see the world as black and white. We
have these ideological blinders on that essentially compel us to condemn everyone who does not readily submit to
our will, who doesn't want to be part of a system that we obviously dominate thanks to our financial control of the
globe. And we're we're already beginning to witness ddollarization. We're watching the bricks do that. Uh the
world is changing. It is multipolar. We seem to want to freeze this. I, you know, in contrast to Ambassador Freeman,
I'm afraid a lot of people in Washington would welcome the ZMZ uh outcome because that would justify
policies and expenditures and behavior that are completely unnecessary under normal circumstances. So, if you turn
around and say, well, there's no reason to go to war, you're you're going to make a lot of people very unhappy in the
United States. And the other thing is uh on this war topic, it seems to me that a
lot of people in Europe now as well as as in the United States have lost any
sort of understanding of what the word means. It it they think it's something that happens on somebody else's soil
that nothing will touch them. That's not true. And they don't understand the Russian capacity to escalate
horizontally. But again, you know, we we have to get people to back to diplomacy.
That means mutual respect, honoring interests. If you can honor other
people's strategic interests, respect them, work towards mutual prosperity, then you get treaties, then you get
trade arrangements, you get peace. We're nowhere's near that at this point. And I
don't think we're going to get there leadership. Doug McGregor sounds um very European to
me. Um, Americans uh have a way of war in which we demand unconditional
surrender by the enemy and then propose to engage in their moral the enemy's
moral reconstruction. This was the pattern in our civil war. It was what we
tried to do in World War I. It was what we did in World War II and it was
arguably what we did during the Cold War. But most wars end in a negotiation
in which whatever has been achieved on the battlefield uh is reconciled between the two
parties. And I think Doug is absolutely right. Uh we don't understand that
adequately. Um there has nobody has put forward clear war termination
uh strategy. Nobody's even talking about it. It's, you know, we got to go until
President Zilinski can swim on the beaches in the Crimea again. Um, as he
said said he would. Um, the um, we need to I agree. We need to listen. We need
to think, we need to understand that war creates realities that then require
acknowledgement rather than rejection. Uh so um we need
to be setting the basis for a negotiated resolution of this which is in which everybody's going to be with which
everybody's going to be unhappy because nobody's going to get everything they want or even very much of it. Uh but if
the war goes on indefinitely, go back to Doug's mention about Doug
McGregor's mention about transport across Eurasia.
Poland is isolated. You know, that DMZ, if that's what happens,
uh is is going to represent a perpetual threat to Poland. So, what is now a
historical memory of threat could become real again. And and and I
think that would be catastrophic for Europe, for the world, and and we ought
to be thinking more broadly about how to end end this war. So, that isn't what happens.
That is a Can I say one thing? Uh, go ahead. In connection with that, the Europeans who have become accustomed to
working with us and for us and aligning themselves with us have to take a a very
hard look at this business. The United States is in a position from which it cannot easily retreat. As the ambassador
pointed out earlier, uh, presidents and and the leaders here have made, in my
judgment, a lot of outrageous demands and comments. They have insisted on conditions that that will never be met.
That puts us in a position where how can we possibly reach out to the Russians
and lead talks and and reach any sort of amicable solution. The Europeans can do
that. They may have to change some of their leaders that they've currently got. But it's time for the Europeans,
especially the Germans and the French. They're not the only ones. I hope people in Poland will start to think about
this. Certainly the Swedes and the Danes are beginning to think about it. The Italians have. The Austrians must.
Everyone needs to think about their interests as Europeans. What is in the
interest of the European peoples? It certainly isn't an endless war. It is
not some sort of arrangement that transforms Russia into the permanent enemy of quote unquote the West. Far
from it. In fact, we would like to do business with the West. That's my impression of most Europeans. So, we've
got to get this thing over with. They're going to have to take this this whole business and run it. They're going to
have to stand up and say, "Thank you very much, Washington. We appreciate your interests, but those are not our
interests. Our interests are in peace and we're willing to sit down and hammer out a solution. Now, we're a ways from
that, but I wonder once eastern Ukraine is completely under Russian control uh
if that's not going to sober people up. And if it doesn't, I imagine Russian forces approaching the outskirts of Lviv
will because let it let's be very clear, the Russians regard what happens in
Ukraine as an existential matter for them. They're not going to stop halfway and say, "Fine, that's it. That's all we
need today. We're going home. They're going to insist that the threat in Ukraine be removed. That can be removed
very easily. That it is not the Ukrainian people and this regime in in
Kief is not necessarily representative of what Ukrainians everywhere want. So I
think it can be done. The Poles have a role to play in that, but not as our proxy. They have to play a Polish role
within the broader European framework. Let let me let me follow ahead. We're
talking to each other too much probably. But um No, that's perfect. That's the way I wanted to. Go ahead. I don't want
to pick on keep picking on Austria and you know Viner Schnitle with tacos and
but I do think the Austrian state treaty of 1955 stands out as a viable solution
for uh Ukraine. was always there. At the very height of the cold war, the Soviet
Union, the United States, the British and French um removed their forces from
Austria on and Austria agreed to be neutral and stay neutral um not to join
any alliance. Uh and uh and if we were able to do this at the height of the
hysteria of the cold war, why can't we do it now? Um the answer I think lies in
what Doug was talking about, namely um poor leadership, misguided people, um
people with hubris who imagine they can have their way regardless of what the other parties think. Um, and I agree
with him that the solution to this essentially European problem
uh must be worked out primarily by Europeans. I hope my country, the United
States, will support that effort, but I'm not at all
confident we will uh given where attitudes are at the moment.
I'm going to throw this thought out there, gentlemen, because you've provoked this line of thinking. But if
the Europeans were to reassert what sometimes uh Emanuel Mcronone alluded to
and even at the Munich Security Conference of all places uh about European strategic autonomy which
basically other people interpret as by NATO if the Europeans were to reassert
themselves at least the major European players so Germany and France and
possibly Italy Orban is already doing this in a Okay. Uh but wouldn't this
strategic autonomy and moving to reassert European independence mean that uh
it's the Austria's calling? I think I think so to protest. Yes. Would would
would not this mean the dismantling of NATO immediately or over time?
I don't think so. But um u I think NATO is essential for several reasons. um is
essential for Europe because uh it is a means of enabling European cooperation
on common problems. Um a very powerful Germany sitting at the central center of
Europe uh when it's in NATO is not threatening to its neighbors as it has
been in the past. Um and I think the United States and Europe are in a single
geopolitical zone. The United States needs to continue to be involved in Europe. What it doesn't need to do is to
do what Europeans should do for themselves, namely provide an adequate defense.
So, um uh I would myself be in favor of Europeanizing NATO
um and uh and and and moving the United States to the background. Um because um
you know as an American I think um I look at the 20th century and I see Europeans dragging us into wars on
several occasions. World War I, World War II, the Cold War if you will. Um uh
I don't think we want that to happen. So I think we need to keep a hand in and play a balancing role
uh and help Europeans deal with a powerful Germany and with a Russia with
one foot in Europe and one outside. So I think the um uh I think this is uh
a reasonable uh proposition and there's no need for NATO to disappear as such
but it needs to be transformed. Doug, you know, if I could just say, you
know, Europeanizing NATO is something that uh a lot of us thought should have
happened in the 90s instead of what occurred. We weaponized NATO, turned it
into an offensive in instrument. We started with this ridiculous notion, if it's not out of area, it's out of
business. Forgot that the NATO alliance was essentially defensive and designed
to promote stability and prosperity in Europe. uh instead we did all of the wrong
things. Now my concern is that as this war drags on, it will become tougher to
do that because more and more Europeans are going to look not only at each other but Washington and say, you know, we
don't want what you're doing to us. I mean, if they see the Russians cross the
Neper and begin to move west, I think the Europeans are going to look at that and say, "This would never have happened
had Washington been willing to talk to Moscow." So then the question is, if
Washington won't do it, we have to do it. And if we do it, do we really need Washington? See, at this point, I think
there's still a chance for what Ambassador Freeman said. But the longer this goes on, the less likely that
outcome is because let's face it, we have very severe problems here in the United States that we have essentially
ignored for decades. These proverbial chickens are coming home to roost. It's not going to be easy getting out of the
mess we're in. And a lot of Americans are going to say, "Well, listen, you know, we've had it with this. You know,
we we've got to fix our own borders. We've got to fix our own society. We've got to protect ourselves." So I see
forces moving against uh what ambassador Freeman describes
which is in my judgment the desirable outcome. But if this doesn't go does not
stop soon and it drags on then I think uh we're out of business frankly the
status quo is gone. I think one of the issues that fits
perfectly with what was just said is that bombshell report by Sai Hirs from a
few days back because in essence if we were to believe I'm not talking about
the so-called Tom Clansancy technicalities of what SISH wrote you know how the C4 was planted uh the naval
operations and so on and so on but if it turns out that it was in essence the
decision vision of the president of the United States uh using American covert
uh operators and parts of the Navy to destroy a critical piece of infrastructure of a NATO ally. Wouldn't
that mean that the United States basically declared war on Germany?
Ambassador Freeman? Well, I would say that Sahihurish um uh
has a stellar reputation as an investigative reporter beginning with
the exposure of Mi massacre in in Vietnam and um subsequent exposures of
Albu um and and uh I find his report entirely
credible. Whether the details are correct or not um is is as you suggest a
essentially a trivial uh matter. Um it is certainly no means of alliance
management. Um it is coercive uh it is potentially explosive
uh in terms of the relationship with Germany in particular the rest of Europe as well. uh but Germany uh has a central
role in Europe and the idea that you could uh cut off its energy supplies
um in order to make a point a strategic point that has been repeatedly discussed
between the German and American governments and and and and in which German views are very clear.
um and uh and they did not agree with uh um the American efforts to stop
Nordstream. So, you know, to do this is the height of diplomatic ineptitude and
potentially catastrophic. Doug, no. I I agree completely with the
ambassador and I would point out that just as we fail to appreciate Russian
concerns, interests, and feelings, we are not appreciating the impact on
Germany. The German population has not missed this. You're talking about a very educated population that follows the
news and information. They know what's happened and there is a a quiet sense of
rage directed not at Moscow but at Washington growing inside German society
and I think this is unfortunate for us but Ambassador Freeman's exactly right. We we behave badly. Can we recover from
it? I don't know. Again, it's a question of how long does this drag on. The
sooner we get it over with, the less damage it will have done to us. The longer it lasts, the more damage there
is to Europe and to the United States. In my judgment, unnecessary damage to the alliance.
We are in our media completely silent about this. It's not mentioned. It's the
same in Eastern Europe. Very sad commentary on the state of the press in our society.
Um we are um we are prisoners of our own
propaganda. I mean 101 15 years ago would the New
York Times Washington Post be ignoring a story by Sai Hersh? It's it's inconceivable basically but it is we are
where we are. Uh gentlemen last question because uh we did touch upon China we
touched upon multipolarity. Uh, Ambassador Freeman, as you were um you
were the top US diplomat and representative in Riyad uh during Operation Desert Storm, you
know the country very well. And we've noticed that after the 24th of February
2022, not only has, you know, the tone of
relations between the United States and Russia gone totally downhill, but we're seeing other countries typically
considered traditional allies of the United States pivot. Well, maybe not pivot, too strong of a word, but start
moving slowly towards the Russian position. We've heard that Saudi Arabia is interested in joining bricks. Even
Israel with all its clout in the United States and the Israel lobby and the influence it wields has taken a fairly
balanced position um at least until this point uh regarding the war. I mean Naftali Bennett was for a time
considered a mediator and he spilled the beans a few days back by telling uh basically the Israeli audience that it
was the western diplomats to sabotage the peace talks which is another confirmation of what we knew thanks to Fiona Hill and other people before him.
But where do you see is is this a genuine move on the part of Saudi Arabia? Are we seeing a divorce uh a
final divorce between Riad and Washington in terms of a very clear
geopolitical vector uh towards which Saudi Arabia is potentially going
um American dominance of the Middle East which is a phenomenon of the cold war is
essentially over. Israel, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt,
other countries now act on their own interests as they see them without
checking first with the United States. And they don't defer uh to our requests.
If you want a a an example of that, you can look at uh the Israeli reaction to
our criticism of their settlement expansion, which is to, you know, blow us a
a raspberry. Um you can look at the Saudi response to President Biden's
request to do something to lower the price of gas at the pump before the midterm elections. Um and u the fact
that he actually had to go to Riad uh to ask for you know gas can in hand to ask
for relief and got none tells you something. uh what I see happening in
the world at large uh is um the is the
end of the 500 year long European American hegemony uh and the emergence
of independent centers of power that act on their own interests often without any
regard for ours as we define them. Um, and I think uh one of the problems we
have is that we apparently continue to assume that we have the unbridled sway
and the followership that we did during the cold war. Uh but now the um to take
the example of the Saudis, we we were always able to finesse their disagreements with us over the Israel
Palestine issue because we had a common enemy in the Soviet Union and in the
case of the Saudis, atheism, which was one of the main motivators for them to align with us. So that's over. Um and um
uh we're not playing our hand very well in this context in my view.