Anti-Anti-Nazi Barbarian Hordes are Knocking Down the Gates

Re: Anti-Anti-Nazi Barbarian Hordes are Knocking Down the Ga

Postby admin » Wed Apr 30, 2025 1:43 am

https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/69 ... -v-garite/

Image


Sanchez Puentes v. Garite (3:25-cv-00127)
District Court, W.D. Texas
Assigned To: David Briones

Case 3:25-cv-00127-DB Document 27 Filed 04/25/25

IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE WESTERN DISTRICT OF TEXAS
EL PASO DIVISION

JULIO CESAR SANCHEZ PUENTES and LUDDIS NORELIA SANCHEZ GARCIA,

Petitioners,

v.

ANGEL GARITE, MARY DE-ANDA-YBARRA, TODD LYON, KRISTI NOEM, and PAM BONDI,

Respondents.

EP-25-CV-00127-DB

MEMORANDUM OPINION AND ORDER

On this day, the Court considered Petitioners' Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes ("Petitioner Sanchez Puentes") and Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia's ("Petitioner Sanchez Garcia") (collectively "Petitioners") "Verified Petition for a Writ of Habeas Corpus Pursuant to 28 U.S.C .. § 2241 and Request for Order to Show Cause," ("Original Habeas Petition"), filed on April 16, 2025, ECF No. 11 , as well as Petitioners' "Amended Verified Petition for a Writ of Habeas Corpus Pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 2241 and Request for Order to Show Cause," ("Amended Habeas Petition") filed on April 18, 2025, ECF No. 9. As a threshold matter, this Court will not decide whether President Donald J. Trump lawfully enacted the "Invocation of the Alien Enemies Act Regarding the Invasion of the United States by Tren de Aragua" ("TdA Proclamation"), (Pres. Proc. No. 10903, 90 FR 13033, 2025 WL 857554 (Pres.), Proclamation 10903. For purposes of reaching whether Petitioners are being lawfully detained, this Court will address the adequacy and sufficiency of the evidence Respondents Angel Garite, Mary De-Anda-Ybarra, Todd Lyons, Kristi Noem, and Pam Bondi ("Respondents") have presented that Petitioners are in fact members of Tren de Aragua within the meaning of the TdA Proclamation. This Court's decision not to rule whether the TdA Proclamation was lawfully enacted, however, should not be construed as tacit agreement. 2

While the Amended Habeas Petition is the controlling document here, this Court will also consider the Original Habeas Petition in part because the Court granted the Petitioners' request for an emergency Temporary Restraining Order ("TRO") pursuant to the Original Habeas Petition3. See Original Habeas Pet. 15-16, ECF No. 1; see also Order Granting Petitioners' Emergency Motion for Temporary Restraining Order 1-2, ECF No.3. The Amended Habeas Petition became the controlling document on April 18, 2025, when it was served upon Respondents. See Certificate of Service, Am. Habeas Pet. 27, ECF No. 9; see also Dussouy v. Gulf Coast Inv. Corp., 660 F.2d 594, 601 (5th Cir. 1981) (holding that "[a]n amended complaint supersedes an original complaint."). In their Amended Habeas Petition, Petitioners pray this Court:

I. Assume jurisdiction over this matter;
2. Order Respondents to show cause why the writ should not be granted within three days, set a hearing on this Petition within five days of the return, as required by 28 U.S.C. § 2243, and order Respondents not to transfer or remove Petitioners from this District while this Petition is pending;
3. Declare that Petitioners' detention violates the Immigration and Nationality Act and its implementing regulations, and specifically 8 U.S.C. § 1254a and 8 C.F.R. § 244.141(b)(3);
4. Declare that Petitioners' detention violates the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment;
5. Order that Respondents shall not transfer Petitioners or remove them from the District until this habeas petition is adjudicated;
6. Grant a writ of habeas corpus ordering Respondents to immediately release Petitioners from custody;
7. Enjoin Respondents from further detaining Petitioners so long as TPS for Venezuela remains in effect and Petitioners continue to hold TPS status under the law;
8. Declare that Respondents' allegations are insufficient to warrant an alien enemy designation, and enjoin Respondents from detaining or re-detaining Petitioners on this basis;
9. Order that if Respondents attempt to re-detain Petitioners on the basis of immigration status or the AEA, Respondents must first provide undersigned counsel with a 30-day notice and an opportunity to respond;
10. Award reasonable attorney's fees and costs pursuant to the Equal Access to justice Act, 5 U .S.C. § 504 and 28 U.S.C. § 2412; and
11. Grant such further relief as this Court deems just and proper.


Am. Habeas Pet. 23-24, ECF No. 9.

After due consideration, this Court finds the following:
(1) this Court has jurisdiction over the instant matter;
(2) Respondents' allegations are insufficient to warrant an alien enemy designation for Petitioners, and therefore Respondents are enjoined from detaining or re-detaining Petitioners on this basis; and
(3) Petitioners' petition for a writ of habeas corpus is granted; and
(4) Respondents must immediately release Petitioners from custody on this basis.


BACKGROUND AND PROCEDURAL HISTORY

Petitioners, both Venezuelan nationals, entered the United States on or about October 13, 2022, in El Paso, Texas, where they were initially detained by immigration officials. Original Habeas Pet. 7, ECF No. 1; Ex. 2, Original Pet. Habeas, ECF No. 1-2. At the time of their entry, Petitioners were arrested and charged with violating 8 U.S.C. § 1325(a)(l), accused of being aliens to the United States, and knowingly entering or attempting to enter the United States at a place other than an official port of entry as designated by immigration officers. See Criminal Complaint; U.S. v. Luddis Norelia Sanchez-Garcia, EP-25-M-00788-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025); see also Criminal Complaint; U.S. v. Julio Cesar Sanchez-Puentes, EP-25-M-00789-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025). On October 14, 2022, after their arrest and brief detention, Petitioners were paroled into the United States by the United States Department of Homeland Security. Ex. 2, Original Pet. Habeas, ECF No. 1-2. Petitioners moved to and have lived in both Washington D.C. and Maryland from the time of their release to present day. See Original Habeas Pet. 7, ECF No. 1. As of the time immediately preceding their most recent arrest and confinement, Petitioners were living in Washington, D.C. with their three children. Id. While living in the United States, Petitioners applied for, and were granted, Temporary Protected Status ("TPS"), a program offered by the Department of Homeland Security ("DHS") and U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services ("USCIS").

A. Brief History Regarding Temporary Protected Status for Venezuelan Nationals

Because Petitioners' TPS status is relevant to this case, this Court will briefly recount the history of TPS for Venezuelan nationals, and the recent decisions surrounding it. On January 19, 2021, then-President Donald Trump directed the Secretaries of State and Homeland Security to "take appropriate measures to defer for 18 months the removal of any national of Venezuela ... who is present in the United States as of January 20, 2021," with limited exceptions. Mem. on Deferred Enforced Departure for Certain Venezuelans, 86 Fed. Reg. 6845 (Jan. 19, 2021 ). This policy ("2021 TPS Designation") was enacted because of "[a] catastrophic economic crisis and shortage[] of basic goods and medicine" which had "forced about five million Venezuelans to flee [Venezuela], often under dangerous conditions." Id. This policy allowed for "the deferral of the removal of Venezuelan nationals who are present in the United States." Id. The TPS statute unequivocally stated "[a] [non-citizen] provided temporary protected status under this section shall not be detained by the Attorney General on the basis of the alien's immigration status in the United States." 8 U.S.C. § 1254a(d)(4).

Certain Venezuelan nationals were ineligible for this protection. Individuals who were "inadmissible under section 212(a)(3) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) (8 U.S.C. 1182(a)(3)) or removable under section 237(a)(4) of the INA (8 U.S.C. 1227(a)(4)) "were not eligible for such relief, and neither were individuals "whose presence in the United States the Secretary of Homeland Security has determined is not in the interest of the United States or presents a danger to public safety" or" whose presence in the United States the Secretary of State has reasonable grounds to believe would have potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences for the United States." Mem. on Deferred Enforced Departure for Certain Venezuelans, 86 Fed. Reg. 6845 (Jan. 19, 2021 ).

The 2021 TPS Designation was extended and broadened at least twice after its initial enaction. The 2021 TPS Designation was first extended for 18 months on September 8, 2022 through March 10, 2024, and was once again extended from March 11, 2024 through September 10, 2025. Am. Habeas Pet. 6-7, ECF No.9 (citing to 87 Fed. Reg. 55024). On October 3, 2023, the designation was extended for a second time ("2023 TPS Redesignation") for another 18 months and was set to expire on September 10, 2025. Id. The 2023 TPS Redesignation also broadened the policy by "allowing individuals who had come to the United States after March 2021 to become eligible for TPS." Id. (citing to 88 Fed. Reg. 68130). The 2023 TPS Redesignation was extended from October 3, 2023 through April 2, 2025, and was most recently extended by DHS by 18 months, through October 2, 2026." Id. Similar to the original policy justifications in 2021, in January 2025, the DHS Secretary found that "Venezuela is experiencing a complex, serious and multidimensional humanitarian crisis" which has "disrupted every aspect of life in Venezuela." Id. (internal citation omitted).

B. Petitioners' TPS Status under the 2023 TPS Redesignation

Pursuant to the various extensions and expansions of TPS for Venezuelans, Petitioners applied for and were granted TPS under the 2023 TPS Redesignation. Petitioner Sanchez Garcia applied for TPS in March 2024, and was approved in May 2024. Ex. 3, Original Habeas Pet., ECF No. 1-3. Petitioner Sanchez Puentes applied for TPS in February 2024, was approved in June 2024, see Ex. 1, Original Habeas Pet., ECF No. 1-1, and was notified of such decision in August 2024. Ex. 3, Original Habeas Pet., ECF No. 1-3. In January 2025, President Donald Trump, through his DHS Secretary, signaled the most recent extension of TPS for Venezuela would be vacated. Am. Habeas Pet. 7, ECF No. 9. The Government formally published this vacated extension in the Federal Register on February 3, 2025. See Vacatur of 2025 Temporary Protected Status Decision for Venezuela, 90 Fed. Reg. 8805 (Feb. 3, 2025). On February 5, 2025, the Government published its notice to terminate the 2023 TPS Redesignation and officially terminated this status at 11:59 p.m. on April 7, 2025. See Termination of the October 3, 2023 Designation of Venezuela for Temporary Protected Status, 90 Fed. Reg. 9040 (Feb. 5, 2025).

On April I, 2025, Petitioners each received notices their TPS status had been withdrawn due to Petitioners alleged "association with a Foreign Terrorist Organization," thereby making them ineligible for TPS under the statute. 4 Ex. I, Original Habeas Pet., ECF No. I-I. The "Foreign Terrorist Organization" at issue was "Tren de Aragua" ("TdA"), which the Department of State designated as a "Foreign Terrorist Organization" on February 20, 2025. ld. This notice also provided for an appeals period, in which Petitioners could "appeal to the Administrative Appeals Office (AAO) by filing a Notice of Appeal or Motion ... within 33 days of the date of this decision." Id. The Court notes that while Petitioners have not yet officially appealed their termination of TPS status, they retained immigration counsel on April 8, 2025 to do so, as well as to represent them in other immigration matters5. See Decl. of Marcela Maria Villeda Sanchinelli I, Ex. I, Am. Habeas Pet., ECF No. 9-1.

C. Petitioners' Multiple Arrests, Detentions, and Releases While Retaining TPS Status

Prior to receiving the notices terminating their TPS status on April 1, 2025, Petitioners were arrested and detained twice, first in federal criminal custody and then in Immigration and Customs Enforcement ("ICE") custody. As previously outlined, Petitioners were arrested when they crossed the border from Mexico into El Paso, Texas on October 13, 2022. Original Habeas Pet. 7, ECF No. 1. On February 27, 2025, more than two years later, the federal government took its initial action in bringing a criminal case by requesting warrants be issued for Petitioners. See Arrest Warrant, U.S. v. Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia, EP-25-M-00788-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025), ECF No.2; see also Arrest Warrant, U.S. v. Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes, EP-25-M-00789- ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025), ECF No. 2. Petitioners were arrested pursuant to these warrants on March 11; 2025, in Washington D.C. See Executed Arrest Warrant, U.S. v. Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia, EP-25-M-00788-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025), ECF No. 9; see also Executed Arrest Warrant, U.S. v. Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes, EP-25-M- 00789-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025), ECF No. 9. Petitioners remained detained in the District of Columbia until March 12, 2025, when they were both released from custody by United States Magistrate Judge G. Michael Harvey ("Judge Harvey"). See Order Setting Conditions of Release, U.S. v. Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia, EP-25-M-00788-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025), ECF No.4; see also Order Setting Conditions of Release, U.S. v. Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes, EP-25-M-00789-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025), ECF No. 4.

Shortly after their release, Petitioners were arrested by federal immigration agents on March 21, 2025. Am. Habeas Pet. 13, ECF No.9. Petitioners were taken to the Washington, D.C. ICE field office in Chantilly, Virginia. Id. At that time, they were processed and both served with Notices to Appear ("NTAs"), which initiated removal proceedings. Notice(s) to Appear, Ex. 6, Original Habeas Pet., ECF No. 1-6. The same day they were arrested by ICE, Petitioners filed a habeas petition in the federal court in the Eastern District of Virginia. Id.; see also Petition for a Writ of Habeas Corpus, Puentes, et al. v. Charles, et al., 1:25-CV-00509-LMB (E.D. Va. Alexandria Div., Mar. 21, 2025), ECF No. 1. Judge Leonie Brinkema ("Judge Brinkema") held a hearing6 on the Petitioners' writ of habeas corpus on March 28, 2025, and ordered their release on that day. Am. Habeas Pet. 13, ECF No.9. Two days after Petitioners were released from custody pursuant to Judge Brinkema's order, on April 1, 2025, the Government represented to Petitioners' counsel in the Eastern District of Virginia habeas action that:  

Because withdrawal of Petitioners' TPS status was not on a removability ground, they retain their TPS status pending administrative appeal pursuant to 8 C.F.R. 244.14(b )(3). Barring a successful government appeal in National TPS Alliance v. Noem, No. 3:25 CV 01766 (N.D. Cal.), resulting in vacatur of the TPS designation for Venezuela, or any developments bearing on Petitioners' TPS eligibility vis-a-vis their removability, therefore, we agree that Petitioners would maintain their TPS designation until any administrative appeals of the withdrawal are resolved. As for future detention, ICE will abide by Judge Brinkema's ruling that Petitioners may not be detained based on the present circumstances. Should those circumstances materially change, however, ICE may revisit whether detention is appropriate.


Am. Habeas Pet. 14, ECF No.9; Email from Matthew J. Mezger, Ex. 9, Original Habeas Pet., ECF No. 1-9.

After their release in Washington D.C. by Judge Harvey, both Petitioners were set for a pretrial conference on April 14, 2025 in front of United States Magistrate Judge Anne T. Berton ("Judge Berton") in El Paso, Texas. See Order Setting Pretrial Conference, U.S. v. Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia, EP-25-M-00788-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025), ECF No. 5; see also Order Setting Pretrial Conference, U.S. v. Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes, EP-25-M-00789-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025), ECF No. 5. Petitioners "traveled to El Paso for [their] pretrial hearing in their misdemeanor criminal case," were represented by attorney Sherilyn Bunn at the April 14th hearing. Am. Habeas Pet. 14, ECF No. 9. Judge Berton elected to continue Petitioners' case until June 23, 2025, and allowed Petitioners to remain free on bail. Id. See also Docket, US. v. Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia, EP-25-M-00788-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025); see also Docket, U.S. v. Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes, EP-25-M-00789-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025). Judge Berton also set both Petitioners for a hearing to modify their bond conditions on April 16, 2025. See Minute Entry, U.S. v. Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia, EP-25-M-00788-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025), ECF No. 13; Order Setting Bond Status, US. v. Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia, EP-25-M-00788-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025), ECF No. 12; Minute Entry, U.S. v. Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes, EP-25-M-00789-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025), ECF No. 13; Order Setting Bond Status, U.S. v. Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes, EP-25-M-00789-ATB (W.D. Tex. El Paso Div. Feb. 27, 2025), ECF No. 12. Judge Berton released Petitioners from her court on April 16th and allowed them to return to Washington, D.C. Id.

D. Brief History Regarding the "Invocation of the Alien Enemies Act Regarding the Invasion of the United States by Tren de Aragua"

On March 14, 2025, in the TdA Proclamation, President Donald J. Trump invoked the Alien Enemies Act alleging the invasion of the Tren de Aragua criminal organization. Pres. Proc. No. 10903, 90 FR 13033, 2025 WL 857554. The Alien Enemies Act ("AEA") is a wartime authority enacted in 1798 that grants the President of the United States specific powers with respect to the regulation, detention, and deportation of alien enemies. As codified today, the AEA provides that:

[w]henever there is a declared war between the United States and any foreign nation or government, or any invasion or predatory incursion is perpetrated, attempted, or threatened against the territory of the United States by any foreign nation or government, and the president makes public proclamation of the event, all natives, citizens, denizens, or subjects of the hostile nation or government, being the age of fourteen years and upward, who shall be within the United States and not actually naturalized, shall be liable to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and removed as alien enemies.


50 u.s.c. § 21.

Before the TdA Proclamation, this wartime power had only been invoked three times in the nation's history, each during the time of a major conflict specifically the War of 1812, World War I, and World War II. 7 Notably, the AEA was "a key authority behind detentions, expulsions, and restrictions targeting German, Austro-Hungarian, Japanese, and Italian immigrants." Id. The AEA "is best known for its role in Japanese internment" during World War II. Id. Although the AEA had previously only been used in major conflicts, "Presidents Woodrow Wilson and Harry S. Truman continued using the law after the cessation of hostilities in World Wars I and II." Id. Woodrow Wilson used the AEA after WWI ended "to intern German and Austro-Hungarian immigrants" until 1920, and Harry S. Truman "used the law for internment and deportations until 1951." Id. The Supreme Court previously upheld Truman's use of the AEA. Id. It appears that the AEA has only been invoked previously against nations or nation-states, and not against organizations within those nations or nation-states. 8

Since President Trump invoked this wartime authority on March 14, 2025, federal courts around the country, including this Court, have been grappling with how to resolve issues relating to the AEA, and more specifically, the TdA Proclamation. See, e.g., D.B. U. et al. v. Trump, et al., No. 1:25-CV-01163-CNS (D. Colo., Denver Div., Apr. 12, 2025); J.A.V., et al. v. Trump, et al., No. 1:25-CV-00072-FR (S.D. Tex., Brownsville Div. Apr. 9, 2025); J.G.G. v. Trump, No. 1:25-CV- 00766 (D.D.C., Mar. 15, 2025). On April 7, 2025, the Supreme Court of the United States issued its first decision surrounding the TdA Proclamation in a per curiam opinion, Trump v. J.G.G., 604 U.S.-, 2025 WL 1024097 (2025). The Court determined that "[a]lthough judicial review under the AEA is limited, we have held that an individual subject to detention and removal under that statute is entitled to "judicial review" of the Act, as well as whether he or she "is in fact an alien enemy fourteen years of age or older." Id. at 3 (internal citation omitted). The Court established that "detainees are entitled to notice and opportunity to be heard 'appropriate to the nature of the case.'" Id.

Most recently, in A.A.R.P., et al. v. Trump, President of the U.S., et al., the Court ordered9 the Government "not to remove any member of the putative class of detainees [seeking an injunction against their removal under the Alien Enemies Act] from the United States until further order of this Court,"
604 U.S. -- (2025) (citing to 28 U.S.C. §1651(a)). [As of the time of this writing, this Court is not aware of any decision on the merits of the TdA Proclamation itself, nor the merits of an individual habeas proceeding challenging their designation as alien enemies pursuant to the TdA Proclamation.

E. Petitioners' Arrest and Detainment by ICE agents in the Western District of Texas

After leaving their hearing on April 16, 2025, Petitioners were detained by ICE agents at the El Paso International Airport, and taken into custody at the El Paso ICE Processing Center in El Paso, Texas. Am. Habeas Pet. 14, ECF No.9. Petitioners, while in the Government's custody, "were repeatedly interrogated, pressured to sign documents and to make admissions regarding issues intertwined with both their criminal and immigration cases, but without counsel present, despite the fact that they have retained both immigration counsel and criminal defense counsel." Id. Petitioners allege ICE agents told them at the time they were detained the reason for their detention was because their TPS status had been withdrawn, and Petitioners had not yet appealed this withdrawal. Id. Attorneys for Petitioners also allege they "were repeatedly contacting Respondents (the Government) to obtain information about Petitioners' situation." Id. at 15. On April 16, 2025, at approximately 5:13 p.m. MST, Petitioners, through their attorneys, filed their Original Habeas Petition, seeking release from custody because Petitioners' TPS status made their detention unlawful. See Original Habeas Pet., ECF No. 1.

In their Original Habeas Petition, Petitioners requested an emergency TRO, which this Court granted10 on April 16, 2025, and issued a formal written order for on April 17, 2025. See Order Granting Petitioners' Emergency Motion for Temporary Restraining Order, ECF No. 3. Therein, this Court ordered "Respondents and their agents, employees, assigns, and all those acting in concert with them are enjoined from removing Petitioners from [the Western] District [of Texas], including any removal pursuant to the Alien Enemies Act, until this Court orders otherwise." Id. at 1-2. This Court also set the matter for a hearing ("April 23, 2025 Habeas Corpus Hearing") on April 23, 2025 at 3:30 pm MST. See Order Setting Hr'g on Motion for Order to Show Cause, ECF No.5. This Court then provided the parties with an expedited briefing schedule. See Order, ECF No. 4. This Order required Respondents to file any opposition to the Petitioners' Habeas Petition by April 21, 2025, and required Petitioners to file any reply by April 22, 2025. Id.

While in ICE custody in El Paso, Petitioners were allegedly provided with a document in English, a language that neither of them reads, speaks, or understands, as "notice" of their designation as "alien enemies." Am. Habeas Pet. 15, ECF No. 9. Petitioners' attorneys were "not provided with a copy of the notice or with any information about their earliest removal date, despite repeated requests." Id. On April 18, 2025, Petitioners filed their "Amended Verified Petition for a Writ of Habeas Corpus Pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 2241 and Request for Order to Show Cause." See Am. Habeas Pet., ECF No. 9. Petitioners advised they were not aware at the time of the filing of the Original Habeas Petition at 5:17 p.m. on April 16, 2025 that Petitioners were going to be designated as "alien enemies" under the Alien Enemies Act, so they amended their original claims to add claims regarding their designation as "alien enemies" under the Alien Enemies Act.

On April 21, 2025, rather than filing a brief by the deadline, Respondents filed their "Opposed Emergency Motion to Extend Response Deadline and Reset Hearing," ("Motion to Extend Time")
ECF No. 12. This was filed on the basis that since "Petitioners filed an amended Petition, adding an additional prayer for relief that addresses adequacy of notice," Respondents had, curiously, just "discovered that additional notice was required to comply with the latest Department of Homeland Security Procedures." Id. at 1. That same day, Petitioners responded to arguing "any delay is prejudicial to Petitioners, who remain detained and separated from their children" and that "the sole reason provided for the extension of time does not merit three additional days since it is not dispositive to Petitioners' request for release." See Op 'n to Resp't Mot. for Extension of Time 1, ECF No. 13. Petitioners alleged "the new notice is identical to the first notice except that it was now read to [Petitioners] in Spanish." Id. at 1-2. It is the Court's understanding that the "notice" referenced by the parties in these pleadings is the notice designating Petitioners as "alien enemies."

This Court swiftly denied Respondents' Motion to Extend Time, also on April 21, 2025. See Order Denying Resp'ts' Opposed Emergency Mot. to Extend Resp. Deadline and Reset Hr'g, ECF No. 17.


As if a harbinger of things to come, this Court wrote:

To date, Respondents have not provided this Court with a single reason as to why Petitioners have been designated as Alien Enemies. To date, Respondents have not provided this Court with a single reason as to whether Petitioners' "circumstances have materially change[d)" which would warrant rearrest and incarceration by ICE. To date, Respondents have not provided the Court with any information that would be materially helpful in determining whether Petitioners are being unlawfully detained in violation of their TPS protections during the appeal period. Respondents have known about the instant habeas petition for at least six days. Respondents could have filed their response, which was due on April 21, 2025, providing the Court with even a reason or two as two (sic) why Petitioners' habeas petition should be denied, while also requesting an extension of time, but rather than putting in the slightest bit of effort, Respondents instead just asked for more time.. To date, Respondents have not provided the Court with anything useful.


Id. at 4-5.

On April 23, 2025, this Court allowed Respondents to file their out-of-time "Response to Amended Petition for a Writ of Habeas Corpus" ("Response"), ECF No. 22. Therein, Respondents declare, without providing this Court with a single piece of meaningful evidence, that "Petitioners are members of Tren de Aragua." Resp. 9, ECF No. 22. Respondents allege "credible evidence sufficient to invoke the AEA indicates Petitioners are [ARE!] Tren de Aragua gang members."

[Fill in the blank] declare, that [Fill in the Blank] are members of [Fill in the blank]"


Id. at 15. Respondents point to a single piece of evidence to support their position: the Declaration of Alfonso Ramirez ("Ramirez Declaration" or "Decl. Ramirez"), Ex. F, ECF No. 22-6. Petitioners filed their Reply the same day. See "Petitioners' Reply to Amended Verified Petition for a Writ of Habeas Corpus" ("Reply"), ECF No. 23. Petitioners argue Respondents did not provide any new evidence and based their Response entirely on double and triple hearsay. See id. at 2. Petitioners specifically attack the Ramirez Declaration, which is the only piece of evidence Respondents put forth to support their position. I . Petitioners argue the Ramirez Declaration is "based not on firsthand knowledge but on alleged review of documents (that are not provided) and statements (that are not verified), that an unknown year-old investigation Respondents have never previously mentioned, relying on unknown sources they never previously brought forth, identified [Petitioner Sanchez Garcia] as a member of TdA." Id. This Court, on April 23, 2025, heard arguments from Petitioners and Respondents, and indicated that it would issue its final ruling by Friday, April 25, 2025. The following order is this Court's final ruling.

LEGAL STANDARD

A. Temporary Protected Status under the INA


The TPS statute unambiguously provides that "[a]n alien provided temporary protected status under this section shall not be detained by the Attorney General on the basis of the alien's immigration status in the United States."4 8 U.S.C. § 1254a(d)(4). Further, 8 C.F.R. § 244.14(b)(3) provides that when the basis for TPS withdrawal does not constitute "a ground of deportability or excludability which renders an alien ineligible for Temporary Protected Status under § 244.4 or inadmissible under§ 244.3(c)" then the noncitizen "shall be given written notice of his or her right to appeal to the AAU," and, significantly, "Temporary Protected Status benefits will be extended during the pendency of an appeal." 8 C.F.R. § 244.14(b)(3).

B. Habeas Corpus and the Alien Enemies Act under the TdA Proclamation

Petitioners seek equitable relief against their confinement and removal under the Alien Enemies Act ("AEA"). Rev. Stat. § 4067, 50 U.S.C. § 21. Am. Habeas Pet. 3, ECF No. 9. Petitioners challenge the Government's interpretation of the AEA and assert that they do not fall within the category of removable alien enemies. Id. at 18-20, 22. Individual habeas corpus proceedings are the proper vehicle for this type of relief. Trump v. J.G.G., 604 U.S.-, 2025 WL 1024097 (2025) (citing Ludecke v. Watkins, 335 U.S. 160, 163-164 (1948). ("[c]hallenges to removal under the AEA. . . must be brought in habeas.") "Regardless of whether the detainees formally request release from confinement, because their claims for relief 'necessarily imply the invalidity' of their confinement and removal under the AEA, their claims fall within the 'core' of the writ of habeas corpus and thus must be brought in habeas." Id. (citing Nance v. Ward, 597 U.S. 159, 167 (2022) and Heck v. Humphrey, 512 U.S. 477,487 (1994)). "For 'core habeas petitions,' 'jurisdiction lies in only one district: the district of confinement."' Id. (citing Rumsfeld v. Padilla, 542 u.s. 426, 443 (2004)).

"Although judicial review under the AEA is limited, [the Supreme Court] ha[s] held that an individual subject to detention and removal under that statute is entitled to 'judicial review' as to 'questions of interpretation and constitutionality' of the Act as well as whether he or she 'is in fact an alien enemy fourteen years of age or older."' Id. at *2 (citing Ludecke, 335 U.S. at 163, 1 72, n. 17). "It is well established that the Fifth Amendment entitles aliens to due process of law" in the context of removal proceedings. Reno v. Flores, 507 U.S. 292,306 (1993). Detainees under the AEA "are entitled to notice and opportunity to be heard 'appropriate to the nature of the case."' Trump v. J.G.G., 604 U.S.-, 2025 WL 1024097 at *2 (2025) (citing Mullane v. Central Hanover Bank & Trust Co., 339 U.S. 306,313 (1950)). "More specifically, in this context, AEA detainees must receive notice after the date of this order that they are subject to removal under the Act. The notice must be afforded within a reasonable time and in such a manner as will allow them to actually seek habeas relief in the proper venue before such removal occurs." Id.

Habeas proceedings in a proper venue are currently the sole remedy available to noncitizens designated by the Government as alien enemies under the TdA Proclamation. Id. An individual's first and only opportunity to challenge the Government's evidence, designation, and their ultimate removal under the TdA Proclamation is when that individual is before a district court during habeas proceedings. Because of the President's unprecedented peacetime invocation of this wartime power, what constitutes proper notice and the government's burden in these specific habeas proceedings is a novel issue. While the President claims grave national defense concerns in its TdA Proclamation, "[ i]t would indeed be ironic if, in the name of national defense, we would sanction the subversion of one of those liberties ... which makes the defense of the Nation worthwhile." United States v. Robel, 389 U.S. 258,264 (1967). Longstanding principles of habeas doctrine provide that "the necessary scope of habeas review in part depends upon the rigor of any earlier proceedings." Boumediene v. Bush, 553 U.S. 723, 781 (2008). Where, as here, the Government does not afford individuals any process whatsoever after an initial agency finding and prior to their removal under the TdA Proclamation, the Government is not entitled to any deference during habeas proceedings challenging such designation. It is the reviewing court's duty to ensure an individual's due process rights and that the Government has met its burden. 11

Due process requirements for the removal of non-citizens are long established under the INA and Supreme Court precedent. There is no doubt that removal, whether through the INA or the AEA, bears the same ultimate and grave consequences. See Woodby v. Immigr. & Naturalization Serv., 385 U.S. 276 (1966) ("The immediate hardship of deportation is often greater than that inflicted by denaturalization, which does not, immediately at least, result in expulsion from our shores. And many resident aliens have lived in this country longer and established stronger family, social, and economic ties here than some who have become naturalized citizens."). The consequences are arguably more severe where removals under the AEA and the TdA Proclamation have been, and could continue to be, to foreign nations to be detained in "one of the most notoriously inhumane and dangerous prisons in the world." Abrego Garcia v. Noem, No. 8:25-CV-00951-PX, 2025 WL 1014261 at *1 (D. Md. Apr. 6, 2025) (emphasis added) (finding the federal government "even embrace[s] that reality as part of its well-orchestrated mission to use CECOT as a form of punishment and deterrence where "Defendant Noem announcing while standing in front of caged prisoners at CECOT "if an immigrant commits a crime, this is one of the consequences you could face .... You will be removed and you will be prosecuted.").

This case presents the question of what habeas procedures are constitutionally compelled to review whether a petitioner meets the criteria for removal under the TdA's Proclamation12, including the factual determination of whether a petitioner is a member of Tren de Aragua. 13 The TdA Proclamation renders Tren de Aragua membership the relevant factual predicate for designation analogous to nationality determinations made under previous invocations of the AEA. Those invocations authorized restrictions on all foreign nationals from enemy nations, just as here the invocation authorizes restrictions on all members of Tren de Aragua. See Lockington v. Smith, 15 F. Cas. 758, 758-759 (C.C.D. Pa. 1817) (discussing the War of 1812 proclamation); Proclamation, 40 Stat. 1651 (1917) (World War I); Proclamation: Alien Enemies-Japanese, 6 Fed. Reg. 6,321 (Dec. 10, 1941) (World War II).

While it is true that a petitioner may generally bear the burden of proof in habeas proceedings in other contexts, this is not a typical habeas proceeding. These habeas proceedings encompass the ultimate question of whether removal from the United States is warranted under the AEA and the TdA Proclamation. It is well-established removal proceedings, unless otherwise modified by Congress, require the Government to establish its allegations by "clear, unequivocal, and convincing evidence". Woodby, 385 U.S. at 286. Although removal proceedings are not the equivalent of a criminal prosecution subject to the highest standards, the Supreme Court made clear "it does not syllogistically follow that a person may be banished from this country upon no higher degree of proof than applies in a negligence case. This Court has not closed its eyes to the drastic deprivations that may follow when a resident of this country is compelled by our Government to forsake all the bonds formed here and go to a foreign land where he often has no contemporary identification." Id. Woodby's directive is clear: "no deportation order may be entered unless it is found by clear, unequivocal, and convincing evidence that the facts alleged as grounds for deportation are true." 385 U.S. at 286.

The same standard applies here. In habeas proceedings for non-citizens designated alien enemies under the TdA Proclamation, the Government, who seeks the detention and removal of an individual under the Alien Enemies Act, bears the burden to show by a "clear, unequivocal, and convincing evidence" that the facts alleged as grounds for deportation are true. Longstanding due process principles demand it, especially where the Government has not provided any meaningful procedure to safeguard against error. Evidence by a "clear, unequivocal, and convincing"' standard does not leave the issue in doubt.

Further, the Federal Rules of Evidence apply to these proceedings because they are the default rules in civil proceedings, including habeas, absent an explicit directive otherwise. Fed. R. Evid.11 07(b). At the same time, the Supreme Court has recognized "the exigencies of the circumstances may demand that, aside from these core [due process] elements, enemy[] [habeas] proceedings may be tailored to alleviate their uncommon potential to burden the Executive at a time of ongoing military conflict." 14 Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 542 U.S. 507, 534 (2004). Even so, the Court reiterated the Government must still set forth "credible evidence that the habeas petitioner meets the" designation criteria and "meaningful support for its conclusion that the detainee is in fact" an alien enemy. Id. Whether some hearsay is permitted in these proceedings is not dispositive because even in civil cases where the stakes are lower, the Government's case cannot possibly be based solely on hearsay. The Government must still meet its burden to set forth enough credible evidence to rise to the level of "clear, unequivocal, and convincing" evidence of an individual's membership in Tren de Aragua. Allowing the Government to rest its case on presumptions, assumptions, or anything less than what the Court denotes here would render individuals' due process rights meaningless.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 37503
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Anti-Anti-Nazi Barbarian Hordes are Knocking Down the Ga

Postby admin » Wed Apr 30, 2025 5:13 pm

Part 2 of 2

ANALYSIS

Petitioners' raise two arguments in their habeas petition challenging their detention and ongoing confinement in federal immigration custody: (1) although Petitioners' TPS was withdrawn on April 1, 2025, they were given thirty-three days to appeal, until May 4, 2025 and since 8 C.F.R. § 244.14(b)(3) provides that "Temporary Protected Status benefits will be extended during the pendency of an appeal" Petitioners' confinement is unlawful under the INA; and (2) Petitioners' designation as "alien enemies" pursuant to the TdA Proclamation violates due process because it lacks a factual basis, thus making their detention under the AEA unlawful.

A. Jurisdiction

As a threshold matter, the Court asserts its jurisdiction over this case. Where a noncitizen's arguments "fall within the 'core' of the writ of habeas," "jurisdiction lies in only one district: the district of confinement." Trump v. JG.G., 604 U.S.-, No. 29A931, 2025 WL 1024097, at *1 (Apr. 7, 2025) (per curiam) (quoting Rumsfeld v. Padilla, 542 U.S. 426, 443 (2004)). Petitioners in this case are detained at the El Paso Service Processing Center in El Paso, Texas within the Western District of Texas. Gov.'s Resp. 7, ECF No. 22. Thus, jurisdiction properly lies within the Western District of Texas and this Court.

B. Petitioners' Confinement is Unlawful Under the INA

Petitioners' confinement under the INA is unlawful. Section 1254a of Title 8 of the U.S. Code governs the treatment of TPS holders, including their detention and removal under federal immigration law. See 8 U.S.C 1254(a). Section 1254a(d)(4) states "[a]n alien provided temporary protected status under this section shall not be detained by the Attorney General on the basis of the alien's immigration status in the United States." Further, 8 C.F.R. § 244.14(b)(3) provides that "Temporary Protected Status benefits will be extended during the pendency of an appeal." Such benefits include the statutory prohibition on detention. Although Petitioners' TPS was withdrawn on April 1, 2025, they were given thirty-three days to appeal, until May 4, 2025. See Original Habeas Pet. 21-24, ECF No. 1. Petitioners are still within the time period to file an appeal and have secured counsel to prepare that appeal. See Decl. of Marcela Maria Villeda Sanchinelli 1, Ex. 1, Am. Habeas Pet., ECF No. 9-1. Therefore, Petitioners' detention violates 8 U.S.C. § 1254a and 8 C.F.R. § 244.14(b)(3).

C. Petitioners' Confinement is Unlawful under the Alien Enemies Act

1. Respondents have not shown that Petitioner Sanchez Garcia is a TdA member.

Respondents have not shown that Petitioner Sanchez Garcia is a TdA member, let alone a senior member, by even a "preponderance of the evidence" much less the required "clear, unequivocal, or convincing" evidence standard. Petitioner Sanchez Garcia therefore cannot be designated an "alien enemy" pursuant to the TdA Proclamation and the Alien Enemies Act, and must be released. When Respondents served Petitioner Sanchez Garcia with her "Notice and Warrant of Apprehension and Removal Under the Alien Enemies Act," AEA Notice(s), Ex. 3, Reply, ECF No. 19, Respondents had made an initial determination that Petitioner Sanchez Garcia was a member of TdA, and therefore an "alien enemy" under the TdA Proclamation. The AEA notice stated specifically that ''[t]he President has found that Tren de Aragua is perpetrating, attempting, or threatening an invasion or predatory incursion against the territory of the United States, and that Tren de Aragua members are thus Alien Enemies removable under Title 50, United States Code, Section 21." Id. Respondents, however, have not shown this Court anything meaningful to substantiate how or why they have designated Petitioner Sanchez Garcia as an "alien enemy."

First, Respondents claim in their Response that on March 10, 2025, when Petitioners were arrested by federal agents in Washington, D.C. pursuant to the arrest warrants from the Western District of Texas, Petitioner Sanchez Garcia admitted membership in TdA. Resp. 4, ECF No. 18. Respondents claim that after being made aware of her rights, Petitioner Sanchez Garcia "stated that she was previously married to Arrevala Rivara and identified him as a member of Tren de Aragua." Id. Petitioner Sanchez Garcia then allegedly said "she knows other members of Tren de Aragua" and that "she separated from her ex-husband approximately ten years ago and that her ex-husband was killed by the Venezuelan government due to his affiliation with Tren de Aragua." Id. at 4-5.

Second, Respondents attempt to bolster these claims by stating that "credible evidence" exists that indicates Petitioners are TdA gang members. Id. at 15. This "credible evidence" takes the form of "law enforcement intelligence." Id. More specifically, that "law enforcement intelligence identifies [Petitioner] Sanchez Garcia as a Tren de Aragua member." Id. Respondents allege that "as described in a law enforcement document dated August 21, 2024, a protected source who previously worked for the Venezuelan national police and was assigned to a special team targeting Tren de Aragua identified Sanchez Garcia ... as a Tren de Aragua member." Id. Respondents finally point to "a report containing 'highly reliable and verified' information, dated May 15, 2024, Sanchez Garcia is identified by full name, her admitted nickname" and other information, as a Tren de Aragua member. Id. Rather than point to various reports, affidavits, or law enforcement documents to substantiate their claims, the single piece of "credible" evidence to which Respondents point is the Ramirez Declaration ("Declaration"). Resp. 46-51, ECF No. 22.

In his declaration, El Paso ICE Assistant Field Office Director Alfonso Ramirez ("AFOD Ramirez") states that "[ b]ased on information and documentation obtained, compiled, and reviewed by various law enforcement officials in the regular course of their duties, the United States has determined that Sanchez Garcia is an active TdA member." Id. at 49. He states that "[t]he documentation and intelligence on which this determination is based is protected from public disclosure due to tis law enforcement sensitive nature and is summarized" in the Declaration." ld. He goes on to "summarize" all the law enforcement sources and intelligence that identified Petitioner Sanchez Garcia as a TdA member. He cites to a "law enforcement sensitive DHS document dated May 15, 2024," which appears to be a report of some kind, that states the "sourced information is both highly reliable and verified." Id. AFOD Ramirez also describes another "law enforcement sensitive document dated August 21, 2024" with information gathered "during a custodial interview with a protected source [that] identified [Petitioner] Sanchez Garcia as a TdA member." Id. at 50. The Ramirez Declaration, along with AFOD Ramirez's testimony at this Court's hearing on April 23, 2025, appears to be the only evidence Respondents have put forth in asking this Court to affirm the designation of Petitioner Sanchez Garcia as an alien enemy to justify her continued confinement and ultimate removal from the United States.

Of great concern to this Court is that Respondents contradict themselves throughout the entire record. Respondents claim Petitioner Sanchez Garcia is somehow both a "money receiver and lookout" as well as a "senior member of TdA." For example, AFOD Ramirez writes in his Declaration that Petitioner Sanchez Garcia's "possible role is noted as a money receiver and lookout." Ramirez Decl., Resp. 50, ECF No. 22. However, in a tweet published on April 22, 2025, by the account "ERO El Paso," ERO El Paso tweeted a "Senior member of Tren de Aragua transnational criminal organization in ICE custody: @EROElPaso officers arrested Luddis Norelia Sanchez-Garcia, 33, a Venezuelan national known as "La Licenciada." ERO served her w/removal under the Alien Enemies Act. She is awaiting removal."15 Yet in his sworn Declaration, AFOD Ramirez writes that her "possible role is noted as a money receiver and lookout." Ramirez Decl., Resp. 50, ECF No. 22.

At this Court's April 23, 2025 Habeas Corpus Hearing, AFOD Ramirez was asked specifically about the discrepancies and contradictions in the record as they relate to both Petitioners. At the April 23, 2025 Habeas Corpus Hearing, Petitioners' attorney, Attorney Bunn, asked AFOD Ramirez about the tweets published by ICE ERO as they relate to this case. The Rough Transcript16 generated by the Court includes multiple exchanges between Attorney Bunn for the Petitioners, and AFOD Ramirez for the Respondents, when discussing Petitioner Sanchez Garcia's alleged role within TdA.

Q [Attorney Bunn]: And so this particular person said that Mrs. Sanchez's possible role was noted as a money receiver and lookout, correct?

A [AFOD Ramirez]: That's correct.

Q: Possible role?

A: She was a money receiver and lookout.

Q: Her possible role?

A: No. She was a she was identified as such.

Q: Okay. Well, your affidavit sworn under penalty of perjury says her possible role is noted as money receiver and lookout?

A: Uh-huh. She was a lookout and a money receiver.


Rough Transcript of April 23, 2025 Habeas Corpus Hearing 39 (Rough Tr.), Sanchez Puentes, et et al., v. Garite, et al., No. 3:25-CV-00127-DB (W.D. Tex. Filed Apr. 16, 2025). Later in the hearing, Attorney Bunn questions AFOD Ramirez as to the tweets published on X by the ERO El Paso account on April 21, 2022.

Q [Attorney Bunn]: Agent, I'd like to cover with you who made the decision to publish a tweet on April 22nd for public preview stating that Mr. and Mrs. Sanchez were high-level gang members had been detained. Was that you and your office?

A [AFOD Ramirez]: That was our office, yes.


ld. at 46.

At Petitioners' previous habeas hearing in the Eastern District of Virginia in front of Judge Brinkema, attorney for the Government, Matthew Mezgher ("Attorney Mezgher"), also contradicted the Government's position when discussing Petitioner Sanchez Garcia. See Tr. of Writ Hr'g held on March 28, 2025, Puentes, et al. v. Charles, et al., 1:25-CV-00509-LMB (E.D. Va. Alexandria Div., Mar. 21, 2025) at pages 5-6. Petitioners attached this transcript to their Original Habeas Petition. Transcript, Ex. 8 at 6-7, Original Habeas Pet., ECF No. 1-8.

Q [Judge Brinkema]: Are you able, as a member of the U.S. Attorney's Office, to actually stand before this Court and tell me that there is any genuine evidence of either of these two people posing any kind of threat to national security?

A [Attorney Mezgher]: Threat--

Q: Or to the security of this country?

A: Well, Your Honor, I understand that, at least as to Ms. Sanchez, she is an admitted member and - well admitted affiliate --

Q: Whoa, whoa, whoa, whoa. Be careful. Has she admitted being a member of this organization?

A: Your Honor, I did just misspeak and I was trying to correct myself so forgive me. She's an admitted affiliate of the gang, Tren de Aragua, TDA, as I'll use it.

Q: What do you define "an affiliate" as? Is somebody an affiliate because he or she is married to someone who is a member of a gang? Does that automatically make them an affiliate?

A: Well, the evidence you had asked me about is what I have seen and what I'm representing to the Court is that that is what she has admitted. ICE has separately investigated and they have validated that she is a member.

Q: The only evidence that you've presented to this Court is this declaration of Erik Weiss. Is he here, by the way?

A: Your Honor, he is not present in the courtroom.

Q: All right. And it is the sorriest statement I've ever seen. First of all, it's pure hearsay in the sense that it's not any evidence that he himself, as I understand it, directly has. In other words, he did not interrogate either of these two people and hear this directly. His statement is that it was reported to him that this was done.


Id. Later in the hearing, Judge Brinkema goes on to say the following, regarding the conclusory statements the Government made as to Petitioner Sanchez Garcia.

(As read): "Luddis is a senior member of the TDA." How do you get from somebody who was married possibly 10 years ago to a TDA gang member, marriage, all of a sudden she's a senior member? This is a terrible, terrible affidavit. If this were before me in a criminal case and you were asking to get a warrant issue on this, I'd throw you out of my chambers. No agent should do this type of editorializing, not when people's liberty is at stake. I expect more from the government than this kind of very shoddy work. This is assumptions and putting words in people's mouths ... [Y]ou don't have it. It's not here.


Id. at 7. At the hearing with Judge Brinkema, as well as the April 23, 2025 Habeas Corpus hearing in this Court, Respondents and the Government based the entirety of their case on multiple levels of hearsay, hidden within declarations of declarants who have no personal knowledge about the facts they are attesting to. These declarants are not the ones who interviewed Petitioner Sanchez Garcia, and they are not the ones who captured her allegedly incriminating statement on March 10, 2025 in Washington, D.C., and are not the ones who collected "intelligence" and generated reports that contain "highly reliable and verified" information. Further, these declarants are not the ones who conducted interviews of law enforcement informants who allegedly identified Petitioner Sanchez Garcia as a member of TdA. What is astonishing is that these declarants cannot even so much as identify what government official did receive the alleged information directly. Respondents ask this Court to accept their claims, going off of nearly nothing, to substantiate their mammoth claims that Petitioner Sanchez Garcia is a "senior member," or perhaps just a "member," or maybe at the least an "affiliate" of TdA. The Court would not accept this evidence even in a case where only nominal damages were at stake, let alone what is at stake here

Beyond these shoddy affidavits and contradictory testimony,
. Respondents haven't provided "membership" at all as it relates to Petitioner Sanchez Garcia. Respondents have not demonstrated to this Court by a "preponderance of the evidence", let alone the required "clear, unequivocal, and convincing" evidence that Petitioner Sanchez Garcia is a member of TdA, nor that she is an "alien enemy" within the meaning of the TdA Proclamation. This Court is in complete agreement with Judge Brinkema 's characterization of Respondents' evidence at a previous hearing: "Respondents don't have it. Its not here." For these reasons, this Court is compelled to find that because Respondents have not shown that Petitioner Sanchez Garcia is a TdA member, she cannot be designated an "alien enemy" under the AEA pursuant to the TdA Proclamation, and her continued confinement on these grounds is therefore unlawful. Petitioner Sanchez Garcia must be released.

2. Respondents have not shown that Petitioner Sanchez Puentes is a TdA member. Respondents have not shown that Petitioner Sanchez Puentes is a TdA member, let alone a senior member, by even a "preponderance of the evidence" much less the required "clear, unequivocal, or convincing" evidence standard. Petitioner Sanchez Puentes therefore cannot be designated an "alien enemy" pursuant to the TdA Proclamation and the Alien Enemies Act and must be released. Like Petitioner Sanchez Garcia's case, Petitioner Sanchez Puentes' case is just as concerning, if not more, based on the admitted lack of any evidence whatsoever.

In addition to the tweet regarding Petitioner Sanchez Garcia posted by the ERO El Paso X account on April 22, 2025, the same account posted the following regarding Petitioner Sanchez Puentes: "ICE @EROElPaso officers arrest senior member of Tren de Aragua Transnational Criminal Organization. Julio Cesar Sanchez-Puentes, 27, a Venezuelan national, was served /removal under the Alien Enemies Act & remains in ICE custody awaiting removal. #BorderSecurity."17 Because the Court already discussed the admission by the ICE ERO El Paso Office that they in fact posted this information online, the Court need not delve into the exchange again. See Rough Tr. dialogue supra at 27.

In his Declaration, AFOD Ramirez states that "[ u]nlike Sanchez Garcia, ICE has not received intelligence confirming that Sanchez Puentes is himself a member of TdA. Because the evidence shows that he is married to, resides with, has children with, and entered the United States unlawfully with Sanchez Garcia, a known TdA member, there is sufficient indicia to have determined that Sanchez Puente (sic) is a TdA member." Ramirez Decl., Resp. 51, ECF No. 22. At the April 23, 2025 Habeas Corpus Hearing, AFOD Ramirez once again testified when questioned by Assistant United States Attorney Lacy McAndrew ("Attorney McAndrew") that despite there being no intelligence relating to Petitioner Sanchez Puentes, Respondents have still designated him a "member" of TdA, and therefore an "alien enemy" pursuant to the AEA and TdA Proclamation.

Q [Attorney McAndrew]: And then as it relates to - as it relates to her husband, can you please explain to the Court from your perspective, despite the fact that there is no evidence in that you're aware of showing he is for sure a member of this gang, can you explain to the Court and why in your professional opinion and based on your experience you believe that he is for purposes of this proclamation properly designated as a gang member?

A [AFOD Ramirez]: Yes, ma'am. One, he is associated with a member of the Tren de Aragua. Not only is he associated with a member of Tren de Aragua, he also resides with [a] gang member. Not only - but for 10 years, so that that is based on my experience and my knowledge, this is what led us to believe that he is an associate of Tren de Aragua.

Q: Do you know from the records whether or not he has children with the known member of the gang?

A: Yes.

Q: And do you know whether the records reflect that he has continued to reside with since that unlawful entry with the known gang member?

A: Yes, they resided together.

Q: Sir, is there any indication in the records from your perspective that would have you doubt the fact that this gentleman is properly classified as a gang member under this proclamation?

A: No, ma'am.


See Rough Tr. of April23, 2025 Habeas Corpus Hearing, Sanchez Puentes, et al., v. Garite, et al., No. 3:25-CV-00127-DB (W.D. Tex. Filed Apr. 16, 2025) at pages 10-11.

This Court takes clear offense to Respondents wasting judicial resources to admit to the Court it has no evidence, yet seek to have this Court determine Petitioner Sanchez Puentes is "guilty by association." This Court found no need to even allow closing arguments as to Petitioner Sanchez Puentes at the April 23, 2025 Habeas Corpus Hearing. 18

It is clear as day that Respondents have not demonstrated to this Court by a "preponderance of the evidence", let alone the required "clear, unequivocal, and convincing" evidence that Petitioner Sanchez Puentes is a member of TdA, nor that he is an "alien enemy" within the meaning of the TdA Proclamation. For these reasons, this Court is compelled to find that because Respondents have not shown that Petitioner Sanchez Puentes is a TdA member, he cannot be designated an "alien enemy" under the AEA pursuant to the TdA Proclamation, and his continued confinement on these grounds is therefore unlawful. Petitioner Sanchez Puentes must be released.

3. Conclusion

It is this Court's finding that Respondents' Response and testimony was replete with conclusions, declarations, and accusations, completely and wholly unsubstantiated by anything meaningful in the record. Respondents have been unable to convince the Court by even a preponderance of the evidence, let alone clear, unequivocal, and convincing evidence required, that Petitioners Sanchez Garcia and Sanchez Puentes are members of Tren de Aragua, and therefore has not shown this Court that they are properly designated "alien enemies" under the AEA pursuant the TdA Proclamation. This Court ended its April 23, 2025 Habeas Corpus Hearing with the following, and it will end this order with the same: "[t]hat's not enough for a court of law ... Both Mr. and Mrs. Sanchez are going to be freed. Let's see what court you're going to go to next." See Rough Tr. of April 23, 2025 Habeas Corpus Hearing, Sanchez Puentes, et al., v. Garite, et al., No. 3:25-CV-00127-DB (W.D. Tex. filed Apr. 16, 2025) at page 65.

CONCLUSION

For the reasons stated above, this Court determines it has jurisdiction over the instant matter and Respondents have not demonstrated they have any lawful basis to continue detaining Petitioners Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes and Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia in federal immigration custody. Respondents concede they are not detaining Petitioners under any authority in the Immigration and Nationality Act. Further, Respondents have not set forth sufficient nor adequate evidence that Petitioners are in fact members of Tren de Aragua to warrant an alien enemy designation under the TdA Proclamation.

This Court declines to decide today whether President Trump lawfully invoked the Alien Enemies Act on March 15, 2025 to designate and remove members of the Tren de Aragua criminal organization. Even assuming President Trump's TdA Proclamation is lawful, the Government fails to prove Petitioners' could be properly designated alien enemies under the TdA Proclamation.

Accordingly, IT IS HEREBY ORDERED Petitioners' Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes and Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia's "Amended Verified Petition for a Writ of Habeas Corpus Pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 2241 and Request for Order to Show Cause," ECF No.9, is GRANTED.

IT IS FURTHER ORDERED Petitioners Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes and Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia SHALL BE AND ARE RELEASED from federal immigration custody, EFFECTIVE IMMEDIATELY.

IT IS FURTHER ORDERED Respondents Angel Garite, Mary De-Anda-Ybarra, Todd Lyons, Kristi Noem, and Pam Bondi are ENJOINED from detaining or re-detaining Petitioners Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes and Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia's on the basis of an alien enemy designation pursuant to "Invocation of the Alien Enemies Act Regarding the Invasion of the United States by Tren de Aragua"
, Pres. Proc. No. 10903, 90 FR 13033, and therefore both Petitioners SHALL BE IMMEDIATELY RELEASED from custody.

IT IS FURTHER ORDERED Respondents Angel Garite, Mary De-Anda-Ybarra, Todd Lyons, Kristi Noem, and Pam Bondi are ENJOINED from detaining or re-detaining Petitioners Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes and Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia's so long as their Temporary Protected States remains valid under law, and therefore both Petitioners SHALL BE IMMEDIATELY RELEASED from custody.

IT IS FURTHER ORDERED Respondents Angel Garite, Mary De-Anda-Ybarra, Todd Lyons, Kristi Noem, and Pam Bondi SHALL PROVIDE undersigned counsel with a thirty (30) day notice and an opportunity to respond if Respondents attempt to re-detain Petitioners Julio Cesar Sanchez Puentes and Luddis Norelia Sanchez Garcia on the basis of immigration status under the Immigration and Nationality Act or the Alien Enemies Act pursuant to the TdA Proclamation.


DISTRICT-WIDE ORDER

There is no doubt the Executive Branch's unprecedented peacetime use of wartime power has caused chaos and uncertainty for individual petitioners as well as the judicial branch in how to manage and evaluate the Executive's claims of Tren de Aragua membership, and the invocation of the Alien Enemies Act as a whole. To date, the Supreme Court of the United States has made one mandate clear: AEA detainees must be afforded due process. Specifically, "AEA detainees must receive notice ... that they are subject to removal under the Act. The notice must be afforded within a reasonable time and in such a manner as will allow them to actually seek habeas relief in the proper venue before such removal occurs." Trump v. J. G. G., 604 U.S. -, 2025 WL 1 024097 (2025). "[J]urisdiction [for this habeas relief] lies in only one district: the district of confinement." Id. (citing Rumsfeld, 542 U.S. at 443).

Because of the Executive's unpredictable and inconsistent use of this power19, and because of due process and jurisdiction considerations, this Court also issues the following order with respect to individuals in custody within the Western District of Texas pursuant to the TdA Proclamation:

IT IS FINALLY ORDERED Respondents Angel Garite, Mary De-Anda-Ybarra, Todd Lyons, Kristi Noem, and Pam Bondi, or any agency within the Executive Branch of the United States, or their agents, employees, assigns, and all those acting in concert with them, SHALL NOT REMOVE FROM THE WESTERN DISTRICT OF TEXAS OR THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA any non-citizen detained in, or held, in federal immigration custody in the Western District of Texas who were, are, or will be subject to the March 2025 "Invocation of the Alien Enemies Act Regarding the Invasion of the United States by Tren de Aragua", Pres. Proc. No. 10903, 90 FR 13033. Respondents SHALL provide a twenty-one (21) day notice to individuals detained in the Western District of Texas pursuant to the AEA and the TdA Proclamation. Such notice must include the individual's right to seek judicial review, and inform individuals they may consult an attorney, at their own expense, regarding their detention and the Government's intent to remove them. Such notice must be given and written in a language the individual understands.

IT IS SO ORDERED.

SIGNED this 25th day of April 2025.

______________________________________
THE HONORABLE DAVID BRIONES
SENIOR UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE

_______________

Notes:

1 "ECF No." refers to the Electronic Case Filing ("ECF") number for documents docketed in this matter. When a discrepancy exists between page numbers on filed documents and page numbers assigned by the ECF system, the Court will use the page numbers assigned by the ECF system.

2 This Court was presented with an emergency petition for an imminent removal of two individuals who had previously been arrested by ICE and ordered released through a writ in the Eastern District of Virginia. Due to exigency of Petitioners' induvial proceedings, this Court will not delve into the questionable constitutionality and validity of the TdA Proclamation.

3 This Court will also cite to pertinent exhibits attached to Petitioners Original Habeas Petition.

4 Venezuelan nationals are ineligible for TPS under the statute if the Government deems them to be "a danger to the security of the United States under INA 208(b)(2)(A)(iv).

5 Petitioners applied for asylum and withholding of removal under the Convention Against Torture with USCIS on March 6, 2025 and March 8, 2025, prior to the notice that their TPS was being terminated, and prior to their multiple arrests and detentions. Original Habeas Pet. 8, ECF No. I.

6 The Court will refer to this hearing in greater detail below.

7 Katherine Yon Ebright, The Alien Enemies Act, Explained, BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE, (Oct. 9, 2024), https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/ ... -explained, https://perma.cc/4P J2-Y3XT.

8 Reply Brief 77-78, J.A.V. et al., v. Donald J. Trump, et al., No. 1:25-CV-00072 (S.D. Tex. Brownsville Div., Apr. 9, 2025) ("[ b]y no stretch of the statutory language can TdA be deemed a 'foreign nation or government."').

9 The Court's order was issued at 1:00 a.m. on Saturday, April 19, 2025.

10 Judge Briones orally granted the TRO in the late hours of April 16, 2025, and all parties were notified of this order via email.

11 "Faced with repeated claims from detained individuals challenging their designation as alien enemies, courts time and again examined the factual basis for the designation and, where necessary, ordered release if the facts did not show that the detainee was an alien enemy." J. G. G. v. Trump, 25-CV-766-JEB, 2025 WL 890401 (D.D.C. Mar. 24, 2025) (collecting cases)

12 Without deciding, of course, whether the TdA Proclamation itself is lawful.

13 Under the TdA Proclamation, the term "alien enemy" is defined to include "all Venezuelan citizens 14 years of age or older who are members of TdA, are within the United States, and are not actually naturalized or lawful permanent residents of the United States." TdA Proclamation Sec. 1, 90 Fed. Reg. 13034.

14 This Court does not reach the question of whether the United States of America is actively in an ongoing military conflict.

15 ERO El Paso (@EROElPaso), X (formerly known as Twitter) (Apr. 21, 2025, 7:11 PM), https://x.com/EROElPaso/status/1914487064760082508, https://perma.cc/233B-PKC9.

16 Typically, Courts prefer to use official transcripts when citing to them in a memorandum opinion and order. However, due to the emergency nature of this Memorandum Opinion and Order, this Court will use the "Rough" or "Draft" transcript generated by this Court. At the time of this writing, neither party has requested an official transcript. Further, other courts have addressed this issue of using rough/draft transcripts vs. official transcripts. See, e.g., United States v. Two Gen. Elec. Aircraft Engines, No. 14-cv-2213, 2016 WL 6495397, at *1 n.l (D.D.C. Nov. 2, 2016); United States v. West, 21 F.3d 607, 608 (5th Cir. 1994); G&G Closed Circuit Events, LLC v. La Patrona Seafood & Cantina, LLC, No. 3:24-cv-156-DCG, 2024 WL 4100243, at *2 n.16 (W.O. Tex. Aug. 28, 2024); In re St. Clare, No. NC-13-1507, 2014 WL 4089344, at *3 (9th Cir. Bankr. Aug. 19, 2014).

17 ERO El Paso (@EROElPaso), X (formerly known as Twitter) (Apr. 21, 2025;8:30 AM), https://x.com/EROElPaso/status/1914688142302700029, https://perma.cc/7MQD-883Y.

18 Prior to closing arguments at the April 23, 2025 Habeas Corpus Hearing that Respondents "don't have anything as to Mr. Sanchez [Puentes]. Nothing." See Rough Tr. of April23, 2025 Habeas Corpus Hearing, Sanchez Puentes, et al., v. Garite, et al., No. 3:25-CV-00127-DB (W.D. Tex. Filed Apr. 16, 2025) at page 64.

19 The Executive has deported at least 238 individuals under the TdA Proclamation without any due process at all, and the government has since admitted error in at least one case which it has yet to rectify. Noem v. Abrego Garcia, 604 U.S. ---, 2025 WL 1077101, *1 (2025). Further, the Executive has been alleged to seek to remove individuals under this power within 24 hours of giving them notice. See Laura Romero, Peter Charalambous, and Luis Martinez, As administration eyes more AEA deportation flights, judge says he lacks authority to block them, ABC NEWS (Apr. 18, 2025), https://abcnews.go.com/amp/US/attomeys- ... portation- aea/story?id=120950962, https://perma.cc/6RRZ-SVRN; see also Laura Romero, DOJ giving migrants 'no less than 12 hours' to indicate they intend to contest AEA removal, ABC NEWS (April24, 2025), https://abcnews.go.com/US/doj-giving-mi ... ontestaea/ story?id= 121142296, https:/ /perma.cc/3 YF4-QXZM.


********************

Judge Orders Release of Two Venezuelan Immigrants; Blasts AG Pam Bondi/DOJ for Having "No Evidence"
by Glenn Kirschner
Apr 29, 2025 All the "King's" Men: Trump's lackeys and their disservice to America

In a scorched-earth, 37-page Opinion and Order, Federal Judge David Briones excoriated Trump administration officials, include named respondents Kristi Norm and Pam Bondi, for claiming that a Venezuelan couple were dangerous gang members who should be deported under the Alien Enemies Act, but did not produce "a single piece of meaningful evidence," according to the judges.

More from Judge Briones's Opinion: "This Court takes clear offense to Respondents (Pam Bondi and Kristi Norm and others) wasting judicial resources to admit to the Court it has no evidence . . ."

admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 37503
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Anti-Anti-Nazi Barbarian Hordes are Knocking Down the Ga

Postby admin » Wed Apr 30, 2025 5:19 pm

On 100th Day of Trump Admin, Warren Reads 100 Acts of Trump Corruption Into Congressional Record
Senator Elizabeth Warren
Apr 29, 2025

On the 100th day of this Trump administration, U.S. Senator Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) read 100 reports of corruption from President Trump’s term so far into the Congressional record.



Transcript

[Elizabeth Warren] One hundred days; one hundred acts of corruption.

Today, I’m reading into the congressional record 100 reports of corruption from Donald Trump’s
first 100 days in office. When he ran for office, Trump promised repeatedly that he would lower
costs “on day 1.” But instead of following through on his promise, Trump and his administration
have paved the way for the president, his top officials, and his billionaire buddies to personally
feed at the trough of government corruption.

So, count with me: In just one hundred days, Donald Trump, his family, and his Administration
have:

1. Turned the White House into a Tesla dealership.
2. Fired independent commissioners at the FTC.
3. Punished former officials who opposed his 2020 election lies.
4. Paid for the White House Easter Egg roll by soliciting corporate sponsors who have
business pending with the government.
5. Helped Trump’s son set up a club — pay $500,000 for access to Trump’s cabinet.
6. Declared that there would be NO tariff exceptions. Then permitted Apple’s CEO “behind
the scenes” access — and poof, iPhone tariffs were cut.
7. Created an opening for insider trading by reportedly giving Wall Street exclusive
information about trade talks.
8. Hosted million-dollar dinners between Big Pharma CEOs and their regulator RFK Jr.
9. Launched crypto memecoin right before inauguration to make millions of dollars, then
increased the value of those coins by signing executive orders making crypto a priority.
10. Launched a meme coin for Melania, too.
11. Promised his "rich-as-hell" donors a giant tax handout, and is working to deliver.
12. Weakened rules insulating government workers from politics.
13. Limited corporate foreign bribery investigations.
14. Halted enforcement of the Corporate Transparency Act.
15. Offered a private dinner with Trump himself—and a special tour of the White House—for
the top 220 holders of his memecoin, permitting Trump and his family to profit both from
the run up in the value of the coin AND the increase in trading on the Trump platform.
16. Accepted $40 million for First Lady Melania's documentary from Jeff Bezos – way above
the market rate.
17. Pointed to Bezos’s multi-million-dollar documentary payment as a model, when Warner
Bros. asked Trump's team how to improve its own relationship with the White House.
18. Struck a deal with Amazon to stream Trump’s old show The Apprentice, which will mean
more money for Trump as Amazon seeks tax breaks and other federal benefits.
19. Started undermining Medicare’s ability to negotiate drug prices after Big Pharma
companies gave millions to Trump’s inauguration.
20. Filed a meritless lawsuit against 60 Minutes and launched a baseless FCC investigation.
21. Tried to get the AP to bend the knee and kicked them out of the White House briefing
room when they refused.
22. Hired Defense Secretary Hegseth’s younger brother to serve in a key role.

23. Hired a longtime former partner of Don Jr. to serve as Ambassador to Greece.
24. Nominated Jared Kushner’s father to serve as Ambassador to France.
25. Selected Tiffany Trump’s father-in-law to serve as an adviser.
26. Appointed an oil and gas executive to lead the Department of Energy.
27. Selected a Chief of Staff who was a big-time lobbyist for clients like tobacco and mining
companies.
28. Named officials who had recently lobbied for oil and chemical giants to help write E-P-A
rules.
29. Appointed Mehmet Oz, who has close ties to Medicare Advantage insurers, to lead CMS
to set payment rates and otherwise help out Medicare Advantage insurers.
30. Appointed John Phelan, a major donor with no military or government experience, to
lead the Navy and hand out Navy construction contracts.
31. Appointed Pam Bondi, a former lobbyist for a federal detention contractor, to lead the
DOJ.
32. Announced the DOJ would stop prioritizing enforcement of restrictions on foreign
lobbyists, under the leadership of Bondi, who herself is a former foreign lobbyist for
Qatar.
33. Appointed Howard Lutnick, who has billions invested in companies accused of illegally
facilitating crypto money laundering, to lead the Commerce Department.
34. Appointed Marty Makary, the former executive of a company selling weight-loss drugs, to
lead the FDA, which would regulate his company.
35. Appointed Sean Duffy, who lobbied for the airline industry, to Transportation Secretary.
36. Tapped Pete Hegseth, whose wife owns stock in large defense contractors, to lead the
Defense Department.
37. Tapped Doug Burgum — who made money from leasing land to Big Oil — to lead the
Interior Department.
38. Nominated a Big Oil lobbyist to run the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management.
39. Nominated as IRS head Billy Long, an aggressive salesman for a fraud-riddled tax
credit, who received donations after being nominated to clear old campaign debts.
40. Tapped Paul Atkins, a former crypto lobbyist, to lead the SEC.
41. Appointed a former tax lobbyist, to lead tax policy.
42. Appointed RFK Jr., who planned to get paid for anti-vax lawsuits while heading up HHS.
43. Appointed a top Pentagon official who led a firm investing in defense contractors and
has directed D-O-D to outsource as much as it can.
44. Appointed someone who lobbied to privatize Medicare to lead OMB’s healthcare budget.
45.Installed Steve Davis to effectively lead DOGE while also leading a Musk company.
46. Installed another DOGE leader to control Treasury’s payment system while still holding
down his day job as a software CEO.
47. Handed power over crypto policy to a White House crypto czar who leads a venture
capital firm that heavily invests in crypto.
48. Selected a border czar who led a firm that got tens of millions of dollars of federal
contracts for homeland security companies.
49. Appointed Treasury Secretary Bessent who is gutting the IRS so that it can’t audit rich
tax cheats — he’s a tax-dodging mega-millionaire.

50. Pardoned Rod Blagojevich, former Illinois governor convicted for corruption, after his
vocal support for Trump.
51. Pardoned January 6 insurrectionists who tried to overturn an election he lost.
52. Pardoned a Trump loyalist found guilty of wire fraud.
53. Pardoned the son of a longtime Republican donor.
54. Pardoned a corporation that had been fined $100 million for money laundering.
55. Launched his own stablecoin while preparing to sign legislation that will help the
stablecoin and let him oversee it.
56. Sold merch with presidential branding.
57. Disbanded DOJ’s crypto unit after business talks between Binance and a Trump-backed
crypto company ramped up.
58. Halted SEC enforcement actions against crypto companies that enriched Trump.
59. Met with crypto executives who are asking Treasury to back off of oversight of their
companies — all while exploring a deal to list a Trump-linked crypto company’s new
stablecoin.
60. Maintained financial ties between Trump officials and Trump’s media company. That
includes: FBI Director Kash Patel who was gifted a huge award of Trump media
company stock.
61. Nominated Attorney General Bondi who owned $2 million in DJT shares.
62. Paid the Education Secretary almost $1 million in Trump Media company shares.
63. Intelligence Board nominees who have millions in Trump Media company shares.
64. Selected a Special Envoy to the Middle East who wants to develop real estate in Gaza
while running his own real estate firm.
65. Appointed an FBI Director who consulted for the Qatari government.
66. Picked that FBI Director even though he also received millions from a Cayman Island
holding company with ties to China.
67. Decided to cancel the Direct File program, which will help the bottom line of Intuit, which
gave $1 million to Trump’s inauguration.
68. Took its largest inauguration donation from a poultry company under DOJ scrutiny. After
the donation, the SEC approved its parent company for the New York Stock Exchange.
69. Dropped a probe into sexual misconduct allegations against Trump’s Education
Secretary’s husband.
70. Hosted dozens of foreign, federal, and state officials at Mar-a-Lago, helping enrich
Trump.
71. Hosted a GOP retreat at another one of Trump’s resorts.
72. Circumvented the normal contracting process to pick a company with close ties to
Trump’s former campaign manager.
73. Awarded a $30 million ICE contract to Trump insider Peter Thiel.
74. Continued developing new Trump properties overseas, including in Saudi Arabia and the
UAE.
75. Hatched a plan for the State Department to pay Tesla $400 million dollars.
76. Accepted a $4 million inauguration donation from a GOP megadonor and nominated him
as UK ambassador the same day.
And Donald Trump took actions that could advance the personal interests of his co-president
Elon Musk:
77. Fired EEOC leaders investigating and suing Tesla.
78. Illegally fired the NLRB Chair, which filed a complaint against SpaceX.
79. Gutted CFPB staff and fired the Director after they investigated complaints against
Musk’s companies.
80. Gutted the Department of Labor office investigating Tesla and Space X.
81. Fired the USAID Inspector General, who launched a probe into satellite terminals made
by Musk’s Starlink.
82. Targeted the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration staff who were reportedly,
quote, a “thorn in Tesla's side.”
83. Said Musk would self-police his conflicts of interest. Yeah right...
84. Pressured the Administrator of the FAA, which fined Musk’s SpaceX, to resign .
85. Permitted Musk to keep his financial disclosure hidden. I’ve got a new bill to fix that!
86. Allowed Musk’s Starlink to start working with the FAA after Musk criticized the FAA’s air
traffic telecom system.
87. Made Musk’s SpaceX the frontrunner for a new lucrative Golden Dome contract.
88. Stood by Musk when his X executives told an advertising firm to increase ad revenue
— threatening that Musk could interfere with a pending merger.
89. Permitted Musk to join Trump's interview with the Air Force secretary nominee while
SpaceX held billions of dollars in contracts with the Air Force.
90. Permitted the National Transportation Safety Board to share news related to the airplane
crashes in Washington and Philadelphia only on Musk-owned X.
91. Permitted the Social Security Administration to only share important public
communication on X.
92. Dropped DOJ’s anti-discrimination complaint against Musk’s SpaceX.
93. Fired FDA staffers reviewing Elon Musk’s Neuralink clinical trial applications.
94. Coercing law firms to offer almost $1 billion in free legal work in an arrangement that
experts say could run afoul of anti-bribery laws.
And for our closing six moves that make every bit of this corruption even harder to root out,
Trump got rid of cops on the beat:
95. Fired 18 Inspectors General who make sure the federal agencies follow the law
96. Fired the head of the Office of Special Counsel who protects whistleblowers and makes
sure that civil service laws are fired.
97. Fired the head of the Office of Government Ethics who watches to see that the President
and his Administration follow the laws on conflicts of interest, bribery and other ethics
issues.
98. Fired DOJ prosecutors who worked on January 6th investigations.
99. Sidelined DOJ’s office that reviews the legality of executive orders.
100. Gutted DOJ’s office that prosecutes misconduct by public officials.

That's 100 corrupt acts in 100 days. Americans deserve accountability. We need to fight back -- all of us.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 37503
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Anti-Anti-Nazi Barbarian Hordes are Knocking Down the Ga

Postby admin » Thu May 01, 2025 12:20 am

Trump Says He Could Free Abrego Garcia From El Salvador, but Won’t. Trump’s comments undermined previous statements by his top aides and were a blunt sign of his administration’s intention to double down and defy the courts.
by Zolan Kanno-Youngs
Reporting from Washington
The New York Times
Published April 29, 2025
Updated April 30, 2025, 10:45 a.m. ET

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.


President Trump, whose administration has insisted it could not bring Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia back from El Salvador to the United States, said he does have the ability to help return the wrongly deported Maryland man, but is not willing to do so because he believes he is a gang member.

“You could get him back, there’s a phone on this desk,” said Terry Moran, an ABC News correspondent, noting a Supreme Court order to “facilitate” the release of Mr. Abrego Garcia.

“I could,” Mr. Trump replied.

Mr. Moran said Mr. Trump could call President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador and get Mr. Abrego Garcia back immediately.

“And if he were the gentleman that you say he is, I would do that,” Mr. Trump said. “But he is not.” Mr. Trump added that government lawyers do not want to help bring Mr. Abrego Garcia back to the United States.

Mr. Trump’s comments not only undermined previous statements by his top aides, but were a blunt sign of his administration’s intention to double down and defy the courts. Before the interview with ABC News, the administration had dug in on its refusal to heed the Supreme Court order to help return Mr. Abrego Garcia, who is a Salvadoran migrant. Trump officials have said that because he was now in a Salvadoran prison, it was up to the Salvadoran government to release him.

The Justice Department has argued that it can respond to the Supreme Court’s demand that the administration “facilitate” Mr. Abrego Garcia’s release by doing little more than letting him enter if he manages to present himself at a port of entry.

“That’s up to El Salvador, if they want to return him,” Attorney General Pam Bondi said during an Oval Office meeting between Mr. Trump and Mr. Bukele this month. “That’s not up to us.”

During that meeting, Stephen Miller, Mr. Trump’s deputy chief of staff and the architect of his immigration agenda, also argued that any question about releasing Mr. Abrego Garcia needed to be directed to Mr. Bukele rather than Mr. Trump.

“It’s very arrogant even for American media to suggest that we would tell El Salvador how to handle their own citizens as a starting point,” Mr. Miller said. “That is the president of El Salvador. Your questions about the court can only be directed to him.”

Mr. Bukele also refused to help bring Mr. Abrego Garcia back to the United States, arguing it would be akin to releasing a terrorist from prison.

But Mr. Trump appeared to acknowledge during his interview with ABC News that he did have the power to help bring Mr. Abrego Garcia back to the United States.

The White House did not respond to requests for comment on Tuesday night.

Mr. Trump also told ABC News his administration was right to send Mr. Abrego Garcia to a prison in El Salvador designed for terrorists, known as CECOT, despite various government officials previously saying in court that the deportation was an “administrative error.” Mr. Abrego Garcia, who entered the United States illegally in 2012, was arrested in March of 2019 while looking for work near a Home Depot.

In October 2019, an immigration judge ruled that Mr. Abrego Garcia could not be deported back to El Salvador because he faced a credible fear of persecution from the gang Barrio 18. The judge allowed him to stay in the United States under a status called “withholding of removal,” and he obtained a work permit.

But despite that order forbidding his deportation, the administration arrested him in March of this year, accused him of having ties to MS-13 and deported him to the prison in El Salvador.

“This is a MS-13 gang member,” Mr. Trump said during the interview.

Mr. Abrego Garcia has never been charged with or convicted of being a member of a gang. During his deportation proceedings, some evidence was introduced that he belonged to MS-13, and judges decided it was enough to keep him in custody while the matter was resolved. But other judges have expressed doubt about that evidence.

“The ‘evidence’ against Abrego Garcia consisted of nothing more than his Chicago Bulls hat and hoodie, and a vague, uncorroborated allegation from a confidential informant claiming he belonged to MS-13’s ‘Western’ clique in New York — a place he has never lived,” Judge Paula Xinis, who is overseeing the efforts to bring Mr. Abrego Garcia back to the United States, wrote in an order this month.

During the interview with ABC News, Mr. Trump also argued that Mr. Abrego Garcia’s tattooed hands were evidence of his gang ties. Mr. Trump has accused him of being a member of MS-13, previously sharing a photograph of the tattoos, altered with the label MS-13 above the symbols.

In the interview, Mr. Trump appeared to conflate the label with the actual tattoos as he argued that Mr. Abrego Garcia was a gang member.

The tattoos themselves appear to be real, but some gang experts have questioned whether they are truly MS-13 symbols.

Zolan Kanno-Youngs is a White House correspondent for The Times, covering President Trump and his administration.

*********************************

Trump Says He CAN But WON'T Bring Abrego Garcia Back From El Salvador. Hello Constitutional Crisis!
Glenn Kirschner
Apr 30, 2025

We are now squarely in constitutional crisis territory. After the Trump administration wrongfully deported Abrego Garcia to El Salvador, the Supreme Court ordered the Trump administration to facilitate his release from a prison in El Salvador and handle his case the way it would have been handled had he not been wrongfully deported.

Attorney General Pam Bondi and Trump DOJ attorneys said they did not have the ability to arrange for Garcia's release and return. Yet now, Trump proved Bondi and company to be liars, as he said he absolutely could arrange for Garcia's return, but that he wouldn't.

By defying the Supreme Court order, Trump is attempting to end our constitutional construct of government.

This video reviews this legal development and argues that Trump's decision to behave like a dictator ultimately will work to his extreme detriment and lead to his downfall.



Transcript

so friends Donald Trump just said that
regarding the man he wrongfully deported
to El Salvador Abrego Garcia Trump said
that he can bring Abrego back from El
Salvador but he
won't so make no mistake about it
friends this is Donald Trump telling the
Supreme Court that he will not obey
their orders their rulings or their
directives let's talk about that because
justice matters
hey all Glen Kersner here so friends
this might sound strange coming from a
lifelong rule of law guy but I'm
actually glad Donald Trump is beginning
to openly defy the Supreme Court because
I suspect I strongly suspect that this
will hasten Donald Trump's political
demise and seal his fate and we'll talk
about that in a minute but let's start
with the new reporting this from the New
York Times headline trump says he could
free Abrego Garcia from El Salvador but
won't trump's comments undermined
previous statements by his top aids and
by his DOJ lawyers in court that's
what's most important and friends please
put a pin in
that." And Trump's comments were a blunt
sign of his administration's intention
to double down and defy the courts
and that article begins "President Trump
whose administration has insisted it
could not bring Kilmar Armando Abrego
Garcia back from El Salvador to the
United States said he does have the
ability to help return the wrongly
deported Maryland man but is not willing
to do so because he believes he's a gang
member." this quote from a reporter "you
could get him back there's a phone on
this desk," said Terry Moran an ABC News
correspondent noting a Supreme Court
order to facilitate the release of Mr
abrego
Garcia "i could," Mr trump replied mr
moran said Mr trump could call President
Buchelli of El Salvador and get Mr
abrego Garcia back immediately
quote "And if he were the gentleman that
you say he is I would do that." Mr trump
said "But he is not." Trump added that
government lawyers do not want to help
bring Mr abrego Garcia back to the
United States mr trump's comments not
only undermined previous statements by
his top aids but were a blunt sign of
his administration's intention to double
down and defy the courts before the
interview with ABC News the
administration had dug in on its refusal
to heed the Supreme Court order to help
return Abrego Garcia who is a Salvadoran
migrant trump officials have said that
because he was now in a Salvadoran
prison it was up to the Salvadoran
government to release him
the Justice Department has argued that
it can respond to the Supreme Court's
demand that the administration
facilitate Abrego Garcia's release by
doing little more than letting him enter
if he manages to present himself at a
port of entry and this quote from Donald
Trump's
consiliary Attorney General Pam Bondi
yes my editorial edition
quote "That's up to El Salvador if they
want to return him." Attorney General
Pam Bondi said during an Oval Office
meeting between Trump and Buchi this
month quote "That's not up to us." But
Mr trump appeared to acknowledge during
his interview with ABC News that he did
have the power to help bring Abrego
Garcia back to the United States
okay friends a few takeaways from this
development for once Donald Trump spoke
the obvious unassalable truth of course
he can bring Abrego Garcia back from El
Salvador and by speaking that obvious
truth he exposed Pam Bondi as a liar and
by speaking that obvious truth he
exposed the DOJ lawyers as liars when
they put into legal pleadings that they
filed with the court that the government
can't bring Abrego Garcia back. He is now
in the custody and control of a
sovereign nation El Salvador." Oh,
puhleeze
and the plain and obvious truth
spoken by Donald Trump saying "Of course
I can bring Garcia back from El Salvador
that will now become a central
admissible piece of evidence in the
Albrego Garcia litigation and for those
of you scoring at home it's federal rule
of evidence
801D statements of a party opponent."
But friends let's finish with this
takeaway a few minutes ago I said that
Trump's open defiance of Supreme Court
orders will hasten his political demise
and ultimately seal his fate here's why
I say that by saying that the Supreme
Court told me to do it I can do it but I
won't do it by taking that position
Donald Trump is announcing that he will
try to end our constitutional construct
of government he's announcing himself as
a lawless president who will not abide
by the
Constitution and friends in my opinion
that will make it easier for ultimately
the military to do what it will have to
do stay with me here
eventually now that Donald Trump has
said he doesn't give a rat's ass about
the Constitution he will assert himself
as a dictator he will not abide by
Supreme Court orders rulings edicts
mandates directives which a president
must abide by given our constitutional
construct of government in order to stay
in power moving forward
ultimately Donald Trump will have to
give the military unlawful orders to
help him retain
power and by announcing that he will not
abide by the
Constitution that will make the
military's job easier in my opinion in
their responsibility indeed their sworn
duty to disobey
unlawful orders friends when I was
active duty army when I was a JAG
officer first when I went to officer
basic training it was drilled into our
heads that yes you must obey lawful
orders but more importantly you must
disobey unlawful orders after that after
I got my law degree and I passed the bar
exam the Army sent me to the Army's JAG
school on the campus of the University
of Virginia and then I learned how to be
an army lawyer and we had it reinforced
and rein reaffirmed and drilled into our
heads again you must disobey unlawful
orders and now that Donald Trump has
announced that he intends to be a
dictator an autocrat he will not abide
by the Constitution of the United States
he will defy Supreme Court
orders he's acting lawlessly and
unconstitutionally and so if he begins
directing the military to do things to
keep him in power it will make their job
much easier disobey unlawful
orders so friends we'll leave it there
but let's finish with
this donald Trump's power is diminishing
receding he's not getting stronger he's
getting weaker and yes he's trying to
rule over the American people by
instilling fear and intimidation by
acting lawlessly and
unconstitutionally but I don't believe
for a minute this is
sustainable and I don't believe for a
minute that he will become the dictator
he so desperately wants to be no he will
fail and he will fall
because
justice
matters friends as always please stay
safe please stay tuned and I look
forward to talking with you all again
tomorrow
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 37503
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Anti-Anti-Nazi Barbarian Hordes are Knocking Down the Ga

Postby admin » Thu May 01, 2025 5:35 pm

Image

"Official reprisal for protected speech 'offends the Constitution.'"


https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/69 ... i-v-trump/
Mahdawi v. Trump (2:25-cv-00389)
District Court, D. Vermont
Last Updated: May 1, 2025, 10:56 a.m.
Assigned To: Geoffrey William Crawford

https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap ... 54.0_1.pdf
2:25-cv-00389-gwc Document 54 Filed 04/30/25

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE
DISTRICT OF VERMONT

MOHSEN MAHDA WI,

Petitioner,
v.

DONALD J. TRUMP, et al.,

Respondents.

Case No. 2:25-cv-389

OPINION AND ORDER ON MOTION FOR RELEASE
(Doc. 19)

On April 14, 2025, Mohsen Mahdawi filed a petition for a writ of habeas corpus challenging the government's alleged "retaliatory and targeted detention and attempted removal of Mr. Mahdawi for his constitutionally protected speech." (Doc. 1 §1.) The claims include a request for release on bail pending adjudication of the habeas corpus petition. (Id §§ 86-90.) On April 22, 2025, Mr. Mahdawi filed a Motion for Release under Mapp v. Reno, 241 F.3d 221 (2d Cir. 2001). (Doc. 19.) Respondents (also referred to as the "Government" in this decision) filed a response, and Mr. Mahdawi has filed a reply. The court held a hearing on the motion for release on April 30, 2025.

A. Personal Background

Mr. Mahdawi is 34 years old. He was born and raised in the West Bank. (Doc. 19-2 § 4.) He entered the United States legally in July 2014 and was married for some years to an American citizen. (Id § 5; see also Doc. 19-4 at 4.) He has been a Legal Permanent Resident of the United States for ten years; his Permanent Resident Card ("green card") confirms that he has been a resident since January 2015. (Doc. 19-2 § 1.) His permanent address is in White River Junction, Vermont. He also owns a small cabin that he built himself in nearby Vershire, Vermont. (Doc. 19-1 at 159.)

Since 2021, Mr. Mahdawi has been an undergraduate student at Columbia University, majoring in philosophy. He hopes to graduate next month. (Doc. 19-2 §§ 2, 7.) He has been admitted to a master's degree program at Columbia's School of International and Public Affairs; that course of study would begin in September 2025. (Id. § 9.)

Mr. Mahdawi states that he found comfort and healing in spiritual communities shortly after coming to the United States. (Id. § 11.) He joined the First Universalist Society in Hartland, Vermont. (Id.) He also began to study Buddhism. (Id.) As a student at Columbia, Mr. Mahdawi has dedicated himself "to understanding how to achieve a lasting peace for Palestinians and Israelis, particularly through the study of conflict resolution." (Id. § 14.) After Israel took military action in Gaza in fall 2023, Mr. Mahdawi was "outspoken in opposition to the war." (Id. § 15.) He took part in student demonstrations where he spoke publicly about "the importance of respecting international law, human rights, and the need for a permanent ceasefire and a peaceful resolution." (Id.) The letters submitted on Mr. Mahdawi's behalf describe him as a person who seeks common ground between students who support Israel's military response to the atrocities committed by Hamas and those who express outrage against the level of destruction and civilian casualties. (See Doc. 19-1; Doc. 46.)

In its response, the Government directs the court's attention to an incident in summer 2015 when a gun shop owner told Windsor, Vermont police officers that Mr. Mahdawi had visited his store twice, expressing an interest in learning more about firearms and buying a sniper rifle and an automatic weapon and that he "had considerable firearm experience and used to build modified 9mm submachine guns to kill Jews while he was in Palestine." (Doc. 42-2.) The store owner stated that Mr. Mahdawi took photos of the store and its merchandise. (Id.) The store owner gave the police the name of a fellow gun enthusiast who stated that he had a similar conversation with Mr. Mahdawi at the "Precision Museum" in Windsor where the enthusiast served as a volunteer tour leader. During that conversation, Mr. Mahdawi allegedly told the gun enthusiast, "I like to kill Jews." (Id.) The Government also points to an incident in January 2019 when Mr. Mahdawi was stopped at the border and found to be carrying drugs. (Doc. 42-3.) Mr. Mahdawi describes these as prescription medication. (Doc. 45-1 §§ 42-43.) He was sent to diversion through state court and any record of the offense has been expunged. (Id.§§ 44-45; Doc. 19-4.) Finally, the government notes that in the course of separating from his wife in 2018, the couple quarreled and the ex-wife surrendered a firearm to the police for safekeeping. (Doc. 42-2 at 6.)

In his reply, Mr. Mahdawi stated that in November 2015, FBI agent Marc Emmons interviewed him concerning the allegations from July 2015. Mr. Mahdawi confirmed that he had visited the gun shop and the Precision Museum but that he had never discussed buying weapons or killing Jews. (Doc. 45-1 §§ 20-35.) His purpose in visiting the gun shop was to learn whether he was required to register a shotgun his wife had given him as a present. There was no registration requirement for her gift. (Id.§ 21.) He went to the museum because it is located just a few blocks from where he lived, and he is interested in machines and previously studied engineering. (Id. §§ 29-30.) Mr. Mahdawi states that the FBI agent was satisfied with his explanation and closed the investigation. (Id. § 36.) He denies possessing illegal drugs in 2019. The domestic incident was an argument that led to no charges. (Id.§§ 42-44.) Today his ex-wife is a close friend and supporter.

At the court's request, Agent Emmons appeared at the hearing on the motion for release. The Government raised concerns that questioning Mr. Emmons about his investigation could compromise national security concerns. The Government agreed with Mr. Mahdawi that Mr. Emmons' investigation ended in 2015 - although not "closed" in any official way - and that there were no charges against Mr. Mahdawi or other unfavorable action. The Government states that it has some other information that it has not shared with the court. The court is satisfied that the information in the police report does not support a finding of dangerousness. If the FBI had substantiated the information, some action would have resulted. That nothing took place supports Mr. Mahdawi's description of meeting with SA Emmons as satisfying him that the two informants were not truthful.

Mr. Mahdawi states that after the November 2024 election, certain groups "launched a deportation campaign against me and declared that they had reported me to the Trump administration so that I may be deported for my speech in support of Palestinian rights." (Id. § 20.) After Mahmoud Khalil's arrest and detention,1 Mr. Mahdawi "felt like I could no longer speak freely on the issues that mattered to me" and that his "physical safety was in jeopardy." (Id. § 21.) After Mr. Khalil's arrest, Mr. Mahdawi "didn't go outside much, or say much publicly." (Id.)

B. Mr. Mahdawi's Detention by Homeland Security Investigations

On March 27, 2025, Mr. Mahdawi received a notification from the United States Customs and Immigration Services (USCIS) portal that his naturalization interview had been scheduled for April 14, 2025, in Colchester, Vermont. (Id. § 22.) The interview was the last stage of Mr. Mahdawi's naturalization process before the formal naturalization ceremony. (Id § 23.) Mr. Mahdawi "suspected that the Trump administration would use the interview as an opportunity to target and detain" him for his speech. (Id § 24.) He nevertheless made arrangements to attend the interview in person. (Id.)

Mr. Mahdawi traveled to Colchester, Vermont on the morning of April 14, 2025, to attend his naturalization interview. (Id § 25.) Upon entering the interview room, he recognized the interviewer as the official who interviewed him for his green card. (Id § 26.) The entire interview was recorded on video. (Id. § 27.) Mr. Mahdawi answered all the interviewer's questions and passed the citizenship test. (Id. § 29.) He also signed a document affirming that he was willing to take the Oath of Allegiance to the United States. (Id.)

After Mr. Mahdawi signed that document, the official said he needed to "check" on some information and would be right back. (Id. § 30.) Once the official left the room, three masked agents wearing Homeland Security Investigations ("HSI") jackets and their supervisor entered the room. (Id § 31.) They showed Mr. Mahdawi their badges and told him that he was under arrest. They did not show him a warrant or any documents. (Id § 32.) The agents separated Mr. Mahdawi from his attorney, brought him to a hallway where two more masked agents were waiting, and then shackled him and escorted him to a black van. (Id. § 33.) They transported him to another USCIS office building approximately 10 or 15 minutes away from the Colchester office. (Id. § 34.)

As he was being processed at the USCIS office, agents shoved a Notice to Appear ("NTA") document into his jacket. (Id. § 43.) The NTA stated that Mr. Mahdawi was removable because "[t]he Secretary of State has determined that your presence and activities in the United States would have serious adverse foreign policy consequences and would compromise a compelling U.S. foreign policy interest." (Doc. 19-2 at 10, 13.) The NTA ordered Mr. Mahdawi to appear before an immigration judge at the South Louisiana Correctional Center on May 1, 2025. (Id. at 10.)

Shortly before 2:00 p.m., the agents transported Mr. Mahdawi to the Burlington, Vermont airport. (Doc. 19-2 § 35.) At the airport, two other agents took charge of him; one of the agents had a gun visible in a holster. (Id. § 37.) Mr. Mahdawi repeatedly asked where he was being taken, and the agents finally told him that he was being sent to Louisiana. (Id. § 38.) The flight left before the agents and Mr. Mahdawi were able to board it; the agents appeared to Mr. Mahdawi to be "visibly upset that we had missed the flight." (Id. § 39.) Mr. Mahdawi was then transported to the ICE field office in St. Albans, Vermont. (Id.§ 40.) After seeing his attorney at the St. Albans office, Mr. Mahdawi was re-shackled and transported to the Northwest State Correctional Facility in Swanton, Vermont. (Id.§§ 41-42.)

Counsel for Mr. Mahdawi filed a Petition for Writ of Habeas Corpus in this court on April 14, 2025 - the same day that Mr. Mahdawi was detained. (Doc. 1.) Through counsel, Mr. Mahdawi filed a Motion for Release on April 22, 2025. (Doc. 19.) That motion is supported by over 125 letters of support from professors, neighbors, fellow students, and others who know him well. All attest to his mild and peaceful nature, his deep intelligence, and his commitment to principles of non-violence and political activism. A striking number of these letters come from Jewish colleagues and professors involved in the study of the history and culture of Israel and Judaism. (See Docs. 19-1, 46.)

The facts recited above appear in Mr. Mahdawi's habeas petition and are described in greater detail in the exhibits attached to his motion for release. The court allowed time for the Government to rebut or qualify the facts concerning Mr. Mahdawi's history, character, flight risk, and dangerousness to the community.

Analysis

"[A]bsent suspension, the writ of habeas corpus remains available to every individual detained within the United States." Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 542 U.S. 507, 525 (2004) (plurality opinion) (citing U.S. Const., Art. I, § 9, cl. 2). "At its historical core, the writ of habeas corpus has served as a means of reviewing the legality of Executive detention . ... " Kapoor v. DeMarco, 132 F.4th 595, 610 (2d Cir. 2025) (quoting INS v. St. Cyr, 533 U.S. 289, 301 (2001)). Indeed, the protections of the "Great Writ" of habeas corpus "have been strongest" in that context. St. Cyr, 533 U.S. at 301.

Subject to certain exceptions, the federal district courts are authorized to grant the writ of habeas corpus "within their respective jurisdictions." 28 U.S.C. § 2241(a); see also 28 U.S.C. § 1651(a) ("The Supreme Court and all courts established by Act of Congress may issue all writs necessary or appropriate in aid of their respective jurisdictions and agreeable to the usages and principles of law."). The court begins with the questions of jurisdiction that the Government has raised. The parties are currently briefing these questions in greater detail in connection with the Government's Motion to Dismiss. Because the primary thrust of the Government's argument against release depends upon its challenge to the court's jurisdiction, the court addresses these issues here in a preliminary manner based on the evidence and arguments that are available to the court at this time.

I. Jurisdiction

Although the President nominates federal judges and the Senate may vote to confirm them, it is Congress that grants the courts statutory authority to hear specific types of cases already identified in Article III as appropriate for federal jurisdiction. One such area of federal jurisdiction is the writ of habeas corpus. See 28 U.S.C. § 2241. But what Congress gives it may also take away. In the area of immigration, the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 ("IIRIRA"), Pub. L. 104-208, 110 Stat. 3009, and the REAL ID Act of 2005, Pub. L. No. 109-13, 119 Stat. 302, both of which amended the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), contain "jurisdiction stripping" provisions that constrain the authority of a federal district court to review administrative decisions concerning removal of non-citizens. In the words of the Supreme Court, the IIRIRA is "aimed at protecting the Executive's discretion from the courts - indeed, that can fairly be said to be the theme of the legislation." Reno v. Am. Arab Anti-Discrimination Comm., 525 U.S. 471, 486 (1999). The principal contribution of the REAL ID Act is to state unambiguously that the jurisdiction stripping provisions of the IIRIRA apply to habeas petitions. Pub. L. No. 109-13, 119 Stat. 302.

Four statutory provisions are at issue here. The court considers each in turn. The issues presented by each section are very similar: does the statutory language that prevents the district court from reviewing removal proceedings preclude the court from reviewing the Government's decision to arrest Mr. Mahdawi. The Government argues that these "jurisdiction stripping" provisions shield the decision to detain Mr. Mahdawi from habeas review. He responds that he was detained in retaliation for the exercise of First Amendment rights - a violation of fundamental constitutional rights that lies beyond the authority of the immigration court authorized to hear his removal case.

A. Section 1252(g)

The Government asserts that 8 U.S.C. § 1252(g) deprives the court of jurisdiction to hear Mr. Mahdawi's claims. (Doc. 25 at 3.) Section 1252(g) states:

Except as provided in this section and notwithstanding any other provision of law (statutory or nonstatutory), including section 2241 of Title 28, or any other habeas corpus provision, and sections 1361 and 1651 of such title, no court shall have jurisdiction to hear any cause or claim by or on behalf of any alien arising from the decision or action by the Attorney General to commence proceedings, adjudicate cases, or execute removal orders against any alien under this chapter.


8 U.S.C. § 1252(g).2 In the Government's view, § 1252(g) eliminates this court's jurisdiction because Mr. Mahdawi's petition "seeks to challenge the government's decisions to charge him with removability and detain him" and thus "arise from" the Government's decision and action to "commence proceedings." (Doc. 25 at 3.) In support, the Government relies primarily on the Supreme Court's decision in Reno v. American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, 525 U.S. 4 71 (1999) ("AADC").

In AADC, the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee and a number of noncitizens sued the U.S. Attorney General and other officials "for allegedly targeting them for deportation because of their affiliation with a politically unpopular group," the "Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine," which the Government characterized as an international terrorist and communist organization. AADC, 525 U.S. at 472-73. While that suit was pending, Congress passed the IIRIRA, including the provision codified at 8 U.S.C. § 1252(g).3 The issue litigated in the Supreme Court was whether § 1252(g) deprived the federal courts of jurisdiction over the selective-enforcement lawsuit.

The Supreme Court explained that § 1252(g) is a narrow provision that applies "only to three discrete actions that the Attorney General may take: her 'decision or action' to 'commence proceedings, adjudicate cases, or execute removal orders."' AADC, 525 U.S. at 482. The Court observed:

There are of course many other decisions or actions that may be part of the deportation process - such as the decisions to open an investigation, to surveil the suspected violator, to reschedule the deportation hearing, to include various provisions in the final order that is the product of the adjudication, and to refuse reconsideration of that order.


Id. Applying that interpretation, the Court reasoned that AADC and the other respondents were challenging the Attorney General's decision to "commence proceedings" against them and thus fell "squarely within § 1252(g)." ld. at 487. The Court also rejected the respondents' contention that § 1252(g) should be interpreted to permit "immediate review of their selective-enforcement claims" to prevent a "chilling effect" on their First Amendment rights. Id. at 488. The Court reasoned that "an alien unlawfully in this country has no constitutional right to assert selective enforcement as a defense against his deportation."4 ld.

Much of the AADC decision concerns issues that were particularly salient at the moment of IIRIRA's passage, such as the retroactive application of § 1252(g). Today, AADC provides binding authority on one critical issue: the meaning of the phrase "arising from the decision or action by the Attorney General to commence proceedings, adjudicate cases, or execute removal orders against any alien under this chapter." On this point, Justice Scalia's analysis favors Mr. Mahdawi's position that the district court retains jurisdiction to hear claims that do not arise from these three identified actions. With the rhetorical esprit that distinguishes Justice Scalia's work, he rejected the suggestion that the three specified actions were no more than examples of Government action shielded from judicial review:

It is implausible that the mention of three discrete events along the road to deportation was a shorthand way of referring to all claims arising from deportation proceedings. Not because Congress is too unpoetic to use synecdoche, but because that literary device is incompatible with the need for precision in legislative drafting.


Id. at 482.

The Supreme Court returned to these issues in Jennings v. Rodriguez, 583 U.S. 281 (2018), in which a legal permanent resident sought to challenge his removal following conviction of a drug offense. Although Jennings concerns other "jurisdiction stripping" provisions discussed below, Justice Alito's decision for the majority recognized the continuing authority of the AADC decision in restricting § 1252(g) to "the three listed actions of the Attorney General." Id. at 294.

The Second Circuit considered similar issues in Ragbir v. Homan, 923 F.3d 53 (2d Cir. 2019), vacated by Pham v. Ragbir, 141 S. Ct. 227 (2020) (mem.). In Ragbir, an individual subject to a removal order sought to challenge its execution on grounds that the Government was retaliating against his exercise of free speech. In contrast to this case, Mr. Ragbir's habeas petition challenged his removal proceedings, not his prior detention. The Second Circuit reversed the dismissal of his petition on jurisdiction stripping grounds, holding that, although § 1252(g) applied to his constitutional claim, the Suspension Clause prevented its application to his removal at least while the habeas petition was pending. "Because Congress has provided no 'adequate substitute' and because there has been no formal suspension of the writ, Ragbir is entitled to a habeas corpus proceeding as to the basis for the Government's impending action to deport him." Id. at 78 (citation omitted).

The Supreme Court vacated the Ragbir decision in Pham v. Ragbir for further consideration in light of Department of Homeland Security v. Thuraissigiam, 591 U.S. 103 (2020). Though Thuraissigiam concerned a different jurisdiction stripping provision, the decision holds that the habeas remedy provides no basis for challenging removal even on constitutional grounds. The writ does not provide a mechanism to seek "the opportunity to remain lawfully in the United States." Id. at 119. This case presents the converse of Thuraissigiam - a case that does not seek to challenge the removal but addresses instead Mr. Mahdawi' s arrest and detention.

There is more to say about the limits the Supreme Court has imposed on § 1252(g) and whether singling out and detaining a legal resident in retaliation for his speech is excluded from habeas review because it is part of the commencement of that individual's removal proceedings. The court will reserve further discussion on these issues for the ruling on the dismissal motion. For purposes of the motion to release, it is sufficient to recognize that in AADC and Jennings, Justices Scalia and Alito, no shrinking violets when it comes to enforcement of the immigration laws, both recognized the need to apply § 1252(g) in a manner consistent with the actual text of the provision. Such an analysis allows for the exercise of habeas jurisdiction in cases that do not seek to challenge the removal proceedings but are directed instead at administrative detention alleged to be employed to stifle protected speech. As discussed below, Mr. Mahdawi has raised substantial constitutional claims that support a finding of jurisdiction at this stage in the proceedings.

B. Section 1226(e)

Section 1226(e) of Title 8 of the U.S. Code provides:

The Attorney General's discretionary judgment regarding the application of this section shall not be subject to review. No court may set aside any action or decision by the Attorney General under this section regarding the detention of any alien or the denial of bond or parole.


Section 1226 provides the general framework governing the arrest of non-citizens by the executive branch pending removal. In Demore v. Kim, 538 U.S. 510 (2003), the Supreme Court considered the extent of § 1226(e)'s reach: "Section 1226(e) contains no explicit provision barring habeas review, and we think that its clear text does not bar respondent's constitutional challenge to the legislation authorizing his detention without bail." Id. at 517. The Supreme Court reached the same conclusion in Jennings, 583 U.S. 281. In Velasco Lopez v. Decker, 978 F.3d 842 (2d Cir. 2020), the Second Circuit recognized the right of a detained person to challenge "the procedures that resulted in his prolonged incarceration without a determination that he poses a heightened bail risk." These cases make clear that § 1226(e) does not preclude review through habeas procedures of claims that administrative action violates the Constitution.

C. Section 1252(a)(5)

Section 1252(a)(5) provides:

Notwithstanding any other provision of law (statutory or nonstatutory), including section 2241 of Title 28, or any other habeas corpus provision, and section 1361 and 1651 of such title, a petition for review filed with an appropriate court of appeals in accordance with this section shall be the sole and exclusive means for judicial review of an order of removal entered or issued under any provision of this chapter, except as provided in subsection (e).


This provision - and 8 U.S.C. § 1252(b)(9), discussed next - "consolidate review of challenges to orders of removal in the courts of appeals." Delgado v. Quarantillo, 643 F.3d 52 (2d Cir. 2011). It is well-settled that direct appeals and indirect attacks on removal orders issued by the immigration courts are heard in the first instance in the applicable circuit courts. But a challenge to an individual's arrest and detention is different, as discussed by the court in Delgado: "We note, however, that a suit brought against immigration authorities is not per se a challenge to a removal order; whether the district court has jurisdiction will turn on the substance of the relief that a plaintiff is seeking." ld at 55. The Delgado decision cited Kellici v. Gonzales, 472 F.3d 416 (6th Cir. 2006) for the proposition that the "district court, not [the] court of appeals, had jurisdiction where plaintiffs' habeas petitions challenged only the constitutionality of the arrest and detention, not the underlying administrative order of removal." Id Because Mr. Mahdawi's habeas petition challenges only his arrest and detention - not the removal proceeding - § 1252(a)(5) is very unlikely to bar his petition.

D. Section 1252(b )(9)

Section 1252(b )(9) provides:

Judicial review of all questions of law and fact, including interpretation and application of constitutional and statutory provisions, arising from any action taken or proceeding brought to remove an alien from the United States under this subchapter shall be available only in judicial review of a final order under this section. Except as otherwise provided in this section, no court shall have jurisdiction, by habeas corpus under section 2241 of Title 28 or any other habeas corpus provision, by section 1361 or 1651 or such title, or by any other provision of law (statutory or nonstatutory), to review such an order or such questions of law or fact.


The application of § 1252(b)(9) turns on a single textual issue: is the claim of an unconstitutional arrest in this case one "arising from any action taken or proceeding brought to remove an alien from the United States"? The Government seeks an expansive reading of "arising from any action taken ... to remove an alien" that would place judicial review of the constitutional claim not in this court but before the circuit court reviewing a potential removal order issued in Mr. Mahdawi's immigration case.

The Supreme Court rejected the Government's position in Jennings v. Rodriguez, in which a person detained in the course of removal proceedings sought a bond hearing to determine whether his continued detention was justified. The Court considered whether § 1252(b )(9) stripped the Court itself of jurisdiction to review a habeas petition. Drawing on the analysis of AADC, the Court held that

it is enough to note that respondents are not asking for review of an order of removal; they are not challenging the decision to detain them in the first place or to seek removal; and they are not even challenging any part of the process by which their removability will be determined. Under these circumstances, § 1252(b )(9) does not present a jurisdictional bar.


583 U.S. at 294-95. The plurality decision by Justice Alito rejected the argument that detention is part and parcel of removal and is covered by the "arising from" language, embracing a narrower reading of that phrase. "The question is not whether detention is an action taken to remove an alien but whether the legal questions in this case arise from such an action. And for the reasons explained above, those legal questions are too remote from the actions taken to fall within the scope of § 1252(b)(9)." Id. at 295 n.3.

The same conclusion follows in this case. Mr. Mahdawi has raised a substantial claim that the Government arrested him to stifle speech with which it disagrees. Such an act would be a violation of the Constitution - quite separate from the removal procedures followed by the immigration courts. The legal questions presented by Mr. Mahdawi's petition for habeas corpus thus do not "arise from" the Government's decision to place him in removal proceedings. The court will return to this issue after briefing is complete on the motion to dismiss, but there is a sufficient basis for jurisdiction to proceed to the issue of release or detention.

II. Mapp Analysis

The case Mapp v. Reno continues to establish the legal standard for the exercise of a court's inherent authority to admit to bail individuals properly within their jurisdiction. 241 F.3d at 226. "[A] court considering a habeas petitioner's fitness for bail must inquire into whether the habeas petition raises substantial claims and whether extraordinary circumstances exist that make the grant of bail necessary to make the habeas remedy effective." Id. at 230 (cleaned up); see also Daum v. Eckert, No. 20-3354,2021 WL 4057190, at *2 (2d Cir. Sept. 8, 2021) (amended summary order) (same); Ozturk v. Trump, No. 25-cv-374, 2025 WL 1145250, at *15 (D. Vt. Apr. 18, 2025) (same). This is a "difficult" standard to meet. Mapp, 241 F.3d at 226; see also Wall v. United States, 619 F.3d 152, 155 n.4 (2d Cir. 2010) (standard is "rigorous"). The standard is "higher even than that created by 18 U.S.C. § 3143(b)." United States v. Manson, 788 F. App'x 30, 32 (2d Cir. 2019) (summary order) (quoting Grune v. Coughlin, 913 F.2d 41, 44 (2d Cir. 1990)). "The petitioner bears the burden of demonstrating both the 'substantial questions' and the 'exceptional circumstances' required" under Mapp. Swerbiolov v. United States, No. 04-cv-3320, 2005 WL 1177938, at *2 (E.D.N.Y. May 18, 2005).

A. Substantial Questions

1. First Amendment


A reader who has reached this point in our discussion may well share the court's initial perception that Mr. Mahdawi has raised substantial questions about the use of administrative arrest to stifle his exercise of free speech. "The Supreme Court has been unambiguous that executive detention orders, which occur without the procedural protections required in courts of law, call for the most searching review." Velasco Lopez, 978 F.3d at 850 (citing Boumediene v. Bush, 553 U.S. 723, 781-83 (2008)). Both sides agree in a general way that the arrest was prompted by Mr. Mahdawi's statements during protests on the Columbia campus. The Government describes these statements as harmful to the conduct of its foreign policy; Mr. Mahdawi alleges that the administration seeks to shut down criticism of the conduct of the war in Gaza.

Noncitizen residents like Mr. Mahdawi enjoy First Amendment rights in this country to the same extent as United States citizens. See, e.g., Bridges v. Wixon, 326 U.S. 135, 148 (1945) (holding that a noncitizen who published communist literature was protected by First Amendment); Kwong Hai Chew v. Colding, 344 U.S. 590, 596 n.5 (1953) (noting that the First Amendment does not distinguish "between citizens and resident [noncitizens]"); United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. 259,270 (1990) (confirming that resident noncitizens "enjoy certain constitutional rights," including "First Amendment rights"); Rafeedie v. I N S. , 795 F. Supp. 13 (D.D.C. 1992) ("Plaintiff is entitled to the same First Amendment protections as United States citizens, including the limitations imposed by the overbreadth and vagueness doctrines."); OPAWL - Building AAPI Feminist Leadership v. Yost, 747 F. Supp. 3d 1065, 1080 (S.D. Ohio 2024) ("[T]he Supreme Court has never held that the First Amendment fails to protect [noncitizens'] political speech to the same extent it protects citizens' political speech."). That includes the right to be free from retaliation for the exercise of his First Amendment rights. See Ragbir, 923 F.3d at 71 (holding that legal permanent resident could not be deported in retaliation for his protected speech even where he was deportable on other grounds).

"Official reprisal for protected speech 'offends the Constitution [because] it threatens to inhibit exercise of the protected right,' and the law is settled that as a general matter the First Amendment prohibits government officials from subjecting an individual to retaliatory actions ... for speaking out." Hartman v. Moore, 547 U.S. 250, 256 (2006) (first alteration in original) (quoting Crawford-El v. Britton, 523 U.S. 574, 588 n.10 (1998)). The Second Circuit has specifically recognized that retaliation for protected political speech is a cognizable ground for habeas relief in the immigration context. Ragbir, 923 F.3d at 71.

The black letter elements of a claim of retaliation in violate of the First Amendment are (1) that the speech or conduct at issue was protected, (2) that the defendant took an adverse action against the plaintiff, and (3) that there was a causal connection between the protected speech and the adverse action." Demarest v. Town of Underhill, 2025 WL 88417, at *2 (2d Cir. 2025) (summary order) (quoting Gonzalez v. Hasty, 802 F.3d 212, 222 (2d Cir. 2015). Mr. Mahdawi has raised serious arguments on each of these issues such that he has made a "substantial claim" regarding the alleged violation of his First Amendment right.

a. Protected Speech

Mr. Mahdawi has presented sufficient evidence that his speech was protected under the First Amendment. "[S]peech on a matter of 'public concern' is at 'the heart ... of First Amendment[] protection' and 'occupies the highest rung of the hierarchy of First Amendment values."' Ragbir, 923 F.3d at 69-70 (quoting Snyder v. Phelps, 562 U.S. 443,451-52 (2011)) (alterations in original). Here, Mr. Mahdawi's speech concerned an issue of great public interest. His speech, which advocated for a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Gaza and opposed Israel's military campaign, is at the heart of an ongoing political debate among the American people. "Because [Mr. Mahdawi's] speech concerns 'political change,' it is also 'core political speech' and thus 'trenches upon an area in which the importance of First Amendment protections is at its zenith."' Ragbir, 923 F.3d at 70 (quoting Meyer v. Grant, 486 U.S. 414,421-22,425 (1988)) (emphasis in Ragbir).

Mr. Mahdawi's speech does not appear to fall within any areas in which the First Amendment permits restrictions based on the content of speech. The Supreme Court recently summarized these areas: "incitement - statements direct at producing imminent lawless action and likely to do so," "defamation - false statements of fact harming another's reputation," "obscenity - valueless material appealing to the prurient interest," and "true threats of violence." Counterman v. Colorado, 600 U.S. 66, 73-74 (2023) (cleaned up).

In a memorandum written by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, the government accused Mr. Madawi of "engag[ing] in threatening rhetoric and intimidation of pro-Israeli bystanders" at a protest. (Doc. 42-1 at 2.) A bail hearing is not the time to make detailed findings on the merits of the First Amendment claim. On the limited record available, Mr. Mahdawi has provided enough information to show that his speech was protected.

b. Adverse Action

There is also record evidence that Mr. Mahdawi's arrest and detention constitutes adverse action for the purposes of his First Amendment retaliation claim. On April 14, 2025, Mr. Mahdawi went to the USCIS Burlington Field Office to continue the process of becoming a U.S. citizen. (Doc. 19-2 § 25.) Upon completing that interview, he was detained. (Id.§§ 31- 33.) He was removed from his community and his family and cannot currently make progress toward completing his undergraduate degree. (Id. §§ 45-48.) The threat of such conduct "would chill a person of ordinary firmness from continuing to engage in the protected activity." BelloReyes v. Gaynor, 985 F.3d 696, 700 (9th Cir. 2021).

c. The Government's Motivation in Detaining Mr. Mahdawi

Mr. Mahdawi bears the burden of proving that the Government detained him in retaliation for his protected speech or to chill the speech of others. A bail hearing is not the time to rule on the merits of the evidence or the methods of inferring retaliatory motive. It is sufficient at this juncture to consider the Government's public statements, including Executive Orders 14161 and 14188, as evidence of retaliatory intent. Executive Order 14161 states that its purpose is, in relevant part, to "protect [United States] citizens from aliens who ... espouse hateful ideology." Executive Order 14188 is entitled "Additional Measures to Combat Anti-Semitism." The fact sheet accompanying Executive Order 14188 promises to ''punish anti-Jewish racism in leftist, anti-American colleges and universities." Fact Sheet: President Donald J. Trump Takes Forceful and Unprecedent Steps to Combat Anti-Semitism, https://www.whitehouse.gov/fact-sheets/ ... -semitism/ [https://perma.cc/6QTD-M3FD] (emphasis added). The fact sheet also promises to deport or revoke the student visas of "all Hamas sympathizers on college campuses, which have been infested with radicalism like never before." Id. It threatens: "To all the resident aliens who joined the pro-jihadist protests, we put you on notice: come 2025, we will find you, and we will deport you." Id. Before his election, President Trump reportedly promised donors, in reference to pro-Palestinian activism, that he would "set that movement back 25 or 30 years" if elected. Robert Tait, Trump Tells Donors He Will Crush Pro-Palestinian Protests if Re-Elected, The Guardian (May 27, 2024 ), https://www.the guardian.com/world/ article/2024/may/27/trump-donors-israel-gaza-palestinian-protests [https://perma.cc/S3DS-FN9W]. Together, this evidence is sufficient for Mr. Mahdawi's present purpose of raising a "substantial claim" of First Amendment retaliation.

2. Due Process

The Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment protects the right of "any person" from "be[ing] deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law." The guarantees of the Due Process Clause "include a substantive component, which forbids the government to infringe certain 'fundamental' liberty interests at all, no matter what process is provided, unless the infringement is narrowly tailored to serve a compelling state interest." Reno v. Flores, 507 U.S. 292, 301-02 (1993 ). Noncitizens in removal proceedings are accorded full due process and equal protection rights. Zadvydas v. Davis, 533 U.S. 678, 693 (2001) ("[T]he Due Process Clause applies to all 'persons' within the United States, including [noncitizens], whether their presence here is lawful, unlawful, temporary, or permanent."). And the Supreme Court has specifically recognized the availability of substantive due process claims in the context of immigration detention. Id. at 694.

Mr. Mahdawi has raised a substantive due process claim, alleging that his detention violates the Fifth Amendment because "it bears no reasonable relation to any legitimate government purpose." (Doc. 1 § 72.) He asserts that, to comport with the requirements of the Fifth Amendment, "[ i]mmigration detention must further the twin goals of ensuring a noncitizen's appearance during removal proceedings and preventing danger to the community." (Id. § 71.)

The Supreme Court "has recognized detention during deportation proceedings as a constitutionally valid aspect of the deportation process." Demore v. Kim, 538 U.S. 510, 523 (2003). In certain cases, the INA mandates a noncitizen's detention pending removal, namely when a noncitizen has committed certain criminal offenses. 8 U.S.C. § 1226(c). In general, however, the government's decision to detain an immigrant pending removal is discretionary. Id. § 1226(a). And courts cannot generally question those discretionary decisions. Mr. Mahdawi is correct, however, that the government's discretion is not unbounded, and "both removable and inadmissible [noncitizens] are entitled to be free from detention that is arbitrary or capricious." Zadvydas, 533 U.S. at 721 (Kennedy, J., dissenting).

Detention incident to removal proceedings "has two regulatory goals: ensuring the appearance of [noncitizens] at future immigration proceedings and preventing danger to the community." Zadvydas, 533 U.S. at 690 (cleaned up); see also Matter of Guerra, 24 I&N Dec. 37, 40 (BIA 2006) (when determining whether to release a noncitizen from detention, an Immigration Judge considers whether the individual "is a threat to national security, a danger to the community at large, likely to abscond, or otherwise a poor bail risk"). Thus, such detention can never be punitive, either by design or effect. Zadvydas, 533 U.S. at 690; see also Fang Yue Ting v. United States, 149 U.S. 698, 730 (1893); Ozturk, 2025 WL 1145250, at *60 ("So long as detention is motivated by those goals, and not a desire for punishment, the Court is generally required to defer to the political branches on the administration of the immigration system."). If the government wishes to detain a noncitizen as punishment for violating this nation's immigration laws, it must do so on the basis of a criminal statute and only after conducting a criminal prosecution. See Wong Wing v. United States, 163 U.S. 228 (1896). Mr. Mahdawi may therefore succeed on his Fifth Amendment claim if he demonstrates either that the government acted with a punitive purpose or that it lacks any legitimate reason to detain him.

The same evidence that supports Mr. Mahdawi's First Amendment claim supports his Fifth Amendment claim. If the Government detained Mr. Mahdawi as punishment for his speech, that purpose is not legitimate, regardless of any alleged First Amendment violation. Immigration detention cannot be motivated by a punitive purpose. Nor can it be motivated by the desire to deter others from speaking. The court is satisfied that Mr. Mahdawi has raised important issues concerning potential constitutional violations and that these questions satisfy the Mapp requirement of substantial questions.


B. Extraordinary Circumstances

The Mapp decision also requires a finding of extraordinary circumstances. "[A] habeas petitioner should be granted bail only in unusual cases, or when extraordinary or exceptional circumstances exist which make the grant of bail necessary to make the habeas remedy effective." Mapp, 241 F.3d at 226.

The court finds that extraordinary circumstances support Mr. Mahdawi's release for several reasons.

First, it is under this heading that the court will consider the conventional bail issues of risk of flight and danger to society. D'Alessandro v. Mukasey, No. 08-cv-914, 2009 WL 799957, at *5 (W.D.N.Y. Mar. 25, 2009) ("[T]hat there is no evidence to support a finding that [the petitioner] is a flight risk or is a danger to the community" can also constitute an extraordinary circumstance.). There is no risk of flight. Mr. Mahdawi has strong ties to the Vermont community where he owns a home (and a half, counting the camp in Vershire). (See Doc. 19-1 at 100, 159, 179, 185, 190.) He is a full-time student who has been accepted into a graduate program. (Doc. 19-2 §§ 9-9; Doc. 19-1 at 202.) He presented himself at the USCIS office in Colchester even though he had suspicions that he would be detained. (Doc. 19-2 §§ 41, 49); He has deep connections to colleagues, professors, his faith community, and - it would appear - a great many friends. (See generally Doc. 19-1.)

He also presents no danger to his community or to others. The court has considered the allegations made by the gunsmith in 201 5. If true, they are highly damaging to Mr. Mahdawi's chances of release and of having any future in the United States at all. In 2015, the FBI conducted a thorough investigation of the allegations and found no basis to act. Had the statements attributed to Mr. Mahdawi been true, they would have resulted in some official response. In a case of the dog that did not bark, the FBI concluded its investigation without taking action. That decision gives rise to a reasonable inference that the agency charged with the protection of the public from crime found no basis for proceeding against Mr. Mahdawi in any venue. Ten years have passed since that time without any criminal charge except for a referral to a state-run diversion program in 2019 concerning a potential drug offense. The record of that referral and any citation has been expunged in the normal course.

People who have come to know Mr. Mahdawi more recently than 2015 describe him as a peaceful figure who seeks consensus in a highly-charged political environment. (See generally Doc. 19-1; Doc. 46.) But, even if he were a firebrand, his conduct is protected by the First Amendment. Unlike many habeas petitioners, he comes before the court charged with no offense and free from any claim of criminal conduct. The court is aware that he has offended his political opponents and apparently given rise to concerns at the State Department that he is an obstacle to American foreign policy. Such conduct is insufficient to support a finding that he is in any way a danger as we use that term in the context of detention and release.

The court also considers the extraordinary setting of this case and others like it. Legal residents - not charged with crimes or misconduct - are being arrested and threatened with deportation for stating their views on the political issues of the day. Our nation has seen times like this before, especially during the Red Scare and Palmer Raids of 1919-1920 that led to the deportation of hundreds of people suspected of anarchist or communist views. In Colyer v. Skeffington, 265 F. 17 (1920), Judge Anderson of the District of Massachusetts granted habeas relief to multiple immigrants detained for their political beliefs. His decision was instrumental in bringing an end to the moral panic that gripped the nation and its officials. Similar themes were sounded during the McCarthy period in the 1950s when thousands of non-citizens were targeted for deportation due to their political views. Ellen Schrecker, Immigration and Internal Security: Political Deportations During the McCarthy Era, Vol. 60 Sci. & Soc 'y 393 (1996). Again, the fever passed, but not before Justice Jackson was moved to dissent in US. ex rel. Knauff v. Shaughnessy, 338 U.S. 537, 317 (1950), writing in a habeas case concerning the exclusion of a German war bride:

Security is like liberty in that many are the crimes committed in its name. The menace to the security of this country, be it great as it may, from this girl's admission is as nothing compared to the menace to free institutions inherent in procedures of this pattern.


Justice Minton's majority decision is not much remembered. The wheel of history has come around again, but as before these times of excess will pass. In the meantime, this case - like Colyer and Knauff - is extraordinary in the sense that it calls upon the ancient remedy of habeas to address a persistent modern wrong.

C. Necessary to Make the Habeas Remedy Effective

Mr. Mahdawi argues that release is necessary to make habeas effective because keeping him in detention pending adjudication on the merits "would ratify the chilling effect that the government intends to create." (Doc. 19 at 21.) As this court observed in Ozturk:

The Second Circuit has specifically recognized potential retaliation for protected political speech as a cognizable ground for habeas relief in the immigration context, noting that "to allow this retaliatory conduct to proceed would broadly chill protected speech, among not only activists subject to final orders of deportation but also those citizens and other residents who would fear retaliation against others."


2025 WL 1145250, at* 19 (quoting Ragbir v. Homan, 923 F.3d 53, 71 (2d Cir. 2019)). Mr. Mahdawi, like Ms. Ozturk, "has presented evidence to support [his] argument that [he] may qualify for a retaliation claim." Id. "[A]n inmate's constitutional protections are not left at the prison gate." Rodriguez v. Phillips, 66 F.3d 470,478 (2d Cir. 1995). However, "[t]he fact of confinement and the needs of the penal institution impose limitations on constitutional rights, including those derived from the First Amendment, which are implicit in incarceration." Id. (quoting Jones v. N Carolina Prisoners' Lab. Union, Inc., 433 U.S. 119, 125 (1977)). Mr. Mahdawi's ability to exercise his First Amendment rights is "severe[ly] curtail[ed]" as long as he is detained. Id. If he has been detained in retaliation for exercising those rights, release is essential to make habeas relief effective, not only for him but for others who wish to speak freely without fear of government retaliation. See Elrod v. Burns, 427 U.S. 347, 373 (1976) ("The loss of First Amendment freedoms, for even minimal periods of time, unquestionably constitutes irreparable injury.").

III. Disposition

The Government seeks a stay of the order releasing Mr. Mahdawi.

"A court making an initial custody determination in a habeas corpus case should be guided by the language of Fed. R. App. P. 23(c), and by the factors traditionally considered in decid[ing] whether to stay a judgment in a civil case." Dhine v. Dist. Dir., 822 F. Supp. 1030, 1031 (S.D.N.Y. 1993) (citing Hilton v. Braunskill, 481 U.S. 770, 777 (1987). Rule 23(c) reflects a general preference for release pending appeal:

While a decision ordering the release of a prisoner is under review, the prisoner must - unless the court or judge rendering the decision, or the court of appeals, or the Supreme Court, or a judge or justice of either court orders otherwise - be released on personal recognizance, with or without surety.


Courts evaluating whether to stay a civil ruling pending appeal consider the following factors:

(1) whether the stay applicant has made a strong showing that he is likely to succeed on the merits; (2) whether the applicant will be irreparably injured absent a stay; (3) whether issuance of the stay will substantially injure the other parties interested in the proceeding; and (4) where the public interest lies.

DiMartile v. Hochul, 80 F.4th 443,456 (2d Cir. 2023) (quoting Nken v. Holder, 556 U.S. 418, 425-26 (2009)). Furthermore, in cases concerning release from detention, "if the respondent establishes that the [petitioner] would constitute a danger to the community if released, the Court may consider that factor in resolving the stay question." Dhine, 822 F. Supp. at 1031 (citing Hilton, 481 U.S. at 777).

A. Likelihood of Success on the Merits

The court has already functionally addressed this issue, resolving it in favor of Mr. Mahdawi: "A substantial claim for relief [under Mapp] is found where a petitioner relies on clear case law establishing the likelihood of success on his claim." Evangelista v. Ashcroft, 204 F. Supp. 2d 405, 407 (E.D.N.Y. 2002). The Government cannot also make a showing of likelihood of success on the merits. This factor therefore weighs in favor of Mr. Mahdawi' s immediate release.

B. Irreparable Injury

The Government will not be irreparably harmed absent a stay. As already discussed in this opinion, the evidence currently before the court suggests that Mr. Mahdawi is neither a flight risk nor a danger to the community, and his release will not interfere with his removal proceedings. The Government has thus failed to demonstrate any legitimate interest in Mr. Mahdawi's continued confinement.

On the other hand, "[t]he interest of the habeas petitioner in release pending appeal[ is] always substantial." Hilton, 481 U.S. at 777. Every day that a person is detained is a significant injury. And Mr. Mahdawi's interest in release is particularly substantial in this case given the First Amendment concerns he has raised. See Elrod v. Burns, 427 U.S. 347, 373 (1976) ("The loss of First Amendment freedoms, for even minimal periods of time, constitutes irreparable injury."). Without release, Mr. Mahdawi will also be unable to complete his undergraduate degree. These possible injuries weigh strongly against the issuance of a stay.

C. Injury to Other Interested Parties

The court is not aware of possible injury to other interested parties in this case.

D. The Public Interest

Mr. Mahdawi 's release is also in the public interest. His continued detention would likely have a chilling effect on protected speech, which is squarely against the public interest. And continuing to detain him would not benefit the public in any way, as Mr. Mahdawi appears not to be either a flight risk or a danger to the community. Finally, Mr. Mahdawi's release will benefit his community, which appears to deeply cherish and value him. The court therefore declines to stay its order pending appeal and instead requires Mr. Mahdawi's immediate release.

CONCLUSION

Petitioner's Motion for Release (Doc. 19) is GRANTED. The court orders the release of Mohsen Madawi on his personal recognizance during the pendency of this habeas proceeding. His release is subject to the following conditions:

1. That he reside in Vermont;

2. That he is permitted to travel to New York State for educational purposes or to meet with his lawyers or as otherwise ordered by the court;

3. That he attend all court hearings in this case in person unless excused by order of the court.


Mahdawi v. Trump, et al., Case No. 2:25-CV-389

Dated at Burlington, in the District of Vermont, this 30th day of April, 2025.

____________________________________
Geoffrey W. Crawford, Judge
United States District Court

_______________

Notes:

1 For background on Mr. Khalil's case, see Khalil v. Joyce, No. 25-cv-1963, 2025 WL 972959 (D.N.J. Apr. 1, 2025).

2 Respondents note that the Secretary of Homeland Security now exercises much of the relevant authority that was previously vested in the Attorney General. See Clark v. Martinez, 543 U.S 371, 374 n.1 (2005).

3 The REAL ID Act of2005 amended § 1252(g) after the AADC Court's 1999 decision, adding the phrase "(statutory or nonstatutory), including section 2241 of Title 28, or any other habeas corpus provision, and sections 1361 and 1651 of such title." Pub. L. No. 109-13, 119 Stat. 302.

4 As recently noted by the District of Massachusetts in American Association of University Professors v. Rubio, No. 25-cv-10685, at 33 (D. Mass. Apr. 29, 2025), ECF. No. 73, AADC's holding means that "it does not violate the Constitution for the government to commence removal proceedings against an alien that is in the United States in violation of the law for the additional reason that the alien is a member of an organization that supports terrorist activity." AADC did not address cases in which political membership is the only reason for instituting removal proceedings.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 37503
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Anti-Anti-Nazi Barbarian Hordes are Knocking Down the Ga

Postby admin » Thu May 01, 2025 6:51 pm

“They Shattered Our Dreams”: NY Father Recounts How ICE Snatched His Son & Sent Him to El Salvador
by Amy Goodman
Democracy Now!
May 01, 2025
https://www.democracynow.org/2025/5/1/m ... transcript

Donald J. Trump
@realDonaldTrump
https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrum ... 5256344311

Looking forward to seeing President Bukele, of El Salvador, on Monday! Our Nations are working closely together to eradicate terrorist organizations, and build a future of Prosperity. President Bukele has graciously accepted into his Nation’s custody some of the most violent alien enemies of the World and, in particular, the United States. These barbarians are now in the sole custody of El Salvador, a proud and sovereign Nation, and their future is up to President B and his Government. They will never threaten or menace our Citizens again!

Apr 12, 2025, 4:35 PM




"ICE Took His Son from Their Bronx Home. Now His 19-Year-Old Is In Bukele's Mega-Prison in El Salvador"
"'They Took Him Anyway': Cousin Who Witnessed Arrest of Merwil Gutiérrez Speaks Out"

As May Day protests call for worker and immigrant rights, we talk to a New York father whose 19-year-old son Merwil Gutiérrez, with an open asylum case, was detained in the Bronx and then flown with over 230 other Venezuelans to a mega-prison in El Salvador, where he is being held incommunicado. Witnesses to Gutiérrez’s arrest say authorities were searching for a different person but, upon encountering the teenager, decided to arrest him simply because he is Venezuelan. He has no criminal history and no tattoos, the features Trump officials have used to accuse Latin American immigrants of being gang members and expel them from the country without due process. Wilmer Gutiérrez says he fears for his son’s safety. “We came here with a dream. We did not think that this injustice was ever going to happen … They shattered our dreams,” said Gutiérrez. We also speak with Ethar El-Katatney, editor-in-chief of Documented, the nonprofit newsroom that broke the story of Gutiérrez’s arrest. Wilmer Gutiérrez is calling on the governments of the United States and El Salvador to facilitate his son’s release. “My son is still a child. His mentality has not matured yet. And right now they are damaging his mind … They are violating all the laws and doing whatever they want.”

Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org. I’m Amy Goodman, with Nermeen Shaikh.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: May Day demonstrations are underway worldwide, with mass protests across the United States today focused on workers’ rights and resistance to the Trump administration’s crackdown on immigrants and asylum seekers, including the transfer of over 230 men to El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center, CECOT, infamous for its human rights abuses.

The protests come amid reports the Trump administration is seeking to send immigrants with criminal records to Rwanda and Libya. That’s according to CNN, which also reports the U.S. is seeking to send some asylum seekers apprehended at the U.S. border to Libya, including people with no criminal records.

This is Secretary of State Marco Rubio speaking at a Cabinet meeting Wednesday, sitting next to President Trump.

SECRETARY OF STATE MARCO RUBIO: We are actively searching for other countries to take people from third countries. So we are actively — not just El Salvador — we are working with other countries to say, “We want to send you some of the most despicable human beings to your countries. Will you do that as a favor to us?” And the further away from America, the better, so they can’t come back across the border.

NERMEEN SHAIKH: This week, President Trump said he has the power to bring back Maryland father Kilmar Abrego Garcia, who the U.S. government admitted to expelling to an El Salvador prison “in error,” but that he will not do so, despite court orders.

It’s been two months since the Trump administration rounded up and transferred 238 Venezuelan immigrants from the U.S. to the notorious maximum-security mega-prison in El Salvador. The men are being held incommunicado, without access to their attorneys or relatives, languishing in what appears to be indefinite detention in CECOT.

AMY GOODMAN: This week, Democracy Now! spoke to the father of a 19-year-old Venezuelan teenager who is among them. His name is Merwil Gutiérrez. He was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, ICE, agents outside his apartment here in New York in the Bronx on February 24th. He was sent to El Salvador despite having an open asylum case in the U.S. Merwil’s family and lawyers note he has no criminal history, no tattoos — one of the features Trump officials have used to wrongfully accuse Venezuelan immigrants and others of being gang members and to expel them from the country without due process under the wartime Alien Enemies Act of 1798.

Merwil’s cousin, Luis Acosta, witnessed the February arrest from his window. He described seeing at least 10 officers ambushing Merwil and questioning him. His cousin says authorities were searching for a different person, but they forcibly took Merwil away anyway, knowing he was not that person. One of the officers grabbed the teen by the arm and put him inside a car. Merwil’s father, Wilmer Gutiérrez, says he’s been unable to communicate with his son since he was taken to an ICE jail in Texas, then transferred to El Salvador in March.

Democracy Now!'s Juan González and I spoke with Wilmer Gutiérrez through a translator. We were also joined by Ethar El-Katatney, editor-in-chief of Documented, a nonprofit newsroom focusing on New York's immigrant community, that broke Merwil’s story in a report headlined ”ICE Took His Son from Their Bronx Home. Now His 19-Year-Old Is in Bukele’s Mega-Prison in El Salvador.” It was written by Paz Radovic. I began by asking Wilmer Gutiérrez to describe what happened to his son.

WILMER GUTIÉRREZ: [translated] Good morning. My name is Wilmer. I am Merwil Gutiérrez’s father. The day he was arrested, he was entering the building where we live. That day, I was working, and my nephew called me and told me that my son was being grabbed by the police to take him away, without explanation. They were apparently looking for another person, and they grabbed my son, handcuffed him and put him in the car. One of the policemen asked him his name. He replied that it is Merwil. And the policeman said, “No, he’s not who we want.” Since the good ones are the bad ones, too, the other police said, “No, take him anyway.” And they took my son to the precinct. I returned to the precinct. I thought that he was going to be released that same night and they were going to let him go back home, because I know my son was not doing anything wrong. He was just going into our building when they arrested him.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Mr. Gutiérrez, could you tell us, when did you learn that he had been transferred to El Salvador?

WILMER GUTIÉRREZ: [translated] I found out that they had sent him to El Salvador when he contacted me Saturday morning. And from that point on, I had no further communication with him. When they were sending flights to El Salvador, we learned that they had taken a group of Venezuelans. At that time, they had not sent any planes deporting Venezuelans to their home country. We inquired, but couldn’t obtain any information until a list of names of everyone who was deported came out, and my son’s name was on that list.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Do you feel betrayed by the government, that the same government that allowed you to come into the United States with humanitarian parole has now sent your son to another country to prison?

WILMER GUTIÉRREZ: [translated] Yes, indeed. Because we came here with a dream, we did not think that this injustice was ever going to happen. My son has not committed any crime. He never appeared in front of a court. He was not charged with a crime or had a trial. No, they grabbed him and then put him on a plane and took him to El Salvador, and that’s where they have sent others. They were kidnapped, because they did not go through a formal process, nor did they sign any papers saying where they were going. We hope that if they put him on a plane, they would return my son to Venezuela, where we have family. And look where he ended up, where his rights as a human being are being violated right now. They shattered our dreams.

AMY GOODMAN: I want to bring Ethar El-Katatney into this conversation, the editor-in-chief of Documented. As we hear this utterly painful story that Wilmer conveys about his teenage son being taken to the notorious Salvadoran prison, I want to go back to that night, February 24th. As your reporter at Documented has told this story, interviewed the cousin, explain exactly what he saw and heard the agents doing.

ETHAR EL-KATATNEY: Thanks, Amy, for having me. Thank you for sharing your story so honestly.

And I think, before I just get to that, I just wanted to add that, you know, when we hear about the numbers, and you hear 238 kind of deported, it’s kind of sometimes easy to forget that these are real human lives and real impact. You know, an investigation showed that out of those 238 young people, nearly 75% of them actually have no criminal record, right? And we at Documented are continuing to follow similar stories, other young men in their early twenties who also have no criminal records and who were also deported.

So, part of what we do at Documented which is so unique, which is we are directly connected to immigrant communities, right? And we actually film the story through WhatsApp. Raz, our reporter, is in a group where she actually managed to get in touch with Wilmer. So, when we sent her to the community, obviously, developing kind of trust, being able to discuss with his family.

So, Luis, who has actually left now their apartment, out of fear that he would also be kind of caught up in a collateral arrest, which is exactly what we think was happening here, he was upstairs and actually saw it through a window. He said he saw nearly a dozen agents kind of gathering around. And what really made this so unique, which is he heard one agent talking about how this isn’t who they were looking for, and another agent say, “But take him anyway.”

And I would say that kind of pervasive fear that we’re seeing now in immigrant communities, which is, even if you have no criminal record, even if you have status, even if you have a legal case, even if the Supreme Court has argued that you have a right to argue against your deportation, you might still be taken away. So, this case, as tragic as it is, we’re seeing it play out in multiple ways across the country and in New York.

AMY GOODMAN: So, talk about how the administration has responded. I mean, even when they publicly say, as in the case of Kilmar, they publicly say they made a mistake, they also say they’re not going to bring back Kilmar Abrego Garcia. They said it in court to a judge. But talk about what the — how the Trump administration has responded, and what access that Wilmer has to the courts right now.

ETHAR EL-KATATNEY: Yeah. I would say that in this case, you know, the administration talked about it being an administrative error — right? — and having no right, which is a step kind of even beyond —

AMY GOODMAN: In Kilmar’s case.

ETHAR EL-KATATNEY: In Kilmar’s case, that it was an administrative error and that we can’t do anything. So, even if you have the courts now saying that they actually have to facilitate his return, the administration actually isn’t doing anything. And now you have kind of a search and proceedings to see, like: Are they actually stopping this?

I would say, in Wilmer’s case, he’s gotten a lot of media attention. But up until this day, even though we talked directly to, you know, politicians across the spectrum — we directly had an exclusive statement from Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez expressing kind of, you know, their disillusionment, their disappointment, their kind of “we will take action” — to this day, there really has been no update on the case. The lawyer in the case involved has no updates. We still don’t actually know if he’s fully — what his situation is, what he is. And again, to remind everybody, he’s 19 years old, Venezuelan, deported to a prison not even in his country. And despite the media attention, there really has been no update as of yet.

AMY GOODMAN: Wilmer, I know how incredibly hard this is for you. Talk about your decision to speak out.

WILMER GUTIÉRREZ: [translated] Well, I am doing this so that the violation that they did to all Venezuelans, including my son, is known throughout the world, because it is really anti-human that they grab the person and treat them as they please and violate their rights. If they do not want us here, they should deport them to their native country, not send them to a prison, because they are not terrorists. They are not gang members. They do not belong to any gang or anything like that.

So they are violating my son’s rights, and they are damaging his mind. My son is still a child. His mentality has not matured yet. And right now they are damaging his mind. Imagine what he is feeling at this moment there. Every day he wakes up knowing that they have not yet taken him out of that place where they have kidnapped him, where they are violating his human rights.

I decided to speak out because I really want this to be heard, even by the president of El Salvador himself. And we ask him to respect those Venezuelans, because my son has nothing to do with all this. He has not had any problem with that country. And the president of El Salvador should release him.

AMY GOODMAN: Wilmer, talk about the risk you’re taking in coming forward. Are you afraid that you could be next, even if your son was mistakenly taken?

WILMER GUTIÉRREZ: [translated] Well, fear is something that they instill in us, but I am not afraid, because if you look at what is happening to my son, and if something happens to me, the only thing that matters is that at least I made people aware of what has happened to my son. I made them understand that the government is violating the laws. And if they do something against people like myself who are advocating for our relatives, then they will realize that what they are doing is a violation of human rights, because they do not want to respect the laws. They are violating them. The courts told them not to fly those planes to El Salvador, and they still did it. We can imagine what is going to happen going forward if they do not put a stop to this government, because they are violating all the laws and doing whatever they want.

AMY GOODMAN: Have you ever been apart from Merwil this long, for two months?

WILMER GUTIÉRREZ: [translated] Merwil and I have always been practically like brothers, always together, until now that they have separated us.

AMY GOODMAN: Do you have hope that he’ll be released, that you’ll see him here again?

WILMER GUTIÉRREZ: [translated] Merwil and I have lived together all our lives. He has always been with me, and the only time we weren’t together is when he was in classes in high school focusing on his studies. He would always walk with me, work with me. When we were still living in Venezuela, we were always together. And as I’m telling you now, we had never been separated, until now they have separated us. And it is very hard.

AMY GOODMAN: If you could talk to your son right now, if you could talk to Merwil, look right into the camera, and what would you say to him?

WILMER GUTIÉRREZ: [translated] Well, my message to Merwil, if he hears me, he is to be strong. God is with us, and he needs to know that we are doing everything possible to get him out of there soon. His family in Venezuela is doing everything they can, just like me here. I am making my voice heard, so that it is heard and reaches the ears of everyone, and that justice is done, because, I told you from my heart, he is not a criminal. Not all Venezuelans are doing what Trump’s government says we are doing. And I hope they have a little respect for that, too. If they want to send everyone to their home country, do it with due process, not how they are doing it, as if we were criminals. Even animals don’t deserve that. They treat us as if we were a commodity. And from my heart, I tell Merwil that we are doing everything possible and that we will be together soon.

AMY GOODMAN: Wilmer Gutiérrez, father of 19-year-old Merwil Gutiérrez, who was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement, by ICE agents, outside his apartment here in New York in the Bronx on February 24th and was sent to El Salvador, despite having an open asylum case in the U.S. He has not been heard from since. At CECOT, they’re kept incommunicado. We’ll link to the report on this case by Documented, headlined ”ICE Took His Son from Their Bronx Home. Now His 19-Year-Old Is in Bukele’s Mega-Prison in El Salvador.” And you can go to our full interview with Wilmer about Merwil at our website in Spanish at democracynow.org/es.

When we come back, as the United States and Ukraine sign a new rare earth minerals deal, we’ll speak to the environmental journalist Antonia Juhasz. Her new piece, “Is Trump’s 'Minerals Deal' a Fossil Fuel Shakedown?” Stay with us.

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: “Power in a Union,” performed by Billy Bragg in our Democracy Now! studio in 2011.

*********************************

ICE Took His Son From Their Bronx Home. Now His 19-Year-Old Is In Bukele’s Mega-prison In El Salvador. Merwil Gutiérrez had no criminal record when ICE agents detained the 19-year-old outside his home. Now his father, Wilmer, is still searching for answers.
by Paz Radovic
Documented
Apr 14, 2025
https://documentedny.com/2025/04/14/ice ... -deported/

Image
Wilmer Gutierrez, 40, poses for a portrait outside the shared home where he lived with his son Merwil Gutierrez, 19, in Bronx, NY on Friday, April 4, 2025. Gutierrez has not been able to contact his son since his sudden deportation to El Salvador, where he has been held in prison since March, as part of a Trump administration move that invoked the Alien Enemies Act to deport over 200 Venezuelan immigrants the administration alleged to have gang ties. Photo: Anna Watts for Documented

Wilmer Gutiérrez still doesn’t understand how his son ended up in the most notorious prison in the world. While scrolling through photos on his phone, he revisits snapshots of him and his son in the Colombian jungle, crossing the border, working together. There are other moments where they’re both surrounded by family back home in Venezuela. Now, inside the six-bedroom apartment in the Bronx that he shares with 12 other people, Wilmer looks at the photos with nostalgia and sorrow.

On February 24, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detained his 19-year-old son, Merwil Gutiérrez, and another 237 Venezuelans. He had no criminal record, neither in Venezuela nor the U.S., nor did he have any tattoos — one of the features that the U.S. police used to link them to the Tren de Aragua gang. But none of that stopped him from being arrested.

Image
Wilmer Gutierrez, 40, from Venezuela displays a photo of himself with his son Merwil Gutierrez, 19, on the Brooklyn Bridge from the home that they shared in Bronx, NY, on April 4, 2025. Photo: Anna Watts for Documented.

“I feel like my son was kidnapped,” said Gutiérrez in Spanish. “I’ve spent countless hours searching for him, going from one precinct to another, speaking with numerous people who kept referring me elsewhere. Yet, after all this, no one has given me any information or provided a single document about his case.”

After sending Merwil to Texas, they transferred him to El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT) — El Salvador President Nayib Bukele’s mega-prison. This was an unprecedented move due to Trump’s invocation of the Alien Enemies Act of 1798, which intended to fast-track the removal of alleged members of the Tren de Aragua gang, with officials claiming the Venezuelan criminal organization was part of an “invasion” of the United States and posed a significant national security threat.

Amid the comings and goings of other tenants, the noise of children playing, and the watchful eye of security cameras installed by the apartment’s owner, Wilmer tries to recount how his son became one of the hundreds of men sent to El Salvador. Many of the detainees were like Merwil: randomly picked up without any prior suspicion. CBS’s 60 Minutes discovered that 75% of the Venezuelans now imprisoned had no criminal record after they obtained internal government documents and cross-referenced them with domestic and international court filings along with news reports and arrest records.

Wilmer only found out his son had been detained after receiving a phone call on February 24 from his nephew, Luis, who lives with them. That morning was their last time together; they had gone around the corner to do their laundry. Later that day, Wilmer said that his son met with a friend to get help with some errands at the American Red Cross. He learned this from Luis, who looked at the situation from inside the apartment: When his son was on his way back, just steps from his home, ICE agents stopped him. “The officers grabbed him and two other boys right at the entrance to our building. One said, ‘No, he’s not the one,’ like they were looking for someone else. But the other said, ‘Take him anyway.'”

That moment marked the beginning of Wilmer’s search for answers — answers he’s still waiting for.

Living the American dream

Before moving to the U.S. in 2023, Wilmer led a calm, steady life with his family. He lived in Los Teques, a town near Caracas, Venezuela, and worked for PDVSA, Venezuela’s state-owned oil and natural gas company. Later, he started his own cellphone repair business all to support his loved ones, which included his mother, who was battling cancer, and his three children: his son Merwil and his daughter Wisleidy, and his youngest daughter Wiskelly who lived with her mother in Perú.

But none of those jobs were enough to cover even the most basic expenses. “With how things were going in Venezuela, your monthly salary wasn’t even enough to buy food,” Gutiérrez says. That, combined with Nicolás Maduro’s dictatorship and the country’s ongoing political instability, pushed him to make a decision: once his son Merwil finished school, they would begin their journey toward the American dream — a place where they could have a more stable and better life.

On May 19, 2023, Wilmer began the journey to the U.S. on foot and by bus. Merwil, his father, and his nephew Luis joined him. Their first stop was Colombia, where they crossed the Darién jungle towards Panama — a route taken by nearly every Venezuelan migrant trying to reach the U.S. The journey lasted about a month until they reached Ciudad de Juárez, a town in Mexico near the U.S. border. From there, they applied for an appointment to seek humanitarian parole using the CBP One app. They waited one week until they were able to secure an appointment with immigration authorities. In the city, they even got a job on a hotel remodeling site while waiting until June 21, the date they had to show up to the immigration authorities. Wilmer recalls sleeping rough that night, right on the U.S. border. They had to do it to avoid losing their place in the long line that formed outside the immigration office each day.

Image
Wilmer Gutierrez displays a photo of himself with his son Merwil Gutierrez taken shortly after they arrived in New York after gaining entry to the U.S. Photo: Anna Watts for Documented.

Once inside the country, they reported to the authorities, explained their situation, and they opened an asylum case. They were first sent to a shelter in Texas, then transferred to Denver, and eventually took bus tickets to New York. Wilmer, Merwil, and Luis arrived at the Roosevelt Hotel for registration — an emblematic symbol of New York’s migrant crisis, designated as both an arrival center and temporary shelter for asylum seekers.

During that same week of June, they ended up in an industrial shed near JFK Airport that had been repurposed as a shelter. “It looked like a hospital ward,” Wilmer recalled, describing the rows of small sleeping couches lined up side by side. From there, after they got work permission, they began searching for jobs. “Every day, we’d walk around Manhattan and nearby areas, asking people if they knew of any job openings,” he says. After two weeks of the same routine, a friend gave them a tip: if they went to some warehouses near JFK at night, there would almost always be work available.

They got it in July. So, they started working at a warehouse near the airport that handled Shein and Temu orders arriving on flights from China. After securing a contract, they sought legal help to get a work permit and a Social Security number. The job operated through a large WhatsApp group, where the boss would send out the nightly schedule — listing the names of those selected for the 9:00 p.m. to 6:00 a.m. shift. The Gutiérrez family worked at least six nights a week, earning $140 per shift.

“Our days were completely upside down,” says Gutiérrez. “My son and I slept during the day and worked at night. There was never time for parties or anything like that. We’d just go back to the apartment in the Bronx, the one we found through a friend, which we shared with people we didn’t even know, and lock ourselves in our room until the next shift came around.”

That was their routine until news about their immigration papers came in. Their court date to formalize their situation had been scheduled for February 2027.

Deported to a foreign country

The last time Wilmer spoke to his son was on March 14, during a brief phone call allowed by the police so he could contact a family member. Wilmer had reached him after an exhausting search, going from place to place in hopes of finding answers. He first went to the local police station, where they sent him to the courthouse. From there, he visited other precincts, but the response was always the same: “Your son isn’t here. We have no information about his case.

Over the phone, Wilmer could tell that his son was confused but calm. Merwil told him he was still being held in Pennsylvania and that, apparently, he would be transferred to Texas and then sent back to Venezuela. But that never happened.

It was only after seeing a news report listing the 238 Venezuelans detained that Gutiérrez found out his son had been sent to El Salvador under the invocation of the Alien Enemies Act of 1798. He could imagine the conditions his son was facing after watching videos circulating on social media that showed detainees having their heads shaved by authorities and being abruptly marched to their cells. “I could have understood if he’d been sent back to Venezuela,” he says. “But why to a foreign country he’s never even been to?”

Image
Wilmer Gutierrez poses for a portrait in the common area of a shared home in the Bronx where he lived with his son Merwil Gutierrez. Photo: Anna Watts for Documented.

According to William Parra, an immigration attorney from Inmigración Al Día, the law firm representing Merwil’s case, his detention was unjustified since he currently has an immigration court case pending with his father and was showing up to court and doing the right things. “Merwil was detained for hanging out with friends and was at the wrong place at the wrong time. ICE was not looking for him, nor is there any evidence whatsoever that Merwil was in any gang.”

Parra adds that the office has tried to reach ICE to see where they have Merwil detained since his family and their firm have been unable to locate him on the ICE detainee locater system. “Per ICE, they claim to have him detained in Philipsburg, PA, but at this moment that claim is unverified. At this time, I am working to try to get in contact with Merwil.”

ICE did not return Documented’s questions for comment.

The Trump administration has recognized they mistakenly deported some individuals among the 238 Venezuelans sent to El Salvador, like Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Maryland resident with TPS status whose detention ICE admitted was an “administrative error.” Wilmer said he hopes his son’s detention could also be an “administrative error.” The wait for him, he says, has been desperate and anguishing.

In the meantime, he has questioned some things, including his faith in the American Dream. Because what looked like a dream at first, wasn’t. After moving here, he left his daughter in Venezuela and his mother, who died from cancer last December. He couldn’t say goodbye to her.

Yes, the U.S. offered Gutiérrez a better salary, but at the cost of worse working and living conditions. And more painful than that, he says, is the feeling that this country has torn his family apart. That’s why he’s thinking about leaving.

Staring out the window, his eyes heavy and shoulders slumped, he let out a quiet sigh — the kind that comes after too many sleepless nights and dead ends. Around him, the room buzzed with quiet murmurs and the clinking of dishes as the people who lived with him tried their best to offer comfort. Before heading back to another long night shift at the warehouse, he says, “All I want is to put this behind me and fly back to my country. I’m just waiting for my son to be released.”

Correction April 14, 2025: This article mistakenly reported that Wilmer and his son applied for TPS through the CBP One app, instead of an appointment seeking humanitarian parole. We also incorrectly noted the date of his detainment, which was February 24, not March 15. We apologize for the error.

********************************

‘They Took Him Anyway’: Cousin Who Witnessed Arrest of Merwil Gutiérrez Speaks Out. "He grabbed Merwil by the arm and put him in the car," says Luis Acosta about seeing ICE arrest his cousin Merwil Gutiérrez. He fears that he'll be next.
by Paz Radovic * Carla Colome
Documented
Apr 18, 2025
https://documentedny.com/2025/04/18/mer ... ice-trump/

Image
Photo courtesy Wilmer Gutiérrez.

Little has changed since Documented published Wilmer Gutiérrez’s account of his son Merwil Gutiérrez, a 19-year-old who was apprehended by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement outside his Bronx home two months ago and allegedly transferred — along with 237 other Venezuelans — to El Salvador’s Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT).

Although national and international media have reported on the case, Wilmer says ICE has yet to provide him any updates on his son Merwil’s whereabouts.

“I’m grateful that my son’s situation has gained attention and that many people — even members of Congress — have reached out to help,” said Wilmer in Spanish, speaking from a coffee shop near his apartment in the Bronx. “But we still haven’t heard anything. I won’t stop searching for him. At the very least, I just want to know if he’s okay.”

Merwil’s detention case was not only striking for the fact that Merwil had no criminal record or tattoos, but because, according to his cousin’s testimony, ICE wasn’t even looking for him.

His 21-year-old cousin, Luis Acosta, witnessed the arrest from his window on February 24.

“I started staring out the window when I heard the sound of police sirens. I saw Merwil approaching the building just as about ten officers got out of their vehicles and began questioning him and a few others outside. One of the ICE agents asked if anyone was named Ángel — they said they were looking for someone with that name. Merwil replied that he wasn’t and gave them his full name. Although one of the officers said he wasn’t the person they were looking for, another insisted they take him anyway. He grabbed Merwil by the arm and put him in the car.”

Image
Wilmer Gutiérrez, 40, poses for a portrait in the shared home where he lived with his son Merwil Gutiérrez, 19, in Bronx, NY. Photo: Anna Watts for Documented.

Speaking to Documented in Spanish, Acosta said he came to the United States with Wilmer and Merwil on June 21, 2023. He has a pending asylum case for TPS and a work permit that allows him to work as a delivery driver.

But since witnessing his cousin’s detention, he no longer lives in the Bronx apartment. “If they took him, they could take me too,” he said. “Now I move from place to place and avoid staying in one spot for too long. I can’t afford to be found.” The experience has pushed him to consider returning to his home country, Venezuela, and he says he has plans to leave the country by December.

“I don’t want to keep living in fear,” he said.

There’s a similar ambiance in the Bronx neighborhood where Merwil was taken. Neighbors told Documented that daily life has changed — people walk faster, talk less, and constantly look over their shoulders.

Vicente Vintimilla, 54, who sells Crocs shoes on Fordham Avenue, recalls hearing “some rumors” but says no one was certain ICE had been in the area lately. Now, he, too, is afraid. Originally from Ecuador, he’s lived in the U.S. for over a decade. “This puts us in a really uncomfortable, stressful situation,” he says. “The fact that this is happening here, to our neighbors, means the whole community is at risk.”

From a building on University Avenue, a neighbor rushes out to work. He wasn’t home the day ICE agents detained Merwil. Now, he says, many people live in silence and fear, worried they’ll be next. “There are days when we peek through the windows, make sure no one’s outside, and warn each other if something feels off.” According to him, sometimes, agents have arrived dressed in normal clothes without any visible identification that they are ICE agents or police officers. “The mere fact of being Venezuelan is enough to feel constantly at risk,” he says.

As previously reported, William Parra, an immigration attorney with the U.S.-based law firm Inmigración Al Día, which is representing Merwil Gutiérrez, has described Merwil’s Detention as unjustified. Parra explained that Merwil had a pending immigration court case alongside his father, had been attending his hearings, and fully complied with legal requirements.

“Merwil was […] simply in the wrong place at the wrong time,” Parra said. “ICE wasn’t looking for him, and there’s no evidence at all that he’s involved in any gang.”

At the time, Parra noted that ICE claimed Merwil was being held in Philipsburg, Pennsylvania. According to his father Wilmer, he was first sent to Pennsylvania, then to Texas and later to El Salvador. However, neither the family nor the firm has been able to verify his whereabouts through the official detainee locator system.

In parallel with Inmigración Al Día’s efforts, the Gutiérrez family is also working with a Venezuelan legal office called Angostura. The firm is currently preparing a power of attorney to allow lawyers in Merwil’s home country to represent him and begin formally building his defense abroad.

However, as of today, Parra says there are still no updates on the Venezuelan teenager’s case. “I’m working to see if I can connect with a U.S. representative or senator who might be willing to look into this,” he said. “Nothing concrete yet, but I’m exploring every possible avenue to try and bring Merwil back.”
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 37503
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Anti-Anti-Nazi Barbarian Hordes are Knocking Down the Ga

Postby admin » Thu May 01, 2025 7:29 pm

FULL TRANSCRIPT: Trump's exclusive 100 days broadcast interview with ABC News. President Donald Trump sat down with ABC News' Terry Moran in the Oval Office.
by ABC NEWS
April 29, 2025, 7:00 PM
https://abcnews.go.com/US/full-transcri ... =121291672

President Donald Trump exclusively sat down with ABC News on Tuesday for the first broadcast interview marking the 100-day milestone of his second term.

ABC News anchor and Senior National Correspondent Terry Moran conducted the interview from the Oval Office, which aired on ABC at 8 p.m. ET. The interview will also be streamed later Tuesday on ABC News Live, Disney+ and Hulu.

The president's first 100 days back in the White House have been marked by controversial tariffs, an overhaul of U.S. immigration enforcement and massive cuts to the federal workforce, all policies that Trump notes he campaigned on.

Read the full transcript of ABC News' milestone interview with Trump below.

TERRY MORAN: Okay. Mr. President, thank you for doing this.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Thank you very much.

TERRY MORAN: Here in the Oval Office, it's -- it's special. A hundred days into your second term. So what's the one thing, just one thing, that you think is the most significant thing you've done so far in these 100 days?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, I think maybe the border is the most significant because our country was really going bad. They were allowing people to come in from prisons, as you know. And you've heard me say it, but you've heard a lot of people say it. Prisons, mental institutions, gang members -- murderers.

We had many murderers, 11,888, they think. Some murdered more than one person. So you had murderers coming in. You had everybody coming in. And not just South America. From all over the world, they were emptying their prisons into our country.

And now it's totally closed down. And you've seen just yesterday, they announced 99.9%. Nobody thought that could happen, and it happened quickly, very quickly. And I think that's very significant. But we're doing other things that are very significant.

Results will take a little bit longer because it's one of those -- you know, it's complicated. It's -- many years of trading abuse. We've been abused by other countries for years and years. They laughed at us. They thought we were stupid people, and we're fixing it. And -- I think that's gonna be very, very important. But I -- I would --

TERRY MORAN: We have a lot of ground to cover.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Yeah. I would really say that -- that -- that the border is so important, you know? You just can't --

TERRY MORAN: And we'll get there. Immigration is huge --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- let that happen. Yeah.

TERRY MORAN: And we're gonna get there. But I wanna start --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Sure.

TERRY MORAN: -- with the economy, the number one issue for so many people, for just about everybody. It -- it's one of the main reasons that you're back in this office. And now we have this trade war with China that -- that Moody's and other analysts say is gonna cost American families thousands of more dollars per year. And there is a lot of concern out there. People are worried, even some people who voted for you, sayin', "I didn't sign up for this." So how do you answer those concerns?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, they did sign up for it, actually. And this is what I campaigned on. I said that-- we've been abused by other countries at levels that nobody's ever seen before. We were losing $3 to 5 billion a day on trade. We were losing-- a trillion and a half to $2 trillion a year. Not sustainable.

They were takin' advantage of us like they've never -- I could've left it that way, and at some point there would've been an implosion like nobody's ever seen. But I said, "No, we have to fix it." I've -- I've wanted to do this for many years.

You know, I had the best economy during my first term. We had a tremendous economy, tremendous success. And we -- we did tremendous numbers of tariffs on -- we took in a lot of money from tariffs -- China in particular, hundreds of billions of dollars in tariffs. We had no inflation, as you know. We had an incredible economy. We were given credit for a great economy. But I said, "We have to fix this, otherwise it's just not self-sustaining."

TERRY MORAN: Well, one of the things you ran on was you'd said you'd bring prices down on day one. And that --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And I have --

TERRY MORAN: -- it would happen fast. And that it would happen fast and --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I have.

TERRY MORAN: Many -- most economists will tell you that tariffs will raise prices. So don't your tariffs cut against that promise you made to bring prices down?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: No, because I had massive tariffs on China, if you remember in my first term, and we had essentially no inflation. Like, around 1% inflation, which is, like, a perfect number. The -- and then when Biden took over it went through the roof.

It went to the -- probably the worst inflation we've ever had. I mean, we had an inflation nightmare. Now, if you look at what's happening now, we're only there for 100 days, as you say, and in 100 days we took over the -- we had bad inflation for four years, for two years of -- especially two years of his -- his administration. I would say record-setting like we've never seen. They say 48 years, the worst in 48 years. I'd say it was much worse than that --

TERRY MORAN: You lived through that, I lived through that, yeah.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Right. So -- so now if you look at what's happened -- energy is down. Gasoline hit $1.98 in a few states -- during the last couple of days. It was $3.50 and $4.00 and $4.50. But gasoline is way down. And when I took over, you remember the big thing with eggs?

They hit me the first week, "Eggs, eggs, eggs," like it was my fault. I said, "I didn't cause this problem. This problem was caused by Biden. What's the problem with eggs?" And they said, "They've doubled it." Well, eggs are down 87% since I got involved.

TERRY MORAN: A lotta that is bird flu, right --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And by the way -- and there were plenty of eggs for Easter, which we just went through. There were plenty of eggs for Easter. They were saying, "You won't have enough eggs for Easter." We ended -- our sec -- my secretary did a fantastic job on eggs. Groceries are down. Everything's down --

TERRY MORAN: Okay.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Interest rates are the same. Interest rates should be down, but we have a Federal Reserve that wants to be stubborn. They wanna be cute --

TERRY MORAN: Alright, we'll get to that. A couple -- you said something a couple weeks ago that -- that struck me. You said, concerning the tariffs, which economists say are gonna raise prices, you said, quote, "Hang tough. It won't be easy." You said that to the American people. Is that what Americans should expect --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, I've said that --

TERRY MORAN: -- some hard times?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I've said that during --

TERRY MORAN: Because of these tariffs--

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- my campaign. Look, we won a campaign by a lot. We won all seven swing states. We won the popular vote by a lot. You know, we had a tremendous campaign. I said all of these things during my campaign. I said, "You're gonna have a transition period." We've been ripped off by every country all over the world. They're laughing at us. They thought we were stupid people, and we were. And I said, "That's not gonna happen. We're not gonna let that happen" --

TERRY MORAN: Hard times -- hard times are ahead?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I don't think so. I think great --

TERRY MORAN: "Hang tough" --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- times are ahead. Look, since I came in gasoline is down, groceries are down, egg prices are down -- many things are down, just about everything. You know, you don't have the drop in -- in fuel and energy and oil like we did. I took it from maybe $3.20, maybe more than that, down into a low -- a much lower number. When you have that kind of a drop you're not gonna have inflation.

TERRY MORAN: Not now. But it's the tariffs, right? We still have 145% tariffs --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well --

TERRY MORAN: -- on China

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Why is it --

TERRY MORAN: Your Treasury secretary said we basically have an embargo on China.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Look, you're trying to --

TERRY MORAN: And that --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- say something's gonna happen, Terry --

TERRY MORAN: No, no, no, no. Okay, well, do you --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Nothing's gonna happen

TERRY MORAN: You know business. I wanna ask you --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Terry -- Terry --

TERRY MORAN: I wanna ask you.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I do know business. And --

TERRY MORAN: Yeah, so 145% tariffs on China. And -- and that is --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: That's good.

TERRY MORAN: -- basically --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: That's good.

TERRY MORAN: -- an embargo

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: They deserve it.

TERRY MORAN: It'll raise prices on everything from--

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: They deserve it.

TERRY MORAN: -- electronics to clothing to building houses.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: You don't know that. You don't know whether or not China's gonna eat it --

TERRY MORAN: That's mathematics.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: China probably will eat those tariffs. But at 145, they basically can't do much business with the United States. And they were making from us a trillion dollars a year. They were ripping us off like nobody's ever ripped us off. And by the way, we have other countries that were just as bad. If you look at the European Union, it was terrible what they've done to us. Every country, almost every country in the world was ripping us off.

TERRY MORAN: But I --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: They're not doing that anymore.

TERRY MORAN: I want you to think about the boom that this country has had in small businesses, mom-and-pops -- Etsy stores, small businesses that became --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Really? They haven't had a boom --

TERRY MORAN: -- big businesses

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- because of inflation.

TERRY MORAN: Well, your boom, what they've done --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: The boom was inflationary boom. The people were wiped out with inflation. I mean, you read the news. You do the business stuff, I assume --

TERRY MORAN: Now they face -- now they -- they -- a lot of 'em built those businesses on the trading model before you --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Yeah, and they're gonna make more money now

TERRY MORAN: They source their products overseas. And now they're looking at an extinction event --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I've been here.

TERRY MORAN: They're -- they're -- it's disaster for them.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I've been here for three months. I've taken a trade deficit down to a number that's very, very -- starting to get really good. I only -- I just got here. We had a country that -- it was not sustainable. What Biden did to this country, between -- the open borders where criminals poured into our country, between every country in the world ripping us off on trade, it was not sustainable.

TERRY MORAN: So your message to those small businesses who are saying, "We can't live a month, two months with these tariffs," Apple got a big deal. Is there something for them?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: No, no. Not only Apple. We've got $7-8 trillion being invested in our country in two months. Biden didn't have that over a year. I mean, if you look at Biden, nobody was really investing in this country. Everybody was ripping off our country. Apple's putting up $500 billion, but that's only one of many companies. Companies are flooding into our country right now.

TERRY MORAN: So your answer to the concern about the tariffs is, "Everything's gonna be hunky-dory?"

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Everybody's gonna be just fine. It wouldn't have been if I didn't do this. I had a choice. I could leave it, have a nice, easy time. But I think ultimately you would've had an implosion. Our country had inflation that was worse than they've ever had it before.

You don't mention that. Why don't you mention that? We had the worst inflation probably in the history of our country. People say 48 years, probably in the history of our country we had the worst inflation. And people were dying over the inflation. You know that. Now the grocery prices are coming down. The energy prices are coming down. Gasoline's coming down. It's all heading in the right direction.

TERRY MORAN: Okay. Let's move on to immigration. And as you said, it is an undeniable fact that illegal crossings at the southern border have plummeted, a staggering decline. But there are questions about your methods, and so I want to ask you --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: About my message?

TERRY MORAN: Methods. About your methods, how you're accomplishing this --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, they seem to work.

TERRY MORAN: Do you acknowledge that under our law every single person who gets deported gets a hearing first to make their case?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, are we talking about people that are citizens of our country or not?

TERRY MORAN: No, you're not deporting citizens, at this point.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, lemme ask you. Do they get hearings when -- when Biden allowed 21 million -- 'cause I think the number's 21, 20 million -- people to flow into our country? He had 21 million people that came into our country through a stupid open border.

And they were prisoners and they were -- people that you don't want, in many cases, in our country, right? They came from all over the world. They came from the Congo. They came from south -- they came from all over the world. We're talkin' about some of the roughest countries in the world -- they had -- they had here, including terrorists, by the way. Now --

TERRY MORAN: But the law --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Did we give them a hearing when they came in?

TERRY MORAN: Well, the law requires that every single person who is going to be deported gets a hearing first.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well --

TERRY MORAN: Do you acknowledge that?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I'll -- I'll have to ask the lawyers about that. All I can say is this: If you're gonna have 21 million people, and if we have to get a lot of 'em out because they're criminals, we're gonna have to act fast. We can't -- do you think we can give 21 million trials? Let's say each trial takes two weeks. Is that what you want us to do --

TERRY MORAN: The law is the law, sir --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- give 21 million?

TERRY MORAN: The law is the law and you're sworn --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: No, no. The law doesn't say anything --

TERRY MORAN: -- to uphold it --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- about trials

TERRY MORAN: No, not trials. Hearings. I said hearings --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: If these people came in, they're not citizens, they came in illegally, they came into our country illegally, we have to --

TERRY MORAN: And they --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- get them out.

TERRY MORAN: There's a legal process for that.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I can't -- sure, and we follow the legal process. I can't -- I can't have a trial-- a major trial-- for every person that came in illegally, we have thousands of murderers that came in. They're gonna murder people. They already have murdered people in our country.

TERRY MORAN: Right, so --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: We have to get 'em out--

TERRY MORAN: They're bad guys --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And we have to get 'em out fast.

TERRY MORAN: Really bad guys. But in our country even bad guys get due process, right?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: If people come into our country illegally there's a different standard. These are illegal. They came in illegally.

TERRY MORAN: But they get due process.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, they get a process where we have to get 'em out, yeah.

TERRY MORAN: Okay. Let's talk about the Venezuelans.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: They get whatever my lawyers say.

TERRY MORAN: Right. Alright, let's talk about the Venezuelans. You deported more than 200 Venezuelans to that prison in El Salvador. You -- you say they're -- they're violent. They're gang members. They're terrorists. Many of them don't have -- a criminal record --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: They are, by the way.

TERRY MORAN: -- at all.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well -- I'm not so sure about that, if you take a look --

TERRY MORAN: I wanna -- I wanna read you something --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: When you -- excuse me. When you look at those -- those people, they were violent people. They were violent people --

TERRY MORAN: But many of them don't have a criminal record at this point --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Go ahead.

TERRY MORAN: I wanna read you something --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I mean, that's what you say.

TERRY MORAN: Well, it's based on -- their lawyer-- what their lawyers have said --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Go ahead. Go ahead.

TERRY MORAN: Joe Rogan said this. Joe Rogan, one of the leading podcasters, Trump supporter, about the deportation of Venezuelans. He said, quote, "Rounding up gang members and shipping them to El Salvador with no due process," he said it was dangerous and added, quote, "We gotta be careful that we don't become monsters while we're fighting monsters." I -- is Joe Rogan --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I agree with that.

TERRY MORAN: -- right?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Oh, I agree with that a hundred percent, yeah. We want to be careful. We are careful. We're doing something that has to be done. We have a country that's very sick. Joe Biden -- and it's not him, because I don't even think he knew what the hell was happening.

But the people around him are vicious people. And what they've done to the country is unbelievable. They've allowed 21 million people to pour into our country. Many of these people are criminals. They've allowed the -- you mention Venezuela -- the jails of Venezuela to be emptied into the United States.

Do you know Venezuela crime is way down? Way, way down. You know why? Because their criminals are now living happily in the United States of America, and we're getting 'em out. And I was elected to get 'em out, and we're getting 'em out --

TERRY MORAN: Under the law, it sounds like --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- getting them out fast, and we're getting them out legally. Now in some cases, we have judges. In some cases, they're radical left judges. What happened the other day, where a judge was protecting a criminal, was horrible.

TERRY MORAN: Mmm.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And I think she's got big problems, frankly --

TERRY MORAN: Probably. And talk about --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And there are a couple of them like that.

TERRY MORAN: I want to talk about one man --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Wait a minute.

TERRY MORAN: Yep.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: We have to be treated fairly by judges. And we're not being treated fairly by all judges.

TERRY MORAN: Oh, that's a subject its -- so you're saying that you don't like some of the rulings, some of the --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, I think --

TERRY MORAN: -- court orders?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I think the rulings will be overturned, yeah.

TERRY MORAN: Alright. Well, let me ask about one man and one court order. Kilmar Abrego Garcia. He's the Salvadoran man who crossed into this country illegally but who is under a protective order that he not be sent back to El Salvador. Your government sent him back to El Salvador and acknowledged in court that was a mistake. And now the Supreme Court has upheld an order that you must return him to the -- facilitate his return to the United States. What are you doing to comply?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, the lawyer that said it was a mistake was here a long time, was not appointed by us -- should not have said that, should not have said that. And just so you understand --

TERRY MORAN: Said it in court. Said it in court --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- the person that you're talkin' about, you know, you're makin' this person sound -- this is a MS-13 gang member, a tough cookie, been in lots of skirmishes, beat the hell out of his wife, and the wife was petrified to even talk about him, okay? This is not an innocent, wonderful gentleman from Maryland --

TERRY MORAN: I'm not saying he's a good guy. It's about the rule of law. The order from the Supreme Court stands, sir --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: He came into our country illegally.

TERRY MORAN: You could get him back. There's a phone on this desk.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I could.

TERRY MORAN: You could pick it up, and with all --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I could

TERRY MORAN: -- the power of the presidency, you could call up the president of El Salvador and say, "Send him back," right now.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And if he were the gentleman that you say he is, I would do that.

TERRY MORAN: But the court has ordered you --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: But he's not.

TERRY MORAN: -- to facilitate that -- his release--

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I'm not the one making this decision. We have lawyers that don't want --

TERRY MORAN: You're the president.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- to do this, Terry --

TERRY MORAN: Yeah, but the -- but the buck stops in this office --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I -- no, no, no, no. I follow the law. You want me to follow the law.
If I were the president that just wanted to do anything, I'd probably keep him right where he is --

If I were the president that just wanted to do anything, I'd probably keep him right where he is --


TERRY MORAN: The Supreme Court says what the law is.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Listen. I was elected to take care of a problem that was -- it was -- a, a unforced error that was made by a very incompetent man, a man that turned out to be incompetent that you always said was wonderful, a great genius, right? And now you find out -- all of the media, now they're saying what a mistake they made. A man who was grossly incompetent allowed us to have open borders where millions of people flowed in --

TERRY MORAN: Alright.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I campaigned on that issue. I wouldn't say it was my number one issue, but it was pretty close.

TERRY MORAN: Right up there.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I campaigned on that issue. I've done an amazing job. I have closed borders. He said you couldn't do it, you wouldn't be able to do it, it would never happen. Well, it happened. And it happened --

TERRY MORAN: Alright.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- very quickly. Wait a minute. When we have criminals, murderers, criminals in this country, we have to get 'em out. And we're doing it.

TERRY MORAN: By law --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And you'll pick out one man, but even the man that you picked out --

TERRY MORAN: He's got --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- he said he'd -- wasn't a member of a gang. And then they looked, and --

TERRY MORAN: Alright.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: On his knuckles -- he had MS-13 --

TERRY MORAN: Alright. There's dis -- there's a dispute over that --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, wait a minute. Wait a minute. He had MS-13 --

TERRY MORAN: Well --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- on his knuckles tattooed.

TERRY MORAN: -- he -- he -- he -- it didn't say-- oh, he had some tattoos that are inper -- interpreted that way. But let's move on

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Wait a minute.

TERRY MORAN: I want --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Hey, Terry. Terry. Terry.

TERRY MORAN: He -- he did not have the letter --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Don't do that -- M-S-1-3 -- It says M-S-one-three.

TERRY MORAN: I -- that was Photoshop. So let me just--

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: That was Photoshop? Terry, you can't do that -- he had --

-- he-- hey, they're givin' you the big break of a lifetime. You know, you're doin' the interview. I picked you because -- frankly I never heard of you, but that's okay --

TERRY MORAN: This -- I knew this would come --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: But I picked you -- Terry -- but you're not being very nice. He had MS-13 tattooed --

TERRY MORAN: Alright. Alright. We'll agree to disagree. I want to move on --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Terry.

TERRY MORAN: -- to something else.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Terry. Do you want me to show the picture?

TERRY MORAN: I saw the picture. We'll -- we'll -- we'll agree to disagree --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Oh, and you think it was Photoshop. Well --

TERRY MORAN: Here we go. Here we go.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- don't Photoshop it. Go look --

TERRY MORAN: Alright.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- at his hand. He had MS-13 --

TERRY MORAN: Fair enough, he did have tattoos that can be interpreted that way. I'm not an expert on them.

I want to turn to Ukraine, sir --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: No, no. Terry --

TERRY MORAN: I-- I want to get to Ukraine--

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Terry, no, no. No, no. He had MS as clear as you can be. Not "interpreted." This is why people --

TERRY MORAN: Alright.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- no longer believe --

TERRY MORAN: Well.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- the news, because it's fake news --

TERRY MORAN: When he was photographed in El Sal -- in-- in El Salvador, they aren't there. But let's just go on --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: He is --

TERRY MORAN: They aren't there when he's in El Salvador.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: --there -- oh, oh, they weren't there --

TERRY MORAN: Take a look at the photograph --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: But they're there now, right?

TERRY MORAN: No. What --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: But they're there now?

TERRY MORAN: They're in your picture.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Terry.

TERRY MORAN: Ukraine, sir.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: He's got MS-13 on his knuckles.

TERRY MORAN: Alright. I --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Okay?

TERRY MORAN: -- we'll -- we'll take a look at it --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: It's -- it's -- you do such a disservice --

TERRY MORAN: We'll take a look. We'll take a look at that, sir --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Why don't you just say, "Yes, he does," and, you know, go on to something else --

TERRY MORAN: It's contested. Ukraine. I want to turn -- I was just in Rome, and to that moving photograph of you and President Zelenskyy sitting in St. Peter's Basilica --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Yeah.


TERRY MORAN: -- talking peace. It went around the world.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Sure.

TERRY MORAN: Take us into that moment.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, look, the Ukraine is a very serious, very tough situation. And this is Biden's war. This is not my war. But I want to see if I can solve it, because probably close to 5,000 young soldiers a week are being killed, Russian and Ukrainian. We also spend a tremendous amount of money in Ukraine, and Europe should be spending much more than us. They're not. They're spending much less. It's been badly handled by the Biden administration. It's been badly handled all the way around, all the way around --

TERRY MORAN: But that -- that moment.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: The moment was a moment of solace in a sense, because -- tremendous numbers of people are dying. A lot of his people are dying. They're being killed. And I feel very badly about it. I feel very badly about -- that's a war that would have never happened if I were president, and it didn't happen for four years. It was never even a thought of it happening.

TERRY MORAN: It -- it does feel like something's happening. After that meeting with Zelenskyy in St. Peter's, you posted this on social media. "There was no reason for Putin to be shooting missiles into civilian areas, in cities and towns, over the last few days. It makes me think that maybe" --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Yeah, well, that was part of my post. But you're right. That was -- that was part of a post, yes --

TERRY MORAN: And it says, "It makes me think that maybe he doesn't want to stop the war. He's just tapping me along--"

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: It's possible. Yeah, that's possible. Sure.

TERRY MORAN: "He might be --"

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: He could be tapping me along a little bit. I would say that he would like to stop the war. I think that --

TERRY MORAN: You believe that?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- if -- if it weren't for me, I think he'd want to take over the whole country, personally. I always felt -- so when I left, there wasn't even a chance that this would happen. When Biden got involved, I won't say whether or not he handled it properly, but obviously it wasn't good, because the war started.

Putin went in. The war started. I believe that Putin wanted to get all of Ukraine once he went in. And I think part of the reason he went in is he saw what happened in Afghanistan, how incompetent -- how incompetently Milley and all these guys handled that. It was one of the greatest embarrassments of -- of our lifetimes but maybe in the history of our country. Okay. So Putin went in. I think Putin wanted all of Ukraine.

TERRY MORAN: Right.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I think if I didn't win the election, he would have gotten all of Ukraine. I think he would have taken all of Ukraine.

TERRY MORAN: From --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I think his first choice -- never with me. He would have never gone in. With this group of losers, he went in. He saw what happened in Afghanistan. He said, "Wow, this is my chance," because it was always the apple of his eye. I talked to him. Ukraine was the apple of his eye. I think he wanted the whole country.

TERRY MORAN: You've said for months that --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And because of me, I do believe that --

TERRY MORAN: Yeah. Yeah.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- he's willing to stop the fighting. Don't forget --

TERRY MORAN: You think he wants peace?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- this is --

TERRY MORAN: You think Vladimir Putin wants peace?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I think he does, yes. I think he does--

TERRY MORAN: Still?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I think because of me --

TERRY MORAN: Even with the raining missiles on --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I think he really -- his -- his -- his dream was to take over the whole country. I think because of me, he's not gonna do that.

TERRY MORAN: Do you trust him?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I think --

TERRY MORAN: Do you trust him?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I don't trust you. I don't trust -- I don't trust a lot of people. I don't trust you. Look at you. You come in all shootin' for bear. You're so happy to do the interview.

TERRY MORAN: I am happy --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And then you start hitting me with fake questions. You start tellin' me that a guy -- whose hand is covered with a tattoo --

TERRY MORAN: Alright. We're back to that.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- doesn't have the tattoo, you know.

TERRY MORAN: Alright.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I mean, you're being dishonest.

TERRY MORAN: No, I'm not --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Let -- let-- let me just tell you --

TERRY MORAN: No, I am not, sir.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Do I trust -- I don't trust a lot of people. But I do think this. I think that he -- let's say he respects me. And I believe because of me he's not gonna take over the whole -- but his decision, his choice would be to take over all of Ukraine.

TERRY MORAN: Okay.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: It's a war that never should have happened. It did happen because of incompetent people --

TERRY MORAN: Last question on this.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: But it never should have happened.

TERRY MORAN: If there's no peace deal, will the U.S. cut off military aid to Ukraine?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I don't want to tell you that. I'm not gonna tell you whether or not I would or not --

TERRY MORAN: That sounds --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I want to leave that as a big, fat secret, because I don't want to ruin a negotiation. But --

TERRY MORAN: I'd be worried if I were Ukraine.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- I will tell you I was not happy when I saw Putin shooting missiles into a few towns and cities. And -- that was not something that I liked seeing, and I thought it was inappropriate. But I think the whole war is inappropriate.

TERRY MORAN: Okay.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Again, it's a war that shouldn't have happened. This war is a war that if the election weren't rigged -- and it was totally rigged, the 2020 election -- if it weren't rigged, you wouldn't have that. You wouldn't have had the embarrassment --

TERRY MORAN: Okay.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- of Afghanistan.

TERRY MORAN: Got it.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: You wouldn't have October 7th with Is --

TERRY MORAN: Got it.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: --Israel. You wouldn't have had any of the problems that you have right now --

TERRY MORAN: Thank you. I want to ask one question --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And you wouldn't have had inflation either.

TERRY MORAN: Alright. I want to ask one question about Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. There's a lot of turmoil -- at the -- at the Pentagon right now. There's the Signal chat with his wife on it where he's discussing that attack in Yemen. There's another Signal chat -- discussing the attack on Yemen.

There's a reporter accidentally involved. You said the other day that you had a talk with the secretary. Did you take him to the woodshed?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I had a talk with him, and whatever I said I probably wouldn't be inclined to tell you. Bu t-- we had a good talk. He's a talented guy. He's young. He's smart, highly educated. And I think he's gonna be a very good defense -- hopefully a great defense secretary, but he'll be a very good defense secretary --

TERRY MORAN: You have a hundred percent confidence in Pete Hegseth?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I don't have -- a hundred percent confidence in anything, okay? Anything. Do I have a hundred percent? It's a stupid question. Look --

TERRY MORAN: It's a pretty important position.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- I have -- no, no, no. You don't have a hundred percent. Only a liar would say, "I have a hundred percent confidence." I don't have a hundred percent confidence that we're gonna finish this interview.

TERRY MORAN: We will.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Let's go.

TERRY MORAN: Elon Musk and DOGE. Everyone knows that there's wasteful government spending. It's really important. But the cuts have had some serious consequences. There have been cuts to foreign aid programs that save lives and keep people alive overseas. There's been research at the National Institutes of Health on cancer, on Alzheimer's that has had to be stopped. And- - the question I think people have is: Did DOGE go too far, too fast, too recklessly?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: No, I think DOGE has been, look, saved $150 billion. Billion. We saved -- that's a lot of money. There's also a lot of things right now under investigation, which is gonna increase that amount by a lot. And that's a tremendous amount of money. There were some things where when I heard about 'em I -- I put 'em back, as you know. There are things that I'm considering right now putting back. But overall, we've saved hundreds of billions of dollars of --

TERRY MORAN: Well, the original promise was $2 trillion, went to $1 trillion. Now, it's $150 billion --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, I don't know --

TERRY MORAN: -- and heading south.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: You don't know what it's gonna be because we have things that are very -- at a very high level that are being looked at right now. We also found tremendous waste, fraud, and abuse, as you know.

We found a lot of fraud. There was a lot of fraud. Fraudulent things were taking place, and we ended that, and those people are gonna be suffering --

TERRY MORAN: Just --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- because of it.

TERRY MORAN: -- a legal note. Fraud is a crime. There have been no referrals to the Justice Department on any of this --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, you don't know that, do you? How do you know that?

TERRY MORAN: Have there been referrals --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: How do you know that --

TERRY MORAN: -- to the -- are there criminal referrals --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Why -- how would you know that, that there were no referrals? I think there--

TERRY MORAN: There's -- there's --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- were referrals.

TERRY MORAN: They generally -- alright. There's been no investigation from the Justice Department --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: How do you know that?

TERRY MORAN: I'm asking you, sir.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: No, you're not askin' me. You made a statement. You're not asking me --

TERRY MORAN: Now, I'm asking you.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: That was a statement that you made. There have been --

TERRY MORAN: Now, I'm asking.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Have there been? Yes, there have.

TERRY MORAN: So there have been referrals for fraud from the work of DOGE?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Of course there have been. Take a look at some of these things --

TERRY MORAN: Alright. Alright.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- that took place. Millions of dollars were given to people for no reason whatsoever. Of course there have been.

TERRY MORAN: I want to bring up -- what is truly one of -- to a lot of people, one of the biggest achievements of your first term. That is Operation Warp Speed. You got that COVID vaccine up and going --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: That's right.

TERRY MORAN: -- and distributed. And a lotta people took it, and a lotta people that feel their lives have been saved by it. Now, we have this measles outbreak, biggest in a decade -- in Texas, and it's because people aren't getting their children vaccinated. Do you recommend to parents that they get their children vaccinated for measles?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, I recommend the governors to make the decisions. You have a very talented governor of Texas, and he's making decisions, and those decisions are gonna be made rapidly. This is a very much different thing than COVID in terms of rap -- rapidity and speed and other things.

Measles have been with us a long time. And I'm not saying good, bad, or indifferent. I'm just saying that -- the governors are making the decision. It's a federalist decision --

TERRY MORAN: So you're -- the president is -- is our leader in so many ways, and your voice counts so much. And you can't tell moms and dads, you know, it's a good thing --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Oh, sure. I rec --

TERRY MORAN: -- to get a measles vaccine?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Do I recommend it?

TERRY MORAN: Yes.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Yes, I do. I recommend it. Yeah.

TERRY MORAN: Got it. That was my question --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Do I mandate it? No.

TERRY MORAN: No. No, I didn't ask --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: But I do recommend it, yes --

TERRY MORAN: Good. Do you think your --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And I have recommended it.

TERRY MORAN: Do you think the secretary of Health and Human Services, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who has a history of at the very least vaccine skepticism -- do you think Kennedy recommends the measles vaccines?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: He did. He did. He recommended it. Yeah, he did. He recommended it --

TERRY MORAN: Are you satisfied with his --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Yeah, I mean, he --

TERRY MORAN: -- response on this?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- recommended that they go out and get the vaccine. Yeah.

TERRY MORAN: Okay. I want to talk a little bit about presidential power, the powers that you have in the presidency- - temporarily that the American people ha -- have given you, right? You've revoked a lot of people's security clearances. You've revoked people's security details who are -- still threatened, you know, with death threats. You've gone after law firms because they've employed people you don't like or they have represented people that you don't like --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well, they obviously agreed because they paid me a lotta money.

TERRY MORAN: Well, the reason they agreed is because you were threatening to destroy their business with your executive order that said, "You can't represent clients before the federal government." That's--

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Well -- These are big --

TERRY MORAN: That's their bread and butter --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: These are big boys. These are big -- these are the biggest, most powerful lawyers. These are not people that --

TERRY MORAN: You got a lotta leverage as president --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: -- are easily intimidated.

TERRY MORAN: As president, you've got all the cards.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And they paid hundreds of millions of dollars because they felt -- I guess they probably felt they did something wrong, you know --

TERRY MORAN: It was for survival, sir. You --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: No, it isn't. These --

TERRY MORAN: You were crushing their business --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: These -- these firms are very powerful firms, and there's 15 of them. And these are firms that -- probably-- look, you have to ask them. In fact, this is a separate story. You have to ask them, "Why did you all pay Trump hundreds of millions of dollars in services, et cetera? Why did you do that?" I don't know.

TERRY MORAN: You don't think that factored --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: We -- we -- we have a clause in the thing that, "While we admit no wrongdoing." But, you know, it's like one of those things. And now I'm friendly with those firms. But it's -- you know, these are the most powerful firms in the world.

And they just signed whatever I put in front of 'em. I've never seen anything like it. I'm-- I'm actually surprised myself in a certain way. But they obviously felt they probably did something wrong. I guess that's why they signed.

TERRY MORAN: I guess the question out of that is the concern that people have: Are -- are you using your powers as president to get personal revenge?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: No. I'll tell you what -- I tell you what you sh -- not -- you're really not asking and you should be asking. There has never been a president in this country in the history that was persecuted like I was persecuted by really crooked people. Dishonest, horrible people. And it's been proven.

So when you say I'm treating people rough, I'm not treating people rough. I was treated worse than any president in the history of our country. And, you know, people figured, "Well, maybe that's it. Finally we got-- you know, he's leaving town. There goes the helicopter."

And then I came back. And -- I came back because I have tremendous support. You know, when you win an election like I won it -- and you will admit: I won all seven swing states. I won the popular vote. I won -- 700 of -- let's say 2,750 districts compared to 500 districts. That's why the map is all red. And those people feel that I was treated unfairly.

TERRY MORAN: But does that give you the right to go after your political opponents with the powers of this office --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I don't go after -- I don't go -- I'm going after -- all I'm doing -- hey, Biden did something to me --

TERRY MORAN: So --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: --a nd I did something to Biden. And you know why I did it? 'Cause he's grossly incompetent. That's not a man that should be allowed to, you know, be lookin' at things that are very confidential.

TERRY MORAN: But what about --71 people you've revoked their --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Here's a man that used an autopen to sign very important documents. Now, who really is -- do -- do you think he knew what -- that they were using an autopen? I mean, he used an autopen to sign very, very important documents. And so those are really the questions you should be asking: "What do you think of the autopen? Who wielded the autopen?" Because -- whoever that person was, think of it. Whoever the person that wielded the autopen, he was really the president of the United States.

TERRY MORAN: You are the president, right.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I don't think that Biden knew anything about it --

TERRY MORAN: Okay, fair enough. But you are the president now. And I'm asking the justification for going after people you don't like.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Uh. No, no.

TERRY MORAN: That is the --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: People that I think are dishonest. It's not that I don't -- I don't even know most of 'em. They're people that I think are dis --

TERRY MORAN: These are people that made you angry.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: No-- it's not anger. These are people that I think are very dishonest. I don't think they're worthy of being able to go into top-secret information. I think that's fine. And Biden did that with many of our people. But when you look at it -- these are people that I don't think are worthy. That's my decision. It's not a question of anger.

TERRY MORAN: Okay. I understand you just had a phone call with the new Canadian premier. And they just had this election. You were a big issue in it. And Canadians, many of them, are really angry, furious, about your talk about, "We're gonna take over Canada. It's gonna become the 51st state--"

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: That’s their prerogative.

TERRY MORAN: And it kind of is of a piece -- a lotta -- travel is down into the United States from around the world.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: We're doing great --

TERRY MORAN: Feels like there's been reputational damage --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: The country's doing great.

TERRY MORAN: Well --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Prices are down.

TERRY MORAN: Not the tourism industry --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Gasoline's down. Energy's down. Tourism is gonna be way up. Wait till you see the numbers. The tourism is way up.

TERRY MORAN: Not now.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Now, Canada -- oh, sure -- tourism's doing very well. We're doing very well. We're doing very well. Wait till you see the real numbers come out in about -- in six months from now wait till you see the numbers.

TERRY MORAN: But do you think --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: They're gonna be very good --

TERRY MORAN: I'm gonna ask -- if I may, do you think the reputation of the United States has gone down under your presidency?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: I -- no, I think it's gone way up, and I think we're a respected country again. We were laughed at all over the world. We had -- a president that couldn't walk up a flight of stairs, couldn't walk down a flight of stairs, couldn't walk across a stage without falling. We had a president that was grossly incompetent. You knew it, I knew it, and everybody knew it. But you guys didn't want to write it because you're fake news.

TERRY MORAN: Alright. Thank you --

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: And, by the way, ABC is one of the worst. I have to be honest with you --

TERRY MORAN: Okay. Thank you for the opinion. But more importantly, thank you for having us here. I have one more question.

It's a big one. It's a question that you know a lot of people have out there. What do you say to people who are concerned you are taking, seizing too much power and becoming an authoritarian president like we haven't had before?

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: No, I -- I would hate them to think that. I'm doing one thing: I'm makin' America great again. We have a country that was failing. We have a country that was laughed at all over the world. We had a leader that was grossly incompetent. He should have never been there.

The election was rigged. He shoulda never been there. Our country suffered greatly, and now our country's coming back like nobody can believe. I have editorials just today where they're saying they've never seen anything like it. They love it. Our country's coming back, and we're respected again.

TERRY MORAN: Mr. President, thank you.

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: Thank you, Terry, very much.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 37503
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Anti-Anti-Nazi Barbarian Hordes are Knocking Down the Ga

Postby admin » Thu May 01, 2025 7:51 pm

Federal Judge Strikes Down Trump’s Use of Alien Enemies Act to Deport Venezuelans. The ruling, which is limited to the Southern District of Texas, prohibited the administration from using the wartime law because the president’s claims about a Venezuelan gang do not add up to an “invasion.”
by Alan Feuer, Mattathias Schwartz, and Charlie Savage
The New York Times
May 1, 2025
Updated 3:26 p.m. ET
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/01/us/t ... s-act.html

NOTICE: THIS WORK MAY BE PROTECTED BY COPYRIGHT

YOU ARE REQUIRED TO READ THE COPYRIGHT NOTICE AT THIS LINK BEFORE YOU READ THE FOLLOWING WORK, THAT IS AVAILABLE SOLELY FOR PRIVATE STUDY, SCHOLARSHIP OR RESEARCH PURSUANT TO 17 U.S.C. SECTION 107 AND 108. IN THE EVENT THAT THE LIBRARY DETERMINES THAT UNLAWFUL COPYING OF THIS WORK HAS OCCURRED, THE LIBRARY HAS THE RIGHT TO BLOCK THE I.P. ADDRESS AT WHICH THE UNLAWFUL COPYING APPEARED TO HAVE OCCURRED. THANK YOU FOR RESPECTING THE RIGHTS OF COPYRIGHT OWNERS.


Image


[x]
A flight carrying migrants deported from the United States arriving in Venezuela in March.Credit...Adriana Loureiro Fernandez for The New York Times

A federal judge on Thursday permanently barred the Trump administration from invoking the Alien Enemies Act, an 18th-century wartime law, to deport Venezuelans it has deemed to be criminals from the Southern District of Texas, saying that the White House’s use of the statute was illegal.

The decision by the judge, Fernando Rodriguez Jr., was the most expansive ruling yet by any of the numerous jurists who are currently hearing challenges to the White House’s efforts to employ the powerful but rarely invoked law as part of its wide-ranging deportation plans.

The 36-page ruling by Judge Rodriguez, a President Trump appointee, amounted to a philosophical rejection of the White House’s attempts to transpose the Alien Enemies Act, which was passed in 1798 as the nascent United States was threatened by war with France, into the context of modern-day immigration policy.

The Supreme Court has already said that any Venezuelans the White House wants to expel under Mr. Trump’s proclamation invoking the act must be given a chance to challenge their removal. But Judge Rodriguez’s ruling went further, saying that the White House had improperly stretched the meaning of the law, which is supposed to be used only against members of a hostile foreign nation in times of declared war or during a military invasion.

While Judge Rodriguez’s decision applied only to Venezuelan immigrants in the Southern District of Texas — which includes cities like Houston, Brownsville and Laredo — it could have an effect, if not a binding one, on some of the other cases involving the administration’s use of the Alien Enemies Act.

“The court concludes that as a matter of law, the executive branch cannot rely on the A.E.A., based on the proclamation, to detain the named petitioners and the certified class, or to remove them from the country,” Judge Rodriguez wrote.

He also found that the “plain ordinary meaning” of the act’s language, like “invasion” and “predatory incursion,” referred to an attack by “military forces” and did not line up with Mr. Trump’s claims about the activities of Tren de Aragua, a Venezuelan street gang, in a proclamation invoking the Alien Enemies Act.


The American Civil Liberties Union has so far filed at least eight lawsuits challenging the statute in Texas, New York, Colorado, Pennsylvania, Nevada, Washington and Georgia. Federal judges in six of those cases have issued provisional orders stopping the administration from using it to expel Venezuelans accused of belonging to Tren de Aragua to a prison in El Salvador.

Lee Gelernt, the A.C.L.U.’s lead lawyer in the cases, praised the ruling by Judge Rodriguez.

“This decision correctly recognized that the president cannot simply declare there’s an invasion and invoke a wartime authority during peacetime,” Mr. Gelernt said. “As the court recognized, Congress never intended this law to be used in this manner.”

The White House did not immediately respond to a message seeking comment.

Early in his decision, Judge Rodriguez rebuffed an argument by the Justice Department that he lacked the authority to even consider the White House’s use of the act, which has only been used three times in U.S. history: during the War of 1812 and during World Wars I and II.

Department lawyers have consistently maintained that even judges have no power to intrude on the president’s decisions in matters of foreign policy. And while Judge Rodriguez acknowledged that the Alien Enemies Act gives the president “broad powers,” he also said that judges still have the ability to determine whether presidents were using the law correctly.

“The court retains the authority to construe the A.E.A.’s terms and determine whether the announced basis for the proclamation properly invokes the statute,” he wrote.


Notably, however, the judge disclaimed authority to examine the truth of Mr. Trump’s underlying statements, including his assertion that Tren de Aragua is controlled by the Venezuelan government — a claim that U.S. intelligence agencies disagree with. The judge said that because such assessments were for the political branches to determine, he had to accept Mr. Trump’s findings at face value.

Still, Judge Rodriguez determined that Mr. Trump’s use of the law did not comport with the definitions of key terms in the act. He rejected, for example, the president’s claims that the arrival of large numbers of Tren de Aragua members to the United States could be construed as an invasion or what the act refers to as a “predatory incursion.”

“In the significant majority of the records, the use of ‘invasion’ and ‘predatory incursion’ referred to an attack by military forces,” Judge Rodriguez wrote, adding that those terms “involve an organized, armed force entering the United States to engage in conduct destructive of property and human life in a specific geographical area.”


Judge Rodriguez, 56, was the first Latino Mr. Trump nominated to the federal bench during his first term. He was a partner at the powerful Houston law firm Baker Botts, and for years worked in Latin America with International Justice Mission, an evangelical Christian group that fights human trafficking.

Judge Rodriguez’s order applies to a class of plaintiffs. That means that unless Thursday’s ruling is overturned on appeal, the government will be barred from detaining or removing anyone from his district using Mr. Trump’s invocation of the Alien Enemies Act.

While the A.C.L.U. has largely been successful in stopping the Trump administration from continuing to deport people under the act, it has not yet been able to bring back to the United States the first batch of nearly 140 Venezuelans who were removed under the law to El Salvador on March 15.

Those men remain in the custody of jailers at a notorious prison known as the Terrorism Confinement Center, or CECOT.

Last week, lawyers for the American Civil Liberties Union asked Judge James E. Boasberg, the chief judge in Federal District Court in Washington, to order the administration to return those men to U.S. soil so they could get the due process they would have received if they had not been rushed out of the country.

In seeking to persuade Judge Boasberg that he had the authority to tell the White House to bring the men back, the lawyers cited a Supreme Court ruling in the case of another immigrant deported to El Salvador, Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia.

In that decision, the justices said the White House needed to “facilitate” the release from Salvadoran custody of Mr. Abrego Garcia, who Trump officials have repeatedly admitted was wrongly sent to El Salvador on the same group of three planes that transported the Venezuelan men.

The Justice Department was expected by the end of Thursday to file court papers opposing the A.C.L.U.’s request to bring the men back from El Salvador.

Alan Feuer covers extremism and political violence for The Times, focusing on the criminal cases involving the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol and against former President Donald J. Trump.

Charlie Savage writes about national security and legal policy for The Times.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 37503
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Anti-Anti-Nazi Barbarian Hordes are Knocking Down the Ga

Postby admin » Thu May 01, 2025 8:04 pm

Part 1 of 2

Image


J.A.V. v. Trump (1:25-cv-00072)
District Court, S.D. Texas
Last Updated: May 1, 2025, 2:39 p.m.
Assigned To: Fernando Rodriguez Jr.
https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/69 ... v-v-trump/

https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap ... 58.0_1.pdf

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF TEXAS
BROWNSVILLE DIVISION

J.A.V., et al.,

Petitioners,

vs.

DONALD J. TRUMP, et al.,

Respondents.

CIVIL ACTION NO. 1:25-CV-072

ORDER AND OPINION

On March 15, 2025, President Donald Trump issued a Proclamation invoking the Alien Enemies Act (“AEA”), 50 U.S.C. § 21, and declaring that Tren de Aragua, a “designated Foreign Terrorist Organization[,] . . . is perpetrating, attempting, and threatening an invasion or predatory incursion against the territory of the United States.” Under the authority of the AEA, the President proclaimed that “all Venezuelan citizens 14 years of age or older who are members of TdA, are within the United States, and are not actually naturalized or lawful permanent residents of the United States are liable to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and removed as Alien Enemies.”

Petitioners J.A.V., J.G.G., and W.G.H. are natives of Venezuela currently detained at the El Valle Detention Center in Raymondville, Texas. They bring this action under 28 U.S.C. § 2241, alleging that by seeking to remove them from the United States based on the Proclamation, Respondents do so unlawfully and in violation of their due process rights under the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution. Petitioners challenge that the President can invoke the AEA under the alleged circumstances, and also deny that they are members of TdA. They bring suit individually and as representatives of a class of persons within the Southern District of Texas whom the Respondents will seek to remove based on the Proclamation and the AEA. Petitioners seek a permanent injunction barring the Respondents from employing the AEA to remove them.


Neither the Court nor the parties question the Executive Branch’s authority and responsibility to enforce federal laws and, along with local law enforcement agencies, to protect the nation’s population. Neither the Court nor the parties question that the Executive Branch can direct the detention and removal of aliens who engage in criminal activity in the United States. The Executive Branch has and will continue to rely on the Immigration and Nationality Act to remove aliens found to represent a danger to the country. The question that this lawsuit presents is whether the President can utilize a specific statute, the AEA, to detain and remove Venezuelan aliens who are members of TdA. As to that question, the historical record renders clear that the President’s invocation of the AEA through the Proclamation exceeds the scope of the statute and is contrary to the plain, ordinary meaning of the statute’s terms. As a result, the Court concludes that as a matter of law, the Executive Branch cannot rely on the AEA, based on the Proclamation, to detain the Named Petitioners and the certified class, or to remove them from the country.1

I. Background and Procedural History

A. Alien Enemies Act


In 1798, as a possible war with France loomed, the House Committee for the Protection of Commerce and Defense of the Country considered legislation regarding aliens living within the United States, ultimately enacting four laws, including the AEA, now codified at 50 U.S.C. § 21. See 8 Annals of Congress 1566; see also Bas v. Tingy, 4 U.S. 37, 40 (1800) (describing the “imperfect war” between the United States and France); JOHN MEACHAM, THOMAS JEFFERSON: THE ART OF POWER 312 (2012) (describing the laws as “[p]assed in reaction to the war climate”); From John Adams to United States Congress, 19 March 1798, FOUNDERS ONLINE, https://founders.archives.gov/documents ... 02-02-2382 (imploring Congress “to manifest a zeal, vigor, and concert in defense of the national rights proportioned to the danger with which they are threatened”). The AEA stands at the center of this lawsuit, and reads:

Whenever there is a declared war between the United States and any foreign nation or government, or any invasion or predatory incursion is perpetrated, attempted, or threatened against the territory of the United States by any foreign nation or government, and the President makes public proclamation of the event, all natives, citizens, denizens, or subjects of the hostile nation or government, being of the age of fourteen years and upward, who shall be within the United States and not actually naturalized, shall be liable to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and removed as alien enemies. The President is authorized in any such event, by his proclamation thereof, or other public act, to direct the conduct to be observed on the part of the United States, toward the aliens who become so liable; the manner and degree of the restraint to which they shall be subject and in what cases, and upon what security their residence shall be permitted, and to provide for the removal of those who, not being permitted to reside within the United States, refuse or neglect to depart therefrom; and to establish any other regulations which are found necessary in the premises and for the public safety.


50 U.S.C. § 21.

The AEA grants broad powers to the President, who may invoke the statute when a “declared war” exists between the United States and a “foreign nation or government[,]” or when “any invasion or predatory incursion is perpetrated, attempted, or threatened against the territory of the United States by any foreign nation or government.” Id. Under either condition, the President must “make[ ] public proclamation of the event” before exercising his authority under the statute. Id.

Upon the satisfaction of these preconditions, the AEA “confers on the president very great discretionary powers respecting [alien enemies.]” Ludecke v. Watkins, 335 U.S. 160, 164 (1948) (quoting Brown v. U.S., 12 U.S. 110, 126 (1814)). Authorities from the time of the AEA’s promulgation described these powers “as unlimited as the legislature could make it.” Id. (quoting Lockington v. Smith, 15 F. Cas. 758, 760 (C.C.D. Pa. 1817)).

Once properly invoked, the AEA renders “all natives, citizens, denizens, or subjects . . . of the hostile nation or government” and who are at least 14 years old, within the United States, and not actually naturalized, “liable to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and removed as alien enemies.” 50 U.S.C. § 21. The statute authorizes the President “by his proclamation . . . or other public act . . . to direct the conduct [by the United States] toward the aliens who become so liable.” Id. The President can determine “the manner and degree of the restraint to which [the aliens] shall be subject and in what cases, and upon what security their residence shall be permitted.” Id. The President may “provide for the removal of those who, not being permitted to reside within the United States, refuse or neglect to depart therefrom.” Id.

Before this year, Presidents of the United States had invoked the AEA in connection with three wars. First, during the War of 1812, President James Madison issued a proclamation and required subjects of Great Britain and Ireland “to report themselves to the marshal of the state in which such aliens resided.” Lockington, 15 F. Cas. at 759. More than a century later, in 1917 and after the United States had declared war against Germany and entered World War I, President Woodrow Wilson invoked the statute and curtailed the ability of German aliens to own weapons or travel freely, and also provided for their possible confinement. See 40 Stat. 1651, 1716, 1730, 1772. Finally, one day after the attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt made “public proclamation . . . that an invasion has been perpetrated upon the territory of the United States by the Empire of Japan.” 6 Fed. Reg. 6321. The next day, he further proclaimed “that an invasion or predatory incursion is threatened upon the territory of the United States by Germany.” 6 Fed. Reg. 6323; see also 6 Fed. Reg. 6324 (reflecting a simultaneous proclamation as to Italy); 7 Fed. Reg. 5535 (expanding the declaration to aliens from Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria, after Congress declared war on those countries). In July 1945, after the Axis powers in Europe had unconditionally surrendered, President Harry Truman issued an amended proclamation that permitted the removal of Japanese, German, Italian, Bulgarian, Hungarian, and Romanian aliens whom the Attorney General deemed “to be dangerous to the public peace and safety of the United States because they have adhered to the aforesaid enemy governments or to the principles of government thereof [.]” 10 Fed. Reg. 8947.

B. Venezuela and Tren de Aragua

In 2011, President Barack Obama issued an executive order to block property ownership by “transnational criminal organizations.” Blocking Property of Transnational Criminal Organizations, 76 Fed. Reg. 44757 (2011). Based on this executive order, the Treasury Department issued regulations prohibiting United States citizens and businesses from engaging in commerce or otherwise providing material support to designated groups. 31 C.F.R. § 590.201. The regulations, which remain in effect, define a “significant transnational criminal organization” (TCO) as “a group of persons that includes one or more foreign persons; that engages in or facilitates an ongoing pattern of serious criminal activity involving the jurisdictions of at least two foreign states, or one foreign state and the United States; and that threatens the national security, foreign policy, or economy of the United States.” 31 C.F.R. § 590.312. President Obama declared that TCO’s identified in the executive order were “dangerous to the United States,” “increasingly entrenched in the operations of foreign governments,” “facilitat[ed] and aggravate[d] violent civil conflicts and increasingly facilitate[d] the activities of other dangerous persons[,]” and posed “an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security, foreign policy, and economy of the United States[.]” 76 Fed. Reg. 44757. An accompanying annex identified specific TCOs, but did not include TdA.

In 2017, the Treasury Department designated Tareck Zaidan el Aissamu Maddah–the then-vice president of Venezuela – as a foreign narcotics trafficker under the Kingpin Act
, 21 U.S.C. § 1901, and blocked him from possessing property or engaging in transactions within the United States. See Sanctions Actions Pursuant to the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act, 82 Fed. Reg. 11101-01. In 2020, the United States indicted Zaidan el Aissamu and two co-defendants for alleged violations of the imposed sanctions. See United States v. Coro, et al., Criminal Case No. 1:19-cr-00144 (S.D.N.Y. 2020).

In July 2024, the Treasury Department placed TdA on its sanctions list as a significant TCO. See Notice of OFAC Sanctions Actions, 89 Fed. Reg. 57994-01 (referencing President Obama’s Executive Order 13581 of July 24, 2011).

In December 2024, INTERPOL Washington announced the capture in Tennessee of Luis Alejandro Ruiz Godoy, an alleged high-ranking member of TdA. Jeffrey A. Grimming, the then-Acting Director for INTERPOL Washington, commented that “Tren de Aragua has emerged as a significant threat to the United States as it infiltrates migration flows from Venezuela.”2 High Ranking Tren de Aragua Fugitive from Venezuela Arrested in Tennessee Thanks to INTERPOL Collaboration, INTERPOL WASHINGTON, U.S. DEP’T OF JUST. (Dec. 3, 2024), https://www.justice.gov/interpol-washin ... see-thanks.

On March 15, 2025, President Donald Trump issued the Proclamation at issue in this lawsuit. The Proclamation included several statements regarding TdA and the Venezuelan government:

[TdA] is a designated [TCO] with thousands of members, many of whom have unlawfully infiltrated the United States and are conducting irregular warfare and undertaking hostile actions against the United States.

TdA operates in conjunction with Cártel de los Soles, the Nicolas Maduro regime-sponsored, narco-terrorism enterprise based in Venezuela, and commits brutal crimes, including murders, kidnappings, extortions, and human, drug, and weapons trafficking.

TdA has engaged in and continues to engage in mass illegal migration to the United States to further its objectives of harming United States citizens, undermining public safety, and supporting the Maduro regime’s goal of destabilizing democratic nations in the Americas, including the United States.

TdA is closely aligned with, and indeed has infiltrated, the Maduro regime, including its military and law enforcement apparatus.


TdA grew significantly while Tareck El Aissami served as governor of Aragua between 2012 and 2017. In 2017, El Aissami was appointed as Vice President of Venezuela.

Like El Aissami, Nicolas Maduro, who claims to act as Venezuela’s President and asserts control over the security forces and other authorities in Venezuela, also maintains close ties to regime-sponsored narco-terrorists. Maduro leads the regime sponsored enterprise Cártel de los Soles, which coordinates with and relies on TdA and other organizations to carry out its objective of using illegal narcotics as a weapon to “flood” the United States.

Over the years, Venezuelan national and local authorities have ceded ever-greater control over their territories to transnational criminal organizations, including TdA. The result is a hybrid criminal state that is perpetrating an invasion of and predatory incursion into the United States, and which poses a substantial danger to the United States.


Invocation of the Alien Enemies Act Regarding the Invasion of the United States by Tren de Aragua, 90 Fed. Reg. 13033 (“Proclamation”). Based on these statements, the President proclaimed:

I find and declare that TdA is perpetrating, attempting, and threatening an invasion or predatory incursion against the territory of the United States. TdA is undertaking hostile actions and conducting irregular warfare against the territory of the United States both directly and at the direction, clandestine or otherwise, of the Maduro regime in Venezuela.


Id. at 13034.

C. Petitioners

Petitioner J.A.V. is a Venezuelan national who claims that he entered the United States to seek asylum from persecution in Venezuela. In February 2025, ICE agents arrested him at his asylum interview. When questioned, he denied membership in TdA. ICE initially detained J.A.V. in Pennsylvania, but on March 9 transferred him to El Valle Detention Center in Raymondville, Texas. On March 14, J.A.V. was informed that he would be removed within the next two days.

Petitioner J.G.G. is a Venezuelan national who alleges that he entered the United States to escape torture in Venezuela because a family member is a known political dissident
. On March 6, he was transferred from California to El Valle. On March 14, the Respondents attempted to remove him, but the airplane did not depart. He was told that he would be removed the following day.

Petitioner W.G.H. is a Venezuelan national who lived in Brooklyn with his wife and stepdaughter. ICE arrested him on February 20, and on March 7 filed a form with the immigration court that identified W.G.H. as a TdA “gang associate.” Three days later, he was transferred to El Valle, where guards informed him that he would be removed on March 15 or 16.

D. Procedural History

On March 15, the Petitioners (along with two co-plaintiffs) filed a lawsuit in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia challenging the Proclamation, in part under the Administrative Procedure Act. After the court issued a temporary restraining order that applied nationwide and enjoined the removal of individuals based on the Proclamation, the respondents appealed and the matter ultimately reached the nation’s high court. On April 7, the Supreme Court dissolved the temporary restraining order, reasoning that because the Petitioners’ “claims for relief necessarily imply the invalidity of their confinement and removal under the AEA, their claims fall within the core of the writ of habeas corpus and thus must be brought in habeas.” Trump v. J.G.G., — U.S. —, No. 24A931, 2025 WL 1024097, at *1 (Apr. 7, 2025). The ruling required Petitioners to file the habeas action in the district of their detention. Id.

On April 9, Petitioners filed their Class Petition for Writ of Habeas Corpus in this Court, as they are detained in the Southern District of Texas.3 They challenge Respondents’ ability to remove them based on the Proclamation and the AEA, and also deny their membership in TdA. They sought to represent a class of “[a]ll noncitizens in custody in the Southern District of Texas who were, are, or will be subject to the [Proclamation] and/or its implementation.” (Pet., Doc. 1, 15)

The Petitioners simultaneously filed a motion for a Temporary Restraining Order (Doc. 3) to prevent Respondents from removing them or any putative class members. On April 9, the Court granted the motion and enjoined Respondents from “transferring, relocating, or removing J.A.V., J.G.G., W.G.H., or any other person that Respondents claim are subject to removal under the Proclamation, from the El Valle Detention Center[,]” as well as from “transporting such persons outside of Willacy County or Cameron County, Texas, without an Order from the Court.” (TRO Order, Doc. 12, 3) The Court has extended the temporary restraining order to allow for the development of the record and resolution of the issues presented. (TRO Order, Doc. 34; TRO Order, Doc. 50)

Petitioners then filed a Motion for a Preliminary Injunction (Doc. 42), which the parties have fully briefed. On April 24, the Court held a hearing to consider the request for a preliminary injunction, as well as the then-pending Motion for Class Certification (Doc. 4).

At the April 24 hearing, Respondents represented that during the pendency of this habeas action, they would not seek the removal of the Named Petitioners, unless through removal proceedings under the Immigration and Nationality Act. This stipulation negated the Named Petitioners’ request for a preliminary injunction, which would have provided the same protections as the Respondents’ stipulation.

The Court notified the parties that it considered the legal issues raised by the Motion for Preliminary Injunction fully briefed and ready for adjudication. The Court stated that it would convert the Motion for Preliminary Injunction into a motion for summary judgment.
See FED. R. CIV. P. 65(a)(2) (permitting trial courts to consolidate a motion for a preliminary injunction with a trial on the merits); Univ. of Texas v. Camenisch, 451 U.S. 390, 395 (1981) (noting that “the parties should normally receive clear and unambiguous notice of the court’s intent to consolidate the trial and the hearing either before the hearing commences or at a time which will still afford the parties a full opportunity to present their respective cases”) (cleaned up). In response to the Court’s inquiry whether the parties objected to this conversion, each side represented that they did not. As a result, the Court will consider the issues that the Motion for Preliminary Injunction raises under Federal Rule of Civil Procedure 56.

On May 1, 2025, the Court granted Petitioners’ Motion for Class Certification (Doc. 4) and certified a class composed of Venezuelan aliens, 14 years old or older, who have not been naturalized, who Respondents have designated or in the future designate as alien enemies under the Proclamation, and who are detained or reside in the Southern District of Texas. (See Order and Opinion, Doc. 57)

II. Analysis

Petitioners seek habeas relief by challenging the President’s invocation of the AEA on three grounds. First, they contend that the Proclamation fails to provide Petitioners with reasonable notice and a meaningful opportunity to challenge their designation as alien enemies. Second, they argue that the Proclamation “does not fall within the statutory bounds of the AEA,” both because no “invasion” or “predatory incursion” has occurred or been threatened, and no “foreign nation or government” has engaged in such conduct. (PI Mot., Doc. 42, 22) And third, Petitioners claim that the Proclamation “violates the specific protections that Congress established under the INA for noncitizens seeking humanitarian protection.” (Id. at 30)

Respondents contest the validity of each ground. In addition, Respondents present the threshold question of whether the Court may consider the issues at all, arguing that “no jurisdiction [exists] to review the President’s Proclamation.” (Resp., Doc. 45, 20)

The Court will first address the jurisdictional question before considering the specific arguments that the Petitioners advance.

A. Applicable Standard

Summary judgment is appropriate “if the movant shows that there is no genuine dispute as to any material fact and the movant is entitled to judgment as a matter of law.” FED. R. CIV. P. 56(a). In cases where “the only issues before the court are pure questions of law, summary judgment is appropriate.” Maxim Crane Works, L.P. v. Zurich Am. Ins. Co., 11 F.4th 345, 350 (5th Cir. 2021) (cleaned up); see also Chandris, Inc. v. Latsis, 515 U.S. 347, 369 (1995) (“Because statutory terms are at issue, their interpretation is a question of law and it is the court’s duty to define the appropriate standard.”).

Petitioners bring their action in habeas. Although they do not seek release from detention, individuals can utilize a habeas action to prevent their unlawful removal. See J.G.G., 2025 WL 1024097, at *1 (citing Nance v. Ward, 597 U.S. 159, 167 (2022)). In addition, courts have granted relief in habeas based upon a finding that the detaining agencies have acted contrary to the law. See, e.g., Ex parte Milligan, 71 U.S. 2, 131 (1866) (concluding that a private citizen could not be tried by a military commission during the Civil War when the civilian courts continued to function).

B. Political Question

The Respondents contend first that the “President’s authority and discretion under the AEA is not a proper subject for judicial scrutiny.” (Resp., Doc. 45, 20) Relatedly, they claim that “[w]hether the AEA’s preconditions are satisfied is a political question committed to the President’s discretion[.]” (Id. at 21) In both instances, they rely on substantial caselaw describing the broad powers that the AEA places in the President.

Petitioners respond that the political question doctrine represents a “narrow exception” to the Court’s jurisdiction, and that applying it here to prevent judicial review would undermine congressional authority by rendering the limits that Congress placed in the statute unenforceable. (PI Motion, Doc. 42, 18) In addition, they note the observation by then-Judge Brett Kavanaugh that “[t]he Supreme Court has never applied the political question doctrine in a case involving alleged statutory violations.” (Id. at 19 (quoting El-Shifa Pharm. Indus. Co. v. United States, 607 F.3d 836, 856 (D.C. Cir. 2010) (Kavanaugh, J., concurring) (emphasis in original)))

“In general, the Judiciary has a responsibility to decide cases properly before it, even those it ‘would gladly avoid.’” Zivotofsky ex rel. Zivotofsky v. Clinton, 566 U.S. 189, 195 (2012) (quoting Cohens v. Virginia, 6 Wheat. 264, 404 (1821)). The Supreme Court, however, has recognized “a narrow exception . . . known as the ‘political question’ doctrine.” Id. The doctrine dates back to the founding era, when Chief Justice John Marshall explained that “[q]uestions, in their nature political, or which are, by the constitution and laws, submitted to the executive, can never be made in [the] court.” Marbury v. Madison, 5 U.S. 137, 170 (1803). The doctrine “reflects the principle that, under our Constitution, there are some questions that cannot be answered by the judicial branch.” Lane v. Halliburton, 529 F.3d 548, 557 (5th Cir. 2008); see also TransUnion LLC v. Ramirez, 594 U.S. 413, 423–24 (2021) (“Federal courts do not exercise general legal oversight of the Legislative and Executive Branches.”).

The Supreme Court in 1827 analyzed the application of the political question doctrine in Martin v. Mott, 25 U.S. 19 (1827), a case concerning the Militia Act of 1795. The statute permitted the President to call up the state militia “whenever the United States shall be invaded, or be in imminent danger of invasion from any foreign nation or Indian tribe.” Martin, 25 U.S. at 29. As the War of 1812 approached, President James Madison invoked the Militia Act and instructed New York Governor Daniel Tompkins to call up the state militia. When Jacob E. Mott refused to appear after having been summoned, he was court-martialed by the federal government and was fined and had his property seized. He sued to have the fine reversed and his property returned, arguing that he had been unlawfully called into service.

The Supreme Court rejected Mott’s argument, explaining that while Congress held the Constitutional power to mobilize the militia to repel invasions, it had delegated that power to the President through the Militia Act. Id. at 28 (citing U.S. CONST. art. I, § 8). The Supreme Court framed the crucial question as: “Is the President the sole and exclusive judge whether the exigency has arisen[?]” Id. Answering in the affirmative, Justice Joseph Story unambiguously wrote, “[w]e are all of opinion, that the authority to decide whether the exigency has arisen, belongs exclusively to the President, and that his decision is conclusive upon all other persons.” Id. at 30; see also id. at 31–32 (“Whenever a statute gives a discretionary power to any person, to be exercised by him upon his own opinion of certain facts, it is a sound rule of construction, that the statute constitutes him the sole and exclusive judge of the existence of those facts.”).

The Supreme Court in Martin recognized the broad power that the Militia Act placed in the President, and the potential for abuse of that power. Justice Story reasoned, however, that the remedy for such abuse lay in the political realm and not in the judiciary:

It is no answer that such a power may be abused, for there is no power which is not susceptible of abuse. The remedy for this, as well as for all other official misconduct, if it should occur, is to be found in the constitution itself. In a free government, the danger must be remote, since in addition to the high qualities which the Executive must be presumed to possess, of public virtue, and honest devotion to the public interests, the frequency of elections, and the watchfulness of the representatives of the nation, carry with them all the checks which can be useful to guard against usurpation or wanton tyranny.


Id. at 32; see also Mitchell v. Forsyth, 472 U.S. 511, 541 (1985) (Stevens, J., concurring) (writing that when Executive Branch officials “make erroneous decisions on matters of national security and foreign policy, the primary liabilities are political. Intense scrutiny, by the people, by the press, and by Congress, has been the traditional method for deterring violations of the Constitution by these high officers of the Executive Branch”).

More than a century later, in the context of World War II, the Supreme Court considered challenges concerning the Alien Enemies Act. In at least two of those cases, the nation’s high court recognized the broad powers that the AEA placed in the President. “The very nature of the President’s power to order the removal of all enemy aliens rejects the notion that courts may pass judgment upon the exercise of his discretion.” Ludecke, 335 U.S. at 164. “Executive power over enemy aliens, undelayed and unhampered by litigation, has been deemed, throughout our history, essential to war-time security.” Johnson v. Eisentrager, 339 U.S. 763, 774 (1950).4

In those decisions, however, the Supreme Court also identified issues related to the AEA that are subject to adjudication. In Ludecke, the Supreme Court confirmed that “resorts to the courts may be had . . . to challenge the construction and validity of the statute and to question the existence of the ‘declared war[.]’” Ludecke, 335 U.S. at 171; see id. at 163–64 (“[S]ome statutes ‘preclude judicial review.’ . . . Barring questions of interpretation and constitutionality, the [AEA] is such a statute.”) (emphasis added). And Johnson recognized that courts could “entertain [a detained individual’s] plea for freedom from Executive custody only to ascertain the existence of a state of war and whether he is an alien enemy and so subject to the [AEA].” Johnson, 339 U.S. at 775; see also Ludecke, 335 U.S. at 171 (“[R]esort to the courts may be had . . . to question the existence of the ‘declared war[.]’”). Relying on these decisions, the Supreme Court recently reaffirmed “that an individual subject to detention and removal under [the AEA] is entitled to ‘judicial review’ as to ‘questions of interpretation and constitutionality’ of the Act as well as whether he or she ‘is in fact an alien enemy fourteen years of age or older.’”5 J.G.G., 2025 WL 1024097, at *2.

In 1962, the Supreme Court analyzed the political question doctrine in depth and identified six “formulations . . . in which the issues [that a lawsuit presents] may describe a political question.” Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 216 (1962). The formulations include:

(1) “a textually demonstrable constitutional commitment of the issue to a coordinate political department;”

(2) “a lack of judicially discoverable and manageable standards for resolving it;”

(3) “the impossibility of deciding without an initial policy determination of a kind clearly for nonjudicial discretion;”

(4) “the impossibility of a court’s undertaking independent resolution without expressing lack of the respect due coordinate branches of government;”

(5) “an unusual need for unquestioning adherence to a political decision already made; or”

(6) “the potentiality of embarrassment from multifarious pronouncements by various departments on one question.”


Lane, 529 F.3d at 558 (quoting Baker, 369 U.S. at 217). “Unless one of these formulations is inextricable from the case at bar, there should be no dismissal for nonjusticiability on the ground of a political question’s presence.” Baker, 369 U.S. at 217.

Importantly, the doctrine bars judicial review of “‘political questions,’ not one of ‘political cases.’” Id. As a result, “Baker demands a ‘discriminating inquiry into the precise facts and posture of the particular case’ before a court may withhold its own constitutional power to resolve cases and controversies.” Lane, 529 F.3d at 558 (quoting Baker, 369 U.S. at 216). “The Baker analysis is not satisfied by ‘semantic cataloguing’ of a particular matter as one implicating ‘foreign policy’ or ‘national security.’” Id.; see also El-Shifa, 841 F.3d at 836 (recognizing that not “every case or controversy which touches foreign relations lies beyond judicial cognizance”).

Respondents argue that reaching the issues that Petitioners present runs afoul of at least two Baker formulations. First, Respondents contend that “the determination that an ‘invasion’ or ‘predatory incursion’ is being perpetrated sits at the intersection of two areas that the Constitution commits to the political branches: (1) foreign affairs, [ ]; and (2) immigration policy[.]” (Resp., Doc. 45, 22) Second, they argue that “no manageable standards permit[] courts to assess exactly when hostile entry and criminal and violent acts constitute an ‘invasion’ or ‘predatory incursion’ for AEA purposes.” (Id.)

No court appears to have applied the Baker analysis to the AEA. Based on the Supreme Court’s decisions regarding the AEA, as well as the principles enumerated in Baker, the Court concludes that while it may not adjudicate the veracity of the factual statements in the Proclamation, or the propriety of the steps taken by the President as to Venezuelan aliens and TdA members, the Court retains the authority to construe the AEA’s terms and determine whether the announced basis for the Proclamation properly invokes the statute.

The Supreme Court in J.G.G. confirmed that “questions of interpretation” fall within the Judiciary’s responsibility. This role is not surprising, given that whether a government actor’s “interpretation of [a] statute is correct . . . is a familiar judicial exercise.” Zivotofsky, 566 U.S. at 196; see also Japan Whaling Ass’n v. American Cetacean Soc’y, 106 U.S. 2860, 2866 (1986) (“[ I]t goes without saying that interpreting congressional legislation is a recurring and accepted task for the federal courts.”). “[T]hat a case or controversy may involve the conduct of the nation’s foreign affairs does not necessarily prevent a court from determining whether the Executive has exceeded the scope of prescribed statutory authority or failed to obey the prohibition of a statute or treaty.” El-Shifa, 607 F.3d at 842; see also Japan Whaling, 106 U.S. at 2866 (“But under the Constitution, one of the Judiciary’s characteristic roles is to interpret statutes, and we cannot shirk this responsibility merely because our decision may have significant political overtones.”). At times, analyzing whether a government official has impermissibly crossed statutory boundaries requires determining the meaning of statutory terms and gauging the government’s actions against those determined parameters. See, e.g., Harmon v. Brucker, 355 U.S. 579, 582 (1958) (“The District Court had not only jurisdiction to determine its jurisdiction but also power to construe the statutes involved to determine whether the respondent did exceed his powers.”); Stark v. Wickard, 321 U.S. 288, 310 (1944) (“The responsibility of determining the limits of statutory grants of authority in such instances is a judicial function entrusted to the courts by Congress by the statutes establishing courts and marking their jurisdiction.”). As applied to the AEA, this principle signifies that only by construing the meaning of “invasion,” “predatory incursion,” and “foreign nation or government” can the Court analyze whether the President has properly invoked the statute through the Proclamation, or whether he has exceeded his statutory authorization.

Consistent with this conclusion, the Second Circuit during the 1940’s construed various provisions of the AEA. See, e.g., U S ex rel D’Esquiva v. Uhl, 137 F.2d 903, 905 (2d Cir. 1943) (determining the meaning of “citizen” and “native”: “The use by Congress of the four words ‘natives, citizens, denizens, or subjects’ indicated that each word is to have a significant and different meaning”); U.S. ex rel. Zdunic v. Uhl, 137 F.2d 858, 860 (2d Cir. 1943) (“The ultimate issue for determination is whether the relator is a ‘native, citizen, denizen, or subject’ of Germany. The meaning of those words as used in the statute, [ ] presents a question of law.”); U.S. ex rel. Gregoire v. Watkins, 164 F.2d 137, 138 (2d Cir. 1947) (considering “whether the relator is a ‘native’ of Germany within the meaning” of the AEA); U.S. ex rel. Kessler v. Watkins, 163 F.2d 140, 142 (2d Cir. 1947) (concluding that the meaning of threatened “invasion” or “predatory incursion” did not require “active hostilities”). And the Court is unaware of any judicial authority declining to determine the meaning of the AEA’s terms based on the political question doctrine.

Baker does not require a different conclusion. It is true that the Constitution ascribes authority and responsibility for foreign policy and national security to the Legislative and Executive branches. And “[m]atters intimately related to foreign policy and national security are rarely proper subjects for judicial intervention.” Haig v. Agee, 453 U.S. 280, 292 (1981); see also Dep’t of Navy v. Egan, 484 U.S. 518, 527 (1988) (“[ u]nless Congress specifically has provided otherwise, courts traditionally have been reluctant to intrude upon the authority of the Executive in military and national security affairs.”); Orloff v. Willoughby, 345 U.S. 83, 91 (1953) (declining to exercise judicial review over the President’s decision not to commission Orloff as an Army officer: “Whether Orloff deserves appointment is not for judges to say”). But construing the language of the AEA does not require courts to adjudicate the wisdom of the President’s foreign policy and national security decisions. Determining what conduct constitutes an “invasion” or “predatory incursion” for purposes of the AEA is distinct from ascertaining whether such events have in fact occurred or are being threatened. The former turns on applying accepted principles of statutory construction; the latter on analyzing factual intelligence and data, including some to which the Executive Branch possesses unique access, and applying independent judgment and weighing competing priorities. Courts routinely engage in the former, but are ill-equipped to second guess the President’s decisions as to the latter. This distinction also refutes Respondents’ contention that applying judicial review would rely on “no manageable standards.” On the contrary, courts regularly apply known canons of construction to determine the meaning of statutory language.

On the other hand, some issues that Petitioners raise present a political question beyond judicial review. Once a court defines the parameters of what conduct constitutes an “invasion” or “predatory incursion” for purposes of the AEA, the court leaves to the Executive Branch the determination of whether such conduct has been perpetrated, attempted, or threatened. For example, a court may decide that one aspect of “invasion” and “predatory incursion” requires physical entry into the United States. In other words, a court may conclude that no invasion or predatory incursion has occurred or has been threatened if the alleged conduct does not involve the entry of individuals into the country. The court having determined the meaning of these terms, it is left to the Executive Branch to determine whether a foreign nation or government has threatened or perpetrated activity that includes such an entry. As to this decision, the court may not delve into whether the Executive Branch possesses sufficient support for its conclusion, or whether the court agrees with the Executive Branch’s determinations. That analysis would require the Executive Branch to disclose to the court the domestic and foreign intelligence that undergirds the finding of an actual or threatened invasion or predatory incursion. And requiring the Executive Branch to do so would run counter to the admonition that “it is inconceivable that before an alien enemy could be removed from the territory of this country in time of war, the President should be compelled to spread upon the public record in a judicial proceeding the method by which the Government may detect enemy activity within our borders[.]” Citizens Protective League, 155 F.2d at 294; see also Holder v. Humanitarian L. Project, 561 U.S. 1, 34 (2010) (“[N]ational security and foreign policy concerns arise in connection with efforts to confront evolving threats in an area where information can be difficult to obtain and the impact of certain conduct difficult to assess.”); Chicago & S. Air Lines v. Waterman S. S. Corp., 333 U.S. 103, 111 (1948) (explaining that decisions involving national security and foreign policy “are delicate, complex, and involve large elements of prophecy. They are and should be undertaken only by those directly responsible to the people whose welfare they advance or imperil”); Martin, 25 U.S. at 31 (“[T]he evidence upon which the President might decide that there is imminent danger of invasion [for purposes of the Militia Act of 1795], might be of a nature not constituting strict technical proof, or the disclosure of the evidence might reveal important secrets of state, which the public interest, and even safety, might imperiously demand to be kept in concealment.”). Thus, in the present case, ]while the Court will construe the meaning of the AEA’s language, the Court declines to consider Petitioner’s argument that “the Proclamation’s conclusory ‘findings[]’ [regarding Venezuela and TdA] . . . cannot survive even the most minimally searching inquiry because they are simply incorrect as a factual matter.”6 (PI Mot., Doc. 42, 28)

As a corollary, the Court concludes that a Presidential declaration invoking the AEA must include sufficient factual statements or refer to other pronouncements that enable a court to determine whether the alleged conduct satisfies the conditions that support the invocation of the statute. The President cannot summarily declare that a foreign nation or government has threatened or perpetrated an invasion or predatory incursion of the United States, followed by the identification of the alien enemies subject to detention or removal. Cf. United States v. Abbott, 110 F.4th 700, 736 (5th Cir. 2024) (“To be sure, a state of invasion under Article I, section 10 does not exist just because a State official has uttered certain magic words.”) (Ho, J., concurring). Allowing the President to unilaterally define the conditions when he may invoke the AEA, and then summarily declare that those conditions exist, would remove all limitations to the Executive Branch’s authority under the AEA, and would strip the courts of their traditional role of interpreting Congressional statutes to determine whether a government official has exceeded the statute’s scope. The law does not support such a position. See, e.g., Comm. for Nuclear Resp., Inc. v. Seaborg, 463 F.2d 788, 793 (D.C. Cir. 1971) (“An essential ingredient of our rule of law is the authority of the courts to determine whether an executive official or agency has complied with the Constitution and with the mandates of Congress which define and limit the authority of the executive.”); see also Boumediene v. Bush, 553 U.S. 723, 783 (2008) (reasoning that a court considering a person’s habeas action challenging his detention based on an executive order “must have sufficient authority to conduct a meaningful review of both the cause for detention and the Executive’s power to detain”).

The Court is mindful that the Executive Branch may possess sensitive and confidential information leading to its conclusion that a foreign nation or government has attempted, threatened, or perpetrated an invasion or predatory incursion of the United States. But this possibility does not require the conclusion that the AEA is an exception to the general rule that courts possess the traditional role of interpreting Congressional statutes and determining whether a government actor has exceeded the scope of the law. While a President’s declaration invoking the AEA need not disclose all of the information that the Executive Branch possesses to support its invocation of the statute, it must identify sufficient information to permit judicial review of whether the foreign nation or government’s conduct constitutes an actual, attempted, or threatened invasion or predatory incursion of the United States.7

Having concluded that the political question doctrine does not preclude the Court from considering some of the arguments that Respondents present, the Court turns to those permissible areas of inquiry.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 37503
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

Re: Anti-Anti-Nazi Barbarian Hordes are Knocking Down the Ga

Postby admin » Thu May 01, 2025 8:50 pm

Part 2 of 2

C. Adequacy of Notice and Notice Procedures

Petitioners contend that the Respondents’ intended application of the AEA fails to satisfy the requirements of the statute itself and to provide adequate due process to the individuals designated as alien enemies. (PI Mot., Doc. 42, 20) In advancing this legal theory, they cite the Supreme Court’s recent confirmation that the President must provide “notice” to individuals designated as alien enemies, and “[t]he notice must be afforded within a reasonable time and in such a manner as will allow [AEA detainees] to actually seek habeas relief in the proper venue before [ ] removal occurs.” (Id. at 11 (quoting J.G.G., 2025 WL 1024097, at *2)) They reject Respondents’ position that the AEA and due process rights are satisfied by giving individuals designated as alien enemies 12 hours to express an intent to file a habeas action, and an additional 24 hours to initiate such a claim, before the Government can move forward with their removal. (See Declaration of Carlos D. Cisneros, Doc. 49)

Respondents emphasize that as to the Named Petitioners, any challenge to the adequacy of the notice is moot, as Named Petitioners have challenged their designation as alien enemies. (Resp., Doc. 45, 18 (“[T]his very proceeding refutes that claim.”)) The Named Petitioners, according to Respondents, cannot demonstrate any injury from the alleged deficiencies in the notice procedures.

As to the Named Petitioners, the Court agrees. Standing requires a concrete injury, one that is “real” rather than “abstract.” Texas v. United States, 126 F.4th 392, 407 (5th Cir. 2025). “A grievance that amounts to nothing more than an abstract and generalized harm to a citizen’s interest in the proper application of the law does not count as an injury in fact.” Carney v. Adams, 592 U.S. 53, 58 (2020) (cleaned up). For example, while a plaintiff may be injured by the defendant’s failure to timely provide certain information, the plaintiff must demonstrate “downstream consequences” stemming from that failure to have a concrete injury. TransUnion LLC, 594 U.S. at 442.

In the present case, the notice that the AEA requires serves to allow the designated individuals the ability “to actually seek habeas relief in the proper venue.” J.G.G., 2025 WL 1024097, at *2. The Named Petitioners have sought such relief. Through their lawsuit here, they have challenged the application of the AEA and have alleged that they are not members of TdA. As a result, the Named Petitioners possess no actual injury from any deficiencies in the notice procedures and, as a result, cannot challenge them.

The same cannot be said for class members, which include individuals who currently or in the future are detained or reside in the Southern District of Texas and who Respondents designate as alien enemies under the Proclamation.8 The notice procedures may adversely affect them, to the extent that inadequacies in the notice procedures may prevent them from initiating a habeas action before their removal. Ultimately, however, the Court need not reach this issue, given its conclusions as to other issues that the Petitioners present.


Second, Petitioners argue that the Proclamation fails to satisfy the statute’s terms by calling for their removal before they have refused or neglected to depart. The AEA empowers the President “to provide for the removal of those [designated alien enemies] who, not being permitted to reside within the United States, refuse or neglect to depart therefrom.” 50 U.S.C. § 21. Petitioners claim that the Executive Branch has never provided them the opportunity to “refuse or neglect to depart” from the United States after having been designated alien enemies.

As Respondents note, however, Section 21 must be read in conjunction with 50 U.S.C. § 22. See, e.g., Davis v. Michigan Dep’t of Treasury, 489 U.S. 803, 809 (1989) (“It is a fundamental canon of statutory construction that the words of a statute must be read in their context and with a view to their place in the overall statutory scheme.”). And that provision indicates that an individual designated as an alien enemy under Section 21 will be afforded time “for his departure,” unless he is “chargeable with actual hostility.” 50 U.S.C. § 22. When taken together, the statutory language provides that the President acting under the AEA need not offer voluntary departure to alien enemies who the Executive Branch has concluded are engaged in chargeable actual hostility. And in the present case, the Proclamation declares that the designated alien enemies, as members of TdA, have engaged in criminal conduct in the United States.

As a result, the Court concludes that neither the AEA nor the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment requires that Respondents afford an opportunity to voluntarily depart the United States to individuals designated under the Proclamation as alien enemies and who are chargeable with actual hostility.

D. Invocation of the Alien Enemies Act

Petitioners challenge the Respondents’ authority to detain them or order their removal based on the AEA, contending that the preconditions for the invocation of the statute do not exist. In particular, Petitioners argue that the government impermissibly “seeks to invoke this limited wartime authority to execute removals untethered to any actual or imminent war or to the specific conditions Congress placed in the statute.” (PI Mot., Doc. 42, 22) They dispute that any “invasion” or “predatory incursion” has occurred, been threatened, or been attempted, as well as that any “foreign nation or government” has engaged in such conduct.

Courts normally interpret statutory terms “consistent with their ordinary meaning at the time Congress enacted the statute.” Wisconsin Cent. Ltd v. United States, 585 U.S. 274, 277 (2018) (cleaned up); see also Texas v. Trump, 127 F.4th 606, 611 (5th Cir. 2025) (“Absent congressional direction to the contrary, words in statutes are to be construed according to their ordinary, contemporary, common meanings.”) (cleaned up) (citing Kennedy v. Tex. Utils., 179 F.3d 258, 261 (5th Cir. 1999); Griffin v. Oceanic Contractors, Inc., 458 U.S. 564, 571 (1982) (“[N]o more persuasive evidence of the purpose of a statute [exists] than the words by which the legislature undertook to give expression to its wishes.”) (citing United States v. American Trucking Assns., Inc., 310 U.S. 534, 543 (1940)). When ascertaining the plain, ordinary meaning of statutory language that harkens back to the nation’s founding era, courts rely on contemporaneous dictionary definitions and historical records that reveal the common usage of the terms at issue. See, e.g., D.C. v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570, 581–83 (2008) (examining founding era writings and commentaries to determine the commonly understood meaning of “keep and bear arms”); Utah v. Evans, 536 U.S. 452, 492 (2002) (Thomas, J., concurring) (“Dictionary definitions contemporaneous with the ratification of the Constitution inform our understanding.”); see also Cascabel Cattle Co., L.L.C. v. United States, 955 F.3d 445, 451 (5th Cir. 2020) (considering dictionary definitions from the 1930’s to construe the meaning of terms within the Federal Tort Claims Act, enacted in 1946); Amoco Prod. Co. v. S. Ute Indian Tribe, 526 U.S. 865, 874 (1999) (finding that “the common understanding of coal in 1909 and 1910” would not have encompassed coalbed methane gas released in the coalmining process). While most English words have multiple dictionary meanings, courts “use the ordinary meaning of terms unless context requires a different result.” Gonzales v. Carhart, 550 U.S. 124, 152 (2007). At times, terms can hold more than one ordinary meaning. See, e.g., United States v. Santos, 553 U.S. 507, 511 (2008) (finding that the word “proceeds” in a money laundering statute had the commonly accepted meanings of “receipts” or “profits”). Reviewing courts, however, apply “the contextually appropriate ordinary meaning, unless there is reason to think otherwise.” ANTONIN SCALIA & BRYAN A. GARNER, READING LAW: THE INTERPRETATION OF LEGAL TEXTS 70 (2012). “That a definition is broad enough to encompass one sense of a word does not establish that the word is ordinarily understood in that sense.” Taniguchi v. Kan Pac. Saipan, Ltd., 566 U.S. 560, 568 (2012) (emphasis in original) (citing Mallard v. U.S. Dist. Court for Southern Dist. of Iowa, 490 U.S. 296, 301 (1989)).

Accepted canons help construe statutes. For example, “different words within the same statute should, if possible, be given different meanings.” See BNSF Ry. Co. v. United States, 775 F.3d 743, 755 n.86 (5th Cir. 2015). In addition, “in determining the meaning of a particular statutory provision, it is helpful to consider the interpretation of other statutory provisions that employ the same or similar language.” St. Tammany Par., ex rel. Davis v. Fed. Emergency Mgmt. Agency, 556 F.3d 307, 320 (5th Cir. 2009). This principle allows courts to consider the meaning of Constitutional terms to help determine the ordinary meaning of similar statutory terms or phrases. See 2B SHAMBIE SINGER & NORMAN J. SINGER, SUTHERLAND STATUTES & STATUTORY CONSTRUCTION § 51:1–3 (7th ed. Nov. 2024 update); see also Morse v. Republican Party of Virginia, 517 U.S. 186, 221 (1996) (applying the meaning of the word “State” in the Fifteenth Amendment to determine the meaning of the same word in Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act).

The historical context for the enactment of a statute can prove relevant, but does not dictate the statutory words’ meaning. See, e.g., Airlines for Am. v. Dep’t of Transportation, 110 F.4th 672, 676 (5th Cir. 2024) (confirming that “legislative history is not the law,” and it cannot “muddy clear statutory language”); Gundy v. United States, 588 U.S. 128, 141 (2019) (explaining that when attempting to “define the scope of delegated authority,” courts may look at “the purpose of the Act, its factual background and the statutory context”). Again, courts seek to apply the plain, ordinary meaning of the words that Congress chose, rather than the subjective intent that Congress or, more accurately, certain members of Congress may have held regarding the statute. See, e.g., Oklahoma v. Castro-Huerta, 597 U.S. 629, 642 (2022) (“[T]he text of a law controls over purported legislative intentions unmoored from any statutory text.”). Thus, discussion by Congressional members regarding a statute proves helpful to the extent that it reveals the accepted usage at the time of the disputed words or phrases. See McDonald v. City of Chicago, Ill., 561 U.S. 742, 828–29 (2010) (Thomas, J., concurring) (“Statements by legislators can assist in this process to the extent they demonstrate the manner in which the public used or understood a particular word or phrase. . . . [T]his evidence is useful not because it demonstrates what the draftsmen of the text may have been thinking, but only insofar as it illuminates what the public understood the words chosen by the draftsmen to mean.”).

The canon of noscitur a sociis at times proves relevant. A statutory word or phrase derives “more precise content by the neighboring words with which it is associated.” United States v. Williams, 553 U.S. 285, 294 (2008); see also United States v. Santiago, 96 F.4th 834, 847 (5th Cir. 2024) (“[W]e must apply noscitur a sociis to understand ‘use’ as akin to, but with a meaning different from, ‘open, lease, rent, . . . or maintain.’”). Adhering to this canon “avoid[s] ascribing to one word a meaning so broad that it is inconsistent with its accompanying words, thus giving unintended breadth to the Acts of Congress.” Yates v. United States, 574 U.S. 528, 537 (2015); Fischer v. United States, 603 U.S. 480, 487 (2024) (explaining that noscitur a sociis “avoid[s] ascribing to one word a meaning so broad that it is inconsistent with . . . the company it keeps”) (quoting Gustafson v. Alloyd Co., 513 U.S. 561, 575 (1995)). Courts have applied the canon to restrict a term to “one of its many possible applications.” SCALIA & GARNER, READING LAW, at 196; see also, e.g., Easom v. US Well Svcs., Inc., 37 F.4th 238, 242 (5th Cir. 2022) (“Applying noscitur a sociis to this case, the appearance of ‘natural disaster’ in a list with ‘flood, earthquake, or drought’ suggests that Congress intended to limit ‘natural disaster’ to hydrological, geological, and meteorological events.”); Gulf Fishermens Ass’n v. Nat’l Marine Fisheries Serv., 968 F.3d 454, 462 (5th Cir. 2020) (applying the canon to exclude “gathering a crop” from the statutory meaning of “harvesting”).

To apply noscitur a sociis, however, the statute must contain “a string of statutory terms [that] raises the implication that the words grouped in a list should be given related meaning.” United States v. Buluc, 930 F.3d 383, 390 (5th Cir. 2019); see also SCALIA & GARNER, READING LAW, at 196 (“For the associated-words canon to apply, the terms must be conjoined in such a way as to indicate that they have some quality in common.”). For example, the Fifth Circuit declined to apply the canon when the statute did not contain a “string of terms,” but rather “contain[ed] two independent clauses separated by a disjunctive ‘or.’” United States v. Lauderdale Cnty., Mississippi, 914 F.3d 960, 966–67 (5th Cir. 2019); see also Buluc, 930 F.3d at 390 (declining to apply the canon because the statute contained “not a list of verbs with common features, but two grammatically distinct categories of verbs (‘connives or conspires’ and ‘takes any other action’) separated by a disjunctive”).

With these principles in mind, the Court turns to the meaning of the disputed words and phrases in the AEA.

1. “Invasion” and “Predatory Incursion”

The Proclamation invokes the AEA by declaring that “TdA is perpetrating, attempting, and threatening an invasion or predatory incursion against the territory of the United States.”

Petitioners argue that the proper construction of “invasion” and “predatory incursion” reveals that the Proclamation does not satisfy the conditions required to invoke the statute. They highlight that Congress enacted the AEA as a war time measure, and that “Congress understood [‘invasion’ and ‘predatory incursion’] to mean a military incursion into the territory of the United States.”
(PI Mot., Doc. 42, 22) In support of this reading, they rely on various dictionary definitions and historical sources that use those terms in a military context. (Id. at 22–23) They also note, accurately, that no President has invoked the AEA other than during a time of war, including the War of 1812, World War I, and World War II. Based on their proposed construction, they argue that the conduct by TdA and Venezuela as described in the Proclamation does not arise to an invasion or predatory incursion because it does not entail a military action, either actual or threatened, against the nation. (See Reply, Doc. 47, 11 (proposing that Congress limited the AEA “to instances of war or imminent war by a foreign nation or government”))

Respondents urge a broader reading. They contend that while the definitions for these terms “include military action, . . . neither is limited to such action.” (Resp., Doc. 45, 26 (emphasis in original)) According to Respondents, an invasion can include any “hostile entrance” or “hostile encroachment,” while a “‘predatory incursion’ encompasses (1) an entry into the United States (2) for purposes contrary to the interests or law of the United States.” (Id.) Applying these broader concepts to the Proclamation, Respondents argue that the Proclamation accurately describes an “invasion” or “predatory incursion” by detailing that “TdA’s illegal entry and continued unlawful presence is an encroachment on U.S. territory that entails hostile acts contrary to the rights of citizens to be free from criminality and violence.” (Id. at 25)

Petitioners’ briefing contains numerous sources contemporaneous to the enactment of the AEA in which “invasion” and “predatory incursion” expressly reference or imply military action. Those sources include dictionary definitions, historical records such as letters, and court decisions. For example:

Webster’s Dictionary, Invasion (1828): “particularly, the entrance of a hostile army into a country for purpose of conquest or plunder, or the attack of a military force”;

Johnson’s Dictionary, Invasion (1773): “[h]ostile entrance upon the right or possession of another; hostile encroachment,” such as when “William the Conqueror invaded England”;

“Small, predatory incursions of the French, though they might occasion great destruction of property, would not be dangerous, and the militia might be sufficient to repel them; but what we have to guard against is an invasion by a powerful army of veterans: and I do not know any body of militia adequate to stop their progress; and a fatal pannic might be the consequence.” Timothy Pickering to Alexander Hamilton (June 9, 1798) (emphasis added).

“I am much obliged to your Excellency for your letter of the 10th. of January, giving me an account of the enemy’s incursion into your state. . . . But as the evils you have to apprehend from these predatory incursions are not to be compared with the injury to the common cause and with the danger to your state in particular, from the conquest of those states southward of you, I am persuaded the attention to your immediate safety will not divert you from the measures intended to reinforce the Southern Army and put it in a condition to stop the progress of the enemy in that Quarter.” Letter from George Washington to Thomas Jefferson (Feb. 6, 1781) (emphasis added).

Huidekoper’s Lessee v. Douglass, 7 U.S. (3 Cranch) 1, 11 (1805) (explaining that in 1792, “an Indian war existed on [Pennsylvania’s] frontier” and the state population desired to “repel the predatory incursions of the Indians”).


(PI Mot., Doc. 42, 22–23)

Respondents do not challenge these usages. Instead, they contend that other contemporaneous sources reflect a broader understanding of “invasion,” with no express or implicit military requirement. In support of their construction, however, they provide only two examples, both of them from dictionaries. One authority defines “invasion” as any “hostile entrance.” 1 JOHN ASH, THE NEW AND COMPLETE DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE (1775). And A Complete Dictionary of the English Language, a source on which Petitioners also rely, includes “hostile encroachment” as a definition, with no reference to military force. See Invasion, A DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE (1773). Respondents identify no other historical records supporting their proposed meaning of “invasion,” and they offer no sources from the nation’s founding era as to the ordinary meaning of “predatory incursion.”

To augment the parties’ submissions, the Court reviewed numerous historical records using “invasion,” “predatory incursion,” and “incursion” for the period from 1780 through 1820. See Appendix A (identifying records and providing links).9 The review strongly supported the Petitioners’ position. In the significant majority of the records, the use of “invasion” and “predatory incursion” referred to an attack by military forces. This held true even when the historical record did not concern the Revolutionary War or the War of 1812. The usages of “predatory incursion” at times referred to entries by Native Americans into the western territories, as did usages of “incursion.” But even these records refer to an organized group of armed individuals entering an area to attack a fort, settlement, or town, and the writer typically discussed the need for a military response to the entry. In only a few sources did the use of “invasion” or “predatory incursion” reference a non-military action. While the Court does not represent that its review constitutes a vigorous corpus linguistics analysis, the results provide a significant level of confidence that a complete review would generate similar conclusions.

The Court’s research for judicial decisions that utilized “predatory incursion” during the relevant time period returned only two results. In both usages, the courts referenced “predatory incursions” to describe conduct by Native Americans, in one instance as part of an “Indian war” and in the other in connection with the authority of a military officer. See Huidekoper’s Lessee v. Douglass, 3 Cranch 1, 7 U.S. 1, * 7 (1805) (explaining the passage of a statute as motivated by the fact that “an Indian war existed on [Pennsylvania’s] frontier[,]” and the state’s population were “bound by their dearest interests to watch and repel the predatory incursions of the Indians”); Russell’s Lessee v. Baker, 1 H. & J. 71, 1800 WL 441, at *6 (Gen. Ct. Maryland 1800) (“But it does not follow under this grant of power that he had a right to declare war or make peace; for there is no instance of a captain general of an army having the power, as captain general, to do either. The powers, granted under this section of the charter were granted to guard against and repel the predatory incursions of the Indians . . . and to prevent and to suppress insurrections[.]”).

In addition, the Court located only one relevant historical record from the debates over the AEA. Representative Robert Harper moved to strike the phrase “predatory incursion” from the proposed legislation, based on his belief that the bill granted “very extensive” powers that “he did not think ought to be given except in case of serious attack.” 8 Annals of Congress 1786. After debate, he withdrew his objection, “alleging that he had not rightly understood the section.” Id. The usage in this record suggests that the members viewed “predatory incursion” as a term implicitly referencing a “serious attack.” Id. But as the nature of the “serious attack” is not clear, the reference represents a usage where military context is not present or implicit.

The Constitution itself references “invasion” on two occasions, each time in a military context. In Article IV, Section 4, the Constitution requires the United States to “protect each of [the states] against Invasion.” At least one court has concluded that “invasion” under this provision requires “armed hostilities” and does not include mass immigration. Padavan v. United States, 82 F.3d 23, 28 (2d Cir. 1996) (“In order for a state to be afforded the protections of the Invasion Clause, it must be exposed to armed hostility from another political entity, such as another state or foreign country that is intending to overthrow the state’s government.”). Also, Article I, Section 9 prohibits Congress from suspending the writ of habeas corpus, “unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.” Although courts have not had to define what constitutes an invasion supporting the suspension of the writ, the use of “Rebellion,” which refers to an armed uprising, suggests that both terms refer to a military attack, either from within or without. In addition, the Constitution in Article I, Section 10, Clause 3 also provides that a state may not “engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay.” This use of the related term, “invaded,” expressly concerns warfare.

The historical records that the parties present, supplemented by the additional records that the Court reviewed, demonstrate that at the time of the AEA’s enactment, the plain, ordinary meaning of “invasion” was an entry into the nation’s territory by a military force or an organized, armed force, with the purpose of conquering or obtaining control over territory. In a similar vein, the common usage of “predatory incursion” and, to a lesser degree, “incursion,” referenced a military force or an organized, armed force entering a territory to destroy property, plunder, and harm individuals, with a subsequent retreat from that territory. Although other uses exist for these terms, those rare uses do not represent the ordinary meaning of those terms.


The Court, however, does not adopt Petitioners’ position that the terms require a war or an imminent war. In support of their argument, Petitioners rely on noscitur a sociis. But the Court finds the canon inapplicable. The AEA does not contain “a string of statutory terms [that] raises the implication that the words grouped in a list should be given related meaning.” Buluc, 930 F.3d at 390. Instead, Congress identified three scenarios that enable the President to invoke the AEA—i.e., a declared war, an invasion, or a predatory incursion. The structure of the AEA does not require that the latter two (“invasion” and “predatory incursion”) must be precursors to the first (“declared war”). When construing similar grammatical structures, courts have declined to apply the doctrine. See, e.g., Lauderdale County, 914 F.3d at 967 (rejecting the application of the canon to text containing “two independent clauses separated by a disjunctive ‘or’”); Buluc, 930 F.3d at 391 (declining to apply the canon because the statute contained “not a list of verbs with common features, but two grammatically distinct categories of verbs (‘connives or conspires’ and ‘takes any other action’)”). Thus, while the Court finds that an “invasion” or “predatory incursion” must involve an organized, armed force entering the United States to engage in conduct destructive of property and human life in a specific geographical area, the action need not be a precursor to actual war.

2. “Foreign Nation or Government”

Petitioners also argue that the Proclamation fails to properly invoke the AEA because it is not based on an invasion or predatory incursion “by any foreign nation or government.” (PI Mot., Doc. 42, 26–28) In advancing this argument, they propose that the terms “refer to an entity that is defined by its possession of territory and legal authority.” (Id. (citing Nation, JOHNSON’S DICTIONARY (1773) (“A people distinguished from another people; generally by their language, original, or government.”))) They note that the AEA references “natives, citizens, denizens, or subjects” of the hostile foreign nation or government, which excludes concepts such as gangs or organizations, which possess members.

For their part, Respondents offer that “government” more broadly references “the power or authority that one person exercises over another.” (Resp., Doc. 45, 28 (citing THOMAS DYCHE & WILLIAM PARDON, A NEW GENERAL ENGLISH DICTIONARY (1754)))

Neither party claims that “foreign nation or government” excludes recognized countries such as the United States and Venezuela. Thus, and for the reasons explained in the next section, the Court finds that resolving the precise meaning of “foreign nation or government” is unnecessary to resolve the issues in this lawsuit.

3. Application

Having determined the meaning of the relevant statutory terms, the Court considers whether as a matter of law, the Proclamation exceeded the statutory boundaries that the AEA establishes. The Court concludes that it did.

First, the Court finds that the Proclamation places the government of Venezuela as the controlling entity over TdA’s activities in the United States. According to the Proclamation, TdA “undertak[es] hostile actions and conduct[s] irregular warfare against the territory of the United States both directly and at the direction . . . of the Maduro regime in Venezuela.” Proclamation, 90 Fed. Reg. 13033 (emphasis added). According to the Proclamation, Maduro, “who claims to act as Venezuela’s President . . . leads the regime-sponsored enterprise Cártel de los Soles, which coordinates with and relies on TdA . . . to carry out its objective of using illegal narcotics as a weapon[.]” Id. (emphasis added). Although the Proclamation focuses on TdA’s activities in the United States, it places control of those activities in Maduro, acting in his claimed role of President of Venezuela. In other words, the Proclamation declares that the country of Venezuela, through Maduro, directs and controls TdA’s activities in the United States. Respondents accurately characterize the Proclamation’s message: “TdA has become indistinguishable from Venezuelan state.” (Resp., Doc. 45, 27) As a result, the Court concludes that the Proclamation places responsibility for TdA’s actions in the United States on the Venezuelan government, which satisfies this aspect of the AEA.10

As for the activities of the Venezuelan-directed TdA in the United States, and as described in the Proclamation, the Court concludes that they do not fall within the plain, ordinary meaning of “invasion” or “predatory incursion” for purposes of the AEA.
As an initial matter, no question exists that the Proclamation references the entry of TdA members into the United States. Proclamation, 90 Fed. Reg. 13033 (declaring that “many” TdA members have “unlawfully infiltrated the United States”). And these members’ objectives include “harming United States’ citizens [and] undermining public safety[.]” Id. In addition, the Proclamation also references the decision of a federal agency during the administration of President Joseph Biden to designate TdA as a “significant transnational criminal organization,” which, in relevant part, denotes “a group of persons that . . . engages in or facilitates an ongoing pattern of serious criminal activity . . . that threatens the national security, foreign policy, or economy of the United States.” 31 C.F.R. § 590.312. That designation received substantial public approval, with supporters often referencing the criminal activity that TdA members allegedly engaged in within the United States.

Those factual statements depict conduct by TdA that unambiguously is harmful to society in this country. And as previously explained, the political question doctrine prohibits the Court from weighing the truth of those factual statements, including whether Maduro directs TdA’s actions or the extent of the referenced criminal activity. Instead, the Court determines whether the factual statements in the Proclamation, taken as true, describe an “invasion” or “predatory incursion” for purposes of the AEA.

Based on the plain, ordinary meaning of those terms in the late 1790’s, the Court concludes that the factual statements do not. The Proclamation makes no reference to and in no manner suggests that a threat exists of an organized, armed group of individuals entering the United States at the direction of Venezuela to conquer the country or assume control over a portion of the nation. Thus, the Proclamation’s language cannot be read as describing conduct that falls within the meaning of “invasion” for purposes of the AEA. As for “predatory incursion,” the Proclamation does not describe an armed group of individuals entering the United States as an organized unit to attack a city, coastal town, or other defined geographical area, with the purpose of plundering or destroying property and lives. While the Proclamation references that TdA members have harmed lives in the United States and engage in crime, the Proclamation does not suggest that they have done so through an organized armed attack, or that Venezuela has threatened or attempted such an attack through TdA members. As a result, the Proclamation also falls short of describing a “predatory incursion” as that concept was understood at the time of the AEA’s enactment.11


For these reasons, the Court concludes that the President’s invocation of the AEA through the Proclamation exceeds the scope of the statute and, as a result, is unlawful. Respondents do not possess the lawful authority under the AEA, and based on the Proclamation, to detain Venezuelan aliens, transfer them within the United States, or remove them from the country.

E. Convention against Torture

Petitioners’ final legal theory is that the Proclamation “violates the specific protections that Congress established under the INA for noncitizens seeking humanitarian protection.” (PI Mot., Doc. 42, 30–31) They explain that the Foreign Affairs Reform and Restructuring Act codified the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (the “Convention”), and that the Convention and United States statutes work together to “ensure that noncitizens have meaningful opportunities to seek protection from torture” and to “prohibit[ ] returning a noncitizen to any country where they would more likely than not face torture.” (Resp., Doc. 42, 30–31) They submit evidence describing alarming abuses within the El Salvadorean prison, CECOT, to which Petitioners claim the United States has sent and will continue to send individuals designated as alien enemies under the Proclamation. (See Declaration of Juanita Goebertus, Doc. 42–6)

Exhibit E

Case 1:25-cv-00072 Document 42-6 Filed on 04/16/25 in TXSD

DECLARATION OF JUANITA GOEBERTUS, DIRECTOR, AMERICAS DIVISION, HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

I, Juanita Goebertus, declare the following under 28 U.S.C. § 1746, and state that under penalty of perjury the following is true and correct to the best of my knowledge and belief:

1. I am the Director of the Americas Division of Human Rights Watch and have worked with the organization since 2022. I hold BAs in Law and Political Science from the Universidad de los Andes (Colombia) and an LLM from Harvard Law School. I oversee Human Rights Watch’s work on El Salvador and have traveled to the country several times, most recently in 2024. I provide this declaration based on my personal knowledge and experience.

2. Individuals deported pursuant to the 1789 Alien Enemies Act have been sent to the Center for Terrorism Confinement, the Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo (CECOT) in Tecoluca, El Salvador. The prison was first announced for a capacity of 20,000 detainees. The Salvadoran government later doubled its reported capacity, to 40,000. As Human Rights Watch explained to the UN Human Rights Committee in July 2024, the population size raises concerns that prison authorities will not be able to provide individualized treatment to detainees, thereby contravening the UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners.

3. People held in CECOT, as well as in other prisons in El Salvador, are denied communication with their relatives and lawyers, and only appear before courts in online hearings, often in groups of several hundred detainees at the same time. The Salvadoran government has described people held in CECOT as “terrorists,” and has said that they “will never leave.” Human Rights Watch is not aware of any detainees who have been released from that prison. The government of El Salvador denies human rights groups access to its prisons and has only allowed journalists and social media influencers to visit CECOT under highly controlled circumstances. In videos produced during these visits, Salvadoran authorities are seen saying that prisoners only “leave the cell for 30 minutes a day” and that some are held in solitary confinement cells, which are completely dark.

4. While CECOT is likely to have more modern technology and infrastructure than other prisons in El Salvador, I understand the mistreatment of detainees there to be in large part similar to what Human Rights Watch has documented in other prisons in El Salvador, including Izalco, La Esperanza (Mariona) and Santa Ana prisons. This includes cases of torture, ill-treatment, incommunicado detention, severe violations of due process and inhumane conditions, such as lack of access to adequate healthcare and food.

5. Prison conditions in El Salvador should be understood within the context of the country’s three-year-long state of emergency, which has suspended constitutional due process rights. Since the state of emergency was instituted in March 2022, security forces report detaining 85,000 people (the equivalent of 1.4% of the country’s population). Although the government has denied Human Rights Watch information on the number of detainees it holds and its prison capacity, Human Rights Watch estimates based on official data that there are 109,000 people held in prisons with an official capacity for 70,000. Since the state of emergency was instituted, over 350 people have died in El Salvador’s prisons according to Salvadoran human rights groups, including the organization Cristosal, which jointly authored our December 7, 2022 report on El Salvador’s prisons titled, “We Can Arrest Anyone We Want” (hereinafter “We Can Arrest Anyone”).1

6. In July 2024, Human Rights Watch published a report on abuses committed against children during the state of emergency, titled “Your Child Does Not Exist Here.” Over 3,300 children have been detained, many without any ties to gang activity or criminal organizations. Human Rights Watch documented 66 cases of children subjected to torture, ill-treatment and appalling conditions, including at times extreme overcrowding, unhygienic conditions, and inadequate access to food and medical care while in custody. In February, the Legislative Assembly approved a law ordering the transfer of children detained for organized crime offenses to the country’s adult prison system, exposing them to a heightened risk of abuse and violating international juvenile justice standards.

7. For “We Can Arrest Anyone,” and in “Your Child Does Not Exist Here,” Human Rights Watch has interviewed more than 30 people released from El Salvador’s prisons, including children, and dozens of people who have relatives in jail.2 These interviews were conducted in person in several states in El Salvador or by telephone and corroborated by additional research and media reports.

8. One of the people we spoke with was an 18-year-old construction worker who said that police beat prison newcomers with batons for an hour. He said that when he denied being a gang member, they sent him to a dark basement cell with 320 detainees, where prison guards and other detainees beat him every day. On one occasion, one guard beat him so severely that it broke a rib.

9. The construction worker said the cell he was imprisoned in was so crowded that detainees had to sleep on the floor or standing, a description often repeated by people who have been imprisoned in El Salvador.

10. Another detainee we interviewed was held for two days in a police lock-up with capacity for 25 people, but he said that when he arrived, there were over 75 prisoners. He slept on the floor next to “the bathroom,” a hole in the ground that smelled “terrible.” He was sent in a group of other prisoners to Izalco prison on the third day, where they were ordered the group to take off their clothes. They were forced to kneel on the ground naked looking downwards for four hours in front of the prison’s gate. Guards took the group to a room with five barrels full of water with ice, he said. Fifteen guards forced him and others to go into the barrels for around two hours in total, as they questioned them. The detainee was forced into a barrel “around 30 times,” and was kept there for about a minute each time. Guards forced his head under water so he could not breathe. “I felt I was drowning,” he said. Guards repeatedly insulted them, calling them “dogs” and “scum” and saying they would “pay for what [they] had done.”

11. A third detainee held in prison in June 2022 described being sent to what he described as a “punishment cell.” He said officers moved him and others there to “make room for other detainees.” The new cell was constantly dark, detainees had to sleep standing due to overcrowding, and there was no regular access to drinking water.

12. For “We Can Arrest Anyone,” Human Rights Watch and Cristosal gathered evidence of over 240 cases of people detained in prisons in El Salvador with underlying health conditions, including diabetes, recent history of stroke, and meningitis. Former detainees often describe filthy and disease-ridden prisons. Doctors who visited detention sites told us that tuberculosis, fungal infections, scabies, severe malnutrition and chronic digestive issues were common.

13. Out of the estimated 350 detainees who have died in El Salvador’s prisons, we documented 11 of these cases in detail in “We Can Arrest Anyone”, based on interviews with victims’ relatives, medical records, analysis by forensic experts, and other evidence.

14. In one case, a person who died in custody was buried in a mass grave, without the family's knowledge. This practice could amount to an enforced disappearance if authorities intentionally concealed the fate or whereabouts of the detainee.

15. In at least two other cases, officials appear to have failed to provide detainees the daily medication they required to manage underlying health conditions such as diabetes.

16. In at least four of the eleven cases, photographs of the bodies show bruises. Members of the Independent Forensic Expert Group (IFEG) of the International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims (IRCT), who reviewed the photos and other evidence in two of the cases, told Human Rights Watch and Cristosal that the deaths were “suspicious” given that the bodies “present multiple lesions that show trauma that could have been caused by torture or ill-treatment that might have contributed to their deaths while in custody.”

17. In a separate Human Rights Watch report from February 2020, titled “Deported to Danger,” Human Rights Watch investigated and reported on the conditions in Salvadoran prisons experienced by Salvadoran nationals deported by the United States.3 In interviews with deportees and their relatives or friends, we collected accounts of three male deportees from the United States who said they were beaten by police or soldiers during arrest, followed by beatings during their time in custody, which lasted between three days to over a year. During their time in prison, two of these individuals reported being kicked in the face and testicles. A third man described being kicked by guards in his neck and abdomen, after which he sustained injuries requiring an operation for a ruptured pancreas and spleen, month-long hospitalization, and 60 days of post-release treatment.


Executed on this 19th day of March, 2025 in Villa de Leyva, Colombia.

_______________
Juanita Goebertus

_______________

Notes:

1 Human Rights Watch, “We Can Arrest Anyone We Want”: Widespread Human Rights Violations Under El Salvador’s “State of Emergency”, http://WWW.HRW.ORG, Dec. 7, 2022, https://www.hrw.org/report/2022/12/07/w ... er-el#3683 (last visited Mar. 19, 2025).

2 Human Rights Watch, “Your Child Does Not Exist Here”: Human Rights Abuses Against Children Under El Salvador’s “State of Emergency” , http://WWW.HRW.ORG, Jul. 16, 2024, https://www.hrw.org/report/2024/07/16/y ... n-under-el (last visited Mar. 19, 2025).

3 Human Rights Watch, Deported to Danger: United States Deportation Policies Expose Salvadorans to Death and Abuse, http://WWW.HRW.ORG, Feb. 5, 2020, https://www.hrw.org/report/2020/02/05/d ... -death-and (last visited Mar. 19, 2025).


Respondents argue that 8 U.S.C. § 1252(a)(4) “divests this Court of jurisdiction to review any cause or claim under the [Convention].” (Resp., Doc. 45, 25 (quoting Benitez-Garay v. DHS, No. SA-18-CA-422-XR, 2019 WL 542035, at *7 (W.D. Tex. 2019)))

The Fifth Circuit does not appear to have addressed a similar issue, and certainly not one involving the interplay between the AEA, the INA, and the Convention. The Second Circuit, however, in a case analogous to the present lawsuit, recently agreed that Section 1252(a)(4) barred a consideration of Convention-based arguments in a habeas proceeding. See Kapoor v. DeMarco, 132 F.4th 595, 608 (2d Cir. 2025). In that case, a court granted a request for a certificate of extraditability against Monika Kapoor, an Indian citizen. She filed a habeas petition that “rest[ed] on the central claim that the Department of State failed to conduct a meaningful review of her claim that she will likely be tortured if she is extradited to India, in violation of [the Convention].” Id. at 606. Rejecting that argument, the court emphasized the statute’s broad language:

Notwithstanding any other provision of law (statutory or nonstatutory), including section 2241 of title 28, or any other habeas corpus provision, and sections 1361 and 1651 of such title, a petition for review filed with an appropriate court of appeals in accordance with this section shall be the sole and exclusive means for judicial review of any cause or claim under the United Nations Convention Against Torture and Other Forms of Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, except as provided in subsection (e).


8 U.S.C. § 1252(a)(4). Based on this provision, the Second Circuit concluded that “the language of Section 1252(a)(4) plainly bars any habeas review of CAT claims[.]” Kapoor, 132 F.4th at 609. The Fourth Circuit and at least one federal district court in Texas have reached similar conclusions. See Mironescu v. Costner, 480 F.3d 664 (4th Cir. 2007); Benitez-Garay, 2019 WL 542035.

The Court finds the reasoning of these decisions persuasive. Section 1252(a)(4) leaves no room for discretion, and divests this Court of considering in this habeas action whether removal under the AEA would violate the Convention. At the hearing on the Motion for Preliminary Injunction, Petitioners’ counsel attempted to distinguish Kapoor on the grounds that it concerns extradition. But that distinction does not narrow the reach of Section 1252(a)(4). As a result, the Court concludes that it does not possess jurisdiction to consider Petitioners’ challenges to the Proclamation based on the Convention.

III. Conclusion

The Court has concluded that J.A.V., J.G.G., and W.G.H., in their individual capacity and as representatives of the certified class, have demonstrated entitlement to relief in habeas. Respondents have designated or will designate them as alien enemies under the Proclamation, subjecting them to unlawful detention, transfer, and removal under the AEA. As a result, J.A.V., J.G.G., and W.G.H. are each entitled to the granting of their Petition for a Writ of Habeas Corpus, and a permanent injunction prohibiting Respondents from employing the Proclamation and the AEA against them. The certified class warrants similar protection. The Court will issue a Final Judgment with the appropriate relief.

To the extent that J.A.V., J.G.G., and W.G.H., or any member of the certified class, have been detained or are detained in the future pursuant to the Immigration and Nationality Act, they have not sought and do not obtain any relief. In addition, the conclusions of the Court do not affect Respondents’ ability to continue removal proceedings or enforcement of any final orders of removal issued against J.A.V., J.G.G., and W.G.H, or against any member of the certified class, under the Immigration and Nationality Act.

Signed on May 1, 2025.

____________________________
Fernando Rodriguez, Jr.
United States District Judge
_______________

Notes:

1 Although this conclusion renders it unnecessary to reach all of the challenges that Petitioners present, to facilitate appellate review, the Court reaches some of those other issues. See, e.g., Loren F. ex rel. Fisher v. Atlanta Indep. Sch. Sys., 349 F.3d 1309, 1319 (11th Cir. 2003) (“Given the complexity of the issues, and in an effort to avoid piecemeal appeals, we direct the district court to address all issues and make alternative rulings.”).

2 Interpol Washington is the designated United States representative, on behalf of the nation’s Attorney General, to the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL). See 22 U.S.C 263a; CFR Title 28 Subpart F-2 § 0.34.

3 This lawsuit represents one of several that have challenged the removal of Venezuelan aliens designated as alien enemies under the Proclamation, and that petitioners filed after the Supreme Court’s J.G.G. decision. See D.B.U. v. Trump, No. 1:25-CV-01163-CNS, 2025 WL 1163530 (D. Colo. Apr. 22, 2025); G.F.F. v. Trump, No. 25 CIV. 2886 (AKH), 2025 WL 1166911 (S.D.N.Y. Apr. 11, 2025); Gutierrez-Contreras v. Warden, No. 5:25-CV-00911-SSS-KES, 2025 WL 1122541 (C.D. Cal. Apr. 16, 2025); A.S.R. v. Trump, No. 3:25-CV-00113, 2025 WL 1208275 (W.D. Pa. Apr. 25, 2025); Sanchez Puentes v. Garite, No. EP-25-CV-00127-DB, 2025 WL 1203179 (W.D. Tex. Apr. 25, 2025); A.A.R.P. v. Trump, No. 1:25-CV-059-H, 2025 WL 1148140 (N.D. Tex. Apr. 17, 2025), appeal dismissed, No. 25-10534, 2025 WL 1148141 (5th Cir. Apr. 18, 2025). Only some courts have reached the merits of the petitioners’ claims, typically in the context of determining the petitioners’ likelihood of success on those claims. To the extent that these courts have reached the legal issues that are also pending before this Court, their decisions are not binding, but represent persuasive authority.

4 Lower courts also recognized the President’s broad powers under the AEA. See, e.g, Citizens Protective League v. Clark, 155 F.2d 290, 294 (D.C. Cir. 1946) (“Unreviewable power in the President to restrain, and to provide for the removal of, alien enemies in time of war is the essence of the Act.”).

5 Courts can also adjudicate “whether [the affected individual] is an alien enemy and so subject to the Alien Enemy Act.” Johnson, 339 U.S. 763, 775; see also Ludecke, 335 U.S. at 171 n.17 (“The additional question as to whether the person restrained is in fact an alien enemy fourteen years of age or older may also be reviewed by the courts.”). In the present case, Respondents acknowledge that individuals identified as alien enemies under the President’s Proclamation are entitled to challenge their designation as TdA members through a habeas proceeding.

6 As a result, declarations that Respondents submitted and that contest the factual statements regarding TdA and its links to Venezuela in the Proclamation do not bear on the issues that the Court can consider. (See Declaration of Rebecca Hanson, Doc. 42–2; Declaration of Andres Antillano, Doc. 42–3; Declaration of Steven Dudley, Doc. 42–4 (“[The] characterization of the relationship between the Venezuelan state and Tren de Aragua as it relates to its activities in the United States is simply incorrect.”))

7 In appropriate circumstances, courts may also employ tools such as the submission of sensitive information for in camera review.

8 At the hearing on the Motion for Preliminary Injunction, Respondents’ counsel represented that no other Venezuelan detained in the Southern District of Texas has been notified of being designated as an alien enemy under the Proclamation. But nothing would prevent Respondents from transferring individuals to the Southern District of Texas in the future and, once having transferred them there, notifying them that they have been designated as alien enemies under the Proclamation.

9 The Court utilized Founders Online, a database of historical records that the National Archives maintains. Courts have used this database for similar analyses. See, e.g., Carpenter v. United States, 585 U.S. 296, 347 (2018) (Thomas, J., dissenting) (using the database to note that the phrase “expectation(s) of privacy” did not appear in “the papers of the prominent Founders”); In re MCP No. 165, Occupational Safety & Health Admin., Interim Final Rule: COVID-19 Vaccination & Testing, 20 F.4th 264, 289 (6th Cir. 2021) (Bush., J., dissenting) (using the database to show how the government in the founding era responded to epidemics). The Court reviewed all results for the phrase “predatory incursion,” but used a number randomizer to select a subset from the search results for “invasion” and “incursion.” See https://www.calculator.net/random-number-generator.html. The Appendix contains all results from the random subset for “invasion” and “incursion,” including a few that proved not relevant, such as one in a foreign language.

10 Given this conclusion, the Court need not reach whether TdA itself represents a “foreign nation or government.”

11 The Proclamation also declares that TdA is “conducting irregular warfare.” Proclamation, 90 Fed. Reg. 13033. Respondents do not contend that a “declared war” exists between Venezuela and the United States. Thus, to the extent that Respondents argue that “conducting irregular warfare” constitutes an “invasion” or “predatory incursion,” the Court finds that the language merely refers to the conduct by TdA as described throughout the Proclamation. And that conduct, as the Court has explained, does not depict an “invasion” or “predatory incursion” for purposes of the AEA.
admin
Site Admin
 
Posts: 37503
Joined: Thu Aug 01, 2013 5:21 am

PreviousNext

Return to United States Government Crime

Who is online

Users browsing this forum: No registered users and 1 guest